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OP THE
Alfred E. Perkins Fund

MEMOIRS

OK THE REIGN OF

GEORGE THE SECOND.

BAIXANTYNE, HANSON AND CO,
EDINBURGH AND LONDON

jHemoirs

THE REIGN OF

rorgt fyt wmttoritt

FROM HIS ACCESSION TO THE DEATH
OF QUEEN CAROLINE

JOHN, LORD HERVEY
EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT AT ICKWORTH
BY THE
RIGHT HON. JOHN WILSON CROKER, LL.D., F.R.S.
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. III.

LONDON
BICKERS & SON, LEICESTER SQUARE
1884

CONTENTS OF VOL. III.

CHAPTER XXVII.
The King Announces his Return — The Queen's Altered
Feelings — The King Supposed to be in Danger at
Sea — Indecent Conduct of the Prince — The Queen's
Anxieties — Lord Hervey's Speculations on the King's
Loss — The King at Sea, but Driven Back by a Great
Storm — The Prince Affects Popularity — His Conversa
tion with Walpole — The King Returns

CHAPTER XXVIII.
The King's Good-Humour — His Illness — Meeting of Par
liament — Lord Carteret Moves an Inquiry into the
Riots — The Prince Resolves to Bring Forward his
Claim for a Larger Income — Views of this Measure by
Different Persons and Parties ....

34

CHAPTER XXIX.
The Prince's Claim Continued — Walpole Proposes a Com
promise — Disliked by the ' King and Queen — King's
Message to the Prince — His Answer — Discussion
between the Queen and Lord Hervey on this Point
— The Debate in the Commons — Pulteney's Speech —
Walpole's Answer — The Prince Defeated

55

CHAPTER XXX.
Anger of the King and Queen — Restrained by Walpole —
Debate on the Prince's Claim in the Lords — Defeated
again — Protest — Army Voted — Walpole's Favour
Diminished — His Conversations with Lord Hervey and
the Queen on that Subject ....

82

vi CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXXI.
PAGE
Prosecution of the Porteous Riot — Opinions and Intrigues
about it — Lord Hervey takes up the Cause of the
Scotch Magistrates with Lord Isla and the Duke of
Argyle — Bishop Sherlock Zealous on the other Side —
Carteret Courts the Queen, and Retreats out of the
Scotch Question ... . . 9 8
CHAPTER XXXII.
Sir J. Bernard's Proposition for the Reduction of the In
terest of the Funds to Th^ee per Cent. —Opposition of
Walpole and the King and Queen— Their Motives —
The Porteous Riot Bill — Mitigated in the Commons —
Zeal of the Duke of Argyle against it — Carteret Re
treats from the Scotch Question — Bill for Licensing
Plays and Players — Official Changes — The King and
Lady Deloraine — The Princess's Pregnancy Announced
— Carteret Courts the Queen — He, Chesterfield, and
Bolingbroke Supposed to be Writing Memoirs of their
Own Time . . , . . .126
CHAPTER XXXIII.
Princess's Pregnancy — Kept Secret — The Royal Family
Suspect that a Fraud is Intended — She is Taken in
Labour at Hampton Court, and Hurried by the Prince
to St. James's — Details of this Affair — Birth of a Prin
cess — The Queen's Night Visit to the Princess — Indig
nation of the King and Queen — Opinions of the Queen,
Walpole, and Lord Hervey on this Matter — Lord Her-
vey's Hatred of the Prince . . . .164
CHAPTER XXXIV.
Proceedings and Correspondence on the Prince's Conduct —
Prince Consults his Friends in Opposition — They Dis
approve, but Agree to Support — Pulteney Reluctant
— Further Correspondence — The Prince's Hostility
Directed against the Queen — Lord Hervey's Con
ferences with the Queen and Walpole — His Hatred of
the Prince Induces him to Urge Severe Measures —
Double Dealing of Carteret — His Views and Hopes
Aided by Lady Sundon — Dunoyer, the Dancing-Master,
a Spy of both Courts — Contemptible Hypocrisy of the
Prince . . . . . .101

CONTENTS. vii
CHAPTER XXXV.
PAGE
Conference of Walpole and Hoadley on the Test Act — Pro
posed Disjunction of Hanover from England — Christen
ing of the Child — Continuation of the Prince's Corre
spondence — Rhyming Parody of his Letters — His Dis
respect to the Queen — Resolution taken to Expel him
from St. James's — Lord Hervey Drafts a Message —
Discussion of the King, Queen, and Cabinet on the
Draft — Walpole's Jealousy of Lord Hervey Increased
— The Message Sent — The King's Character of the
Prince's Advisers — Lord Hervey's Character of Lord
Bristol — Notice given that those who should Wait upon
the Prince would not be Received at St. James's — Other
Marks of Displeasure — The Prince's Minor Council . 214
CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Prince Consults the Heads of the Opposition — Further
Correspondence — Walpole Jealous of Carteret — Remon
strates with the Queen — Thinks her too Easily Swayed —
Conduct of Different Members of the Cabinet — The
Chancellor and Duke of Newcastle — Duke of Grafton
and Lord Pembroke — Character of these — Walpole
Dissatisfied with Newcastle — Reasons for not Breaking
with him — Sir C. H. Williams— Correspondence Con
tinued — Lord Hervey Advises to Stop it — The Queen's
Short Answer — The Prince Denies his own Statements
— City Address — The Correspondence Printed — Wal
pole Resolved never to Act with Carteret . .246
CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Prince Hires Norfolk House and Reduces his Establish
ment — His Popularity — His Complaints against the
King — George I.'s Will- — Garbled Copies of the Corre
spondence Printed by the Prince — The Originals Trans
lated by Lord Hervey and Published — Copies of the
Correspondence on the Quarrel between George I. and
the Prince of Wales — Nefarious Design against the
Latter — The Prince's New Court — Bishop Sherlock
Offends the Queen — Madame Walmoden — Spanish
Depredations — The Queen's Conference with Lord Isla
— Her Opinion on the Separation of England and
Hanover ...... 268

via

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

pa'<£e

The Queen taken 111 — Princess Caroline 111 also — Arrange
ment of Attendance — The Queen grows Worse— Sir R.
Walpole Sent for — The Queen Reveals her Secret Dis
ease, a Rupture — The Prince's Request to be Admitted
to see her Refused — Progress of the Disease — History
of her Rupture — Her Obstinate Reluctance to Confess
it — Her Danger grows Imminent — Legal Doubts as to
the Succession to the Queen's Property — Lord Hervey
Consults the Chancellor— Surgical Operations . . 294
CHAPTER XXXIX.
The Queen grows Worse — Mortification Declared — The
Queen's Parting Interview and Advice — Her Presenti
ment that she should Die on Wednesday — Walpole
Arrives — His Interview — The Queen Recommends the
King and Kingdom to his Care — The King and Queen
Displeased at the Inquiries of the Prince's Family^-The
King's Superstition — The Queen's Fortitude. and Resig
nation — Question about Religious Offices — The Arch
bishop Sent for — The Queen Recommends Dr. Butler
by Name, and her other Servants Generally . . 315
CHAPTER XL.
A Mystery now made of the Fatal Symptoms — The King's
Panegyric on the Queen — His Strange Mixture of Bru
tality and Tenderness — Princess Emily's Disrespect —
The Queen grows Weaker and Weaker — The Dying
Scene — Her Death— - The King's Grief — He Sees only
his Children and Lord Hervey — Conjectures as to who
might Succeed to the Queen's Influence — Walpole's
Coarseness Disgusts the Princesses — Lord Hervey Sup
posed to be in Great Favour — Knows that it is Fallacious
— Expostulates with Walpole on his Long Neglect —
Some Friends Incite him to Overthrow Walpole and
Step into his Place — Such Projects Injudicious and Im
practicable — Conclusion . . ' . 336
SUPPLEMENTAL CHAPTER.
List of the Cabinet — Naval Forces of England, Spain, and
France — Minutes of Cabinet Councils — Letters to Lord
Bristol on Lord Hervey's Dismissal from Office . 358

INDEX

399

SOME MATERIALS

MEMOIRS OF THE REIGN

KING GEORGE THE SECOND.

CHAPTER XXVII.
The King Announces his Return — The Queen's Altered Feelings —
The King Supposed to be in Danger at Sea — Indecent Con
duct of the Prince — The Queen's Anxieties — Lord Hervey's
Speculations on the King's Loss — The King at Sea, but Driven
Back by a Great Storm — The Prince Affects Popularity — His
Conversation with Walpole — The King Returns.
UT to return to my narrative from the
impertinence of these reflections. The
long-deferred, not much expected, and
less wished-for orders of his Majesty
for the. yachts to set out for Holland at last arrived.
The Queen gave these orders this year a very
different welcome from that with which she received
them the last ; last year she felt a sort of triumph
vol. in. A

2 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
in his return, when all the enemies of the Court
had flattered themselves he would then defer his
return in the same manner he had done now ; the
Queen, too, had flattered herself that he would
come back from this gallantry as he had done from
former excursions of the same sort, and that in
returning to her presence he would return to her
arms and his former conjugal attachments ; but as
she had found herself so terribly deceived in these
hopes and expectations the last year, and had so
much less reason to form them this, she had nothing
before, her eyes for this winter but the revolution
of the coldness she had felt the last ; she considered
this return only as a transition from the ease and
liberty in which she had passed the summer, to an
uninterrupted scene of disquiet and constraint; and
knew the change for which she was to prepare was
from receiving homage to paying it, and that she
was to quit the company of those who were per
petually endeavouring, and with success, to please
her, for the company of one whom she should be
constantly endeavouring to please, and without
success. Between the 7th and 8th of December, in the
night, after a great ball and a great supper, the
King set out from Hanover, and arrived, Friday
the nth, at Helvoetsluys. The Princess- Royal
four days before, after a terrible labour and being
in great danger of her life, had been brought to bed
at the Hague of a daughter, which Dr. Sands, a
very eminent man-midwife sent from hence by the
Queen, had been obliged to squeeze to death in the
birth to save the mother.

i736.] THE KING'S RETURN. 3
These circumstances did not, after all his former
affection professed for his dear daughter Ann,
awaken paternal love sufficient in his Majesty to
engage him to make any visit at the Hague. He
could say to Madame Walmoden, like Sappho to
Phaon, all other loves are lost in thine}
The next Tuesday [the 14th] after he came to
Helvoetsluys, whilst the people in England were
employed in nothing but looking at weathercocks,
and talking of tides and winds and moons, the wind
changed on this side of the water for about eight
or nine hours to the east, and everybody of course
concluded his Majesty at sea : on Tuesday night
it changed again, and a violent storm arose, which
lasted four days, during which time there was
not the least tidings of his Majesty. A hundred
messages a day passed between the Admiralty
Office and St. James's Palace; and a thousand
conjectures were made with regard to the danger
and safety of his Majesty, just as the different hopes
and fears that were busy on this occasion led
people to wish or apprehend the one or the other.
Many wagers were laid, and almost all the seafaring
men laid that he was embarked.
The alacrity of the Prince and his Court on this
occasion was not so ill-founded as it was indecent,
nor so improperly felt as it was improperly shown.
The wind continuing very strong and contrary,
every hour that brought no news added to the
apprehension of bad news. On Friday the 17th,
-during this consternation, the Prince gave a great
1 Pope's translation of Ovid's
"  Multarum quod fuit, unus habes."

4 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
dinner 2 to the Lord Mayor of London and all the
Aldermen at his house in Pall- Mall, on their pre
senting him with the freedom of the City ; a compli
ment which the Queen told me he had asked of
my Lord Mayor by his saddler;3 her Majesty
adding at the same time the comment of its being
a very princely request, and made in a very princely
manner. There was another reflection she made
on this occasion, which, though she said it made
no impression upon her, one plainly saw it left
some. The reflection was this, that King Charles
I. when he was Prince of Wales, and King James
II. when he was Duke of York, were the only two-
sons of kings that ever had had this freedom of the
City conferred upon them.* But as this remark
was a sign of some relics of that Germanic super
stition which the whole nation imbibe in their
infancy, and few of them have sense enough to rub
off when they are grown up, so I must own it was
one which was much more natural for her to make
considering her education than considering her
understanding. Lord Hervey dined this disagreeable Friday at
Sir Robert Walpole's. As they were going to-
2 No blame is imputable to the Prince for the choice of this day, which
had been fixed long before ; and to have put off the ceremony on the
supposition of the King's danger might have been liable to a still worse
imputation. 3 This, too, is a misrepresentation. The Prince had been, some time before,.
presented with the freedom of the Saddlers' Company, and had dined at
Guildhall on Lord Mayor's Day ; so that the freedom of the City followed
very naturally.
4 The Queen and Lord Hervey seem to have forgotten that Frederick was,
except those two, the first King's son who had attained the age of twenty-one
since the sons of Henry IV., when, I suppose, complimentary freedoms were
unthought of.

1736.] WALPOLE ON SITU A TION. 5
gether from Court thither in the chariot, Sir Robert
seemed full of many melancholy reflections, and to
wish the King's safety much less for the sake of the
King than for the rest of his family. He said, and
very truly, "If any accident should happen to our
sweet master, whom I feel more peevish with than
I can express, I do not know, my dear Lord, any
people in the world so much to be pitied as that
gay young company [the Duke and Princesses]
with which you and I stand every day in the draw
ing-room, at that door from which we this moment
came, bred up in state, in affluence, caressed and
courted ; and to go at once from that into depend
ence on a brother who loves them not, and whose
extravagance and covetousness — alieni appetens, sui
profusus (greedy of other people's money, and
lavish of his own) — will make him grudge every
guinea they spend, as it must come from out of a
purse not sufficient to defray the expenses of his
own vices. On the other hand, what a situation is
the Queen's, between the Scylla and Charybdis
of falling into the hands of a son who hates her, or
receiving a husband whom she has as much reason
to hate ; and who, if one was to see her heart, per
haps she loves the least of the two, as she thinks
she has not been better used by him when she has
deserved everything from him ! What will be the
Prince's case ? A poor, weak, irresolute, false,
lying, dishonest, contemptible wretch, that nobody
loves, that nobody believes, that nobody will trust,
and that will trust everybody by turns, and that
everybody by turns will impose upon, betray, mis
lead, and plunder. And what then will become of

6 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [173&
this divided family and this divided country is too
melancholy a prospect for one to admit conjecture to
paint it."
Lord Hervey said, that with regard to the avarice
and profusion of the Prince, he agreed it would make
him do a thousand wrong things, and by the by said,
he wondered that that part of Catiline's character
drawn by Sallust should be thought so extraordinary
a one, when, in his opinion, there were no two quali
ties oftener wenttogether. " But, sir," continued Lord
Hervey, " there is one very material point in which
I differ from you, and that is concerning the influ
ence the Queen would have over the Prince if ever
he came to be King ; I am far from believing her
interest there would be so low as you imagine."
" Zounds, my Lord," interrupted Sir Robert, very
eagerly, " he would tear the flesh off her bones
with hot irons. The notion he has of her making
his father do everything she has a mind to, and the
father doing nothing the son has a mind to, joined
to that rancour against his mother which those about
him are continually whetting, would make him use
her worse than you or I can foresee ; this resent
ment for the distinctions she shows to you too, I
believe, would not be forgotten. Then the notion
he has of her great riches, and the desire he would
feel to be fingering them, would make him pinch
her and pinch her again, in order to make her buy
her ease, till she had not a groat left."
This conversation broke off by their arrival at Sir
Robert's house.
The Queen, at St. James's, passed her common
evenings just as she had done at Kensington — that

1736.] CONDUCT OF PRINCE. 7
is, in her private apartment at quadrille with her
lady-in-waiting, Mrs. Schutz5 and Lady Charlotte
de Roussie ; whilst the Princess Caroline, Miss
Dives (one of her maids of honour6), and Lord
Hervey played pools at cribbage; and the Duke,
Princess Emily, and the rest of the chance-comers
of the family played at basset. Mondays and Fri
days, however, there were public drawing-rooms in
the great apartments, in the same manner as when
the King used to be in London. This Friday,
therefore, that the Queen might betray no appre
hension or disquiet, there was a public drawing-
room as usual, to which neither the Prince nor
Princess came. The Prince made no excuse, the
Princess pleaded a cold, but the only marks of it
that appeared was a black-hood.
The next morning the Queen sent for Lord Her
vey earlier than usual, and nobody but the Princess
Caroline being by, they talked very freely of the
present situation of affairs. The Queen asked Lord
Hervey if he had heard any of the particulars of
yesterday's feast in Pall- Mall, whether he knew if
the Prince went thither to toast in the afternoon,
and what healths were drank. Lord Hervey said
he had heard the Prince's speech in the morning
was the most ingratiating piece of popularity that
ever was composed, and that, if he did go to his
guests after dinner, he concluded the healths were
in the same style,7 and neither the "Prosperity of
5 I suppose the wife of Mr. Augustus Schutz.
6 Miss Dives was the niece of Lady Sundon.
7 The Prince's answer, as given in the prints of the day, is very decent ; he
thanks them for " this new mark of their duty and loyalty to the King, and
of their affection to him.'' To be sure he concludes with the usual professions

8 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
the City of London," " The Trade of this Country"
" The Naval Strength of England" " Liberty and
Property" nor any popular toasts of that kind were
omitted. " My God," says the Queen, " popularity
always makes me sick ; but Fritzs popularity makes
me vomit. I hear that yesterday, on his side of the
house, they talked of the King's being cast away
with the same sang-froid as you would talk of a
coach being overturned, and that my good son
strutted about as if he had been already King.
Did you mind the air with which he came into
my drawing-room in the morning, though he does
not think fit to honour me with his presence or
ennui me with his wife's of a night ? I swear his
behaviour shocked me so prodigiously that I could
hardly bring myself to speak to him when he was
with me afterwards; I felt something here in my
throat that swelled and half- choked me." " I pre
sume," said Lord Hervey, "your Majesty and the
Princess Caroline are not of that opinion still on
which I disputed with you at Kensington. You do
not imagine, I believe, now, that the Prince has all
that horror of being King which you then sup
posed." "Oh!" replied the Queen, "he is such an
ass that one cannot tell what he thinks ; and yet he
is not so great a fool as you take him for neither."
" There is one thing in which I think of him very
differently from your Majesty, and which proves I
think him wiser than you do." " What is that ? "
said the Queen. " It is," replied Lord Hervey,
of " his constant zeal for the liberties of his country." As to the subsequent
entertainment, it was not the etiquette that the Prince should entertain the
City in person ; they dined with the noblemen of his household, and after
dinner it seems his Royal Highness joined the party.

i736.] HERVEY 'S SPECULATIONS. 9
" that your Majesty in a month, if he came to the
crown, would have more weight with him than any
body in England." " Oh," interrupted the Princess
Caroline, " my good Lord, you must know very
little of him if you believe that ; for in the first
place he hates mamma ; in the next, he has so good
an opinion of himself that he thinks he wants no
advice — and of all advice no woman's ; for the
saying, no woman ought to be let to meddle with
business, or ever did any good where they did
meddle, is perhaps the only thing in which I have
not heard him ever contradict himself."
The Queen exclaimed, too, against Lord Hervey's
opinion, and asked him upon what it was possible
for him to found it. He said, " Upon knowing,
madam, how susceptible he is of impressions, and
how capable your Majesty is of giving them : he is,
madam, a mere bank of sand, and anybody may
write upon one as easy as the other." " And what
one writes is as easily, too," said the Queen,
"rubbed out of one as the other. Besides, they
would never let him come near me." " They would
try, I acknowledge," replied Lord Hervey, " if they
were wise and not your friends, to hinder him com
ing near you, for fear that if you got one inch of
footing you might disturb the motions of their little
globe ; but it would not be in their power to hinder
him." " For my part," interrupted the Princess
Caroline, " I should desire to run out of the house
au grand galop, as fast as I could." " No," said the
Queen, " I would not stir before my proper time out
of the house ; but supposing I stayed in it," con
tinued her Majesty, turning to Lord Hervey, " why

10 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
do you imagine I should see him ? " " Because I
am sure," answered Lord Hervey, " I know just
how he would think and reason upon that occasion.
He would think to conciliate the great king and the
dutiful son, and would say he would come and show
your Majesty all the respect due to a mother ; but
if you offered to meddle with business, he would
insist on the respect due to the dignity of his own
character as king, and impose an absolute silence
upon you with regard to any matters of that sort ;
and as I know the prevalence of truth, and the art
your Majesty has of letting it lose none of its
weight in your hands, you would, under a justifica
tion of your past conduct, make him see the things
he had most objected to in so different a light from
that he had before viewed them, and make him so
sensibly feel the propriety and necessity of those
parts of your conduct which he had most disliked,
that you would soon bring him to hear you on pre
sent circumstances after you had reconciled him to
past occurrences. You would let him know that
the prompt violences of the King's temper, and the
factious turbulent spirit of this nation, had made the
part you act so difficult, that, in order to make the
whole go on, you had been often forced to suffer
several particular wheels to take a course which, if
it had not been with a view to the not obstructing
the motions of others, you would certainly have
tried to turn differently; and as the good of the
whole had always been your primary view, you
would then appeal to his recollection whether any
thing you had ever done had not tended to the
welfare and security of your family in general, and

i736.] HERVEY 'S SPECULATIONS. n
whether you had ever submitted to anything that
had lessened the dignity and rights of the Crown, or
attempted anything that might hurt the liberties or
infringe the privileges of the people. You would
bid him then reflect on your conduct either as a
queen, a wife, or a mother, and desiring him to lay
all general charges and insinuations aside — which
might always be endless, and consequently un
answerable — you would ask him to name any parti
cular action where you had acted unbecoming the
duties of those several stations. It would after
wards be very natural for your Majesty to add, that
as you could have nothing at heart but the quiet
continuance of your family upon this throne, whilst
every other body about him must have some private
views and interests of their own to serve, so it
could never be of any prejudice to him to hear what
you had to tell him, whether he paid any regard to
it or not ; and it would then be as natural for him
to hear you as it must be for everybody to regard
you when they have heard you."
" My Lord," said the Queen, " you have spoken
a great deal better for me than I could do for my
self; but could I speak as well, I promise you it
would be to no purpose. The chief objection he
makes to the King's conduct at present is the con
fidence the King has in me." " Supposing that to
be the present case," replied Lord Hervey, " there
is no judgment to be made from thence of his future
conduct ; for his opinions are so fluctuating and his
sentiments so variable, that if one body had saved
his life at the peril of their own, and another had
been suspected of bribing one of his pages to infuse

12 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
arsenic in his chocolate, and the King were to die a
week after these incidents, one of these people
would stand just as good a chance as the other to
be employed by him. Besides, your Majesty being
au fait of all transactions both foreign and domestic
for these last ten years, he would naturally come to
you for intelligence, if not for advice ; and as the
manner of giving intelligence is often advice with
out wearing the appearance of it, I am very apt
to believe your Majesty would often be able to mix
what he would not be able to separate." The
Queen said Lord Hervey imagined she should give
herself much more trouble about these matters than
he would find, if ever the case happened, that she
should be inclined to do. Lord Hervey answered,
that he imagined he should always find her Majesty
acting the part that became her ; and as it would
be her duty to her son, to herself, and her whole
family, her adherents, and, indeed, to the nation, to
speak her mind freely on these things, to check the
indiscretions of her son by showing him the risks
he ran, and convince him of his errors by represent
ing truth to him — he was very sure he should never
see the Queen indolently looking on whilst the
Prince was endangering the whole ; but that she
would endeavour to prevent the wreck which so
unskilful a pilot left to himself would, in all pro-.
bability, bring upon all that were embarked in the
same bottom. The Queen sighed, and said she
hoped all this was mere speculation, and that she
should never live to see the case happen ; but that
if she did, she was sure she would never silently be
witness to his taking such steps as might shake her

1736.] THE KING'S DANGER. 13
family's possession of the throne, but would cer
tainly do all she could to prevent his pursuing any
measures that she thought led to such dangerous con
sequences. "But what do you think of the King's
being embarked," continued the Queen, "from all
you have heard ? For my part I own I am some
times staggered." Lord Hervey said he firmly be
lieved he was not at sea.
In the afternoon, however, that is, this Saturday
the 1 8th, the Prince came to the Queen with a
letter he had got, written to one Mrs. Cowper, from
a correspondent of hers at Harwich, in which it
was said that in the middle of the foregoing night,
during the storm, guns had been heard at sea, which
were taken for guns of distress ; and that there was
no doubt made at Harwich but that these guns be
longed to part of the fleet that was to come with the
King, and had been dispersed — if not to the yacht
on which the King was himself on board. Lord
Baltimore, who was a great sailor himself, and
thought to have great skill in sea-affairs, told Lord
Hervey this very night, at the Opera, that it was
impossible but that the King must have been em
barked ; and advised Lord Hervey to speak to the
Queen for some ships to be immediately sent out to
see what was become of him. Lord Hervey said it
was impossible, he thought, if the King had set sail,
that the whole fleet should be lost, or that some one
ship should not have made to shore in some part of
the island, by which it would have been known at
least that the King had left the Dutch coast. Lord
Baltimore said that in this storm, with a full westerly
wind, which had now lasted four days and nights,

14 LORD HERVEY' S MEMOIRS. [1736.
it was absolutely impossible for any ship to have
put into any port on the English coast. From
the Opera Lord Hervey went directly to the Queen's
apartment, where she was already at play, as usual,
to tell her what he had heard ; but he had not been
in the room three minutes before a messenger, in
his dirty boots, arrived, to the great joy of the whole
company, with a letter to the Queen from the King,
to let her know he had never stirred out of Helvoet-
sluys, and that the weather was so uncertain he did
not know when he should. This messenger had
been three days at sea, and, with this storm full in
his teeth, had landed by miracle (as all the skilful in
maritime affairs called it) at Yarmouth. The joy the
Queen was in when she saw this messenger come
into the room, and heard everybody crying, " The
King is safe ! The King is safe ! " showed that
her apprehensions had been greater than she ever
owned it ; for upon reading the King's letter, she
said, "fai toujours dit que le Roi n'dtait pas em-
barque' : on a beau voulu m'effraier cet apres-diner
avec leur lettres, et leur sots gens de Harwich; fai
continud a lire mon Rollin, et me moquois de tout
cela." Sir Robert Walpole was gone to Richmond Park
(which, by the by, the Queen did not take very
well), so Lord Hervey dispatched a messenger
immediately to him to let him know the good news,
but did not venture to tell him that he found the
Queen looked upon his retirement with Miss Sker-
rett to Richmond Park just at this juncture as a
piece of gallantry which, considering the anxiety in
which he left her Majesty, might have been spared,

1 736.] THE KING'S DANGER. 15
as well as the gallantry of his Majesty's journey to
Hanover which had occasioned that anxiety.
As the Prince's fears for the King's safety had
been so busy in communicating themselves this
afternoon to the Queen, her Majesty thought the
least she could do for so dutiful a son was to take
the first opportunity to quiet them. As soon as ever
she had read the King's letter, therefore, she sent
Lord Grantham (her Lord Chamberlain) to the
Prince's apartment to communicate the most mate
rial part of the contents of it, which was his Ma
jesty being safe in the harbour of Helvoetsluys.
The joy of this news lasted not long, for early
on the Monday morning following (which was the
20th), the wind coming easterly, and continuing so
till night, there was now no doubt made by any
body of the King's being embarked ; and upon the
wind changing at night to north-west, and blowing a
most prodigious storm, as little doubt was made of
his being in great danger.
Till Friday the 24th there was no news of him
at all, and then none that was very agreeable ; for a
sloop, with some clerks belonging to the secretary's
office on board, that had sailed with his Majesty
from Helvoetsluys on Monday, and continued with
the fleet till the storm arose, brought intelligence
(being thrown without masts and extremely shat
tered on this coast) that the master of this sloop had
seen the King's yacht tack about, but they knew
nothing more either of him or any other ship in the
fleet. In order to give the Queen as little alarm as
possible, Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Harrington
agreed to prevent the Queen seeing these clerks,

16 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
and to take their account in writing, which was
barely this, that on the first shifting of the wind
they had seen the yachts on a signal tack about for
Helvoetsluys, and that no doubt was to be made of
the King's being now there. The next day (which
was Christmas Day) four of the men-of-war that
made part of his Majesty's convoy were thrown
upon this coast, and made shift, after being ob
liged, too, like the sloop, to cut all their masts, to
scramble into four different harbours. All the news
any of these ships could give of the King or the
rest of the fleet was, that about six o'clock on
Monday night a gun was fired by Sir Charles
Wager's order as a signal, on this stress of weather,
for every ship to take care of itself, and that soon
after they were all separated, the tempest continuing
its violence (the wind still at north-west) for forty-
eight hours after. One of the letters that brought
this intelligence was written by Lord Augustus Fitz-
roy, second son to the Duke of Grafton, who,
though but twenty years of age, was captain of [the
Ellham] one of these men-of-war, and had with
great difficulty this morning got into Margate.
There was another to the Duke of Richmond from
Mr. Clayton, one of the King's equerries, who was
waiting with his Majesty's relays at Harwich, that
gave the same account of this prodigious tempest,
from the captain of another ship that had put in at
Harwich. And as there were many other accounts,
all to the same effect, from several other seaports,
the whole town was in agitation, inquiring what
was become of the King — some hoping, others
fearing, and most people believing he was at the
bottom of the sea.

1736.] THE KING'S DANGER. 1 7
As there could be nothing done immediately,
either to get certain intelligence what was become
of the King or to provide for his safety, it was deter
mined not to tell the Queen this news to-night, as it
could have no effect but keeping her awake all night
to no purpose. She and her daughters therefore
passed this, like other evenings, at play ; whilst Sir
Robert Walpole, the Dukes of Newcastle, Grafton,
Montague, Devonshire, Richmond, and Lord Her
vey, with very heavy hearts, put on the cheerfullest
countenances they could, and talked of many things,
whilst all their thoughts were employed only on one.
The next morning (Sunday the 26th) Sir Robert
Walpole came at nine o'clock to the Queen, and ac
quainted her with all he knew and all he feared.
The Queen no longer endeavoured to constrain
herself and wear the appearance of ease on 'this
news, but gave a loose to her tears, which indeed
flowed in great abundance. On the Prince's side
there was nothing to be seen but whisperers, mes
sengers running backwards and forwards, and coun
tenances that seemed already to belong to those
who had the dominion of this country in their hands,
and the affairs of Europe revolving in their minds.
The Queen determined she would go to chapel as
usual — for no good reason, in my opinion, since it was
just as natural for the anxiety and concern she was
in to keep her in her apartment, as it was for her to
feel that anxiety and concern in the present uncer
tain state of the Kind's welfare. The reason she
gave to some about her for setting herself up to be
stared at in public in these disagreeable circum
stances was, that she would not suppose her hus-
VOL. III. B

1 8 LORD HERVEY' S MEMOIRS. [1736.
band drowned before it was sure he was so; and
that, as he had given the government into her
hands, she would perform the duty of those who
had that honour till the law took it from her and
transferred it to another ; but this manner of reason
ing was, I think, rather dictated by her pride than
by her understanding.
She had not been half an hour in the chapel before
an express arrived from the King to her Majesty, to
let her know that after setting sail from Helvoet
sluys on Monday morning at eight o'clock, he had
with great difficulty regained that port the next day
at three in the afternoon ; that the storm had been
very violent, and he very sick ; that one of the
yachts, called the Charlotte, was missing ; and that
they knew nothing of any of the men-of-war, but
were in hopes, as they were better able to resist the
tempest than the yachts, that they had by this time
made some harbour. The King in his letter said
too that he had not ^insisted on embarking when
he did, but had done it in pursuance of Sir Charles
Wager's directions, who had sent to him twice to
make what haste he could on board, the wind and
tide being then favourable.
The Queen, after communicating the principal
contents of this letter (which was the King's safety)
to everybody about her at chapel, and after chapel
in the circle in the drawing-room, owned she had
gone to chapel with a heavier heart than she had
ever before felt in her breast; that she really
thought the King had been lost, and would will
ingly have compounded for his being in Norway
or any the remotest part of the world, and that all

1736.] THE KING'S IMPATIENCE. 19
she wished was to be sure that he was still in being.
These are exactly her own words.
To many she said, that to be sure her particular
loss would have been very great, but that the King's
death would have been a loss which not only she,
but this whole kingdom, and Europe itself at this
juncture, would have felt most sensibly ; and that her
chief concern had been not so much for any particular
consideration as for the whole.
She then told everybody how glad she was to find
by the King's letter that the damage that had been
done, the danger of so many lives, and the loss of
some, had not been owing to the King's impatience
to set sail, for that his Majesty had submitted him
self entirely to Sir Charles Wager's government, and
embarked in consequence of his directions.
But this account of the King's patience and duc
tility nobody believed ; by which means the Queen
on this occasion, as it often happens on many others,
weakened the King's justification by endeavouring
to strengthen it ; for had she stuck to the truth of
the fact, and not to the letter of his account, it would
have been a much better, as well as a sufficient
apology for the King ; it would have thoroughly dis-
culpated his Majesty, and not left him chargeable
with any of the disagreeable consequences of his
embarkation ; for the real state of this case was that
he had been very impatient to set sail for England,
and Sir Charles Wager as obstinate in preventing
him till it was proper he should ; and when he did
embark, the wind had been fair for several hours.
What made the Queen's account of the King's
patience more ridiculous was, that there was nobody

20 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
in the room who had not heard, and few who had
not seen, accounts from all about his Majesty at Hel
voetsluys, that his impatience was insupportable. Sir
Charles Wager's and Horace Walpole's letters were
full of nothing else ; examples, too, were given of it.
It was known by everybody from these letters that
the King had declared if Sir Charles Wager would
not sail, his Majesty would go in a packet-boat;
that he had told Sir Charles he would go ; and that
Sir Charles, in his laconic Spartan style, had told
him he could not ; that the King had said, " Let it
be what weather it will, I am not afraid " and that
Sir Charles Wager had replied, "If you are not, I
am" that his Majesty had sworn he had rather be
twelve hours in a storm than twenty-four more at
Helvoetsluys ; upon which Sir Charles had told him
he need not wish for twelve, for four would do his
business ; and that, when the King by the force of
importunity had obliged Sir Charles Wager to sail,
Sir Charles had told him, "Well, sir, you can oblige
me to go, but I can make you come back again."
These dialogues and bon-mots were in all the private
letters but his Majesty's, and in everybody's mouth ;
so what faith any report of his Majesty's patience
met with is easy to be imagined. Even the King
in his letter owned to the Queen that he had told
Sir Charles Wager he wished to see a storm at sea ;
and that Sir Charles, immediately on his return
to Helvoetsluys, had asked him if his curiosity was
satisfied, to which his Majesty said he had answered,
" So thoroughly satisfied that I do not desire ever to
see another" Sir Charles Wager, in his letter that
gave this account of what had passed between him

i736.] PUBLIC DISSATISFACTION. 21
and the King subsequent to this storm, added that
his Majesty was at present as tame as any about him
— an epithet for his behaviour that his Majesty, had
he known it, would, I fancy, have liked, next to the
storm, the least of anything that happened to him.
As to his danger, by all accounts that I heard of it,
it is impossible for any I can give to exaggerate it ;
after the report made by the ships that came in on
Saturday, there were very few people who imagined
it possible his Majesty should have escaped : they
were near knocking the fine apartment built for him
in his own yacht on the quarter-deck all to pieces,
and throwing all the wood materials as well as all
the rich furniture overboard. The skill and conduct
of [Sir Charles Hardy] the captain of his Majesty's
yacht, as well as Sir Charles Wager's behaviour, was
extremely commended.
The King's danger did not in the least soften the
minds of the people towards him ; a thousand im
pertinent and treasonable reflections were thrown out
against him every day publicly in the streets, such as
wishing him at the bottom of the sea — that he had
been drowned instead of some of the poor sailors that
had been washed off the decks — and many other
affectionate douceurs in the same style. Somebody
asking, two or three days after the tempest, How the
wind was now for the King ? was answered, " Like
the nation — against him''
There was a fellow too, who coming into an ale
house where several soldiers were drinking, said, " I
suppose you are all brave English boys, and therefore
conclude you will pledge me — ' Here is damnation to
your master.' " The soldiers at first suspected it was

22 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
somebody sent to try and ensnare them ; but the
fellow persisting, and saying the King hated the
nation, and he saw no reason why the nation should
not hate him ; that he was gone to Hanover only to
spend English money there, and bring back a Han
over mistress here, the soldiers began to believe
him thoroughly in earnest ; upon which a sergeant
among them went and fetched a constable, and had
him apprehended. When the sergeant went and told
Sir Robert Walpole what had passed, Sir Robert
rewarded him, but bid him, in the affidavit he was
to make, leave out the account of the English money
and Hanover mistress ; the rest being enough to
make the fellow punishable, without descending into
these particulars.
The Queen, notwithstanding she was not unac
quainted with this almost universal dissatisfaction of
the nation towards the King, was in great spirits for.
two or three days after the news came of his being
safe returned to Holland ; and perhaps the appre
hension she had been in for his Majesty's life was
the only thing that could have made her look on his
return to England not as the greatest misfortune
that could befall her.
She said the agitation she had been in twice within
this fortnight, first for fear of her daughter's dying
in childbed, and next for fear of her husband being
drowned, had left her so stupified that she could not
recover her spirits, though her fears no longer sub
sisted. She owned, too, that what she felt for the
King was so much more than what she had felt for
the Princess-Royal, that from the Friday when the
sloop came in (notwithstanding the account it brought

i736.] QUEEN'S APPREHENSIONS. 23
had been so softened to her) till the messenger came
on Sunday, she had entirely forgot that the Princess-
Royal was in her bed, or that there was any such
body in the world. It is sure that nothing could
exceed the apprehension the Queen had at this time
of her son's ascending the throne, as there were no
lengths she did not think him capable of going to
pursue and ruin hen
Lord Hervey, when she told him of these appre
hensions, still persisted in saying, as he had done
before, that he was sure there would be nobody in a
week who would have had so good an interest in the
Prince, if this accident had happened, as herself;
and that he was so convinced of it, and thought it
so advantageous, not only for her own family but for
the whole nation, that she should have that interest
with her son, that he had determined to absent him
self from her for some time, in case the King had
been lost, that the partiality she showed him might
have been no additional irritation of circumstances
between her and her son. He was going on, but
the Queen stopped him short, and said, " No, my
Lord ; I should never have suffered that : you are
one of the greatest pleasures of my life. But did I
love you less than I do, or like less to have you
about me, I should look upon the suffering you to
be taken from me, or the suffering you to take
yourself from me upon such an occasion, after the
manner in which you have lived with me and be
haved to me, to be such a reflection upon me, and
to betray such a meanness and baseness in me,
that I assure you you should not have stirred an
inch from me. You and yours should have gone

24 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
with me to Somerset House;8 and, though I have7
neither so good an apartment for you there as
you have here, nor an employment worth you/
taking, I should have lodged you as well as I
could, and given you at least as much as you
have now from the King ; and should have thoug/it
this the least I could do for my own honour, afid
the best thing I could do for my own pleasure.
Sir Robert Walpole, too, I know, said he would
retire ; but I assure you I would have begged him
on my knees not to desert my son." Many more
things passed on these subjects in this conversation ;
but as I have already extracted the quintessence in
what I have said, I pass over the rest of the par
ticulars, to avoid prolixity and repetition.
The letter the Queen wrote to the King on his
danger and her fears, his escape and her joy, was
full of all the blandishments which ingenuity, art,
insinuation, and flattery could suggest ; with a most
ample account not only of the conduct, but even of
the countenances of everybody belonging to the
Court, each being particularly specified by name.
I did not see this letter; but the King's answer
was so minute to every article which the Queen's
letter had contained, that, the style and turn of the
phrases excepted, anybody was as well acquainted
with the one by seeing the other as if they had read
both. The passion and tenderness of the King's
letter to her, which consisted of thirty pages, must
be incredible to any one who did not see it. Who
ever had read it without knowing from whom it
came, or to whom it was addressed, would have
8 The old palace of Somerset House, her assigned jointure-house.

.736.] . THE KING'S LETTER. 25
concluded it written by some young sailor of twenty
to his first mistress, after escaping from a storm in
his first voyage. " Malgr'e tout le danger que fai
essuid dans cette tempite, ma chere Caroline, et malgre"
tout ce que fai souffert, en dtant malade a un point
que je ne croiois pas que le corps humain pourroit
souffnr, je vous jure que je m'exposerois encore et
encore pour avoir le plaisir d' entendre les marques de
voire tendresse que cette situation m'a procurd. Cette
affection que vous me tdmoignez, cette amitid, cette
fiddlitd, cette bontd indpuisable que vous avez potir
moi, et cette indulgence pour toutes mes foiblesses, sont
des obligations que je ne scaurai jamais rdcompenser,
que je ne spaurai jamais mdriter, mais que je ne
sfaurai jamais oub Her non plus." His Majesty then
spoke of his extreme impatience for their meeting,
and in a style that would have made one suppose
the Queen to be a perfect Venus, her person being
mentioned in the most exalted strains of rapture,
and his own feelings described in the warmest
phrases that youthful poets could use in elegies to
their mistresses. Added to these things, there was
an exact diary in this letter of everything he had
heard, done, or said for five days ; which concluded
with a pathetic petition to the Queen not to believe
the length of this letter was owing to idleness and
leisure, but to the earnest desire he always had of
hiding no thought from her, and that he never was
more desirous than at that moment of opening his
heart to her, because it had never felt warmer
towards her.
Whoever reads this account of the King's con
duct and letters can possibly make no other com-

26 LORD HERVEY 'S MEMOIRS. [1736.
ment upon it than, " Quel galimatias ! quel pot
pourri ! "
When the Queen gave Sir Robert Walpole the
King's letter to read, she said, " Do not think, be
cause I show you this, that I am an old fool, and
vain of my person and charms at this time of day.
I am reasonably pleased with it, but I am not un
reasonably proud of it." When Sir Robert Walpole
and Lord Hervey talked over this letter, they both
agreed they had a most incomprehensible master,
and though neither of them were very partial to
his Majesty, they also agreed that, with a woman
who could be gained by writing, they had rather
have any man in the world for a rival than the
King. Nor, indeed, in the gift of writing love-
letters do I believe any man ever surpassed him.
He had the easiest, the most natural, and the
warmest manner of expressing himself that I ever
met with, with the prettiest words and the most
agreeable turns I ever saw put together.
By the accounts from both sides of the water it
appeared, though there had been many men lost in
the late storm, that all the vessels were safe, though
excessively shattered. The Charlotte yacht was
the last heard of;9 but, after being a fortnight
missing, they had an account of her from a port
she had made in Zealand. But whilst the King
remained at Helvoetsluys, he had the mortification
of seeing the Princess Louisa, one of the ships
ordered back to Holland from hence to convoy his
Majesty to England, together with a merchant ship,
9 She had anchored, dismasted, about nine miles from the Dutch coast, in
what her log calls " a dismal great sea."

1737] FIRE AT THE TEMPLE. 27
lost on the sands, just as they were entering the
port, by the fault of a drunken pilot. Seventeen
men were drowned.
The water was not the only element at present
that made its rigour talked of; for a fire at this
time [Tuesday, 4th January] breaking out at the
Temple, it burnt for several hours with such fury
that it was feared the whole building would have
been consumed. The Prince went at nine o'clock
at night, and stayed till five in the morning, to
assist with his skill, advice, and authority to ex
tinguish it ; and to his timely care in ordering a
hundred and fifty men from the Savoy he and many
others imputed the Temple being saved, after the
loss of five or six houses. The Queen had ordered
a guard from St. James's on the first news of the
fire breaking out ; but all merit of assistance was
given to the Prince. He exerted himself so much
there, that, as he and his people said, several of the
mob cried out, " Crown him I crown him ! " but whe
ther this really happened I am unable to affirm :
it is certain it was reported to have happened
among all ranks of people through the whole town,
and generally believed. But what induces me to
think it was not true is, that the Princess Caroline
told Lord Hervey she knew her brother or some
of his people had said, about a fortnight ago, that
the same exclamation of Crown him ! crown him !
was made at the play ; and that she knew from
people who had been there that it was a lie, and
nothing like it had passed. The Prince, the morn
ing after the fire had happened, when he came to
give an account of it to the Queen, said not one

28 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
word of this crowning incident, though in no other
particular did his report at all diminish the honours
which had been paid him, the pains he had taken,
the use he had been of, or the great service he
had done the public. Among other things, he pre
tended to have received two great blows on his
head whilst he was assisting the firemen to convey
the water ; and, upon the Queen's asking where
abouts he had received those blows, he directed her
fingers through his periwig to the places where he
pretended to have been struck ; whilst she (who
told Lord Hervey afterwards that she felt nothing
at all) cried out, "Really that is no jest: there are
two bumps as big as two eggs."
Lord Hervey told the Queen he did not at all
wonder at the Prince's conduct, or that he was
drunk with vanity, considering the cordials with
which the people about him were perpetually plying
that passion ; nor was it at all surprising he should
believe (when it had been so often by these crea
tures inculcated) that he was so much beloved by
the nation, and the King so much hated, that it was
nothing but the popularity of the son that kept the
father upon the throne : 10 — to which she very per
tinently answered, that according to the reports at
present of the son's popularity, that popularity, in
stead of keeping the father upon the throne, was to
depose him.
This naturally brought on again the conversation
of what a deplorable situation this country would
have been in had the King been drowned ; for, as
10 Amongst other popular acts the Prince sent on the nth of January £500
to the Lord Mayor for the relief of poor debtors.

I737-] QUEEN'S ANTICIPATIONS. 29
the Prince was known to be so unstable, so false,
and consequently so dangerous, few people, it was
agreed, who were not very necessitous in their
circumstances, if they had sense, till they saw the
first turbulency of his reign a little subsided, would
have coveted being employed under him, as it would
be staking their head against the poor prospect of
a temporary power and very uncertain gain. The
Queen said her son's situation would not be more
to be envied than the nation's ; for as he would at
first think himself capable of managing and con
ducting everything, and soon find himself capable
of managing and conducting nothing, so his timidity
(for you know, said she, he is the greatest coward
in the world) will make him commit his affairs to
anybody that happens to be next him, and will take
the charge of them, and, when he has done so, it
is a hundred to one it is to somebody that would
not be capable of serving him if he would allow
them the proper means, and very sure that, if they
had the capacity, his impatience would not allow
that capacity time to operate. She intimated that
his betters had found themselves in the same diffi
culties ; though, by a prudent and happy choice of
a Minister to do what they had vainly fancied they
could do alone, they had extricated themselves out
of them, as well as by a firmness, which was the
quality in the world most necessary to support a
prince in this country, and one which she feared
her son could never be reasoned into. Lord Hervey
said that everybody knowing beforehand in that
case how short the opportunity they were to profit
by was likely to be, they would certainly do by the

30 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Prince as the mob do at a funeral — every one would
enrich themselves with any bit of him they could
catch, and not care a farthing what they tore or
spoiled. The Queen told Lord Hervey that it
behoved everybody who had any valuable posses
sions in this country, or any regard to the quiet
of it, to prevent that havoc, whether they had any
regard for the Prince or not; for as he could not
be ruined without endangering their security, so,
when once he was King, it would be wise and
prudent in everybody to keep him from tottering,
as it would be for a ship's crew to take care of the
mainmast to which the principal sails and tackle
were fastened, . and that could not fall without en
dangering many lives, and making not only the
course of the ship less steady, but even its safety
very precarious. Lord Hervey said, in some storms
at sea, though it was a desperate remedy, people
found themselves obliged to cut away the main
mast ; " and, though danger attended the doing it,
there was more sometimes in letting it alone. " In
short," said the Queen, " a Popish King will be
surer ruin to this country than any other can bring
upon it ; and whenever you change a King of this
family, it will neither be for no King nor for any
other Protestant King. All sensible people, there
fore, must think of the Prince in this way — there he
is ; he must be King, and we will make the best
we can of him, though we cannot make him so
good as we would."
11 Lord Hervey was here, I suspect, slily flattering what he thought the
Queen's secret passion for seeing her son William preferred to the crown of
England before her son Frederick — he would rather have cut away the main
mast than the mizzen. See post, chap. xxxv.

1737.] KING'S UNPOPULARITY. 31
Lord Hervey did not tell the Queen that this
was at present the case of the father, and that those
who seemed most attached to his interest were
really so only upon this foot ; but had he made her
this answer, it would only have been improper, not
untrue — his Majesty's character with all ranks of
people being fallen so low that the disregard with
which everybody spoke of him, and the open
manner in which they expressed their contempt
and dislike, is hardly to be credited. The en
lightened state of the nation with respect to any
reverence due to the Crown farther than the merit
of the head that wore it might claim, made very
little come to his Majesty's share ; his conduct of
late had convinced the distant part of the nation of
what those who had the honour to be more near
him had discovered long ago, which was his pre
ferring his German to his English subjects at least
as much as his father had done. Those about him
knew, too, that he cared for no one of them ; that
he thought them all overpaid in their several sta
tions for whatever service they did him ; and as he
looked upon them all with as little mixture of favour
as he did on his chairs or tables, or any piece of
necessary furniture, so he was perpetually grumbling
at Sir Robert Walpole on account of the price he
paid for the one in the same manner as he would
have done at a joiner for having charged him too
much in any article of his bill for the other. This
made even the most sensible people about him feel
no affection for him ; and those who were less so
were fond of declaring the opinion they had of him
for fear of being thought his dupes, and ran into the

32 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
other extreme, as some people declare themselves
atheists for fear of being thought bigots.
On Saturday morning at four o'clock an express
arrived at St. James's to acquaint the Queen that
the King had landed the day before about noon at
Lowestoff, after having been detained five weeks at
Helvoetsluys, and now obliged at last to come with
a contrary wind all the way. The Queen had been
ill the day before, had not rested in the night, and
when Sir Robert Walpole came at nine in the
morning to concert what was to be done on the
King's arrival, her Majesty was trying to sleep,
with the Princess Caroline only with her reading
at her bedside ; at the same time the Prince coming
to wish his mother joy of this good news, and
meeting Sir Robert in the antechamber, he made
him sit down, and they two, with the Princess
Emily only present, had a conference that lasted
till the Queen waked and called for them in, which
was at least two hours and a half. Many things
were discoursed of, but the quintessence of the
conversation which Sir Robert Walpole related to
me in detail was that the Prince told Sir Robert
he had always looked upon him as one of the
ablest men in England, that he had always had the
greatest regard for him imaginable, and that if ever
his looks or actions seemed to speak his sentiments
to be different from what he now professed, that
they were neither what he would have them be, nor
faithful interpreters of his thoughts. Sir Robert
thanked him for his good opinion, and the honour
he did him ; said he had always endeavoured to
serve the King to the best of his ability ; that all

1737] WALPOLE AND THE PRINCE. 33
kings were obliged to take measures which often
they could not, and often they would not, explain
their motives for, though the more those motives
were explained, perhaps the more justifiable the
measures would appear ; but though that sometimes
should happen not to be the case, he would venture
to affirm that, considering the disputed title to this
crown, considering the temper of this nation, their
readiness to disapprove, and their love of change,
it could never be the interest of the Prince of Wales
to quarrel with his father for private reasons, and
that whoever flattered the Prince by telling him
he could be a gainer by opposing his father's
measures must either be the worst or the weakest
of mankind.

VOL. III.

CHAPTER XXVIII.
The King's Good- Humour — His Illness — Meeting of Parliament —
Lord Carteret Moves an Inquiry into the Riots — The Prince
Resolves to Bring Forward his Claim for a Larger Income —
Views of this Measure by Different Persons and Parties.
HIS day [15th January 1737] about two
o'clock the King arrived at St. James's.
The Queen, attended by all her children
and servants, went down into the colon
nade to receive him just as he alighted from his
coach, and the whole ceremony of the meeting
passed, kiss for kiss (the Prince's cheek not ex
cepted), just as it had done the year before ; but
his Majesty's temper was very different, for as last
year nobody had the good fortune to catch one
smile from his Majesty, so now there was nobody
who had the mortification to meet with one frown.
Everybody was astonished at all this unexpected
sunshine, but the warmest of all his rays were directed
towards the Queen. He said no man ever had so
affectionate and meritorious a wife, or so faithful
and able a friend. He took Sir Robert by the
hand next morning in the circle at his levee, and
whispered him in the ear that the Queen had given
him a full account of his behaviour at every junc
ture, that he knew that he had behaved like a great

I737-] ILLNESS OF KING. 35
and a good man, and that he should always remem
ber it and love him for it.
When Sir Robert told me this, he said, to be sure
one had always rather the prince one served was kind
to one than brutal ; but for dependence on his favour
he never had any, for he knew he loved nobody.
* * * * 1
The King brought a bad cold home with him,
and whilst he grew every day worse and worse, it was
every day by the Queen and Princesses given out
that he was better and better ; very few people saw
him, and all those who did had more than hints
given them before they went in to be sure to take
care not to ask him how he did. Poor Lord Dun-
more, one of his Lords of the Chamber, the first
•day of his week's waiting, having not received these
instructions or neglecting them, as soon as he went
into the King, told his Majesty how extremely
sorry he had been for his indisposition, and said he
hoped his Majesty was much better ; to which the
King made not one word of answer, and the moment
Lord Dunmore went out of the room he sent for
Lord Pembroke, and bid him as Groom of the Stole
to say he would take this week's waiting, his Ma
jesty adding that his reason for giving these orders
to Lord Pembroke was that he might not see any
more of those troublesome, inquisitive puppies who
were always plaguing him with asking impertinent,
silly questions about his health, like so many old
nurses. Sir Robert Walpole continued every day plaguing
the Queen, and whenever she told him the King was
1 Here again there is a chasm in the MS. of two or three pages.

36 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
better than he had been, or better than people
thought him, he used to answer her only with
shaking his head, and saying, " Do you flatter me,
madam, in telling me what you do not believe, or do
you flatter yourself and believe what you say ? " This
often made the Queen peevish with him and complain
of him to Lord Hervey, telling Lord Hervey at the
same time , " You often pity me for the snubs and
rebukes I meet with from the King, but I assure
you the affronts I meet with there are nothing com
pared to what I receive from your friend Sir Robert.
I cannot imagine what ails him, or who it is he lis
tens to. In the first place, he wants to persuade
me the King is dying ; in the next, that he knows
him better than I do ; and what is more extraordi
nary still, is telling me every time he sees me that
my being from morning to night in the King's room
is owing to my forcing myself upon him, and that he
had much rather be without my company."
Lord Hervey did not tell Sir Robert Walpole
again what the Queen had said to him in the last
article, but in general let him know that he often
found the Queen dissatisfied with the incredulity
she said she always found in Sir Robert Walpole
when she made any reports from the King's bed
chamber ; to which intimations from Lord Hervey Sir
Robert Walpole always answered with complaining of
her unreasonableness, her blindness or hypocrisy in
all these points, and said he would continue to tell
her the truth, let her take it as she would. But not
withstanding this way of talking to Lord Hervey,
and defending what he had done, he changed his-
manner of acting towards the Queen, which plainly

Wj letter to queen. 37
showed he thought he had been in the wrong, which
at the same time demonstrated that, as difficult as it
is for people to correct their faults, it is more difficult
still to own they want correction, since he could bring
himself to the one though he could not to the other.
During the King's confinement, the Princess wrote
to the Queen, to desire she might be permitted to
make Mrs. Townshend (against whom the King had
objected in the first regulation of her family) her bed
chamber-woman. The Queen thought the applica
tion at this time a little unseasonable, and returned
for answer to the Princess, that the King was at pre
sent so much out of order, that she could not think
of troubling him with any solicitations in his pre
sent situation, but would take the first proper oppor
tunity to let him know what the Princess had desired ;
though the King had formerly declared himself so
explicitly on this head, that she did not believe he
would easily be brought to consent to what was pro
posed. The Princess's letter was not only of the
Prince's ordering and inditing, but, as the Queen told
me, of his own handwriting, and very little disguised.
The Queen's answer to it the Prince complained of
as very hard usage, and said, as he found he could
never expect in anything to have common justice
shown him by the King and Queen, he must apply
for it elsewhere. This speech, with a great many
others of the like nature, were conveyed to the King
and Queen, who always hated their son without any
interruption, but despised and feared him by turns.
The meeting of the Parliament having been already
put off to the i st of February, and the supplies of
the year necessary to be granted making it impossible

o

8 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.

to postpone it longer, the Parliament was opened by
commission. The King, in the speech delivered
by his order by the Lords Commissioners, took notice
of the disorders and commotions there had been
this summer in various parts of the kingdom, and
recommended to the Parliament the care of putting
a stop to these every day increasing insults offered
to the Government.
Soon after the Parliament met, Lord Carteret in
the House of Lords moved for a day to take the
King's speech into consideration. The night before
the day appointed for that purpose, there was a
meeting at Lord Harrington's, where there were
present seven or eight of the Cabinet Council, Lord
Cholmondeley [Chancellor of the Duchy], Lord
Delaware [Treasurer of the Household], and Lord
Hervey [Vice-Chamberlain], who were convened to
settle what was to be done the next day ; but nobody
knowing what point Lord Carteret intended to go
upon, these Lords parted in just the same situation
they had met.
This was the last time Lord Chancellor Talbot
went abroad ; he was then ill, and died of a pleuritic
fever in a very few days after [14^ Feb.'], universally
lamented. Lord. Hardwicke alone, and he only
internally, rejoiced at this incident ; there had ever
been a rivalry between these two great men, and
of course that hatred ever consequential to rivalry,
which is always as strong, though not always so
conspicuous, among great as little men.
Lord Hardwicke, too, had sense enough to know,
that as there were but these two considerable law
Lords in the House of Lords, the authority there of

I737-] LORD CARTERET ON RIOTS. 39
him that was left must be greatly increased, when
there was nobody to be put in of equal consequence
either to him that remained or him that was taken
away. Lord Hardwicke was very soon after made Lord
Chancellor, and not only felt, but often too plainly
showed he felt, how considerable he was become.
When Lord Carteret came to declare what part
of the King's speech he intended to consider, it
proved to be that paragraph relating to the riots ;
and after mentioning every one which I have be
fore given an account of in these papers, he said,
as that in Scotland was of the most flagitious kind,
he thought it was what chiefly deserved the animad
version of Parliament, and ought to be first inquired
into. He seemed in his speech to threaten Scot
land extremely, and speaking of the enormous
behaviour of the city of Edinburgh in this trans
action, said that many cities (and gave examples)
had been totally disfranchised for much less crying
offences. He then descanted on the trial of Captain Por
teous, and said he thought he had not only been
illegally put to death, but illegally condemned, and
hoped the House would take the trial into con
sideration as well as the murder ; adding, that if
Captain Porteous had been condemned according
to law, he was sure the criminal law of Scotland
was so defective as to require great alterations ; and
if he had been unjustly condemned, that it would
become the Legislature to call his judges to an
account. At the conclusion of this speech he made
two motions — one to order the Lord Provost and

40 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
the four bailiffs to attend the House on that day
month ; the other for an authentic copy of the pro
ceedings at the trial of Captain Porteous.
Lord Carteret's reason for stirring this inquiry
was, because he hoped by these means either to
force the Administration to anger Scotland by
punishing, or to be too strong for them if they
endeavoured to screen. He hoped too to show the
Scotch that, by taking the Campbells to govern
them, they had chosen governors that could not
protect them ; and he fought with more alacrity on
this occasion, from having learned that he was got
upon a point that was not disagreeable to the King
and Queen, whatever it was to their Minister.
Sir Robert Walpole had two reasons for being
sorry this inquiry was set on foot : in the first place,
he dreaded this affair becoming national, which
must have bad consequences ; and in the next, he
feared it might hurt Lord Isla, for he had no more
a mind to be thought incapable of protecting Lord
Isla, than Lord Isla had a mind to be thought in
capable of protecting the Scotch — Lord Isla having
been of great use to him ever since he had employed
him in the management of the Scotch elections,
both for peers and commoners.
During this month given for the coming up of the
Provost and bailiffs of Edinburgh, an affair of yet
greater moment was brought on the tapis — the
Prince and his friends having determined to lay
his dispute with his father about the ;£ 100,000 a
year before the Parliament.
Lord Hervey was the first who told the Queen
that it was certainly a measure agreed upon.' The

1737-1 THE PRINCE'S CLAIM. 41
way he came to know of it was this : The Prince,
who solicited every mortal to be for him on this
occasion, sent the Duke of Marlborough to Mr.
Henry Fox (the youngest of the two brothers, Lord
Hervey's most intimate friends, often mentioned
in these papers 2) to desire him to vote for him ;
and at the same time sent Mr. Hamilton, a brother
of Lady Archibald Hamilton, to Mr. Stephen Fox,
the elder brother. The Duke of Marlborough
meeting with Mr. Henry Fox before Mr. Hamilton
found the other brother, Mr. Henry Fox came im
mediately to Lord Hervey, told him what had
passed, and said the answer he had given to the
Duke of Marlborough (and he never wanted a
quick and a proper one) was, that he should certainly
do as his brother did, whatever that should be.
Lord Hervey said this affair had been so often
talked of and so often dropped, that he could not
believe it would be brought into Parliament; but
Mr. Henry Fox assured him it certainly would;
and that the Prince's people must have conducted
their affairs very secretly and cleverly, or the
Ministers have been fast asleep, or had very bad
intelligence, if they did not know it would be so,
since he believed there was not one man in Oppo
sition who had not^ been already spoken to and
solicited. He gave Lord Hervey leave to tell the
thing to the Queen, but not to name the Duke of
Marlborough. Acccordingly, Lord Hervey went
2 Henry Fox is not before mentioned in these papers as we have them — he
may have been in some of the passages that are lost. There are extant many
private letters from Lord Hervey to Henry Fox, but more to Stephen, who,
though a later friend, seems to have been a much closer one. He was created
Lord Rochester in 1740, chiefly through Lord Hervey's intercession.

42 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
directly to her Majesty, waited till she came on
some errand out of the King's bedchamber (where
she was shut up all day), and then told her of this
measure being certainly taken. She would not
at first believe it, gave the same reasons for her
incredulity to Lord Hervey that he had done for
his to Mr. Fox ; but at last, like him too, began to
change her opinion. Lord Hervey begged her not
to tell the King of it that night, as it could be of no
service, and would certainly set him a fretting, pro
bably keep him awake, and of course increase his
fever; which would answer one of the ends he
believed was proposed by the timing this measure,
which was, knowing the King's warm prompt tem
per, to put him in such a passion as, in his present
weak condition, and which they thought weaker
than it was, might go a good way towards killing
him. The Queen assured Lord Hervey she would not
name it to the King that night -r and Lord Hervey
said it was silly as well as impertinent for him to
pretend to direct her what was the best way to
behave on any occasion to the King, but that he
could not help adding on this, that when she did
break it to him, he hoped it would be in the gentlest
way she could, or it would certainly do him more
hurt than his fever and piles put together, and pre
vent all the surgeons, doctors, and apothecaries in
town doing him any good.
The Queen bid Lord Hervey be sure to go early
the next morning to Sir Robert Walpole, to tell him
all he knew about this affair, and wished him a better
night than she said she hoped to have herself; she

I737-] THE PRINCE'S CLAIM. 43
was very lavish in her abuse on her son, but not
more so than her daughter Caroline, to whose apart
ment Lord Hervey went directly from the Queen,
to communicate what had passed.
The next morning Lord Hervey went to Sir
Robert, who told him he had from two channels
the night before had intelligence that confirmed all
Lord Hervey reported ; and said he had long told
both the King and Queen that this measure would
sooner or later infallibly be taken ; and that the
many douceurs shown to people in the son's con
duct and the few in the father's would make this a
troublesome point to the latter, notwithstanding his
superior power.
Lord Hervey went back immediately to St.
James's, to acquaint the Queen with what Sir
Robert had desired him to tell her, and found her
at least as impatient as he expected to receive
further intelligence of the true state of this affair ;
she said she had not yet broken it to the King, but
would go and prepare him for Sir Robert's arrival,
who Lord Hervey told her would come to Court
that morning at the usual hour.
The King took the first notice of this business
with more temper and calmness than anybody
expected he would ; and the Queen, from the
beginning of this affair to the end of it, was in
much greater agitation and anxiety than I ever
saw her on any other occasion.
Nothing was ever more universally talked of, or
more strongly solicited ; the Prince himself was as
busy as his emissaries, closeted as many members
of either House as he could get to come to him,

44 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
and employed all his servants and friends to speak
to every mortal on whom they thought they could
possibly prevail, and many even where there was
not that possibility.
The general tenor of his applications was, how
sorry he was to have it so little in his power at
present to show his good-will to his friends, and
offering carte blanche for promissory notes of pay
ment when he came to the crown, with strong
insinuations at the same time how near the King's
health seemed to bring that happy day.
Many on the King's side fearing the Prince
would carry this point in the House of Commons,
if it came to be tried there, all means were used
to prevail on the Prince to desist. Lord Hervey
advised the Queen to send for the Prince, and
speak to him herself, to set forth how dear the
victory would cost him, supposing he could gain it,
and how little he would get by it ; to tell him it
would weaken, if not destroy, the interest of his
family in general in this country, and that it would
be impossible for him to get anything by it, as the
King would certainly part with his crown rather
than give him what he wanted or demanded ; to
tell him too that the King, if he should be brought
to the disagreeable necessity of not complying with
an address of Parliament, would still have the re
source of dissolving that Parliament and calling
another ; and that by changing hands, the King
would always have it in his power to get the better
of him, as there were none of those who now seem
ingly stood by him, though they only in reality
made a fool of him, who would not give him up to

17370 THE PRINCE'S CLAIM.

45

come into power; and that the King, if driven to
extremities, would buy them to give up his son, not
his son to give up them, since the danger was in the
party, not in him ; and as it was, he made use of
their strength, not they of his ; the yielding, if there
was any, would be to them, not him.
The Queen told Lord Hervey that her speaking
to the Prince would only make him more obstinate ;
and besides that objection, that he was so great a
liar, it made it extremely unsafe for her to venture
any conference with him, as there was nothing he
was not capable of asserting had passed between
them, nor even that she had attempted to murder
him. The Excise year she said she had sent for
him, and on that occasion she was so sensible of his
being capable of denying everything he had said or
had been said to him, and relating what had never
been mentioned, that she had left the door from her
bedchamber into her dressing-room (where she saw
him) half open, and placed the Princess Caroline
behind it, to hear and be a witness to everything
that passed — as the Princess Caroline had before
told me.
The Queen therefore determined she would not see
him, though Sir Robert Walpole did all he could too
to persuade her, and told Lord Hervey, when Lord
Hervey reported to him what I have here related,
that he had spoken to the Queen to the same effect,
and that he believed besides the reasons she had
given to them for not speaking to her son, that she
had two more which she had not given — the one her
pride, the other the apprehending the King on this
occasion might have some jealousy of any private

46 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
conference between the Prince and her at this
juncture. However, that the Prince should be spoken to by
somebody to the effect I have mentioned was judged
by everybody to be' proper, and Lord Scarborough
by everybody thought a proper man for that purpose.
The Queen, after making Lord Scarborough a
thousand compliments on his integrity, his under- ,
standing, his weight, and good intentions for the
service of her family, desired him on this occasion to
represent to the Prince the folly as well as impiety
of what a parcel of boys and flatterers had put him
upon — to show him the impossibility of his being a
guinea the richer for it, whether he carried this vote
or not, and the certainty of weakening the interest of
his family by trying it, which, next to the King, it
was more his interest than anybody's in the kingdom
not to shake.
Lord Scarborough did so, talked to his Royal
Highness very freely and very warmly, and told him
too that there never was a measure taken since the
Hanover family was on the throne which, were he
a Jacobite, would have given him half so much plea
sure, as it was the strongest blow that had ever been
given to the Whig party, by whom alone the Hano
ver family could be safely or long supported. But
all Lord Scarborough's rhetoric was employed in
vain ; the Prince had had his lesson given him, and
when anybody talked to him in this strain, he stuck
to this answer : That he did not in the least design
to distress his father's measures in any one point ;
that he thought ;£ 100,000 a year was his due, and
designed for him by the Parliament when the Civil

.737-] THE PRINCE'S CLAIM. 47
List was given ; that he believed there was not a
man in the kingdom who was not of the same opinion;
but since the King did not understand it so, or would
not comply with the intention of Parliament if he did
understand it like every other body, he hoped there
was no great crime in only desiring the Parliament
to expound their own acts; and if there was any ill
consequence attended such an application, it was not
the fault of him, but of those who drove him to that
only method he had left to obtain justice and what
was his due, and consequently such persons were to
answer for any ill effect it might have — not he.
When Lord Scarborough found he could not alter
him, he took his leave by telling his Royal Highness
he wished he might not have reason to repent of his
perseverance, and that for his own part he would do
all he could, whenever things came to an open rup
ture between him and his father, to support his father
against him ; that he had seen in the late reign how
much a family quarrel had cooled the affections of the
people to the family in general ; and that he should
not wonder if the bulk of mankind, who were attached
to no family but for their own interest, would be
glad to have any family here rather than one who
entailed from one generation to the other the here
ditary curse of driving their friends always to that
disagreeable option of making themselves desperate
either with the Prince who wore the crown or the
heir-apparent to it.
Before Lord Scarborough was sent to the Prince
on this errand Sir Robert Walpole had desired Lord
Baltimore, one of the Prince's Lords of the Chamber,
and Mr. Hedges, his treasurer, to try their skill and

48 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
interest with his Royal Highness, and see what they
could do towards diverting him from this measure ;
but they both reported much the same success of
their embassy — said his Royal Highness had hardly
patience to hear them speak, but stormed and strutted,
and bounced, and said he should look upon those who
advised him against this only way of doing himself
justice to be as much his enemies as those who had
driven him to the necessity of taking it ; and Sir
Robert Walpole himself told me that the King and
Queen, in their sallies against their son, let so many
things drop to the Princess Emily (who could keep
nothing), or to some other body, by whom they got
round, relating to these negotiations he had with the
Prince's servants, that he was determined to break
them all off, as it was impossible for him to carry
them on without communicating them to the King
and Queen, unless he would expose himself to their
suspicions in case they got intelligence of them in
any other way ; and by communicating them he
exposed his friends in the Prince's family to the same
inconveniences there.
Lord Chesterfield and the young men were thought
to be the chief stimulators of the Prince in this
measure; that is, the Dukes of Marlborough and
Bedford, and Messrs. Grenville,3 Lyttelton, and Pitt.
Lord Carteret it was thought was not much for it,
and Mr. Pulteney against it, having told the Prince
with regard to the Whig party, when he was first
consulted, much the same things that Lord Scar
borough had done.
Besides this, Pulteney was apparently much soft-
3 Richard, afterwards Earl Temple.

1 737-1 STEPHEN FOX. 49
ened with regard to the Court in his way of talking
this year* — was certainly no Jacobite (at present at
least), though things this year seemed to favour that
cause more than he wished, and had listened to
and encouraged a sort of treaty that was underhand
carrying on to make him a peer, buy his silence, and
give him rest ; but when it came to [the point] he
could not stand the reproach he thought he should
incur by striking this bargain, and with that irresolu
tion that was always the predominant defect in his
conduct, went on without having courage sufficient
either to quite make it or quite break it.
The eldest Mr. Fox was offered by the Prince the
absolute promise of a peerage, but refused it. Lord
Hervey did not let him lose this merit with the
King and Queen, and said it was certainly the
greatest sacrifice Mr. Fox could make, as there was
nothing but that which, to a man of his fortune, could
be worth his receiving from a Court, or at least
nothing else comparable to it. i
But even this could not draw the costive nature
of the King's ungiving spirit into a promise of
rewarding Mr. Fox for refusing such an offer on
one side of the house5 by making it on the other.
When Lord Hervey told Sir Robert Walpole of the
offer made to Mr. Fox, he told him likewise, " Mr.
Fox's friendship to me, sir, made him leave the
answer he shall give to the Prince entirely to my
direction. And what can I say ? " Sir Robert
answered, " I know what some people should say."
" And why," replied Lord Hervey, " do you not
4 See vol. ii. p. 260, ?i. 2.
6 The Prince was still living in the palace.
vol. in. r>

50 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
make those people say what you own they ought to
say?" "Because," replied Sir Robert, "it is hard
to make them say what they should on any giving
chapter, because, my Lord, they are as reluctant to
bestow honours as money, and are more set against
making peers than against any measure I could pro
pose to them ; and from this general maxim — that it
is increasing the price of everybody they are to buy,
and not paying them." " I will remove that difficulty
on this occasion," said Lord Hervey, "with regard
to Mr. Fox, by pawning my honour Mr. Fox shall
never ask anything of you besides (if this is done) as
long as you are a Minister ; and further will engage,
if the King is afraid of losing a vote in the House
of Commons, that Mr. Fox shall for nothing bring
in anybody you will name in his room at Shaftes
bury." This conversation ended with Sir Robert
promising Lord Hervey he would do all in his power
to bring this matter to bear ; and Lord Hervey often
spoke to the Queen on this subject to the same
effect ; and since the rewarding the elder brother
must be postponed, often pressed both her and Sir
Robert to show some mark of favour in the interim
at least to the younger brother, that it might
appear to the world that two men of their figure,
understanding, and character, who had served the
Court so long, so faithfully, so assiduously, and so
expensively to themselves, as well as creditably for
those they served, were not totally neglected ; and
that Sir Robert Walpole and the King might not
show all young men of distinction and fortune in
England, who were coming into the world and had
their plis to take, that it was their interest not to

I737-] THE KING'S HEALTH. 51
attach themselves to the reigning Prince or the
present Minister. Lord Hervey added too, that his
own character and credit were in a great degree con
cerned in this question ; for if nothing was done for
these young men, it must be concluded by all the
world that nothing could have kept them down but
the interest of the Duke of Newcastle being so much
superior to his, that if anybody who deserved ever
so well of the Court attached themselves to him, it
should be sufficient to defeat the pretensions of any
merit and services.
I mention this solicitation so particularly to show
with what difficulty even at this time any favour was
extorted from the Court ; and it is easy to guess how
unsuccessful many solicitations, the accounts of which
are too tedious and too little interesting to be here
inserted, must have been, when even this, for men
of the consideration of these two brothers, and
backed by the almost quotidian application of Lord
Hervey's interest, moved so slow apace.
It being thought that the report of the King's
state of health, which was imagined by everybody
out of the palace, and many in it, to be much worse
than it really was, aided the Prince's solicitations ;
everybody about the Queen who had her ear advised
her to persuade the King, if it was possible, to keep
himself no longer locked up in his bedchamber, but
to come out and show himself; as the belief of his
being in a declining condition made many people
less willing to resist the importunities of the heir-
apparent to the crown on this occasion, than better
informed of the state of the King's health they
possibly would be.

52 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
The King, therefore, was prevailed upon to have
levees, and see everybody in a morning as usual ;
and though he looked pale and was much fallen
away, he looked much better than those who had
not seen him during his confinement expected. He
was much more gracious, too, to everybody than he
used to be ; and from the first day he came out
began to recover his looks, flesh, and strength much
faster than could have been expected.
But notwithstanding all this, there were few on
his side so sanguine as not to apprehend his son's
carrying his point in the House of Commons. All
the lists made by the Prince's people gave him a
majority of near forty ; and by Mr. Winnington's list,
who was reckoned one of the best calculators on the
King's side, the Prince had a majority of ten. These
calculations alarmed Sir Robert Walpole, who
thought, not unreasonably, that his fate, at least as
a Minister, depended on this question.
The King behaved in public with great seeming
unconcern, and even in private with unaccountable
temper ; the Queen well in public, but to those before
whom she appeared with less constraint, her invec
tives against her son were incessant and of the
strongest kind ; and her concern so great, that more
tears flowed on this occasion than I ever saw her
shed on all others put together. She said she had
suffered a great deal from many disagreeable circum
stances this last year : the King's staying abroad ;
the manner in which his stay had been received and
talked of here ; her daughter the Princess-Royal's
danger in lying-in, and the King's danger at sea ;
but that her grief and apprehensions at present sur-

I737J PRINCESS CAROLINE. 53
passed everything she had ever felt before ; that she
looked on her family from this moment as distracted
with divisions of which she could see or hope no
end — divisions which would give the common
enemies to her whole family such advantages as
might one time or other enable them to get the
better of it ; and though she had spirits and reso
lution to struggle with most misfortunes and diffi
culties, this last she owned got the better of her
— that it was too much for her to bear — that it not
only got the better of her spirits and her resolution,
but of her appetite and her rest, as she could neither
eat nor sleep, and that she really feared it would
kill her.
The Princess Caroline, who loved her mother
and disliked her brother in equal and extreme
degrees, was in much the same state of mind as
the Queen ; her consideration and regard for her
mother making her always adopt the Queen's opin
ions, as well as share her pleasures and her afflic
tions. They neither of them made much ceremony
of wishing a hundred times a day that the Prince
might drop down dead of an apoplexy — the Queen
cursing the hour of his birth, and the Princess Caro
line declaring she grudged him every hour he con
tinued to breathe ; and reproaching Lord Hervey
with his weakness for having ever loved him, and
being fool enough to think that he had been ever
beloved by him, as well as being so great a dupe as
to believe the nauseous beast (those were her words)
cared for anybody but his own nauseous self — that
he loved anything but money — that he was not the
greatest liar that ever spoke — and would not put

54 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
one arm about anybody's neck to kiss them, and
then stab them with the other, if he could * * * 6
She protested that from the time he had been here
six months — so early had she found him out — -she
had never loved him better or thought better of him
than at that moment.7
6 A few words illegible.
7 No doubt the previous conduct of the Prince might naturally excite some
alarm as to the extent that so large an increase of income might enable him to
embarrass his father's government, but I cannot account for the early date
and intensity of the Queen's animosity. Nor can I help wondering that Lord
Hervey gives us no satisfactory clue to it — unless, indeed, he1 may have done so
in some of the missing passages.

CHAPTER XXIX.
The Prince's Claim Continued — Walpole Proposes a Compromise —
Disliked by the King and Queen — King's Message to the
Prince — His Answer — Discussion between the Queen and
Lord Hervey on this Point — The Debate in the Commons —
Pulteney's Speech — Walpole's Answer — The Prince Defeated.
3N [Monday the 21st February] the day
before that which was appointed for the
great debate of this important question
in the House of Commons — all hopes
being now lost of preventing its coming there
by any methods which had hitherto been tried, —
Sir Robert Walpole, who feared extremely, unless
something was done to alter the present situation of
things, the King's party would be beaten, resolved
to 'persuade the King to send a message to the
Prince to make a sort of treaty of composition.
He sent for Lord Hervey early in the morning,
communicated this design to him, and told him the
particulars of this overture of accommodation were
— for the King to tell the Prince he would settle a
jointure forthwith on the Princess (which really had
been under consideration), and at the same time to
let the Prince know he would settle the ^50,000
a year he now gave him, out of his power.
Lord Hervey said, in the first place, he believed
Sir Robert would find great difficulty in bringing the

56 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
King into this measure ; in the next, that he did
not believe it would alter a vote — that everybody
would call it a show of yielding in the King, and
giving nothing ; but that what he feared most of all
was, lest the King and Queen, who hated their son
so inveterately, might construe it to be a manage
ment for their son in Sir Robert Walpole, and never
forgive it him.
To this Sir Robert answered, that without a
measure of this kind he should certainly to-morrow
lose the question — that the great cry of the most
moderate people was composed of the injustice of
having yet given the Princess no jointure, and the
Prince being only a pensioner at pleasure on the
King, by having nothing secured to him ; and
though, in reality, what he proposed was, as Lord
Hervey said, giving the Prince nothing, and the
;£ 100,000 was the chief point, yet these two ob
jections and complaints which he had mentioned
being removed by the King's sending this message,
it would disarm the Prince's party of two arguments
against which there was no answer to be found ;
that as to the umbrage the King and Queen might
take at it, and the jealousies it might infuse in their
minds of his having underhand any management for
the Prince, he must risk it and do as well as he
could to combat those consequences ; " and as it is my
way, you know, my dear Lord, and when you come
to be in my place I advise you to make it your way
too, to provide against the present difficulty that
presses, I think I shall by this message either get
the Prince to postpone to-morrow's affair and enter
into treaty,' or have it to say for the King to-morrow

1737.] WALPOLE'S PROPOSAL. 57
that he had made the first step to peace, and that
his son had refused to parley, and sounded this
parliamentary trumpet to battle."
Lord Hervey said Sir Robert Walpole was a
much better judge what to do in this case than he
pretended to be, but it was his opinion the message
would neither put off the battle nor get him one
deserter ; and that to his own troops it would have
an air of diffidence and retreat ; besides the danger
which he mentioned before, and what he thought
most to be avoided, which was, giving a distrust of
his favouring the Prince to the King and Queen,
who were too apt to be suspicious on all occasions,
and were particularly so, he knew, wherever their
son was concerned.
Sir Robert said he had talked of this measure last
night to the Pelhams, and that they were both
extremely for it. " You will say, I know," says he,
" they are always of the temporising and palliating
side, and I grant you they are so, and generally
there are points, too, on which we differ, but I really
think now it is all we have left for it ; and as there
is no time to be lost, I will dress, go to Court
this moment, and go to work upon our stubborn
master." Accordingly they went together to St. James's,
where Sir Robert Walpole, by the same arguments
I have already mentioned, first brought the Queen
into this measure, and then the King. The Dukes
of Grafton and Devonshire (Lord Chamberlain and
Lord Steward) were first sent to the Prince to let
him know the Cabinet Council had a message to
deliver to him from the King, and to desire to

5 3 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
know when they might wait on him ; and the
Prince saying they might come whenever they
pleased, the Lord Chancellor,1 Lord President,
Lord Steward, Lord Chamberlain, Dukes of Rich
mond, Argyle, and Newcastle, Earls of Pembroke
and Scarborough, and Lord Harrington repaired
immediately to the Prince's apartment, and Lord
Chancellor, from a written copy, read the following
message to his Royal Highness :—
" His Majesty has commanded us to acquaint your Royal
Highness, in his name, that, upon your Royal Highness's mar
riage, he immediately took into his royal consideration the
settling a proper jointure upon the Princess of Wales ; but his
sudden going abroad, and his late indisposition since his return,
had hitherto retarded the execution of these his gracious inten
tions; from which short delay his Majesty did not apprehend
any inconvenience could arise ; especially since no application
had in any manner been made to him upon this subject by your
Royal Highness ; and that his Majesty hath now given orders for
settling a jointure upon the Princess of Wales, as far as he is
enabled by law, suitable to her high rank and dignity: which
he will, in proper time, lay before his Parliament, in order to
be rendered certain and effectual for the benefit of her Royal
Highness. " The King has further commanded us to acquaint your Royal
Highness that, although your Royal Highness has not thought
fit, by any application to his Majesty, to desire that your allow
ance of fifty thousand pounds per annum, which is now paid you
by monthly payments, at the choice of your Royal Highness,
preferably to quarterly payments, might, by his Majesty's farther
grace and favour, be rendered less precarious, his Majesty, to pre
vent the bad consequences which he apprehends may follow from
the unduliful measures which his Majesty is informed your Royal
Highness has been advised to pursue, will grant to your Royal
Highness, for his Majesty's life, the said fifty thousand pounds
1 Lord Hardwicke had on that morning received the Great Seal, and this
was his first official act.

.737.] THE PRINCE'S ANSWER. 59
per annum, to be issuing out of his Majesty's Civil List revenues,
over and above your Royal Highness's revenues arising from the
Duchy of Cornwall ; which his Majesty thinks a very competent
allowance, considering his numerous issue, and the great expenses
which do and must necessarily attend an honourable provision for
his whole family."
To this message his Royal Highness returned a
verbal answer, which the Lords of the Council who
attended him, immediately after they received it,
withdrew to put into writing to the best of their
recollection, and delivered it to the King in the
following words : —
" That his Royal Highness desired the Lords to lay him, with
all humility, at his Majesty's feet, and to assure his Majesty that
he had, and ever should retain, the utmost duty for his royal per
son ; that his Royal Highness was very thankful for any instance
of his Majesty's goodness to him or the Princess, and particularly
for his Majesty's intention of settling a jointure upon her Royal
Highness ; but that, as to the message, the affair was now out of
his hands, and therefore he could give no answer to it."
After which his Royal Highness used many dutiful expressions
towards his Majesty ; and then added, " Indeed, my Lords, it is
in other hands — I am sorry for it ; " or to that effect.
His Royal Highness concluded with earnestly desiring the
Lords to represent his answer to his Majesty in the most respect
ful and dutiful manner.
It was very plain by this answer that the Prince
was very willing and ready to receive any favour
the King pleased to bestow upon him, and to return
as good words as he received, but not to take words
instead of money, or to recede from- any step he had
taken, or to slacken his pace in what he had resolved
to pursue.
The King and Queen were both extremely en
raged at this reception of the message. The King

60 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
reproached Sir Robert Walpole a little roughly for
having persuaded him to send it; to which Sir
Robert Walpole answered that the good he expected
from it was to be reaped to-morrow, not to-day ;
and that he had proposed to bring the House of
Commons to reason by it, not the Prince.
The Queen was more particularly piqued at the
Prince's behaviour on this occasion from a circum
stance that did not appear in the drawing up the
Prince's answer, which was his stepping forward,
whilst the Lords of the Cabinet Council were with
him, and saying, in a sort of whisper to my Lord
Chancellor, that he wondered it should be said in
the message that he had made no application to the
King on this business, when the Queen knew he
had often applied to his Majesty through her, and
that he had been forbidden by the King ever since
the audience he asked of his Majesty two years ago
at Kensington relating to his marriage, ever to apply
to him again any way but by the Queen. To which
speech of the Prince's Lord Chancellor very pru
dently made no other answer than asking the Prince
aloud if what he had said to him was part of the
answer he designed should be conveyed to the
King, and if it was, he desired his Royal High
ness would be so good as to repeat it to all the
Lords of the Council. But the Prince said, " No,
my Lord ; I only said it to inform you how that
matter stood."
The Queen said on this occasion she had always
known her son to be the most hardened of all liars,
but did not imagine even he was capable of expos
ing himself as such on so solemn an occasion to all

1 737-] Q UEEN 'S INDIGNA TION. 6 1
the Lords of the Cabinet Council ; and did protest
that directly nor indirectly he had never desired her
at any time to speak to the King about the increase
of his income ; and that if he persisted in saying
he had, she would be glad to have him asked where
and when, and who was by ; or, if he said it had
been always at tite-a-tite, the dispute must then
remain on the evidence of her word against his ;
but that it was very odd if he had made this appli
cation so often, nobody should ever happen to have
been present, especially when she did not remember
she had ever seen him so often alone as to make
frequent applications with nobody present possible.
She said before he was married he had, before his
sisters, often talked to her of his debts and his
expenses and his poverty, but never even then
desired her to speak to the King to increase his
allowance ; but since the increase of it at his
marriage he had not even talked to her in that
strain. All this the Queen said to Sir Robert Walpole,
and most of it to the Lord Chancellor, to the Bishop
of Salisbury, to the Master of the Rolls, and to
several other people separately whom she saw in
private, and has many times to me sworn to the
truth of every word of it ; adding always to every
body she spoke to on this subject that she was sorry
to be forced to expose her son in this manner, but
that he had made it unavoidable by endeavouring
to lay the whole blame of this dispute between him
and his father to her charge ; but what his pique
to her could be, she said, she could not imagine,
since she was sure it had never been her inclina-

62 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
tion, any more than it was her interest, to widen
any breach between him and his father; and she
has often told me that she had never been snapped
by the King on any ten subjects put together so
often as she had been on that one of trying to
palliate the conduct of her ungrateful son.
The next morning after the message, which was
the day this great point was to be opened in the
House of Commons, the Queen sent for Lord
Hervey the moment she was up, to inquire what
people said in the town of the message that had
been sent the day before ; expressing herself great
disapprobation of the measure, and saying, " All
you other great and wise people were for it, and
so one was forced to give way ; but I knew my
good son so well that I was sure he would only be
more obstinate on any step taken to soften him.
You know as well as I that there is no way of
gaining anything of him but by working upon his
fear. But what do people say of the impertinent,
silly answer he sent yesterday, and of the King's
message ? Do not people think it was great conde
scension in the King ? " " Madam," replied Lord (
Hervey, " those that are with us magnify the merit
of it extremely, and those that are against us say
it has an air of condescension, but, in reality, is
giving nothing ; for as the King could not have
taken away the ,£50,000 a year and leave his son
to starve or beg, nor could the Parliament have
suffered it, so the settling it is only making a show
of a new concession without really having made
any ; and as to the jointure, they say there is no
sum named, consequently that part of the message

I737-] HERVEY'S ADVICE. 63
is worth as little as the other ; and if any advantage
accrues to the Prince by this concession (as it is
called), I suppose those who have put the Prince
upon bullying have sense enough to impute all the
merit of it to themselves ; and to tell the Prince
if anything is got by it, it is those who put him
upon bullying who have got it for him. I suppose
they tell him (at least I would in their place if I
had a mind to keep him warm) that he sees the
only way to get anything is to bully ; that he would
never have been married if he had not frighted the
King into it by the audience they made him ask
two years ago at Kensington ; that by marrying he
got his allowance more than doubled ; that if he
had not frighted the King by this step of appealing
to Parliament, he never would have got even this
^50,000 a year secured to him, nor a jointure for
the Princess ; and that if he will listen to them and
go on menacing, and bullying, and frighting, and
appealing, he will at last get everything he wants."
" Why, then," said the Queen, " you do not ap
prove the message ? " "I cannot say," replied
Lord Hervey, " I approve or disapprove it : it is
above me ; and to be able to determine whether
it was a proper measure or not, I must have talked
to as many members of the House of Commons as
Sir Robert Walpole has done, must be able to know
what effect it will have on their opinions and con
duct, and what alteration it is likely to produce in
the calculation made before this measure of the votes
which are to be given this day ; of all which things
there is nobody in England but Sir Robert who can
be a competent judge."

64 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
" But was there ever anything so weak " (said
the Queen) "as saying, as he does in his answer,
that the affair is no longer in his hands, and that he
is sorry for it ? Is not that saying that he is to be
governed by these people, not they by him ? In
whose hands is he ? and how came he so much in
their power ? " Lord Hervey said, " The worse
his answer is, madam, the better for those to whom
it was sent. Had I been to have given it, it
should have been very different, and embarrassed
the Court much more than it will now do. In the
first place, if the Prince had had any sense or any
good advisers, he would have desired time to give
his answer in writing to a written message ; and
upon mature consideration, and consulting all the
best heads about him, I doubt not but he would
have been advised to express himself " with the
utmost duty to the King, to bewail his hard fate
in having his designs represented to the King as
undutiful, which (as appears by the words in the
King's message) had been his misfortune, and that
nothing but the King's absolute commands should
or could have hindered him from applying to his
Majesty in the first place either for any favour or
justice he thought he might expect from his good
ness, and that any roundabout way (which was the
only one his Majesty's injunctions had left him) he
had found so fruitless and ineffectual, that a modest
and humble request to the Parliament of England,
who had given the crown to his family, and who
had given all that was to support the honour and
dignity of it, he hoped could never be construed
an indecent step, especially when it was to ask

I737-] HERVEY'S ADVICE. 65
nothing of them but to explain their own acts ; and
that if there was any dispute between him and his
father, that he knew no mediator so proper as the
Parliament, nor any arbitrator to whose decisions
he should so cheerfully and implicitly submit, espe
cially since he could not hope to find any proper
ambassador about the King to plead his cause,
after the fatal experience of those who had his ear
having advised him to forbid his son making any
application to him in person, and representing his
conduct in so unjust and false a light as to pro
voke the King to give it the hard and undeserved
title of undutiful." The Queen interrupted and
said there was enough, and that she was very glad
he had not been so advised, or rather that he had
thought his own wise head so able to guide him,
as to have allowed himself no time to ask any ad
vice. " But tell me, do you think the fool can have
interest enough to carry this point ? Do not people
know him ? What do they think of him, and what
do they say of him ? " " Madam," replied Lord
Hervey, "whatever they think of him or whatever
they say of him, the people in Opposition will
doubtless, for two reasons, be glad to have him
join them; in the first place, to swell their party,
and in the next, to wipe off the imputation of
Jacobitism." " These are your nasty favourites the
Whigs," said the Queen ; " they are always squab
bling with one another. The King has shown he
would stand by them and would support them ; but
if they will not stand by him and support him, he
has but one party to take — he must employ the
Tories. The Tories are ready to come ; there they
VOL. III. e

66 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
are ; he has but to beckon them, and there is not
one but will come to St. James's the moment he
calls. The Whigs have forgotten the four last
years of Queen Anne's reign ; they want to feel the
oppression again of Tory masters to teach them
what they owe to a King that has supported them ;
and if they are of such a nature as never to know
the value of the favour of the Crown whilst they
enjoy it, they may thank themselves for being taught
their duty by ill-usage."
Lord Hervey said, "There is nobody, to be sure,
madam, who wishes well to the present establish
ment who could advise your Majesty to continue
the Whigs in power, if it appeared they were so
broken among themselves as to be unable longer
to carry on the King's business ; but hitherto, I
own, I can see no foundation for that complaint, or
that they have not been as ready to support all the
rights of the Crown as any set of people who boast
their zeal for prerogative the most. It is true,
whenever I speak to any Whigs to influence them
in this disputed point between the King and the
Prince, I always try to alarm them by saying, if the
Prince should carry this point, the King must after
wards look upon this Parliament as his son's Par
liament, not his ; that he would consequently be
obliged to dissolve it ; and that nobody can imagine
he would dissolve one Whig Parliament to choose
another Whig Parliament, but would certainly em
ploy the Tories. But I am far from thinking the
King need be driven to this desperate remedy
merely on losing this question, unless the same
majority distressed him in others ; and I call taking

1737-] BISHOP SHERLOCK 67
the Tories a desperate remedy, because I believe
they will never be long found willing to support a
Revolution Government, nor will your Majesty find
.any disputes among the majority that may arise in
a Tory Administration to be about one branch of
your family against another, but against your whole
family in favour of another. If this was the case
in the four last years of the Queen's reign, you will
find it again so whenever the same party is in
power ; for as the majority of the Tories are cer
tainly Jacobites, so when they act as a party they
must act according to the principles and senti
ments of the majority of that party, not of the
few." While Lord Hervey was speaking — the Queen
and he both standing at the window of her dressing-
room — the Prince happened to walk undressed
across the court. The Queen spied him, and said,
trembling with * * *
¦$£• ¦& ¥* -5S* "$£¦ "55" 2
It is certain that the King and Queen were both
somewhat shaken in their confidence in Sir Robert
Walpole by the course which this affair had taken ;
and if Bishop Sherlock had known how to improve
the opportunity for the furtherance of his own
interests — if in his frequent interviews with the
Queen he had railed at Sir Robert Walpole for
advising the King to send the message, and told
her Lord Carteret and the Tories would carry this
matter with a higher hand — I know not what would
2 Here there is another chasm— not much to be regretted. We have had
-quite enough of the Queen's feelings towards the Prince, unaccomp anied as
they are with any explanation of the original cause.

68 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737,
have been the consequence ; but with all his parts,
Bishop Sherlock had the weakness perpetually to
share the demerit of those whom he wanted to ruin,
and 'to dip himself in those measures which he
ought to have exploded and laid hold of to distress
his enemies by combating; and instead of saying
that the King and Queen had been advised by Sir
Robert Walpole to do too much, he advised more
to be done, and told the Queen the only safe way
she could take to end this dispute was to persuade
the King to allow his son something more, which,.
how right soever it might have been for their in
terest, was certainly not right for his point — which
was the ruin of Sir Robert Walpole,3 whom at this.
time he could no way so efficaciously or at least so
hopefully have attacked as by endeavouring to per
suade the Queen that Sir Robert showed a much
greater regard and tenderness towards the Prince
in this dispute than was necessary.
There was one material thing Lord Hervey said
to the Queen this morning, in the conversation I
have just given an account of, which I forgot to
insert ; but not piquing myself much upon method
in these papers, and relating things just as they
occur to my memory, and as I happen to have
leisure to set them down, without giving myself the
trouble, and indeed without having time to go back
and interweave them in their proper places, I shall
mention it here.
Part of Lord Hervey's answer to her Majesty's.
3 Here again we see (as we shall too frequently) the evident prejudice and
probable injustice of Lord Hervey's conjectural interpretations of Bishop
Sherlock's conduct and motives. On this occasion he censures the Bishop for
not having given selfish and mischievous advice. See also post, p. 99.

V37-] HERVEY'S OPINION. 69
invective against the Whigs for dividing on this
•question was, " that he would never say it out of
that room ; but to be sure the misfortune of their
splitting at this time was in reality owing to the
King and the Prince ; to the latter for appealing
to Parliament without having first tried all other
methods, and to the first for not giving the .£100,000
a year to the Prince at the time he gave the £50,000,
when indisputably it was understood at the time the
Civil List was settled that the Prince should have
so much allowed for his maintenance as his father
had had when he was Prince of Wales ; and though
I grant, madam, that this was not a condition or
appropriation mentioned in the Act of Parliament
that settles the Civil List, nor do I remember it
was particularly mentioned, yet when this Civil List
was asked and the reasons for asking it were opened
by Sir Robert Walpole, it must be understood, that
if the additional expense incurred by there being a
Queen Consort was a reason for a larger Civil List,
it must be upon a supposition that all other expenses
were to be the same as they had been in the late
reign, otherwise it could be no argument for in
crease ; for if the Queen and Prince together were
to have no more than the Prince alone had before,
the same sum would be sufficient to defray the
expenses of the King's family in this reign that did
suffice in the last." To this the Queen answered,
" You sometimes, my dear Lord, despise the Master
of the Rolls extremely, and now you talk just like
him." Lord Hervey found he had gone too far, but
softened what he had said and retrieved himself a
little by adding, " that there was, notwithstanding

70 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS, \_m7-
what he had advanced, a very material difference at
this time between his way of thinking and that of
the Master ; for though, madam," continued Lord
Hervey, " I cannot help thinking, if anybody had
been asked to enumerate the articles that made up^
the expenses of the Civil List when it was asked,.
they would have named £100,000 a year to the
Prince as one of them, and consequently that it
might be thought the King should have given it,
yet I am far from being of the Master of the Rolls''
opinion, that the King ought to suffer it to be ex
torted from him in this manner, or that his conduct,
whatever people may think of it, must not now be
defended." The Queen said, "The Civil List was given to
the King with a discretionary power to do what he
thought fit with it ; and that the Parliament, since
they had made it his property without conditions,.
had no more business now to meddle with it than
they had to meddle with the private property of any-
other man in the kingdom, and that they might with
as much justice cut and carve out of the estate of
every father in England what they thought a proper-
provision for his eldest son, as in this instance."
" I grant it, madam," replied Lord Hervey; "and
whatever people may think of the equity of the
King's voluntarily giving or not giving the £100,000
a year, I do admit that the Parliament has no right
now to force him."
Mr. Pulteney, notwithstanding his having advised
the Prince not to stir this affair in Parliament, when
it came into Parliament was the mover of it in the
House of Commons. Lord Hervey at present, not-

I737-] PUL TENE Y 'S SPEECH. 7 1
withstanding former quarrels, wished him better
success, in case of Sir Robert Walpole's death, than
he did to any other man who put in for the rever
sion of Sir Robert's power; and to Lady Hervey
(who wished him still better than her Lord, and with
whom, whenever they met in third places, he used
to talk with great friendship, familiarity, and confi
dence) he said, on her reproaching him with the
indiscretion of dipping himself in this affair, that
since, contrary to his opinion and counsel, the Prince
would have the motion made, he could not oppose
it, and thought he should make a better figure in
taking the lead than in fighting an underpart and
acting as a subaltern.
He began with great pomp, and said he had a
matter to offer to the consideration of the House, of
greater importance perhaps than anything that ever
had been moved there, as it concerned persons of
the first rank in the kingdom, as well as the favourite
and most valuable privilege of that House, which
was the appropriation of money they gave, and
seeing those appropriations strictly observed and
complied with. He then proceeded to show from
our English histories, running through the dynasties
of most of our kings, that it had been the practice
and policy of all times to put the heir-apparent to
the crown in a state of independency, and give him
an established revenue of his own. He then came
down to precedents of later date since the Res
toration, and mentioned the post-office and wine
licences given to the Duke of York, who was but
heir-presumptive to the crown, in the reign of his
brother, King Charles' II. Another instance he

72 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
gave of an independent settlement made by Parlia
ment on one who was but heir-presumptive to the
crown was the £50,000 a year given by Parliament
in the reign of King William and Queen Mary to
the Princess Anne of Denmark, the late Queen.
He then descanted on the establishment made on
this King at the beginning of the reign, setting forth
how much greater it was than any other king ever
had ; and how little reason there would have been
for making it so, if it could ever have been supposed
the expenses of it were to be so much less in so
material an article as the provision for a Prince of
Wales, the support of whose honour and dignity the
Parliament was concerned for next to the King's
more than any person's in the kingdom ; nor could
he see or imagine what reason could be given why
as ample a provision should not be made for this
Prince of Wales as had ever been made for any
other, or for his father before him ; he then threw in
some personal compliments to the Prince of Wales,
but sparingly, and dwelt chiefly on the design of
the Parliament when the Civil List was granted to
have £100,000 a year given to the Prince when he
should come over, be married, and settled here,
insisting upon it, that though this he acknowledged
was only a tacit condition in the grant of the Civil
List, yet as it was at the same time, though a tacit
condition, a condition that was universally under
stood, so it behoved the Parliament, in justice to
themselves as well as to the Prince, to make such
an address to the King as he mentioned in the
motion he concluded with; which was humbly to
beseech his Majesty to settle ,£100,000 a year on

1737.1 PULTENEY' S SPEECH. 73
the Prince, in the same manner that his Majesty had
enjoyed it when he was Prince of Wales, and to
settle the same jointure on the Princess of Wales as
was settled on the Queen when she was Princess of
Wales. I have only given the substance of the
motion, which was extremely well drawn, and which
anybody who has a curiosity to see it may turn to
in the Journals of the House of Commons.
In Mr. Pulteney's speech, which lasted above an
hour and a half, there was a great deal of matter
and a great deal of knowledge, as well as art and
wit ; and yet I cannot but say I have often heard
him speak infinitely better than he did that day.
There was a languor in it that one almost always
perceives in the speeches that have been so long
preparing and compiling. Men of great talents and
quick parts, who have knowledge and readiness, a
natural eloquence, a lively imagination, and a com
mand of words, always, in my opinion, which is
founded on my observation, speak best upon the
least preparation, supposing them masters of their
subject ; for, besides their thinking with less viva
city and emotion on subjects they have often
thought of, their growing tired of them, and having
.their fancy palled to them, in these cases of prepara
tion their memory works more than their invention ;
and they are hunting the cold scent of the one, in
stead of pursuing the warm chase of the other.
And as most orators warm others in the degree or
in proportion to the degree in which they them
selves are warmed, so they can never affect their
audience so much with things they have thought of
till they are unaffected with them themselves, as

74 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
they will with those which they utter at the time
that they are most affected with them themselves,
which is generally in the first conception of them.
And it is from this cause that all good speakers,
in my humble opinion, speak better on a reply than
at any other time. Though Sir Robert Walpole on
this occasion, even in replying, lost these advan
tages I have mentioned ; for as he knew before
hand all the arguments to which he was to answer
this day, so his answers were as much prepared
and thought of as those things to which he was to
answer ; and, to • my ears at least, there was the
same languor, and that same want of the vivida vis,
which appeared in the performance of Mr. Pulteney,
and which I have often heard both of them speak
without wanting, and possess superior, I think, to
any two men I ever heard, and at least equal, I
believe, to any two men that ever had the gift of
speech. Sir Robert Walpole, very early in his answer to
Mr. Pulteney, told the House the orders he had
received from the King to communicate to them the
message his Majesty had sent the day before to the
Prince, and the answer he had received to it. Sir
Robert Walpole read both the one and the other to
the House as part of his speech, and commented on
both as he read them very emphatically, making use
of all his oratory, art, and Parliamentary skill, when
he came to that part of the Prince's answer where
his Royal Highness says and repeats, " Indeed, my
Lords, it is in other hands ; T am sorry for it!'
This message, Sir Robert said, was at once an
answer to two parts of Mr. Pulteney 's motion and

I737-] WALPOLE'S REPLY. 75
arguments, which were those relating to the Prin
cess's jointure, and the independent establishment of
the Prince ; what therefore remained for him to con
sider was only the quantum allowed to the Prince,
and the propriety of the House interposing in that
matter, considering the manner in which the Civil
List had been granted to, and was enjoyed by, his
Majesty. As to all Mr. Pulteney had quoted from the Eng
lish history relating to the settlements made by
Parliament on the heir-apparent to the crown, from
the time of Edward III. (for so high the instances
given by Mr. Pulteney had been traced), Sir Robert
said they were none of them parallel to the present
case, nor examples that would justify the step Mr.
Pulteney now proposed the Parliament should
take, since all those settlements out of the several
Kings' revenues had been made by Parliament by
an original motion from the Crown, desiring the
Parliament only to confirm grants made by the
Crown ; and not by the Parliament first making
application to the Crown, and cantoning out the
possessions and property of the Crown in the
manner and degree that the Parliament thought
fit ; that after the Restoration the revenues from
the wine licences and post-office were given to the
Duke of York by Parliament immediately after the
Restoration, and not by Parliament addressing
King Charles to part with what they had before
made his property without conditions ; and that
the instance of the £50,000 a year paid out of the
Civil List of King William to the Princess Anne of
Denmark, though it seemed at first sight to be the

76 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
nearest a parallel to the present case, was in the
most material circumstances no parallel at all — since
the Parliament gave it (as appears from the words
of the resolution), not out of what they had already
given to the King, but whilst the revenue was
settling, and made the appropriation of this money
at the same time they made the grant of it. If,
therefore, what is now proposed (continued Sir
Robert) had been proposed on the present King's
first accession to the throne, whilst the Civil List
was settling, I would have admitted that the
instance of what was done in the reign of King
William would have been a case in point, but now
it is widely and essentially different ; for as the
words of the Civil List Act show that the Civil
List is given to the King to support the honour
and dignity of the Crown, and the maintenance of
his royal family in general, without any particular
appropriation to particular branches of the royal
family, so any future appropriations would, as far as
they extend, be so many resumptions of the grant
of the Civil List made to the King, and an infringe
ment of what was now the King's property ; nor
could there be any reason given if the Parliament
now took upon themselves to look into the allow
ance made by the King out of his own property
to the Prince, why the Parliament might not as well
examine what he allowed to the Queen, the Duke,
or any of the Princesses^-why they might not make
themselves judges of that too, and direct, in all
those instances as well as this, by the same parity
of reasoning, what the King should allow to any
one branch of his family.

I737-] WALPOLE'S REPLY. 77
As to what had been said of the present Civil List
being so much greater than that of the late King, Sir
Robert said, " At a medium, even with the _£i 1 5,000
included, what the Civil List Revenues had brought
in during the King's whole reign did very little
exceed ^"800,000 per annum ; and though the late
King had but £600,000 a year, yet when the Prince's
,£ 1 00,000 per annum was added to that, together
with the million of the Civil List lottery, and the
£"300,000 given by the two offices of insurance to
pay the debts of the Civil List (which two sums,
amounting to ,£1,300,000, and the late King having
reigned thirteen years, made an addition to the Civil
List of £100,000 per annum more), it did appear that
in reality the late King had a Civil List of ;£ 800,000
per annum as well as the present King ; if, therefore,
the income of the two Kings was equal, and the dis
bursements out of the Civil List of the late King
to the maintenance of his royal family was only
^100,000 to the Prince, the late King having no
wife and but that one child, it was plain he had
£700,000 per annum left for himself; and con
sequently £100,000 per annum being given out of
the Civil List by this King £50,000 to the Queen
and £50,000 to the Prince, his present Majesty
would not have more left for his own use than his
father had had ; and farther, as his present Majesty,
besides this establishment on the Queen and Prince,
paid to the Duke [of Cumberland] an establishment
of ,£8000 per annum (which must soon too be an
increased expense), as his Majesty paid likewise
,£5000 per annum to the Princess- Royal, ,£5300 to
the two eldest Princesses, and £2000 to the two

i

78 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [i737.
youngest — here was a disbursement of ,£20,000 per
annum out of his Civil List towards the maintenance
of his royal family more than was paid out of his
father's — (which, by the by, was not true, the late
King having ever after the quarrel maintained the
three eldest Princesses out of his own income to the
day of his death ; but this blot was not hit by any
body that answered Sir Robert Walpole4). Sir
Robert having thus answered Mr. Pulteney, laid
the great stress of his arguments first on proving
that the King could not afford to allow the Prince
more than ,£50,000 per annum ; and next, that as
the allowing him ,£100,000 was not mentioned in
the Act of Parliament which settles the Civil List,
nor even by anybody who spoke on that occasion ;
and as the Civil List was given to the King uncon
ditionally for life, for the support of the honour and
dignity of the Crown and the maintenance of his
royal family at his own discretion ; so it would be
an unjust infringement of the King's legal property
for the Parliament to pretend now to appropriate
what had been given him without appropriation ;
and an unreasonable taxing of his Majesty's discre
tionary power (all circumstances considered) to say
or to insinuate that he had not made a right and
proper use of that power in what he now allowed to
the Prince.
There were a great many good things in Sir
4 Sir Robert Walpole's statement meets the real point of the case, and is not
impugned by Lord Hervey's parenthetical remark ; for if George I. did " main
tain " the three Princesses, it was for a short time and comparatively unexpen-
sive period of their lives, when they could probably not have cost him more
than a very few thousands a year ; and of course an inconsiderable proportion
of the whole ;£ 100,000.

I737-J LORD BALTIMORE. 79
Robert Walpole's speech, and a great many bad ;
all the little detail that he entered into of the King's
expenses in the establishment of his household was
trifling and low, and more like a steward or a house
keeper to a private man than a First Minister to a
King : all the latter part of what he said was pathetic,
eloquent, artful, and great, lamenting, as a blow to those
who acted on the principles of supporting the Revo
lution Government, that this question was moved at
all, and fearing it might prove, considered only as a
family dispute between a father and a son, immedi-
cabile vulnus, and that a common friend must bewail
a dispute where a victory to either might prove ruin
to both.
Lord Baltimore, one of the Prince's Lords of the
Chamber, spoke in answer to part of what Sir
Robert Walpole had advanced, and said he had the
Prince's commands to acquaint the House that from
the small allowance the King had made him he had
been obliged to run in debt; that he thought ,£100,000
per annum was what the Parliament had designed
him ; that his establishment came to ,£60,000 (which
was not true) ; that he had often made application by
the Queen to have his allowance increased (which was
not true neither) ; and that he had told the Lords of
the Council so yesterday (which was lie the third).
His Royal Highness ordered Mr. Hedges to say the
same things that Lord Baltimore had said ; and they
both of them, that they might not be disavowed after
ward by the Prince in what they had said, put his
Royal Highness's directions into writing, then asked
him if that was what he would have them say, and
spoke in the House from that paper.

80 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
The Master of the Rolls spoke and acted on this
occasion in his usual double, balancing character, for
he argued on both sides and voted for neither. The
debate lasted till past eleven o'clock ; and on the divi
sion, the question for the address was lost by a majo-
jority of thirty [234 to 204].
The King and Queen were . extremely pleased
with this victory, and by so unexpected a majo
rity. Most people thought it cost a great deal of
money ;5 but Sir Robert Walpole and the Queen
both told me separately that it cost the King but
£900 — £500 to one man and £400 to another;
and that even these two sums were only advanced
to two men who were to have received them at the
end of the session had this question never been
moved, and who only took this opportunity to solicit
prompt payment.
When the King after this complained of the
usage he met with from the Whigs in distressing
his measures and maintaining his rascally puppy of
a son (as he called the Prince) against him, Sir
Robert said it was not altogether just to reproach
any party with a distress brought upon him merely by
his own family, and desired the King to reflect that
^¦900 was all this great question had cost him ; " and
to show you, sir, how little this was a party or a
Ministry point, I am very sure if I had lost the ques
tion relating to the Prince, the very next moment a
5 It seems to have been produced by a more obvious and honourable cause,
to which Lord Hervey does not allude. " This small majority would have
been reduced to a minority, but that forty-five of the Tories, considering the in
terference of Parliament hostile to the constitution, highly democratic, and so
dangerous an innovation, quitted the House in a body before the division — an
act highly honourable to those who refused to sacrifice their principles to their
party." — Coxe, i. 532.

1737.] DEFEAT OF PRINCE. 81
question would have been put upon me ; and I am
as sure I should, though I had lost the other, have
carried that by a hundred. And what must have
been the consequence ? I must have quitted your
Majesty's service to show I was not betraying you,
and given you up to secure myself; for how can
any Minister serve a prince and say he can carry
his own points and not his master's ?"

VOL. III.

CHAPTER XXX.

Anger of the King and Queen — Restrained by Walpole — Debate on
the Prince's Claim in the Lords — Defeated again — Protest —
Army Voted — Walpole's Favour Diminished — His Conversa
tions with Lord Hervey and the Queen on that Subject.
^PJijHE Queen, who before this debate was
extremely angry at what the Prince had
said to my Lord Chancellor, was yet
more incensed and exasperated against
him for making Mr. Hedges and Lord Baltimore
repeat it in the House of Commons, seeing very
plainly, on her name being publicly introduced there
and in such a manner, that there was no medium
between the audience considering her one of the
worst of women, or her son one of the worst of
men ; as she must either have merited this heavy
charge of having received all his solicitations without
transmitting them, and drawing the King into assert
ing to the whole world he had never received any
applications from his son ; or that the son, conscious
how improper it was for him to make his first appli
cation to Parliament, resolved, at the expense of
his own truth and his mother's character, to discul-
pate himself by a feigned imputation of all the fault
being in her, and making her responsible for all
the "ill consequences which might flow from this
proceeding.

1737] FEELING AGAINST PRINCE. 83
Both King and Queen were inclined at first to
proceed to the last extremities against the Prince,
and for turning him immediately out of St. James's.
Sir Robert Walpole dissuaded them from taking this
step ; said it would put their son more out of their
power, increase his party, give him the dclat of a
separate Court, furnish many people with arguments
to inveigh against their rigour and keep up the spirit
of this dispute in the world, if not in the family,
much longer than otherwise it would subsist ; that
the suffering their son to remain in the palace
would have an air of lenity in the eyes of some,
of contempt in the opinion of others ; and that
the pushing things to extremity after they had
already carried their point, would put them in the
situation which hitherto their Majesties' friends had
represented the Prince, and perhaps make the
Parliament itself less willing to support them when
they were oppressing their son than it had been
to maintain their Majesties' cause when they were
only defending themselves.
Sir Robert Walpole prevailed, and the Prince
remained in St. James's : he came to the drawing-
rooms as usual, led the Queen, dined with the King
and Queen in public, and sometimes, too, came to
the King's levee, but the King never seemed to see
or know he was in the room ; and the Queen,
though she gave him her hand on all these public
occasions, never gave him one single word in pub
lic or private.
The next difficulty Sir Robert Walpole lay under
was to bring the King to perform what he had pro
mised in his message, which was the settling a

84 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
jointure on the Princess and the giving the £50,000,
per annum to his son out of his own power to be re
sumed or stopped.
The King said in common sense or reason every
body, considering when this message was sent and
how it was worded, must look upon it as an offer
made by him of accommodation with his son, and
these points as articles of treaty on his part to prevent
the Prince's bringing this affair to be discussed in
Parliament ; that since the Prince, notwithstanding,
had proceeded, and, like a silly puppy and undutiful,
insolent rascal, had brought the question into Parlia
ment, this non-compliance on the part of the Prince
with the offer made by his Majesty must be looked
upon, the King said, as a release from obligation of
performing the conditions on his part, and that he
would leave things just where they were.
Sir Robert said that no such condition was actu
ally expressed in the message, nor had it been so
opened or argued upon by those who had pleaded
it in Parliament ; nor would the Parliament, he feared,
any more than the rest of the world, look upon
the message as anything more than a temporary
trick to amuse, if the promises therein contained
were not performed. And if this matter should an
other year be brought into Parliament, how would
those who had now carried this point for his Majesty
by a majority only of thirty be able to support it,
divested of those arguments which (he must in justi
fication of the message say) he believed were the
only arguments which could have given his Majesty
the victory ? He further added, that all that part
of mankind who did not cry out against his Majesty

I737-] WALPOLE'S POSITION. 85
receding from what he had promised must at least be
silent, for that it was impossible to justify it ; neither
would his Majesty gain anything by receding, since
the allowance to the Prince, whether secured or left
at large, could never be stopped ; and that a jointure
on the Princess must be given, and the whole world
would say ought to be given, let the Prince's beha
viour be what it would.
The King said, " I see my affairs, then, are upon
that foot that I must yield in everything." And
Sir Robert was extremely alarmed and hurt at this
answer ; looking upon this victory over the King as
the King did on his over his son, which was a
victory that gave him little pleasure, and was more
an indication of future mortification than a subject
for present triumph.
Sir Robert Walpole's misfortune at this time was,
that he had not now the resource he used to have
on all other occasions, which was making use of the
alkali of the Queen's temper to sweeten the acid of
the King's ; for her Majesty needed an alkali to take
off the sharpness of her own as much as his Majesty ;
and Sir Robert found her not as usual an auxiliary
on his side, but another opponent he had to conquer ;
and though he could make the conquest, he appre
hended himself to be in the same sort of situation
with Louis XII. after the battle of Ravenna, who
said, when he was felicitated on his victory, that
such another would ruin him.1
1 I know not where this is attributed to Louis XII., but Plutarch tells us
Pyrrhus had made a similar exclamation after the battle of Asculum.
It is odd that Lord Hervey does not mention his own pamphlet written at
this juncture, but not published till 1739, called "An Examination of the
Facts and Reasons contained in ' A Letter to a Member of Parliament on the

86 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
There was a council called of all the Prince's
friends, a great consultation held, and various opin
ions (or at least various advices) given concern
ing the measure of moving the same question in
the House of Lords relating to the ,£100,000 that
had been moved in the House of Commons. Those
who considered only the Prince's interest and credit,
advised against exposing him to a second defeat,
where the majority would be so much stronger against
him than it had been in the first, and which would
make the same question, when it should be brought
again into the House of Commons, come with less
weight. But the commoners in the Prince's interest.
not caring to engross all the odium of having pushed
this business, and to be the sole objects of the King's
resentment, insisted on the same motion being made
in the House of Lords that had been made in the
other, that the peers in this party might be as deeply
dipped as themselves ; and in order to carry their
point, they persuaded the Prince, that since every
body knew it was a measure once taken to move this
question in both Houses, that the dropping it in the
House of Lords on his defeat in the House of Com
mons would either be construed fear, or as an acknow
ledgment of his being in the wrong and giving the
thing up.
The Prince therefore resolved to try his cause
likewise in the House of Lords, where Lord Carteret
[on the 23d February] took the lead and made the
motion. His introduction was methodised much
motion for settling'^100,000 per annum on the Prince of Wales,' " of which
some of the most remarkable passages were supplied by Sir Robert himself
{Coxe, i. 532). In this pamphlet we find the same allusion to the battle of
Ravenna.

1737-1 IN THE LORDS. 87
after the manner of Mr. Pulteney's speech ; he pur
sued the same progress through the English history
in examples of the independent settlements of other
heirs apparent and presumptive to the crown ; and
insisted in the same manner that Mr. Pulteney had
done on the design of the Parliament with regard to
this £100,000 per annum to the Prince when the
Civil List was granted. And though he was guarded
in most part of his speech, and seemed determined
to give as little offence as was possible on the King's
side of the palace at St. James's ; yet, in the heat of
his oratory (though in most parts it was but a cold
performance) an expression escaped him which the
Queen took mortally ill, and which, as he must know
she would do so, I believe he heartily repented after
ward. In speaking of the reasons Edward III. had
for making so large a settlement on the Black Prince,
he said that great and wise king did it that his son
might not be dependent on his minister, his mistress,
or his queen ; which, as it seemed to put these three
characters on the same foot, was a way of arguing
that nobody thought very respectful to her present
Majesty ; and as she was not addicted to think less
respect due to the character of a Queen than other
people thought belonged to it, she was not more
ready to forgive this liberty than those who were
less concerned in it were to approve it.
The Duke of Newcastle took upon him to speak
after Lord Carteret, but neither Sir Robert Walpole's
example in public, nor his documents in private,
enabled his Grace to answer him. My Lord Chan
cellor therefore supplied that part, and spoke as well
as ever I heard him. Lord Scarborough made use

88 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
of many strong expressions on this occasion ; and to
show how much depends on the lips that pronounce,
as well as the words that are uttered, he said things
with success and applause which, if any other body
had ventured, they would infallibly have met with
censure and disgrace. He said, amongst many other
things, that he thought it impossible for the House
of Lords, if they had any regard for the King's
interest or Government, to give into a motion of
this kind ; and declared if he was to hear from Persia
or China that a Parliament there had carried such a
question against the Prince upon the throne in favour
of his son, he should conclude the next post would
bring the news of the father's being deposed and the
son being crowned ; and after many more expressions
not quite so strongly zested, though but few degrees
weaker, he concluded with saying he had spoke the
naked sentiments of his heart on this matter .to the
House, and should sleep the better that night for
having communicated his thoughts so freely to their
Lordships. The division in the House of Lords on this ques
tion was — for the King 79, proxies 24, in all 103 ;
for the Prince 28, proxies 12, in all 40. As the
protest on this occasion illustrates still more than I
have done the general tenor of the debate upon it,
I have transcribed it ; and must mention its having
been remarked that the words at the end prevented
its being signed by any Tories in the division ; they
not caring to declare it their opinion that under this.
royal family only they could live free.
" Dissentient, —
" 1. Because this House has an undoubted right to offer, in an

I737-] LORDS' PROTEST. 89
humble Address to his Majesty, their sense upon all subjects in
which this House shall conceive that the honour and interest of
the nation are concerned
" 2. Because the honour and interest of the Nation, Crown, and
Royal Family can be concerned in nothing morej than in having
a due and independent provision made for the first-born Son and
Heir-Apparent to the Crown.
" 3. Because, in the late King's reign, £100,000 a year, clear of
all deductions whatsoever, was settled upon his present Majesty
when Prince of Wales, out of a Civil List not exceeding ,£700,000
a year. "4. Because his present Majesty had granted to him by Par
liament several funds to compose a Civil List of £800,000 a
year ; which, we have very great reason to believe, bring in at
least £900,000, and are more likely to increase than to diminish.
"5. Because out of this extraordinary and growing Civil List,
we humbly conceive his Majesty may be able to make an honour
able provision for the rest of his Royal Family, without any
necessity of lessening that revenue which, in his own case when
he was Prince of Wales, the wisdom of Parliament adjudged to
be a proper maintenance for the first-born Son and Heir-Apparent
of the Crown.
" 6. Because it is the undoubted right of Parliament to explain
the intention of their own Acts, and to offer their advice in pur
suance thereof: and though, in the inferior court of Westminster
Hall, the Judges can only consider an Act of Parliament according
to the letter and express words of the Act, the Parliament itself
may proceed in a higher way, by declaring what was their sense
in passing it, and on what grounds j especially in a matter recent,
and within the memory of many in the House, as well as out
of it.
" 7. Because there were many obvious and good reasons why
the sum of £100,000 per annum for the Prince was not specified
in the Act passed at that time, particularly his being a minor, and
unmarried; but we do apprehend, that it is obvious that the
Parliament would not have granted to his Majesty so great a
revenue above that of the late King but with an intention that
£100,000 a year should at a proper time be settled on the Prince,
in the same manner as it was enjoyed by his Royal Father when
he was Prince of Wales ; and his Royal Highness, being now
tjiirty years old, and most happily married, we apprehend it can

90 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [.737.
no longer be delayed without prejudice to the honour of the family,
the right of the Prince, and intention of the Parliament ; and as
in many cases the Crown is known to stand as trustee for the
public upon grants in Parliament, the Crown stands as trustee for
the Prince for the aforesaid sum.
" 8. Because we do conceive that the present Princess of Wales
ought to have the like jointure that her present Majesty had when
she was Princess of Wales ; and that it would be for the honour
of the Crown that no distinction whatsoever should be made
between persons of equal rank and dignity.
"9. Because we apprehend that it has always been the policy
of this country and care of Parliament that a suitable provision,
independent of the Crown, should be made for the Heir- Apparent,
that, by showing him early the ease and dignity of independence,
he may learn by his own experience how a great and free people
should be governed ; and as we are convinced in our consciences
that if this question had been passed in the affirmative, it would
have prevented all future uneasiness that may unhappily rise upon
this subject, by removing the cause of such uneasiness, and give
his Royal Highness what we apprehend to be his right, we make
use of the privileges inherent in members of this House to clear
ourselves to all posterity from being concerned in laying it aside.
" 10. Lastly, We thought it more incumbent upon us to insist
upon this motion, for the sake of this Royal Family, under which
alone we are fully convinced we can live free, and under the Royal
Family we are fully determined we will live free.
"Winchelsea and Bridgewater,
Nottingham, Bedford,
Berkshire, Weymouth,
Cobham, Bathurst,
Chesterfield, Coventry,
Cardigan, Ker,
Marlborough, Suffolk."
Carteret.
People's thoughts were so engaged on the Prince's
affair, that the debate this year on the continuance
of a standing army of near 1 8,000 men was not much
laboured or attended to : the question came into the
House of Commons but two days before that on the

1 737-] ARMY DEB A TE.

9i

£100,000 ; and everybody was so warm on the one
that they had no fire to spare for the other,2 and in
the House of Lords there was scarce one single
word said upon it. The riots and tumults that had
happened this last year in so many parts of the king
dom, and the absolute necessity everybody allowed
there had been of calling in the King's forces on
these occasions, without which the laws could not
have been executed or the peace of the kingdom
preserved, made the Court party stand upon better
ground than usual in arguing for their continuance ;
since they had it to say that it must certainly en
courage these seditious spirits if, before there ap
peared a greater disposition in them to subside than
anybody could yet say there was, any reduction
should be made of that force which had been the
chief, if not the only, power capable of checking
these licentious proceedings, and preventing the
nation from falling into anarchy and confusion, and
a general dissolution of all government.
Lord Hervey told Sir Robert Walpole he per
ceived both the King and Queen were less satisfied
with his conduct in the Prince's affair than they
were apt to be with his behaviour on other points.
Sir Robert said he perceived it too, but thought
their suspicions of his having had any management
or tenderness towards their son were most unjust and
unreasonable. " For sure, my Lord," continued he
(these were his words), " if ever any man in any
cause fought dagger out of sheath, I did so in the House
of Commons the day his Royal Highness 's affair was
2 There was a very warm debate on the Army vote, and a division of 246
to 178.

92 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
debated there!' Lord Hervey said, " The Duke of
Newcastle had certainly talked in his usual palliating
style, and hinted to the Queen that the best way of
putting an end to this matter was to allow the Prince
something more ; and as his Grace is thought to
speak your sentiments, sir, I believe the Queen
imagines you have set him to feel her pulse and
prepare your way." Sir Robert said, " My Lord,
I cannot mend the Duke of Newcastle's under
standing ; and if he will not believe what I have
told him, that that nail will not drive, I cannot help
it. But I am determined to have a full explanation
with the Queen this very night on all these entangled
affairs, and not to let things go on longer in this
disagreeable way. And for the Duke of Newcastle,
I know him as well as you do, and see very plainly
his manner of working ; he is linking himself with
the Chancellor, and thinks to stand by that help on
his own legs without me." Lord Hervey said his
Grace's conduct was not hard to fathom ; and that
besides cultivating the Chancellor, his courting the
Bishop of Salisbury in the manner he did showed
plainly he proposed to keep an interest at Court by
the means of the greatest enemy Sir Robert had
there ; and that the remarkably good correspondence
he kept up with Lord Carteret as plainly demon
strated that, as his Grace thought Lord Carteret's a
better life than Sir Robert's, he determined not to
be desperate with the reversionary Minister any more
than with the reigning one ; and that the obligations
he had to the one could not prevent his turning his
eyes towards the other.
Sir Robert Walpole this night told the Queen

1737-] QUEEN AND WALPOLE. 93
that, though she knew he was not apt to be suspi
cious, yet she could not imagine him so insensible as
not to perceive some little relaxation in that flood of
favour with which she used to receive him. "Nor
could I, madam," said he, " though I were ever so
blind in this room, not feel by what passes on the
King's side of the house that my good-will towards
your Majesty's service has not the same degree of
good fortune it used to meet with. I know when the
King speaks his own thoughts, and when he speaks
yours ; and have not had the honour of serving him
and you so long without being able to distinguish
between the warm sallies of his own temper when
he contradicts me and recedes, and the cooler
reasoning objections communicated to him by your
Majesty : which I feel the force of, and know by
the source from whence they arise that, though
they flow with less vehemence, I shall find it much
harder to turn their course." The Queen said she
had certainly felt very uneasy ever since this affair
of her son had been started ; and owned that she
thought thirty a very small majority, especially since
the King had paid so dearly for it, as making the
concession he did in the message he had sent the
day before this affair came into the House. Sir
Robert Walpole desired she would remember that
all the King had paid was in words, for the Prince
had the £50,000 a year before, and to the voters
her Majesty knew it had cost the King about
£900. " And where, madam, there can be nothing
but good words and promises on one side, and that
they are so profusely lavished, whilst on the other
there is nothing given by the King, who has it in

94 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
his power to give things so much better than words
and promises, can you wonder that many fly to
your son on this occasion to see what they can
get there, though it be only words and promises ?
Everybody comes to a court to get, and if they find
there is nothing to be got in present, it is natural to
look out for reversions. Whilst, therefore, the King
loses his interest in people by not bestowing what it
is in his power to give, your son makes interest by
promising what yet is not in his power ; and let him
be ever so lavish and profuse in these promises, he
runs no risk at present, because he can never forfeit
his credit for non-performance till the day of pay
ment is come." The Queen said nobody thought
that these promises were worth much. Sir Robert
replied that was very true ; but everybody who could
get no ready-money had rather have a bad pro
missory-note than nothing. "However, madam, I
own you must get the better of your son : things are
come to that pass that the King must conquer him
or be conquered ; but consider how that is to be
done. I know my Lord Carteret has offered to sell
your son to you, and I know the hands through
which he has tried to make the bargain with you."
The Queen owned to him that Lord Carteret had
endeavoured to excuse taking the Prince's part by
sending her word that he was driven to it. "He
says," continued the Queen, "that he found you
were too well established in my favour for him to
hope to supplant you ; and, upon finding he could
not be first, that he had mortified his pride so far as
to take the resolution of submitting to be second ;
but if you would not permit him even to serve under

1737] QUEEN AND WALPOLE. 95
you, who in this house could blame him if he con
tinued to fight against you ? " Sir Robert said it
was impossible the King's business could go on long
with him and Lord Carteret both in the King's ser
vice ; that he knew Lord Carteret thoroughly ; and
that knowing this was an impracticable scheme, and
that a reconciliation of this kind would be nothing
more than a short introduction to a new rupture, he
must beg leave to tell her Majesty (as impertinent
as it might sound), that she must take her choice
between them ; for that he never could serve with
Lord Carteret, but was very ready if she thought it
for her interest and her service to quit. " I know,
madam," continued Sir Robert, " how indecent it is
generally for a Minister and servant of the Crown to
talk in this style, and to say there is anybody with
whom he will not serve. I therefore ask your
pardon ; but I thought I should be still more in the
wrong if I suffered your Majesty to make any
agreement with Carteret, and afterwards quitted
your service on that event without having pre
viously told you I would do so. What I have said,
therefore, madam, was in order to take the method
I thought most just to your Majesty, and by which
I should incur the least reproach ; and I give your
Majesty my word I will never speak of quitting
again till I do it. I know, madam, too," continued
he, " that Bishop Sherlock and Carteret have offered
your Majesty to bring in the Tories, and fight this
battle for you against your son ; but consider before
you embark how this matter will stand. In the first
place, they cannot answer for the party ; in the next
place, if they could, in what manner is this to be

96 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
done ? Are you to turn out all those who voted for
you when you carried it by thirty, to take in those
who voted against you in order to carry it by a
greater majority ? How are they to save appear
ances in their own conduct but by advising you to
give £20,000 a year more to your son, and will that
quiet him ? No ; you will then have done what
you have now avoided, and will have your son just
as ready to fight for the rest as he is now, and more
able. Besides, madam, the very changing your
measures is acknowledging a defeat ; if your son
forces you to do anything you would not have done
without his stirring in this affair, he has conquered —
I say he has conquered — for forcing you to change
your Administration is conquest. You know he said
so himself when Mr. Hedges spoke to him on this
affair, and tried to divert him from pursuing it in
Parliament by telling him it was impossible he could
ever get the money; your Majesty knows his answer
was, ' At least I shall show I can do more by oppos
ing than the Opposition have been able to do in six
teen years without me : I shall turn out Walpole,
and by showing I have weight enough to make my
father change his Administration, shall make a much
better figure than I can do by being quiet! Consider,
too, madam, what you would do ,by taking a Tory
Administration : you would bring people into your
service who never can be in your interest" ; and the
Whig party, which is the natural support of your
family, and in my opinion can only support it, you
would unite in the interest of your son against you.
What is the case of the Whig party ? — not that the
Tories are too strong for them, for the Whigs are

I737-] QUEEN AND WALPOLE. 97
divided, and yet, though divided, support you ? Do
not flatter yourself then, madam, that a party that is
strong enough in this country to support you though
divided will not be strong enough to distress you if
you unite them against you. I know the distrust
that always attends their way of arguing who argue
for themselves, but I think what I have said is so
manifestly true, that it must remove that distrust
with which I own it is natural your Majesty on this
occasion should hear me. Weigh it, madam, and
make your own determination upon it ; at the same
time I promise you, let me but do as I will, and you
shall conquer this son ; and give me leave to say
this one thing more — as impertinent as it is to be
talking of oneself — that I think it would be a hard
fate for a Minister who has served you as I have
done, if not with ability, at least with such success in
all public affairs, either foreign or domestic, to be
ruined at last by a family quarrel ; by j'our enemies,
not by your friends ; and by an event I foresaw,
by one you know I foretold, and by one I advised
you to prevent." Sir Robert Walpole, who came
immediately down from the Queen to Lord Her
vey's lodgings after this conversation, gave him
this account of it, and told Lord Hervey at the
same time that he thought what he had said had
made all the impression upon her he could desire ;
for that the Queen had dismissed him with the
strongest assurances it was possible to make of
satisfaction in his conduct, and promises to protect
and support him.

VOL. III.

CHAPTER XXXI.
Prosecution of the Porteous Riot — Opinions and Intrigues about it
— Lord Hervey takes up the Cause of the Scotch Magistrates
with Lord Isla and the Duke of Argyle — Bishop Sherlock Zealous
on the other Side — Carteret Courts the Queen, and Retreats out
of the Scotch Question.
HEN the day came that had been ap
pointed by the House of Lords to enter
into the examination of the Scotch
affair, Lord Carteret, before the provost
and bailies of Edinburgh were called to the bar,
proposed a string of questions to the House that he
said he thought it was proper these magistrates
should be asked in order to clear up this matter, and
for a groundwork for the House to proceed upon,
saying at the same time, though he had done his
duty as a member of the House of Lords in bringing
this matter before them, yet, now it was there, he
should not think himself more obliged than any
other Lord in the House to take the lead in the
promotion of it; and that those who had the honour
to be employed by the Crown, as they must by their
station have more lights than other people to go by,
in his opinion ought to be the foremost in instructing
the House on this occasion, and were doubly bound
to sift it to the bottom, as it concerned the honour
of the Government by whom they were employed

I737-] THE PORTEOUS RIOT.

99

that such an insult to Government should not pass
unpunished ; and that the honour of the House of
Lords was likewise concerned, since they had under
taken this business, to go through with it, and show
that they had the power to punish the guilty, as well
as zeal for the discovery of those who were so.
Lord Carteret's reason for declining an active part
for the future in the punishing those concerned in
this abominable murder was, that he found all parties
in Scotland, however divided in other matters, were
united in their desire to have the death of Porteous
unrevenged. He therefore reserved all his fire to
be played upon the judges when the trial of Porteous
should come under consideration, the chief of these
judges (Andrew Fletcher, Lord Justice-Clerk) being
a creature of Lord Isla's, and one whom for that
reason Lord Carteret had a mind to fall upon and
ruin. My Lord Chancellor, who disliked Lord Isla
partly upon his own account, from a dispute they had
had last year on the Smuggling Bill, and partly from
the instigations of the Duke of Newcastle, declared
to the House of Lords that he thought the trial of
Captain Porteous highly deserved their considera
tion ; for if Porteous had been condemned according
to the law of Scotland, he was very sure the law
ought to be altered ; and if he had not been con
demned according to law, he was sure some censure
ought to be passed on the judges, and the sentence
they had given reversed by Act of Parliament. The
Bishop of Salisbury was one of the warmest in the
pursuit of both parts of this Scotch business, desiring
to revenge on the country and the brother of the
Duke of Argyle the affronts which the bishops and

100 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
clergy of England had received last year from his
Grace when the Mortmain and Quakers' Bills were
depending. By. the examination of the provost1 and bailies of
Edinburgh, it appeared to the House very plainly
that this murder of Porteous was wished by ninety-
nine in a hundred throughout all Scotland, and that
those who had not been active in it were at best
passive, the rumour of such a thing being intended
having been universal for many weeks before it was
perpetrated, and no measure taken by any magistrate
to prevent it : in short, the grossest neglect, not to
say connivance, appeared in the magistracy ; and the
House of Lords was enraged to that degree that, if
their anger had been judiciously made use of, the
enemies of the Scotch might have led the House of
Lords where they pleased.
Lord Hervey was the single English Lord of any
consideration who stuck in every point throughout
this affair to the two brothers, the Duke of Argyle
and Lord Isla; and as they were conscious that the
same things on this occasion would not come with
the same weight out of Scotch lips as out of English,
they put him in the front of every skirmish and
every battle during the whole progress of this busi
ness, and took great pains to instruct him in every
thing that related to it ; and as they had no access
to the Queen in private, they depended on him like
wise to combat in the palace the representations
made there by Bishop Sherlock and the Duke of
Newcastle. Sir Robert Walpole, though he had no
mind to give up Lord Isla, mortally hated the Duke
1 The Provost was Mr. Alexander Wilson.

1737.] MOTIVES OF THE LORDS. 101
of Argyle, and the Duke of Argyle him : this hatred
had lately been increased by two accidents ; the one
was, Sir Robert Walpole's having said this year in
the House of Commons, in the debate on the army,
when he was again reproached with the old story
of the disgrace of Lord Cobham and the Duke of
Bolton, that any Minister must be a pitiful fellow
who would not show military officers that their em
ployments were not held on a surer tenure than those
of civil officers; which had been represented to the
Duke of Argyle by some in a way as if Sir Robert
Walpole had called the military officers pitiful fel
lows ; and by others as if he had said that a Minister
must be a pitiful fellow who would suffer military
men to meddle out of their province, and concern
themselves with civil affairs. The other reason the
Duke of Argyle had for feeling additional dislike to
Sir Robert Walpole at this time was, that he had a
mind, on the death of Lord Orkney, to be set at the
head of the army; and imputed his not being so to
Sir Robert Walpole, though in reality, had Sir Robert
loved him as much as he hated him, it would not
have been in his power to do it : in the first place,
as he had little power in military affairs ; and in the
next, because the King determined to have nobody
at the head of the army but himself, would do every
thing there by his own authority, and without any
advice ; and last of all, because, if his Majesty would
have given any authority or taken any advice in
these matters, he disliked the Duke of Argyle so
much, that he was the last man in England to whom
he would have delegated the one, or from whom he
would have received the other.

102 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
The Duke of Argyle loved his brother Lord Isla
much better than he was beloved by him ; and Lord
Isla made the passions of his brother, though he was
always condemning him for his heat and his imprac
ticability, of great use to him ; for whenever Sir
Robert Walpole asked him to do anything he had no
mind to, he always pretended to be willing himself,
and to lay his not doing it on the impossibility of
bringing his hot, obstinate brother to comply with
him ; and at the same time owned to me that he had
had such precaution in the choice of those men whom
he had brought into either House of Parliament,
that knowing his brother's violent and sudden turns
(these were his words), " / have contrived it so that
if my brother should run mad, and break with the
Court, there are not three people in Parliament who
will follow him unless I go along with them."
At this time Lord Isla and Lord Hervey on one
hand were always telling Sir Robert Walpole that
Lord Chancellor and the Duke of Newcastle were
laying schemes to govern independently of him, and
that they were certainly in good intelligence with
Sherlock and Carteret; whilst on the other hand the
Duke of Newcastle and Lord Chancellor were telling
him that the House of Lords and the nation expected
Scotland should receive some punishment for such
a behaviour, and that Lord Isla and Lord Hervey
were so obstinate that they would come into nothing,
though all the rest of the King's servants were so
desirous some censure might be passed, and some
mark of the resentment of the Legislature shown
on this occasion, that it was certainly as little for
the interest of the King as for the honour of the

J737-] LORD ISLA. 103
House of Lords to let such an outrage go off with
impunity. Lord Isla told Sir Robert he would consent to any
punishment being inflicted on Scotland but such a
one as would make the whole nation disaffected, and
render the government of it quite impracticable ;
that my Lord Chancellor abused Scotland every day
in such strong invectives, and behaved himself with
such pride and such arrogance, that there was really
no temper could bear it with patience ; that if Sir
Robert would suffer it, Lord Isla said he must quit
and give up the whole, for that he would not continue
in the King's service only to irritate people against
him, when he had neither power enough to defend
himself, nor interest enough to engage others to do
it. He said Lord Hervey was the only man almost
in the King's service that did not talk and act as if
Scotland was to be torn to pieces for this transaction,
and desired Sir Robert Walpole to consider well
before things were brought to that pass as to force
Scotland into a rebellion, and whether, for the sake
of Lord Chancellor's and the Duke of Newcastle's
pique to him, he would resolve for the future to rule
Scotland upon the foot of a conquered country ; for
that must be the case if he ruled it at all, and things
were suffered to go on in the violent track the House
of Lords seemed to be pursuing at present.
In the palace the Queen was beset by the Duke
of Newcastle and Bishop Sherlock on one hand, and
Lord Hervey on the other, in the same manner
that I have described Sir Robert Walpole ; but Sir
Robert Walpole not being very well at present with
the Duke of Newcastle, and always hating Sherlock,

104 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
the Queen was brought to think that the less was
done on this occasion to punish Scotland, provided
anything was done, the better.
The method of proceeding occasioned as much
difficulty as the matter. This affair first being taken
up in the House of Lords, made an impeachment
impossible, unless the House of Lords had dropped
it entirely, and that the prosecution were left to begin
de novo in the House of Commons. Formerly, the
House of Lords in cases like these used to order
the Attorney-General to exhibit articles, and proceed
in that manner ; but this method being now obsolete,
it was not judged proper to revive it. The third
and only way there was besides of proceeding was
by bill ; and this was the method resolved upon.
The substance of the bill, as Lord Chancellor had
first framed it, was to disable the provost and the four
bailies of Edinburgh from ever holding any office in
Great Britain, and to imprison them ; and to pull
down one of the gates of Edinburgh called the
Nether- Bow Port, in order to leave a free and open
access at all times to the King's troops to enter the
town whenever they should be called for. The
provost not being a friend of Lord Isla's, he did not
care much what they did with him; but the four
bailies being all men whom he had put in and pro
tected, he was very solicitous to save them. Lord
Isla came to Lord Hervey and told him what he
wished, and Lord Hervey assured him he would not
vote for the bill if they were left in ; but desired
Lord Isla, in order to enable him to prevail with the
Queen to have them left out, to consent to the taking
away the town-guard in lieu of punishing the bailies.

1737.] BILL AGAINST EDINBURGH. 105
Lord Isla did consent ; and Lord Hervey told the
Queen this was an exchange that would be greatly
for the advantage of the Government ; for that it
would be of no use to the Government to punish
shoemakers and cheesemongers, but of great utility
to get rid of a guard which was for ever made a
pretence to hinder the entrance of the King's forces,
and was a guard so constituted, that, when they were
in the hands of the friends to the Government, they
.were of no more use than the worst of militia, and,
whenever they had been at the direction of the
enemies to the Government, had been put upon the
foot of the best disciplined troops. " To what pur
pose, then, or with what policy," said he, " can the
Court desire to continue the use of a weapon which
has always been blunt when employed for you, and
pointed when it has been directed against you ? "
Lord Hervey told her Majesty, too, that though he
believed, in case she desired him to bring off any
body that was guilty, he should certainly do i,t, yet
he neither could nor would upon any account join
in punishing anybody as guilty that he did not
think was so ; and let the provost be ever so guilty,
and the bailies have been ever so passive, yet, as
they had no authority to give orders when the pro
vost was present, so he could no more in justice and
conscience vote for the punishing them on this
occasion than he could vote for punishing subalterns
in an army for not commanding when their general
was present. The Queen consenting to this ex
change, and Lord Hervey declaring to Lord Chan
cellor and the Duke of Newcastle he would oppose
the bill in every step if the bailies were inserted,

106 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
they were left out, and the abolishing the town-guard
was a clause put in instead of the other.
The Duke of Argyle opposed the bringing in of
the bill, and every step it took in its progress. One
of the reasons he gave for doing so, which he dwelt
much upon and often repeated, I own was a very
impudent one, since it was from a pretended opinion
of being in general against all bills of this sort,
though there never had been a Bill of Pains and
Penalties since he sat in the House for which he
had not voted, and some he had even brought in ;
and this, though everybody knew, yet nobody had
courage to say in answer to him. Lord Isla neither
spoke nor voted on any of the questions that arose
in the progress of the bill, thinking himself obliged,
since he had by a sort of compromise consented in
private council to the bringing it in so mitigated, not
to oppose it, and not daring, for the sake of his in
terest in Scotland, to be for it even so mitigated.
Lord Hervey, though he voted for the bill for the
same reasons that Lord Isla did not oppose, spoke,
at the bringing it in, very long and vehemently
against the Bills of Pains and Penalties in general ;
abusing every one that had ever passed in Parlia
ment, from that against Lord Strafford in King
Charles I.'s reign down to the present times. For
this reason, though he concluded his speech with
saying he acquiesced under this bill, as the only way
every Lord in the House agreed there was now of
punishing this atrocious crime committed in Scotland,
yet everybody who was for the bill reproached him
with having said as much against it as anybody who
had voted against it. Lord Chancellor answered

.737-] DEBATE IN LORDS. 107
Lord Hervey, and justified the bill in all its parts
with such a parental partiality that nobody who heard
him could be at a loss to guess who was the politi
cal father of the parliamentary child.2 There were
several debates on this bill, in which the Duke of
Argyle and Lord Chancellor had several disputes,
carried on with as great decency as if there had been
no rancour, and, to a discerning eye, with as much
rancour as if there had been no decency. All of the
sixteen Scotch Peers that were present, except Lord
Isla, who did not vote at all, voted for the bringing
in of the bill ; but after the second reading, when
counsel was heard against it, they all voted against
it, pretending to have changed their opinion on what
they had then heard, though there was not one
single thing said at that time that had not been said
before, one single piece of evidence invalidated, or
one circumstance in any one fact that I remember
differently stated. My old Lord Findlater,3 with a
little insignificant knowledge in the civil law, and
my young Lord Crawford,4 without any knowledge
at all, made so many long, dull, absurd speeches in
2 I have not been able to trace why Lord Hervey should have taken any
peculiar and personal interest in this Scotch affair ; but that he did so is evi
dent from the text, and still more so, I think, from the following note, which
I find amongst his letters to Lady M. W. Montagu, and which seems to belong
to this period : —
" Lord Hfardwicke], I fancy, is immovable. I have some notion, too,
that he had a hand in drawing the bill : if so, that is a sort of parental, fondness
that seldom gives way. Upon the whole, I am determined not to let it go off
without giving it one kick more ; though whether I shall be able to do it any
hurt, I know not."
3 James Ogilvy, fifth Earl of Findlater, born in 1689.
4 John Lindsay, thirteenth Earl of Crawford, born in 1702. He served
several campaigns as a volunteer with the Austrian and Russian armies, and
was severely wounded near Belgrade in 1 739. He commanded the British
Life Guards at Dettingen, and died in 1749.

io8 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
broad Scotch against the bill, that they fretted
everybody who was of their side, exasperated every
body that was against them, and made the two
parties of a mind in nothing but wishing them dumb :
in short, the bill passed the House of Lords framed
as I have before related — that for disabling the pn>
vost and imprisoning him for a year, for abolishing
the city guard, and taking down the Nether-Bow
Port.6 During the examination that preceded the bring
ing in this bill, it appeared that the Lord Justice-
Clerk had refused sending an order to General
Moyle for the King's troops to march, when Moyle,
on Lindsay's coming to him during the tumult, had
sent to the Lord Justice-Clerk to demand one.
Those who were warmest in this prosecution took
hold of this circumstance to move the House of
Lords, at ten o'clock at night, after a long examina
tion that had set the House in a situation which
the anti-Scotland men thought fitted them for any
violent step, that my Lord Justice-Clerk should be
immediately sent for up from Scotland. Lord
Lovel moved this, and was seconded by the Duke
of Montague, whose zeal against Scotland opened
a mouth that had been shut for fifty odd years, and
which (like that of Balaam's ass) now opened for
the last time as well as the first. The Duke of
Richmond, Lord Pembroke, Lord Delaware, and
several others in the first employments at Court,
were very zealous in this question. Lord Isla
0 " It is remarkable that in our day the magistrates of Edinburgh have had
recourse to these two latter measures — held in such horror by their predecessors
— as necessary steps for the improvement of the city." — Scott, note to The
Heart of Mid-Lothian.

I737-] DEBATE IN LORDS. 109
spoke against it, and said, " If, my Lords, it is only
on account of my Lord Justice-Clerk not sending
the order to Moyle that he is to be sent for up, I
declare he was in the right, my Lord' Justice-Clerk
having no authority I know of to send such an
order ; and had I been there myself, who am the
first criminal judge in" Scotland,6 I would not have
sent it. When I am absent, my Lord Justice-Clerk
is the first judge ; and I know no law in Scotland to
oblige, or even to justify, his sending such an order;
I hope, therefore, your Lordships will not put such
an indignity on an innocent man as to send for him
as a criminal for not doing what he would have
been criminal if he had done." This did not satisfy
the warm men. They argued in general that the
honour of the House of Lords was concerned to sift
this matter to the bottom ; that it was the deepest
and darkest scene of villany that had ever been con
certed in any country ; that the House of Lords
wanted more light ; and that the Lord Justice-Clerk
could possibly give them more, as he was in so
great a station, and plainly appeared to have had a
part, whether innocent or guilty, in this transaction ;
and therefore they insisted on the' motion made to
bring him. Lord Hervey, who was the first English
man who opposed this motion, said, " He desired the
House of Lords would a little consider, before they
sent for a man in so high a station from Scotland, on
what foot it was to be done. I desire to know "
(continued he), " before I can give my consent to
this motion, that it may be explained whether the
Lord Justice-Clerk is to be sent for as a criminal or
6 Lord Isla was Lord Justice-General of Scotland.

no LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.-
as an evidence, or merely to satisfy the curiosity of
the House of Lords? If as a criminal, let the crime
be specified and the charge laid ; if as an evidence
he is to come, I desire to know to what fact ? and if
out of curiosity he is to be sent for, I do not think it
is very prudent to send for a man of that rank on
such light motives ; or that it is treating Scotland
with a due respect to send for the first judge at pre
sent in the country in such a manner ; or that it is
likely to give the people a due regard for the laws
of their country when they see a man at the head of
those laws treated with so little regard by the House
of Lords. Besides, may it not be suspected that, as
the magistrates of Edinburgh were sent for upon
suspicion only, and that a charge of guilt is now
exhibited against them, founded contrary in most
cases (I will not arraign the proceedings of the
House of Lords by saying in all cases) to the first
rules of natural justice, by making their own con
fession (and a confession extorted from them) the
groundwork of that charge ; and if this has been
done with regard to the magistrates, may not the
people of Scotland apprehend the same thing is
going to be done with the chief of their judges ? I
do therefore think that, before your Lordships have
determined whether you will send for this great.
magistrate as a criminal, or a witness, or an in
former, and settled as to what facts in any of these
cases he is to be examined, it is highly improper to
send for him at all."
These were the heads on which Lord Hervey
preached in opposition to this motion. Lord Chan
cellor did not say the Lord Justice-Clerk ought not

1.737-3 DEB A TE IN LORDS. 1 1 1
to be sent for ; but said, if it should be found neces
sary to examine him, that he thought, as Lord
Hervey had urged it, it would be proper first for
the House to determine on what points, and con
sequently that he hoped the motion would be with
drawn that night, in order to give the House time
to weigh the reasons for coming into such a resolu
tion. The Duke of Newcastle, who took no share
in this debate till Lord Chancellor had spoke, hav
ing neither courage enough to follow his inclination
in supporting the question, nor to do his duty in
opposing it, repeated as well as he could what Lord
Chancellor had said ; but Lord Chancellor himself
neither having been, nor desiring to be, very clear
on the subject, when the Duke of Newcastle's
puzzled conception came with a puzzled utterance
to endeavour to echo him, he made such abomin
able confused work of it, as made even confusion
surprise, though it came out of his lips. On the
division it was carried against the motion.7
This happening on a Friday night [i8//£ March],
and Sir Robert Walpole, as usual, passing Saturday
and Sunday at Newpark, the Duke of Newcastle
went thither from Claremont and told Sir Robert
that, though they had been able on Friday to pre
vent the Lord Justice-Clerk being sent for, it was
only by saying the resolution would have too preci
pitate an air if taken that night, and that it would
be impossible to prevent its being carried the next
week. His Grace took Lord Chancellor with him to
7 This is not quite exact ; the division, 65 to 48, was on the question of
adjournment moved by the Duke of Newcastle. Lord Hervey, in order to
aggravate the inconsistency which he charged on the Duke, chose to consider
it as a negative on the original motion, which strictly it was not.

112 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
talk in the same style ; and as Sir Robert Walpole
was brought by their reports to believe this was the
case, Sir Robert said it would be better to yield in
this matter than to be beaten ; and that it was more
advisable for somebody of our side to move that thev
Lord Justice-Clerk and two other judges should
attend to give information to the House in points of
Scotch law, the trial of Porteous being then under
consideration, than that the enemy should get him
up alone, or on any other pretence.
This was agreed to by Lord Isla, whom Sir Robert
sent for immediately to consult; at the same time he
sent a message to Lord Hervey to desire him to
meet him early on Monday morning at his return to
London. When Lord Hervey came to Sir Robert's
he found Lord Isla there ; and, as soon as he was
acquainted with the resolution that had been taken,
began to abuse Lord Isla for being such a fool to
agree to it, asking him if anybody, after standing
a battle and gaining a victory, ever gave up what
they had fought for ; and why he suffered Sir Robert
Walpole to be imposed upon by such strange misre
presentations ; telling them both at the same time
that he had made the King and Queen declare
themselves publicly against all these hot, violent
proceedings, and that my Lord Isla, and Sir Robert
were going to do that against themselves which their
enemies had tried to do in vain. Lord Hervey then
asked Sir Robert Walpole if he had taken the reso
lution to submit to that government which he had
long told him the Duke of Newcastle and Lord
Chancellor were usurping ; and if Sir Robert would
never make use of his own power and his own under-

1737.] CARTERET'S SPEECH. 113
standing, but commit the one perpetually into the
hands of those to whom he could not give the other.
Sir Robert said, " They don't govern me, nor they
shan't govern me ; but you hate the Duke of New
castle, and therefore never will imagine it possible
he can do anything right. I see what he is about
as plain as you do, but I am not prejudiced ; and
you see Lord Isla has consented to this step, and
approves it." " I acquiesce" (interrupted Lord Isla),
" but I assure you I am far from approving, and
only consent because I am weary of dissenting to
no purpose."
In short, the Duke of Newcastle got the better of
Lord Hervey, and this motion was made next day
in the House by the Duke of Newcastle, to the great
triumph of those who were now running riot on this
Scotch scent, and hoped to bring disgrace on Lord
Isla. Lord Carteret spoke after the Duke of New
castle, and said he was Very glad to find his Grace,
on more mature deliberation, had found out the pro
priety of doing what he had opposed on Friday ;
and, with some banter on the fluctuation of the Court
measures, said it was nevef too late to do right ;
adding, too, that he was sure, whatever might have
been said of the Lord Justice-Clerk's being sent for
by a message on Friday, might just as well be said
upon it though it went on a Tuesday ; that the altera
tion in the day would make none in the disgrace* if
there was any disgrace incurred ; and that for his
part, he was consistent in his conduct on both days,
and uniform in his opinion, and therefore seconded
his Grace's motion.
The Duke of Newcastle said nothing at all by
VOL. III. H

114 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
way of reply; but Lord Hervey took notice that
there was not all that inconsistency which Lord
Carteret would insinuate in the conduct of those
who had voted against the motion made on Friday,
and yet were for the motion proposed to-day ; there
being a very essential difference between calling the
Lord Justice-Clerk alone to the bar as a criminal,
and the desiring his presence, with two other judges,
to give the House instruction in the Scotch law, in
the same manner the English judges were there to
give their opinions to the Lords on points relating
to the English law ; as in one case it was sending
for him to answer for his conduct to the superior
power of the Lords, in the other to regulate the
conduct of the Lords by his superior knowledge.
His Lordship expatiated a good deal on these dis
tinctions, which, to be sure, were nothing more than
distinctions in words ; for in reality the enemies of
Lord Isla and my Lord Justice-Clerk had in this
circumstance carried their point, and brought thus
far all the disgrace on these two men that they had
aimed at, which was showing the world that the one
stood in need of protection, and that the other had
not credit enough at present to give it him.
Lord Hervey, however, had better success in the
impressions he tried to make on the Queen on this
occasion than on Sir Robert. She took Lord Isla's
part very warmly, and said she would not positively
have him given up nor coolly supported; and
though they had, by a jumble she did not under
stand, brought up these Scotch judges, that they
should not be treated with disrespect. She sent
for the Duke of Newcastle and schooled him very

I737-] QUEEN AND NEWCASTLE. 115
severely. "What the devil," said the Queen to him,
" signifies all this bustle about the Scotch judges ?
Will worrying the Scotch judges be any satisfaction
to the King for the insult offered to the Govern
ment in the murder of Porteous ? Will that tend to
bring any of the offenders concerned in that crime
to justice ? Will it be any atonement for what is
passed, or strengthen the hands of the Government
in order to prevent such outrages for the future ? It
is just in the same style as your silly proposal to put
the bailies into the bill ; and I must say the King
has great obligations to Lord Hervey, who insisted,
instead of punishing the bailies, which would have
done the King no good, to take away their nasty
town-guard, which will be a real good to the Govern
ment. Believe me, my Lord, I understand all this
very well ; you hate Lord Isla, and you want to
take this occasion to do disagreeable things to him,
and make it impossible for him to carry on the
King's business in Scotland ; but Lord Isla has
been too good a servant to the King for the King
to let any such schemes take effect ; he will support
my Lord Isla, and will, I assure you, take it very
ill of anybody who goes about to hurt him. The
business of princes is to make the whole go on,
and not to encourage or suffer little, silly, imper
tinent, personal piques between their servants to
hinder the business of the Government being done ;
there will always be opposition enough given by
the enemies of the King to his measures and his
Ministers; and you may depend upon it he will
never bear it from those who ought to be his
friends : you comprehend me very well, and I hope

u6 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
we shall have no more of this childish fiddle-faddle
silly work." The Duke of Newcastle said that my
Lord Chancellor had told him that Captain Por
teous was very unjustly condemned, and that it
would be a shame for the Legislature if such a
scandalous trial was before the House of Lords,
and passed without any animadversion. The Queen
replied, " My Lord, you have drawn my Lord
Chancellor into this business, and now you want
to lay the fault upon him. It is certainly just that
Scotland should receive some punishment for the
abominable murder that has been committed there ;
but there is no reason why the Scotch should be
exasperated by drawing into that punishment men
of figure and rank in their country who had nothing
to do with it, only to make this affair more national
than it need be, which is just what those who op
pose the Court want to bring about, and what those
who serve the King wisely and faithfully would
avoid. In short, I do not like this meddling with
the Scotch judges : I think my Lord Isla an ex
cellent servant to the King, and that the complaint
he makes is a very just one— that whilst he is at
tacked by the enemies of the King's Government
for having served the King steadily and thoroughly,
the King's servants, who ought to defend him, are
running upon him too."
As I wrote down this conversation immediately
after the Queen gave me an account of it, which
was the same day it was held, I believe it is very
exact. The Queen sent also for Bishop Sherlock, and
talked to him much in the same strain, adding that

17370 QUEEN AND SHERLOCK. 117
she knew his reason for taking part so warmly in
this prosecution — that it was to revenge his Church
quarrels, and to wound the Duke of Argyle through
Lord Isla's side ; but she desired him to consider he
was wounding the Government too : " And believe
me, my Lord," continued the Queen, " this zeal for
punishment does not become your profession ; and
all this bustle about the Scotch law, how does it
come a propos to your character, unless it is to
show that you have lived so long at the Temple ? 8
You know I wish you well, and I am sorry you so
often give a handle to those who wish you ill to say
how troublesome you make the King's business to
those who are concerned in it ; and I beg, my Lord,
you would not make me, who am always ready to
excuse your conduct, find it so often necessary to
give you up."
As these reprimands, given by the Queen to
these two men, had very different spirits to work
upon, as well as men in very different situations,
the one being Secretary of State, and the other
Bishop of Salisbury, upon very different tenures,
so these reprimands and admonitions had very dif
ferent effects : the Duke of Newcastle was frighted,
changed his conduct, and receded ; the Bishop of
Salisbury was undaunted, justified his conduct, and
persevered. Lord Hervey told the Duke of Argyle
and Lord Isla how strenuously the Queen espoused
their cause, and let the Queen know he had done
so, and at the same time assured her how sensible
they were of her favours, and how gratefully they
8 Sherlock was Master of the Temple, and made it his usual town residence
till his promotion to London.

n8 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
spoke of them. " You know," said the Queen, " I
have not always loved my Lord Isla much ; but I
assure you I have a great opinion of his ability, and
know he has been so useful to the King, that I
have got over all my silly prejudices ; and for the
Duke of Argyle, I don't know what is come to him ;
for though he hardly ever used to come near me,
and when he did come did not do me the honour
to look at me, I now see him every day, and with
a douceur? that it is as if he was fallen in love tout
dun coup with my wrinkles and my grey hairs."
Lord Hervey said this change was easily accounted
for. "The Duke of Argyle thought formerly that
neither the King nor your Majesty cared for him ;
and when people have things given them without
being loved, it is no wonder they receive them
without being obliged ; but as your Majesty's be
haviour in these Scotch affairs has shown you are
no enemy to the name of Campbell, his Grace de
sires to show he can feel favours as well as receive
benefits." When the day came that had been appointed by
the House of Lords for taking the trial of Captain
Porteous into consideration, Lord Carteret, who,
thinking he should have the Duke of Newcastle,
9 As Sir Walter Scott's beautiful novel of The Heart of Midlothian has
been already referred to in history (Mahon, ii. 285), and as it indeed professes
to follow the historical facts as he understood them, I may be forgiven for
observing that he supposes a state of estrangement between the Queen and
the Duke of Argyle at this time which we see did not exist. He also commits
a slight anachronism in making Lady Suffolk the Queen's attendant— Lady
Sundon would have been more chronologically correct. It is better worth
notice that the Richmond Lodge, where George II. and Queen Caroline
occasionally resided, was not, as Scott describes it, in Richmond Park, but in
Richmond Gardens, on the river side, near Kew. It was pulled down in
'772.

1737.] DEBATE IN THE LORDS. 119
my Lord Chancellor, and the Bishop of Salisbury
of his side, had studied the point thoroughly,
laboured it in the House in a very long speech ;
he entered into a disquisition of the criminal law of
Scotland, and pointed out many particulars in which
he said it bore so hard upon the subject that it
ought to be amended ; and he then endeavoured
to show that the Scotch judges in this trial had
been so hard upon Porteous, that they had even
stretched the law, which was of itself too hard, in
order to condemn him ; but, after all this, concluded
without making any motion, saying he had only laid
his thoughts on these matters before the House, and
left it to their Lordships' wisdom and discretion
to do what they thought fit, without pretending to
advise or direct them.
Lord Hervey, who had been instructed for this
purpose by Lord Isla and one Erskine10 (soon after
made Lord Advocate of Scotland), an admirable
good lawyer, answered Lord Carteret, drawing a
parallel between the criminal law of Scotland and
England, and showing how in many points the
criminal law of Scotland was more favourable to
the .subject than that of England. He showed
also that in many particulars Lord Carteret had
advanced he had misrepresented the law of Scot
land ; and then endeavoured to prove that the
judges, to act conformable to the law and practice
of the criminal courts in Scotland, could have done
10 Charles Erskine, or, as he generally spelt his name, Areskine, M.P. for
Dumfriesshire, Solicitor-General in 1725, Lord Advocate, June 1737, a Judge
in 1744 by the name of Lord Tinwald, and in 1748 Lord Justice-Clerk. He
drew up the narrative of the transaction which Scott appended to the acknow
ledged edition of the Heart of Midlothian.

120 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
nothing on the trial of Porteous but just what they
did. Bishop Sherlock spoke after Lord Hervey,
and made a very fine oration, tending to inflame
his audience first against the Scotch judges, , and
then against Scotland in general ; but there was
little or no argument in anything he advanced.
Lord Isla spoke after Sherlock, and abused his
ignorance in facts, and his indecency in descanting
on them, very freely. He spoke a great while, but
having given the greatest part of his ammunition
to Lord Hervey, and not caring to repeat what had
been said by him, he did not speak (his abuse on
Sherlock excepted) so well as usual. The Duke
of Newcastle was quite silent ; and my Lord Chan
cellor, after expatiating a great while on what had
been advanced against the English law by Lord
Hervey, and against the Scotch law by Lord
Carteret, said that to be sure there was no body
of laws, nor no forms of law, to which some objec
tions might not be found ; but alterations in standing
laws, or in long usage, ought never to be made
without the most mature deliberation ; and there
fore declared he was very glad Lord Carteret had
concluded without any motion, as that would give
the Lords time to receive information from the
Scotch judges before it would be necessary to re
ceive or reject any proposal that should be made
for any change in the laws of that country. He
owned, too, that he had been of opinion that the
first interlocutor u in the trial of Porteous had borne
'x An interlocutor is a decision of the Court on some preliminary or collar
teral circumstance. In this case the interlocutor was something in the nature
of the finding of a grand jury, and was blamed — .first, for not stating the case

I737] DEBATE IN THE LORDS. 121
very hard upon him, thinking it had circumscribed
him within much narrower bounds in making his
defence than he found it did when he came to read
and consider the evidence Captain Porteous in con
sequence of that interlocutor had been allowed to
give. He therefore concluded with saying that,
though he still thought that interlocutor very in
accurately penned, yet he did not retain the opinion
he had at first conceived of the judges not having
left all the scope to Captain Porteous's evidence
that justice and equity required, or that the criminal
himself could desire. So this day's debate was
finished without anything being done, and even
without anything being proposed to be done.
When the questions relating to points of Scotch
law, and arising from circumstances contained in
the trial of Porteous, were to be put to the Scotch
judges, great disputes arose in the House about
the manner in which the judges should be admitted.
Some were for having the Scotch, like the English
judges, brought by the King's writ upon the wool
sack ; but my Lord Chancellor starting a difficulty
whether the Crown had a legal right to summon
them in this manner, that proposal was laid aside.
The only remaining dispute then, was, whether they
should be heard, in the common way of all other
examinations, at the bar, or have the distinction
shown them of being brought to the table — -a com
pliment that had been paid (as appeared on the
journals) in some few instances. There was a long
as fairly toward Porteous as the facts required, and, secondly, because it seemed
to restrict him as to the exculpatory evidence which he should be allowed to
offer ; and although he was eventually suffered to produce that evidence, the
interlocutor was certainly objectionable.

122 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
debate, and a division on this question, but it was
carried for the bar. However, Lord Isla and Lord
Hervey had the satisfaction of seeing the Queen's
lecture to the Duke of Newcastle had had so good
an effect that he did not dare to vote with the
majority, but was forced to sneak out with them in
the minority. So the Scotch judges were called to
the bar, and there interrogated.
The next day the Duke of Argyle moved the
House that, as the law of England was so very
doubtful in some points relating to the conduct of
the soldiery, the judges might be asked how far an
officer would be justified in using force when called
in aid of the civil power by the civil magistrate ;
how far the officer was safe in obeying that
authority ; or if he was safe in refusing to obey it ?
When the House consented to these questions, and
some more of the like nature, being put to the
English judges, the Bishop of Salisbury, who had
a mind to give the Scotch judges the trouble, and,
as he thought, the disgrace of being brought again
to the bar of the House of Lords,12 moved that
these questions might also be put to the Scotch
judges. Some other Lord (I have forgot whom)
moved that the Scotch judges might deliver their
opinion in writing. With this proposal Lord Isla
closed, saying it would not then be necessary for
them to appear, but to send their opinions to be
read by the clerks ; and Lord Hervey moved that,
as there were only three of the Scotch judges in
12 This gives an invidious turn to what seems a natural and necessary in
quiry. Could anything be more absurd than in this peculiarly Scotch case to
have consulted the English judges on the law of England, and not to have
asked the Scotch judges the law of Scotland ?

I737-] SHERLOCK'S MOTION. 123
England, they might not be debarred of the same
advantages the English judges had, of consulting
the rest of their brethren on such important as well
as doubtful points, but that they might have leave
to go down into Scotland again, in order to consult
their records as well as their brother judges, and
to give the House the best information that could
be had on these questions. The Bishop of Salis
bury, who saw Lord Hervey's drift, opposed this
motion, and said it would sound very odd for the
House of Lords to send for the Scotch judges up
from Scotland only to ask them questions relating
to the Scotch law, and then to send them back
again to Scotland to answer them. Lord Hervey
replied that there would be no inconsistency at all
in this conduct, because the words of the order of
the House by which the Scotch judges were sent
for were to inform the House with regard to the
trial of Porteous, which he supposed the Bishop
had forgot ; and as he concluded these judges,
before they came, had taken the opinions of the
other judges, and made themselves masters of the
points in that trial which they were called to
explain, and had, in consequence of these steps,
given the House thorough satisfaction, so on this
new point, for which they were not called, and for
which, to be sure, they were not prepared, he hoped
the same advantages would be allowed them by the
House, and doubted not but in that case the same
satisfaction would be given to the House. Lord
Hervey's proposal, for these reasons, was agreed to,
and the Scotch judges in two or three days after
set out on their return to Scotland, getting their

124 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
release and their quietus by this turn being given
to a motion made by one who wished only to give
them new trouble, and expose them to repeated
disgrace ; and for this service the three Scotch
judges came next morning to St. James's to return
Lord Hervey their thanks.
Lord Carteret came to Lord Hervey after the de
bate was over, and told him, "Well, my Lord, you
have outwitted the Bishop." Lord Hervey said he
had only convinced him. " You have convinced,"
replied Lord Carteret, " the Duke of Newcastle
too." Lord Hervey smiled, and said he believed
other people had convinced him. " You saw," said
Lord Carteret, " I found how it went, and made my
retreat Whilst Lord Chancellor and the Duke of
Newcastle went along with me, I thought I could
deal with you ; but when my Lord Chancellor came
to find fault with the style of the judges, instead of
their conduct, and to say the interlocutor was only
inaccurately penned, I found my Lord Isla and you
had got the better of him and the Duke of New
castle at St. James's ; and when I felt how matters
stood, I retired too." " But if this was your opinion,"
said Lord Hervey, " how came you not to let your
friend Sherlock into the secret ? Why did not you
tell him that half the pack, and those hounds on whom
you most depended, were drawn off and the game
escaped and safe, instead of leaving his Lordship
there to bark and yelp by himself, and make the
silly figure he has done ? " " Oh," said Lord Car
teret, " he talks like a parson ; and consequently is
so used to talk to people that don't mind him, that I
left him to find it out at his leisure, and shall have

1737] QUEEN'S PERPLEXITY. 125
him again for all this whenever I want him." Such
speeches require so little commenting upon, that I
never affront my readers so much as to add any
reflections or explanations to things which speak
their own sense so plainly that I could suggest no
thing which would not be anticipated by their own
imagination before I could mention them. After
this affair of the judges was over, the Queen told
Lord Hervey she should be glad to know the truth,
but believed she should never come at it, — whether
the Scotch judges had been really to blame or not in
the trial of Captain Porteous. " For between you and
the Bishop of Salisbury," said she, " who each of you
convince me by turns, I am as much in the dark as
if I knew nothing at all of the matter : he comes and
tells me they are all as black as devils ; you, that they
are as white as snow, and whoever speaks last I
believe. I am like that judge you talk of so often in
the play (Gripus,18 I think you call him), that, after
one side had spoke, begged t'other might hold their
tongue, for fear of puzzling what was clear to him.
I am Queen Gripus ; and, since the more I hear, the
more I am puzzled, I am resolved I will hear no more
about it ; but, let them be in the right or the wrong,
I own to you I am glad they are gone."
13 Gripus, in Dryden's play, puzzled between the two Amphitryons.

CHAPTER XXXII.
Sir J. Bernard's Proposition for the Reduction of the Interest of the
Funds to Three per Cent. — Opposition of Walpole and the King
and Queen — Their Motives — The Porteous Riot Bill — Mitigated
in the Commons — Zeal of the Duke of Argyle against it — Car
teret Retreats from the Scotch Question — Bill for Licensing Plays
and Players — Official Changes — The King and Lady Deloraine
— The Princess's Pregnancy Announced — Carteret Courts the
Queen — He, Chesterfield, and Bolingbroke Supposed to be
Writing Memoirs of their Own Time.
• HILST these Scotch affairs were going on
in the House of Lords, a scheme was pro
posed by Sir John Bernard (one of the
City members in the Opposition) to re
duce the interest of the National Debt [from four]
to three per cent. — a proposal evidently so bene
ficial to the national interest and that of the landed
men, that it was at first received in the House with
all the applause and satisfaction imaginable.
Sir Robert Walpole, for private and personal, and
perhaps ministerial reasons, tried to stop it, but could
not, and a bill was ordered to be brought in to put
the scheme in execution. Sir Robert had, I believe,
two reasons for endeavouring to defeat this project :
one, the envying Sir John Bernard the honour and
popularity of doing what seemed more naturally the
business of the First Commissioner of the Treasury,
and of him who was at the head of the management

I737-] THE NATIONAL DEBT. 127
of the revenue ; the other, the fear of disobliging the
moneyed men in the House of Commons by givino-
in to a scheme that was at once to lop off a fourth
part of their income. The first of these reasons, it is
easy to imagine, he would own to nobody, and the
last he could, only own in private. He told the King
and Queen that this scheme, if it took effect, would
have very bad consequences ; for, though it was not
proposed by him, yet, as everybody would imagine it
could not be carried through without his consent and
acquiescence, so it would certainly make many of the
moneyed men, who now served the Court for nothing,
turn against them. Sir Robert Walpole told them,
too, that though he confessed a saving of _£ 500,000
a year, unappropriated and ready for any exigence
or to spare the land for the current service, was a
very desirable thing for the Government, yet as that
^"500,000 must come out of many people's pockets,
so most of those who paid their quota to it would
look upon the Government as the occasion of their
being pinched to furnish it ; that this would so vastly
increase the dissatisfaction in the nation, that he did
not know what turn it might take or what conse
quences it might have ; and as things of this nature
should always be done gradually to be done safely,
so it could never be the interest of any Govern
ment to stand the shock of doing them wantonly at
a jerk, when the Government was not in immediate
want of the money, and when it was at best only for
public good, which nobody was ever thanked for, and
when it would be evidently to the detriment and loss
of so many particulars, of which (let who will be
to blame) the Government always incurred all the

128 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [.737.
clamour and the odium. These arguments and
suggestions were sufficient to make the King and
Queen zealous in desiring this project should be
defeated ; and as they were both of them extremely
free in publicly declaring themselves against it, most
people imagined their Majesties' reason for being so
warm was their having a great deal of money in the
funds, and their choosing the nation should rather
continue to pay four per cent, interest instead of
three for a debt of near fifty millions than that
they should receive three per cent, instead of four
for their private treasure.
The arguments used against this proposal — con^
sidering it only in a national light — were so weak
and so absurd that I am almost ashamed to mention
them ; but let anything ever so beneficial be pro
posed for the benefit of the public, if particulars
are to be prejudiced by such a proposal, those
particulars will always exclaim against it, yet never
confess it is on their own particular account
they do so, which might be excused, but pretend
it is for the sake of the public, which can never
be believed. Those, therefore, who knew their
income must be lessened a fourth part by this
reduction of the national interest, instead of giv
ing their true and natural reason against this pro
ject by saying they had rather the Government
should not retrench its expenses than that they
should be obliged to retrench theirs, went about
saying that this reduction was contrary to national
faith, and would ruin the national credit ; and
when it was answered that the public had, by con
tract with their creditors, a right to pay its debts

I737-] THE NATIONAL DEBT. 129
whenever it was able, it was answered the public
had a right to redeem, but not to reduce. To this
the espousers of the reducing scheme replied that
there was nothing obligatory in the reduction, and
all that was desired was to ask the creditors of the
public whether they would be contented to take
three per cent, for their principal, which nobody pre
tended the public had a right to force them to take ;
or whether they would have their principal paid
them, which everybody knew the public had a right
to force them to take whenever the public had it to
give. This appearance of an option, it was said by
those who argued against the project for reduction,
was unjust, because in reality it was no option ; the
public, in case the creditors chose to have their
principal, not having money in their hands to give
what was chosen. This proposal, therefore, of a
'seeming option, it was said, would only be a method
the Parliament would take to fright those public
creditors into consenting to a reduction whom the
Parliament could not compel to submit to one ; and,
as Sir Robert Walpole rather ingeniously than truly-
expressed it, would be like a hawk in the air, which,
though it did not destroy the birds, made them
lie quiet whilst the net was thrown over them, in
which, without that terror, they would never have
been taken. All these objections of injustice were
certainly fully answered by those who were for this
project asserting that the Parliament had indisput
ably not only a right, but were by duty bound, as
trustees for the public, not to pay four per cent, for
money they could have at three. It was said, too,
that if an option given to the creditors, whether
VOL. III. 1

130 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
they would have their principal money or con
tinue creditors at three per cent, was thought a
hardship on the creditors, or an iniquity when it
was meant as a favour, the giving that option
might be omitted ; and all that was contended for
was this plain, simple method — that subscription
books might be opened by authority of Parliament
at the Exchequer, and everybody at liberty to
subscribe what money they thought fit into those
books at three per cent. If the subscription did not
fill, the public would only be in the same situation
it was at present, the Parliament having done its
duty by trying to get money as cheap as it was to
be had ; and if it did fill, the Parliament, as fast as
that money at three per cent, was subscribed in,
might discharge the debts of the public that were
now standing out at four.
There being no possibility of combating in gene
ral the reasonableness of this proposal, the bill, as I
have said before, was ordered by a great majority
[220 to 157] to be brought in; but Sir Robert
Walpole, whilst the bill was drawing and preparing,
having time to go about to talk to people, to solicit,
to intimidate, to argue, to persuade, and perhaps to
bribe, so managed matters (by changing his battery
from finding fault with the proposal into attacking
the manner of executing it — by not saying one word
against the design of the bill, but exploding the
scheme of it — by passing over in silence the pro
priety of such a bill, yet showing or endeavouring to
show the impracticability of executing this project in
the way the several clauses of this bill tended to put
it in execution — by making use of all his oratory

T737-] WALPOLE'S OPPOSITION. 131
to persuade, and all his Exchequer knowledge to
puzzle) that this bill, after his talking for above two
hours in a debate that lasted many more, was most
unaccountably, on the second reading, thrown out
by very near as great a majority as it was ordered
to be brought in.
What were Sir Robert Walpole's real and private
reasons for acting this part on this occasion, I shall
not pretend to determine ; whether, as I have said
before, he grudged Sir John Bernard the reputation
of being the first mover of this public benefit, and
therefore resolved to defeat it ; whether he was
afraid of having it said, whilst he had the demerit
and the discredit of having never reduced the prin
cipal of the National Debt, that another had the
merit at least of reducing the interest ; whether
he had great sums of money himself in the funds,
and prevented the scheme for that reason taking
place ; or whether he apprehended, as he told the
King and Queen, that several moneyed men, who
had stood by them in the question relating to the
Prince's _£ 100, 000 without any reward, would leave
-the Court in that and all other questions if not in^
dulged in the defeat of this scheme, — I say, which
of these reasons, or what other reasons, or whether
all these and other reasons joined, influenced Sir
Robert on this occasion, I know not ; but some
strong reasons he undoubtedly must have to act
-contrary to the opinion and advice of most of his
friends1 to labour such an up-hill game in Parlia-
1 Mr. Walpole tells us that he and Henry Pelham voted in the majority
against Sir Robert and Sir William Yonge — " persons," he adds, " who
¦never had separated before." — Coxe's Lord Walpole, i. 369.

132 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
men't, and to forego such an opportunity of saving
near .£500,000 a year of. the interest now paid for
the National Debt, and having that sum ready on
any exigence to be employed for the service of the
Government, without laying any new tax upon the
people. Yet this would have been the case ; for if
two millions are now paid for the National Debt
at four per cent, and that interest was reduced to
three, it is plain, supposing the whole debt now to
be at four per cent., the saving on that reduction
would be £"500,000 a year to the public ; so that
what the saving would be less than that sum would
be in proportion only to those parts of the debt that
are already at three per cent.
Mr. Pulteney acted a very mean part on this occa
sion. First pretending to be for the reduction of
interest, then saying he was only for it on a sup
position that a reduction of taxes was to be the
immediate consequence of it, and, in short, talking
and acting in such a manner as let all the world see,
that after bellowing for the public and professing
patriotism for so many years together, he was gov
erned by his private interest (a great part of his
estate being in the funds) as much as any of those
poor pensioned commoners whom he had so often in
his philippics abused, and called the corrupt tools of
a: Minister or the hireling slaves to a Court. To
his wife's importunity it was thought his conduct
on this occasion was in a great measure owing, she
having a good deal of money of her own separate
fortune in the stocks, and being of a sordid avarice
that for a hundred pounds would have sold her own

1737] QUEEN'S DISPLEASURE. 133
person or her husband's character to anybody that
would bid for it.
The Pelhams and Horace Walpole tried all they
could to bring Sir Robert into this reducing scheme,
but to no purpose. Harry Pelham had voted for
the bringing in the bill, and was absent the great
day of the debate when it was to be thrown out.
Harry Pelham the Queen never loved ; and this
conduct of the Duke of Newcastle on the three per.
cent, scheme, in opposition to her inclinations, com-.
ing so quick upon his disapproved behaviour in the
Scotch business, put him at present so ill with her
Majesty, that she abused him in private as freely as
most other people had long done in public ; and of
course his interest at Court, to put his decay in the
strongest light, was now little superior to his repu
tation out of Court. Lord Hervey at first was as
zealous as anybody for this scheme taking effect,
but, when he found how determined the Queen and
Sir Robert were to obstruct and defeat it, he took a
very short turn, and told them both, whatever his
opinion had been in the gross question, since they
had reasons that induced them to think it would be
prejudicial to the interest of the Court and the Ad
ministration to have it succeed, as he wished to do
them service, and concluded they knew best what
was most for their service, he should talk on the
subject and influence the people he had any interest
in just as they would have him ; his Lordship deter
mining not to do as the Bishop of Salisbury had
done in several points mentioned in these papers,
which was to share an odium at Court incurred
by those whose interest he wished weakened, and

134 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
at the same time tread in the very steps by which
he hoped they would weaken it.
Horace Walpole, though his brother made him
vote against2 the three per cent, did it with so ill a
grace and talked against his own conduct so strongly
and so frequently to the Queen, that her Majesty
had him at present in little more esteem or favour
than the Duke of Newcastle. She told him, because
he had some practice in treaties and was employed
in foreign affairs, that he began to think he under
stood everything better than anybody else ; and
that it was really quite new his setting himself up
to understand the revenue, money-matters, and the
House of Commons better than his brother. "What
are you," said the Queen, " without your brother ?
Or what are you all but a rope of sand that would
crumble away in little grains one after another, if it
was not for him ? " And whenever Horace had
been with her speaking ort these subjects, besides.
telling Lord Hervey, whenever he came to her,
how like an opinionative fool Horace had talked
upon them, she used to complain of his silly laugh
hurting her ears, and his dirty sweaty body offend
ing her nose, as if she had never had the two senses.
of hearing and smelling in all her acquaintance with
poor Horace till he had talked for three per cent.
Sometimes she used to cough and pretend to reach
as if she was ready to vomit with talking of his dirt;.
and would often bid Lord Hervey open the window
to purify the room of the stink Horace had left
3 Mr. Walpole, as we have just seen, voted for the three per cent, against
his brother in the first division— perhaps he voted against the second reading
of the bill when it was lost — not (as Lord Hervey says) " by almost as great a
majority" as had been for it, but by a much greater — 249 to 134.

1737-] DUKE OF NEWCASTLE. 135
behind him, and call the pages to burn sweets to
get it out of the hangings. She told Lord Hervey,
too, she believed Horace had a hand in the Crafts
man, for that once, warmed in disputing on this
three per cent, affair, he had more than hinted to
her that he guessed her reason for being so zealous
against this scheme was her having money herself
in the stocks.
Nor was the Duke of Newcastle on this occasion
much better treated by her Majesty than Horace.
She said his Grace was such a mixture of fiddle-
faddle and popularity that there was no making
anything of him ; for that he had sometimes so
many scruples whether he should do the King's
business or not, and at other times was so desirous
to undertake more than he could do, that, between
his objections to some things and his incapacity in
others, he never did any.
The Scotch affairs, and his declaring himself un
necessarily (for it did not come into the House of
Lords) so much against the opposition Sir Robert
Walpole made to the three per cent, scheme, to
gether with the stories which Lord Isla and Lord
Hervey were perpetually telling Sir Robert of the
assiduous court he paid to Lord Carteret and the
Bishop of Salisbury, made Sir Robert Walpole more
uneasy with his Grace at present than he had ever
been before ; and an incident happened at this time
that would certainly have completed his Grace's ruin
at Court had it not been for that politic disposition
in Sir Robert Walpole (falsely called forbearance)
which always inclined him to go on with cracked
leagues and alliances, and try to make them hold by

136 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
patching and cementing, rather than risk the shock
of breaking them quite and the hazard of forming
new ones. The incident I mean was this. One
night that the Duke of Newcastle came half-drunk
from a Westminster School feast, where he and
Lord Carteret (being both Westminster scholars)
had dined together, he went directly to Sir Robert
Walpole's, and made a tender in form of Lord
Carteret's service, offering at the same time to be
surety for his good behaviour; which Sir Robert'
Walpole took with a high hand, and told his Grace
(Mr. Pelham and Horace Walpole only being pre
sent), " I am glad, my Lord, you have given me this
opportunity once for all to let you know my deter
mined sentiments on this matter, and without further
expostulation on what you would have me do which
I will not do, or what I would hinder you doing and
cannot, — that your Grace must take your choice
between me and him ; and if you are angry at my
saying this, I care not. I have said it to your
betters, and I'll stick to it." When Sir Robert
Walpole told this to Lord Hervey, he said at the
same time, that the Duke of Newcastle's interest
was at so low an ebb at Court, that to expel the
House of Pelham from St. James's, if he went
about it, would not cost him twenty-four hours'
work. But he added, too, that he was too old to
form new schemes and new plans of government,
and therefore must rub on with this as long as it
would go, and when it would last no longer he must
throw up his cards. He said all this, too, to Lord
Isla, who told it to Lord Hervey, not knowing
Lord Hervey had had it from Sir Robert himself.

1737] PORTEOUS RIOT BILL. 137
When the Scotch bill went down to the House of
Commons, all the Scotch members being against it
on a national consideration, and 'all the Tories from
their general principle of opposing all bills of pains
and penalties, it was impossible for the Court to pass
the bill in the form it was sent down ; and as the
Court was earnestly solicitous that the Parliament,
after this long inquiry, should not let so atrocious a
crime and so impudent an insult to the Government
pass without any mark of censure, or even a show
of punishment, so Sir Robert Walpole was forced to
labour very hard to prevent the bill from being
entirely flung out. After many days spent in long
debates on several points in the bill, many more
passed in hearing counsel and evidence for and
against the personal and town parts of it, many divi
sions — and most of them very near ones — and several
very warm contests, a bill (for it would be very im
proper to call it the bill, considering the changes made
therein) passed the House of Commons, consisting
only of these two articles : the one to disable Mr.
Alexander Wilson, late Provost of Edinburgh, from
ever holding for the future any office of profit or
trust in Great Britain or Ireland, or any of his Ma
jesty's dominions ; and the other to fine the town of
Edinburgh two thousand pounds, and give it to the
widow of Captain Porteous. This last article was
originally intended to be in the bill, but, being a
money matter, was left to be added in the House of
-Commons, that no offence might be given to endan
ger the bill on account of those pecuniary privileges,
of which the Commons were so jealous and on all
occasions so immovably tenacious.

138 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
The Duke of Newcastle and my Lord Chancellor
were very angry to see the child which the one had
begot, and both of them had nursed with so much-
care and tenderness in the House of Lords, so muti
lated and defaced in the House of Commons ; and
the generality of mankind, who looked on these great
transactions in cold blood, were not a little jocose on
the two Houses of Parliament having been employed'
five months in declaring a man should never again
be a magistrate who had never desired to be one,
and in raising two thousand pounds on the city of
Edinburgh to give the cook-maid widow of Captain
Porteous, and make her, with most unconjugal joy,
bless the hour in which her husband was hanged.
Mr. Pulteney's conduct in all these Scotch affairs.
was as little to be approved as in the three per cent.
business, and less to be accounted for, since the
reason why he who proposed one day to govern this
country should have taken this opportunity to ingra
tiate himself with the Scotch is very evident ; and'
why he should have acted the absent neutral part he
did, in never attending any one of the debates on
this subject, I believe nobody would be able to assign
any satisfactory cause.3 Forty-five members in one
House, and sixteen in another, make too consider
able a body of men to be neglected, especially con
sidering how united they generally move ; and the
opportunities of joining them in opposition to a court
3 This observation might, I think, have been turned the other way; for if
Mr. Pulteney and the Prince (whom Lord Hervey in the next paragraph
brings under the same censure) thought of having " one day to govern the
country," they might naturally dislike the precedent of such a scandalous
transaction escaping with so inadequate a punishment, though, on the other
hand, they were reluctant to support their personal and political enemy the.-
Minister.

1737.] OPPOSITION OF ARGYLE. 139
are so few, that Mr. Pulteney's slipping this was, in
my opinion, as great a solecism in politics as any
man could be guilty of.
The Prince made the same blunder ; for had his
Royal Highness, instead of lying quiet, and not in
teresting himself one way or other in this question,
united his little band and fought under the Scotch
banner in this contest, it is not impossible but that
some of the Scotch members — as rarely as grati
tude influences Scotch conduct — might, when his
;£ 100,000 came to be again under parliamentary
consideration, not only have remembered, but endea
voured to repay, this obligation.
When the bill, with all these alterations, came
back to the House of Lords, the Duke of Argyle
opposed its passing, even thus blunted, as strongly
as he had done before its edge was so effectually
taken off; and took this opportunity to evacuate his
long-silent and treasured spleen against the Duke of
Newcastle in so barefaced and provoking a manner,
that most people condemned the one for offering this
affront, and everybody the other for not resenting it.
He began with turning the bill, as it now stood, into
ridicule ; and then, directing his eyes* and his words
4 This seems to imply that Lord Hervey was present at the scene, but it is
certain that either on the reality 6r pretence of his father's illness (see post, p. 147),
he was at Ickworth about the middle of June, when the bill came back from
the Commons ; and Lord Bristol afterwards wrote to Lord Hervey — " It has
been told me with strong assurance that you have been severely frowned on at
Court for pretending you were sent for by an express from hence, that I might
see you before I died ; whereas, it seems, it has been found out that you had
only a mind by your absence at that juncture to avoid being concerned in the
Scotch affair." The generous old Earl goes on to say, that if the King's dis
pleasure should make Lord Hervey wish to leave his servile, disparaging con
nection with those selfish, ungrateful people, which he always detested, " you
shall always be sure to find not only my house and arms open to receive you

140 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
to the Duke of Newcastle, said " it would be a very
dangerous precedent to punish everybody in office
for not acting as if they had sense ; of the two, it
would be more reasonable to punish those who put
them there ; but he was not for punishing either; for
everybody knew that there might be very good
reasons for giving people employments in the state
besides their having sense : they might have great
titles, great estates, great property, great zeal to serve
whoever was in power : nay, some — I won't say all,"
— continued his Grace, " may, with very little sense,
have great integrity and good characters ; and such
men it may be very proper for a Government to
employ in offices where sense is not much wanted ;
and for the men of rank, titles, and estates — they,
too, may often be put very properly into places that
require some talents, though their own may be very
unfit for such places ; because we all know there are
people of very mean parts who will condescend to
bear the name of offices while others do the business,6
and let the Government have all the advantage of
their estates without exposing the Government to
the disadvantages of being modelled by their under
standings. But if such men were to see that they
were to be responsible, like this poor provost, for
not acting with all the circumspection of able men,
when everybody knows they might as well. pretend
to infallibility as ability, I think it would prevent
many people from entering into the service of the
Government whom it is very right from their property
and yours with the utmost joy and tenderness, but my purse too, to enable you
to live quite as well as you do, let the difference be what it will."
6 Perhaps an allusion to the suspicion mentioned, see vol. ii. p. 328, n. 23.

1737.] ARGYLE AND NEWCASTLE. 141
to attach to the interest of the Government : and I
think besides it would be as great an injustice for
the House of Lords to punish a man for being a
fool as for having the gout ; they are both infirmities,
not faults ; they are the misfortunes, not the trans
gressions, of those who are infected with them, and
make them much more proper objects of compassion
than of resentment."
His Grace of Argyle enlarged much on these
topics, and stared the Duke of Newcastle in the face
every time he said anything he designed should be
applied to him, and particularly the name of fool, —
the Duke of Newcastle all the while appearing under
the utmost uneasiness, not knowing what to do, what
to say, which way to look, and, doubling the rapidity
of all those graceful motions and attitudes which,
even when he was not out of countenance, used to
take their turn in his figure, whilst he picked his
nose, his ears, &c. When the Duke of Argyle had
finished, the Duke of Newcastle, thinking himself
obliged to say something, got up, and articulated so
incoherently and so unintelligibly for half an hour
together, that this strange harangue seemed a cari
cature even of his own usual strange performances,
and looked (as Shakespeare makes Caesar say of
Cassius's smiles) as if he mocked himself. Most
people blamed the Duke of Argyle for so squab an
attack; and those who had a mind to blame him
most called it quite unprovoked. Provocation that
day, nor any day in public, the Duke of Argyle had
certainly received none; but he told Lord Hervey
that to his certain knowledge the Duke of Newcastle
had often, in repeating what had been said in debates,

142 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
misreported things that had fallen from him, not only
to the King and Queen, but to Sir Robert Walpole,
which he had known again by his brother Lord
Isla; "and, my Lord," continued he, "it was my
brother, as little as he thinks him his friend, and as
little as he deserves he should be so, who prevented
me once this winter from breaking this stick which
you see in my hand over his Grace's head."
The Scotch bill, however, passed just in the shape
it came up new-modelled from the House of Com
mons ; and thus ended this long examination into
the murder of Porteous, which had made so great a
noise in the two Houses of Parliament and the two
kingdoms, of whose blood thousands were guilty,
though not one drop was shed to atone for it I
think I cannot, therefore, conclude this narrative
better than with the words of Lucan — " Quicquid
multis peccatur, inultum est"6 At the end of the
session a bill was passed to settle a jointure of
^50,000 a year on the Princess ; and another bill
which was hurried almost as fast through both
Houses, to put all players whatever under the direc
tion of the Lord Chamberlain, and to prevent even
his having a power to license any company of actors
in any part of the kingdom but in the city of West
minster, or where the King should reside.
The present great licentiousness of the stage did
certainly call for some restraint and regulation ; and
besides the general liberty that was taken at this
time with religion as well as Government in the
theatrical representations, Sir Robert Walpole had
got into his hands two plays in manuscript, which
8 " All go free where multitudes offend." — Howe, Phars. v. 260.

1737] LORD CHESTERFIELD. 143
were the most barefaced and scurrilous abuse on the
persons and characters of the King and Queen and
the whole Court, and made these insults on their
Majesties a plea for having recourse to Parliament
to put a stop to their being acted, saying he had
tried all other methods, and found every other would
be ineffectual to prevent these pieces coming on the
stage. In the House of Commons little opposition was
made to this bill by anybody of note but Mr. Pulteney,
nor in the House of Lords but by Lord Chesterfield,
who made one of the most lively and ingenious
speeches against it I ever heard in Parliament, full
of wit, of the genteelest satire, and in the most
polished, classical style that the Petronius of any
time ever wrote : 7 it was extremely studied, seem
ingly easy, well delivered, and universally admired-
On such occasions nobody spoke better than Lord
Chesterfield ; but as he never could, or at least never
did, speak but prepared, and from dissertations he
had written down in his closet and got by heart, he
never made any figure in a reply, nor was his manner
of speaking like debating, but declaiming.
Lord Carteret, through his emissaries to the
Queen's ear, pleaded great merit at Court from his
7 This speech as we have it seems hardly entitled to the high praise which
its delivery extorted from Lord Hervey. The only passage that can be selected
as -wit must, indeed, have told well : — " This bill is not only an encroachment
on liberty, but it is likewise an encroachment on property : wit, my Lords, is a
sort of property — the property of those who have it, and too often the only
•property they have to depend on. It is indeed but a precarious dependence.
We, my Lords, thank God, have a dependence of another kind." — Works, ii. 336.
Maty says (i. 155) that the 7-eport was not corrected by Lord Chesterfield, and
afterwards (ii. 320) that it was ; but no report can ever preserve the ligliter
and more brilliant graces of an oration. The arguments, however, are but
weak, and experience has proved their futility.

144 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
having said nothing against this bill, which he knew
was a favourite point at St. James's ; and desired
those who had the care of his cause on this occasion
not to forget to put her Majesty in mind of the same
tacit compliment he had paid the Court this year in
the question on the army. The mentioning this last
circumstance puts me in mind of a thing Lord Ayles-
ford,8 an old Tory Lord in the Opposition, said to
Lord Carteret on that occasion in my hearing after
the division was over : — " By  , Carteret, I know
not what you mean by this ; but whatever you mean,
I believe after this you will not find it very easy to get
any party or any set of men to trust you again. I
am sure I will not ; and where you will find fools
that will, I don't know!' Lord Carteret only smiled,
and said he was ready to fight if anybody would
have begun the battle ; but he would not always be
thrust forward like the forlorn-hope on every attack.
To this my Lord Aylesford replied, " Why, did not
Bat hurst begin and -make a motion for 1 2,000 men
only f No, that excuse won't do. By  , Carteret,
we all know you ;" and then walked off; after which
Lord Carteret turned to us who were sitting by him,
and said, with a cheerful unconcern, not at all affected
or put on, but quite natural — " Poor Aylesford is
really angry!'
At the end of this session \_21st June] the King
in his speech thanked both Houses of Parliament
for their conduct in his son's affair, without naming
it directly, but in a manner nobody could mistake,
any more than the hint he gave them, at the end of
8 Heneage Finch, second Earl. He, while Lord Guernsey, had had office
under Queen Anne's last Ministry.

1737] SIR GEORGE OXEN DEN. 145
his speech, of his hoping such an extraordinary
question would never be moved again : but notwith
standing this hint, nobody had the least doubt of its
being one of the first questions that would be moved
in the next session. Sir George Oxenden,9 a Lord
of the Treasury, having voted for the Prince on
this question, was turned out just before the Parlia
ment rose, and Mr. Earle put in his place.10 This
Earle was originally a dependent on the Duke of
Argyle, a man of no great abilities, of a sordid,
avaricious temper, a very bad character, and as pro
fligate in his discourse as his conduct ; professing
himself always ready, without examining what it
was, to do anything a Minister bid him ; by which
means he had worked himself so well into Sir
Robert's good graces, that merely by his own per
sonal interest there (which even his attachment at
the same time to the Duke of Argyle could not out
weigh), he got himself preferred to this high post,
the whole world exclaiming against such a prostitu
tion of the office. Lord Hervey solicited it for the
eldest Mr. Fox, but Sir Robert Walpole, having a
mind to take Earle, instead of the immediate gift of
this employment, gave Lord Hervey an absolute
promise of a peerage for Mr. Fox (though undated)

" Fifth Baronet, born in 1694. It was he who moved the impeachment of
Lord Chancellor Macclesfield in 1725.
10 Giles Earle, M.P. for Marlborough, an early friend of the Duke of
Argyle. He afterwards attached himself to Walpole, and was Chairman of
the Committees of the House of Commons from 1727 to Walpole's overthrow
in 1741, of which Earle's ejection from that office was the first mortal
symptom. He was a man of a coarse, broad wit. Sir C. H. Williams has
preserved a lively image of his style and sentiments, which fully confirms Lord
Hervey's character of him. — Works, i. 30. See also Suffolk Correspondence,
i. 10. VOL. III. K

146 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
whenever he should make any new peers. A peer
age being what Lord Hervey had always most
desired for Mr. Fox, he entered readily into this
composition ; but said, as he had asked nothing for
himself, and had only the two Mr. Foxes and his
own brother under his protection, he should think it
very hard if nothing this year was done for any of
them ; and intimated, though he should always serve
Sir Robert to the best of his power himself, that he
could not answer for their doing so ; and owned he
could not be so little a friend to them as to advise
or desire men of their age to make themselves
reversionally desperate with the Prince without any
acquisition or reward in present. Lord Hervey
pushed this expostulation in several conferences
with Sir Robert so far that Sir Robert took it ill of
him ; but did that from being displeased with Lord
Hervey, which, to show how little the favours and
friendships of Ministers sometimes correspond, I
believe he would not have done had he been
better satisfied with him ; for Sir Robert gave the
youngest Mr. Fox the employment of Surveyor of
the King's Works [17/^ June], which was an office
not only very creditable, but worth above eleven
hundred pounds a year ; to the eldest brother he
confirmed the peerage promise he had made be
fore through Lord Hervey; and to Mr. Hervey11
he gave a sum of money in present, and a promise
to provide for him the first vacancy. When Lord
11 No doubt his brother, the too celebrated Tom Hervey, who succeeded
him in the representation of Bury, and who soon became so remarkable for
the elegance of his manners, the brilliancy of his parts, and, to call them by
the gentlest name, the eccentricities of his conduct. See notes to Croker's
Boswett, pp. 183, 684.

1737] SIR GEORGE OX EN DEN. 147
Hervey, who was now in Suffolk (where he had
been sent for on his father's being ill), wrote to the
Bishop of Norwich to complain in his name to Sir
Robert Walpole that nothing more was done for his
brother, Sir Robert told the Bishop he could not
help it ; that there was but this one employment he
had to give ; that if Lord Hervey had been in town
he would have given him his choice between Mr.
Fox and his brother ; but the time pressing for
making out the writ for a new election had made
him choose as he thought Lord Hervey would
approve, as Mr. Hervey would take money in the
meantime till another employment fell, and the other
would not.
Sir George Oxenden nobody was sorry for, for
he was a very vicious, ungrateful, good-for-nothing
fellow. There was a great similitude between the
character of this man and that of Clodius : 12 he
passed his whole life, like Clodius, in all manner of
debauchery and with low company ; he had had two
children by the wife of his most intimate friend,
Mr. Thompson,13 from whom, upon Sir George
Oxenden's account, she was separated, and died in
12 Lord Hervey had here made a comparison of some circumstances of Sir
George Oxenden's life and character with those of Clodius as described by
Velleius Paterculus (ii. 45), which are so obviously and indecently over
strained — and, indeed, in the main points untrue — that I have thought myself
justified in omitting them.
13 Edward Thompson, M.P. for York, married in 1725 Arabella Dunch,
daughter and co-heiress of Edmund Dunch, Esq., M. P., Master of the House
hold to George I. \ Lady Mary Wortley wrote prophetically of this match,
" Ned. Thompson is as happy as the money and charms of Belle Dunch
can make him, and a miserable dog for all that " ( Works, ii. 169) ; and she also
lamented the lady's misfortune in " An Epitaph on Mrs. Thompson " (lb. iti.
403), which this statement explains, but it gives no hint that her frailty had
been marked by any peculiar scandal, which the words that I have suppressed
impute to the parties.

148 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
childbed. Besides this, as Clodius had debauched
the wife of his friend Caesar, Sir George Oxenden
had done the same favour to the wife14 of the eldest
son of his friend, benefactor, and patron, Sir Robert
Walpole, for Sir Robert had always been partial
to Sir George Oxenden, taken him from his first
entrance into the world under his protection, and,
by his favour, early and undeservedly raised him
into this office in the Treasury. This intrigue
with Lady Walpole, and her having but one son,
which the world gave to Sir George Oxenden, is
alluded to in these two lines, in a copy of verses
written by Lady Mary Wortley,15 wherein she sup
poses Sir Robert Walpole speaking of Sir George
Oxenden : —
" Triumph enough for that enchanting face,
That my damnation must enrich his race."
But supposing it were so, I do not imagine, since
this boy would, as well as any other, transmit the
name of Walpole to posterity, with the title Sir
Robert had got for his son, that Sir Robert cared
very much who had begot him ; and I have the
more reason for being of this opinion, as Sir Robert
Walpole more than once, in speaking of this child
to me, has, with all the sangfroid imaginable, called
him that boy, got by nobody knows who, as if he had
been speaking of a foundling.16 But had Sir Robert'
14 Margaret Rolle, a great heiress, married very young, whose adven
tures and misconduct, probably attributable to insanity, make so great a
figure in the correspondence of her brother-in-law, Horace Walpole the
younger. 15 I cannot find these lines in any of Lady Mary's published pieces.
16 All this corroborates the anecdotes told in Lady Louisa Stuart's Intro
duction to the last edition of Lady Mary Wortley's Works of the strange
laxity of Sir Robert Walpole's ideas on all such matters.

1737] LORD WESTMORELAND. 149
Walpole been more solicitous about the father of this
boy, he would not have been without comfort ; for
though the public, from the little propensity it has to
err, had always rather give a child to any father than
the man whose name it bears, and did pretty currently
impute this to Sir George Oxenden, yet, from the
extreme aversion my Lady Walpole showed to this
poor little animal from the very hour of its birth, all
judicious, candid, and unprejudiced commentators
sagaciously and naturally concluded that she, at
least, who must be the ablest judge, entertained no
doubt of its being her husband's. Sir George Oxen
den was a pretty figure, and, notwithstanding his
profligate conduct and character, was modest in his
public behaviour ; but, though not wanting parts, was
much inferior in this article to his likeness, Clodius.
Lord Westmoreland was likewise at this time
turned out of being captain of the fourth troop of
Horse Guards for having voted for the Prince. The
Duke of Montague was put in his place ; and his
Grace having formerly sold his troop to Lord Pem
broke, and Lord Westmoreland having originally
bought into the army, this change gave the old
Duchess of Marlborough occasion to say, not amiss,
that the Court had taken away a troop of Horse
Guards from Lord Westmoreland, who never had
anything in the army but what he had bought, to
give it to the Duke of Montague, who never had
had anything but what he had sold. Lord Archi
bald Hamilton was the only one who had not voted
for the King in the Prince's question who was not
turned out : he had only been absent ; but for this
sin of omission had certainly been put out of the

150 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Admiralty, had Sir Robert Walpole's good-nature
or policy, I know not which, or both together, not
saved him ; for the King was set upon doing it, and
the Queen not averse.
As soon as the Parliament was up the Court re
moved to Richmond ; and though it was rumoured
among people in the town, and suspected by some
in the palace, that the King would go to Hanover
this year, yet it was by those only who knew nothing
of the present carte dupays; for Madame Walmoden
seemed to those who knew the King best to be quite
forgot. Nobody had named her these six months ;
not the King himself had this great while mentioned
her to the Queen ; and he seemed so thoroughly
easy, that those who observed his Majesty most
narrowly imagined he thought as little as he spoke
of her : the child she had had by him (as he thought
at least) was dead ;17 and the most incredulous now
began to cease doubting of his Majesty's taste for
Lady Deloraine18 — not merely from her taking Lady
Suffolk's place in the evening, in the country, next
the King at the commerce-table among the maids of
honour, but her walking ti?te-d-t£te with him often
at Richmond, and her own manner of talking at this
time, at last convinced everybody of what she had
long taken infinite pains to prevent their being de
ceived in. She told Lady Sundon, with whom she
" If this was so, it must have been to a subsequent son that Horace Wal
pole's anecdote (vol. ii. p. 273) relates, though he would hardly be old
enough to be called a lad, for even the elder would have been under eleven
when Lord Chesterfield is said to have mistaken Sir W. Russell for him.
18 See vol. ii. p. 209, n. 6. A marginal note of Lord Hervey's states that
the King had at an earlier period boasted of his success, but that his Lord
ship doubted his Majesty's veracity on this point ; those doubts, it seems, had
now vanished.

I737-] LAD Y DEL ORAINE. 1 5 1
was very little acquainted, that the King had been
very importunate these two years ; and had often
told her how unkind she was to refuse him : that it
was mere crossness, for that he was sure her hus
band (Mr. Windham, who was sub-governor to the
Duke) would not take it at all ill. Lady Sundon
was so extremely surprised at this very communica
tive conversation of Lady Deloraine's, that she knew
not what answer to make to her ; and told me she
muttered something, but could not really remember
what. Lady Deloraine, speaking one day at Rich
mond to Lord Hervey of the King, in a room full
of company, said to him, in the midst of her conver
sation (in a very abrupt whisper), " Do you know
the King has been in love with me these two
years ? " To which Lord Hervey, a little embar
rassed, for fear of shocking her vanity by seeming to
doubt it, or drawing on further marks of her con
fidence by giving seriously in to this, only answered
with a smile, " Who is not in love with you ? " Sir
Robert Walpole one day, whilst she was standing in
the hall at Richmond with her little son, of about a
year old, in her arms, said to her, " That's a very
pretty boy, Lady Deloraine ; whose is it ? " To
which her Ladyship, before half-a-dozen people,
without taking the question at all ill, replied, " Mr.
Windham, upon honour;'' and then added, laughing,
" But I will not promise whose the next shall be."
However, in private, when she spoke seriously to
Sir Robert Walpole, she pretended not to have yet
yielded ; and said " she was not of an age to act
like a vain or a loving fool, but if she did consent,
that she would be well paid ; " adding, too, that

152 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
" nothing but interest should bribe her; for as to love,
she had enough of that, as well as a younger man,
at home ; and that she thought old men and kings
ought always to be made to pay well ; " which, con
sidering whom she spoke to,19 as well as whom she
spoke of, made this speech doubly well judged. To
many people, from whom it used to come round in
a whisper to half the inhabitants of the palace, she
used to brag of this royal conquest, and say she
thought England in general had great obligations to
her, and particularly the Administration ; for that it
was owing to her, and her only, that the King had
not gone abroad. Everybody knew, she said, that
Sir Robert Walpole and the Queen had done all
they could to hinder his journey to Hanover the
year before to no purpose ; and they would have
attempted it again to no purpose this year, had it
not been for the King's attachment to her. In short,
her daily and hourly conversation was all in the
same strain ; for which reason, I think it would be
great tautology in me to add to this account that
her Ladyship was one of the vainest as well as one
of the simplest women that ever lived ; but to this
wretched head there was certainly joined one of the
prettiest faces that ever was formed, which, though
she was now five-and-thirty, had a bloom upon it, too,
that not one woman in ten thousand has at fifteen ;
and what is more extraordinary * * * 20
Whilst the King and Queen were at Richmond,
the Prince and Princess were at Kew ; and having,
soon after they came, declared Mrs. Townshend
19 Allusion to Sir Robert's affair with Miss Skerrett.
20 Here there is a chasm apparently of a page or two.

1737] MRS. TOWNSHEND. 153
(to whom the King had twice refused his consent)
woman of the bedchamber to the Princess, they
sent her with Lady Effingham, the lady in waiting
on the Princess, to Richmond to be presented to
the King and Queen. The King was so angry at
this, which he thought done, as to be sure it was,
on purpose to shock him, that hearing Mrs. Town-
shend was in the drawing-room, and on what errand,
he sent Lord Harcourt, his lord in waiting, to let
her know he would not allow her to be presented ;
upon which, without saying one word, Lady Effing
ham and she went out of the room and returned
to Kew to give an account of their expedition : but,
nptwithstanding this new bustle, the Prince and
Princess, without taking the least notice of what
had happened, put Mrs. Townshend into waiting,
and continued themselves to come to the Lodge
every Sunday and Thursday to make a visit for
five minutes before dinner to the King and Queen,
who both of them always spoke to the Princess,
but neither of them one word to the Prince, though
the Queen was only mute, whilst the King was
absolutely blind too, not seeming even to know he
was in the room.
There had been various opinions for many months
past on the Princess's being with child ; but whilst
the Court was at Richmond, a few days before Sir
Robert Walpole went his usual summer journey into
Norfolk, the Prince wrote the following letter to the
Queen, and sent it by my Lord North, his lord of
the bedchamber then in waiting : —

154 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
" De Kew, ce 5 de Juillet.
" Madame,
" Le Dr. Hollings et Mrs. Cannons 21 viennent de me
dire qu'il n'y a plus a douter de la grossesse de la Princesse,
d'abord que j'ai eu leur autorite', je n'ai pas voulu manquer d'en
faire part a votre Majeste', et de la supplier d'en informer le Roi
en m§me terns. Je suis, avec tout le respect possible, ,
" Madame, " De votre Majeste
" Le tres-humble et tres-obelssant fils et serviteur, " Frederick."
The next time the Princess came to Court after
the Queen had received this letter, her Majesty,
after making her Royal Highness rather the proper
compliments than her sincere felicitations on this
occasion, asked the Princess when she was to lie-
in ? To which her Royal Highness answered, "I
don't know." The Queen then asked if she was
quick, and was again answered, "/ don't know."
" Is it, then, the beginning of your being with
child ? " said the Queen ; but the variation in the
question produced none in the answer, which was
still " / don't know." From which the Queen con
cluding the Princess had received from conjugal
authority absolute commands to make no other
reply than " / don't know," whatever should be
asked, her Majesty gave over her interrogatories,
and began to talk of something else.
About this time Lord Scarborough was seized
with an illness in his head, which everybody thought
was madness, and everybody, consequently, who
said what they thought, called by that name ; 22 but
21 A midwife. — Lord Hervey.
22 There can be little doubt that it was so. See vol. i. p. 294, n. 13.

1737-1 LORD SCARBOROUGH. 155
as many people had a real regard for Lord Scar
borough, and many more thought it a good air to
affect it, they took advantage of an overturn in a
coach which he had had some days before this dis
order grew strong enough to confine him, and im
puted all these symptoms, which had been upon
him in a less degree for many months before, to
this accident. The Queen, who never loved Lord
Scarborough for the merits he had, and yet believed
he had one which he had not (which was a personal
attachment to the King), affected being extremely
concerned for him, and sent, for a fortnight together,
once or twice a day to London to inquire after his
health. Both she and the King were equally lavish
on this occasion in their encomiums on Lord Scar
borough's worth and value, but not equally sincere
in them. When they used to talk in their private
hours to Lord Hervey of the affection he had per
sonally for the King, Lord Hervey (from a rule he
had laid down of never, unprovoked, doing any
body any ill offices, where ill offices were of so
much consequence) always gave in to it ; though,
the very day before Lord Scarborough was con
fined, Lord Hervey had gone with him tete-a-tete
from Richmond to London, and their whole dis
course was how unamiable the King was, and how
he contrived (notwithstanding he had some good
qualities, which everybody must esteem) to make
it absolutely impossible for anybody to love him :
for example, they both agreed that the King cer
tainly had personal courage, that he was secret, and
that he would not lie — though I remember, when
I once said the last of these things to Sir Robert

156 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
Walpole, he said, " Not often ; " but Lord Hervey
and Lord Scarborough both agreed, too, that, not
withstanding these good qualities, which were, like
most good qualities, very rare, and consequently
very respectable, his Majesty's brusqueries to every
body by turns, whoever came near him, his never
bestowing anything from favour, and often even
disobliging those on whom he conferred benefits,
made him so disagreeable to all his servants, that
people could not stand the ridicule even of affecting
to love him for fear of being thought his dupes ;
and thus those whose interest it was to hide his
faults and support his character in the world were
often the very persons who hurt it most ; as people
at a distance who railed at him might be thought
to do it from ignorance or pique ; whilst all his
own servants giving him up in the manner it was
the fashion to do, must be concluded by all the
world to proceed from their thinking it impossible
to conceal it, or from their hating him too much to
desire it
What gave rise to this conversation was a thing
(in the style of many his Majesty uttered) which
he had said that very day at his dressing, before
at least half-a-dozen people, upon Lord Hervey's
telling his Majesty that he believed he was very
glad, after so long a session, to get a little fresh air
in the country ; to which his Majesty very naturally,
but very impoliticly, replied, " Yes, my Lord, I am
very glad to be got away, for I have seen of late,
in London, so many hungry faces every day, that I
was afraid they would have ate me at last." The
number of things of this kind he used to be per-

I737-] THE KING'S RUDENESS. 157
petually saying would fill volumes if I were to re
count them all ; for between those he affected to
advance by way of showing his military bravery,
and those which flowed naturally from his way of
thinking and absolute incapacity of feeling, nobody
could be with him an hour without hearing some
thing of this kind that would give them an ill
opinion of him for their lives. I once heard him
say he would much sooner forgive anybody that
had murdered a man, than anybody that cut down
one of his oaks ; because an oak was so much longer
growing to a useful size than a man, and, conse
quently, one loss would be sooner supplied than the
other : and one evening, after a horse had run away
and killed himself against an iron spike, poor Lady
Suffolk saying it was very lucky the man who was
upon him had received no hurt, his Majesty snapped
her very short, and said, " Yes, I am very lucky,
truly : pray where is the luck ? I have lost a good
horse, and I have got a booby of a groom still to
keep." But that I may not tire myself with writing,
and others with reading, more samples of his Ma
jesty's tenderness to humankind in general, and to
those who served him in particular,23 I shall return
to the thread of my historical narrative.
23 Lady Louisa Stuart tells us that Lord Hervey's own conversational exag
gerations were sometimes misunderstood and distorted by dull people into
serious offences. I cannot but think that he from personal pique does the
King the same injustice. The two boutades here noticed are obviously
mauvaises plaisanteries, and indicate rather n coarse taste than a bad heart.
I remember to have heard a Parisian wit professing to lament some trees of
the Boulevard that were destroyed by Fieschi's bullets more than the people,
because, he said, " One could collect as great a crowd again in five minutes,
but could not replace the trees in fifty years ; " but no one thought the worse
of the wit's heart for this paradox, which is very like his Majesty's estimate
of the value of his oak.

158 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Soon after the Court removed from Richmond
to Hampton Court, Sir Robert Walpole returned
from Norfolk, and told Lord Hervey he found, as
usual, that in his absence strong attacks had been
made upon his interest at Court. His reasons for
saying so were that the King had recurred to find
ing fault with the message Sir Robert had made
him send in the winter to the Prince ; that the
Queen had told him Lord Carteret's constant con
versation at present was in praise of her ; that she
knew he was writing the history of his own times,
and had told it to those who had related it again to
her that he would make her Majesty's name famous
to all posterity ; that she knew Pulteney and Wynd-
ham — allowing Lord Carteret superior abilities and
thinking he had a superior interest to them at Court
— had entered into an agreement with him to act
in concert with him and under his direction ; but
that Carteret at the same time had said he knew
Pulteney very well, that he was a very useful second
in Opposition, but a man who had such flights and
starts that no Minister could ever depend upon him,
and such impracticable fits of popularity that no
Court could ever keep him long. To this Sir
Robert answered, " Madam, I understand all this
perfectly. People who wish Carteret well and me
ill have made this report to your Majesty to set off
the dexterity of my Lord Carteret ; but it is mere
dexterity on one side, I believe, and I hope it is so
on the other ; for he tries this way of bragging of
his power over Pulteney and Wyndham to get an
interest with your Majesty, and boasts to them of
his interest in your Majesty in order to get a weight

1737] CARTERET AND THE QUEEN. 159
with them, which I am convinced he has not ; but
supposing it true, and that Pulteney did speak
favourably of Carteret, and resolve to submit to
him, and that Carteret spoke with so little regard
of Pulteney, what would these two circumstances,
taken for granted, amount to farther than this — that
Pulteney says that of Carteret's interest with you
which Carteret has made him believe ; and that
Carteret, to recommend himself to you, speaks of
Pulteney as he imagines you, who do not love
Pulteney, think of him yourself and like to hear him
say of him ? "
These reports Sir Robert suspected to be made
to the Queen by Sir Luke Schaub,24 Monsieur de
Montandre, and Lady Sundon ; and when he told
Lord Hervey that he believed the last had the
greatest share in them, added, " I know you have
a partiality for her, but she is a damned inveterate
bitch 25 against me, and I know where and when
she has seen Carteret lately more than once or
twice." Lord Hervey owned he had a partiality
for her. He said she had, unasked by him, and
unboasted of by her, done him several times, the
summer after he had quarrelled with the Prince,
many good offices with the Queen, which he had
heard of since by the Queen and the Princess
Caroline ; and that he should think himself very
ungrateful not to feel obligations of that kind laid
24 Schaub was a Swiss, a native of Basle, who had been private secretary
to Lord Stanhope, and was afterwards employed as Envoy at Madrid, and in
1722, through Lord Carteret, as Minister in France; but was superseded next
year by Horace Walpole, upon Carteret's change from being Secretary of
State to the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland.
25 See vol. ii. p. 357, n. 5.

160 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
on him at a time when few people took his part,
and when he could not speak for himself. Sir
Robert said everybody had their partialities, and
few for so good reasons as Lord Hervey had given.
" But your partialities, my Lord, should not blind
you. I remember you would not believe she had
spoke to the Queen against Madame Walmoden's
coming over." " Nor do I believe it now," replied
Lord Hervey. " Why, then, my Lord, the Queen
told me herself she had." Lord Hervey said, " I
have done, sir ; you have stopped my mouth." But
I must here observe, by the by, that Lord Hervey
was sure Sir Robert must have lied on this occasion,
because both the Queen and Lady Sundon had told
him that she had never, to the Queen, named
Madame Walmoden directly or indirectly on , any
occasion in her life.
However, in this affair relating to Lord Carteret,
Lord Hervey (though he neither said he disbe
lieved Lady Sundon's part in it, nor owned the
reason he had not to doubt it) easily gave credit
to all Sir Robert Walpole said upon it, because
Lady Sundon herself, as well as Sir Robert Wal
pole, had told Lord Hervey that she had met Lord
Carteret twice on the Queen's gravel walk in St.
James's Park that runs behind their two houses,
and because, both from Lady Sundon and the
Queen, Lord Hervey had heard that particular of
Lord Carteret's writing the history of his own
times — from Lady Sundon the very night Lord
Carteret said it ; and with the addition of " Madam,
if you dare own at Court you talk to so obnoxious a
man as I am, you may tell the Queen I have been
giving her fame this morning!'

I737-] MEMOIR WRITERS. 161
This the Queen also told to Lord Hervey, so that
he had it from all three without any one of the three
knowing that he had had it from the other two. The
Queen, at the same time she told Lord Hervey this
circumstance, said she heard Carteret gave himself
great airs of resolving, if ever he came into the Ad
ministration, to support her ; and added, " An imper
tinent coxcomb ! I think it is rather me that must
sujport him ; " which looked as if those who had
endeavoured to make his court by this report had
not done it in very judicious terms.
One morning when she was talking to Lord Her
vey of this History, and Carteret's bragging he
would make her famous to posterity and many future
ages, when nobody was present but the King, his
Majesty said, " Yes, I dare say he will paint you in
fine colours, that dirty liar! " " Why not?" said the
Queen ; " good things come out of dirt sometimes ;
I have ate very good asparagus raised out of dung."
Lord Hervey said he knew three people that were
now writing the history of his Majesty's reign who
could possibly know nothing of the secrets of the
palace and his Majesty's closet, and yet would, he
doubted not, pretend to make their whole history
one continued dissection of both. "You mean,"
said the King, " Lords Bolingbroke, Chesterfield,
and Carteret" "I do," replied Lord Hervey.26
"They will all three,'.' said the King, "have about
26 We have seen nothing of Lord Carteret's memoirs, which it seems he was
actually writing ; nor of Bolingbroke's, which he was only supposed to be
writing ; nor of Chesterfield's, anything more than half-a-dozen characters —
and particularly of the King and Queen — written, I presume, in his old age,
with as much candour and impartiality as could have been expected, and with
none of the affectation of point or wit which Lord Hervey foretold. All this
is curious from him, who was the real memoir writer.
VOL. III. L

1 62 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
as much truth in them as the Mille et Une Nuits.
Not but I shall like to read Bolingbroke's, who, of all
those rascals and knaves that have been lying against
me these ten years, has certainly the best parts and
the most knowledge : he is a scoundrel, but he is a
scoundrel of a higher class than Chesterfield. Ches
terfield is a little tea-table scoundrel, that tells little
womanish lies to make quarrels in families; and tries
to make women lose their reputations, and make
their husbands beat them, without any object but
to give himself airs ; as if anybody could believe
a woman could like a dwarf-baboon." 27 The Queen
said all these three histories would be three heaps of
lies, but lies of very different kinds ; she said Boling
broke's would be great lies, Chesterfield's little lies,
and Carteret's lies of both sorts. " But which," said
the Queen to Lord Hervey, "for the style should
you like best to read ? "
Lord Hervey said, " I should certainly choose Lord
Bolingbroke's ; for though Lord Bolingbroke has no
idea of wit, yet his satire is keener than anybody's
that has. Besides, his writings are always larded
with a great deal of knowledge as well as seasoned
with satire ; his words are well chosen, his diction
extremely raised,28 and his style so flowing that it
does not seem at all studied or forced ; and when he
makes use of uncommon words, seems to do it from
not being in a common way of thinking, rather than
seeking them. Lord Chesterfield's Memoirs will
have a great deal of wit in them, but you will see in
27 This seems to confirm Lord Hervey's unfavourable description of Lord
Chesterfield's personal appearance, vol. i. p. 96, and indeed Horace Walpole's,
who says he was " unlovely in his person."
28 Elevated. ,

T737-] MEMOIR WRITERS. 163
every page he resolves to be witty ; every paragraph
will be an epigram. His style for short treatises is
excellent, but in a long work all that labour and
polishing which he bestows on everything he writes
will appear stiff and tiresome. Connection will be
wanting ; and that want of transition which is so
pardonable when it proceeds from haste, or a little
negligence in running quick from one subject to
another, will have an abrupt air and a disagreeable,
broken effect, in such a constrained studied style,
¦that it has not in writings of a looser and more
natural sort. For Lord Carteret's work, I am not
so capable of conjecturing what it will be, as I have
seen very few things of his writing; but what I have,
always seemed to me inaccurate, with a strong touch
of bombast mixed with vulgarisms ; and like some
ungenteel people's dress, whom one sees at once
over-fine and yet fine but by halves, in a coat em
bossed instead of embroidered, and a dirty coarse
shirt"

111

^¦^^^^^S^^^S^

i£^2^^s^

CHAPTER XXXIII.
Princess's Pregnancy — Kept Secret — The Royal Family Suspect
that a Fraud is Intended — She is taken in Labour at Hampton
Court, and Hurried by the Prince to St. James's — Details of this
Affair — Birth of a Princess — The Queen's Night Visit to the
Princess — Indignation of the King and Queen — Opinions of the
Queen, Walpole, and Lord Hervey on this Matter — Lord Her
vey's Hatred of the Prince.
AM now come to a very extraordinary
occurrence, in which I shall be very
particular. It had been long talked of
that the Prince intended the Princess
should lie-in in London ; and the King and Queen
having resolved she should not, measures were con
certing to prevent her doing so. It was at last re
solved — that is, the King and Queen and Sir Robert
Walpole had agreed — that the King should send
a message to the Prince to tell his Royal Highness
that he would have the Princess lie-in at Hampton
Court. Lord Hervey told the Queen and Princess
Caroline that, notwithstanding this message, he
would answer for it the Princess would not lie-in
where the King and Queen resided. The Queen
asked him how he could imagine, as insolent as the
Prince was, that he would venture to disobey the
King's positive commands on this point. Lord
Hervey said the Prince would pretend it was by

*737] PRINCESS'S PREGNANCY. 165
chance ; for as Dr. Hollings and Mrs. Cannons
would be made to say that exercise was good for
the Princess in her condition, she would be carried
once or twice a week to Kew or London, and which
ever of these two places the Prince intended she
should lie-in at, he would make her, when she was
within a month of her time, affect to be taken ill ;
and as nobody could disprove her having the pains
she would complain of, the King and Queen could
not take it in prudence upon them to say she should
be removed ; and there, of course, her Royal High
ness would bring forth. " Well, if it is to be so,"
replied the Queen, " I cannot help it ; but at her
labour I positively will be, let her lie-in where she
will ; for she cannot be brought to bed as quick as
one can blow one's nose, and I will be sure it is her
child.1 For my part, I do not see she is big; you
all say you see it, and therefore I suppose it is so,
and that I am blind."
The Queen was every day pressing Sir Robert
Walpole to have this message sent to the Prince,
saying, " Sir Robert, we shall be catched ; he will
remove her before he receives any orders for her
lying-in here, and will afterwards say that he talked
so publicly of his intentions, he concluded, if the
King had not approved of them, he should have
heard something of it." Sir Robert said, as the
1 It appears from a marginal note of Lord Hervey's that the Queen and
Princess Caroline had a strong suspicion that the Prince's wife was never
likely to be pregnant, and that they, and (as will fully appear in the sequel)
the King also, believed that the Prince was capable of attempting to introduce
a supposititious child into the family. The strange delays and mysteries of all
his proceedings with respect to the Princess's pregnancy increased that absurd
prejudice, which Lord Hervey endeavoured to combat but in vain, till the
birth of the child.

1 66 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
Princess did not reckon till the beginning of October,
that it was full time enough ; and in this manner,
from day to day, this intended message was post
poned, till it never went ; for on Sunday, the 31st of
July [at Hampton Court], the Princess was taken in
the evening, after having dined in public that day
with the King and Queen, so very ill, with all the
symptoms of actual labour, that the Prince ordered
a coach to be got ready that moment to carry her to
London. Her pains came on so fast and so strong,
that * * * * 2 before they could get her out of
the house. However, in this condition, M. Duno-
yer, the dancing-master, lugging her downstairs and
along the passages by one arm, and Mr. Blood-
worth, one of the Prince's equerries, by the other,
and the Prince in the rear, they, with much ado, got
her into the coach ; Lady Archibald Hamilton and
Mr. Townshend remonstrating strongly against this
imprudent step, and the Princess begging, for God's
sake, the Prince would let her stay in quiet where she
was, for that her pains were so great she could not set
one foot before the other, and was upon the rack when
they moved her. But the Prince, with an obstinacy
equal to his folly, and a folly equal to his barbarity,
insisted on her going, crying " Courage ! courage I
ah, quelle sottise!" and telling her, with the en
couragement of a tooth-drawer or the consolatory
2 A physical detail is here (and in several subsequent passages) omitted, but
its place is here marked and its nature thus hinted at in order to prove the
extravagant and otherwise incredible obstinacy and indelicacy of the Prince's
conduct. The main fact has hitherto been enveloped in the general terms com
monly used on these occasions, and some defence for the Prince was at the time
attempted under the idea suggested by those general terms, that the danger was
not so immediate ; whereas it is impossible to express with decency how not only
imminent, but even present, the danger was.

1737.] PRINCESS'S ACCOUCHMENT 167
tenderness of an executioner, that it would be over
in a minute. With these excitations, and in this
manner, after enjoining all his servants not to say
one word what was the matter, for fear the news of
the Princess's circumstances should get to the other
side of the house, and their going should be pre
vented, he got her into the coach. There were in
the coach, besides him and her, Lady Archibald
Hamilton, and Mrs. Clavering and Mrs. Paine, two
of the Princess's dressers ; Vreid, his valet-de-
chambre, who was a surgeon and man-midwife,3
was upon the coach-box ; Mr. Bloodworth and two
or three more behind the coach ; and thus loaded
he ordered the coachman to drive full gallop to
London. About ten this cargo arrived in town.
When the coach stopped at St. James's, the Prince
ordered all the lights to be put out, that people
might not have ocular evidence i which would other
wise have been exhibited to them of his folly and her
distress. When they came to St James's, there was
no one thing prepared for her reception ; the mid
wife came in a few minutes ; napkins, warming-pan,
and all other necessary implements for this opera
tion were sought by different emissaries in dif
ferent houses in the neighbourhood ; and no sheets
being to be come at, her Royal Highness was put
to bed between two tablecloths.5 At a quarter
3 Vol. ii. p. 196.
4 Several of the details alluded to in the last page have been again omitted.
5 These details, though not of so gross character as the former, I should have
suppressed, but that they are important to the history of the transaction, as the
Prince's defence was that there was nothing ready for such an event at Hampton
Court, and that everything had been prepared at St. James's : and it must not
be forgotten that the Prince had a residence and establishment at Kew, about
half-way between Hampton Court and town.

1 68 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
before eleven she was delivered of a little rat of a
girl,6 about the bigness of a good large toothpick-
case ; none of the Lords of the Council being pre
sent but my Lord |President Wilmington and my
Lord Godolphin, Privy Seal. To the first of these
the Prince, at leaving Hampton Court, had dispatched
a messenger to bring him from his villa at Chiswick ;
and the last, living just by St. James's,7 was sent for as
soon as the Prince arrived in town. He sent also to
the Lord Chancellor and the Archbishop ; but the
one was gone into the country, and the other came
a quarter of an hour after the child was born.
In the meantime, this evening, at Hampton
Court, the King played at commerce below stairs,
the Queen above at quadrille, the Princess Emily
at her commerce-table, and the Princess Caroline
and Lord Hervey at cribbage, just as usual, and
separated all at ten of the clock ; and, what is in
credible to relate, went to bed all at eleven, without
hearing one single syllable of the Princess's being
ill, or even of her not being in the house. At half
an hour after one, which was above two hours after
the Princess had been brought to bed, a courier
arrived with the first news of her being in labour.
When Mrs. Tichburne, the woman of the'5 bed
chamber, came to wake the King and Queen, the
Queen, as soon as she came into the room, asked
6 Afterwards the Duchess of Brunswick, who died in Spring Gardens in
London in March 1813. The "little rat" grew up a fine woman, of a good
figure and handsome countenance, as may be seen by her portrait in Knapton's
poorly painted but very interesting picture of the Prince's family at Hampton
Court ; and when I saw the Duchess of Brunswick about 1809 she had still the
air of having been like that portrait.
7 Godolphin House, in the Stable-yard, pulled down in our time to make
way for the house built by the Duke of York, now the Duke of Sutherland's.

I737-] MRS. TICHBURNE'S NEWS. 169
what was the matter that occasioned their being
waked at so unusual an hour ; and as the most
natural question, inquired if the house was on fire ;
when Mrs. Tichburne said the Prince had sent to
let their Majesties know the Princess was in labour.
The Queen immediately cried, "My God, my night
gown ! I'll go to her this moment." "Your night
gown, madam," replied Mrs. Tichburne, "and your
coaches, too ; the Princess is at St. James's." "Are
you mad," interrupted the Queen, "or are you asleep,
my good Tichburne ? You dream." When Mrs.
Tichburne insisted on its being certainly true, the
King flew into a violent passion, and in German (as
the Queen told me afterwards) began to scold her,
saying, " You see now, with all your wisdom, how
they have outwitted you. This is all your fault.
There is a false child will be put upon you, and how
will you answer it to all your children ? This has
been fine care and fine management for your son
William ; he is mightily obliged to you. And for
Ann,8 I hope she will come over and scold you her
self ; I am sure you deserve anything she can say to
you." The Queen said little, but got up, dressed
as fast as she could, ordered her coaches, and sent
to the Duke of Grafton and Lord Hervey to go
with her ; and by half an hour after two her Ma
jesty set out from Hampton Court with the two
eldest Princesses, two of their ladies, the Duke of
Grafton, Lord Hervey, and Lord Essex (the King's
lord of the bedchamber in waiting), who went to be
dispatched back again by the Queen as soon as she
got there, to acquaint the King how matters went
8 See vol. ii. p. 103, n. 6.

170 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
By four o'clock they all got to St. James's. When
they arrived they asked how the Princess did, and
being told very well, concluded either that every
thing had not been ready for a trick, or that the
Princess's pains were gone off, and that they had
taken this journey for nothing. Lord Hervey told
the Queen, as she was going upstairs, that he would
order a fire and chocolate for her in his own apart
ment, concluding she would not stay long with her
son. "To be sure," replied the Queen, "I shall not
stay long; I shall be mightily obliged to you;" then
winked, and said in a lower voice, " Nor you need
not fear my tasting anything in this side of the
house." When they came upstairs, the Prince, in his night
gown and nightcap, met the Queen in the Princess's
antechamber, kissed her hand and her cheek accord
ing to the filial fashions of Germany, and there told
her the news of the Princess's being brought to bed
of a daughter, as well as who was present when she
was delivered, and at what hour. The Queen ex
pressed some little surprise that no messenger should
have reached Hampton Court with the news of the
Princess's being brought to bed before her Majesty
came from thence, when there had been three hours
between the one and the other ; upon which the
Prince assured her Majesty the messenger had been
dispatched as soon as ever he could get his letters to
her and the King ready, and as he had written but
three lines, they had been finished in three minutes.
The Queen knew this must be a lie, but did not
e"claircir upon it, having determined (as she said
afterward at Lord Hervey's lodgings) not to dis-

1737] PRINCE'S BE HA VIO UR. 171
pute or contradict anything his Royal Highness
should advance, let it be ever so extravagantly
absurd, or ever so glaringly false. I must observe,
too, that these were the first words her Majesty and
his Royal Highness had exchanged since the day
his affair had been moved in Parliament. The
Queen went into the Princess's bedchamber, wished
her joy, said she was glad she had escaped so well,
and added, " Apparemment, madame, vous avez hor-
riblement souffert." " Point de tout," replied the
Princess, " ce n'est rien." Then Lady Archibald
Hamilton brought in the child, which had yet no
clothes but a red mantle and some napkins, nor any
nurse. The Queen kissed the child, and said, " Le
bon Dieu vous bdnisse, pauvre petite crdature ! vous
voila arriv&e dans un ddsagrkable monde."
The Prince then began to tell the whole story of
the labour and the journey ; and not only owned
that on the Monday and Friday before he had
carried the Princess to London, upon thinking, from
some slight pains she then complained of, that her
labour was coming on, but also wisely acquainted
the Queen that * * * # before the Princess
left Hampton Court, that her pains in the coach
were so strong he thought he should have been
obliged to carry her into some house upon the road
to be brought to bed, and that, with holding her
and her pillows in the coach, he had got such pains
in his own back he could hardly stir. He added
many more particulars, on which the Queen made
no comments, never asking why he did anything he
had done, or left undone anything he had not done ;
and only said, at the end of his Royal Highness's

172 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
every way absurd narrative, it was a miracle that
the Princess and the child had not been both killed.
Her Majesty then added, " At the indiscretion of
young fools, who knew nothing of the dangers to
which this poor child and its mother were exposed, I
am less surprised; but for you, my Lady Archibald,
who have had ten children, that with your experience,
and at your age, you should suffer these people to act
such a madness, I am astonished, and wonder how
you could, for your own sake as well as theirs, venture
to be concerned in such an expedition." To this Lady
Archibald made no other answer than turning to the
Prince, and saying aloud to him, " You see, sir ; "
which was so prudent and so judicious an answer,
as it intimated everything that could be urged in
her justification, without directly giving him up, that
I cannot help thinking chance put it into her mouth.
The Prince immediately upon this began to talk to
the Queen in German ; which she afterwards said
was nothing more than to repeat again all * * *
what had passed in the coach, more in detail. The
Duke of Grafton, Lord Essex, and Lord Hervey
were called into the Princess's bedchamber to see
the child ; and the door, both before and after, being
open, they could hear everything that passed there.
The Queen stayed not long in the Princess's apart
ment, saying rest was the best thing for the Princess
in her present circumstances ; and just before her
Majesty went away, she went up to the bedside,
embraced the Princess, and said to her, " My good
Princess, is there anything you want, anything you
wish, or anything you would have me do ? Here I
am ; you have but to speak and ask, and whatever is

1737-1 PRINCE'S BEHAVIOUR. 173
in my power that you would have me do, I promise
you I will do it." The Princess thanked her Ma
jesty, said she had nothing to trouble her Majesty
with, thanked her for the honour she had done her,
and hoped neither she nor the Princesses would be
the worse for the trouble they had been so kind to
give themselves. All this passed in German, but
the Queen and the Princess Caroline told it me just
in the words I have related it.
The Prince waited on the Queen downstairs, and
said he hoped her Majesty and the King would do
him the honour to christen his daughter ; and the
Queen promised him to take care of that affair. He
then said he intended to come to Hampton Court
that day, to ask this honour of the King and her in
form. To which the Queen replied, " I fancy you
had better not come to-day ; to be sure the King is
not well pleased with all this bustle you have made;
and should you attempt coming to-day, nobody can
answer what your reception may be." The Prince
then named Thursday, and the Queen said Tues
day or Wednesday she thought would be better.
The Prince being in his undress, the Queen insisted
on his not coming out of his house, advised him to
go to bed, and walked herself across the courts
to Lord Hervey's lodgings.9 As soon as she got
thither she wrote a short letter to the King, and
dispatched Lord Essex with it back to Hampton
Court. She then said to the Duke of Grafton and
Lord Hervey (nobody being present but the two
9 A "celebrated aggravation of the Prince's misconduct, which Horace
Walpole, and after him all the historians, attribute to this visit, really
occurred, as we shall see (post, p. 212), on a subsequent occasion.

174 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Princesses), "Well, upon my honour, I no more
doubt this poor little bit of a thing is the Princess's
child, than I doubt of either of these two being
mine ; though I own to you I had my doubts upon
the road that there would be some juggle : and if,
instead of this poor, little, ugly, she-mouse, there
had been a brave, large, fat, jolly boy, I should not
have been cured of my suspicions; nay, I believe
they would have been so much increased, or, rather,
that I should have been so confirmed in that opinion,
that I should have gone about his house like a mad
woman, played the devil, and insisted on knowing
what chairman's brat he had bought." Lord Her
vey said, he really did believe, too, from what he
had seen, that it was the Princess's child; though
not in the least because it was a girl ; for, as a girl
would do just as well for the Prince's purpose as a
boy, and that it would give less suspicion, so any
body who had advised him wisely would have
advised him to take a spurious girl rather than a
spurious boy. " But, altogether," said the Queen,
" was there ever such monstrous conduct ? such a
fool, and such an insolent, impertinent fool ? and
such an impudence, to receive us all with such an
ease, as if nothing had happened, and that we were
the best friends in the world ? " The whole com
pany were very free in their comments on his Royal
Highness's behaviour throughout this whole affair ;
all abused him very freely, and said, very truly,
that they believed, take all its absurdities together,
nothing like it ever had happened before, or ever
would happen again, since his Royal Highness had
at once contrived to be guilty of the greatest piece

1737] WALPOLE'S ARRIVAL. 175
of inhumanity, as a husband and a father, with re
gard to his wife and his child ; the greatest imper
tinence and insolence, as a son and a subject, to his
father and his mother, his King and his Queen; and
the most egregious folly, as a Prince of Wales and
heir to the crown, by doing all he could contrive
to make the birth of that child suspected, which he
proposed should give him such additional weight in
the kingdom, and make him of so much more im
portance than he had hitherto found himself. They
all agreed that he had done much more towards mak
ing the world believe this was a spurious child than
Queen Mary had done at the Pretender's birth; and,
consequently, wisely contrived, if ever this crown
came to be fought for, to have the dispute be
whether the people would have the Whig bastard
or the Tory bastard.
After the Queen had passed about an hour at
Lord Hervey's lodgings in drinking chocolate and
expatiating on these particulars which I have related,
Sir Robert Walpole arrived, who had been sent for
from Richmond Park ; but a little before he came, I
must not forget to relate that, the Duke of Grafton
and the Princess Emily being gone into the next
room to drink some tea with the Princess's two
ladies of the bedchamber, the Queen said to Lord
Hervey (the Princess Caroline only being present),
" Be sure you do not ever say you foretold this
would happen. I foresaw it too ; and told it to Sir
Robert Walpole, who was certainly in the wrong to
delay sending the message to order the Princess to
lie-in at Hampton Court, since, if that message had
gone, they would have been still more in the wrong,

176 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
and we had had still more reason to resent what
they have done ; and no longer ago than when he
went away from Hampton Court last Friday, I said,
' Pray, Sir Robert, think of this message ; indeed we
shall be catched ; you do not know my son so well
as I do.' And he only answered, 'Pray stay a little;
indeed, madam, 'tis time enough.' And now you
see — but, in short, it is over — and Sir Robert Wal
pole will take it ill of you if you ever talk of this
omission ; so be sure you never name it." As soon
as Sir Robert came into the room, the Queen
laughed, and only said, " Here we are, you see ; am
I in the right ? what do you say now ? " Sir
Robert smiled too, but looked vexed and out of
countenance, and said, " When anything very im
probable happens, madam, I do not think it is a
great disgrace for anybody not to have foreseen
it would happen."10 He then told the Queen
that Lord Harrington, having lain this night at
Petersham, was sent for at the same time that he
had been, and that they came to town together.
The Queen asked him what they had said to all
this as they came along ; to which Sir Robert
answered, that Harrington as usual had lent his
ear : " But, to speak in the sportsman's style," said
he, " madam, he has not given tongue often." He
then told her Majesty that the Prince (informed as
he supposed by some of his servants that Lord
Harrington and he were there) had ordered them to
be called up ; that the Prince was in bed, and had
desired them to sit down by his bedside, which they
10 It must be recollected that Sir Robert had been led to think that the
event was not expected before October. Ante, p. 166.

I737-] QUEEN'S ANNOYANCE. 177
had declined, not caring to enter at present into
conversation with him ; but that, notwithstanding
this endeavour to shorten the interview, the Prince
had told them all the same particulars (except that
of # # # # ^ which he had before told the
Queen — that is, of all that passed in the coach, who
had been present at the labour, of the Princess having
been ill Monday and Friday, and his having brought
her to London both those days, thinking her com
plaints were the symptoms of approaching labour.
" Take it altogether," said the Queen, " do you
think there ever was so insolent as well as silly
a behaviour ? Really they must be made to feel
a little, for one is quite weary of being so very
prudent and so very tame." " It is true," replied
Sir Robert; "it is really, madam, too much; it is
intolerable. Here was the Princess, in the first
place, within a month of her time before her being
with child was notified to your Majesty (for the
letter my Lord North brought I think is dated
the 5th of July) ; and then on the 29th, without
any notification either of her departure or of her
being in labour, she is hurried away from under the
roof where your Majesty and the King reside, and
brought to bed in an hour after at St. James's ;
whilst the first news you have of her being gone or
her being in labour comes two hours at least after
the time you ought to have had the news of her
being brought to bed." " My God ! " interrupted
the Queen, " there is really no human patience can
bear such treatment ; nor indeed ought one to bear
it ; for they will pull one by the nose in a little
time, if some stop is not put to their impertinence.
VOL. III. M

178 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Besides, one is really ashamed for the figure one
makes in foreign Courts when such a story is told
of the affronts one receives in one's own family.
What must other princes imagine of one ? I swear
I blush when I think of the post going out, and
carrying the account of such a transaction into other
countries." " It is all very true, madam," said
Sir Robert Walpole ; " but then consider a little
whether you would just take this opportunity of
quarrelling openly with the Prince, and turning him
out of your house, when an heir to the crown is
born. People already talk enough of the partiality
the King and your Majesty have for the Duke ; and
should all your anger break out at this time, they
will be apt to say that your anger is principally
occasioned by the Prince's having a child to disin
herit your favourite." " My God ! " interrupted
again the Queen, " if one is always to bear affronts
because something false may be said of one for re
senting them, there are none one must ever resent."
" Nay," replied Sir Robert, " I give no opinion yet,
madam ; I only speak my present thoughts just as
they occur, and quite unweighed." Lord Hervey
said there was nothing contradictory in what Sir
Robert Walpole had said to what the Queen pro
posed, since paying all the honours to the child that
were possible to be shown to it, at the same time
that a resentment was shown to the Prince's conduct,
would take off Sir Robert Walpole's objection, and
would demonstrate that the King and Queen did not
confound the innocent with the guilty, nor punish
the sins of the father upon the child, but felt as they
ought to do towards both. Sir Robert again repeated

1737] CONSOLATIONS. 179
that he as yet gave no opinion, and that it was a
matter that required being very maturely considered.
" However," said the Queen, " I am glad we came ;
for though one does not care a farthing for them,
the giving oneself all this trouble is une bonne
grimace pour lepublique; and the more impertinences
they do, and the more civilities we show, the more
we shall be thought in the right, and they in the
wrong, when we bring it to an open quarrel."
" That is so true," said Lord Hervey, " that upon
the whole I think their behaviour is the luckiest
affront any Court ever received, since everybody
must condemn their behaviour in this particular,
which will consequently put them, who were on the
attack in the quarrel, now upon the defensive ; and
if they do bring their money question next year into
Parliament, his asking for an augmentation of a father
he has not only offended but affronted, will not be
thought quite so reasonable a request as when he
could pretend to have never failed in his duty."
The Queen then sent for Lord Harrington, say
ing he would take it ill if she did not see him ;
and when he came, in the midst of all this anger
and bustle, she began to joke with him upon his
gallantry,11 and said she believed it was the first time
he had ever been sent for at midnight to a young
lady in the Princess's circumstances. She stayed
not long in Lord Hervey's lodgings after Lord
Harrington came, and by eight o'clock got back
again to Hampton Court. Sir Robert Walpole,
before he followed the Queen, was to go to Lord
11 See, in the Dramatic Scenes, vol. ii. p. 342, the Queen's notice of Lord
Harrington's gallantries.

180 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Godolphin to ask an account from him of what
had passed whilst he was present at the Princess's
delivery. Just as they were all separating, Lord
Hervey sent Mr. Harry Fox to desire Sir Robert
Walpole, the first thing he did when he came to
Hampton Court, might be to send for him, that he
might speak to him before he saw the King. Mr.
Harry Fox Lord Hervey had sent for the moment
he came to town, thinking there would be some
juggle (as the Queen apprehended) about a false
child, and that he should want some sensible,
clever body he could trust to employ in making dis
coveries. Lord Godolphin told Sir Robert Walpole that
Lord Wilmington and he had been in the Princess's
bedchamber a quarter of an hour at least before the
child was born ; that they were on the same side of
the bed with the midwife, and very near her, and the
Prince close to the bed on the other side ; that the
Princess, in her manner of complaining, marking one
pain she had much stronger than any of the former,
the Prince said, " Is the child born ? " to which the
midwife replied, " Don't you hear it cry f " and then
immediately brought it from between the sheets,
and gave it into my Lord President's hands. The
Prince then asked if it was a boy or a girl ; and the
midwife said, the Princess, in her present circum
stances, must not be surprised with either the joy or
the mortification of knowing which it was.
As soon as Sir Robert Walpole had learnt these
particulars from Lord Godolphin, he set out for
Hampton Court, and as soon as he arrived there,
sent for Lord Hervey. In this conference Lord

I737-] WALPOLE AND HERVEY. 181
Hervey reminded Sir Robert how often he had told
him within these few months, on many occasions,
both the King and the Queen had seemed to relax
a little in the degree of favour they had formerly
shown him ; that it had always been on their son's
chapter they had done so, and from his appear
ing either too unwilling to gratify their resentment
against him, or too forward in proposing palliatives
to an evil to which they were so strongly inclined
to apply more violent medicines. " And though,"
continued Lord Hervey, " you can divert them from
pursuing the measures they are inclined to, you
cannot cure them of their desire to pursue them, nor
make them relish those which you have interest
enough to persuade them to follow in their stead."
" My Lord," replied Sir Robert, " I have seen and
felt the truth of what you say ; and the King is
never out of humour with me on these occasions
that he does not recur to the message sent to the
Prince last winter, and tell me 'tis I who have
made his son independent ; 'tis I have put it in the
Prince's power to dare to use him as he does, and
put it out of his power to punish him for it. I then
tell him, ' Sir, the giving the ,£50,000 at that time
and in that manner saved your .£100,000.' But,
my Lord, I know the meaning of all this ; it is the
single thing I ever did against the Queen's will and
without her consent, and that's the reason this sin
is not forgiven. She begged, that morning the
message was sent, I would defer the message at
least till next day. I said, ' Madam, to-morrow it
will be too late : there is no time to deliberate ; we
must act.' She then said, ' It is such a mean con-

1 82 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
descension in the King to follow this advice that I
can never consent to it.' I then told her, ' Madam,
'tis all you have for it ; ' and went out of her room
directly to the King's closet ; where, after reasoning,
and hearing him bluster and swagger, I was forced
to say, when he had done nothing but oppose me,
' Sir, I ask your pardon ; I must not give you time
to retract your consent : the Lords of the Council
are in the next room, and I will give them your
orders this minute, for time presses — you have none
to lose.' And in this manner, my Lord, supposing
him to have given consent when he had given me
nothing but contradiction, I got the thing done."
I must here remark that Sir Robert Walpole, as
often as he had talked of this transaction of the
message to Lord Hervey, had never related it in
this manner before. He had always spoke of the
Queen's consent as extorted, but not denied ; and I
believe he only put it in this light now that he might
make people think it was her pride, not her judg
ment, that made her still condemn a measure he
could not retract, and would not give up.
Lord Hervey said, " Sir, you will certainly ruin
your interest here if you go on combating the King
and Queen's inclinations in this quarrel : those who
have a mind to hurt you will take such advantage
of their passions and what they will call your phlegm,
that they will either say your conduct proceeds from
management of the Prince, or that old Ministers
dare venture on no vigorous measures ; that new
ones can do anything they please at setting out, and
that, if the King and Queen will give them power,
they will lay their son in tears and penitence at

1737] WALPOLE AND HERVEY. 183
their Majesties' feet" "What, then," interrupted
Sir Robert Walpole, " would you have me say ?
Would you have me advise a separation and the
turning the Prince out of St. James's ? " " No,"
replied Lord Hervey ; " if you give it as your judg
ment and your advice, you charge yourself with the
consequences, and lose the merit of the compliance.
I would therefore in your place tell them, that though
in public matters and parliamentary affairs it is your
business to advise, yet in their family affairs it is
your duty to obey ; and that, as you are always
ready to give counsel in the one, you are equally
ready to receive orders in the other. In any point
where abilities, penetration, or judgment are requisite,
I am sure, sir, I am unable to offer anything that
can be of use to you ; but as the present point with
regard to you turns chiefly on the temper of the
King and Queen, I see so much of them, and hear
so much of their sentiments in this question (for you
know they talk or think of nothing else), that it is
impossible, unless I was deaf and blind, but that I
must be able to guess a little how they stand affected,
more perhaps even than they suffer to appear to you,
and more even perhaps than they would have appear
to me."
" You are so much in the right," said Sir Robert
Walpole, " that I know, even after the question last
year was carried against the Prince, upon my desiring
them to be satisfied with victory, and not to push
victory to oppression — upon my advising the execu
tion of the articles of the message, and saying that
execution was unavoidable, I know the King and
Queen deliberated whether they should not at once

1 84 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
change the Ministry, disavow me in that step, and
make the supporting them 'in a non-performance of
those articles the first condition with my successors.
But here, my Lord, lies the disagreeable difficulty
of my situation : when I tell them if they will arm
me with power I will conquer and humble their son,
I receive such a flow of grace and good words, such
a flood of promises and favour, that I could dictate
nothing stronger ; yet, whenever I propose anything
particular, I am answered short by the King, ' I will
not do that! How many people there are I could
bind to me by getting things done in the army you
may imagine, and that I can never get any one thing
done in it you perhaps will not believe ; but it is as
true as that there is an army, that I never ask for the
smallest commission by which a member of Parlia
ment may be immediately or collaterally obliged, that
the King's answer is not ' / wont do that; you want
always to have me disoblige all my old soldiers ; you
understand nothing of troops ; I will order my army
as I think fit ; for your scoundrels of the House of
Commons you -may do as you please ; you know I never
interfere, nor pretend to know anything of them, but
this province I will keep to myself! Now if I, my
Lord, should advise, or, without advising, only obey
orders in separating the Courts, there is all the
Prince's family, be they more or less, thrown in
every question into the Opposition ; and how is the
loss of those votes to be replaced ?" Lord Hervey
replied, "Sir, I do not pretend to counsel or to
judge ; I only state the facts I know, and represent
some circumstances which may escape you, and leave
you afterward, as the fittest and ablest judge I know,

I737-] WALPOLE AND HERVEY. 185
to weigh those particulars with others, and make
your own determination. I can see your difficulties,
but I am sure I am incapable of helping you in the
least to extricate yourself out of them." "In short,
my Lord," interrupted Sir Robert, " the King, on the
one hand, is so peremptory in what he will have done,
and so costive in furnishing the means to do it,
expects so much and furnishes so little ; and the
Queen, on the other, is so suspicious of one's sincerity,
and gives one so much reason to doubt of hers,
fancies often she sees so much more than there is
to see, and gives me often occasion to see so much
more than I dare own I see, that I am quite weary
of my situation, and have been much nearer than
you think of throwing it all up, and going to end my
days at Houghton in quiet." Lord Hervey said,
" To be sure, sir, there are things in your situation
you would be glad to alter, but what Minister has
not such things ? And sure, since it is impossible not
to meet with some difficulties, you ought to reflect
with pleasure and satisfaction that your good fortune
has exposed you to as few as any Minister ever had,
and your good sense enabled you to get better
through them. Besides, sir, you have so many
people dependent upon you, that your good nature
to them will hinder you from leaving them to shift
for themselves." " I know," replied Sir Robert,
" that chance and concurring circumstances have put
me in such a situation that (as much vanity as there
may seem in saying it) I am certainly at present in
a situation that makes me of consequence to more
people than any man before me ever was, or perhaps
than any man may ever be again ; but yet, my Lord,

1 86 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
to anybody at my age, who has been plagued with
thorns and glutted with the fruits of power as long
as I have been, ease and safety are considerations
that will, one time or other, outweigh all others."
Neither was this the first or second time Sir
Robert Walpole had to Lord Hervey launched out
into such a dissertation on his own importance,
which Lord Hervey could not, to be sure, in de
cency, but give into, whatever he might inwardly
think of the double vanity this great man was guilty
of in believing what he said, and saying what he
believed. Caesar's vanity swallowed as much when
Cicero told him it was true he had lived enough for
fame and for himself, but not for his country ; but
Sir Robert Walpole, I believe, was the first man
who ever said so much of himself; which makes the
one yet more extraordinary than the other, as Tully
only hoped to be believed in what he said without
believing it himself, whilst Sir Robert Walpole did
both : whereas, with regard to states and nations,
nobody's understanding is so much superior to the
rest of mankind as to be missed in a week after
they are gone ; and with regard to particulars, there
is not a great banker that breaks who does not dis
tress more people than the disgrace or retirement
of the greatest Minister that ever presided in a
cabinet ; nor is there a deceased ploughman, who
leaves a wife and a dozen brats behind him, that is
not lamented with greater sincerity, as well as a loss
to more individuals, than any statesman that ever
wore a head, or deserved to lose it.
Rochefoucault says, " What makes other people's
vanity insupportable is, that it wounds our own ; "

I737-] WALPOLE'S VANITY. 187
but this stroke of Sir Robert Walpole's had a quite
different effect on Lord Hervey, as it was a weak
ness that made him feel the difference between them
less. But if at this time Sir Robert Walpole's vanity
deceived him in imagining he was to England
what the spring is to a watch, and that all the
wheels moving round him would stand still if he
was taken away, in another point Lord Hervey, I
believe, flattered himself to the full as grossly ; for,
as much as he valued himself on being constitution
ally unrevengeful (for he did not pretend it was
from the Christian principle of turning the other
cheek, but merely from a natural incapacity of
hating long) — as much, I say, as he valued himself
upon this temper, I doubt much whether, in the
present transactions, he was not as little free from
resentment in what he did, as Sir Robert from
vanity in what he said : for the pains he took to
bring Sir Robert into every scheme to mortify the
Prince, and the zeal with which he laboured every
project to distress his Royal Highness, would not,
I believe, if one could have dived into the deepest
source of every action, have been found to proceed
merely from his desire to prevent Sir Robert Wal
pole's losing his interest with the King and Queen,
any more than I imagine all the severe and bitter
things he said to the King and Queen at this time
of their son flowed solely from a desire to make his
court to their passions, and not a little to indulge
the dictates of his own.
The truth is, if his temper was susceptible of

188 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
provocation, he might, without being capable of
feeling long provoked at the same circumstance,
have continued long warm in his resentment against
the Prince, since scarce a day passed without some
new lie the Prince had made of him during the
quarrel, as well as some virulent thing he now said
of him, being reported to Lord Hervey by the
Queen or the Princess Caroline, who both hated
the Prince at this time to a degree which cannot
be credited or conceived by people who did not
hear the names they called him, the character they
gave him, the curses they lavished upon him, and
the fervour with which they both prayed every day
for his death.
It would be endless to endeavour to repeat all
the lies Lord Hervey at this time heard the Prince
had coined of him, but one or two of the most re
markable I will insert. The Prince told the Queen
and all his sisters that Lord Hervey had told him
everybody said his Royal Highness was known to
have such a partiality for the Princess-Royal, and
to be so incapable of concealing anything from her,
that nobody doubted * * * * *
* * * 12. Another was that Lord
Hervey, from the moment he first came about him,
had been always endeavouring to give him ill im
pressions of the Queen and all his sisters ; to blow
him up against his father ; and a hundred times
endeavoured to persuade him to make a party to
move for his £"100,000 a year in Parliament, as well
as brought offers to him from people in the Opposi-
12 Eight lines obliterated and illegible.

1737-] HERVEY'S MOTIVES. 189
tion, and made use of Miss Vane's interest13 to get
them accepted.
I do not relate these things as any justification
of Lord Hervey's conduct at this time ; for if per
sonal resentment, and a desire to vex and mortify
the Prince, had any share in his views and counsels
at this juncture, I own he is not justifiable, as
nothing can justify the meanness of a man of sense
desiring, from a principle of revenge, to hurt those
by whom he has been injured, further than self-
preservation requires, or the silly received laws of
mistaken customary honour enjoin : but take this
particular (with regard to the Prince) out of Lord
Hervey's character, and I believe it will be im
possible to give another instance of the same sort
of wrong to anybody in any part of his conduct ;
though few people had more enemies, or had reason
to be irritated against more people, if being abused
is allowed to be a reason.
It will be very natural for people to wonder for
what purpose, or to what end, the Prince was guilty
of this most egregious piece of folly (which nobody
did, and nobody could, justify) in hurrying his wife
in these circumstances to London, to the manifest
peril both of her life and that of the child ; and the
reason of such an extraordinary step I take to have
been this. The Prince's counsellors, who at this
time did all they could to blow up his pride and
put him upon everything they thought would mor
tify the King's, had talked him up into asserting
his own independency on this occasion ; and told
13 All this must have related to some period of closer intercourse with the
Prince than Lord Hervey has before mentioned.

igo LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
him the most effectual way to do it, and to show
he was his own master, and accountable to nobody
for the direction of his own family, would be to
make the Princess lie-in in London, without com
municating his design to the King and Queen, con
sulting their opinion, or asking their consent. This
advice, I conclude, was so grateful to the Prince,
that, at all hazards, he was determined to follow it ;
and, notwithstanding circumstances which, could his
advisers have foreseen, they would indisputably have
desired him not to follow their own counsel, he judi
ciously put it in practice.14
14 The Prince's conduct does, at first sight, look like insanity ; but besides
the possibility of the birth's having occurred two months before it was ex
pected, there is another consideration that seems not to have occurred to
Lord Hervey, and, though it would be no excuse, may help to account for the
Prince's conduct. If he was aware of the absurd and injurious suspicions
entertained of him by his family (ante, p. 165, n. 1), he may have been piqued
to resist a system of surveillance which he would consider, and which indeed
would have been in every way, so insulting to him.

CHAPTER XXXIV.
Proceedings and Correspondence on the Prince's Conduct — Prince
Consults his Friends in Opposition — -They Disapprove, but
Agree to Support — Pulteney Reluctant — Further Correspon
dence — The Prince's Hostility Directed against the Queen —
Lord Hervey's Conferences with the Queen and Walpole —
His Hatred of the Prince Induces him to urge Severe Mea
sures — Double Dealing of Carteret — His Views and Hopes
Aided by Lady Sundon — Dunoyer, the Dancing-Master, a Spy
of both Courts — Contemptible Hypocrisy of the Prince.

p^'^lHE Queen, at her return to Hampton
Court, found the two following letters,
that had arrived from the Prince to her
and the King just after she had set

out, to acquaint their Majesties with the Princess's
delivery : —
" St. James's, de Juillet 31, 1737.
" Madame,
" La Princesse s'e'tant trouve"e fort mal a Hampton
Court cette apre dinne", et n'ayant personne Ik pour I'assister, je
l'ai amend directment en ville pour sauver le temps que j'aurois
perdu en faisant chercher Mrs. Cannons. Elle a 6t6 delivree une
heur apres, fort heureusement, d'une fille, et tous deux se por
tent, Dieu merci, aussi bien qu'on peut attendre a cette heur.
La Princesse m'a charge" de la mettre avec son enfant aux pieds
de votre Majeste", et de la supplier de nous honorer tous trois de
ses bontdes maternelles, etant, avec beaucoup de soumission,
" Madame,
" Votre tres humble et tres obe"issant fils et serviteur,
" Frederick."

1 92 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. {1737-
" Sire, "C'est avec tout le respect possible que je prends la
liberte" de mander a votre Majeste" que la Princesse est, Dieu
merci, aussi bien qu'on peut etre, depuis qu'elle a e"te" d£livrde
d'une fille, qui se porte bien aussi. Elle me charge de la mettre
avec son enfant aux pieds de votre Majeste", et de la suplier de
nous honorer tous les trois de ses bontez paternelles, e"tant, avec
toute la soumission possible,
" Sire, " De votre Majeste"
" Le tres humble, tres obe"issant fils,
et serviteur, et sujet,
" Frederick."
" De St. James's, le 31 de Juillet 1737."
. These letters are bad French and ill spelt ; but
it is not owing to the copyist, but the author.
What passed this morning between the King and
Queen at her Majesty's return from London, be
tween her and Sir Robert, or between Sir Robert
and the King, it is unnecessary for me to par
ticularise, since these conferences were made up
only of repetitions of what I have already related,
interlarded with the appellations of scoundrel and
puppy, knave and fool, liar and coward, which were
seasonings thrown with no sparing hand into every
conversation at this time in which the Prince's
name was ever used, when his Majesty made one
of the company.
The result of these consultations, in short, was,
that Lord Harrington and Sir Robert Walpole
should state in writing what the Prince had said
to them, as corroborative evidence of what he had
said to the Queen before his sisters ; and that when
the Prince came to Hampton Court, the King
should send Lord Essex, his lord of the bed-

I737-] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 193
chamber in waiting, with a message in writing to
tell his Royal Highness the King would not see
him ; and this being settled, the Lords of the
Cabinet Council, according to custom, were to be
called to give their sanction to this measure, that
they might, as usual, have their share in being
responsible for what in form and appearance only
they ever had any share in advising or concerting.
The message Lord Essex was to deliver was as
follows : —
" The King has commanded me to acquaint your Royal High
ness —
" That his Majesty most heartily rejoices at the safe delivery
of the Princess, but that your carrying away her Royal Highness
from Hampton Court, the then residence of the King, the Queen,
and the Royal Family, under the pains and certain indication of
immediate labour, to the imminent danger and hazard both of
the Princess and her child, and after sufficient warnings for a
week before to have made the necessary preparations for that
happy event, without acquainting his Majesty or the Queen with
the circumstances the Princess was in, or giving them the least
notice of your departure, is looked upon by the King to be such
a deliberate indignity offered to himself and to the Queen, that he
has commanded me to acquaint your Royal Highness that he
resents it to the highest degree, and will not see you."

Minutes of Lord Harrington's and Sir Robert Walpole's Conversa
tion with the Prince by his bedside, August i, about five in
the morning, and taken down in writing about three hours
after. "August 1, 1737.
" The Prince of Wales this morning, about five o'clock, when
Lord Harrington and Sir Robert Walpole waited upon him at
St. James's, among other things said, he did not know whether
the Princess was come before her time or not ; that she had felt
great pain the Monday before, which it being apprehended might
prove her labour, of which opinion Lady Archibald Hamilton and
VOL. III. N

194 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Mrs. Payne 1 declared themselves to be, but the physicians were
then of another opinion, he brought her from Hampton Court
again. " That on the Friday following, the Princess's pains returning,
the Prince carried her again to St. James's, when the physicians,
Dr. Hollings and Dr. Broxolme, and Mrs. Cannons, _ were of
opinion it might prove her labour, but those pains likewise going
off, they returned again to Hampton Court on Saturday ; that he
should not have been at Hampton Court on Sunday, but it being
public day, he feared it might be liable to some constructions ;
that the Princess growing ill again on Sunday, he brought her
away immediately, that she might be where proper help and
assistance could be had."
The Prince, on the Monday evening after the
Queen, upon hearing the Princess was in labour,
had been in town, wrote her Majesty the following
letter (which he sent by Lord Jersey2), to thank her
for this visit : —
From the Prince at Si. fames 's to the Queen at Hampton Court.
v "Aug. 1, 1737-
" Madame, " Comme vos commandemens m'ont emp6che" de
venir aujourd'hui a Hampton Court, je prends la liberte" de vous
remercier tres humblement, par ces lignes, de la bonte" que votre
Majeste a eu de venir voir cette nuit la Princesse. Elle continue
de se porter, Dieu merci, parfaitement bien, et l'enfant de mSme.
Nous nous recommendons tous trois aux bontes du Roi et de
votre Majeste"'; et je suis, avec tout le respect possible,
" Madame,
" Votre tres humble et tres obe"issant fils et serviteur,
" Frederick."
The Queen saw Lord Jersey, and having said she
was glad to hear the Princess and the child were
well, dismissed him.
1 One of her bedchamber-women.
2 William, third Earl of Jersey, one of the lords of his Royal Highness's
bedchamber.

.737-] PRINCE'S COUNCIL. 195
In the meantime the Prince at St. James's sum
moned all his present advisers to council — Lord
Carteret, Lord Chesterfield from Thistleworth [Isle-
worth], and Mr. Pulteney from Tunbridge ; who
none of them flattered him so far as not to tell him
he had made a false step, which would give the great
and common enemy at Hampton Court an advantage
over him which they ought not to have had ; how
ever, they promised him their aid and advice to
retrieve his affairs, but none of them had prudence
enough to advise (or interest enough to succeed if
they did advise it) that he should immediately write
to own he had been guilty of great faults, but that
it was owing to the confusion he was in, and that
he hoped the King and Queen would forgive what
nothing but that confusion could have made him
guilty of, and what he would not pretend to justify.
His Royal Highness denied absolutely what he had
said to the Queen about * * * 3 before the
Princess left Hampton Court, and said * * * 3
in the coach : he denied too that the Princess at
Richmond had answered " / don't know " to all the
-questions the Queen had asked her relating to
the time she was gone with child, and said that
the Princess had answered only that the physicians
had not yet pretended to make an exact calculation.
He told everybody about him too that he had had
address enough to satisfy the Queen perfectly with
regard to his conduct, and that she had undertaken
to satisfy the King. All this he said to Sir Luke
Schaub, who told it to the Queen, from whom I
had it.
3 The same details as in p. 166, &c.

196 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
As the Prince did not attempt coming to Hampton
Court on Tuesday, and that the King and Queen
heard he designed coming on Thursday, which was
a public day, the King, to avoid making a bustle
before so many people (among which would be all
the Foreign Ministers, and a deputation from the
City with congratulations on the birth of the new
Princess), sent Lord Essex on Wednesday morning
with the foregoing written message, striking out only
the words at the latter end, where his Majesty says
he would not see him.
Lord Essex, when he returned, said the Prince
was in such confusion that he could not take upon
him to repeat what his Royal Highness answered to
the message, further than that he muttered several
expressions of surprise at the King's anger, sorrow
for having offended him, and general words of that
•kind. In the evening the Prince sent Lord Jersey, his
lord in waiting, to Hampton Court with two letters
,-^rone to the King, and the other to the Queen —
which were as follows : —

The Prince to the King, August 3, 1737, by Lord Jersey,
from St. James's.
, "Sire, " C'est avec toute la mortification possible que je vois, par
le message que my Lord Essex m'a porte", que ma venue en ville
avec la Princesse a eu le malheur de de"plaire a votre Majeste\
Permettez-moi, Sire, de vous repr£senter, que dans le cas pressant
oil je me trouvais Dimanche, sans sage-femme ni aucune assist
ance, il m'e"toit impossible de m'arr£ter un moment : sans cela
je n'aurois jamais manque" de venir moi-m£me en faire part a
votre Majeste", outre que la plus grande expedition du monde
n'auroit jamais pu amener Mrs. Cannons que deux ou trois heures

I737-] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 197
apres la naissance de l'enfant. Comme la Princesse avoit eu la
colique pendant quelques jours, Mrs. Cannons et les Docteurs
Hollings et Broxome furent consulted plusieurs fois, qui m'assu-
rerent tous qu'elle n'etoit pas si proche encore de son terme, ce
que les deux me"decins e"toient d'opinion encore le Dimanche a
midi; mais qu'en cas qu'elle eut des peines differentes de la
colique, on lui dut donner un cordial et l'amener en ville aussitot
qu'on pourroit. J'ai suivi ceci en tout point, et suis tres afflige
qu'il est arrive" un cas ou ma tendresse pour la Princesse pouvoit
paroltre d'e"carter un moment la premiere pensee que j'ai sans
cela, toujours de montrer mon denouement envers votre Majesty.
D'ailleurs, si j'ose dire, la Princesse m'a le plus instamment desire"
dans ce moment de l'amener k Londres, ou toute assistance lui
etoit plus proche, que je n'y ai pas pu register, car je n'aurois
jamais pu me pardonner si, en consequence de mon refus, aucun
malheur lui fut arrive. J'espere que tout ceci touchera votre
Majesty, et qu'elle me permettra de me mettre a ses pieds demain
a son lever, ce que je n'aurois pas manque de faire Lundi
passe si la Reine ne m'avoit ordonne de ne le faire que comme
aujourd'hui. La seule chose qui m'en a empeche est la peur
que j'ai eu depuis que j'ai vu my Lord Essex de deplaire k
votre Majeste en me presentant devant elle avant d'avoir pris
la liberte de lui expliquer, avec toute soumission, l'unique et
veritable motif de la demarche dont elle m'a paru offensee.
Je suis, avec tout le respect imaginable,
" Sire, " De votre Majeste
" Le tres humble et tres obeissant fils,
serviteur, et sujet,
" Frederick."

From the Prince at St. James's to the Queen at Hampton Court,
by Lord Jersey, August 3, 1737.
" Madame, " Vous ne sauriez croire comme la message que
my Lord Essex m'a apporte m'a afflige. Je me flattois que les
raisons que j'ai pris la liberte de donner a votre Majeste quand
elle a eu la bonte de venir voir la Princesse avoit justified mon
depart de Hampton Court aupres du Roi : je prends la liberte de
les recapituler dans ma lettre que je me suis donne I'honneur

198 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
de lui ecrire sur ce sujet, me flattant que votre Majeste aura la
bonte de les appuyer. Je suis, avec beaucoup de respect,
" Madame,
" Votre tres humble et tres obeissant ills et serviteur,
" Frederick."
When these letters came to be considered in order
to determine what answer should be sent, the first
determination was to send no answer in writing ; and
as the Prince in this letter never once admitted he
had committed a fault, but pretended to justify what
he had done by giving reasons for it, pleading the
direction of the doctors and the desire of the Princess;
and as he added to this obstinacy the abominable
falsehood, which the King and Queen knew to be
such, of this surprise only making him seem to forget
his duty, when they knew he had before determined
to give them no notice of his going, whenever he
went ; and as this appeared, by his own confessing
to the Queen, his sisters, Sir Robert Walpole, and
Lord Harrington, that he had already twice in the
preceding week carried the Princess in expectation
of her labour without telling it before or after to the
King or Queen ; so the King determined to refuse
giving him leave to come to Hampton Court, and
sent no other answer by Lord Jersey to the Prince
than, tout court, that he would not see him. The
Queen's answer to his Royal Highness requesting
her good offices with the King was verbal too, and
nothing more than that she was sorry the Prince had
put it out of her power to make them effectual.
After this, Lord Jersey was dismissed, much, I
believe, to his personal satisfaction (though not as
an ambassador), for he had waited long for the

1737] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 199
answer, had a foot as big as his head with the gout,
and the night being very cold, rainy, windy, dark, and
blustering, it is easy to imagine he was thoroughly
impatient to be in a warm bed in London.
The King was rather irritated than appeased by
these letters of the Prince's, as it was plain the Prince
resolved not to own he had been in the wrong, but
hoped to amuse the King with a verbiage of sorrow
for his Majesty's anger, without confessing he had
deserved it ; and at the same time to load the Queen
with indirect reproaches at least, by insinuating'that
she had done nothing towards softening the King,
and intimating that she had sunk things that might
have done it. Sir Robert Walpole fortified them
both in their resentment of such usage, and said
nothing but a thorough confession of error on the
part of the Prince, and acknowledging what every
body knew was the case, could entitle him to the
King's pardon.
The next day the Prince sent another letter to the
King, but none to the Queen, nor any message; nor
was she mentioned in the King's letter. Lord
Jersey was so ill after his expedition the preceding
night, that he kept his bed ; so this letter was brought
by Lord Carnarvon, another lord of the Prince's
bedchamber, and was as follows : —
" St. James's, Aug. 4, 1737.
" SlRE, " Me permettrez-vous de mettre ma douleur devant vos
pieds du refus que j'ai eu hier au soir de vous faire ma cour
aujourd'hui. Je ne saurois exprimer combien je souffre d'etre
privfe de cette honneur, et de me voir hors des bonnes graces de
votre Majeste. Si quelquechose pouvoit me consoler dans mon
malheur, c'est I'innocence de mes intentions, lesquels je supplie

200 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
votre Majeste de croire ne peuvent jamais 6tre de vous offenser.
Je ne prends pas la liberte de recapittller les raisons qui m'ont
induits a quitter Hampton Court si subitement, mais je me flatte
que votre Majeste m'accordera plus facilement le pardon que je
lui demande quand elle reflichira a l'etat oh je me trouvois alors
avec le pauvre Princesse dans un temps qu'il ne m'etoit pas
permis de m'arreter un moment. J'ose done conjurer instamment
votre Majeste de me retablir dans vos bonnes graces, et de me
permettre de vous faire ma cour demain a votre levee, jusqu'a
quel temps je ne saurai 6tre en repos. Je suis, avec tout le
respect imaginable, " Sire, " De votre Majeste
" Le tres-humble et tres-obeissant fils,
serviteur, et sujet,
" Frederick."
The King was at dinner in public when Lord
Carnarvon arrived with this letter ; and as soon as
he rose from table, he sent for Lord Carnarvon into
the Queen's gallery, and dismissed him whilst he
read the letter. After he had read it his Majesty
sent Lord Essex to Lord Carnarvon, to let him know
that, as the purport of this letter was just the same
as that of the night before, it required no other
answer. Lord Carnarvon insisted on Lord Essex's
giving him this answer in writing; upon which Lord
Essex returned with a pen and ink to the King, to
tell his Majesty that Lord Carnarvon desired he
might have the answer in writing. But before the
King (who was reading some letters that were just
arrived by the German post) could refuse or comply
with this request, the Queen (in whose dressing-room
the King now was) asked Lord Essex for what he
was returned; and Lord Essex telling, and asking, at
the same time, if he should call one of the Ministers,

I737-] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 201
the Queen said, " For what ? to give an answer to
Fritz ? Does the King want a Minister to tell him
what answer he likes to give to his son ? or to call
a council for such a letter, like an affair d'etat f "
{I relate this in the words the Queen related it
just now to me.) And the King, whilst they were
speaking, turning about and asking what was the
matter, the Queen told him for what Lord Essex
was returned, and, that the King might not mistake
what he had a mind to do, added, " But I suppose,
sir, you will not write to your son, and I have already
told Lord Essex that I believed he would trouble you
upon this subject to very little purpose." Accordingly
the King, being thoroughly by this hint apprised
what he was to have a mind to, told Lord Essex
he should give no other answer than what he had
given already, and in no other manner. When Lord
Essex went back, Lord Carnarvon still insisted, very
wrong-headedly, that he would have his directions in
writing; and after squabbling a good while, at last
took a pencil out of his own pocket, and writing
down what Lord Essex had told him, showed it
Lord Essex, and asked him if those were the words;
and so they parted — Lord Carnarvon angry with
Lord Essex that he had done no more, and the
King and Queen angry with him that he had done
so much. The Queen said Lord Essex should have
only invited my Lord Carnarvon to dine with him
when Lord Carnarvon asked him to write, and then
gone to dinner, with or without him, just as Lord
Carnarvon pleased.
Sir Robert Walpole, who was in the outward
room while all this passed in the gallery and the

202 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Queen's bedchamber, came up to Lady Sundon
whilst she was talking to Lord Hervey, and said,
" There is the letter received and the answer given
without my seeing King or Queen ; and yet, Lady
Sundon, if the answer is disapproved, you'll hear
me blamed for it." Lady Sundon answered, "That
may well be your fate when such an insignificant
creature as I am hear myself blamed for things
they have done, which I had never known were
done till the blame and the knowledge came to
gether." 4
It grew now very plain that the whole war was
to be made upon the Queen ; and the turn every
body took at the Prince's Court was saying the
Queen had blown up the King first into this violent
resentment, and by her art now kept him inflexible.
The Queen asked Lord Hervey if it was not sur
prising to see that all their rage seemed pointed at
her ; and he said, "Not at all ; for if wise people
had a mind to hurt effectually, they would certainly
strike at one's head, and not at one's elbow or one's
knuckles." The Queen said, if his counsellors
thought she had any interest, sure this was not the
way to gain her. To which Lord Hervey replied,
" Perhaps they thought to carry her by storm ; and
as nobody was to be gained but by love or fear, as
they despair of infusing the one, they might hope to
excite the other." The Queen said, if that was their
scheme, they would find themselves mistaken ; for
she would never offer terms to her enemies in order
to give up her friends.
4 Allusion to the conversations (vol. ii. p. 357, and ante p. 159), which
Lord Hervey had probably communicated to her. ,

I737-] CONFERENCES. 203
The Duke of Newcastle, my Lord Chancellor,
the Duke of Grafton, and many others, were much
against bringing things to an extremity by a total
separation of the two Courts in form ; and were
always talking how much they wished some means
of accommodation might be found out, but never
pretended to suggest what those means could be.
On the other hand, the passions of the King and
Queen made Sir Robert Walpole afraid of offering
or giving into any palliating schemes ; and Lord
Hervey was perpetually telling him that unless the
bringing the question of the .£100,000 no more into
Parliament could be made one of the terms of the
reconciliation, he could see no advantage could
accrue to Sir Robert or the King from an accom
modation in the family-point ; and since that battle
was to be fought again, that he thought Sir Robert
would fight it to a greater advantage in an open
rupture, in the foundation of which everybody must
own the Prince had been the aggressor, than in
the same situation in which it had been fought
before. That it would be losing all the advantage
the Prince's imprudence had given ; that he would
never give another handle of this kind; and that,
without doubt, there would be much more to be
said against giving the Prince an augmentation
when he was upon the terms of an open breach
with his father, than when the question of the
£100,000 was the only dispute between them.
Lord Hervey told Sir Robert Walpole, too, that
whilst everybody might go to both Courts, every
body would ; and that all the opportunities that
liberty gave people of making their court often to

204 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
the Prince, and taking occasion to say how sorry
they were that things could not be made up, would
only make the resentment of the Prince still stronger
against Sir Robert, and those few who did not dare
to act the same part. That as to Sir Robert's hav
ing advised the King and Queen in the winter
against turning the Prince out of St. James's, the
case was widely different ; and that it would seem
no inconsistency in his conduct to the King and
Queen if he gave into contrary measures at present,
since there was a very essential difference, as well
as plain distinction, between turning the Prince out
of their house on account of a question moved in
Parliament which he might say, and had said, was
no fault of his, as he could not prevent it, and the
turning him out for a fault which everybody must
acknowledge was a fault, and a fault merely and
solely his own.
Sir Robert Walpole said he had considered all
these things ; that he did feel and see every day
how much heavier other people's managements
with the Prince had made his Royal Highness's
resentment fall upon him ; and that, to his know
ledge, the Prince had within these few days asked
one of the King's Ministers (which was my Lord
Chancellor) whether he had any hand in the mes
sage the King had sent him, intimating at the same
time his great indignation against those who had.
This also the Queen told Lord Hervey, saying at
the same time, this was such a degree of insolence,
to pretend to question and bully and frighten the
King's Ministers, as was not to be suffered, and added
that it was high time his Royal Highness should be
well lashed.

I737-] CONFERENCES. 205
Lord Hervey agreed with her, but said, too,
" Madam, I own you must conquer at any rate, but
you must at last too forgive. For your own sake
and your own honour you must conquer, and for
the sake of your family and the security of the
common interest you must forgive. You may do
things when you have conquered that it would be
meanness to do before ; what will be lenity in one
case would appear only timidity in the other ; and
what would be yielding now will be only forbear
ance then."
The only objection Sir Robert Walpole told Lord
Hervey he had to separating the Courts and setting
the Prince at defiance was, that as all the virulence
of the Prince's counsels was at present aimed at the
Queen, and everything that was done esteemed her
doing, this step would occasion such a heap of trea
sured vengeance against her, that he did not know
what might one day or other be the consequence of
it. Lord Hervey said that was a very remote con
sideration, as it must suppose both her and the
Prince to outlive the King, and that for her doing
so it was a very unlikely case to happen, and even
the Prince was not likely soon to see that happy
day ; and that if Sir Robert Walpole was to start
this difficulty even to the Queen herself, she would
be far from imputing what he said to a tenderness
for her, but would rather think he was alarming her
fears to bring her into measures which he proposed
only from a tenderness to himself, and a view to
being First Minister to the third generation.
Sir Robert replied, "It would make her look at
me a little more earnestly whilst I was speaking, my

206 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Lord, but it would not go so far as you say. I own
she has governed the King so long by deceiving
him, that it makes her suspect a little of the same
play from everybody else, as well as exercise a little
of it to everybody else herself; which makes her
often both have and give suspicions that are very
inconvenient to her, as it takes off the confidence
she ought to have in others, and lessens that which
they would otherwise have in her."
Lord Chesterfield at this time said, " Lord Car
teret governed everything at the Prince's Court ;
he is our sole adviser, all our measures are of his
dictating, and I have not the vanity or insincerity
to claim any of the merit that belongs to such coun
sels : all the honour of them is his own."
On the other hand, Lord Carteret, to everybody
whom he thought ready to do him good offices to
the King and Queen, declared his disapprobation of
this step the Prince had taken ; and at first succeeded
so well, that the Queen, to everybody she discoursed
with on these subjects with any freedom, said, though
Carteret was a great knave, yet she did not believe he
was so silly a knave as to have advised the Prince in
this measure, or to have had any hand in the letters ;
and the King told Sir Robert Walpole, " I know Car
teret disapproves this whole affair!' Both to the King
and Queen on this occasion, Sir Robert Walpole
answered, smiling, " Lord Carteret has very good
luck if, whilst he is doing everything he can to dis
tress your Majesty, he can make those very mea
sures part of [his merit, by disavowing them here
whilst he advises them there." And Sir Robert told
Lord Hervey he was sure it was Lady Sundon had

1737] LORD CARTERET. 207
done Lord Carteret this piece of service with the
Queen ; " For, as I can," said he, " my Lord, get
many things (in more places than one) out of the
husband which I can never pump out of the wife,
so the good Lord (I had almost said King5) Sundon
told me this morning, as he came from London with
me in my chariot, that he heard my Lord Carteret
disapproved extremely the Prince's conduct, and said
it was very imprudent and very unjustifiable." Lord
Hervey told Sir Robert that when the Queen had
talked in this strain to him, he had said it was not very
probable the Prince, who she knew was the greatest
coward in the world, should not have asked advice
on an occasion where he had reason to be, and was,
more frighted than he had ever been before ; nor was
it very probable his Royal Highness should have
sent for Lord Carteret, Lord Winchelsea, Lord Ches
terfield, Mr. Pulteney, and the Duke of Marlborough,
only to consult them about a nurse for his daughter.
He told Sir Robert, too (to save Lady Sundon), that
he believed the principal infusers of these opinions
in the Queen in favour of Lord Carteret were Sir
Luke Schaub and Monsieur de Montandre, who
were really of that class, and the chief; but Lady
Sundon, too, had her share in these intrigues.6
However, it being notorious that Lord Carteret
went every day to the Prince, and for many hours,
whilst he made his emissaries at Hampton Court
6 I dare say this expression alluded to the anecdote told by Horace Wal
pole, and which, probably, Lord Hervey had never heard : — " Sir Robert
told me that Lady Sundon, in the enthusiasm of her vanity, had proposed to
him to unite with her and govern the kingdom together. He bowed, begged
her patronage, but said he knew nobody fit to govern the kingdom but the
King and Queen." — Letter to Mann, January 7, 1742.
6 This should be noticed in reference to Lord Hervey's former defence of
Lady Sundon against the suspicions of Sir Robert.

208 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
say he never went above once a week, and that only
in form, and that he would have nothing to do in so
silly an affair, the King and Queen at last began to
be undeceived. The Princess Caroline said she did
not think this impudence at all extraordinary in Lord
Carteret. " For if mama was to see him there,"
said she, " he is capable of endeavouring to persuade
her the devil had taken his figure, seulement pour lui
rendre un mauvais office aupres d'elle." This shallow
artifice, therefore, of Lord Carteret's, in denying what
could not long be concealed, lost its effect so soon
where only it was designed to operate, and where
it astonishingly did operate for some time, that both
King and Queen recurred to their former way of talk
ing of him, and said he was lately become un menteur
sioutrd, qu'il y avoit aussi peu de bon-sens que de bonne-
foi dans sa conduite; and Lord Hervey mentioning
at this time, with some pity, a family misfortune that
had happened to Lord Carteret, by his only son being
run away from school, not to be heard of, and thought
to be married privately and meanly, the King said,
" Why do you pity him ? I think it is a very just
punishment that, whilst he is acting the villanous part
he does in debauching the minds of other people's
children, he should feel a little what it is to have an
undutiful puppy of a son himself." Mr. Pulteney
owned publicly that the Prince had been in the wrong,
but said he had made such ample submissions that
the King and Queen ought to look upon them as a
full atonement.
When Lord Hervey said to the Queen that he
thought Pulteney's behaviour and discourse much
the most reasonable and sensible on this occasion,

I737-] THE PRINCESS EMILY. 209
the Queen replied, " Oh, my Lord, you are partial to
Mr. Pulteney, but I have done with him." Lord
Hervey said he certainly had great faults both to
himself and to other people, from his passions and
his irresolution ; but that he was sure he had no
reason to be partial to him, and yet could not help
thinking him much the ablest man that he knew of
any figure or note in the Opposition, as well as the
most beloved.
The Princess Emily not only at this time was
extremely out of her brother's favour, but had long
been so ; and had contrived her affairs so ill, that
whilst her brother was railing at her for having
betrayed him when she played the mediatrix and
was pretending to serve him, her mother trusted
her as little as her brother declared he ever would
do for the future ; nay, her brother went so far as to
say, that if ever he came to an dclaircissement with
the King, he would let his Majesty know there was
nothing she could now say to the disadvantage of the
son that she had not before said of the father ; and
though the Prince's credit for truth was not at
present very high, yet the known character of her
Royal Highness the Princess Emily would have
authenticated most things in that style he could
have related to her prejudice.
The Princess Caroline spoke of her brother with
very little reserve, but her conduct was uniform.
She had never been his friend, nor ever affected
it ; she had always loved her mother, and always
professed it ; and as all the rancour of the Prince
seemed directed against the Queen, the Princess
Caroline could not speak of him with common
vol. in. o

210 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
temper, and hardly, indeed, with common decency.
She bid Mr. Dunoyer, the dancing-master, who
(except the hours he was obliged to be at Hampton
Court7) was the Prince and Princess's constant com
panion, tell the Prince, when he asked him what they
said at Hampton Court of his late expedition to
London, that the Princess Caroline declared they
all, except the Princess, deserved to be hanged ;
and added, " I know, Monsieur Dunoyer, you
would tell this again, though I did not give you
leave ; but I say it with no other design than that
you should repeat it ; " and the next time Dunoyer
came to Hampton Court, the Princess Caroline
asked him if he had delivered her message. " Oui,
madame" said Monsieur Dunoyer. " Et I'avez vous
dit dans les mimes paroles?" asked the Princess.
" Oui, madame; j'ai dit, Monseigneur, savez vous ce
que Madame la Princesse Caroline m'a chargd de vous
dire ? Elle dit, Monseigneur, sauve le respect que je
vous dois, que votre Altesse Roy ale mdrite d'itrependu"
' ' El qu'est-ce qu il a rdpondu ?" " Madame, il a crachd
dans le feu, et puis il a rdpondu, Ah I vous savez la
maniere de la Caroline ; elle est toujours comme fa."
She replied, " Quand vous le reverrez, Monsieur
Dunoyer, vous navez qua lui dire encore de ma part
que sa rdponse dtoit aussi so tie que sa conduite."
Monsieur Dunoyer, who was a sort of licensed
spy on both sides, told the Princess Caroline, too,
that the Princess, having by chance overheard some
whisper she was not designed to hear, had got some
little suspicion of the King and Prince being ill
together, and that there was some new bustle since
7 Attending the younger Princesses.

1737] ROYAL CONJUGALITY. 211
she was brought to bed ; upon which she had
watched her opportunity when the Prince and Lady
Archibald were retired, and he only left with her
Royal Highness, to ask him what was the matter,
adding, with great vehemence, that she would know ;
and when he pretended ignorance, she burst into
tears, flew into a greater passion than he thought
her capable of, and by these means had forced him,
half out of fear and half out of pity, to tell her all he
knew. This must seem incredible to anybody who knows
not that the Prince kept this gilded piece of royal
conjugality in such profound ignorance of all his
political affairs, that, at the time I am now writing,
I believe she has yet never heard of the dispute
last session between her husband and her father-
in-law in Parliament. His Royal Highness looked
upon this conduct towards his wife as a piece of
manly grandeur, and used always to say a prince
should never talk to any woman of politics, or make
any use of a wife but to breed ; and that he would
never make the ridiculous figure his father had done
in letting his wife govern him or meddle with busi
ness, which no woman was fit for.
The ninth day after the Princess was brought to
bed, the Queen with her two eldest daughters went
again from Hampton Court to see the Princess.
The Prince, when they came to St. James's, went
no farther than the door of his wife's bedchamber
to meet her Majesty, and the whole time she stayed
(which was about an hour) spoke not one single
word either to her or his sisters, but was indus
triously civil and affectedly gay with all those of

212 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
their suite who were present. Lady Archibald
Hamilton brought in the child, and showing the
Queen its hands, asked her Majesty if she did not
think the Princess had the prettiest little hand she
had ever seen, and exactly like the Prince's. The
Queen asked once or twice for her coaches, which
were gone to have the horses changed ; and said
she feared she was troublesome, fears which nobody
in the room endeavoured to remove by saying one
word in answer ; and when she went away, the
Prince, who could not avoid leading her to her
coach, though he had not spoken one word to her,
yet at the coach door, to make the mob believe he
was never wanting in any respect, he kneeled down
in the dirty street and kissed her hand : as soon as
this operation was over, he put her Majesty into
the coach, and then returned to the steps of his
own door, leaving his sisters to get through the
dirt and the mob by themselves as they could ;
nor did there come to the Queen any message either
from the Prince or Princess to thank her afterwards
for the trouble she had taken, or for the honour she
had done them in this visit.
It is easy to imagine, after such a reception, that
the Queen made no more of these trips to St.
James's.8
8 Though Horace Walpole mistook (ante, p. 173) the visit at which this
scene was acted, his description is very accurate, and his observations are
worth quoting : — "What," says he, "could excuse, what indeed could pro
voke, the senseless and barbarous insult offered to the King and Queen by
Frederick taking his wife out of the palace of Hampton Court in the middle
of the night, when she was in actual labour, and carrying her, at the imminent
risk of the lives of her and her child, to the unaired palace and bed at St.
James's? Had he no way of affronting his parents but by venturing to kill
his wife and the heir to the crown ? A baby that wounds itself to vex its

I737-] THE PRINCE'S HYPOCRISY. 213
nurse is not more void of reflection. The scene which commenced by unfeel
ing idiotcy closed with paltry hypocrisy. The Queen, on the first notice of
her son's exploits, set out for St. James's to visit the Princess by seven in the
morning. The gracious Prince, so far from attempting an apology, spoke not
a word to his mother, but on her retreat gave her his hand, led her into the
street to her coaoh — still dumb — but a crowd being assembled at the gate, he
kneeled down in the dirt and humbly kissed her Majesty's hand. Her indig
nation must have shrunk into contempt." — Reminiscences.

CHAPTER XXXV.
Conference of Walpole and Hoadley on the Test Act — Proposed
Disjunction of Hanover from England — Christening of the
Child — Continuation of the Prince's Correspondence — Rhym
ing Parody of his Letters — His Disrespect to the Queen —
Resolution taken to Expel him from St. James's — Lord Hervey
Drafts a Message — Discussion of the King, Queen, and
Cabinet on the Draft — Walpole's Jealousy of Lord Hervey
Increased — The Message Sent — The King's Character of the
Prince's Advisers — Lord Hervey's Character of Lord Bristol —
Notice given that those who, should Wait upon the Prince
would not be Received at St. James's — Other Marks of Dis
pleasure — The Prince's Minor Council.

PON a report at this time, that the
Prince, who determined to make him
self popular wherever he could at his
father's expense, intended to set him
self at the head of a party next session to repeal
the Test Act, Sir Robert Walpole sent to Bishop
Hoadley to desire to speak with him, knowing, if
any such resolution was taken, that he would be
one of the first people who would be acquainted
with it. There had been long (as I have before
related) a coldness between Bishop Hoadley and
Sir Robert Walpole, which even his making him
Bishop of Winchester had not removed ; and as
soon as the Bishop came into the room, his Lord
ship began with thanking him for this renewal of
an honour and mark of friendship which it was

I737-] WALPOLE AND HOADLEY. 215
so long since he had received ; and when Sir
Robert opened to him the occasion of his sending
for him, the Bishop assured Sir Robert Walpole
he had not yet heard anything from the Prince
about it ; and added, though he always had been,
and always should be, in conscience and opinion
for the repeal of the Test Act abstractedly con
sidered, yet he had always too been so strongly
of opinion that the Prince should not be set up in
opposition to the King, that he thought it would
be buying even the repeal of the Test Act too
dear to make the King's distress in a family
quarrel the price of it ; and would therefore give
no encouragement to it upon that foot, but declare
to the Prince, as he had done on several other
occasions, and particularly that of his Royal High
ness making his son, Mr. Hoadley,1 his chaplain,
that no new obligations whatever should make him
at any time forget those he had to the King in
putting him where he was. Sir Robert Walpole
was so pleased with the Bishop of Winchester's
behaviour in this conference, that he told Lord
Hervey, " You know I have not ever disguised to
you my being dissatisfied with your friend, nor do
I now say it to flatter you, that, upon my word, it
was impossible for any man to behave better than
he did to me yesterday at Chelsea ; and you will
find by the King and Queen, that I do not deceive
you in saying I have done him ample justice there,
and given him all the merit you or he could wish :
1 John, who published his father's works, and died in 1774 — "the last of
his name," which, though generally, and by Lord Hervey always, spelled
Hoadley, they wrote Hoadly.

216 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
though I need not tell you that neither I nor you
can ever make them love him."
Among many other things that were said to make
this new-born Princess a favourite of the public, it
was remarked by some of the Prince's Court that
if ever she came to the crown, what had been so
much wished ever since the Hanover family came
to the throne by every one who understood and
wished the interest of England must happen ; which
was, the disjoining the Electorate of Hanover from
the Crown of England. It was certainly a great
omission in the Act of Succession that a renuncia
tion of that Electorate was not made one of the
original conditions in the Act of Settlement ; and
as it was to be wished that oversight or neglect
might be retrieved by some Act in present, yet
with a male heir-apparent it was thought impos
sible.2 When the Queen told Lord Hervey it was
a thing the King had once resolved to go about,
not to be done in present, but to mortify his eldest
son and provide for his second, Lord Hervey had

s George I., in his enmity to George II., entertained some idea of separating
the sovereignty of England and Hanover ( Coxe's Walpole, p. 1 32) ; and we
find from Lord Chancellor King's Diary, under the date of June 1725, "a
negotiation had been lately on foot in relation to the two young Princes,
Frederick and William. The Prince (George II.) and his wife were for ex
cluding Prince Frederick, but that after the King and the Prince he should be
Elector of Hanover, and Prince William King of Great Britain ; but that the
King said it would be unjust to do it without Prince Frederick's consent, who
was now of an age to judge for himself, and so the matter now stood " (Camp-
belts Chancellors, iv. 318). Sir Robert Walpole, who communicated this to
the Chancellor, added that he had told George I. that " if he did not bring
Prince Frederick over in his lifetime, he would never set his foot on English
ground." This early enmity of his parents to Frederick Lord Campbell can
not explain ; " but the Prince had his revenge by perpetually disturbing the
government of his father, till, in 1751, the joyful exclamation was uttered,
' Fritz is dead '/"'— lb.

1737.] DISJUNCTION OF HANOVER. 217
done all he could to forward the scheme, being
delighted to have such an opportunity at once to
gratify his hatred and resentment against the Prince,
and lend his aid and assistance to so public a bene
fit. But though the King was very willing to put
this project in execution, the Queen, either from
fearing the vengeance of the Prince, or from a
qualm of conscience, which she said was her reason,
demurred in giving her consent, saying, notwith
standing the behaviour of the Prince, she could not
bring herself to think it just to deprive him of what
he was born to. Lord Hervey, hearing at this
time a slight report that the friends of the Prince
had persuaded him to make the offer in Parliament
of giving up the succession of the Electorate of
Hanover to his brother, on condition he might have
his ;£ 100,000 a year in present, told the Queen
what was said. The Queen said there were few
marks of folly she did not believe her son capable
of giving, but this was too extravagant to find
credit with her. Lord Hervey said that he knew
the Prince so capable of being persuaded to any
thing by those who had the present possession of
him, though that possession was so precarious, that
he did not think it at all impossible the Prince
might now have such intentions, though he might
not pursue them. The way Lord Hervey came
to know there was such a talk in the Prince's
Court was by one Dr. Clark,3 a clergyman, to whom
Mr. Oglethorpe,4 a member of Parliament, had told
3 Dr. Alured Clark, at this time deputy-clerk of the closet, and soon after
Dean of Exeter. He was a friend of Lady Sundon's.
* The celebrated long-lived General Oglethorpe. See Boswell's Johnson,
P- 3S-.

2 1 8 L ORD HER VE Y'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
it, assuring him at the same time that he had been
consulted about it, and that the pulse of other
members of Parliament, to his knowledge, had been
felt upon the subject, to try how such a proposal
would be relished. The Queen asked Lord Hervey
how he could believe there was any foundation for
such a report, and what inducement it was possible
the Prince could have to make such a voluntary
abdication ; telling Lord Hervey at the same time
that she was sure the Prince looked upon Hanover
as a retreat in case the Jacobites in England ever
got the better ; and that the Prince, the Excise
year, had told her that Sir Robert Walpole had
managed matters so that his Royal Highness be
lieved the whole family would be driven out of
the kingdom, and that, for his part, he would be
one of the first to run to Hanover, as if the devil
was at his heels. Lord Hervey replied that the
Prince had at present so high a notion of his own
popularity here, that how disagreeable soever his
father might be, or how likely soever to be sent
out of the kingdom, his Royal Highness thought
himself in no such situation, and in no danger of
incurring the same fate. In the next place, said
Lord Hervey, your Majesty knows how much he
is set upon making himself popular ; the people
about him tell him nothing can so effectually gratify
that desire as this step ; that what he gives up is
at best a reversionary, remote, uncertain possession,
and that what he will get for it will double his pre
sent income ; and that, as things now stand, this is
the only chance he has to obtain this augmentation,
the principal object of his present wishes.

I737-] DISJ UNC TION OF HA NO VER. 2 1 9
" The mean fool ! (interrupted the Queen) — the
poor-spirited beast ! I remember you laughed at
me when I told you once this avaricious and sordid
monster was so little able to resist taking a guinea
on any terms, if he saw it before his nose, that if
the Pretender offered him ,£500,000 for the rever
sion of this crown, he would say, ' Give me the
money.' What do you think now ? " "I think
(replied Lord Hervey) just as I did, madam, upon
that question — because it would not be enough :
but I think the present a very different case."
"Well (said the Queen), I thought it cruel and
unjust to pull out his eyes ; but if he likes to pull
one of them out himself, and give it my dear
William, I am satisfied. I am sure I shall not
hinder him ; I shall jump at it : for though, between
you and I, I had as lief go and live upon a dung
hill myself as go to Hanover, yet for William it
will be a very good morsel ; and for the ,£50,000
a year, I dare say the King will be very glad
to give it ; and, if the silly beast insists upon it,
I will give him £"25,000 more, the half of my
revenue, and live as I can, upon shillings- and
pennies." The Queen then bade Lord Hervey tell Sir
Robert Walpole what he had heard, but to both
of them Lord Harvey refused to tell how he had
heard it.
Sir Robert Walpole told Lord Hervey he did not
think it at all unlikely for the Prince to make this
bargain, if it was proposed to him, or to offer to
make it, if he was advised so to do ; but that he
did not see what interest his present counsellors

220 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
could have in advising it. Lord Hervey replied,
that their interest and view was, showing the people
of England they could, even out of power, do this
country more good than the Ministers could do, or
at least had done, in power. " But their interest,
whilst in opposition (said Sir Robert Walpole), is
not to do anything to end the dispute and make
up the quarrel between the King and the Prince."
" Nor will this measure have that effect (replied
Lord Hervey) ; it will only make the head of their
party stronger by £"50,000 a year ; remove the
danger of his deserting them to get it ; and they
will afterwards go on in opposing, with greater
riches and greater popularity on their side. Besides
this, there will be another piece of policy in this
proceeding, for as there neither is nor ought to be
anything so much desired by the people of Eng
land as the disjunction of the Hanover dominions
from this Crown, so, besides the merit the Prince
will have in making this sacrifice, it must double
the odium of the King's reign, as the King's life
alone will be the means of postponing so desir
able an event ; and, consequently, the Prince must
imagine, when he has once consented to this separa
tion, the nation will be as impatient for his father's
death as himself, for fear anything should happen to
defeat so desirable an expectation, and continue so
inconvenient a union."
Sir Robert Walpole then asked Lord Hervey
how he thought the King and Queen would relish
this scheme ; to which Lord Hervey replied, " I
am sure, sir, the King had a mind to execute it
himself last winter ; but how far the Prince's having

I737-] DISJUNCTION OF HANOVER. 221
a mind to it, or the proposal coming from his Royal
Highness, or the paying £"50,000 for it, may alter
his Majesty's inclination, I am unable to guess. As
to the Queen, she has always wavered ; from what
motive I know not : she says the injustice of the
scheme towards the Prince has prevented her from
lending her aid to make it effectual, and that it was
upon that account she had never produced some deed,
instrument, or writing (I know not what it is) that she
had got drawn for this purpose. You know, sir, she
expresses herself so by halves sometimes, that one
cannot comprehend her perfectly ; and one does
not care either to say, ' Madam, I do not understand
what you design to tell me ; ' or, ' Madam, I desire to
understand a little more than you seem to design to
tell me.' " " Do you then (interrupted Sir Robert
Walpole) imagine this thing ever went so far as to
have any method for effecting it put into writing ? "
Lord Hervey, finding by this question that Sir
Robert knew nothing of this writing, and that he
had gone too far, tried to recede by saying, " I did
really, sir, imagine there was, but it was only, as I
told you before, from collecting, not from being told,
and making conjectures from half words and dis
tant hints from the Queen ; which, to be sure, since
you know nothing of this writing, I must have mis
taken." " I dare say (replied Sir Robert) you have
mistaken, for I do not believe there ever was any
such thing."5
In what form this writing was I know not, but
6 It is evident from Lord King's note (ante, p. 216), that Sir Robert was
earlier and more deeply acquainted with this matter than he now chose to let
Lord Hervey see.

222 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
that there was something of this kind in the Queen's
possession is certain ; and, I believe, drawn either
by Mr. Poyntz or some of the German Ministers.
The Queen told Lord Hervey there was such a
paper ; she told him she had burned two drafts,
and had now another by her ; but not explaining in
what manner it was done. Lord Hervey, who had
such frequent opportunities with the King and
Queen of knowing things by pieces, made it a
general rule, and swerved not from it, never to
seem inquisitive by pressing to know one circum
stance more than was told him voluntarily and
without asking ; nobody liking those by whom, on
reflection, they find they were drawn in to tell more
than they designed, or than they were willing to
communicate : for, besides the disagreeable circum
stance of such thinking, on such occasions, one is
more in the power of another than one desires to
be, there is added to that the mortifying reflection
of imagining it was their superior skill that put
one so ; which, of course, makes one love that
person less for what is past, and sets one more upon
one's guard for what is to come ; and though, there
fore, from anybody who is to give one information
casually on any particular occasion, it is right and
politic to get any way all one can out of them, yet
the manner of behaviour to people from whom one
seeks accidental intelligence and those with whom
one desires to live in habitual confidence ought to
be very different, as in one case the present is the
only consideration, and in the other it is one of
the least ; since I had rather discover in anybody I
wanted to have confide in me a hundred marks of

I737-] DISJUNCTION OF HANOVER. 223
omitting to confide in me, than one of their having
confided and repenting it.
Sir Robert Walpole said he doubted not but, in
case this proposal was ever made in Parliament, it
might be carried with universal concurrence and
. approbation. " Carried ! (replied Lord Hervey),
" there is indeed no doubt of that ; but should
it be proposed, could you stop it if you had a
mind ? " " Oh, my Lord, (answered Sir Robert),
there is nothing I cannot stop in Parliament if I
set my face to it heartily ; but should this be done,
it will ever after be such a series of rapaciousness
to hoard at Hanover for the Duke's grandeur and
profit, and the Queen's security and retreat ; and
Hanover in all foreign negotiations would so cross
on all our measures, that it is impossible to foresee
half the difficulties it would bring upon us ; not but
that I own, at the same time, it would in futurity be
the greatest real benefit the sagacity of all mankind
combined could procure for this country." " I am
sure (said Lord Hervey) I am firmly of that opinion,
and therefore heartily for the thing being any way
done ; and for risking all the present little incon
veniences — which I call little because I am far (per
haps from less penetration) from seeing them in so
strong a light as I perceive they glare upon you.
In the first place, as to Hanover crossing on all your
foreign negotiations, and your finding it mixed, and
troublesomely mixed, in every consideration. Is it
not so now ? Has it not been so ever since the
Hanover family came here ? and will it not continue
so as long as the union of the dominions continues ?
And as to the Queen's hoarding there for herself ;

224 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
believe me, sir, she will never go there : though she
would look on her English son as the devil, and her
Hanover heir as an angel, she will stay in this
paradise with her devil sooner than go to that hell
with her angel. She has too much pleasure in
grandeur to exchange that she has been accustomed
to in this country for the mean indigent scenes she
knows she would be reduced to there." "Oh, my
Lord (interrupted Sir Robert), you know not what
fear will do even against her pride ; and with a pro
mise from the Prince of quiet and safety there, and
menaces of perpetual plaguing and harassing here,
believe me, she would prefer the first, with her
,£100,000 a year, besides a good round sum of ready
money, there to anything she could propose to her
self, subject to so many hazards here." Lord Hervey
said he should think her £"100,000 a year would run
much greater hazards there, the people grumbling
at so great a sum going every year out of the king
dom, and the Prince ready to redress that grievance,
not so much for the good of England, as to gratify
his revenge upon her ; and that if nothing but the
security of her jointure was in question, those who
advised her best would advise her to stay here.
Sir Robert said it was a question of great moment,
but that the principal point for him to consider was
what the King and Queen wished really should be
done in it. This he said, too, to the Queen when
he talked to her upon this subject, adding, " Pray,
madam, therefore, consider well before you deter
mine, and let me know when you have determined,
without any disguise, what you wish should be done,
and whatever that is, I will answer for it it shall

I737-] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 225
be done." In all the conferences he had with the
King and Queen on this matter, if anything passed
more than what I have related, I know it not ; for
nothing more was mentioned to me, either by the
Queen or Sir Robert Walpole in their reports, than
turning and repeating all the particulars I have
already set down, one only excepted, and no imma
terial one, which I had forgot, and just now recurs
to my memory, which was Sir Robert's flattery to the
King and Queen by telling them both that he saw
no reason, if this bargain was to be struck, why the
nation should not pay the purchase-money to the
Prince of £50,000 a year, since the benefit of the
bargain was to accrue to the nation ; and that there
could be no pretence for the King's giving it out of
his Civil List when he was to get nothing by it.
On the 20th of August, in the morning, the King
sent another written message to the Prince by his
lord in waiting, as follows : —
From the King at Hampton Court to the Prince at St. James's,
by Lord Dunmore, August 20, 1737.
" It being now near three weeks since the Princess was brought
to bed, his Majesty hopes there can be no inconvenience to the
Princess if Monday the twenty-ninth instant be appointed for bap
tizing the Princess his grand-daughter; and having determined that
his Majesty, the Queen, and the Duchess-Dowager of Saxe-Gotha
shall be godfather and godmothers, will send his Lord Chamber
lain to represent himself, and the Queen's lady of the bedchamber
to represent the Queen, and desires the Princess will order one of
the ladies of her bedchamber to stand for the Duchess-Dowager
of Saxe-Gotha, and the King will send to the Archbishop of Can
terbury to attend and perform the ceremony."
In answer to this message, in the evening the
VOL. 111. P

226 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Prince,, by Lord Carnarvon, sent again two letters,
to the King and Queen : —

The Prince to the King, August 20, 1737.
" Sire, "La Princesse et moi prenons la liberte" de remercier
tres-humblement votre Majeste" de I'honneur qu'elle veut bien
faire a notre fille d'en 6tre parrain. Les ordres que my Lord
Dunmore m'a apporte" sur ce sujet seront execute's point a point.
Je me conterois bien heureux si a cette occasion j'osois venir moi-
meme me mettre a vos pieds ; rien ne men pourroit empecher
que la seule deTense de votre Majesty. D'etre prive" de vos bonnes
graces est la chose du monde la plus affligeante pour moi, qui non
seulement vous respect, mais, si j'ose me servir de ce terme, vous
aime tres-tendrement. Me permettrez-vous encore une fois de
vous supplier tres-humblement de me pardonner une faute dans
laquelle du moins l'intention n'avoit pas de part, et de me per-
mettre de vous refaire ma cour k votre lev£e. J'ose vous en con
jurer instamment, comme d'une chose qui me rendra le r£pos.
Je suis, avec toute la soumission possible,
"Sire, de votre Majesty,
" Le tres-humble et tres-ob£issant fils,
sujet, et serviteur,
" Frederick."

To the Queen, the same date.
" Madame,
" Permettez moi de vous remercier tres-humblement
de I'honneur que vous voulez bien faire a la Princesse et a moi
d'etre marraine de notre fille. J'ai pris la liberte" d'en faire nos
remercimens au Roi par e"crit ; j'y ai ajoute" mes douleurs de la
situation oh je me trouve. Je vous supplie encore une fois,
Madame, de m'y assister de vos bons offices, qui ne peuvent
jamais etre employe" dans un cas plus essentiel a votre fils, qu'k
le remettre dans les bonnes graces de son pere. Je suis, avec
tout le respect possible, " Madame,
" Votre tres-humble et tres-obeissant fils et serviteur,
"Frederick."

I737-] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 227
Though this letter to the King was conceived in
these submissive terms, yet the coldness of that to
the Queen, and the silly omission in never saying to
her your Majesty from one end of the letter to the
other, provoked the King so much that, after the
receipt of those two letters, he seemed more angry
with his son than ever ; and the Queen, by her
seeming indifference to this treatment, and desiring
the King not to resent this childish ill-judged imper
tinence, incensed the King still more.
She had often told Lord Hervey that the Prince
had several times formerly given her to understand
that his rank was superior to hers, and that properly
the Prince of Wales's place was between the King
and the Queen : how he made it out God knows; or
by what way of reasoning, when he allowed her to
be called Queen, he could dispute the title of your
Majesty being her due, I do not comprehend. The
Queen one day, in one of these disputes, told him she
could not imagine why he laboured this point so
much in endeavouring to prove his rank superior to
hers, "Since, believe me," said she, "my dear Fritz,
let your quality be ever so great, the King, if I was
to die, would never marry you."
Soon after the receipt of these letters the Queen
fell ill of a violent fit of the gout ; and on this occa
sion she first broke through the etiquette of the
Court by seeing Lord Hervey in her bed ; but as she
was confined to it for several days, she said it was
too much to be in pain and ennuyer herself for want
of company ; besides, as she was too old to have the
honour of being talked of for it, she would let Lord
Hervey come in, and accordingly had him in her

228 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
bedchamber almost the whole day, during the time
of her confinement.
When Lord North was sent from the Prince to
inquire after her health, Lord Hervey said he was
sure he could dictate a much sincerer message from
the Prince on this occasion than Lord North had
delivered. Upon which the Queen and the Princess
Caroline begging him to do it, he went with the
Princess Caroline into the next room, and there
wrote the following letter to the Queen, in the name
of the Griff, which was a nickname the King had
long ago given the Prince. This is the original
paper : —
The Griff to the Queen.
" From myself and my cub, and eke from my wife,
I send my Lord North, notwithstanding our strife,
To your Majesty's residence call'd Hampton Court,
Pour savoir, au vrai, comment on se porte.
For 'tis rumour'd in town — I hope 'tis not true —
Your foot is too big for your slipper or shoe.
If I had the placing your gout, I am sure
Your Majesty's toe less pain should endure ;
For whilst I've so many curs'd things in my head,
And some stick in my stomach (as in Proverbs 'tis said),
No just or good reason your good son can see
Why, when mine are so plagued, yours from plagues
should be free.
Much more I've to say, but respect bids be brief :
And so I remain your undutiful Griff." 6
The Queen was extremely diverted with this
letter, but Lord Hervey insisted upon having it
back again to burn it.
s It seems not unnecessary to explain that the intended point of these
uncouth and ill-natured lines is the supposed wish of the Prince that the
gout could be removed from the Queen's foot to the more mortal regions of
the head or stomach.

1737-] PRINCE'S LETTERS. 229
On the 29th of August the christening was per
formed ; the Duke of Grafton stood for the King,
Lady Burlington for the Queen, and Lady Torring-
ton, one of the Princess's ladies, for the Duchess-
Dowager of Saxe-Gotha. The young Princess was
christened Augusta ; and the Prince, as soon as the
christening was over, sent his treasurer, Mr. Her
bert, to tell everybody belonging to his family
then at Court, that the Prince would not have his
daughter called Princess Augusta, but according to
the old English fashion, the Lady Augusta, and that
she should be called her Royal Highness, though his
sisters had not been so when his father was Prince
of Wales. This Mr. Herbert was a commoner of a
great estate, who had voted for the Prince last year
in the question of the £"100,000; and to reward
that service, Mr. Hedges dying just at the rising of
the Parliament, the Prince nominated, the day
Hedges died, Mr. Herbert to succeed him ; though
Mr. Herbert had not voted against the Court in any
one vote but that of the £"100,000, and declared he
never would. The day after the christening, the
Prince sent Lord North with two more letters to
Hampton Court to the King and Queen, to thank
them for the honour they had done his daughter,
which letters were as follows : —
The Prince to the King, by Lord North.
" St. James's, ce 30 d'Aout 1737.
" Sire, " C'est avec tout le respect possible que j'ose remercier
encore une fois votre Majeste" de I'honneur qu'elle a bien voulu
faire a la Princesse et k moi d'etre parrain de notre fille. Je ne
¦saurois laisser passer cette occasion sans re"it£rer ma demande du

230 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
pardon que je lui ai demande" si souvent. Je souhaiterois trouver
des paroles qui puissent flexhir le cceur paternel de votre
Majeste",; s'il y en avoient qui puissent marquer davantage ma
douleur et mon respect envers vous, je puis assurer votre Majeste
que je m'en servirois. II ne me reste done plus rien a dire que
de,vous conjurer encore une fois de me re"tablir encore dans vos
bonnes graces, et de vous assurer que rien au monde ne changera
le tendre respect que je vous dois, e"tant, avec beaucoup de
soumission, '' Sire, de votre Majeste,
" Le tres-humble et tres-ob6issant fils,
sujet, et serviteur,
"Frederick."

The Prince to the Queen, by Lord North.
" St. James's, ce 30 d'Aoiit 1737.
" Madame,
" Je crois etre de mon devoir de vous remercier encore
une fois tres-humblement de I'honneur que vous avez fait a la
Princesse et a moi d'etre marraine de notre fille. Je suis tres-
mortifie" que la defense du Roi m'empeche de le faire de bouche :
rien ne m'arretera sans cela. Je me flatte que la continuation
de vos bons offices, joint jt la lettre que je me suis donne I'hon
neur d'e'erire au Roi sur ce sujet, m'en procureront la permission,
et que j'aurai bientot la satisfaction de reparoitre devant vous.
Je suis, avec tout le respect imaginable,
" Madame,
" Votre tres-humble et tres-obe"issant fils et serviteur,
" Frederick."
The Prince avoiding in this letter to call the
Queen your Majesty, as he had done in the last,
plainly showed that the other was not accident, but
that he had on purpose taken this simple method of
showing his resentment. The Queen sent these
letters by Lord Hervey to Sir Robert Walpole, and
bid Lord Hervey tell Sir Robert not to fail to let.
her see him before he saw the King. What her

I737-] MESSAGE TO PRINCE. 231

Majesty wanted with Sir Robert was, to agree with
him on the substance of a message to be sent to the
Prince to turn him out of St. James, before Sir
Robert spoke to the King upon it. When Sir
Robert Walpole came back from this interview
with the Queen, having been also afterward with
the King, he told Lord Hervey that the resolution
was to leave the child with the Princess, and not
1o take it (as the late King had taken this King's
children, upon the quarrel in the last reign), lest
any accident might happen to this royal little
animal, and the world in that case accuse the
King and Queen of having murdered it for the
sake of the Duke of Cumberland. Besides that
the Queen, to give her her due, though she always
spoke of the Princess as a driveller, always spoke
of her, too, as one whom she would not displease,
one who had never offended her, or done anything
wrong ; and, consequently, one who did not deserve
such harsh usage as the being separated from her
only child.
Sir Robert Walpole told Lord Hervey he liked on
every occasion to hear other people's opinions whilst
he was forming his own, and therefore desired him
to put down in writing what, if he were to advise the
King on this occasion, he would have him say ; and
though the other messages had been all drawn in the
third person, in the nature of memorandums only
for the messenger, yet, as this was to go in the King's
own name, and to be signed by him, Sir Robert
Walpole bid Lord Hervey draw it up in the form of
a letter, which Lord Hervey did in the following
words ; not a little pleased with a commission that

232 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
put it in his power to make use of the King's cha
racter and authority to express and gratify his resent
ment against the Prince : —
" It is in vain for you to hope I can be so far deceived by your
empty professions, wholly inconsistent with all your actions, as to
t.iink they in any manner palliate or excuse a series of the most
insolent and premeditated indignities offered to me and the Queen,
your mother.
" You never gave the least notice to me or the Queen of the
Princess's being breeding or with child till about three weeks;
before the time when you yourself have owned you expected he]
to be brought to bed, and removed her from the place of m
residence for that purpose. You twice in one week carried hi
away from Hampton Court with an avowed design of having her
lie-in in town, without consulting me or the Queen, or so much is
communicating your intentions to either of us. At your retu: n
you industriously concealed everything relating to this importa it
affair from our knowledge; and, last of all, you clandestine
hurried the Princess to St. James's in circumstances not fit to be
named, and less fit for such an expedition.
" This extravagant and undutiful behaviour in a matter of sucjh
great consequence as the birth of an heir to my crown, to the
manifest peril of the Princess and her child (whilst you pretend
your regard for her was your motive), inconsistent with the natural
right of all parents, and in violation of your double duty to me
as your father and as your King, is what cannot be excused by
any false plea, so repugnant to the whole tenor of your conduct,
of the innocence of your intentions, or atoned for by specious
pretences or plausible expressions.
" Your behaviour for a long time has been so void of duty and
regard to me, even before this last open proof you have given tp
all the world of your contempt for me and my authority, that l
have long been justly offended at it ; nor will I suffer any part of
any of my palaces to be longer the resort and refuge of all those
whom discontent, disappointment, or disaffection have made the
avowed opposers of all my measures ; who espouse you only to
distress me, and who call you the head, whilst they make you the
instrument of a faction that acts with no other view than to
weaken my authority in every particular, and can have no other

y

I737-] MESSAGE TO PRINCE. 233
end in their success but weakening the common interest of my
whole family.
" My pleasure, therefore, is that you and all your family remove
from St. James's as soon as ever the safety and convenience of
the Princess will permit.
" I will leave the care of my grand-daughter to the Princess till
the time comes when I shall think it proper to give directions for
her education.
" To this I will receive no reply. When you shall, by a con
sistency in your words and actions, show you repent, of your past
conduct and are resolved to return to your duty, parental affection
may then, and not till then, induce me to forgive what paternal
justice now obliges me to resent."7
Sir Robert Walpole, after two days' consideration,
made several alterations in this paper, and every one
of them an amendment, and then showed it again to
Lord Hervey, desiring him, at the same time, not to
own to anybody, not even the Queen, that he had
seen it. " I need not tell you," said he, "that she is
main good (that was his expression) at pumping; but
be sure you do not let her get it out of you. I shall
not show it to her herself till the Duke of Newcastle
and my Lord Chancellor have seen it. I shall only
7 See in Coxe, i. 540, an account of the discussion on what he calls " the
harsh, improper, and indecorous expressions" of the original draft of the
message extracted from the Hardwicke papers. The Chancellor was the
chief critic and moderator, and, after all amendments, thought the message
sent too strong. He adds in his Diary this remarkable note : — "Sir
Robert Walpole informed me of certain passages between the King and himself,
and between the King and the Prince, of too high and secret a nature ever to be
trusted to this narrative ; but from thence I found great reason to think that
this unhappy difference between the King and the Queen and his Royal Highness
turned on some points of a more interesting and important nature than have
hitherto appeared." See also Lord Hardwicke's narrative in extenso in Harris's
Life, iii. 161 et sea.; but it affords no explanation of this mysterious pas
sage. Like the communication to Lord Chancellor King (ante, p. 216), it
may perhaps have related to the proposed separation of England and Hanover ;
but even if it were so, we are still left to inquire what could have given rise to
such a proposition, made long before the Prince had come to England.

234 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
talk with her again upon the matter which it is to
contain ; for should I show her the paper itself, the
Chancellor and his Grace would complain they were
tied up from giving any opinion on alterations, be
cause it would be combating hers; and, therefore,
I will be able to say to them it is open to their free
correction." On the other hand, the Queen, telling Lord Her
vey of this paper, gave him the same injunctions
Sir Robert had done, not to own to anybody, not
even to Sir Robert, that she had spoke to him
about it; and by her, too, Lord Hervey found, not
withstanding what Sir Robert had said of concerting
only the substance with her, that she had seen it in
writing. These sort of transactions often put Lord
Hervey in a very disagreeable, as well as delicate,
situation, from his hearing so many things from Sir
Robert and the Queen, some of which he might
confer upon in common with them, others which he
might not; some that had particular circumstances
only which he was to seem ignorant of, others which
he was often at a loss to remember who had told
him ; but the most general rule he had to go. by was,
never to begin any of these subjects before the King,
and always, when they were begun, to seem as if it
was the first time he had heard of them.
As the Queen's confidence in Lord Hervey every
day increased, Sir Robert Walpole's jealousy8 of him
increased too, not from his being in the rank of a
rival in his power, but from a weakness in this great
man's composition, which made him grudge this show
of favour even where, I believe, he had not the least
8 See vol. ii. pp. 359, 361.

1737.] MESSAGE TO PRINCE.

:02

suspicion — or where, I am very sure, at least, he had
no reason given him to justify suspicion — that this
favour would ever be employed to his disservice;
for Lord Hervey always looked upon Sir Robert as
his benefactor, who had placed him in that situation;
as an able master, from whom he had learned all he
knew in the beginning of the secrets of the Court,
and most of what he knew of the policy requisite for
his conduct there; and was sensible it was to his
favour, protection, and commendations that he owed
originally his having any credit there. But that
credit was now higher than Sir Robert wished it ;
and though Lord Hervey did not know that he en
deavoured to destroy or weaken it, yet he plainly
perceived — after the Queen had accidentally told
Sir Robert Walpole of her having talked of things
to Lord Hervey which Sir Robert had not communi
cated to him or sent messages by him to Sir Robert
— that Sir Robert did not like it; which made Lord
Hervey always cautious of bragging of such favours;
but he could not venture to desire the Queen to be
more cautious in concealing them ; and as Sir Robert
knew he did not want any assistance from Lord
Hervey, he was uneasy at his having any power to
hurt him, though he was not apprehensive of its
being so employed.
When the Lord Chancellor and the Duke of
Newcastle had perused and cooked this message, it
was shown to the King ; and the Cabinet Council,
the day before it was to be sent, was summoned to
make it their act. At this meeting of the Cabinet
Council, Sir Robert Walpole, who did this sort of
work with more strength and perspicuity than any

236 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
man I ever knew, ran through every step of the
Prince's conduct this summer, by way of preface to
reading the paper, which he said he had drawn up in
pursuance of the King's positive commands, who
was determined to suffer the Prince no longer to
reside in any of his palaces. There were many of
the Cabinet, as the Duke of Newcastle, the Duke
of Richmond, and Lord Pembroke, who spoke as if
they wished this measure had not been insisted on
by the King, and that some means could be found
out to make up the quarrel ; and all were for soften
ing as much as possible, if it was absolutely neces
sary these orders should go, the terms in which they
were sent.
Sir Robert Walpole said the Cabinet Council was
summoned by the King, not to give advice whether
these orders should be sent or not, but on the form
and mode of executing them *
¦Jj- ?r 7t -S" l'c -Si1 9
The following paper was at last agreed upon and
sent : —
From the King at Hampton Court to the Prince at St. James's,
Sept. 10, 1737, by the Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain, the
Duke of Richmond, Master of the Horse, and Lord Pembroke,
Groom of the Stole.
" The professions you have lately made in your letters of your
particular regard to me are so contradictory to all your actions,
that I cannot suffer myself to be imposed upon by them.
"You know very well you did not give the least intimation to
me or to the Queen that the Princess was with child or breeding
until within less than a month of the birth of the young Princess;
you removed the Princess twice in the week immediately preced-
9 Here three or four pages, or perhaps more, of the MS. are wanting, which
is to be more regretted than most other of the chasms, as they seem to have
detailed the proceedings in the Cabinet.

1 737.] MESSAGE TO PRINCE. 237
ing the day of her delivery from the place of my residence, in
expectation, as you have voluntarily declared, of her labour ; and
both times upon your return you industriously concealed from the
knowledge of me and the Queen every circumstance relating to
this important affair ; and you at last, without giving any notice to
me or to the Queen, precipitately hurried the Princess from Hamp
ton Court in a condition not to be named.10 After having thus, in
execution of your own determined measures, exposed both the
Princess and her child to the greatest perils, you now plead sur
prise and your tenderness for the Princess as the only motives
that occasioned these repeated indignities, offered to me and to
the Queen your mother.
" This extravagant and undutiful behaviour in so essential a
point as the birth of an heir to my crown is such an evidence of
your premeditated defiance of me, and such a contempt of my
authority and of the natural right belonging to your parents, as
cannot be excused by the pretended innocence of your intentions,
nor palliated or disguised by specious words only.
" But the whole tenor of your conduct for a considerable time
has been so entirely void of all real duty to me, that I have long
had reason to Jbe highly offended with you.
" And until you withdraw your regard and confidence from
those by whose instigation and advice you are directed and en
couraged in your unwarrantable behaviour to me and to the
Queen, and until you return to your duty, you shall not reside in
my palace, which I will not suffer to be made the resort of them
who, under the appearance of an attachment to you, foment the
division which you have made in my family, and thereby weaken
the common interest of the whole.
"In this situation I will receive no reply; but when your
actions manifest a just sense of your duty and submission, that
may induce me to pardon what at present I most justly resent.
" In the meantime it is my pleasure that you leave St. James's
with all your family, when it can be done without prejudice or
inconvenience to the Princess.
" I shall for the present leave to the Princess the care of my
grand-daughter, until a proper time calls upon me to consider of
her education."
The Duke of Grafton, taking place by his office
10 See ante, p. 1 66, n. 2.

238 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
of both the other messsengers, was ordered to read
the message to the Prince, and then leave it with
him. It was said his Royal Highness changed
colour several times in this interview ; and told the
messengers, though he knew it would have been his
duty to have sent an answer in writing, if the King
had not in his letter forbid him, yet, since his Ma
jesty had done so, he had nothing to trouble them
with. His Royal Highness then asked if there was
any time fixed by the King for his departure from
St. James's, to which Lord Pembroke answered that
the King had only in the message said it should be
when it could be done without prejudice or incon
venience to the Princess. The Prince then desiring
the Lords messengers to present his duty to the
King, and say he was very sorry for what had hap
pened, dismissed them ; and they all three returned
that night immediately to the King, to let him know
what I have related. The first question the King
asked was, whether the Prince had made them wait,
which the Prince had not done ; but Lord Pem
broke told me if he had, that they had all agreed to
lie and say he had not. He told me, too, that the
Prince's behaviour had been very civil and very
decent. The next morning the Queen at breakfast every
now and then repeated, " / hope in God I shall
never see him again;" and the King, among many
other paternal douceurs in his valediction to his son,
said, " Thank God, to-morrow night the puppy will
be out of my house." The Queen asked Lord
Hervey if he thought the Prince would be morti
fied. " For my part," said she, " I believe he will

I737-] PRINCE'S ADVISERS. 239
be very glad ; for I am sure last winter he wished
to be turned out." Lord Hervey said, " There is a
great deal of difference, madam, between his being
turned out on a parliamentary quarrel and for a per
sonal family misbehaviour; and though he might
wish it therefore in one case, he may be very sorry
for it in the other. Those about him must see
and feel this distinction, and cannot fail, though
he should not find it out, to represent it to him."
" Who about him," says the King, " will tell it him,
or who about him indeed has sense enough to find
out anything ? Who is there but boobies, and
fools, and madmen that he ever listens to ? " Lord
Hervey laughed, and the King went on : " Why, is
it not so ? Am I not in the right ? There is my
Lord Carnarvon,11 a hot-headed, passionate, half
witted coxcomb, with no more sense than his
master ; there is Townshend,12 a silent, proud,
surly, wrong-headed booby; there is my Lord
North,13 a very good poor creature, but a very weak
man ; there is my Lord Baltimore,14 who thinks he
understands everything, and understands nothing —
who wants to be well with both Courts, and is well
at neither — and, entre nous, is a little mad ; and
who else of his servants can you name whom he
listens to, unless it is that stuttering puppy, Johnny
Lumley?"15
11 Henry, Marquis of Carnarvon, son of James, first Duke of Chandos,
lord of the Prince's bedchamber.
12 See vol. i. p. 216, and vol. ii. p. 294.
13 Francis, seventh Lord North and first Earl of Guildford, born in 1704,
lord of the bedchamber, afterwards governor to George III. when Prince,
and father to the celebrated Minister. He lived till 1790.
14 See vol. ii. p. 191.
15 Groom of the Prince's bedchamber, fourth brother of Lord Scarborough,
whose nervous affection he seems to have in some degree shared.

240 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
As soon as the King went out of the room, the
Queen desired Lord Hervey to send a copy of this
message to his father the Earl of Bristol, saying,
" I know your father to be a very honest, well-
intentioned man, and such men one is always glad
to have think one in the right ; though I will tell
you his faults as well as his merits. He is very
sensible, and means very well ; has always been a
well-wisher to our family, and I am sure would go
as far as anybody to support us if he thought the
family in danger ; but he is so wedded to what he calls
the old Whig principles,16 that, for fear of departing
from them, he would never consent to the taking of
the steps necessary to preserve us till it would be
too late ; and he imagines that the present times
will admit of the same measures and manner of
acting that were proper just after the Revolution ;
whereas things are in a very different situation. At
that time the majority of the nation were apprehen
sive of Popery and tyranny, and were afraid, if King
James should come back, that he would have more
power than ever he had, and the Crown be absolute.
The party against the Jacobites was then therefore
more numerous and more united ; whereas now the
Whigs are divided, and those that are against our
family are always telling those whom they want to
seduce, that a new revolution would bring the power
of the Crown still lower, as the Pretender would be
glad of the crown on any terms ; so that the same
arguments that were made use of to keep out King
James are now employed to bring back his son.
Your father will not believe this to be the case ; but
18 See Introductory Notice.

1737.] LORD BRISTOL. 241
from his general notions about liberty, and the con
stitution, and standing armies, would, without weigh
ing the consequences, disband the army. And with
regard to this family quarrel, with all the fine messages
your silly mother carries him from my silly son, I am
sure he thinks that monster very good-natured, a
little weak perhaps, but very ill-used."
Lord Hervey replied : " Your Majesty knows I
always speak to you with very little disguise both of
my family and your own ; and since you allow me
to be so very sincere upon the subject of the last, I
think I owe it to you not to be reserved in the first ;
and with regard to my father, though I love him
very sincerely, I do not believe I am at all partial
either to his head or his heart. He has certainly as
good natural parts as any man that ever was born.
They have been extremely well cultivated by a life
spent for many years together not only in good com
pany, but in much reading, made more useful by a
very happy memory ; this joined to a natural cheer
fulness, a natural complaisance, and as good a natural
temper as your own (I can say no better of it), makes
him very entertaining, very accommodating, and
never offensive ; and as he has all his senses as per
fect, his conception as quick, and his memory as
good as ever it was at thirty years old, so — apart
from his being my father, and his loving me better
than anybody else in the world, which I firmly
believe he does — I do assure you I know nobody's
company out of this room in which I am better
pleased or half so easy; for whatever I know he
knows, and as he is too sensible to expect anybody
to be faultless, I talk to him of all my own weak-
VOL. III. Q

242 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. 1x737.
nesses, and passions, and follies with as much un
concern as I do of other people's : in short, he is
safe, affectionate, and sincere, and I live with him
just as your daughter Caroline does with you. And
as to his politics, I assure your Majesty there are
very, very few things on which we do not think just
alike ; and though I, from desiring to make a general
system go on, which upon the whole I approve, am
forced to consent to many spokes in that wheel which
I had rather were left out ; yet he not having the
same connection with the people in power that I
have, it is very natural for him to speak of every
•spoint as a detached point, and not as a part of a
general system, and as I myself should speak of them
were I not in the King's service, and consequently
not under an obligation to avoid obstructing a gene
ral scheme from my particular opinion on particular
points. And as to the army, I believe he is no more
against the army, from the silly notion of its being
dangerous to the liberties of this country, as things
now stand, than I am ; but he thinks, and so do I,
that the expense of the army should, if it could, be
reduced ; and that the people of England in general
are so averse to standing armies, and have had that
aversion so strongly and so long inculcated, that,
whether reasonably or not, a standing army gives
umbrage and gives a handle to the enemies of the
Government to increase the disaffection. And here,
perhaps, he and I differ in opinion ; he may think
it safer, these things considered, to reduce the army,
but I own to you, from whatever cause the disaffec
tion or the turbulent seditious spirit at present in
this nation originally sprung, it is now come to such

1737] LORD BRISTOL. 243
a height, that I should think reducing the army a
very dangerous experiment. As to the messages he
may have had from the Prince by Lady Bristol, I
know nothing particularly ; but I believe, madam,
he knows both these people as well as we do ; and
though two heads, according to the proverb,' are
always better than one, this case is an exception to
that rule, for their two heads, believe me, will never
impose upon his. He is a wise man and an honest
man, and he has always been a true friend to the
Revolution principles and government, though he
never had an employment himself under any of the
princes that have sat on the throne since the Revo
lution. He is judicious, dispassionate, just, humane,
and a thorough good and amiable man, and has lived
long enough in the world to have this character of
him (though given by his son) uncontroverted by
anybody else."
The Queen let fall some tears whilst Lord Her
vey was speaking, and said, " He is a happy as
well as a good man to have as well as to deserve
such a son ; and your mother is a brute, that
deserves just such a beast as my son. I hope
/ do not : and wish with all my soul we could
change, that they who are so alike might go to
gether, and that you and I might belong to one
another." The day after the message was sent to the
Prince, it was signified by the Secretaries of State
to all the Foreign Ministers, that it would be agree
able to the King if they would forbear going to
the Prince ; and a message was sent in writing
to all peers, peeresses, and privy councillors, that

244 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
whoever went to the Prince's Court should not be
admitted into the King's presence. The guard too
was taken away from the Prince ; and though Sir
Robert Walpole, at the instigation of the Duke of
Newcastle and Duke of Grafton, endeavoured to
persuade the King and Queen to let the Prince take
the furniture of his apartments away with him, it
was not allowed. The King said he had given the
Prince ^5000 when he married out of his pocket to
set out with, besides ^5000 which was his wife's for
tune ; and that it had cost him above .£50,000 more
for one thing or other on that occasion, and posi
tively he would not let his son carry the things
away; and the Duke of Grafton [Lord Chamber
lain] was ordered to take care that nothing did go.
When Lord Hervey, who was by when these orders -
were given, said that chests and those sort of things,
which were not ornamental, but to hold the Prince
and Princess's things, must not be understood to be
included, as their clothes could not be carried away
like dirty linen in a basket, he was answered, "Why
not ? A basket is good enough for them." Sir
Robert Walpole, in order to induce the King and
Queen to consent to this carrying away of the fur
niture, had told them it would disarm the Prince's
party in Parliament of the argument of the neces
sary additional expense the Prince had this year
incurred by being turned out of his father's house,
and being obliged to buy everything new for
another ; but all would not do. The Queen pre
tended to consent (as Sir Robert told me), but I am
sure she was as much against it as the King ; and

I737-] PRINCE'S MINOR COUNCIL. 245
the King's perseverance in being against it is a
demonstration she was so.
Lord Carteret was at this time at his own house
in Bedfordshire ; Lord Chesterfield ill of a fever ;
and Mr. Pulteney gone to take the diversion of
shooting in Norfolk ; so that there was nobody
about the Prince but the minor council, who were
all in the same strain of flattery, talking of the
magnanimity and fortitude with which his Royal
Highness received the shock. Lord Baltimore (the
Queen told me) had compared his Royal Highness's
bravery and resolution to that of Charles the
Twelfth of Sweden ; but where he found a parti
cular similitude in their characters I know not.
All the letters that passed this year and the last
between the King or Queen and the Prince or
Princess are copied in these Memoirs from the
originals, which Lord Hervey had many days in his
possession, given him by the Queen to range them
in order ; and whoever hereafter sees the originals
will find them all docketed in his handwriting,
assisted by the King in some parts, where he had
forgotten by whom some particular papers were
sent ; and those names which are not in his hand
writing, though mixed with it, are written by the
King himself. The originals Lord Hervey had
orders to give to Sir Robert Walpole ; and when
he obeyed those orders, Sir Robert Walpole told
him, " When the Duke of Newcastle sees these let
ters indorsed by the King and you in conjunction,
it will put him out of humour for a week at least.
He'll say you are Closet Secretary to the King,
whilst he is only Office Secretary."

CHAPTER XXXVI.
The Prince Consults the Heads of the Opposition — Further Corre
spondence — Walpole Jealous of Carteret — Remonstrates with
the Queen — Thinks her too Easily Swayed — Conduct of Diffe
rent Members of the Cabinet — The Chancellor and Duke of
Newcastle — Duke of Grafton and Lord Pembroke — Character
of these — Walpole Dissatisfied with Newcastle — Reasons for
not Breaking with him — Sir C. H. Williams — Correspondence
Continued — Lord Hervey Advises to Stop it — The Queen's
Short Answer — The Prince Denies his own Statements — City
Address — The Correspondence Printed — Walpole Resolved
never to Act with Carteret.

N Monday, September 12, the Prince and
Princess and their whole family re
moved from St. James's to Kew ; and
Lord Carteret, Sir William Wyndham,
and Mr. Pulteney having been sent for by expresses
from the Prince as soon as he had received the
King's message, they all immediately repaired to
Kew. When Lord Hervey, who had met some of
these people upon the road going to Kew, told his
Majesty of it, the King's remark was that he be
lieved they would all soon be tired of the puppy;
" for, besides his being a scoundrel, he is such a
fool," said the King, "that he will talk more fiddle-
faddle nonsense to them in a day than any old
woman talks in a week."
On Tuesday, in the evening, Lord Baltimore

I737-] CORRESPONDENCE. 247
wrote to Lord Grantham to let him know he
had a letter from the Prince to the Queen, and
desired to know, since by the King's late orders
he was forbid waiting on his Lordship at Hampton
Court, how he should get it conveyed to him for
his Lordship to deliver to the Queen.
Copy of Lord Baltimore's Letter to Lord Grantham.
"London, Sept. 13, 1737.
" My Lord,
" I have in my hands a letter from his Royal Highness to
the Queen, which I am commanded to give or transmit to your
Lordship ; and as I am afraid it might be improper for me to
wait on you at Hampton Court, I must beg you will be so good
as to let me know how and in what manner I may deliver or
send it to you. If I may presume to judge of my royal master's
sentiments, he does not conceive himself precluded by the King's
message from taking this, the only means, of endeavouring as far
as he is able to remove his Majesty's displeasure.
" I am, " Your Lordship's very humble servant,
" Baltimore."
A great consultation was held whether the Queen
should receive or refuse this letter. She was inclined
to refuse it, and Sir Robert said he thought it right
she should do so, as the making her the mediatrix
on this occasion could do her no service, and might
furnish matter for drawing her into difficulties. It
was therefore resolved that Lord Grantham should
copy the following letter, drawn by Sir Robert
Walpole, to Lord Baltimore : —
Lord Grantham to Lord Baltimore.
" Hampton Court, Sept. 15, 1 737.
" My Lord,
" I have laid your Lordship's letter before the Queen,

248 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
who has commanded me to return your Lordship the following
answer : —
" ' The Queen is very sorry that the Prince's behaviour has
given the King such just cause of offence, but thinks herself
restrained by the King's last message to the Prince from receiving
any application from the Prince on that subject.'
" I am, my Lord,
"Your Lordship's, &c,
" Grantham."
After the copy of this letter was seen and ap
proved, the Queen sent Lord Hervey to Sir Robert
Walpole to bid him be sure to send somebody to
watch and instruct Lord Grantham whilst he was
copying it ; to tell him an 0 was to be made like a
full moon, a c like a half-moon, an m with three
legs, and an n with two, with other writing-master's
maxims, or that Grantham's production would
never be legible. Lord Hervey said he believed
the caution was very necessary, and that as this
was the first example, and he believed would be
the last, of Grantham's literary correspondence that
would ever appear in history and be transmitted to
posterity, it would be pity not to have it perfect.
Before this answer was returned, Sir William
Irby, Vice -Chamberlain to the Princess, brought
Lord Pembroke a letter from her Royal Highness
for the King, which Lord Pembroke gave the King
on the 15th of September. The letter had no date,
and was in substance to assure his Majesty nothing
but the fear of offending should have prevented
her coming to Hampton Court and returning these
thanks at his feet by word of mouth. She then
went on and said how sorry she was that the
Prince's tenderness for her had made her the inno-

I737-] CORRESPONDENCE. 249
cent cause of a division in the family ; and how
particularly unfortunate it was that this should
happen on an occasion otherwise so happy for her,
and so agreeable to the public. She added, too,
that she doubted not, could she see the King, but
that she could explain the Prince's conduct in a
manner that would satisfy his Majesty.
Copy of the Princess's Letter to the King, delivered by Lord
Pembroke, Sept. 15, 1737.
" Sire, " C'est avec tout le respect possible que je prens la
liberte' de remercier tres-humblement votre Majeste" de I'honneur
qu'elle a bien voulu me faire d'etre parrain de ma fille. Je
n'aurois pas manque" de, venir moi-meme vous rendre mes devoirs
a Hampton Court pour vous en remercier de bouche ; mais,
comme j'ai le malheur d'etre privee de cet honneur a present,
j'espere que votre Majeste" ne trouverez pas mauvais que je prenne
la liberte" de le faire par e"crit. Ma douleur est d'autant plus
grande que par la tendresse du Prince je me vois la cause inno-
cente de sa disgrace ; et je me flatte que si j'avois eu la permission
de me mettre aux pieds de votre Majesty, j'aurois pfi expliquer la
demarche du Prince d'une maniere a adoucir le ressentiment de
votre Majeste". Que je suis a plaindre, Sire, quand une circon-
stance si flatteuse pour moi, et en meme temps si agre"able au
publique, est malheureusement devenue le triste sujet d'une
division dans la famille ! Je n'importunerai pas da vantage votre
Majeste" que pour vous assurer que, comme je vous dois tout
mon bonheur, je me flatte que je vous devrai aussi bientot le
repos de ma vie. Je suis, avec tout le respect imaginable,
" Sire, de votre Majeste",
" La tres-humble et tres-obeissante fille,
sujette, et servante,
" Auguste."
In this letter not the least mention being made
of thanks to the Queen for having stood godmother,
nor any acknowledgments to the King for his good-

2So LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
ness in leaving the child, the King was very far
from taking it as an indication of the Prince being
at all humbled by his exile, and I believe the omis
sion of any acknowledgments to the Queen did not
make it likely to have any omissions to the King
overlooked. The mentioning the birth of this little
brat, too, as an incident so grateful to the public,
was another air of grandeur in the Princess's letter
that did not contribute greatly towards its meeting
with a very kind reception. The Queen sent Lord
Hervey to Sir Robert Walpole (to whom the King
had given the Princess's letter to consider what
answer he should make) to desire Sir Robert would
not forget some slaps for all these impertinences ;
but Sir Robert told Lord Hervey he would only do
it in general, without particularising, that the King
might not, after he had got rid of his son, be drawn
into a paper war with his daughter-in-law, which
was the point he chiefly endeavoured to avoid.
The draft of the King's letter to the Princess,
which was afterwards to be put into French, was
as follows : —
The King to the Princess at Kew, from Hampton Court, Sept. 18,
1737, sent by Lord Pembroke to Sir William Irby.
" Madam,
" I am sorry that anything should happen to give, you the
least uneasiness. It is a misfortune to you, but not owing to me,
that you are involved in the consequences of your husband's
unpardonable conduct. I pity you to see you first exposed to
the utmost danger in the execution of his designs, and then
made the plea for a series of repeated indignities offered to me.
I wish some insinuations in your letter had been omitted, which,
however, I do not impute to you, for " I am," &c.

I737-] CORRESPONDENCE. 251
Translation.
" Je suis fa,che", Madame, qu'il soit arrive aucune chose a vous
donner la moindre inquietude. C'est un malheur pour vous,
mais qui ne vient pas de moi, que vous §tes implique" dans les
consequences de la conduite inexcusable de votre mari. Je vous
plains d'avoir €i€ premierement exposed aux plus grands dangers
en execution de ses desseins, et puis d'avoir servi de pretexte
pour un suite d'indignit£s r£ite"r6es qui m'ont e^e" faites. Je
souhaiterois que quelques insinuations dans votre lettre eussent
ete" omises, lesquelles, cependant, je ne vous impute pas, etant
convaincu qu'elles ne viennent pas de vous.
" G. R."
This letter Sir Robert Walpole had ended in this
manner : — " There are some things in your letter I
wish had been omitted, which I resent in him, but do
not impute to you." The words " which T resent in
him" Lord Hervey desired might be left out, saying
they would certainly draw on an answer from the
Princess to say how sorry she was to have height
ened a resentment she had endeavoured to appease;
and that, considering the letter was to a lady, it was
better to insinuate what those words imported than
to express it so squabbly ; and that the meaning,
though not the expression, would be full as strong
without them.
In the conversation on the copy of this letter, Sir
Robert Walpole told Lord Hervey that the King
and Queen were again relapsed into thejr justifica
tion of Lord Carteret, and complained of the Queen's
injustice in defending the conduct of a man who
was at this time generalissimo of her son's army,
and ordering all the batteries to be levelled at her.
" Sir Luke Schaub," added he, " my Lord, every
Saturday brings messages to her from my Lord

252 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Carteret, by which she is weak enough to be im
posed upon, and at the same time weak enough to
repeat. She told me that Lord Carteret said he
used to think her a wise woman, but her infatuation
in risking everything and making the whole world
her enemy, for the sake of one man, was such an
infatuation that it was impossible to reconcile it to
good sense. Upon which, my Lord, I asked her: —
' Madam, is this a quarrel of mine ? Was it begun
on my account ? Was it fomented by me ? Was
it instigated, widened, or kept up by me ? Are
you exposed upon my account ? Or am I, after a
great deal of good fortune (for I am not vain
enough to impute my success in your service to
skill), am I, after having the good luck whilst I have
had the honour to preside in your councils to ward
off foreign dangers, and carry you through domes
tic difficulties, at last brought to have my fate de
pend on no dispute of my own — on what you know
I foresaw — what I advised you to avoid — and what,
if you will now vest me with power, I will get the
better of? Your heart, madam, is set upon getting
the better of your son — will it be getting the better
of him to discard your Minister and take his?
What one vote can my Lord Carteret make in
Parliament by his personal interest ? Is your son
to be bought ? If you will buy him, I will get him
cheaper than Carteret. And yet, after all I have
said, if your Majesty thinks he can serve you better
than me in this contest with the Prince, I own it is
of such consequence to you to conquer in this strife,
that I advise you to discard me and take Carteret
to-morrow.' " " And what answer, sir," said Lord

1737-] RICHMOND AND PEMBROKE. 253
Hervey, " did you receive to all this ?" " Oh, my
Lord," replied Sir Robert, " as usual ; a flood of
grace, good words, favour, and professions ; saying
she only related these things as stories that were
going about the world, and not as things that had
made any impression upon her."
Sir Robert then began upon a subject he often
launched into, which was with how much facility
anybody who got about the Queen could give her
ill impressions of people, and how indelible those
impressions were when once they were made.
" For example," says he, " my Lord, it is prodi
gious with what acrimony she has spoken of Lord
Pembroke and the Duke of Richmond on this occa
sion, only for showing a desire of a reconciliation."
"You have saved the Duke of Newcastle and Lord
Chancellor then, sir?" replied Lord Hervey. "You
would not, I find," said Sir Robert. " Not alone,"
answered Lord Hervey; "but if the present fate of
two of the four had been to be changed by me, I
assure you, sir, it would not have been theirs, nor
have I, upon my word, to the Queen ever tried to
heighten their demerit on that score."
Lord Hervey found by this conversation that Sir
Robert Walpole had forgotten he had tpld him he
did not design to report to the Queen what had
passed in council ; but Lord Hervey gave his me
mory no assistance now, any more than he had
before given his design credit.
As to what Sir Robert said afterwards of having
persuaded the Queen to be blind to this conduct
in the Duke of Richmond and Lord Pembroke,
Lord Hervey believed it; because he knew the

254 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Queen had adopted Sir Robert's expressions to
him about an hour before, when she said to him,
" People who keep hounds must not hang every
one that runs a little slower than the rest, provided
in the main they will go with the pack : one must
not expect them all to run just alike and to be
equally good." And when Lord Hervey told Sir
Robert this, and that he knew his style, and where
she had learned this figure, Sir Robert said he was
always glad when he heard she repeated as her
own any notion he had endeavoured to infuse, be
cause it was a sign what he had laboured had taken
place. But Lord Hervey did not tell Sir Robert how
unmercifully at the same time the Queen had
abused both these great Lords. Lord Pembroke
(she said) was the best creature in the world, and
meant very well ; but, with all his good meaning,
if one desired him to shave anybody, he was cap
able of cutting off their chin or their cheek, and
falling a-crying afterwards, and saying he took it
for their beard. " Poor man ! he wishes very well,
but he is as odd as his father was, not so tractable,
and full as mad.1 And for your friend the Duke
of Richmond," said she, "my good Lord Hervey,
he is so half-witted, so bizarre, and so grand-
seigneur, and so mulish, that he is as troublesome
from meaning well and comprehending so ill, as if
he meant as ill as he comprehends. But, in short,
there they are, and one must do as if one did not
see what they are, but commend their good inten-
1 See some anecdotes of Lord Pembroke's eccentricities in the Walpoliana,
vol. i. § 93.

I737-] PRINCE'S THREATS. 255
tions, make them go on, and in the civilest way in
the world never do what they would have one, and
in the softest way in the world never let them do
what they have a mind to."
This morning, too, the Queen had told Lord
Hervey that she heard the Prince threatened furi
ously what he would do with all his family except
the Duke if he came to be King. " For the Duke,"
said she, " I hear he always speaks of him with
great affectation of kindness ; but for me, I am to
be fleeced, and flayed, and minced ; for Emily, she
is to be shut up between four walls ; and for Caro
line, she is to be sent to starve. For the others,2
he does not deign to know that they exist : but I
would be glad to know what hurt he can do any of
them ; and for good, I do not desire or expect he
should do them any ; nor, whilst I live, shall they
want him, or trouble him."
This morning, when Sir Robert Walpole had told
Lord Hervey how perpetually he was inculcating to
the King and Queen the necessity and expediency
of being blind to the failings of people who were
good in the main, and whom, for that reason, they
intended to continue in their service, Lord Hervey
agreed with him that this was a very good maxim
for princes, but one which he thought Sir Robert
had pushed sometimes too far as a Minister ; " for
though princes," said he, "always have it in their
power to part with such servants, yet Ministers
may not always have it in their power to part with
such associates, who find they can with impunity
2 The younger Princesses, Mary and Louisa, now about fourteen and
thirteen years old.

256 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [i737.
grapple for power with those who are their supe
riors in power." Sir Robert said he understood
Lord Hervey. " But since I resolve," continued he,
" to go on with the Duke of Newcastle and the
Lord Chancellor, to what purpose, my dear Lord,
should I sour them by letting them know I saw
last winter what they were nibbling at ? " " That
they may not," replied Lord Hervey, "believe one
of these two things : that they are either dexterous
enough to blind you, or that they are too consider
able for you to dare to sour them." "In short,"
said Sir Robert, " I resolve to go on with them,
and I have in all my experience never known
e"claircissements make people more one's friends, and
have often known them make men more one's
enemies." However, as cautious as Sir Robert Walpole de
signed to be, or affected to be, upon this occasion,
he gave some proofs, under his hand too, and very
strong ones, of his being thoroughly dissatisfied
with the Duke of Newcastle's conduct towards him,
of which I could cite many instances, but will relate
only one of the strongest. Whenever the King
was to acknowledge Don Carlos King of Naples
in form, it would be necessary to send somebody
from this Court in form to his Neapolitan Majesty
with a compliment ; and for this embassy Sir
Robert pitched on one Mr. Williams,3 a young man
3 Afterwards Sir Charles Hanbury Williams, K.B. He had come, on the
death of his father, Mr. Hanbury, into Parliament in 1 733, having taken the
name of Williams for a large estate in Monmouthshire left to him by a god
father, who was no relation. After his celebrated political poetry in ridicule
of Walpole's antagonists, having unluckily lampooned Isabella, Duchess of
Manchester, with her second husband, Mr. Hussey, an Irish gentleman, and
his countrymen, he retreated, with too little spirit, from the storm that

I737-] SIR C. H. WILLIAMS. 257
with a great estate, who had ever since he was in
Parliament voted with the Court, and, contrary to
most people who did so, had never received any
favour or employment from the Court. Sir Robert
had told Mr. Williams, too, that he should have
^"4000 to pay the expenses of his journey; and,
at the same time, bid him go to the Duke of New
castle, in whose province, as Secretary of State,
Naples was, to ask his recommendation to the
King, which Williams did, and was refused it, the
Duke of Newcastle telling him that he was already
engaged to another; and in order to have that
other succeed, the Duke of Newcastle went imme
diately to the King, and told him that Mr. Fane,
his Majesty's Minister at Florence, whom he would
recommend to him for this embassy, would cost his
Majesty but ,£500 ; whereas, if the King should
send anybody from hence, it would cost him ^£5000.
The difference between ^500 and ^5000 was suffi
cient to turn the balance in favour of any person or
any solicitation thrown into the scale of the former ;
and Sir Robert Walpole, upon hearing what the
Duke of Newcastle had done, wrote to Mr. Wil
liams, telling him how ashamed he was of not being
able to keep his word with him, told him the whole
transaction, and said the Duke of Newcastle had
within this twelvemonth played him several of these
rascally tricks, and thwarted him in many things in
threatened him into Wales, whence he was afterwards glad to accept missions
to the Courts of Dresden, Berlin, and Russia. He was always flighty, and
died mad in 1759. His political squibs are some of the most lively and
vigorous in our language. I have already (vol. ii. p. 159) noticed his epitaph on
Mr. Winnington ; and a poetical panegyric on Sir Robert Walpole ( Works,
i. 206, and Coxe, i. 763) has some striking lines.
VOL. III. R

258 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
order to make difficulties in his administration of
the King's affairs, which he ought rather to help
him in removing. The next time Sir Robert saw
Mr. Williams he repeated all this to him by word
of mouth, adding a great many other accusations
of the Duke of Newcastle's conduct, and showing
not a little acrimony against him for several things
his Grace had done. Sir Robert told Mr. Williams,
too, that the Duke of Newcastle was making great
court to my Lord Chancellor, and that he proposed
by that means to work himself into more power at
present, and to be able to form a Ministry of his own
with my Lord Chancellor, in case any accident hap
pened to Sir Robert.
All that I have here related was told by Mr.
Williams to Lord Hinton, and by Lord Hinton to
me ; and Sir Robert, though he did not care to
turn the Duke of Newcastle out, contrived matters
so that both the King and Queen spoke of him in
a manner that plainly showed — as little as princes
generally think like their subjects, yet with regard
to the Duke of Newcastle even the public, that
seldom makes false judgments, paid no more de
ference to the Duke of Newcastle's character at
present than their Majesties.4 The Duke of New
castle still kept well with the Princess Emily, whom
he ' had begged for God's sake, just before the
King's last message to the Prince, if she had any
interest with her mother, that she would use it to
prevent that message going, and to persuade the
Queen to make things up with the Prince before
this affair was pushed to an extremity that might
1 The meaning of this sentence is clearer than its grammatical construction.-

1737.] CORRESPONDENCE. 259
make the wound incurable, which petition to the
Queen did the Duke of Newcastle more hurt with
her, though it came through the hand of a friend,
than all the stories his enemies could tell put to
gether. On Sunday the 18th of September, in the morn
ing, just after Lord Hervey was gone from the King
and Queen, and before they went to church, there
came another letter by Sir William Irby from the
Princess to the Queen, which was given by him to
Lord Grantham, and by Lord Grantham to the
Queen. These were the contents of it : —
The Princess to the Queen. Kew, le I7me Sept. 1737.
" Madame,
" Je prens la liberte" de remercier tres-humblement votre
Majeste" de I'honneur qu'elle m'a fait deux fois de me venir voir.
et aussi d'avoir bien voulu etre maraine de ma fille. Je suis tres-
mortifie'e de ne pouvoir le faire en personne, comme j'aurois cer-
tainement fait si par les ordres du Roi il ne m'eut €t€ defendu.
Je suis tres-afflige" de la maniere dont la conduite du Prince a 6te
representee a vos Majestes, et surtout dans I'article des deux voyages
que nous fimes de Hampton Court a Londres la semaine avant mes
couches. J'ose assurer votre Majeste" que les medecins et la sage-
femme furent alors d'opinion que je n'accoucherai pas avant le mois
de Septembre, et que le mal dont je me plaignois etoit seulement
la colique ; et en effet, Madame, est-il croyable que si j'e"tois allee
deux fois a Londres, dans le dessein et I'attente d'accoucher, je
serois retourne"e a Hampton Court ? Je me flatte que le temps et
les bons offices de votre Majeste" apporteront un heureux change-
ment a une situation d'affaires d'autant plus douleureux pour
moi que j'en suis la cause innocente. Je suis, avec tout le respect
imaginable, " Madame, " Votre tres-humble et tres-obe"issante
fille et servante,
" Auguste."

260 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
The Queen sent the letter immediately to Sir
Robert Walpole, who was just come to Hampton
Court from his bower of bliss 5 at Richmond Park ;
and as soon as Sir Robert came into the closet at
chapel, the Queen asked him what he thought of
this last performance. He said he looked upon
it, put into plain English, to be nothing more or
less than saying, " You lie, you lie, you lie," from
one end to the other. The Queen agreed with
him that it would admit of no other construction,
and desired him to take the letter with him to
Richmond Park (where he was to return as soon
as he had dined), and there consider of an answer
against the next morning.
The King and Queen were both of them more
angry at this letter than at any they had yet received.
Sir Robert Walpole showed Lord Hervey the letter
behind the King and Queen's chairs whilst they were
at dinner, but that place was too public for them to
talk of it.
The next morning at breakfast the Queen talked of
nothing else, and with more warmth than she had
ever done of anything that had yet passed. Lord
Hervey said it was certainly a most abominable
piece of impudence ; but that it would be just as
reasonable to be angry with the paper it was writ
upon, or the pen that wrote it, as with the poor
Princess, which made it a little difficult to answer,
since the answer must be directed to her. The
Queen said it was impossible to have the lie given
5 See ante, p. 14. This sarcasm was the sharper from the fact that this
first wife, Catherine Shorter (the mother of Horace), had not been a month
dead. She died at Chelsea on the 20th of August.

I737-] CORRESPONDENCE. 261
one without returning it, let it come from what hand
it would, to which Lord Hervey agreed ; but said he
considered the Princess as the involuntary vehicle,
and would consequently write as civilly to her as if
she was out of the question. " And of all things,
madam," continued Lord Hervey, " I would advise
your Majesty to avoid being so particular in your
answer as to draw on expostulations and replies.
In the first place, it would be furnishing the Prince
with means to evade the King's order in one of the
most essential parts, and to evade it too in the most
advantageous way for himself ; for if after the King
in his message has said, in this situation he will
receive no reply, and the Prince, by changing the
names of the correspondents, and transferring this
literary commerce from himself and the King to the
Princess and your Majesty, can contrive, notwith
standing this prohibition, still to keep up the cor
respondence, he not only has outwitted you by
forcing you to correspond with him whether you
will or no, but does it in a way that makes even the
prohibition of use to him ; for as all his rage is levelled
against your Majesty, he has by these means oppor
tunities of saying things to you by his wife which he
would not dare to say to the King from himself. And
why should your Majesty desire to keep up a cor
respondence by which you can be no gainer in any
light, and by which you may expose yourself a thou
sand ways, in writing something or other they may
take hold of? You are sure they will never own
again so much as they have owned already, for
which reason you can get nothing from them, and
they may get something from you : therefore I think

262 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
it is better to cut this matter short. In the next
place, if you speak in soft and palliating terms of
the Prince's conduct, they will say you will retract,
and dare not stand to what you have said ; and if
you urge with any strength the facts against him in
retorting this lie that you find so hard to digest, and
paint this canaille of a prince, as you are pleased to
call him, in his true colours, people will certainly lay
hold of that to blame you, and say you were not satis
fied with turning him out of the house, and blowing
up his father against him, but that you also endea
voured to set his wife against him too, and to make
him uneasy there, by telling her she was married to
a knave, a fool, and a liar."
" What sort of answer, then," said the Queen,
" would you have me write ? "
" If I were to advise," replied Lord Hervey, " I
would have your Majesty, with great ease and cool
ness, tell her you are glad to hear she is so well after
her lying-in ; call her ma chere Princesse ; and tell
her that, as she is a bonne bete, you are not at all
angry with her, and would be glad to do anything
to serve or please her ; that you wish, for both your
sakes, her husband was moins sot and better advised ;
and as to the representation of the two London jour
neys, I would tell her in a graver style, without enter
ing into particulars, that when she comes to be truly
informed to whom and by whom those representa
tions were made, she will not complain of the par
tiality of them. After this I would throw out a
small hint of its neither being proper nor useful, in
your Majesty's situation and hers, to carry on this
correspondence ; and enter into no expostulations

1737] CORRESPONDENCE. 263
on the Prince's conduct, and then give her le bon
jour!' The Queen made Lord Hervey repeat several
times the substance of this letter ; and when Sir
Robert Walpole came afterwards with the copy of a
letter he had drawn in English, in a very formal style,
and entering minutely into all the particulars of the
Prince's conversation (the morning after the Prin
cess was brought to bed) with the Queen, his sisters,
Sir Robert Walpole, and Lord Harrington, the
Queen made Lord Hervey's proposal her own, said
she would write in a more easy style, and not descend
into any particulars for fear of continuing a corre
spondence which she could get nothing by, and to
which she was determined to put an end.
Accordingly in the afternoon, after telling Sir
Robert Walpole she would collect, from what they
had said and he had written, the substance of a
French letter, the Queen wrote and sent the follow
ing- letter to the Princess : —

e>

De la Reine d Hampton Court a la Princesse a Kew.
"Hampton Court, le 20">= Sept.
" Je suis ravie, ma chere Princesse, de vous savoir parfaitement
remise apres vos couches. Vous pouvez 6tre assure"e, comme
vous n'avez jamais offense" ni le Roi ni moi, je ne manquerai
jamais de vous donner des marques de mon e"gard et de mon
affection. Je crois qu'il nous seroit mal-seant a toutes les deux
que j'entrasse en discussion avec vous sur les malheureux differents
entre le Roi et mon fils : quand vous serez informed au juste des
difierentes declarations qui ont 6t6 faites au sujet de vos voyages
de Hampton Court, et par qui et a qui, vous serez convaincue
que la conduite de votre mari n'a e"te" nullement mise dans un
faux jour. J'espere que le temps et une mike consideration por-
tera mon fils a de justes sentimens de son devoir envers son pere ;

264 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
c'est la le seul moyen de procurer cet heureux changement, lequel
vous ne sauriez souhaiter plus sincerement que je le fais. /
" Caroline." /
When the Prince showed Lord Baltimore the
copy of the Princess's letter to the Queen (to which
this was the answer), the Prince asked him how he
liked it ; to which Lord Baltimore answered he
could neither approve or disapprove without being
master of the facts, and asked the Prince to whom
he had ever spoken of those two journeys to Lon
don ; to which the Prince said, " To nobody what
ever." Then Lord Baltimore desired the Prince
to recollect ; but the Prince persisted that he was
very sure he had spoken of them to nobody belong
ing to the King's Court. All this Lord Baltimore
told Lord Harrington, upon Lord Harrington's tell
ing him what had passed between him, Sir Robert
Walpole, and the Prince, and between the Queen
and the Prince, immediately after the Princess's de
livery. Lord Baltimore said he did not believe there
was one body of the Prince's council, nor three in his
family, that so much as knew the Prince had* even
seen Lord Harrington and Sir Robert Walpole that
morning in St. James's.
Lord Jersey told Sir Robert Walpole the same
thing that Lord Baltimore had told Lord Harring
ton ; and when Sir Robert Walpole said this was a
most surprising piece of folly as well as impudence
in the Prince, the King and Queen both told him
they who knew him were not at all surprised at it,
and that if there was anything he could be guilty
of that was more impudent and more foolish, Sir
Robert might depend on his committing it the first

1737] CITY ADDRESS. 265
opportunity ; and the Queen added, " I must do
Lord Hervey the justice to say, that when I told
him I did not believe anybody had advised Fritz
to write these letters, Lord Hervey answered, he
believed nobody could have been fool enough to
advise him to write them had they known all pre
vious circumstances ; but that he was sure Fritz
had never owned to anybody the folly he had been
guilty of in those two conversations that first night
with me, and with Lord Harrington and you."
Whilst the Prince was at Kew, he and Lady Archi
bald Hamilton, and Dunoyer the dancing-master,
and the Princess, used to walk three or four hours
every day in the lanes and fields about Richmond.
The young Princess falling ill there, the Prince sent
to the King and Queen to beg they would give
leave to Yager, their German house-apothecary at
Hampton Court, to come and see her, which accord
ingly they did — Sir Robert Walpole having " very
politely," as the Queen told me, come and tapped
her on the shoulder whilst she was at chapel, to
deliver this message from the Prince, and ask her
permission and the King's to send Yager imme
diately. The Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the City of
London having sent, soon after the Princess was
brought to bed, to know when his Royal Highness
would give them leave to wait on him with their
congratulations, the Prince sent them word he
would let them know as soon as the Princess was
well enough to see them with him ; and in conse
quence of that message he and the Princess went
from Kew [on Thursday the 2id September^ to

266 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Carlton House (so his house in Pall Mall was
called6) to receive them.
Lord Carteret, Lord Chesterfield, the Duke of
Marlborough, and others of the Prince's present
council, stood close by his Royal Highness at this
audience, and distributed to everybody there printed
copies of the King's last message to turn the Prince
out of St. James's, commenting very pathetically on
the cruel usage his Royal Highness had received
from his father — Lord Carteret adding at the same
time, "You see, gentlemen, how the Prince is threat
ened if he does not dismiss us ; but we are here still,
for all that. He is a rock. You may depend upon
him, gentlemen. He is sincere. He is firm." The
Prince made them a long speech in great form, in
which he made many professions of his regard to
the trade and prosperity of the City of London ;
telling them he knew their importance in this king
dom, and the value of their friendship, and should
never look upon them as beggars — alluding in this
expression to a report which had been industriously
spread of Sir Robert Walpole's having called the
citizens the Excise year a parcel of sturdy beggars?
When Sir Robert Walpole reported all this to the
King and Queen, he told them Carteret had got the
6 So called from Henry Boyle, Lord Carlton, who dying unmarried in 1725,
it came to his nephew, Lord Burlington, who gave it to his mother, the old
Countess, of whom the Prince bought it in 1 732 — Lord Hervey says (vol. ii.
P- 99) °f Lord Chesterfield ; but Pyne's History of the Royal Residences
states that Lord Chesterfield was only the negotiator, buying it for the
Prince. 7 He certainly did, and, considering the violence of the petitioners, not un
justly. " Gentlemen," he said, "may give these petitioners what name they
please, and say that they come hither as humble suppliants ; but I know whom
the law calls sturdy beggars" — alluding to the statute of Elizabeth against
"Rogues, Vagabonds, and Sturdy Beggars"

I737-11 WALPOLE AND CARTERET 267
message printed for this occasion ; but Sir Robert
Walpole having told Lord Hervey, above a week
before, that he designed to let this message slip into
print as by accident, I am apt to imagine he put that
upon Lord Carteret which was entirely his own
doing. When he came out of the King's closet from
making this report, he told Lord Godolphin, Lord
Hervey, and Mr. Pelham, what he had been saying
to the King ; and when he came to that part of
the relation that mentions Lord Carteret's having
said, " The Prince is firm — he is a rock," Sir
Robert said, "The Prince can never be more firm
in maintaining Carteret than I am in my resolution
never to have anything to do with him. / am a
rock. I am determined in no shape will I ever act
with that man."

CHAPTER XXXVII.
The Prince Hires Norfolk House and Reduces his Establishment —
His Popularity — His Complaints against the King — George I.'s
Will — Garbled Copies of the Correspondence Printed by the
Prince — The Originals Translated by Lord Hervey and Pub
lished — Copies of the Correspondence on the Quarrel between
George I. and the Prince of Wales — Nefarious Design against
the Latter — The Prince's New Court — Bishop Sherlock Offends
the Queen — Madame Walmoden — Spanish Depredations — The
Queen's Conference with Lord Isla — Her Opinion on the Sepa
ration of England and Hanover.

HE Prince took the Duke of Norfolk's
house in St James's Square for his town
dwelling,1 and Cliefden for his country
habitation, having given unregarded
hints to the Duke of Bedford of his desiring to
have Southampton House ; 2 but before the Duke.
of Norfolk would consent to the Prince having his
house, the Duchess of Norfolk came to Hampton
Court to ask the Queen, whom she saw in private,
if it would be disagreeable to her and the King ;
and the Queen assuring the Duchess of Norfolk it
would not, and thanking her for the civility she had
shown to the King and her, the Duke of Norfolk
1 I suppose while Carlton House was under some additional repairs ; it had
been already considerably altered and enlarged in 1735. George III. was
born at Norfolk House, 4th June 1738.
s Which with its court and garden occupied the site, since built over,
between Bloomsbury and Russell Squares.

I737-] THE PRINCE'S COURT. 269
let the Prince know his house was at his Royal
Highness's service.
The Prince reduced the number of his inferior
servants, which made him many enemies among the
lower sorts of people, and did not save him much
money. He put off all his horses too that were not
absolutely necessary ; and farmed all his tables, even
that of the Princess and himself.
I have already taken notice that nobody was
ordered by the King to quit the Prince's service,
and that particular leave was given to every one
who had employments at both Courts to go to both ;
yet many people quitted the Prince's service, nobody
the King's : some through fear of disobliging the
King, if they made use of the permission they had
to remain, and others from being so ill-used by
the Prince, who wanted to pique them into quitting,
that there was no possibility of their staying there.
Lady Irwin8 was not in the last class ; for though she
was as ill-used as anybody, she determined to stand
it all, and remained lady of the bedchamber to the
Princess. Lady Torrington4 and Lady Effingham5
laid down that office : the first because her husband,
partly from jealousy and partly from policy (both
ill-founded), obliged her to it ; and the latter only
because the other had set her the example. Jemmy
Pelham, secretary to the Prince, was one of those
the Prince teased into quitting ; and Mr. Lyttelton
3 Anne Howard, daughter of Lord Carlisle, and widow of Richard, Viscount
Irvine, remarried in 1737 to Colonel Douglas. She was an author, and wrote
a poetical answer to Pope's Characters of Women. See Parke's " Royal and
Noble Authors," v. 155.
4 Lady Charlotte Montague, wife of Pattee, second Viscount.
5 Jane Bristow, wife of the first Earl.

270 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
was immediately put into his place. Mr. Cornwallis,
equerry to the Prince, and a member of Parliament,
quitted, because the pension he had from the King
was more than the salary from his place ; and he
feared if he continued in the one, the other would be
stopped. The Prince went from Kew to the play at Lon
don, and was not only clapped at his coming into
the house, which was the absurd compliment usually
paid to any of the royal family on those occasions,
but was also huzzaed ; and in that part of the play
(which was Catd) where Cato says these words —
' ' When vice prevails and impious men bear sway, the
post of honour is a private station " — there was an
other loud huzza, with a great clap, in the latter
part of which applause the Prince himself joined in
the face of the whole audience.
When the King and Queen were told of this by
Sir Robert Walpole, they expressed great resent
ment, and seemed to wish as well as expect that
his Royal Highness would push this affectation of
popularity and violence against his father at last to
treason, though the turn the Prince himself took,
as well as all his people, was to excuse and speak
well of the King, to lay every wrong upon the
Queen, and declare Sir Robert Walpole the chief
object of their resentment ; though nobody ever
taking Sir Robert Walpole for a fool, and he having
no possible interest in dividing the Whigs or the
royal family, or in officiously irritating the succes
sor to the crown, nobody who gave themselves time
to reflect, or was capable of judging when they did
reflect, ever could bring themselves to believe Sir
Robert Walpole would endeavour to raise the King

I737-] PRINCE'S COMPLAINTS. 271
or Queen's resentment, how necessary soever he
might find it to gratify and serve that resentment
when it was raised.
The Queen told Lord Hervey that the three
things of which the Prince accused the King, besides
the robbing him of the ;£ 100,000 a year, were his
Majesty's having thrice cheated him — by his sink
ing the late King's will and the Duke of York's
will, and by seizing the revenues of the Duchy of
Cornwall ; and as to the two first articles, she said
the Prince was not named in either of the wills,
and that the Duke of York (who died the year after
the present King came to the throne) in his will
had left everything he had, which came to about
,£50,000, to his present Majesty, except his jewels,
and his jewels he left to the Queen of Prussia, to
whom the King had delivered them, after satisfying
the King of Prussia (who before the King showed him
the will had a mind to litigate it in favour of his wife)
that the will would admit of no dispute ; 6 and as to
the King's seizing the revenues of Cornwall, all he
had done was to take care, on the receiver of the reve
nues for the Duchy of Cornwall having embezzled
some of the money, that, as his Majesty's arrears was
the debt first incurred, that debt should be first paid.
6 The Queen says nothing of the suppression of George I.'s will ; but Wal
pole, who relates the whole story in the Reminiscences, says that Lady Suffolk
made "the only plausible shadow of excuse that could be made for George II.
— that George I. had burned two wills made in favour of his son — probably
those of the Duke and Duchess of Zell — or one might be that of their daughter,
his mother." It is certain that Lord Hervey believed, perhaps knew, of the
suppression of the will ; for I find a fragment of the Memoirs (part no doubt of
one of the lost passages') highly blaming " George II' s injustice in sinking his
other's will." Walpole also states the threat of the King of Prussia to go
to law ; but says it of the will of George I., instead of^that of his brother the
Duke of York.

272 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Whilst the Queen was telling this one morning to
Lord Hervey, the King opened the door at the far
ther end of her gallery, upon which the Queen chid
Lord Hervey for coming so late, saying she had
several things to say to him, and that he was always
so long in coming after he was sent for, that she
never had any time to talk with him ; to which Lord
Hervey replied it was not his fault, for that he always
came the moment he was called; that he wished with
all his heart that the King had more love, or Lady
Deloraine more wit, that he might have more time
with her Majesty, but that he thought it very hard
that he should be snubbed and reproved because the
King was old and Lady Deloraine a fool. This
made the Queen laugh, and the King asking when
he came up to her what it was at, she said it was at
a conversation Lord Hervey was reporting between
the Prince and Mr. Lyttelton on his being made
secretary, and left Lord Hervey, on the King's de
siring him to repeat it, to invent one : telling Lord
Hervey the next time she saw him, " / think I was
even with you for your impertinence." To which
Lord Hervey replied, " The next time you serve me
so, madam, perhaps I may be even with you, and
desire your Majesty to repeat as well as report."
Soon after the message got into print, some of the
Prince's letters were likewise printed. Those that
had the greatest air of submission were picked out
on this occasion in order to move the compassion
of the public, and being published in English, the
Prince's party, who published them, took the liberty,
under the pretence of a translation, to deviate a little
from the original, and give them yet a stronger air

I737-] LETTERS TRANSLATED. 273
of submission than they had in the French. In one
very material part, too, they absolutely falsified the
original; for whereas the Prince, in the original of
the first letter he wrote to the King after the first
message by Lord Essex, says, "He should have come
the Monday before to Hampton Court to throw him
self at the King's feet at his levde if the Queen had not
ordered him to defer it till Wednesday" in the trans
lation the words "to defer it till Wednesday" were
left out, and the sentence running thus, " That he
should have thrown himself at the King's feet on Mon
day at the levde if the Queen had not forbid him!' it
had an appearance to all the world, and was so des
canted upon by the Prince's emissaries, that the
Queen had taken upon her the very night she went
to London to the Princess's labour to forbid the
Prince the King's presence.
This and other circumstances made the King and
Queen determine to have all the original letters and
messages printed that had passed since the first
night, and verbal translations of the letters together
with the originals. Lord Hervey the Queen desired
might translate them ; and when Sir Robert Walpole
brought her Majesty's commands to him, he made
him the compliment of beginning his speech by that
passage in Horace to Maecenas, " Docte sermones
utriusque Ungues."'1 Lord Hervey lost no time, but
translated them all by the next morning; and telling
Sir Robert Walpole that it would be to no purpose
to print the letters if the Prince's declaration to him
and Lord Harrington was not printed with them, to
show what contradictory stories the Prince had told
" In either language skilled, my Lord." — Francis, Od. iii. 8.
VOL. III. S

274 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
on this occasion. Sir Robert said he was in the
right, and Lord Hervey had the satisfaction of being
employed to give the Prince the lie in print, by
the authority of the Government; and because the
stronger the lie was given, the better he liked his
commission, he advised Sir Robert Walpole to get
the Queen's consent to put a N.B. at the end of the
declaration made to him and Lord Harrington, to
certify to the public that the same declaration had
been made the same morning by the Prince to the
Queen and the two eldest Princesses, which he told
Sir Robert would be absolutely necessary to prevent
the world saying the Queen had retracted, and made
Lord Harrington and Sir Robert own her lie; and
at the same time would show that what was done
was done by her authority, and make it more impos
sible for the Prince to deny what he had said. This
proposal, therefore, Sir Robert relished extremely,
and got the Queen's consent for the N.B., which
accordingly was inserted — Lord Hervey, for fear of
accidents, and being afterwards disavowed in it, or
accused for wording it too strong, getting Sir Robert
in his own handwriting to give him the words in
which this N.B. was to be expressed, which he
kept by him.
The Duke of Newcastle sat in consultation with
Sir Robert Walpole and Lord Hervey when Lord
Hervey was to receive his ultimate directions the
night before he was to deliver these papers to the
printer, the correction of the press being left to his
care ; and the two points on which his Grace solely
descanted were these : first, the settling and giving
many excellent reasons to support his opinion how

.737-] NEWCASTLE'S ABSURDITY. 275
the original or translation should be placed in the
paper on the right side or the left ; for the paper
being to be printed in two columns on each side of
each leaf, the originals and translations were to be
placed by the side of one another. His Grace's next
difficulty, which he said was an insurmountable one,
was, that by the N.B. having a reference to the de
claration made by the Prince to Lord Harrington
and Sir Robert Walpole, it could only be put at the
bottom of it, which, his Grace very judiciously ob
served, would be highly improper ; " for between
two declarations, one made to the Queen and the
other only to two subjects, how very disrespectful,"
said his Grace, " will it be to the Queen to give the
precedency to the declaration that was only made to
two subjects before that made to her, and yet how
is it possible to avoid it ?"
This egregious folly and formal absurdity in a
man that had been fifteen years Secretary of State
is so incredible, that I do not flatter myself that it
will be much more natural to conclude I am a great
liar than that he could be so great an idiot. The
Queen and the Princess Caroline, to whom I re
lated this little anecdote, would not, till the Queen
asked Sir Robert Walpole about it, believe it was
literal. The King and Queen were full as well pleased
with giving Lord Hervey this commission to call
their son a liar in print as he was to receive it, and
charged him not to embellish the fool's letters in the
translation, or to mend the spelling in the original.
Lord Hervey took occasion upon this subject, among
many other things, to say he did not believe there

276 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
ever was a father and a son so thoroughly unlike in
every particular as the King and the Prince, and
'enumerated several points in which they differed, as
little to the advantage of the Prince as to the dis-
praise or displeasure of the King. The King said
he had really thought so himself a thousand times,
and had often asked the Queen if the beast was his
son. Lord Hervey said that question must be to
very little purpose, for to be sure the Queen would
never own it if he was not. The King said the first
child generally was the husband's, "and therefore,"
says he, "I fancy he is what in German we call a
Weckselbalch. I do not know," continued he, " if you
have a word for it in English : it is not what you
call a foundling, but a child put in a cradle instead
of another." " That is a changeling" replied Lord
Hervey. The King was extremely pleased with
this translation, and said, " I wish you could prove
him a changeling in the German sense of the word
as easily as anybody can prove him so in the other ;
— though the Queen was a great while before her
maternal affection would give him up for a fool, and
yet I told her so before he had been acting as if he
had not common sense."
Lord Hervey said the Queen had often last year
done the honours of his Royal Highness's under
standing to him, and was very loth to give it quite
iip, but that of late he had not perceived she had
any hope left of disguising it. "My dear Lord,"
replied the Queen, " I will give it you under my
hand, if you are in any fear of my relapsing, that my
dear first-born is the greatest ass, and the greatest
liar,. and the greatest canaille, and the greatest beast

I737-] WALPOLE'S DELAYS. 277
in the whole world, and that I most heartily wish he
was out of it."
The letters, though translated and ready for the
press, were not yet printed, and I suspect the reason
of this delay to have been Sir Robert Walpole's
having no mind to give the Prince the lie in print,
and yet not knowing how to avoid, in case the letters
were published, the publishing also the declaration
made to him and Lord Harrington. It was said by
many and thought by some that Lord Harrington
had some scruples of this kind, but I know these
reports were ill-founded. The Queen thought the
delay proceeded from Lord Hervey's not having
finished the translations, and one Sunday morning
that he came back from London, where he had been
for two days, she accosted him, half in jest and half
in earnest, in this manner : " Where the devil are
you, and what have you been doing ? You are a
pretty man to have the justification of your friends
committed to your hands. There are the letters
which you have had this week to translate, and they
are not yet ready to be dispersed, and only because
you must go to London to divert yourself with some
of your nasty guenipes, instead of doing what you
have undertaken." Lord Hervey made the Queen
no other answer than repeating some sentences out
of Shakespeare,8 which he tacked together thus: " Go
tell your slaves how choleric you are and make your
8 " Brutus. Go, show your slaves how choleric you are,
And make your bondmen tremble. 
There is no terror, Cassius, in your threats ;
For I am arm'd so strong in honesty,
That they pass by me as the idle wind,
Which I respect not."^//</. Cas., iv. 3.

278 L ORD HER VEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
bondmen tremble. Your anger passes by me like the
idle wind, which I regard not!' The Queen laughed
and said, " You are so impertinent and so saucy,
there is no living with you ; but what do you say
for yourself ? " " I say," replied Lord Hervey, "that
they have been out of my hands these six days, and
were finished by me in twelve hours." " Then I
shall fall upon Sir Robert," replied the Queen. But
she did not scold him so much, though she was less
satisfied with his conduct in this affair, guessing a
little, I believe, that he had a mind to shuffle off the
publication of them. At last all these messages and
original letters that passed between the King, Queen,
Prince, and Princesses, with the translations, were
printed, and many copies of them dispersed over the
whole kingdom at the expense of the King. What
people will say of them I do not yet know, for though
they are already printed, they are not, whilst I am
now 9 writing, yet circulated.
The Queen told me at this time she heard the
Prince's people intended to print the letters the
present King, when he was Prince of Wales, wrote
to the late King upon the quarrel in the late reign,
and said she concluded if they did, Lord Chesterfield
must have got the copies of them from the Duchess
of Kendal ; for, as to the originals, all the letters the
present King had written to the late King had been
found among the late King's papers when he died,
and the present King had made her burn all of them
except three.
9 This must have been written on or about the 22d of October 1737, for
I find a note from Lord Hervey of that date to Dr. Middleton, saying, "Since
I wrote you this morning I have received instructions not to give any copies
of the paper I enclosed to you till some alterations are made in it."

I737-] A FORMER QUARREL. 279
However, soon after printed they were, together
with the late King's message to the Prince to turn
him out of St. James's,10 and a sort of circular letter
by Mr. Addison, then Secretary of State, by the late
King's orders, to all the English Ministers in foreign
Courts to give an account of the whole transaction ;
and, as I imagine a short narrative of so material
and interesting an occurrence cannot be unentertain-
ing, I shali here insert it.
Message in writing from the late King to the Prince of Wales, by
his Vice-Chamberlain, Mr. Cook, December 2, 1717.
"The Vice-Ciamberlain is ordered to go to my son and to
tell him from ne that he and his domestics must leave my
House. He is likewise commanded to go to the Princess to
tell her from me tiat, notwithstanding the order sent to my son,
she may remain at St. James's until her health will suffer her to
follow her husbano. He is, moreover, commanded to tell the
Princess from me fiat it is my pleasure that my grandson and
grand-daughters remiin at St. James's, where they are, and that
the Princess is pernitted to come to see them when she has
a mind, and that the children are permitted from time to time to
go and see her and m? son. The Vice-Chamberlain must further
tell the Princess that, in the present situation of my family, I
think that whilst she slays at St. James's she would do well to see
no company."
Copy of the Circular Letter from Mr. Addison, Secretary of State,
to the English Ministers in Foreign Courts.
"Sir, "His Majesty having been informed that many reports
are spread, for the most part ill-grounded, relating to what has
passed in the Royal Ftmily, has ordered me to send you the
enclosed account thereor.
" I am, with a gnat deal of respect, Sir,
"Your most obedient and most humble servant,
"Jo. Addison."
10 See vol. i. p. 38, n. 7.

280 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.

" London, December 3, 1717.
"As soon as the young Prince was born, the King informed
himself what was the custom in the like case in the kingdom
with regard to the ceremony of baptism, and having found by the
registers that when it was a boy and that the King was godfather,
it was usual for him to name for second godfather one of the
chief Lords of the Court, and oftenest the Lord Chamberlain, he
named for that office the Duke of Newcastle, who is possessed of
that employment, at the same time naming the gocmother, the
Duchess of St. Alban's, Groom of the Stole to tne Princess.
Nevertheless, his Royal Highness the Prince of Wales was so
chagrined at it that, Thursday last, after the solemnity of the
baptism was over, being no longer able to master his resentments,
he came up to the Duke of Newcastle, and gave nim very injuri
ous language, supposing that he had made interest for that
honour contrary to his Highness's inclinations, The King was
then in the chamber, but not near enough la hear what the
Prince said to the Duke. The latter thinking himself obliged
to inform the King of it, and the Prince havijg owned the facts
to the Dukes of Kingston, Kent, and Roxl/orough, whom his
Majesty sent that morning on that occasion, nis Majesty ordered
him by a second message not to go out 0/ his apartments till
further orders. On Saturday the Prince yrote a letter to the
King, and on Sunday morning wrote anotler; but his Majesty
not having found them satisfactory, and paving besides many
reasons to be discontented with the Princi's conduct in several
other particulars, signified to him yesteiuay afternoon by his
Vice- Chamberlain, Mr. Cook, that he musl go out of the palace
of St. James's, and to the Princess that /he might stay as long
as she thought proper. But as to the) Princesses his grand
daughters, and the young Prince, it wap the King's will that
they should stay near him in the palace and that the Princess
should be permitted to see them as often as she desired. Never
theless, the Princess being unwilling tp quit the Prince her
husband, retired with him to Lord jrantham's, her Great
Chamberlain, in whose house their RoVal Highnesses lay last
night."

I737-] A FORMER QUARREL. 281
The Prince of Wales to the King.
" Sir, " I received with all submission your Majesty's com
mands, confining me to my own apartment till your Majesty
should signify your further pleasure to me. So great a mark
of your Majesty's displeasure surprised me extremely, never
having entertained a thought of your Majesty unbecoming a
dutiful son. I was made to believe your Majesty appeared
easy in the choice I had made of the Duke of York to be god
father to my son, and that the Duke of Newcastle might repre
sent him, and not be godfather himself. Being persuaded of
this, I could not but look upon it as an unaccountable hardship
that he would be godfather in spite of me ; but when your
Majesty thought proper to command it I submitted. This
treatment of the Duke of Newcastle touched me sensibly,
and so far raised my indignation that, at the sight of him
upon this occasion, I could not help showing it. But as the
respect I have always had for your Majesty hindered me from
expressing my resentments against him whilst he was charged
with your Majesty's orders, I hope your Majesty will have the
goodness not to look upon what I have said to the Duke
privately as want of respect to your Majesty, which was con
trary to my intentions. I ask your pardon, and beg your
Majesty would be persuaded that I am, with the greatest
respect," &c.

"Sir,

The Prince of Wales to the King.

¦ I hope your Majesty will have the goodness to excuse
me if, in the condition I was in yesterday, when I took the liberty
to write to your Majesty, I omitted to mention that I will show
no resentment to the Duke of Newcastle upon what has passed,
and I take this opportunity to assure your Majesty of it, being,
with profound respect, "Sir,"&c.
The Prince of Wales to the King.
" Sir, " I have just now obeyed your Majesty's orders, having
left St. James's. The Princess goes along with me, and our ser
vants shall follow with all imaginable expedition."

282 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
It was believed that the Prince's people at this
time got the papers printed which I have just now
related. I am not of that opinion, though I never
heard of anybody else that doubted it. To what
end, indeed, should they have printed them ? It
was said to fret the Duke of Newcastle — a poor
reason for giving themselves this trouble, especially
since the Duke of Newcastle neither was nor
deserved to be, either from his capacity or his
inclination, one of the principal objects of the re
sentment of the Prince or his counsellors at this
time. Why Sir Robert Walpole should get them printed
I can easily see cause, as they showed how much
more roughly the present King had been used in
the quarrel in the last reign than the Prince of
Wales was treated in the present dispute ; and
besides this reason, the circumstance of those three
letters only being printed which the Queen had
saved from the flames, was a strong reason for
suspicion that the publisher of these papers had
his materials out of the Hampton Court shop.
There were some more circumstances relating;
to the letters found in the late King's closet which I
never knew till now, and are too curious for me
not to relate. One was, that in a letter from Earl
Stanhope to the late King, when things were push
ing to an extremity against the then Prince of
Wales, there were these words : — " // est vrai c'est
votre fils, mais le Fils de Dieu, m&me a die" sacrifie"
pour le salut de genre humain!'
In another letter it was said, " II faut I'enlever;
et my Lord Berkley le prendra sur un vaisseau, et le

I737-] THE PRINCE'S COURT. 283
conduira en aucune par tie du monde que votre Majeste"
I'ordonnera." It was no wonder, if11 the King and Queen be
lieved this to be true — that Sir Robert Walpole,
weak as his interest was at the beginning of this
reign, had power sufficient to remove Lord Berkley
from the head of the Admiralty.
It is certain that Earl Stanhope and Lord Sunder
land were both so afraid of the Prince of Wales
at that time, and so inveterately his enemies, that
nobody doubted of their being willing and capable
to undertake anything to secure themselves, gratify
their resentments, and deprive the Prince of the
succession to the crown.
But to return to the present times. The little
Court at Kew had as many subdivisions in it, in
proportion, as that of Hampton Court. Lady Archi
bald Hamilton had interest enough to suffer nothing
to be done but by her influence; and things were
asked which the people who asked them thought
they had a right not to have refused to them, and
yet they were not granted. The Duke of Marl
borough asked for his sister, Lady Bateman, to be
lady of the bedchamber to the Princess ; and Lord
Carteret made the same request for his daughter,12
11 See vol. i. p. 52, n. 20. Lord Hervey, by the use of this conjectural
";/," seems to leave a kind of doubt over this strange story ; but I think
that, coupling the whole statement in this place with Horace Walpole's
version in the Reminiscences, we may conclude that the main fact is certain,
and that Lord Hervey must have derived his information from the Queen
herself, while Horace had it with less accuracy of detail from Sir Robert.
12 Lady Grace Carteret, married in 1731 Lionel, Earl of Dysart. I have
the rather preserved this instance of the lax orthography of the day, because
Lord Hervey has so emphatically noted the bad French and bad spelling of
the Prince, forgetting that his own spelling, like everybody else's in those
times (Pope's, for instance), was by no means unexceptionable.

284 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Lady Dizard ; Lord Chesterfield asked that employ
ment for Lady Francis Shirley,13 and Lady Pem
broke for her sister-in-law, Lady How ; to Lady
Torrington the Prince had promised to keep her
employment vacant, and to Lady Archibald to bring
in Lady Charlotte Edwin;14 so that for these two
vacancies in the bedchamber the Prince had made
six absolute promises, four of which of course it was
impossible he could comply with. The only one
that was complied with (besides that to Lady Tor
rington, which was performed by chance and not
from principle) was the promise he made to Lady
Archibald in favour of Lady Charlotte Edwin, the
Duke of Hamilton's sister, whom Lady Archibald
prevailed with the Prince to employ as lady of the
bedchamber though she was not declared, and per
suaded the Prince to make economy his excuse for
adding at present no more ladies to the Princess's
bedchamber — everybody, whilst he made this excuse,
knowing the true reason, and reverencing his Royal
Highness accordingly.
Besides these difficulties, those men of the Prince's
family who did not wish the Prince should go
thoroughly into the Opposition — that is, those who
had ever acted with the Whigs, had been placed
about him by the present Administration, were
13 Fourth daughter of the first Earl Ferrers, celebrated in one way by her
long flirtation with Lord Chesterfield, and in another by her subsequent
enthusiasm for Whitfield and the Methodists. H. Walpole, her neighbour in
later life, writes in his Twickenham Register (1759) —
" Here Fanny, ' ever blooming fair,'
Ejaculates the graceful prayer ;
And 'scaped from sense — with nonsense smit,
For Whitfield's cant, leaves Stanhope's wit."
14 See vol. ii. p. 344, n. 24.

1737] THE PRINCE'S COURT. 285
obliged to Sir Robert Walpole, and wished him
well — were very uneasy at Mr. Lyttelton's being
declared secretary to the Prince, as there was
nobody more violent in the Opposition, nor anybody
a more declared enemy to Sir Robert Walpole.
It was said, and I have reason to believe truly,
that on Mr. Lyttelton's being declared secretary to
the Prince, Lord Carnarvon, Lord Baltimore, Mr.
Herbert, Mr. Montague, and Mr. Evelyn,15 who
used always to vote with the Court, met and con
sulted on the present posture of affairs ; and all
agreed to acquaint the Prince by deputation (making
Mr. Herbert, his treasurer, their deputy) that they
were afraid, by this step of taking Mr. Lyttelton
into his service, his Royal Highness designed to go
entirely into the measures of those who opposed the
Court ; and for that reason they thought it their
duty to give him the earliest notice, that though they
should ever adhere to his Royal Highness in any
question in Parliament where he was personally
concerned, yet they could not possibly, in public
matters, act in any manner different from the prin
ciples by which their conduct had hitherto been
influenced, and must always support the King's
Government and Administration in the same manner
they had formerly done.
What his Royal Highness's answer was I know
not, nor could the Queen, Sir Robert Walpole, Mr.
Fox, or Mr. Winnington, who all told me the rest,
inform me anything about it.
16 The two Lords were of the Prince's bedchamber. Charles Montagu,
M.P. for St. Germains, was auditor of the Duchy ; and John Evelyn, M.P.
for Helston, was groom of the bedchamber.

286 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
The Princess at this time was said to be extremely
uneasy ; but as everybody agreed she was of a sullen,
silent temper,16 nobody knew whether her uneasi
ness proceeded from jealousy, or from dislike of the
Prince's measures, or from these domestic and public
reasons both joined together. Lady Archibald had
her uneasiness too. She began to be afraid of Lord
Carteret who consulted her in nothing, and had told
the Prince he must not promote nobody but Hamil-
tons,17 and have a Scotch colony about him. Lady
Archibald began therefore to see too late her error
in letting the Prince go so strongly into the Opposi
tion, as she only now began to apprehend that all
his favours would be disposed of, not by her to her
favourites, but by Lord Carteret on parliamentary
considerations. She therefore at present railed at
Lord Carteret as much as at Sir Robert Walpole,
and gave the Prince all the ill impressions of him
she could. In this loose, broken, distracted situa
tion were the little affairs of this little Court.
Bishop Sherlock, who had, contrary to his own
custom, as well as to the custom of most of the
bishops, resided a great part of the summer in his
diocese, came to the Queen a little before she left
Hampton Court, and was very far from obliging her
in delivering his sentiments on all this bustle ; for
though he was far from justifying the conduct of the
16 Which Horace Walpole more justly calls " her quiet good sense,"
auguring that "she would turn out a Caroline." — Letter, 24th June 1745.
And in the Mem. Geo. IL, i. 66, he again praises "the inoffensive good
sense of the Princess, who had never said a foolish thing nor done a dis
agreeable one since her arrival." See vol. ii. p. 290, n. 4.
17 Sir William Stanhope, brother to Lord Chesterfield, a noted humourist,
was forbidden the Prince's Court because he went about addressing everybody
he met there as Mr. or Mrs. Hamilton.

I737-] MADAME WALMODEN 287
Prince, yet the comment that accompanied his con
demnation of it was very unsatisfactory, and as little
adroit as it could have been had he never lived out
of his diocese. He told the Queen if the Prince had
taken any advice on this occasion, it could not be
from any able counsellors ; for by the steps he had
taken he had very weakly played the game into the
King's hands, and made a blunder he would never be
able to retrieve. To which the Queen (as she told
me next day) replied, in a very severe tone, " I hope,
my Lord, this is not the way you intend to speak
your disapprobation of my son's measures anywhere
else ; for your saying that by his conduct lately he
has played the game into the King's hands, one
would imagine you thought the game had been
before in his own ; and though he has made his
game still worse than it was, I am far from thinking
it was ever a good one, or that he had ever much
chance ta win."
Madame Walmoden's name had not been men
tioned for a long time, when Sir Robert Walpole
told Lord Hervey that he had had the King's
orders to buy one hundred lottery tickets for his
Majesty, to send to her as he supposed, for he had
pressed Sir Robert to get them by the Friday fol
lowing, and given for his reason that Friday was
the German post-day. Sir Robert told Lord Her
vey, too, that he had acquainted the Queen with
this commission, to avoid her suspecting he had
any secret managements for this lady, or was em
ployed in any transactions relating to her which
he did not communicate to her Majesty. He also
told Lord Hervey that the King, to save making

288 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
this ;£iooo disbursement out of his privy purse,
had ordered him to charge the purchase-money of
these tickets in the secret service — 'adding, that his
Majesty, like all other covetous people, fancied
always that he gave less wThen he gave out of a
stock which, though equally his own, was money
he had never fingered. When first Sir Robert
began this account to Lord Hervey, he called
Madame Walmoden only the " King's favourite,"
which Lord Hervey mistaking for Lady Deloraine,
said he did not think his Majesty went so deep
there ; to which Sir Robert, setting him right, re
plied, " No, I mean the Hanover woman. You are
indeed in the right to imagine he does not go so deep
to his lying fool here : he'll give her a couple of
tickets, and think her generously used."
Just before the King left Hampton Court a de
putation of sixteen merchants came to him in great
form with a petition signed by several hundred, to
complain of the Spanish depredations in the West
Indies, and beg his Majesty's protection and re
dress. The petition, which specified no particular
facts, but was conceived in the strongest general
terms, was referred to the Cabinet Council, and
orders given by the King for a very strict exami
nation to be made into the allegations of it.18 And
the truth of the fact I believe was, that many of
our merchants carrying on an illicit trade there, and
being a sort of national smugglers, the Spaniards,
irritated at this proceeding, had confounded the
innocent with the guilty, and often seized ships they
18 The petition is to be found in the Gentleman's and London Magazines for
October 1737.

I737-] WEST INDIAN TRADE. 289
had no right to seize as well as those they had, and
this way revenged themselves upon England for
such illicit traders as had escaped them. Besides
this, many of the Spanish Governors in the West
Indies, finding their account in conniving at this
illicit trade in many instances, by receiving money
from the English merchants not to prevent it, the
merchants were often secure in the ports where
they ought to have been searched and stopped,
and were all indiscriminately annoyed on the high
seas, where the proper distinction was harder to be
made. And the Court of Spain certainly acted
unjustly to suffer this national havoc to be made
by their guarda-costas, instead of hanging their
own Governors for making this the only method of
preventing this illicit trade from being carried on
with impunity.
I suppose this matter will be thoroughly sifted
this year in Parliament19
The Court came to town [on the 28 th October]
as usual two days before the King's birthday, and
Sir Robert Walpole being in too deep mourning
for his wife to appear on that occasion, he set out
for Norfolk the day before the King left Hampton
Court. Those who were in the King's service, or es
poused his cause in the quarrel with his son, piqued
themselves on contributing to make up the crowd
on this" first show-day after the separation of the
19 Lord Hervey, we see, was writing de die in diem. This affair was blown
up by faction into a most serious one ; it ended in a war with Spain, and in
directly led to the overthrow of Walpole's Administration. See Burke's able
and eloquent observations upon this subject in the first Letter on a Regicide
Peace (Works, viii. 145).
VOL. III. T

290 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Courts, and by these means the drawing-room, to
the great satisfaction both of the King and the
Queen, was much fuller than ever it had been on
any other 30th of October since the first after his
Majesty's accession to the crown.
The night before Lord Isla was to follow Sir
Robert Walpole into Norfolk, the Queen saw him
in the evening in private, for the first time I believe
in her life, and to the infinite dissatisfaction- of
his Grace of Newcastle. Had he known how the
Queen treated him in this conference it would have
added to his disquiet, for, as her Majesty and Lord
Isla both told me afterwards, she gave. up the Duke
of Newcastle without any reserve ; insomuch that
the comment Lord Isla made on her conduct was,
that he should have been better pleased had she
said less, as what she said, had she thought it at
all, must have been more than she could believe
of one she let continue in the King's service. But
one thing she said to Lord Isla I am sure was in
general true, which was, that she had often schooled
the Duke of Newcastle for his behaviour towards
him and Lord Hervey, and had assured him — if
he persisted in endeavouring to make the King's
servants uneasy in his service and the execution
of their duty, when his only quarrel to them was
serving too well — that the King would not en
dure it.
When the Queen related this to Lord Hervey,
she repeated what she had often said on these
occasions before : that the poor silly Duke of New
castle fancied she would not dislike his using Lord
Isla ill because he had once made his court to Lady

1 737-] QUEEN AND LORD ISLA. 291
Suffolk, as if she cared for that now ; or, if he was
able and willing to do the King any good service
at present, that she was fool enough to consider
what he had said, or done, or been formerly. " Or
if I had reasoned in that way," said she, " I wonder
what the Duke of Newcastle himself would have
been now. One must take people as one finds
them, and when they can be of use to make the
whole™ go on, one must not embarrass one's self
by thinking of little silly particulars, that are or
ought to be out of the question." Lord Isla in this
conference told the Queen, who was very inquisi
tive how his brother the Duke of Argyle talked at
this time, that with regard to the present disputes
between the King and the Prince it was impossible
for anybody to talk more reasonably or to be more
listed in that cause than his brother; but that his
"brother had declared too, upon a rumour being
spread of some proposal to be made in Parliament
to detach the Hanover dominions after the death
of the King from the Crown of England, that he
would certainly, as far as he could, promote any
such scheme. Lord Isla told Lord Hervey after
wards that the Queen had seemed much set against
this scheme ; that she had said the Parliament had
nothing to do with it, since it was not one of the
original conditions in the Act of Settlement. " And
though they," continued her Majesty, " who are for
promoting this scheme may allege that it is no
injury to the King, since the separation is not pro
posed to be made till his death and his successor
20 " The whole " was a phrase in common use at this time to mean all the
.interests bound up with the Hanoverian succession.

292 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
will consent to it, yet so far it is certainly an injury,
that if the fine scheme (as I hear it is) of my son's
consenting to this proposal is to be bought by the
King's giving him ,£50,000 a year more in present,
then they take that out of your King's pocket ; and
who has given the Prince a right to dismember
the dominions of his family ? I know he would sell
not only his reversion in the Electorate, but even
in this kingdom, if the Pretender would give him
five or six hundred thousand pounds in present ;
but, thank God ! he has neither right nor power to
sell his family, though his folly and his knavery
may sometimes distress them. However, my Lord,
you may assure yourself the King will never hear
of any such proposal with patience, but will look
on such a motion in Parliament as the highest in
dignity and insult to him and his family, and all
the promoters of it as people who make a pre
tence of the interest of England to distress and
affront him."
When the Queen told Lord Hervey next morning
what had passed between her and Lord Isla on this
subject, Lord Hervey said he did not very well un
derstand the constitution of the Empire, but said
he should imagine it would not be in the power of
the Parliament, even with the King and Prince's
consent, to alter the succession to the Electorate ;
that he should naturally think the consent of the
Empire and Emperor must be necessary to such a
transfer, and if so, that the same policy which might
induce some people here to make it, would prevail
at the Court of Vienna to prevent it ; for if it was
thought that the King of England being at the same

1737] ' THE ELECTORATE. 293
time Elector of Hanover made him more liable to
the influence and power of the Emperor than he
would be if he was only King of England, it must
be as much the interest of that Court to keep such
an influence as it could be the interest of this
country to get rid of it.
It is certain, however, notwithstanding all I have
related, that the King did often deliberate in private
upon a method to give his German dominions from
his eldest to his second son, and had actually
sketches of instruments drawn for that purpose ;
but this was a transaction known to very few, and
guessed at only even by Sir Robert Walpole, not
communicated to him. The Queen never came
thoroughly into this scheme, although she wished
some safe way of effecting it could be hit upon for
the sake of her second son.21
21 See ante, p. 221, n. 5. It will be observed that there is a good deal of
inconsistency in the statements of the Queen's feelings on this subject ; she
probably had formed no settled opinion. The project seems to have been
revived by Walpole after the Queen's death as a popular measure that might,
he hoped, avert his own fall. See Speaker Onslow's remarks in Coxe, ii. 571,
and Lord Mahon's History, iii. 32.

CHAPTER XXXVIII.

The Queen taken 111 — Princess Caroline 111 also — Arrangement of
Attendance — -The Queen Grows Worse — Sir Robert Walpole
Sent for — The Queen Reveals her Secret Disease, a Rupture—
The Prince's Request to be Admitted to see her Refused —
Progress of the Disease — History of her Rupture — .Her Obsti
nate Reluctance to Confess it — Her Danger Grows Imminent
— Legal Doubts as to the Succession to the Queen's Property —
Lord Hervey Consults the Chancellor — Surgical Operations.
N Wednesday, the 9th of November, the
Queen was taken ill in the morning at
her new library in St. James's Park.
She called her complaint the cholic, her
stomach and bowels giving her great pain. She
came home, took Daffy's elixir by Dr. Tesier,1
the German and house-physician's advice ; but
was in such great pain, and so uneasy with fre
quent Teachings to vomit, that she went into bed.
However, when the clock struck two, and the
King proposed sending Lord Grantham to dis
miss the company, and declare there would be no
drawing-room, she, according to the custom of the
family, not caring to own, or at least to have it
generally known, how ill she was, told the King
1 George Lewis Tessier, M.D., F.R.S., Physician to the Household. It
seems strange that none of the King's or Queen's Physicians in Ordinary —
though they were all eminent men, particularly Mead and Wilmot — were
called in, except Sloane, who was almost superannuated, and even he was not
called in at first.

I737-] THE QUEEN'S ILLNESS. 295
she was much better — that she would get up and
see the company a's usual. As soon as she came
into the drawing-room she came up to Lord Hervey
and said, " Is it not intolerable at my age to be
plagued with a new distemper ? Here is this nasty
c ho lie that I had at Hampton Court come again."
The Queen had twice this summer at Hampton
Court been seized with a vomiting and purging,
which had lasted in the most violent manner for
three or four hours, and then left her, so easy and
well, that she had played the same night in the
drawing-room as usual, and talked with almost the
same cheerfulness. This made Lord Hervey less
alarmed than he otherwise would have been at her
present disorder, for she looked extremely ill, and
complained much more than was her custom to do
when she suffered most. Lord Hervey asked her
what she had taken, and when she told him, he
replied, " For God's sake, madam, go to your own
room ; what have you to do here ? " She then went
and talked a little to the rest of the company, and
coming back again to Lord Hervey, said, " / am
not able to entertain people." " Would to God"
replied Lord Hervey, " the King would have done
talking of the Dragon of Want ley, and release you."
(This was a new silly farce 2 which everybody at
this time went to see.) At last the King went
away, telling the Queen as he went by that she
had overlooked the Duchess of Norfolk. The
Queen made her excuse for having done so to
the Duchess of Norfolk, the last person she ever
"- A burlesque on the Italian Opera by Henry Carey, first played at Covent
Garden the 26th of October 1737.

2 96 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
spoke to in public, and then retired, going imme
diately into bed, where she grew worse every
moment. At seven o'clock, when Lord Hervey returned to
St. James's from M. de Cambis's, the French ambas
sador's, where he dined that day, he went up to the
Queen's apartment and found her in bed, with the
Princess Caroline only in the room, the King being
gone, as usual at that hour, to play in the Princess
Emily's apartment. The Queen asked Lord Her
vey what he used to take in his violent fits of the
cholic ; and Lord Hervey imagining the Queen's
pain to proceed from a goutish humour in her stomach
that should be driven from that dangerous seat into
her limbs, told her nothing ever gave him immediate
ease but strong things. To which the Queen re
plied, "Pshaw! you think now, like all the other
fools, that this is the pain of an old nasty gout." But
her vomitings, or rather her Teachings, together with
such acute pain, continuing in a degree that she could
not lie one moment quiet, she said about an hour
after to Lord Hervey, "Give me what you will, I will
take it;" and the Princess Caroline bidding him not
lose this opportunity, he only said to the Queen he
would fetch the strongest thing he could get, telling
her at the same time that his former experience of
violent fits of the cholic was such that he was sure
all the angels in heaven together could not procure
her immediate ease without it,
He fetched some snake-root8 and brandy, and
asking Dr. Tesier, who was in the outward room,
whether he might venture to give it her, Dr.
3 Polygala senega — still used as a stimulant.

i737.] THE QUEEN'S ILLNESS. 297
Tesier, who was naturally timid, and made more so
by the manner in which he had been talked to in the
King's illness last year, said the Queen's pulse was
very high and feverish, and as she was unused to
drinking anything strong, he could not affirm that
this very strong cordial would do her no hurt. Lord
Hervey then asked him if he should propose to the
King to call in another physician, and if he had any
objection to Broxholme ;4 and Dr. Tesier saying he
wished it extremely, but did not dare to propose
it himself to the King, Lord Hervey told Princess
Caroline what had passed ; that he did not dare to
take upon him to give the snake-root without Tesier's
consent, and would, if she approved, propose to the
King that Dr. Broxholme might be called in.
The Princess Caroline consented, and Lord Her
vey speaking to the King, who was now returned
from Princess Emily's apartment, and began to be
alarmed, Dr. Broxholme was immediately sent for
by Lord Hervey. When he came, Tesier and he
aoreed to give the Queen immediately some snake-
root with Sir Walter Raleigh's cordial;5 but this
cordial being long in preparing, and Ranby, house-
surgeon to the King, a sensible fellow and a favourite
of Lord Hervey's, telling Lord Hervey that insisting
on these occasions upon a cordial with this name or
¦other name was mere quackery, and that no cordial
was better than another in these cases but in propor-
4 Dr. Noel Broxholme was First Physician to the Prince.
5 Sir Walter Raleigh professed to have a sovereign cordial, which was
administered in extremis to Henry Prince of Wales, but with no other effect
than to increase King James's antipathy to Raleigh— Sir Walter having un
luckily accompanied the medicine with a boast, that "it would certainly cure
him or any other of a fever — except in case of poison ! " A medicine of that
name is still to be found in the old-fashioned Pharmacopoeias.

298 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
tion to its strength, Lord Hervey got some usque
baugh immediately, and telling Princess Caroline
what Ranby had said, the usquebaugh was imme
diately given to the Queen, who kept it about half-
an hour, which was about twenty-nine minutes longer
than she had kept anything else, but then brought
it up. Soon after the snake-root and Sir Walter
Raleigh's cordial arrived from the apothecary's ; it
was taken and thrown up about an hour after. All
these strong things, twice Daffy's elixir, mint-water,
usquebaugh, snake-root, and Sir Walter Raleigh's
cordial, had, without easing the Queen's pain, so
increased her fever, that the doctors ordered Ranby
to bleed her twelve ounces immediately. * * 6
The Princess Caroline had been extremely ill all
this summer at Hampton Court of rheumatic pains,
and growing every day worse, notwithstanding all
the medicines that had been given her in what the
physicians call a regular way, Lord Hervey upon her
coming to town had persuaded her to take Ward's
pill, a nostrum belonging to one Ward,7 an excellent
medicine not only in rheumatism but in several
cases, which, for being so, all the physicians and
surgeons endeavoured to decry.
Princess Caroline, persuaded by Lord Hervey,
had taken this medicine since her arrival in London,
with the privity rather than consent of the King and
Queen, and keeping it a secret to everybody else ;
s I have here omitted, and shall subsequently, without further notice, omit,
as much as possible of disagreeable medical and surgical details. Too many
will still remain; but I could not venture to interfere further with this striking
though painful picture.
7 Ward was a celebrated quack, who was in 1716 returned to Parliament,
but was unseated on petition. — Beatson, tit. Marlborough, His pill was a.
favourite medicine in the Hervey family.

I737-] THE QUEEN'S ILLNESS. 299
but in four times taking only, she had found such
benefit, that notwithstanding she had been unable
to walk or get up from her chair without help when
she began it, she was now quite free from pain, and
could walk almost as well as she ever could have
done in her life. However, her recovery being not
yet perfect, the King and Queen were both ex
tremely solicitous to have her go to bed, which she
did not do till two. o'clock in the morning. The
King, inconveniently both to himself and the Queen,
lay on the Queen's bed all night in his night-gown,
where he could not sleep, nor she turn about easily.
Early in the morning of Thursday the 10th the
Queen was blooded twelve ounces more, upon which
her fever, that had been very high all night, abated,
and everybody but herself thought she was better.
When the King went to his own side to change his
linen, she told the Princess Caroline it signified no
thing what they did to her, for she should certainly
die, and added, "Poor Caroline! you are very ill
too; we shall soon meet again in another place."
Her vomiting was suspended for a few hours this
morning ; but [an obstinate internal obstruction was
not removed]. However, on this amendment, as
everybody called it, but few really thought it, the
King resolved to have a Iev6e, and that the Prin
cess Emily should see the company at the usual
hour of the Queen's going into her drawing-room \
and to show what odd and inconsistent particulars
we are all composed of, this being the day the
Foreign Ministers came to Court, the King, in the
midst of all his real and great concern for the Queen,
sent to his pages to bid them be sure to have his last

300 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
new ruffles sewed on upon the shirt he was to put on
that day at his public dressing. Such sort of par
ticulars will seem very trifling to those who do not
think, like me, that trifling circumstances often let
one more into people's tempers and characters than
those parts of their conduct that are of greater im
portance, from which one frequently knows no more
of their natural turn of mind than one does of their
natural gait whilst they are dancing.
Mrs. Herbert,8 sister-in-law to Lord Pembroke,
happened to be the bedchamber-woman in wait
ing this week on the Queen, and though she was a
personal and warm enemy, and had long been so, to
Sir Robert Walpole, yet she was so sensible, so
well-bred, so handy, so cheerful, and so agreeable to
the Queen, that the Queen desired, if she should
continue ill longer than that week, that Mrs. Her
bert would continue in waiting. Mrs. Herbert,
Mrs. Selwyn, and Mrs. Brudnal were the only bed
chamber-women who attended the Queen during
her whole illness, Lady Sundon being very ill at
Bath, and the rest absent elsewhere. None of the
ladies of her bedchamber were admitted to her
at all.
Lord Hervey asked the Duke of Newcastle this
morning if he would not send for Sir Robert Wal
pole, and the Duke of Newcastle said he had men
tioned it, but that the Princess Emily had told him
the King and Queen would both dislike he should ;
but his Grace added, he would write that night to
8 Mary, daughter of Speaker Smith. She was ~ particular friend of the
Duchess of Queensberry and Gay, and, of course, not favourable to " Bob the
poet's foe"

I737-] THE QUEEN'S ILLNESS. 301
Houghton to say how the Queen was, and disguise
nothing. He did so, and Princess Emily added a
postscript in the letter, softening the state of things,
and begging Sir Robert Walpole by all means not
to think of coming to town.
Lord Hervey wrote that night, softening nothing,
and advising him by all means to come, but did not
then tell Sir Robert what he thought he plainly
perceived, that the Princess Emily and the Duke
of Newcastle had no mind he should come — the
Princess Emily hoping, I believe, that the Queen
would not take his staying at Houghton well ; and
the Duke of Newcastle, joined to that reason, pro
posing perhaps by Sir Robert's absence to have the
King more to himself. If that was his scheme, he
was disappointed ; for after this day the King saw
no Minister, nor any one man-servant that belonged
to him but Lord Hervey, who was never out of the
Queen's apartment for above four or five hours at
most at a time during her whole illness, and some
times not two in the twenty-four, and never went
from the King without his desiring him to come
back as soon as he could.
This evening, whilst the Princess Caroline and he
were alone with' the Queen, she complaining and
they comforting, she often said, "I have an ill which
nobody knows of; " which they both understood to
mean nothing more than that she felt what she could
not describe, and more than anybody imagined.
Princess Caroline's extreme concern and almost con
tinual weeping gave her a return of her rheumatism,
which settled in her back ; and added to this, she
had from this violent and perpetual weeping a fre-

302 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
quent bleeding at her nose, and in great quantities.
The King and Queen, therefore, both persuaded
her to go to bed, and insisted on her doing so about
midnight, Lord Hervey promising her to sit up,
and giving his word he would frequently come and
inform her how the Queen was exactly, and without
the least disguise.
This night two more physicians were called in,
Sir Hans Sloane and Dr. Hulst,9 who ordered
blisters and aperients. These came up, like every
other thing, soon after she had swallowed it, and
the blisters, though a remedy to which the King
and Queen had often declared themselves very
averse, were put upon her leg.
Lord Hervey went once or twice in the night, as
he had promised, to Princess Caroline ; the King
sat up in the Queen's room, and Princess Emily
lay on a couch in Mrs. Herbert's.
At six o'clock on Friday morning [the i\th~\ the
Queen was again blooded, upon which her fever
went almost entirely off; but the total stoppage and
frequent vomitings still continued.
On Friday Lord Hervey again desired the Duke
of Newcastle to send an express for Sir Robert
Walpole, which his Grace at last thought fit to do ;
but sending the messenger round by Euston, where
the Duke of Grafton then was, and the messenger
by accident or order loitering on the road, Sir
Robert Walpole had not these letters till Saturday
evening, and set not out for London till Sunday
morning.
9 Edward Hulse, M.D., created a Baronet in February 1739, in conse
quence, it is said, of his attendance on the Queen.

I737-] PRINCE'S MESSAGE. 303
On Friday Lord Hervey hearing the Prince was
come from Kew to Carlton House in Pall Mall,
suspected he had done so in order to come to St.
James's to inquire after the Queen, and perhaps
to ask to see her ; and that no resolution on such
step might be taken by the King in a hurry, Lord
Hervey told the King his conjecture, and asked his
Majesty, in case it should prove a true one, what he
would have done. The King said, " If the puppy
should, in one of his impertinent affected airs of
duty and affection, dare to come to St. James's, I
order you to go to the scoundrel and tell him I
wonder at his impudence for daring to come here ;
that he has my orders already, and knows my plea
sure, and bid him go about his business ; for his
poor mother is not in a condition to see him act his
false, whining, cringeing tricks now, nor am I in
a humour to bear his impertinence ; and bid him
trouble me with no more messages, but get out of
my house."
About an hour or two afterwards, whilst Lord
Hervey was sitting with the Duke [of Cumber
land], drinking tea in the Queen's outer apartment,
a message came by one of the Queen's pages to
the Duke to tell him Lady Pembroke, the Queen's
lady ' then in waiting, desired to speak with his
Royal Highness in the passage. Lord Hervey,
telling the Duke he suspected this might prove
something relative to the Prince, said he would go
with him. Accordingly he went, and Lady Pem
broke told the Duke, Lord North had just been
with her from the Prince to desire her, in the
Prince's name, to let the King and Queen know

3o4 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [.737.
his Royal Highness was in the utmost affliction
upon hearing of the Queen's illness, was come to
London in order to hear more frequently how she
did ; and that the only thing that could alleviate his
great concern at this time was to be admitted to the
honour of seeing her.
The Duke said, "I am not a proper person,
madam, to take the charge of this message, but
there is Lord Hervey, who is the only one of papa's
servants that sees him at present, and is just going
to him ; if you will deliver it to him, he will cer
tainly let the King know."
Accordingly, Lady Pembroke repeated the mes
sage over again to Lord Hervey, and Lord Hervey
assured her he would take the first opportunity to
acquaint the King with it.
When Lord Hervey told the King what had
passed, his Majesty flew into as great a rage as
he could have done had he not been prepared.
" This," said he, " is like one of the scoundrel's
tricks ; it is just of a piece with his kneeling down
in the dirt before the mob to kiss her hand at the
coach-door when she came from Hampton Court to
see the Princess, though he had not spoken one
word to her during her whole visit. I always hated
the rascal, but now I hate him yet worse than ever.
He wants to come and insult his poor dying mother;
but she shall not see him ; you have heard her, and
all my daughters have heard her, very often this
year at Hampton Court, desire me, if she should be
ill and out of her senses, that I would never let him
come near her ; and whilst she had her senses, she
was sure she should never desire it. No, no ! he

I737-] KING'S ANSWER. 305
shall not come and act any of his silly plays here.
Besides, supposing the Queen loved him as much
as she hates him, it would be as improper for her
to see him in that case as it is now. She is not in
a condition to bear the emotion. Therefore, my
Lord, you know my thoughts. I have told you
already the answer I would have given ; you have
but to tell it my Lord North, and be sure not
to forget to say I will be plagued with no more
messages." Lord Hervey told the King, if he delivered a
verbal message only, that the Prince and his people
would certainly engraft a thousand lies upon it, and
without a possibility of being disproved.
" It is no matter for that," replied the King. " I
will not honour him with another written message,
nor have the appearance of giving myself at this
time so much trouble about him."
" Nor would I have your Majesty," answered
Lord Hervey ; " but if you will give me leave, as
for the help of my memory, to put your Majesty's
commands down in writing, and only let me read
that paper, without delivering it, your Majesty
will at once show that you will neither honour
them with a written message nor trust them with
a verbal one."
"You are in the right," said the King; "do so.
Put down in writing what you are to say, and pray
see who are in the rooms ; and take two people
of quality and credit along with you, to be by
when you read the paper to Lord North, that
they may be witnesses to what passes ; for else
that pack of knaves and liars {Cartouche's gang,
VOL. III. U

306 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
as the poor Queen always calls them) are capable
of reporting you to have said things you never
thought of."
Lord Hervey went immediately to put down
what he was to say in writing, and desired the
Duke of Newcastle and Lord Pembroke to go
along with him to Lord North ; telling them that
he had already named them to the King for that
purpose, and acquainting them at the same time
with all the material part of what I have already
related concerning this transaction.
Lord Pembroke Lord Hervey chose as a man
of credit ; and the Duke of Newcastle because
he thought it would mortify him to play subaltern
in an occurrence where Lord Hervey acted the
principal part — a petitesse in Lord Hervey's way
of thinking, but one he liked to indulge.
The message Lord Hervey drew was as fol
lows : —
Message delivered by Lord Hervey by word of mouth to Lord
North at St. James's, on Friday, November ii, 1737, in
the presence of the Duke of Newcastle and Lord Pembroke.
" I have acquainted the King with the message sent to Lady
Pembroke, and his Majesty has ordered me to say that in the
present situation and circumstances his Majesty does not think fit
that the Prince should see the Queen, and therefore expects he
should not come to St. James's.''
The King thought this draft much too mild, but
after a little persuasion consented to it ; as also (at
Lord Hervey's request) to see the Duke of New
castle and Lord Pembroke only for a minute, to
read this paper to them, to tell them he had ordered
Lord Hervey to deliver this message, and to order

I737-] KING'S ANSWER. 307
them to be present when he did so ; and the King
again, in their presence, repeated his commands
to Lord Hervey to be sure not to give a copy of
that paper, with his reasons, already mentioned,
why he would not have it done, as well as those
for his ordering the Duke of Newcastle and Lord
Pembroke to be witnesses to what passed at this
interview — cutting Lord Pembroke very short,
who would have offered some palliatives to the
wording of the message, and telling him, " My
Lord, you are always for softening, and I think
it is much too soft already for such a villain and
a scoundrel ; it is much softer than I ordered
Lord Hervey to prepare it ; so pray go, and let it
be given this moment ; and be sure I am plagued
with no more impertinence of this sort, for I
will neither have the poor Queen disturbed with
his silly noise, nor will I be troubled with it again
myself." When Lord Hervey delivered the message, Lord
North desired he might have a copy of it in writing,
to which Lord Pembroke answered that Lord Her
vey had the King's positive commands not to give
it in writing ; and Lord Hervey added that he would
read it as often as Lord North pleased, and after
hearing it three or four times, Lord North took his
leave. In the afternoon the Queen said to the King she
wondered the Griff (the nickname of the Prince)
had not sent to ask to see her yet, it would be so
like one of his paroitres ; " but sooner or later I am
sure one shall be plagued with some message of that
sort, because he -will think it will have a good air in

308 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
the world to ask to see me ; and perhaps hopes I
shall be fool enough to let him come, and give him
the pleasure of seeing my last breath go out of my
body, by which means he would have the joy of
knowing I was dead five minutes sooner than he
could know it in Pall Mall."
The King then bid her not be under any appre
hensions of a trouble of this kind, for that he had
already taken care to prevent it ; and then related
to her every circumstance of the message he had
received, and the answer he had returned by Lord
Hervey. The King told the Queen, too, that if she
had the least mind to see her son, he had no objec
tion to it, and begged her to do just what she liked.
" I am so far," said the Queen, "from desiring to
see him, that nothing but your absolute commands
should ever make me consent to it. For what should
I see him ? — For him to tell me a hundred lies, and
to give myself at this time a great deal of trouble to
no purpose ? If anything I could say to him would
alter his behaviour, I would see him with all my
heart ; but I know that is impossible. Whatever
advice I gave him he would thank me for, pleureroit
comme un veau all the while I was speaking, and
swear to follow my directions ; and would laugh at
me the moment he was out of the room, and do just
the contrary of all I bid him the moment I was
dead. And, therefore, if I should grow worse, and
be weak enough to talk of seeing him, I beg you,
sir, to conclude that I doat or rave." * * 10
The whole of Friday the Queen grew worse every
hour.
10 Here a chasm of a page or two.

1737-] THE QUEEN'S SECRET. 309
Next morning [12^ November\ when the King
came into the room he whispered to her that he was
afraid her illness proceeded from a thing he had
promised never to speak of again ; but that now his
duty to her called upon him to tell the physician all
he knew and all he apprehended. She begged and
entreated him, with great earnestness, that he would
not ; and spoke with more warmth and peevishness
than she showed at any other minute during her
whole illness. However, he sent for Ranby the
surgeon, and told him he apprehended the Queen
had an umbilical rupture, and bid him examine her.
The Queen carried her desire to conceal this com
plaint so far, that when Ranby came to feel her, she
laid his hand on the pit of her stomach, and said all
her pain was there ; but Ranby, slipping his hand
lower, kept it there in spite of her, some little time ;
and then, without saying one word to the Queen,
went and spoke softly to the King at the chimney,
upon which the Queen started up, and sitting in her
bed, said to Ranby with great eagerness, " I am sure
now, you blockhead, you are telling the King I have
a rupture." " I am so," said Ranby, "and there is no
more time to be lost : your Majesty has concealed it
too long already ; and I beg another surgeon may be
called in immediately." The Queen made no answer,
but lay down again, turned her head to the other side,
and, as the King told me, he thinks it was the only
tear he saw her shed whilst she was ill. The King
bid Ranby send immediately for old Busier11 the
11 Paul Bussiere, F.R.S., a French refugee, and the first who ever gave
surgical lectures in England. He was the surgeon who attended Harley when
wounded by Guiscard. It seems extraordinary that the celebrated Cheselden,

310 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
surgeon, whom, though fourscore years old, the
King and Queen had a great opinion of, and pre
ferred to every other man of his profession.
Busier not being immediately to be found, and the
King very impatient, he bid Ranby go and bring the
first surgeon of any note and credit he could find ;
and whilst Ranby was absent on this errand, the
King told Lord Hervey the whole history of this
rupture. " The first symptoms I ever perceived of it," said
he, " were fourteen years ago,12 just after the Queen
lay in of Louisa ; and she then told me, when I
spoke to her of it, that it was nothing more than
what was common for almost every woman to have
after a hard labour, or after having many children.
This made me easy, and it grew better, and continued
better afterwards for several years. When it grew
worse again I persuaded her to consult some surgeon,
which she declined, and was so uneasy whenever I
spoke to her on this subject that I knew not how to
press her ; but when I came from Hanover the last
time but one, I found it so much worse than ever
that I again spoke to her, told her it was certainly a
rupture, and that she ran great risks in taking no
care of it. She was so very uneasy upon my saying
at the time Surgeon to the Queen, and in special favour with her, should not
have been consulted. He had recently been appointed chief surgeon to
Chelsea Hospital, and having given up general practice, may have been
absent. Ranby was Surgeon to the Household.
12 Princess Louisa was born on the 7th of December 1724, and therefore not
quite thirteen years ago. This settles what I have always suspected, that
Mrs. Clayton's influence did not arise, as Horace Walpole understood Sir
Robert to have said, from having " wormed herself into the secret " of the
Queen's rupture, for her favour was imminent many years before the rupture.
The favour probably produced the confidence, but certainly not the confidence
the favour. See vol. i. p. 90, u. 3.

1737.] THE QUEEN'S SECRET. 311
this — telling me it was no such thing, and that I
fancied she had a nasty distemper which she was
sure she had not, and spoke so much more peevishly
to me on this occasion than she had ever done in her
life upon any other — that upon my renewing my soli
citations to her to let somebody see it, and her grow
ing every time I mentioned it more and more hurt
and angry, I at last told her I wished she might not
repent her obstinacy, but promised her I never would
mention this subject to her again as long as I lived."
The King, in as plain insinuations as he could
without saying it in direct terms, did intimate to
Lord Hervey that the Queen had received what he
had said to her on this subject, upon his return from
Hanover, as if she had reproached him with being
grown weary of her person, and endeavouring to find
blemishes in it that did not belong to her.
I do firmly believe she carried her abhorrence to
being known to have a rupture so far that she would
have died without declaring it, or letting it be known,
had not the King told it in spite of her ; and though
people may think this weakness little of a piece with
the greatness of the rest of her character, yet they
will judge partially who interpret this delicacy to
be merely an ill-timed coquetry at fifty-four that
would hardly have been excusable at twenty-five.
She knew better than anybody else that her power
over the King was not preserved independent, as
most people thought, of the charms of her person ;
and as her power over him was the principal object
of her pursuit, she feared, very reasonably, the loss
or the weakening of any tie by which she held him.
Several things she afterwards said to the King in

312 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. {1737-
her illness, which both the King and the Princess
Caroline told me again, plainly demonstrated how
strongly these apprehensions of making her person
distasteful to the King worked upon her.
When Ranby returned he brought one Shipton
with him, a City surgeon, and one of the most emi
nent and most able of the whole profession. By this
time, too, Busier arrived, and these three attended
her constantly. After they had examined the Queen,
they all told the King she was in the utmost dan
ger. Busier proposed making [an operation with the
knife, to enable them to replace the protrusion], which
Ranby opposed [as full of immediate danger, and
thinking that the tumour might be reduced by less
violent means]. Shipton inclining to Ranby 's opinion,
this method was pursued.
In the meantime, Lord Hervey telling the King
that he had. heard it said among some lawyers, that
if the Queen died Richmond Gardens13 would come
to the Prince, the King ordered Lord Hervey to go
immediately to my Lord Chancellor, and ask his
opinion upon it. Lord Hervey accordingly went
to Westminster Hall, where my Lord Chancellor
then was trying a cause in the Court of Chancery.
Lord Hervey sent for him off the bench, and Lord
Chancellor stopping the proceedings, retired into a
private room with Lord Hervey, and told Lord
Hervey he would look into the deeds and Act of
13 The Queen had purchased the ground on which Richmond Lodge and
Gardens were made out of her own allowance, and by a privilege of Queen-
consort they were her separate property, and would go to her heir-at-law if there
was no testamentary disposal of them ; but in any case her husband would, by
courtesy of England, have them for life. She had, however, made a will leav
ing everything to the King.

1737.] SURGICAL OPERATION. 313
Parliament by which Richmond was settled on the
Queen, and should then be able to give his opinion
more particularly ; but in the meantime bid Lord
Hervey tell the King, whatever the settlement was,
it could not be altered by any will the Queen should
make ; and that whatever she died possessed of that
was unsettled would go to the King if she died with
out a will, or even with one, if that will was not made
in consequence of powers given her by his Majesty.14
This answer made the King easy as to every
thing belonging to the Queen, except Richmond ;
and when my Lord Chancellor had examined all the
settlements relating to that, it came out that Rich
mond would belong to the King for his life, but that
after his death nothing could prevent its going to the
Prince. The King told the Queen of this transaction, to
set her mind at ease from doubts she had conceived
and fears she had formed of the Prince being any
way pecuniarily the better for her death.
About six o'clock this Saturday evening the sur
geons [performed a very painful operation, but with
out any material effect, or giving] them any great
hope of her recovery.
The Princess Caroline's nose bled so violently
and almost constantly this whole day that she was
but little in the Queen's bedchamber, but stayed in '
14 I do not quite understand the latter part of this opinion. All the books
say that the Queen-consort can make a will independently of the King. It
seems, however, the contrary notion had got abroad ; for the Duchess of Marl
borough says that " during her last illness the Queen asked and received the
King's permission to make a will ; " and from this anxiety about the will
her Grace tries to accredit the vulgar calumny against the Queen of having
hoarded enormously {Opinions). In fact, she died in debt.

314 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
the outward room of her Majesty's apartment, and
was again blooded with much difficulty, for Ranby
was forced to prick her in both arms, and even at
both the blood was so thick he could get but little.
However, her mother being so ill, no persuasions
could prevail with her to go to her own side to bed ;
she lay all night on a couch in the outward room.
Princess Emily sat up with the Queen ; the King
went to bed, and Lord Hervey lay on a mattress on
the floor at the foot of Princess Caroline's couch.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

The Queen Grows Worse — Mortification Declared — The Queen's
Parting Interview and . Advice — Her Presentiment that she
should Die on Wednesday — Walpole Arrives — His Interview —
The Queen Recommends the King and Kingdom to his Care
— The King and Queen Displeased at the Inquiries of the
Prince's Family — The King's Superstition — The Queen's Forti
tude and Resignation — Question about Religious Offices — The
Archbishop Sent for — The Queen Recommends Dr. Butler by
Name, and her other Servants Generally.
BOUT four o'clock on Sunday morning
the 13th, the Queen complaining that
her wound was extremely painful, and
desiring to have it dressed, Ranby and
Shipton were called in to her, and upon opening
the wound declared it had already begun to mor
tify. Hulst, whose turn it was that night to sit
up, was sent for into the Queen's bedchamber, and
acquainted by the surgeons with the situation she
was in. Hulst came to the Princess Caroline, and
told her this terrible and dreaded news, upon which
she bid him and Ranby go immediately and inform
the King.
All this passed in the room without Lord Her
vey's waking, who was fallen asleep quite exhausted
by concern and watching. Princess Caroline, as soon
as the surgeons and Hulst were gone to the King,
waked Lord Hervey, and told him, if ever he saw

o

16 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.

the Queen again, it must be immediately, for that the
physicians and surgeons had declared the mortifica
tion already begun, and were gone to tell the King
that it was impossible for her to live many hours.
When Hulst and Ranby came back to Princess
Caroline (the King being already up and gone to
the Queen), Princess Caroline and Lord Hervey
asked Hulst if there was no possibility left of her
recovery, and he answered, " None." Lord Hervey
then asked Ranby if they were never deceived in
the signs of a mortification, to which Ranby, shaking
his head, replied, "We know them but too well."
The Queen finding the wound still so uneasy,
sent again to have them open and dress it; but
Hulst said it was to no purpose to do anything more,
and Ranby assured the Princess Caroline he could
do nothing that would not give the Queen more
pain without a possibility of doing her Majesty any
good. However, the Queen insisting on having
the wound cleaned at least, the King, who had told
the Queen all that the surgeons had told him, came
out, called in Ranby and Hulst, and made them
comply with her request. Lord Hervey went in
with them, just to see the Queen once more, looked
at her through his tears for a moment, and then
returned to his mattress.
As soon as the surgeons had applied some of
their lenient ointments and anodyne preparations,
they left the room, came to Lord Hervey, and con
firmed their former report of the impossibility of her
holding out many hours.
Nobody now remained in the room with the
Queen but the King, the Duke, and her four

1737-] PARTING INTERVIEWS. 317
daughters, of whom she took leave in form, desiring
they would not leave her till she expired. She told
the King she had nothing to say to him. " For as
I have always," said she, " told you my thoughts of
things and people as fast as they arose, I have
nothing left to communicate to you. The people
I love and those I do not, the people I like and
dislike, and those I would wish you to be kind to,
you know as well as myself ; and I am persuaded it
would therefore be a useless trouble both to you
and me at this time to add any particular recom
mendations." To the Princess Emily she said nothing very
particular ; to the Princess Caroline she recom
mended the care of her two younger sisters, and
said, " Poor Caroline ! it is a fine legacy I leave you
— the trouble of educating these two young things.
As for you, William," continued she to the Duke,1
" you know I have always loved you tenderly, and
placed my chief hope in you ; show your gratitude
to me in your behavipur to the King ; be a support
to your father, and double your attention to make
up for the disappointment and vexation he must
receive from your profligate and worthless brother.
It is in you only I hope for keeping 'up the credit
of our family when your father shall be no more.
Attempt nothing ever against your brother, and
endeavour to mortify him no way but by showing
superior merit."
1 The Duke of Cumberland was now sixteen years and seven months old,
being born in April 1721. He remembered his mother's injunction. " His
maxim," says Horace Walpole, " was to bear anything from his brother if he
lived to be King, rather than set an example of disobedience to the royal
authority." — Mem. George II. , i. 88.

J

1 8 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.

She then spoke of the different tempers and dis
positions of her two youngest daughters, and the
different manner in which they ought to be treated
— cautioning the Princess Caroline not to let the
vivacity of the Princess Louisa 2 (the youngest) draw
her into any inconveniences, and desiring her to
give all the aid she could to support the meek and
mild disposition of the Princess Mary.3
She then took a ruby ring off her finger, which the
King had given her at her coronation, and, putting
it upon his, said, " This is the last thing I have to
give you — naked I came to you, and naked I go
from you. I had everything I ever possessed from
you, and to you whatever I have I return. My
will you will find a very short one : I give all I have
to you." She then asked for her keys, and gave
them to him.
All this and many more things of the like nature
— whilst she expatiated on the several rules and
instructions she gave to her children, according to
their different ages, situations, and dispositions —
passed in this interview, which the King and the
Princess Caroline repeated to me, who told me
there were during this conference no dry eyes in the
room but the Queen's, who, as they could perceive,
shed in all this touching scene not one tear.
It is not necessary to examine whether the
Queen's reasoning was good or bad in wishing the
King, in case she died, should marry again : — it is
certain she did wish it ; had often said so when he

2 Born in 1724 ; married in 1751 to the Prince Royal of Denmark, after
wards Frederick V.
3 Born 1723 ; married in 1740 Prince Frederick of Hesse-Cassel.

I737-] PARTING INTERVIEWS. 319
was present, and when , he was not present, and
when she was in health, and gave it now as her
advice to him when she was dying — upon which
his sobs began to rise and his tears to fall with
double vehemence. Whilst in the midst of this
passion, wiping his eyes, and sobbing between every
word, with much ado he got out this answer, " Non,
j'aurai des maitresses." To which the Queen made
no other reply than, " Ah ! mon Dieu ! cela n'empiche
pas." I know this episode will hardly be credited,
but it is literally true.
When she had finished all she had to say on
these subjects, she said she fancied she could sleep.
The King said many kind things to her, and kissed
her face and her hands a hundred times ; but even
at this time, on her asking for her watch, which
hung by the chimney, in order to give it him to take
care of her seal, the natural brusquerie of his temper,
even in these moments, broke out, which showed
how addicted he was to snapping without being
angry, and that he was often capable of using those
worst whom he loved best ; for on this proposal
of giving him the watch to take care of the seal
with the Queen's arms, in the midst of sobs and
tears he raised and quickened his voice, and said,
" Ah ! my God ! let it alone : the Queen has always
such strange fancies. Who should meddle with
your seal ? Is it not as safe there as in my
pocket ? "
The Queen after this fell into a sort of dozing,
during which time the King often said, "She is
dying ; she will go away in this sleep ; it is over ;
she will suffer no more." However, when she

320 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
waked, she said she found herself refreshed and
much better, adding, " I know it is only a reprieve
to make me suffer longer, and therefore I wish it
was at an end ; for I cannot recover ; but my nasty
heart will not break yet." She then added that she
believed she should not die till Wednesday, for
that all the remarkable occurrences of her life had
happened on that day ; that she had been born
on a Wednesday, married on a Wednesday, and
brought to bed of her first child on a Wednesday ;
that she had heard the first news of the late King's
death on a Wednesday, and been crowned on a
Wednesday, and for this reason believed she should
die of a Wednesday. This I own showed a weak
ness in her, but one which at this time might be
excused, as most people's minds are a little weak
ened on these occasions, and few people, even of the
strongest minds, are altogether exempt from some
little taint of that weakness called superstition.
Many people have more of it than they care to let
others know they have, and some more of it than
they know themselves.
On Sunday morning, about nine o'clock, the sur
geons, upon opening the Queen's wound, found the
mortification was not spread ; and upon cutting off
what was already mortified, declared she might re
cover. This appeared so inconsistent with their
declarations some few hours before, and in my opin
ion showed so much ignorance, that if a life of this
consequence, committed to the care of four of the
best physicians and three of the best surgeons in
England, received no better assistance from their
skill, how natural it is to deplore the situation of

¦737.] WALPOLE'S INTERVIEW. 321
those whose safety depends on the sagacity of these
professions, and how reasonable to despise those who
put their trust in such aids ! Not that I am so un
just to surgery as to put that science upon the same
foot with physic ; and for my own part, I firmly be
lieve there was not the least mortification begun
when they ignorantly pronounced there was ; and
that what they cut off was not mortified, and only
declared so, to conceal the mistake they had made
the night before in saying it was.
On Monday morning the 14th Sir Robert Wal
pole arrived from Houghton. The Queen had men
tioned him but twice during her illness : once to say
she hoped they would not send for him ; and the day
before he came, upon hearing he had been sent for,
to ask if he was come. The King, when she asked
that question, desired to know if she had anything
she wanted to say to him ; to which she answered,
"No, nothing : my asking if he was come was mere
curiosity." Lord Hervey told the King Sir Robert was in the
outward room, upon which his Majesty ordered Lord
Hervey to bring him in. Sir Robert with some dif
ficulty, from his great bulk and natural awkwardness,
knelt down and kissed his Majesty's hand; but with
much less difficulty (for he was at present thoroughly
frighted) dropped some very proper tears and asked
" How is the Queen ?" To which the King replied,
" Come and see yourself, my good Sir Robert;" and
then carried him to the Queen's bedside. The in
terview was short, but what the Queen said was
material — for these were her words : " My good Sir
Robert, you see me in a very indifferent situation.
vol. 111. x

322 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
/ have nothing to say to you, but to recommend the
King, my children, and the kingdom to your care."*
As soon as Sir Robert came out of the room he told
Lord Hervey what had passed, who asking him what
he thought of the Queen, he said, " My Lord, she is
as much dead as if she was in her coffin ; if ever I
heard a corpse speak, it was just now in that room."
He then repeated again what the Queen had said to
him in the presence of the King and the Princesses,
which Lord Hervey found made a great impression
on his pride, whatever it did on his tenderness ; for he
repeated it to everybody he saw for a fortnight after.
Vain of this reception, and presuming upon the
strength of it, he came in the evening, without being
sent for, into the room where Lord Hervey used to
be with the King whenever his Majesty was not with
the Queen. Lord Hervey knew the King would
not like this, but was afraid to tell Sir Robert so, lest
Sir Robert should think him proud of an honour he
was not to partake, and fool enough to be pleased
with a distinction which had no other consequence
than making those who thought it of more import
ance than he knew it was, envy, fear, and hate him ;
and indeed the nature of Lord Hervey's interest with
the King was such as might make him many enemies
but few friends ; for as it was much easier to make the
4 Horace Walpole relates this anecdote with some slight variations : —
" The day before she died, as the King and Sir Robert were alone, standing
by her bedside, she pathetically recommended not the minister to the sove
reign, but the master to the servant. Sir Robert was alarmed, and feared the
recommendation must have left a fatal impression ; but a short time after the
King, reading with Sir Robert some intercepted letters from Germany, which
said that now the Queen was gone Sir Robert would have no protection :
' On the contrary! said the King, 'you know she recommended me to you.' " —
Reminiscences. See also post, p. 348, n. 3.

17370 KING'S DISPLEASURE. 323
King hate than love, so Lord Hervey (had he been
¦disposed to it) could with very little industry have
prejudiced his Majesty against whom he thought fit,
but with no pains whatever could bring him to bestow
any material marks of favour on those he loved best.
When the King found Sir Robert Walpole in the
-evening in this room, he gave him a very cold recep
tion, and every time Sir Robert spoke and offered
his advice, or told his opinion with regard to the
Queen's illness, or the manner in which she was
treated, his Majesty gave him very short answers,
and not in the smoothest terms.5 The next morn
ing, however, the King found him there again, and
with him the Duke of Grafton, whom the King had
not yet seen since his return from the country ; he
spoke very coldly to both, and going soon back to
the Queen's bedchamber, he complained there that
the outward room was so full of people one could not
stir for them. Upon which the Princess Caroline,
by the Queen's order, immediately sent to bid the
room be cleared of everybody who did not use to be
there; and from this time nobody attempted to come
there any more.
Monday and Tuesday [the 14th and 15th] the
Queen was what the doctors, surgeons, and courtiers
called better, there being no threatening symptoms
in her wound, and her vomitings being much slack
ened; but, [the obstruction still continuing,] those
who judged by essential circumstances, and not on
the hourly variation of trifles, whatever they might
say from fashion or to please, could not in reality
* This, I suppose, would confirm, if it did not create, Walpole's alarm, men-
'tioned in the last note.

324 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
believe the Queen's condition more hopeful or less
dangerous, whilst that main point of the internal
stoppage continued in the same situation ; and when
ever the King used to tell her how much better the
doctors and surgeons said she was, and the hopes
they gave him, the moment his back was turned she
used to look at the Princesses, shake her head, and
bid them not flatter themselves, and often in the day
used to tell them, " Believe me, my dear children,
it won't do : at twenty-five I might have struggled
through it, but at fifty-five I cannot resist"
During this time the Prince's family had by little
and little, under the pretence first of inquiring of the
Queen's health as from the Prince or Princess, and
afterwards for themselves, got into possession of
coming every day and all day to St. James's, till
there was no part of the day in which there were
not three or four of them dangling in that part of
the Queen's state apartment where the lady of the
bedchamber sat to receive all those who came to
inquire about the Queen, and give the no-intelli
gence of the doctors' verdict on her Majesty's situa
tion. This evasion of the King's order (which, though
it only literally forbade those who went to the
Prince's Court coming into the King's presence,
was certainly meant to forbid them coming to St.
James's) made the King extremely angry, and
more especially because the King knew they only
came to inquire if the Queen was better in hopes
of hearing she was worse ; and, as the Queen her
self said, when she heard of their being daily and
hourly there, to watch her last breath, in order to

1737.] THE PRINCE'S FAMILY. 325
have the merit to their master of bringing the first
news of her death.
The King sent Lord Hervey to Sir Robert Wal
pole to know what way he should take to prevent
these scoundrels (as he called them) coming every
day to St. James's, in defiance of his order, to insult
him and the Queen in their present distress. Sir
Robert Walpole asked Lord Hervey what he would
advise on this occasion ; and Lord Hervey, who
was always ready to give the Prince a slap, and
knew how uneasy their coming to St. James's made
the Queen, said that he thought they ought to be for
bidden ; but Sir Robert Walpole, who had no mind
unnecessarily to shock the Prince — especially at
this time, when he thought the spur that used to
urge him on to those attacks was going to be
blunted — told Lord Hervey that the Prince's ser
vants would certainly pretend they came out of
respect and concern for the Queen; that therefore
there would be an air of hardness in forbidding
them at this time, since nobody could disprove that
pretended motive. He added, too, that they had
not transgressed the literal sense of the order, which
only forbade them the King's presence ; and as the
King might very well be supposed to know nothing
of their coming, he thought it would be better for
the King just at this time not to mix any marks of
resentment against his son with those of affection
for his wife, nor give people a handle to say, "No
situation of distress can soften him enough to make
him forget to hate one moment."
This advice Lord Hervey conveyed to the King,
who took it with as much reluctance as his Lordship

326 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
brought it ; though not with so good an excuse to
himself for sacrificing his inclination to his fearr
especially when he found it made the Queen so
uneasy that she often asked if nobody would turn
those ravens out of the house, who were only there
to watch her death, and would gladly tear her to
pieces whilst she was alive. " I hope, at least, it
will not be thought proper to let them come into
my room, if they should have a mind to it." The
Queen guessed very truly the reason of their
coming, for the Prince all this while used to sit
up at his house in Pall Mall almost the whole night
and every night, sending messengers continually
to St. James's, showing the utmost impatience for
their return, and saying with equal prudence and.
humanity to the people who were with him, " Wellr
sure we shall soon have good news ; she cannot hold
out much longer ; " and talked all day long in the
same strain to everybody about him. This the
Duke of Marlborough told Harry Fox, and Harry
Fox to Lord Hervey ; and some time after the
Duke of Marlborough told it to Lord Hervey him
self. Poor Mr. Hamilton only,6 when he was told such
reports were spread, doubted of the truth of them,
and said the Prince was in the utmost concern for
his mother ; but when Lady Archibald was asked if
the Prince was really concerned for the Queen, she
laughed, and said, " He is very decent."
Many letters were written, and great care was.
taken by the Princesses, to prevent the Princess-
Royal making her mother's illness an excuse for
6 I suppose Mr. Charles Hamilton, Lady Jane's brother, who was in the
Prince's family. See ante, p. 286.

I737-] THE PRINCESS-ROYAL. 327
coming to England at this time ; everybody know
ing the very indifferent reception she would meet
with on her arrival from her father, who, not being1
apt to retain much affection for people who gave
him any trouble or put him to any expense, and as
little addicted to speak of them in a softer manner
than he thought of them, had often lately expressed
himself upon the Princess-Royal's chapter in terms
not altogether so paternal with regard to the affec
tion they contained as with regard to the authority
they expressed ; and positive orders were sent to
Horace Walpole, if persuasion failed, to stop her by
force, which orders he communicated to the Prince
of Orange, who immediately told them (though
desired not) to his wife ; the consequence of which
was her venting all the passion and anger raised
against those who had sent the orders on him who
received them.7
On Wednesday morning [the 16th] the Queen
sent for Sir Robert Walpole, who saw her alone,
but not for above a quarter of an hour. What
really passed I know not but by conjecture, but
have reason to think it was only to desire Sir
Robert Walpole to examine what was to become
of Richmond after her death. Sir Robert told the
King this was all, and at first he told Lord Hervey
so too. The King also told Lord Hervey that the
Queen had told him this was all she had sent for
him for ; but when Sir Robert went from the Queen
to the King, the King (as Sir Robert told Lord
7 She, however, did come over, under the pretence that her health required
the Bath waters ; but the King, offended at her disobedience and her object,
obliged her to go direct to and from Bath, without stopping in London ; and
never forgave her. — Walpole, Mem. George II., i. 181.

328 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
Hervey) used him worse than ever he had done in
his life ; and when Sir Robert told him he had been
sent for by the Queen, the King forbade him going
any more without first acquainting him, and said he
would not have the Queen plagued now with busi
ness, adding that she was too weak to bear it;
which was very true — but he himself, whenever he
was in the room, was always asking her so many
questions, talking so fast and in so loud a voice,
and teasing her to eat and drink so many different
things, that the Princesses, by Lord Hervey's ad
vice, got the doctors to make it one of the articles
in their written prescription for the Queen that she
should not be talked to more than was absolutely
necessary, and always in the lowest voice ; and this
prescription, with the rest, after it had been shown
to the King, was pinned up on the curtain of the
Queen's bed. But this prescription had as little
effect on the King as the rest of their prescriptions
had on her.
Sir Robert waited at night at St. James's till
Lord Hervey came from the King, and then asked
him if he could comprehend what had put the King
into such a devilish humour in the morning, when
the Queen was so much better. Lord Hervey said
he could as little comprehend any turns in the
King's temper as he could Sir Robert's giving in
to the ill-founded opinion of thinking the Queen
better ; " for till [the obstruction is removed,] " con
tinued he, " I cannot think her vomiting a little
more or a little less of any consequence, or that it
signifies much that the external circumstances of her
wound are something less threatening, when all the

i737.] WALPOLE'S PROSPECTS. 329
internal symptoms remain just in the same unknown
and dangerous condition they were."
" Oh, my Lord," said Sir Robert, " if this woman
should die, what a scene of confusion will here be !
Who can tell into what hands the King will fall ?
or who will have the management of him ? I defy
the ablest person in this kingdom to foresee what
will be the consequence of this great event." " For
my own part," replied Lord Hervey, " I have not
the least doubt how it will be. He will cry for her
for a fortnight, forget her in a month, have two or
three women that he will pass his time with ; but
whilst they have most of his time, a little of his
money, less of his confidence, and no power, you
will have all the credit, more power than ever you
had, and govern him more absolutely than ever you
did. Your credit before was through the medium
of the Queen, and all power through a medium
must be weaker than when it operates directly.
Besides, sir, all princes must now and then be
deceived by their ministers, and as the King is
much easier deceived than the Queen, so your task,
whenever that task is deceiving, will be much less
difficult than it was before — in the first place,
because the King is naturally much less suspicious
than the Queen; in the next, because he is less
penetrating ; and lastly, because he cares much less
to converse with different people, and will hear no
body talk to him of business but yourself." " Oh!
my Lord," interrupted Sir Robert, "though he will
hear nobody but me, you do not know how often
he refuses to hear me when it is on a subject he
does not like ; but by the Queen I can with time

330 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
fetch him round to those subjects again; she can
make him do the same thing in another shape, and
when I give her her lesson, can make him propose
the very thing as his own opinion which a week
before he had rejected as mine. The many oppor
tunities and the credit she has with him, the know
ledge of his temper, the being constantly at him,
and the opinion he has both of her judgment and
her pursuit of his interest and his pleasure as her
first objects, make this part easy for her; but I
have not the same materials to act it, and cannot
do without somebody that has leisure to operate
slowly upon him, which is the only way he can be
effectually operated upon ; for he is neither to be
persuaded nor convinced ; he will do nothing to
oblige anybody, nor ever own or think he has been
in the wrong ; and I have told the Queen a thou
sand times that it is not to be wondered at that
he should be of that mind, when she, whom he
believed sooner than any other body in the world,
never heard him broach the most absurd opinion,
or declare the most extravagant design, that she
did not tell him he was in the right." " Notwith
standing all this," replied Lord Hervey, " I am con
vinced if the Queen should die (which I firmly be
lieve she will), that you will have him faster than
ever, and yet I am sincere enough to own to you
I heartily wish she may recover." This conversa
tion lasted two or three hours, and kept Lord Her
vey out of bed much longer than he desired ; this
being the first night since the Queen was ill that he
had been dismissed so early, or had a prospect of
passing so many hours undisturbed.

I737-] KING'S SUPERSTITION. 331
The King had been particularly anxious this
whole day from what the Queen had said with
regard to her dying of a Wednesday, which could
not be much wondered at, since a mind much less
addicted to superstition than his Majesty's might
have been a little affected by a smaller hint that
had fallen from one they loved in such circum
stances, and on an occasion of so much impor
tance to them. Could it then be surprising that
a man who believed in ghosts and witches should
not be proof against a weakness that might have
appeared in one exempt from many more than
his Majesty's best friends can deny him to labour
under ?
On Thursday [the 17M] the Queen's vomitings
returned with as much violence as ever, and in the
afternoon [there was some internal rupture], though
the surgeons could not by any probing certainly tell
whereabouts the fracture was.
The running at the wound was immense.
#J£. Jf. JJ. -At. M,
*7f- TV- -TV- -TV- "K"
Some ignorant people about her who knew not
from what cause this discharge proceeded, told the
Queen they hoped this relief would do her good,
to which the Queen replied very calmly, she hoped
so too, for that it was all the relief she should ever
have. Every day, once at least, and sometimes oftener,
from the first of her being under the surgeons'
hands, they were forced, or thought themselves
so, to make some new incision ; and before every
'operation of this kind which she underwent, she
always used to ask the King if he approved what

332 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
the surgeons proposed to do ; and when he said
they had told him it was necessary, and that he
hoped she would consent to anything they thought
so, she always submitted immediately, and suffered
them to cut and probe as deep and as long as they
thought fit, with the utmost patience, resignation,
and resolution. She asked Ranby once, whilst he
was dressing her wound, if he would not be glad
to be officiating in the same manner to his own old
cross wife that he hated so much; and if any in
voluntary groans or complainings broke from her
during the operations, she used immediately after to
bid the surgeons not mind her, and would make
them apologies for interrupting them with her silly
complaints, when she knew they were doing all they
could to help her.
On Wednesday, some wise, some pious, and a
great many busy, meddling, impertinent people
about the Court, asking in whispers everybody they
met whether the Queen had had anybody to pray
by her, and wondering at the irreligion of the
Queen for. thinking she could pray as well for her
self as anybody could pray for her, and at those
about her for not putting her in mind of so essen
tial a duty, Sir Robert Walpole desired Princess
Emily to propose to the King or Queen that the
Archbishop [of Canterbury, Dr. Potter] should be
sent for, in order to stop people's impertinence
upon this subject ; and when the Princess Emily
made some difficulty about taking upon her to make
this proposal to the King or Queen, Sir Robert (in
the presence of a dozen people who really wished
this divine physician for the Queen's soul might be

I737-] RELIGIOUS OFFICES. 333
sent for, upon the foot of her salvation) very pru
dently added, by way of stimulating the Princess
Emily, " Pray, madam, let this farce be played : the
Archbishop will act it very well. You may bid
him be as short as you will. It will do the Queen
no hurt, no more than any good ; and it will satisfy
all the wise and good fools, who will call us all
atheists if we don't pretend to be as great fools as
they are."
After this eloquent and discreet persuasion — the
whole company staring with the utmost astonish
ment at Sir Robert Walpole, some in admiration of
his piety and others of his prudence — the Princess
Emily spoke to the King, the King to the Queen,
and the Archbishop was sent for, who continued
afterwards to pray by her morning and evening, at
which ceremony her children always assisted ; but
the King constantly went out of the room before his
episcopal Grace was admitted. But all this was
thrown away, for the people that had whispered,
and wondered, and clamoured at no prayers, were
now just as busy, and as whispering and as wonder
ing about no sacrament. Some fools said the Queen
had not religion enough to ask to receive the sacra
ment. Some other fools said she had asked for it,
and that the Archbishop had refused to give it her
unless she would first be reconciled to her son ; and
this many idiots believed, and many who were not
idiots told, in hopes of finding credit from those that
were.8 There were some who were impertinent
8 Walpole, after mentioning the influence of " Lady Sundon and the less
believing clergy over her," adds, " The Queen, however, was so sincere at her
death, that when Archbishop Potter was to administer the sacrament to her,

334 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
enough to ask the Archbishop himself why he would
not advise the Queen to be reconciled to the Prince,
and more than hinted to him that he would be want
ing in his duty if he did not ; to which his Grace very
decently and properly answered, that whenever the
Queen had done him the honour to talk to him upon
that unhappy division in the family, she had always
done it with so much sense and goodness that he
never thought she wanted any advice. The Queen
desired the Archbishop, if she died, to take care of
Dr. Butler, her clerk of the closet ; 9 and he was
the only body I ever heard of her recommending
particularly and by name all the while she was ill.
Her servants in general she recommended to the
she declined taking it — very few persons being in the room. When the pre
late retired, the courtiers in the anteroom crowded round him, crying, ' My
Lord, has the Queen received ? ' His Grace artfully eluded the question,
only saying most devoutly, 'Her Majesty was in a heavenly disposition,' —
and the truth escaped the public." — Reminiscences. Whatever the motive
was, it is now certain that the Queen did not receive the sacrament, though
the Archbishop continued to attend her every morning and evening, — and
that the last word she ever spoke was Pray. And it is remarkable that,
when Lord Hervey submitted to the critical judgment of his father his
elaborate " Epitaphium Regince Carolina," Lord Bristol hinted that he was
afraid the world would not ratify the assertion " Christianem religionem sinceri
sancteque coluit. " Lord Hervey, however, adhered to the statement and trans
lated it in his own English version, "the Christian religion she firmly believed
and strictly practised." The truth, I suppose, is, that she had read and argued
herself into a very low and cold species of Christianity.
9 The celebrated author of the Analogy. He had been brought to the
Queen's personal favour by his merit, set off by a pleasantry. He was rector
of the rich but remote living of Stanhope, in Durham, when the Queen, not
having for a long time heard of him, happened to ask Blackburn, Archbishop
of York, whether he was dead. " No, madam," the Archbishop replied,
"but he is buried." The Queen immediately disinterred him, and made him
her clerk of the closet; and it is creditable to all parties that the Queen's
deathbed recommendation of him was not forgotten. He was made next year
Bishop of Bristol, in 1746 clerk of the closet to the King, and in 1750 Bishop
of Durham.

,737.] RECOMMENDATIONS. 335
King, saying in general terms he knew whom she
liked and disliked, but did not, that I know of, name
anybody to him in particular.10
10 I fear Lord Hervey's silence must be taken as strong evidence against
Horace Walpole's apologetical statement — adopted and amplified by Coxe —
"that she sent her blessing and forgiveness to her son, and told Sir Robert that
she would have seen him with pleasure, but prudence forbade the interview, as
it might irritate and embarrass the King'' This is certainly probable, and
might have passed at the interview which Sir Robert had with the Queen
alone, and he may, for obvious reasons, not have repeated it at the time to
Lord Hervey ; but as the town had a story of the same kind (Ford's Letter to
Swift, 22d Nov., and Mahon, ii. 315), his Lordship could hardly have failed to
hear it, and would surely have related it, had it been true. We must there
fore admit that his silence countenances, at least, the direct sarcasm of Lord
Chesterfield : — " And unforgiving, unforgiven, dies !"
And Pope's more bitter irony : —
" Hang the sad verse on Carolina's urn,
And hail her passage to the realms of rest,
All parts perform'd, and all her children blest I "

CHAPTER XL.
A Mystery now made of the Fatal Symptoms — The King's Panegyric
on fhe Queen — His Strange Mixture of Brutality and Tender
ness — Princess Emily's Disrespect — The Queen Grows Weaker
and Weaker — The Dying Scene — Her Death — The King's
Grief — He Sees only his Children and Lord Hervey — Conjec
tures as to who might Succeed to the Queen's Influence — Wal
pole's Coarseness Disgusts the Princesses — Lord Hervey Sup
posed to be in Great Favour — Knows that it is Fallacious —
Expostulates with Walpole on his Long Neglect — Some Friends
Incite him to Overthrow Walpole and Step into his Place —
Such Projects Injudicious and Impracticable — Conclusion.

ROM the time of the [internal rupture last
mentioned,] the physicians and surgeons
— who had hitherto, without, any dis
guise or reserve, talked over all the par
ticulars of the Queen's case to anybody that asked
them any questions — were absolutely forbidden by
the King to reveal this circumstance, or to give any
other answer for the future, to anybody whatever
who inquired concerning the Queen's health, than
the general one of her being much as she was.
Had these restrictive orders been issued by his
Majesty on the first discovery of the Queen's rup
ture, considering her delicacy on this point, and his
passion for a mystery on every point, it would have
been easy to account for this edict being given out ;
but after her case had been talked over for five days, as

I737-] KING'S CONCERN. 337
publicly aad as minutely as if she had been dissected
before St. James's gate, I own I was at a loss to
comprehend why these orders were issued, especially
when this circumstance was not by the physicians or
surgeons pronounced so inevitably mortal as I should
have thought it natural for them to judge it. The
King told it to Lord Hervey, and Ranby to Sir
Robert Walpole. Lord Hervey ventured to reveal
it to the Princess Caroline ; but the King not telling
it himself to any of his children, none of the rest of
them knew it, but were extremely surprised, as well
as the rest of the Court, at the sudden reserve of the
physicians and surgeons in their present accounts of
the Queen's situation.
During this time the King talked perpetually to
Lord Hervey, the physicians and surgeons, and his
children, who were the only people he ever saw out
of the Queen's room, of the Queen's good qualities,
his fondness for her, his anxiety for her welfare, and
the irreparable loss her death would be to him ; and
repeated every day, and many times in the day, all
her merits in every capacity with regard to him and
every other body she had to do with. He said she
was the best wife, the best mother, the best com
panion, the best friend, and the best woman that
ever was born ; that she was the wisest, the most
agreeable, and the most useful body, man or woman,
that he had ever been acquainted with ; that he
firmly believed she never, since he first knew her,
ever thought of anything she was to do or to say,
but with the view of doing or saying it in what
manner it would be most agreeable to his pleasure,
or most serviceable for his interest: that he had
VOL. III. Y

338 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
never seen her out of humour in his life ; that he
had passed more hours with her than he believed any
other two people in the world had ever passed to
gether, and that he never had been tired in her com
pany one minute ; and that he was sure he could
have been happy with no other woman upon earth
for a wife, and that if she had not been his wife, he
had rather have had her for his mistress than any
woman he had ever been acquainted with ;/ that he
believed she never had had a thought of people or
things which she had not communicated to him ;
that she had the best head, the best heart, and the
best temper that God Almighty had ever given to
any human creature, man or woman ; and that she
had not only softened all his leisure hours, but been
of more use to him as a minister than any other body
had ever been to him or to any other prince ; that
with a patience which he knew he was not master
of, she had listened to the nonsense of all the imper
tinent fools that wanted to talk to him, and had taken
all that trouble off his hands, reporting nothing to
him that was unnecessary or would have been tedious
for him to hear, and never forgetting anything that
was material, useful, or entertaining to him to know.
He said that, joined to all the softness and delicacy
of her own sex, she had all the personal as well as
political courage of the firmest and bravest man ;
that not only he and her family, but the whole nation,
would feel the loss of her if she died ; and that as to
all the brillant and enjouement of the Court, there
would be an end of it when she was gone ; and that
there would be no bearing a drawing-room when
the only body that ever enlivened it, and one that

1737.] KING'S TEMPER. 339
always enlivened it, was no longer there. " Poor
woman ! how she always found something obliging,
agreeable, and pleasing to say to everybody, and
always sent people away from her better satisfied
than they came ! Comme elle soutenoit sa dignite"
avec grace, avec politesse, avec douceur!"
These were the terms in which he was for ever
now talking of the Queen, and in which he likewise
talked to her ; and yet so unaccountable were the
sudden sallies of his temper, and so little was he able
or willing to command them, that in the midst of all
this flow of tenderness he hardly ever went into her
room that he did not, even in this moving situation,
snub her for something or other she said or did.
When her constant uneasiness, from the sickness in
.her stomach and the soreness of her wound, made
her shift her posture every minute, he would say
to her, " How the devil should you sleep, when you
will never lie still a moment ? You want to rest, and
the doctors tell you nothing can do you so much
good, and yet you are always moving about. No
body can sleep in that manner, and that is always
your way : you never take the proper method to get
what you want, and then you wonder you have it
not." And as the doctors said she might eat or
drink anything she had a mind to or could swallow,
the King was ever proposing something or other,
which she never refused, though she knew it would
only lie burning in her stomach for half an hour or
an hour, and then come up again. When she could
get things down, notwithstanding these effects (which
to other people she said she knew they would have),
.her complaisance to him made her always swallow

340 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
them ; and when he thanked her for so doing, she
used to answer, " It is the last service I can do you."
But when her stomach recoiled, so that it was impos
sible for her to force anything down her throat which
he had given her, and that she only tasted it and
gave it away, he used peevishly to say, " How is it
possible you should not know whether you like a
thing or not ? If you do not like it, why do you call
for it ; and if you do, why will you give it away ? "
To which she would only answer, " I am very silly
and very whimsical, for a degout takes me in a
moment for what I think, a minute before, I have a
mind to."
Notwithstanding the constant pain she was in, and
her great want of rest, the physicians never gave her
opium but one night. She herself was not much
inclined to take it ; and the physicians thinking it
might possibly, from its binding quality, prevent the
relief she so much wanted, were not very forward to
prescribe it She had not rested with it all night,
and when the King came into her room in the
morning, as she lay with her eyes fixed at a point
in the air — as people often do in those situations,
when they are neither enough at ease to shut their
eyes and sleep, nor enough themselves to prevent
their thoughts wandering, or to see the things they
seem to look at — the King, with a loud and quick
voice, said to her, " Mon Dieu ! qu'est ce que vous re-
gardez ? Comment peut-on fixer ses yeux comme fa ?
Vos yeux ressemblent a ceux d'un veau a qui on vient
de couper la gorge ! "
There was, besides this mixture of brutality and
tenderness towards the Queen at this time in the

*737-] KING'S VANITY. 341
King's conduct and conversation, another mixture
full as natural to him and much less extraordinary,
which was the mixing constantly some praises of
himself with those he bestowed on her. He never
talked of her being a good wife without giving strong
hints of his deserving a good one, and being at least
as good a husband ; and gave people to understand,
when he commended her understanding, that he did
not think it the worse for her having kept him com
pany so many years. He plainly showed, too, that
he not only wished other people should believe, but
did himself believe that her whole behaviour to him
was the natural effect of an amorous attachment to
his person, and an adoration of his great genius.
When he mentioned his present fears for the Queen,
he always interwove an account of the intrepidity
with which he waited his own fate the year before,
both in the storm and during his illness afterwards,
giving tiresome accounts with what resolution and
presence of mind he talked to his pages on shipboard
during the tempest ; and for a proof of his own
courage, and the want of the same magnanimity in
them, told us that when he saw La Chaux, one of
his pages, pale and trembling in the corner of the
cabin, he said to him, " Comment as tu peurf" To
which La Chaux (said he) replied, " Oui, sire, vrai-
ment, et je crois qti'il n'y a que votre Majeste" dans le
vaisseau qui ne I'a pas." From which history the
conclusion the King proposed one should draw was
much less natural than that which most people would
draw, which was that his Majesty had a mind to seem
on that occasion to have more courage than he had,

342 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737-
and that the valet-de-chambre very adroitly made
his court by pretending to have less.
As to his behaviour during his illness, what fears
he had I know not, but the Queen and everybody
about him said he always seemed to think himself
much worse than he was ; and for the accounts of
his peevishness and impatience, they could with
great difficulty, according to his own confession,
exceed reality, for he himself told me that he found
such an abominable frowardness in himself, that in
the intermissions of it (which was not easy to catch)
he had told his pages not to mind him when he was
unreasonably chiding and swearing at them, for that
it was part of his distemper, and that he could not
help it. There was a mixture of good-nature and
good sense in this apology that I own I, who knew
him, should rather have taken for an accidental dis
temper than the other — for it was much less of a
piece with his conduct in health than what he en
deavoured to excuse.
One night whilst the Queen was ill, as he was
sitting in his nightgown and nightcap in a great
chair, with his legs upon a stool, and nobody in the
room with him but the Princess Emily, who lay
upon a couch, and Lord Hervey, who sat by the
fire, he talked in this strain of his own courage in
the storm and his illness, till the Princess Emily, as
Lord Hervey thought, fell fast asleep, whilst Lord
Hervey, as tired as he was of the present conver
sation and this last week's watching, was left alone
to act civil auditor and adroit courtier, to applaud
what he heard, and every now and then to ask such
proper questions as led the King into giving some

I737-] PRINCESS EMILY. 343
more particular detail of his own magnanimity. The
King, turning towards Princess Emily, and seeing
her eyes shut, cried, " Poor, good child! her duty,
affection, and attendance on her mother have quite
exhausted her spirits!' And soon after he went into
the Queen's room. As soon as his back was turned,
Princess Emily started up and said, " Is he gone ?
How tiresome he is ! " Lord Hervey, who had no
mind to trust her Royal Highness with his singing
her father's praises in duetto with her, replied only,
" I thought your Royal Highness had been asleep."
" No," said the Princess Emily; " I only shut my eyes
that I might not join in the ennuyant conversation, and
wish I could have shut my ears too. In the first place,
I am sick to death of hearing of his great courage
every day of my life ; in the next place, one thinks
now of mama, and not of him. Who cares for his
old storm ? I believe, too, it is a great lie, and that
he was as much afraid as I should have been, for all
what he says now ; and as to his not being afraid
when he was ill, I know that is a lie, for I saw him,
and I heard all his sighs and his groans, when he
was in no more danger than I am at this moment.
He was talking, too, for ever of dying, and that he
was sure he should not recover." All this, con
sidering the kind things she had heard the King say
the minute before, when he imagined her asleep, Lord
Hervey thought a pretty extraordinary return for
her to make for that paternal goodness, or would
have thought it so in anybody but her ; and looked
upon this openness to him, whom she did not love,
yet less to be accounted for, unless he could have
imagined it was to draw him in to echo her, and

344 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
then to relate what he said as if he had said it un
accompanied. Whilst she was going on with the panegyric on
the King which I have related, the King returned,
upon which she began to rub her eyes as if she had
that instant raised her head from her pillows, and
said, " I have really slept very heartily. How long
had papa been out of the room ? " The King, who
had very little, or rather no suspicion in his com
position, took these appearances for realities, and
said, "It is time for us all to take a little rest. We
will all go to bed, for by staying here we do the
poor Queen no good and ourselves hurt." And so
dismissing Lord Hervey, they all retired.
I will relate no further particulars how the two
following days [Friday and Saturday, the 18th and
19th] passed, as such a narration would be only
recapitulating a diary of the two former, without
any material variation. The Queen grew so per
ceptibly weaker every hour, that every one she lived
was more than was expected.
On Sunday the 20th November, in the evening,
she asked Dr. Tesier — with no seeming impatience
under any article of her present circumstances but
their duration — how long he thought it was possible
for all this to last ? to which he answered, " Je
crois que votre Majeste" sera bientSt soulagee." And
she calmly replied, " Tant mieux."
About ten o'clock on Sunday night — the King
being in bed and asleep on the floor at the feet of the
Queen's bed, and the Princess Emily in a couch-bed
in a corner of the room — the Queen began to rattle
in the throat ; and Mrs. Purcel giving the alarm

I737-] THE QUEEN'S DEATH. 345
that she was expiring, all in the room started up.
Princess Caroline was sent for, and Lord Hervey,
but before the last arrived the Queen was just dead.
All she said before she died, was, " I have now got
an asthma. Open the window." Then she said,
" Pray!' Upon which the Princess Emily began
to read some prayers, of which she scarce repeated
ten words before the Queen expired.1 The Princess
Caroline held a looking-glass to her lips, and find
ing there was not the least damp upon it, cried,
" 'Tis over ! " and said not one word more, nor shed
as yet one tear, on the arrival of a misfortune the
dread of which had cost her so many.
The King kissed the face and hands of the
lifeless body several times, but in a few minutes
left the Queen's apartment and went to that of
his daughters, accompanied only by them. Then
advising them to go to bed, and take care of
themselves, he went to his own side ; and as soon
as he was in bed sent for Lord Hervey to come
and sit by him, where, after talking some time,
and more calmly that one could have expected,
of the manner of the Queen's death, he dismissed
Lord Hervey, and sent for one of his pages to
sit up in his room all night, which order he re
peated for several days afterwards ; and, by the
by, as he ordered one of them for some time
after the death of the Queen to lie in his room,
and that I am very sure he believed many stories
of ghosts and witches and apparitions, I take this
order (with great deference to his magnanimity
1 I have selected this passage for a facsimile of the original manuscript.

346 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
on other occasions) to have been the result of
the same way of thinking that makes many weak
minds fancy themselves more secure from any
supernatural danger in the light than in the dark,
and in company than alone.
Lord Hervey went back to the Princess Caro
line's bedchamber, where he stayed till five o'clock
in the morning, endeavouring to lighten her grief
by indulging it, and not by that silly way of try
ing to divert what cannot be removed, or to
bring comfort to such affliction as time only can
alleviate. The King passed every day, and all the day
(excepting the time he was at dinner, and the
hour or two he slept after dinner), till the Court
went into mourning, in the apartment of the
Princesses, and was only called from thence for a
few minutes when any of the Ministers wanted to
speak with him about business, whilst every new
body who was admitted to him on these occasions
threw him into a new flood of tears.
The grief he felt for the Queen, as it was univer
sally known, -and showed a tenderness of which the
world thought him before utterly incapable, made
him for some time more popular and better spoken
of than he had ever been before this incident, or than
I believe he ever will be again. He was thoroughly
unaffected in his conduct on this occasion, and by
being so (as odd as it may seem to say this) per
plexed those who were about him more to form an
opinion of him than perhaps they would have been
had he appeared to them in a less natural shape •
for his sudden transitions from tears to smiles,

1737.] KING'S GRIEF. 347
from a sighing pensive silence to a loud talkative
conversation on things foreign to what one imagined
at other times engrossed all his thoughts — the
tender manner in which he related a thousand old
stories relating to his first seeing the Queen, his
marriage with her, the way in which they lived
at Hanover, his behaviour to her when she had
the smallpox, and his risking his life by getting
it of her (which he did) rather than leave her ;.
and the next moment talking, with the most seem
ing indifference and calmness, of her being opened
and embalmed, of the method of her ladies and
maids of honour keeping watch by the body, and
all the minutiae relating to the regulation of the
funeral ; — I say his talking with so much emotion
and concern of old stories, and with so little on
present circumstances which affected everybody in
the room but himself, and perhaps the more for
their seeming to affect him so little, puzzled one's
judgment of the situation of his mind extremely,
and made it vary as often as these circumstances
on which it was to be formed.2
2 The Queen was buried on Saturday, the 17th of December, in 1 new
vault in Henry VII. 's Chapel, where the King himself was afterwards
buried by her side. Mr. Milman, Prebendary of Westminster, has favoured
me with the following interesting note on this subject : —
" George II., as the last proof of his attachment, gave directions that his
remains and those of Queen Caroline should be mingled together. Accord
ingly, the two coffins were placed in a large stone sarcophagus, and one side
of each of the wooden coffins withdrawn. This was a tradition at West
minster Abbey, of which I myself have seen the confirmation, in my opinion
conclusive ; and as the royal vault in Westminster Abbey may never be
again opened, it may be curious to preserve the record. On the occasion of
the removal, in 1837, of a still-born child of the Duke of Cumberland (King
of Hanover) to Windsor, a. Secretary of State's warrant (which is necessary \
arrived empowering the Dean and Chapter to open the vault. I was re
quested by the Dean to superintend the business, which took place by night.

348 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
One day he came into the room at once weeping
and laughing, and said, " Vous me croirez fou, je
crois, mais je viens de voir le pauvre Horace Walpole
pour la premiere fois, et il pleure de si mauvaise
grace, quau milieu de mes larmes il m'a fait rire!' 3
The King often said, and to many people at this
time, that not only he and his family should have
a great loss in the Queen's death, but the whole
nation ; and would instance occasions where he
owned her good sense and good temper had kept
his passions within bounds which they would other
wise have broken. And during this retirement
(in which he was infinitely more talkative than I
ever knew him at any other time of his whole
life) he discoursed so constantly and so openly
of himself, that if anybody had had a mind to
write the memoirs of his life from his cradle to
the present moment, the Princesses and Lord Her
vey could have furnished them with materials of
all the occurrences, transactions, and anecdotes,
military, civil, amorous, foreign, and domestic, that
could be comprehended in such a work, from his
own lips ; excepting what related to his mother,
whom on no occasion I ever heard him mention,
In the middle of the vault, towards the farther end, stands the large stone
sarcophagus, and against the wall are still standing the two sides of the coffins
which were withdrawn. I saw and examined them closely, and have no
doubt of the fact. The vault contains only the family of George II. —
H. H. Milman."
3 Mr. Walpole has left an account of this interview in a letter to
Mr. Trevor, in which he says that "the King's inexpressible grief burst
into such a torrent of tears as put me at the same time into such a situation
as to want comfort as much as his Majesty ; " and then he relates the
Queen's recommendation of the King, her children, and the kingdom to Sir
Robert, in the very words of Lord Hervey's report. — Coxe's Lord Walpole,
»- 397-

1737] KINGS RELATIVES. 349
not even inadvertently or indirectly, any more than
if such a person had never had a being.4
He always spoke well and with respect of her
father, the Duke of Zell ; said that the Duke of
Zell was fond of him, but had often told him, as
well as he loved him, that if he ever found him
guilty of a base action, and that he should prove
a liar or a coward, he would shoot him through
the head with his own hand.
Of his aunt, the Queen of Prussia, too, he spoke
well, who, by what I heard from others, and parti
cularly the Queen, was a very vain, good-for-nothing
woman. For his sister, the present Queen of Prussia, he
had the contempt she deserved, and a hatred she did
not deserve.
What he thought and said of the King of Prussia
was much the same as what the King of Prussia
thought and said of him ; that he was a proud, brutal,
tyrannical, wrong-headed, impracticable fellow, who
loved nobody, and would use everybody ill that was
in his power. How far these two Kings were in
the right in this point, or how little they were so in
every other, is not my business here to determine.
He always spoke of his father as a weak man

4 This is remarkable, and seems hardly reconcilable with the strong opinion
of her innocence and the affectionate regard for her person attributed to him
in the Reminiscences. " The second George loved his mother as much as he
hated his father ; and purposed, it was said, if she had survived, to have
brought her over and declared her Queen-Dowager. Lady Suffolk told me
her surprise, on going to the new Queen the morning after George I.'s death,
at seeing hung up in the Queen's dressing-room the whole-length of a lady in
royal robes, and in the bed-chamber a half-length of the same person, which
Lady Suffolk had never seen before." They were of his mother, which the
Prince had till then kept concealed.

350 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
rather than a bad or a dishonest one ; and said,
though his father had always hated him and used
him ill, that on one point he had always done him
justice, for that he knew when that scoundrel, and
puppy, and knave, and rascal, my Lord Sunderland,
had endeavoured to fix some lie upon him (the
particulars of which story he had now forgot), that
the late King had answered, " Non, non; je connois
mon fils ; il n'est pas menteur; il est fou, mais il est
honndte homme."b
Whilst the days and evenings passed in these
conversations in the apartments of the Princesses,
the Ministers and courtiers and politicians without
doors were speculating, conjecturing, and reasoning
by whom the power and credit the Queen had had
was likely to be inherited.
The Dukes of Grafton and Newcastle laboured,
by assuring Sir Robert Walpole it would fall upon
the Princess Emily,6 to persuade him to play it into
her hands, and by early applications there to secure
her, and make her believe she owed that to his

6 *' George I. did sometimes so much justice to his son as to say, ' II est
fougueux, mais il a de I'honneur.' For Queen Caroline, to his confidants
he always called her cette diablesse Madame la Princesse." — Reminiscences.
It is a curious point whether, in these two versions, the syllable after fou was
added by Walpole or omitted by Lord Hervey. I believe the latter.
6 " Princess Amelia was well disposed to meddle, but was confined to
receiving court from the Duke of Newcastle, who pretended to be in love
with her, and from the Duke of Grafton, in whose connection there was more
reality." — Reminiscences. See also, in the Mem. Geo. II., i. 157, a more
particular account of this project, and of the extent of the Duke of Grafton's
favour with Princess Emily. The old Duchess of Marlborough wrote at this
juncture : — " Some people have a notion that the Princess Amelia will be
employed by the Minister to do everything with the King, but I think she has
not experience enough ; and though with great reason his Majesty was influ
enced by the Queen, yet his Majesty, having so great a capacity himself, can
never be much influenced by a daughter of twenty-five." — Opinions.

1737] WALPOLE'S COARSENESS. 351
assistance which she would certainly acquire whether
he assisted her or not, and which would be employed
against him if she did not imagine in some measure
she had obtained it by him. Sir Robert Walpole,
in his short, coarse way, said he should look to the
King's mistress as the most sure means of influence.
" /'// bring Madame Walmoden over, and PU have
nothing to do with your girls : I was for the wife
against the mistress, but I will be for the mistress
against the daughters." And accordingly he advised
the King and pressed him to send for Madame Wal
moden immediately from Hanover; said he must look
forward for his own sake, for the sake of his family,
and for the sake of all his friends, and not ruin his
health by indulging vain regret and grief for what was
past recall. The King listened to this way of reason
ing more kindly every time it was repeated ; but Sir
Robert Walpole tried this manner of talking to the
Princesses not quite so judiciously, respectfully, or
successfully ; for when he talked to them of looking
forward, drying up their tears, and endeavouring to
divert their father's melancholy by bringing women
about him ; when he equally and shockingly told
them that though he had been for the Queen
against my Lady Suffolk and every other woman,
yet that now he would be for Madame Walmoden,
and added that he would advise them in the mean
time to bring my Lady Deloraine to their father,
for the sake of his health (saying, in his polite style,
that "people must wear old gloves till they could
get new ones ") — when he spoke to them in this
absurd style, the pride of the Princess Emily and
the tenderness of the Princess Caroline were so

352 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
shocked, that he laid the foundation of an aversion
to him in both, which I believe nobody will live to
see him ever get over.
Lord Hervey, whilst all the world was speaking of
him at this time as the King's first favourite,7 knew
his own situation too well to think the interest he
had in his Majesty worth anything to one whose
vanity could not be pleased with the dclat of appear
ances, when he knew there was nothing essential to
be depended upon at the bottom. The letter he
wrote at this time to Sir Robert Walpole will explain
his own sentiments of his present situation so well
that I need add nothing by way of comment to the
following copy of it :—
Lord Hervey to Sir Robert Walpole. " December I, 1737.
" Sm,
" As I never did nor ever will deceive you by misrepre
senting or concealing my thoughts upon any occasion, so I cannot
resist troubling you with them upon this, and choose to do it in
writing, not only as the surest way of not being prevented in the
attempt, but because you should not imagine, what often happens
in speaking, that they are sudden starts and not my coolest senti
ments and reflections.
" That you have had a very sensible and affecting loss is cer
tain ; the loss of a great, a good, a wise, a kind, and a powerful
friend must ever be esteemed such ; but as to the loss it will be in
points where people who look from a great distance, and conse
quently see imperfectly, imagine it will hurt you, you know I told
you before this unfortunate event, and I am every hour more con
firmed in that opinion, that it will be far from affecting you as
some of your sanguine enemies hope, or some of your misjudging
7 The Duchess of Marlborough says that Lord Hervey had been, up to the
Queen's illness, exceedingly disliked by the King, but was now always with
his Majesty, in vast favour, and would be of use to Walpole, unless he should
have the vanity to set up for a great man himself. — Opinions.

1737.] HERVEY'S EXPOSTULATION. 353
friends may apprehend. It may occasion many difficulties in the
exercise of your power, but no danger to the possession of it. I
need not expatiate on all the particular reasons on which this
opinion is founded — you would not like I should — and I have
already in conversation told you two which alone would be suffi
cient to demonstrate the truth of it, and these are, the Queen's
recommendation of you, and the King's desire to refute the in
sinuations frequently made when she was living, that you were
her Minister, not his — forced upon him by her influence, not dis
tinguished by his choice.
"This being the case, you are as secure as ever — perhaps more
so, and you know I have my reasons, and good ones, for saying
so; but, indeed, I have often said of you, though never before to
you, what I really think true, that your great talents and abilities
are so much superior to anybody I ever knew, or I believe ever
shall know, that the loss of them is the only essential loss in the
ministerial character you can ever feel, and that whilst you keep
them you may meet with rubs, but you will never find a stop.
" As to my own situation (it is the last time I will trouble you
upon it, so bear with me), it is as well known to me as yours. I
have long made it my sole business to please the Queen and
you : how well or how ill I succeeded in the first is now im
material ; but that I have on every occasion endeavoured to
gain your friendship and on some lately to move your good
nature, and have succeeded alike in both, is, I fear, too true.
Some honorary trifles you have refused me, and other more
essential favours which you have denied, leave me too little room
to doubt that either those who have always been giving you ill
impressions of me have made you afraid or unwilling to dis
tinguish me, or that your own judgment and knowledge of me
have convinced you that I am fit for nothing but to carry candles
and set chairs all my life, and that I am sufficiently raised, at
forty years old, by being promoted to the employment of Tom
Cook,8 and designed, like him, and on the same terms, to die in
it. My situation often puts me in mind of three lines in Dryden,
where a Prince, speaking of a very contemptible appurtenance to
his Court, says — 1 The Court received him first for charity,
And since with no degree of honour graced,
But only suffer'd where he first was placed.'
8 Thomas Coke, last Vice-Chamberlain to George I.
VOL. III. Z

354 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1737.
" I promised you I never would ask anything for myself of the
Queen but through you, and kept my word ; but I own to you I
feel my pride so shocked by many things that have happened to
me of late, that nothing but my not being able to afford to quit
has prevented me ; 9 not that in quitting I should have acted in
anything differently from what I have done and shall now do,
but would that way only have endeavoured to make you regret
the slighting me for the sake of others, whom I wish you may
always find deserve as well of you. I once had it in my power
to serve you (or my vanity gave me the pleasure of thinking so) ;
that time is over. I know I am now as insignificant as any other
of the dignified ciphers about you— as insignificant as their envy
can wish me or as anything can make me ; for as for the little
distinctions the King has shown me during the poor Queen's
illness or since her death, they are such as may serve for food to
the envy of some fools of our acquaintance, but are not what I
am fool enough, I promise you, to think of more value in point of
an interest than the sheet of paper I am writing upon ; but my
interest at Court, like this paper, might have been of some con
sequence to me, since you might have written what you pleased
upon it, though you have thought fit to leave it a blank.
" You will be tired of reading, and I am tired of writing. Do
not torture any expression in this letter, for I am not in a situation
of mind to weigh or choose my words, and all I mean to say is,
that I will be refused or disappointed no more, for I will ask and
expect no more ; that my enemies shall not conquer, for I will
not struggle ; that I could have made my peace with my greatest
enemy,10 if I would have done it at your expense ; that I scorned
it, and do not repent the part I have acted ; that I submit to be
a nothing, and wish whoever you honour with your confidence,
or benefit with your favour, may always serve you with as honest
a mind, as warm a heart, and as unshakable an attachment as
you have been served by your neglected," &c.
To this letter Sir Robert Walpole sent no an
swer in writing, but by a verbal message desired to
9 There was certainly some higher reason ; for it was but a little before
the date of this letter that the good old Earl made him the generous offer
mentioned ante, p. 139, n. 4, which he earnestly repeated on the Queen's
death. 10 I suppose the Prince, or perhaps Pulteney.

*737.] ITS CONSEQUENCES. 355
speak with Lord Hervey early the next morning,
and then told him, with a very well acted concern,
that of all the things he had ever met with in
business, this letter had surprised and afflicted him
the most ; that after his own children, there was
nobody in England he loved so well, nor anybody
to whom he thought he had done more obligations
than to Lord Hervey. " As to the opinion I have
of your worth and integrity, my Lord, the things
with which I have trusted you are a sufficient proof.
I mean to serve you, I wish to please you ; for God's
sake go on with me as you used to do, and leave
it to me ; pray trust me to show the sincerity with
which I speak to you. Let us have no dclaircisse-
mens on what is past ; commit your future interest
to my care, and give me leave to think, what I wish
to believe, that all the dissatisfaction expressed in
your letter is rather the effect of the melancholy
present turn of your mind on this unhappy event,
than a distrust of my friendship and sincerity."
It would be very tedious to relate all the parti
culars of this long conversation, wmich ended in an
extorted promise from Lord Hervey that he would
not alter his conduct, make any complaints to any
body,, or relate what had passed between them, unless
he thought he had any fresh reason to be displeased
with Sir Robert Walpole's behaviour ; and though
Lord Hervey now began to know Sir Robert Wal
pole too well to depend much on the most lavish
professions of kindness and esteem, yet he had some
satisfaction in Sir Robert Walpole's behaving in a
manner that saved him the trouble of coming to a
rupture with him, at a time when it was certainly his

356 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. lm7-
interest as well as his inclination to lie by and be
quiet. It will be natural, then, to ask, if these were
Lord Hervey's sentiments, why he wrote this letter?
The answer to which is, that he thought the letting
Sir Robert Walpole see he was sensible he had not
been well used was the likeliest way to prevent his
being worse used; knowing that fear was the only
check upon a man who was so apt to conceive jeal
ousies and suspicions, and whose temper, though it
could from that motive of fear long suspend resent
ing, seldom or never failed from any other to annoy
and depress those against whom these jealousies and
suspicions were conceived.
Several of Sir Robert Walpole's enemies, as well
as some of Lord Hervey's injudicious friends, tried
to stimulate and persuade Lord Hervey at this time
to endeavour to ruin Sir Robert Walpole in the pa
lace, to make use of his perpetual access to the King
to this purpose, and told him, as the Princesses were
so irritated against Sir Robert, from his ungrateful
behaviour to their mother's memory and his indecent
conduct towards themselves, that they would cer
tainly join with Lord Hervey in promoting any
scheme that tended to the subversion of his power and
the punishment of his insolence ; at the same time
blowing up Lord Hervey's vanity and ambition by
telling him how capable he was of stepping into Sir
Robert's place, and how glad the at present broken
Whig party would be to unite under his banner, if he
would but set up his standard. But these people
know little of the true situation of things : the Prin
cess Emily not daring to speak of business to the
King, and the Princess Caroline not caring how things

1737.] CONCLUSION. 357
went, engrossed by her melancholy, and in so bad
a state of health, that nobody imagined, any more
than herself, that her life would be of any long con
tinuance.11
11 She lived, however, though in seclusion and ill-health, twenty years
longer, dying on the 28th of December 1757, in the forty-fifth year of her age.

\_The conclusion seems a little abrupt; but the
¦appearance of the manuscript indicates that Lord
Hervey considered his work as complete^

SUPPLEMENTAL CHAPTER.

List of the Cabinet — Naval Forces of England, Spain, and France-
— Minutes of Cabinet Councils — Letters to Lord Bristol on
Lord Hervey's Dismissal from Office.
[ What Lord Hervey designated as his Memoirs end with
the Queen's death, but he left some notes and letters whick
carry us on to the close of his own political life, and which
seem therefore to deserve a place in these volumes. See the
' Biographical Notice.']

List of the Cabinet Council, April 28, 1740.
Potter, Archbishop of Canterbury.
Lord Hardwicke, Lord Chancellor.
Earl of Wilmington, Lord President of the Council.
Lord Hervey, Lord Privy Seal.
Duke of Dorset, Lord Steward.1
Duke of Grafton, Lord Chamberlain.
Duke of Richmond, Master of the Horse.
Duke of Devonshire, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland.
Duke of Newcastle, Secretary of State.
1 These great household officers were at this period always in what was
called the Cabinet ; but there was an interior Council — of Walpole, the Chan
cellor, and Secretaries of State — who, in the first instance, consulted together
on the more confidential points.

i74c] NAVAL FORCES.

559

Earl of Pembroke, Groom of the Stole.
Earl of Isla, as First Minister for Scotland.
Lord Harrington, Secretary of State.
Sir Robert Walpole, Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Sir Charles Wager, First Commissioner of the Admiralty.
(Sir John Norris,2 called in as an auxiliary when anything was
under deliberation relative to our present maritime war with
Spain.)
May 7. The Duke of Montagu, made Master of the Ordnance
in the place of the Duke of Argyle, became of course one of
the Cabinet Council.
May 8. The Duke of Bolton, without a right to it from his office
of Captain of the Band of Pensioners, in which employment
he succeeded the Duke of Montagu on his removal to the
Ordnance, was likewise admitted of the Cabinet Council, be
cause he had been of it seven years ago, at the time he was
turned out of all his employments.

An Account of the present Naval Strength of England.
With Mr. Haddock in the Mediterranean, 32 ships — 22 of the
line, 5 twenty-gun ships, 3 fire-ships, 2 bomb-vessels. All these
are at present with Haddock to defend Minorca, except four left
at Gibraltar with Captain William Hervey, brother to Lord Hervey,
which properly belong to [Sir Challoner] Ogle's squadron of 10,
who went with the other 6 to join Haddock.
Balchen and Maine had 10, to cruise on the north-west of Spain,
near Cape Finisterre and Ferrol; but Maine's 5 are returning
home to refit.
At home there are 30 ships for the Channel, to guard our own
coasts and protect this country; but 20 only being manned, one-
third of the nominal strength is absolutely useless.
In the West Indies there are now with Vernon 9 ships of the
line, 5 fire-ships, and 2 bomb-vessels ; and dispersed in the West
Indies about 16 ships more of different sizes.

2 A distinguished officer : he had been many years a Lord of the Admiralty,
was now Admiral of the Fleet, and was appointed in the summer to the com
mand of the Channel Fleet.

360 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [174°.
Spanish Strength in Europe.
At Carthagena 5 ships of the line, commanded by Clavijo,
who commanded the Cales [Cadiz] squadron last year. The
Cales squadron, 9 ships of the line, 3 frigates, commanded by
Pintada. The Ferrol squadron, 6 ships of the line, and the
3 Assogue ships3 refitting, and 16,000 men in Galicia.
On the Catalonia side of Spain several transport ships, 3 men
of war, 7000 men in Majorca; and another body of troops,
commanded by Count Clemis, in Catalonia, ready for an embar-
cation at Barcelona, which Spain dare not hazard for fear of
Haddock's squadron, ready in those seas to intercept them.
Their strength, or rather their weakness in Spain, uncertain.

French Strength in Europe.
France has at Brest, ready to sail, commanded by Mons.
D'Antin, a squadron of 22 ships; the lowest accounts say 18;
and at Toulon 12, all great ships from 54 to 74 guns.

Minutes of what passed in the Cabinet Council from the
time the King made Lord Hervey Keeper of his Privy
Seal, April 23, 1740.

Monday, April 28, 1740. 8 at night, at the Cockpit.
Two letters were produced by Sir Charles Wager and read ; the
first importing that the Cales squadron of nine ships of the line
and three frigates (believed before to have sailed to America), were
now thought to be gone to Ferrol, to join a squadron there of six
men-of-war, already fit to put to sea, and three more, which were
the Assogue ships, refitting for that purpose. The second letter,

3 The Azogue (quicksilver) ships, which plied annually between Vera Cruz
and Cadiz, and the interception of which had been an early object of the
British Government ; but, having heard of the hostilities, they left their usual
track, made the coast of Ireland, and thence ran down the coast of France, and
got safe into Santander.

1740.] MINUTES OF CABINET 361
of a later date, confirmed this news of the junction of these two
Spanish squadrons ; both letters what they call ship-news.
Upon this the Duke of Newcastle proposed to Sir Charles
Wager to send orders to Admiral Haddock (now lying with part
of his squadron, 19 ships of the line, besides some smaller ves
sels, in the Mediterranean to defend Minorca against the attempts
expected to be made by Spain by an embarcation from Barcelona)
not to send the ten ships which he had been ordered about a fort
night ago to send to America, because (says his Grace) you know
as soon as those first orders were gone we changed our minds, and
thought it better to send ten ships from hence to America, to rein
force Vernon, and prevent the ill effects of the Cales squadron
arriving there ; but as on changing our minds we forgot to change
the first orders to Haddock, if we do not send soon, those orders
will be followed, and instead of ten ships being sent to America,
twenty will go, ten from hence and ten from Haddock. Sir Charles
Wager muttered something in answer to this, most of it so inar
ticulately, that it seemed like sounds without words, and where
the articulation was plain it seemed words without sense. Then
he gave another^letter to be read, from a captain of a ship ordered
to cruise off Cape St. Mary's, in which the captain said he could
neither sleep day nor night for fear of finding what he was ordered
to search for ; since he had been forced to leave fifty men sick at
Gibraltar, that he wanted originally thirty-eight of his complement,
and had besides thirty sick in bed on board ; so that he was so far
from being in a fighting condition, that he had hardly hands to work
his ship.
Then it was proposed to send to Balchen (who was to have
scoured the seas on the coast of Spain from Lisbon northward)
to keep out of the way of the enemy, for fear of being destroyed
by this junction of the Cales and Ferrol squadrons ; but no orders
were given upon this, any more than the counter-orders to Had
dock relating to the ten ships.
After this the Duke of Newcastle produced a copy of the speech
the King was to make next day to both Houses of Parliament upon
putting an end to the Session. There were several wise disserta
tions held on verbal alterations, all of them equally important with
the two I am going to mention ; which were, first, whether the King
should say I have frequently or formerly recommended to you
union and unanimity among yourselves, &c. ; secondly, whether
he should say my enemies or our enemies. On each of these mate-

362 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1740.
rial disputes were wasted at least twenty minutes, and as many
hundred words, among which were those by which his Grace of
Richmond showed in this debate that he thought himself no.
incompetent judge of style.
At the end of the speech there was a paragraph, originally
inserted to notify the King's wise, brave, and prudent resolu
tion of going this summer to Hanover ; but as Sir Robert Wal
pole did not yet totally despair of something possibly happening
that might hinder this monstrous intention, he had prevailed
with the King to leave it out, by telling him it was more for his
grandeur to go without telling his Parliament, or to make people
believe it was some sudden resolution taken when he did go,
on some occasion or occurrence he had not foreseen. When
the Duke of Newcastle came to this paragraph .(which was the
last), he stopped short, said nothing of it, but turned and
whispered my Lord Chancellor for some time, then looked
notable, and said to him aloud, You take me; my Lord Chan
cellor looked wise, took snuff, nodded, and then dropped his
head on his left shoulder, but made not one word of answer.
The rest of the Lords of the Council looked at one another with
joint admiration at his Grace of Newcastle's giving them this
proof both of his good breeding and his good, sense ; in the first
place, for showing he would not trust them with part of the
speech, and in the next for seeming to make a mystery of that
which every one at the table knew, all of them three days, and
some of them above three weeks ; and for myself, I knew of it
before he did. Tuesday at noon, April 29, at St. fames' s.
The speech read before the King. I was absent.
Wednesday at noon, April 30, at St. James's.
Report on the malefactors.4 I was absent.
Ditto at night, at the Cockpit. I was absent.
Orders sent to Balchen to return home with his five ships, to
secure himself from being attacked where he was by a superior-
force from Ferrol, and to guard the Channel.
1 Recorder's report.

i74o.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 363
Monday, May 5, at night, at the Cockpit.
There is a treaty subsisting between England and Denmark,
by which the latter is obliged to furnish 6000 men to the
former for a subsidy of ^52,000 per annum This treaty was
made for three years. One year and a half is expired, and by
good intelligence we know that France has engaged Denmark,
at the expiration of our term of three years, to let these troops-
to her.
The question in Council was, whether we should stop the
payment immediately of the subsidy to Denmark on this intel
ligence, half a year being now due to Denmark ; and whether it
was not absurd for us to pay troops for another year and a half,
which we knew, after that time was expired, would be engaged
against us ? The difficulty was this : if we stopped the English
payment, without being able to prove the French treaty, we
should lie under the imputation of having broke the treaty ; and
if Denmark has entered into this reversionary treaty with France,
in reality she has broken the treaty first, because there is an
article in our treaty with Denmark that says both parties shall
keep themselves at liberty, till within three months of its ex
piration, to renew it ; and if Denmark has promised these
troops to France at the end of our term of three years, she has
broken that article of the treaty, because she is no longer at
liberty to renew this treaty. Before payment of this last half-
year should be made, therefore, and on the intelligence of this
treaty with France, Lord Harrington had been ordered to write
to the Court of Denmark, to know if the King had begun or
concluded any such treaty ; to which he had received this
evasive answer, that his Danish Majesty had not begun and
concluded any treaty with France for these troops ; by which
answer Denmark hoped to get the money due from England
without telling a flat lie or revealing the truth, which was, that
such an engagement was entered into between France and
Denmark for the reversion of these troops, as was understood
on both sides, though no direct treaty was concluded in the
common forms. Lord Harrington, therefore, had been ordered
to write again, for a more explicit answer, to know whether any
negotiation was on foot between Denmark and France for these
troops ; and when the Danish Minister pressed, as he did,
every day for the payment of the half-year now due, it was-

364 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [174°.
agreed in Council that the answer should be that it could not
be paid till we received an answer from the Court of Denmark to
Lord Harrington's last letter : whilst his Danish Majesty, by a
very odd-turned conscience, seemed to scruple telling a direct
falsehood by his Ministers in a letter, at the same time that he
had not scrupled acting one, by breaTcing an essential article of a
treaty he had signed.
Sir Robert Walpole then acquainted the Lords of the Council
that the King had received an offer from the King of Sweden,
.as Landgrave of Hesse,5 to let his Majesty have 6000 Hessians,
but required an immediate answer. Sir Robert Walpole was
clear, he said, in his opinion that since Sweden was our avowed
enemy, Denmark no longer our friend, and Russia upon the
point of being reconciled to Sweden, that we ought to accept this
offer made by the King of Sweden, partly to thwart the views of
the present reigning party in the Swedish senate, who have re
duced him to an absolute cipher in the state ; and partly induced
by the ties of this new alliance of his heir and nephew, Prince
William of Hesse, with the Princess Mary of England, now on
the point of being married. The whole Council unanimously
agreed with Sir Robert Walpole that the King should be advised
to close with this proposal of the King of Sweden without loss of
time. After this came on several questions relating to the marriage
of the Princess Mary, which the King had ordered for next
Thursday, though it was not yet known nor determined whether
she was to be married or only contracted, nor whether the Arch
bishop, as head of ecclesiastical affairs, or the Bishop of London,
as Dean of the Royal Chapel of St. James's, where the ceremony
(whatever it was) was to be performed, should officiate. Both
these prelates claimed the honour of officiating, and had pro
duced a great deal of Church-learned rubbish to support their
pretensions. The Duke of Newcastle, the Duke of Grafton, and
Duke of Dorset were for the Bishop of London ; and Sir Robert
Walpole for the Archbishop. All this had been talked over in
private, and Sir Robert Walpole told me it was very hard and
very disagreeable, that whenever anybody had been impertinent

11 Frederick, Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, married Ulrica, sister and suc
cessor of Charles XII., and in right of her was declared King of Sweden in
1720.

i74o.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 365.
to him, those who ought to be his friends were always ready to
support such people in any dispute they had, and that his being
against any one was enough to make others partial to them. I
told him, since both these troublesome persons submitted to the
King's decision, the short question was, whether he should advise
the King to please one he could not oblige, or oblige one whom,
since he was Archbishop, it was his interest to please, and whom
he might make his tool, if not his friend.6
The other difficulty, whether the Princess should be married
or only contracted by solemn espousals, arose thus. The King
long ago determined that Prince Frederick should not come over
to marry his daughter, because he would not be at the expense
of it; and now he was as peremptory in saying his daughter
should be married before she went, because it was below his
dignity to send his daughter to a man who, when she came to
him, had it in his power to call her his wife or not. The eccle
siastics first started the objection to the Princess being married
by proxy, saying there was no precedent for it since the Re
formation ; but as ecclesiastics, where they give up no power or
profit, are not addicted to being very stiff in their opposition
to the will of a Court, this difficulty was soon got over ; when
another arose from the lawyers, who said, if the Princess was
married here only by proxy, it would call in question the right
of her descendants to this Crown, if ever the right should de
volve there ; and more remote branches had, by the extinction of
others, often come to such right. For the Act of Succession
that settles the Crown on this family, in order to secure the
Protestant religion, according to the Established Church of
England (to protect which this family was introduced here),
does say that all the marriages of the Royal Family performed
in England shall be according to the form of the Church of
England; and for this form, by the Act of Uniformity of the
13th and 14th Charles IL, the Common Prayer-Book is re
ferred to, and the Service for Matrimony, as well as all others,
must be performed in the words as they stand in that book>
which could not be if the Princess was married by proxy only,
many words in that form being to be altered for a marriage by
proxy. 6 It will be recollected that Lord Hervey was a personal friend of Potter
and an enemy of Gibson.

366 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [.74o.
All this Sir Robert Walpole told to the King, whom he could
not make comprehend it, and told all the Lords of the Cabinet
Council, with more sincerity than prudence, that the King had
said to him that morning, " I will hear no more of your Church
nonsense, nor of your law nonsense — L will have my daughter
married here, and will have the marriage complete ;" all which his
Majesty persisted in, not only against the evident words of the
Acts of Succession and Uniformity, which would have illegi
timated his daughter's posterity with regard to the inheritance
of this Crown, but even against the previous articles of marriage
which he had signed, and pursuant to which the powers sent to
the Duke [of Cumberland], the Prince of Hesse's procurator
[proxy], were drawn; those powers going no further than an
authority for solemn espousals here, in order to her being married
when she came to Hesse-Cassel.
At last it was agreed in Council to represent to the King that
the precedent of the Princess Mary, Henry VII.'s daughter's
espousals here, and marriage afterwards in France to the King
of France, was the only precedent in this case (as things now
stood) which could be followed ; and his Majesty's impatience
to go to Hanover, and to hear of no more difficulties, together
with the reflection that his daughter, without lessening his dig-1
nity, might do what the daughter of Henry VII. did, got the
better of his usual inflexibility ; and he consented that this pre
cedent should be followed, which may be seen in Rymer's
"Foedera," vol. xiii. p. 432. This precedent too, it is said in the
Cabinet, avoided a decision in the dispute between the Arch
bishop and the Bishop of London, since a Secretary of State, and
not an ecclesiastic, would be to officiate at the ceremony of these
espousals in the chapel ; but as the Archbishop, at the end of
the ceremony, was to pronounce the benediction and to bless the
nuptials, after making a Latin speech, I think it did manifestly
decide the Episcopal dispute, and in favour of the Archbishop ;
but his Grace fearing other people might not be as clearly of my
opinion, took care to engraft some hors d'ceuvre prayers in the
ceremony; to put it out of dispute, and wisely chose for one of
those prayers, to open the whole nuptial ceremony, that which
begins thus, — "Prevent us, O Lord, in all our doing."2 The
Bishop of London was absent.
7 The whole detail of the ceremonies, prayers, and speech (in Latin and in-
English), are to be found in the London Magazine for May 1740^

i74o.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 367
Tuesday, May 6, at night, at the Cockpit.
My Lord Harrington said he had spoke that morning with the
King of Sweden's Minister about the treaty for the 6000 Hessians,
and that he insisted on all the levy-money, if the treaty was only
for three years, but would be contented with half (as proposed)
if it was for four.
That he would have an article to stipulate that these troops
should not be employed against Sweden, or any of the provinces
belonging to Sweden.
These articles were agreed to in gross; but I proposed that
when the sense of the last came to be reduced to words, it might
run, that these troops should not be employed to attack Sweden,
or any of the provinces, &c. For otherwise, if, on peace being
made between Sweden and Russia, the reigning party in Sweden
should, to maintain their power at home, by some popular act,
attack Bremen and Verden, under the pretence of recovering the
dismembered parts of their monarchy ; the King of England, by
a looser way of wording this stipulation, would be precluded from
calling for these Hessians to defend their places so attacked, which
would defeat what, we all knew, was the sole view in taking them
into our pay.
Most of the Lords seemed to stare and wonder at my speaking
so plain ; but I insisted on the word attack being in this clause
of the treaty ; and when Sir Robert Walpole gave his opinion
that it should be so, all the mutes and starers at once said, " To
be sure, to be sure ; these sort of things can never be made too
plain." After this, the Duke of Newcastle read several letters from
Lord Waldegrave, in which his Lordship said that they knew
nothing in France yet, whether the Cales squadron and the
Ferrol squadron were joined, where either of them was, or for
what they were designed. From which his Grace inferred, con
trary to all other intelligence, and the probability from all other
circumstances, as well as the opinion of Sir Charles Wager, Sir
John Norris, and Sir Robert Walpole, that they were not joined.
Sir Robert Walpole said, very sensibly and reasonably, " that
though he did not pretend to say how these fleets would be
employed upon their union, yet he made no doubt of their being
united ; for as they had been hitherto useless from their being
separate, it must have been in common sense the policy of

368 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [i74o.
Spain, as soon as she could, to unite them ; and afterwards to
determine whether they should be employed in an invasion of
England or Ireland, or to prevent the expedition of Lord Cath-
cart,8 ready now to sail with the new-raised marines to the West
Indies ; or make the best of their way immediately to America,
to attack our settlements there, or find out Vernon : " 9 and
concluded with saying, that if they should be joined by the
Brest squadron, and make any attempt here, that we had not a
naval force to resist them ; for as we wanted a third of our com
plement of seamen, so, though we had thirty ships at home, we
could have the use only of twenty. " Therefore, Sir Charles and
Sir John, L must (says he) again add, what has been the burden of
my song in every Council these four months — Oh ! seamen, seamen,
seamen I " 10
I must here add too, that most people in Council thought
(that is, of those few who ever thought) that Lord Waldegrave's
letters did not prove the present ignorance of France with regard
to the situation of Spanish affairs which the Duke of Newcastle
read them to prove; but manifested rather his Lordship's own
ignorance, proceeding either from very bad intelligence, or from
the care the Cardinal [Fleury] took to let him know nothing
he could hide from him, or both ; which extreme caution and
secrecy in the Cardinal must naturally make one suspect and
conclude that France has now some material measure under
deliberation, which we must every day expect should break out.
But as they know now in France of the King's prudent intention
of going this summer to Hanover, in all probability they will
not strike the meditated blow till he leaves England ; judging
his absence the most favourable opportunity to molest those
8 A formidable expedition against Spanish America, the troops commanded
by Lord Cathcart, the fleet by Sir Chaloner Ogle. It did not sail till the
26th of October, though said to have been ready in April, and was dispersed
by a severe storm five days after, and did not join Admiral Vernon at Jamaica
till the 9th of January 1741. Lord Cathcart having died on the passage, the
command devolved on General Wentworth ; and between him and Vernon,
this, the greatest force that ever appeared in those parts, entirely failed in its
object. 9 Admiral Vernon, who had become so popular by the taking of Porto Bello
at the close of the preceding year, was now threatening other portions of the
Spanish Main. •
10 This answers all the censure which has been cast on Walpole on this very
point of the undermanning the ships.

i74o.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 369
whom he seems to think it so little his business to guard and
protect, and whose resentment for such usage may produce such
discontents at home as will facilitate the success of any attempts
from abroad.
After the Council had treated this subject speculatively for
about an hour and a half, without doing anything, and stated
the dangers which they took no care to provide against and
avert, the Duke of Newcastle renewed the vieillerie of asking
their Lordships when they would think fit to advise the King to
send the counter-orders to Haddock relating to the ten shipp,
and what further orders should be given relating to his conduct
and Ogle's ; and as his Grace never omitted any opportunity to
exhibit his own works to their Lordships' perusal, and conse«
quently, as he thought, to their admiration of his parts and style,
he begged leave again to read, what he had already read so often,
that the worst memory at the Board must have got by heart,
which was that letter of his that conveyed those orders which
were now to be revoked. This letter gave Haddock orders to
detach Ogle immediately from his squadron with ten ships, and
to give him discretionary and eventual orders, when he arrived
before Cales, to follow the Cales squadron if he heard it was gone
to America ; to Ferrol, if he was informed it was there ; and if by
intelligence he learned that it was sailed towards England or Ire
land, to make the best of his way home.
After this letter was read, a long, total, and profound silence
ensued, which I broke by asking the date of this letter ; and his
Grace of Newcastle saying it was dated April 18th, I begged leave
to observe, that counter-orders now. to Haddock could be of no
use, since his part in detaching the ten ships must necessarily be
already executed ; and that what orders were now to be given
should be sent to Ogle, who in all probability was at this time
coming or was already come to Ferrol ; where, with ten ships
only, he was certainly outnumbered by the Spanish squadrons,
since they were joined, and run great risk of being overpowered
by them. His Grace to this answered, with retrospective wisdom
(the easiest of all wisdom, and consequently the only wisdom he
could have the appearance of possessing), "Aye, these are our
difficulties, and brought upon us by the fatal steps of Ogle leaving
Cales, and Maine coming home with his five ships, and leaving
Balchen, whom for these feasons we have been forced to recall loo."
Upon which Sir Robert Walpole interrupted him, and said, " For
VOL. III. 2 A

370 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [i74o.
God's sake, my Lord, let us do the best we can ourselves, and
leave off arraigning and condemning the conduct of those [officers]
to whom the care of this country is committed, who are employed
and trusted by the Crown, and who do the best they can ; who,
as the best judgments are fallible, may have misjudged; but who,
as they are better informed than we are, at present, of all the cir
cumstances that were to determine their judgments, may have
judged better of what was to be done in the situation they then
were than we now judge of them. Let us look forward, 'let us do
our best in ordering, and conclude, since nobody doubts of these
officers meaning well, that they do their best in executing." His
Grace upon this was angry and silent ; two things he had always
better join, though he seldom did. After two hours' more talk
ing on these subjects, and little to the purpose, it was agreed
that no further orders should be sent either to Haddock or Ogle,
till we could learn with more certainty the motions and designs of
the Spanish fleet and the intentions of France.
That something of moment was now under deliberation in
France was probable from the great caution used in everything
that was said there by the Cardinal to Lord Waldegrave, as well
as from the improbable ignorance he affected of some circum
stances upon which he did not care to talk at all. But Lord
Harrington in my ear, after the Council was broke up, told me a
thing he had learned by letters from Holland, which was a still
stronger indication of some negotiation of greater importance
being now in agitation between France and Spain ; which was —
that it was a certain fact that three couriers from France arrived
lately at Madrid in the compass of four days ; which fact Lord
Harrington learned from the Pensionary in Holland, who at this
time gave us intelligence of all that passed at the Court of
Madrid, which Vandermeer, the Dutch Minister there, could get
to the knowledge of.
Just as Sir Robert Walpole was upon his legs to go away, the
Duke of Newcastle said, " If you please, I would speak one word
to you before you go ; " to which Sir Robert Walpole replied, " I
do not please, my Lord; but if you will, you must." — "Sir, I
shall not trouble you long." — " Well, my Lord, that's something ;
but I had rather not be troubled at all. Won't it keep cold till
to-morrow ? " — " Perhaps not, sir." — " Well, come then, let's have
it ; " upon which they retired to a corner of the room, where his
Grace whispered very softly, and Sir Robert answered nothing

a74o.j MINUTES OF CABINET. 371
but aloud, and said nothing aloud but every now and then,
"Pooh! — Pshaw! — O Lord !0 Lord! Pray be quiet. My God,
can't you see it is over ? " n This secret was, that Lord Pembroke
had proposed privately that all the Lords of the Cabinet should
join in remonstrating against the King's journey to Hanover;
which Sir Robert Walpole said would now have no other con
sequences than irritating and provoking the King in private and
loading him more in public; two things that wanted no additional
weight to strengthen them, but rather all our care to soften them.

Thursday evening at 7 , at the Cockpit.
May 22, 1740. — The King waiting for a wind at Sheerness.
The Duke of Newcastle read all the letters received from Lord
"Waldegrave since the last meeting of the Cabinet Council, which
contained, first, an account of the Spanish fleet having gained a
complete victory over Balchen and his five ships, and the general
joy there was in France at Court and at Paris on the arrival of
this news. The next letters contradicted the report of this en
gagement, but confirmed the part France took in inclination,
though not in fact, in the interest of Spain against England, by
saying the melancholy on the news of this Spanish victory being
•contradicted was as manifest as the joy on the belief of it. 4
Another letter from Lord Waldegrave said that Monsieur
D'Antin had received orders to repair immediately to his com
mand of the Brest squadron, which was forthwith to sail, and it
was thought to the Baltic.
His next letter contradicted this account too, and said Monsieur
DAntin's departure from Paris was suspended.
In this he gave an account of some disputes too between the
•Courts of Madrid and Versailles, relating to their treaty of com
merce, and that each was much dissatisfied with the conduct of
the other — an intelligence, I fear, as little to be depended upon
as the rest.
11 Such scenes as these— for which the latter part of the Memoirs had
-already prepared us — exhibit a state of feeling which may account for Horace
Walpole's reiterated assertions that Sir Robert's fall was produced by the
Jreachery of Newcastle. But it is clear that, without supposing any treachery
in the case, Walpole and the Duke could not have much longer continued to
•act together.

372 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1740.
Another letter gave an account, new to Lord Waldegrave,
though very stale here, of the junction of the Cales and Ferrol
squadrons. Letters from Italy were read, relating the return of the Pre
tender's eldest son from Civita Vecchia to Albano, the Pretender's
hunting-seat near Rome ; and informing us that nobody paid the
Pretender and his sons greater distinctions than the Prince of
Craon, the great Duke's master of the horse, and sole director of
his affairs in Tuscany, who was now at Rome.
It was resolved in Council to write to Mr. Robinson,12 the
English Minister at Vienna, not to make a formal complaint at
that Court of this conduct of the Prince of Craon, but to give
intimations of its being known here, and not well taken.
Letters from Holland said that Vandermeer had acquainted
the Pensionary that the Duke of Ormond had been ordered to
set out forthwith from Madrid to take the command of the troops-
in Galicia, but that he had refused to go till the arrears due to
him were paid to defray the expense he must be at in this journey ;
and until some scheme was set on foot for the payment of the.
troops he was to command, as well as for their subsistence, which
was now so scanty, that it was thought another month's sojourn
ing there would starve them.
After this the two questions were again debated, which had
been so often started, relating to the manning of the fleet, and
the orders that should be sent to Ogle what he was to do with
the ten ships under his command, that had been detached by the
orders of the 18th of April from Haddock's squadron.
With regard to the first, Sir Robert Walpole said it was the
most necessary point of all to be considered, as the deficiency of
men was so great, and the recruits made by the present method
of pressing so slow and so few, that a third part of our ships at
home were absolutely useless for want of men only ; and that all
the new men we now get hardly answered the numbers that died
or fell sick. His proposal, therefore, was to withdraw, or rather
to overrule, all protections now standing out, to despise the
clamour there would be on this occasion, and not to be courting
popularity when this island was at stake ; 13 but to apply our-
12 Afterwards first Lord Grantham of that name.
13 It must be remembered that it was not till the defeat of the rebellion of
1745 that the tenure of the House of Hanover was considered as quite secure.

i74o.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 373

selves in the first place to the view of its defence, exclusive of all
others. He said, by the junction of the two squadrons that the
Spaniards had now a naval strength at Ferrol equal to England ;
and if the Brest squadron should join them, greatly superior;
and as he' did not doubt but that our present situation was as
well known to France as to ourselves, he feared, notwithstanding
the pacific disposition of the Cardinal, that this temptation of
being able to distress us with so little risk to France might
induce him to take that part, which every man in France but
himself had long wished might be taken.
Sir John Norris said he feared this method proposed by Sir
Robert Walpole of getting seamen by overruling the protections
would be too slow to serve our present purpose and answer the
immediate exigency ; and said he had prepared a scheme for
manning seventeen of the home ships for instant service, by
putting two battalions of foot on board them, joined to a draught
of 1800 men out of the body of marines, which would come tc
3000 men; and as these seventeen ships wanted only 2465 men
of their complement, this proposal, if accepted, would more than
answer the demand.
The Duke of Newcastle, the Lord Chancellor, and the Duke
of Richmond gave immediately into the scheme of Sir John
Norris. Sir Robert Walpole adhered to his own, of withdrawing
the protections ; and said, in the first place, he did not believe
the King would at all relish the scheme of putting his land
forces aboard the fleet ; in the next, that if a descent should
be made upon England, he did not believe we should find
we had more land forces than were absolutely necessary for
our defence against such an attack; and lastly, that he thought
it was always most natural and best to get seamen for sea ser
vice, if they were to be had, and never have recourse to land
men for that service till all methods for seamen had been tried
in vain.
To the first of these objections, Sir John Norris said that we
first sat there to give the King the best advice we could for his
service and the service of the nation, and not to consider what
advice he would like best ; that when we had given the best, it
was not our fault if he would not take it ; and that, all things
considered, he saw no way so quick and so sure to get men for
the fleet as this.

374 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1740-
To Sir Robert Walpole's second objection, the Lord Chancellor
answered, .that in the case of a descent, these troops, as they
were to be put on board the squadron for home service, might be
relanded. And to the third, the Duke of Newcastle said, that all other
methods had been tried already in vain, as embargoes, pressing,
&c. ; and that this method would certainly be the quickest, as-
well as surest, to get men.
Then the Lords of the Admiralty, who had been ordered to
attend, were called in — Sir Thomas Lyttelton, Lord Harry Poulet,
and Lord Vere Beauclerk ; and after a long unmethodical exami
nation, in which several very impertinent, useless questions were
asked, whilst Sir Thomas Lyttelton slowly stuttered an opinion
not worth asking,14 — Lord Vere gave his unasked, and Lord
Harry Poulet had none to give — it appeared, that to fit out only
seventeen men-of-war to defend this island, 2465 men were want
ing ; that to man twenty-five now in commission, there was a
deficiency of 4698 men ; that the protections now standing
out amounted in all to 14,800, for colliers, coasters, fishers, and
outward-bound vessels, of which the two first required only 7000.
That our new complement of men was about 500 to a ship,15
our old about 400, and the Spanish complement 620. That
the marines already draughted from the Isle of Wight were
so bad, from size, youth, and sickness, that by the report of
Admiral Cavendish (to whom they were sent) they were useless,
and most of them at the hospital; and that there were seven
Spanish privateers in the mouth of the Channel molesting every
ship of ours, even upon our own coasts, of which the Admiralty
received every day advice and complaint, and caused a clamour
throughout the whole kingdom. Such at this time was the
situation, and these the circumstances, of the maritime strength
of this island, that had so long been boasting of its being singly
a match by sea for the united naval power of all Europe ; and at
this hour encountering Spain alone, if the Ferrol squadron was to
sail to our coasts, and all the men-of-war about our coasts which
14 Sir Thomas (father of Lord Lyttelton) wa,s a country gentleman, who,
though he had been thirteen years one of the unprofessional Lords of the
Admiralty, could have no weight on naval points. Lord Vere and Lord
Harry (afterwards Duke of Bolton) were sea Lords.
15 This refers to the third-rates, of which the larger class had 520 and the
smaller 450 men.

.740.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 375
we can man were drawn out, we should certainly be out
numbered, and consequently lucky if we were not overpowered ;
and owe our success (as most people do, both in public and
private occurrences) rather to the want of skill, industry, and
vigilance in our enemies, than to our own possession or exertion
of those qualifications.
When the Lords of the Admiralty were withdrawn, I proposed,
since the fleet was in so bad a situation with regard to men,
that Sir Robert Walpole's advice to overrule the protections
should not be laid aside, even though the resolution should be
taken by the King to put the two battalions and 1800 marines
on board. I said I saw no reason why one project should be
taken as a succedaneum to the other, and thought more especi
ally that we should not content ourselves with a scheme which
would at best man but seventeen ships, when we wanted men
and nothing but men for thirty ; and that I saw no reasons to
expect that these marines so draughted would be better than
those the fleet had already received ; and consequently, that I
looked upon them as what might answer in number to what was
proposed, but in no other particular.
After much reasoning, or rather talking, on both sides of this
question, it was resolved to stick for the present to the recruit
expected from the two battalions and the marines only, and to
have recourse to the other method of withdrawing the protec
tions according as we should afterwards find it necessary ; and
after I had defended Sir Robert Walpole's opinion against
the Duke of Newcastle, not alone for that reason, though
that alone perhaps would have been sufficient, I concluded
by saying, since this seemed to be the opinion of the majority
of their Lordships, that the land forces were to be taken to
supply the fleet, before all ways had been tried to supply
the sea the natural way by seamen, I acquiesced ; but since,
in case of an invasion, they were to be relanded, I thought
this method, and depending on this only, would reduce us
to the dilemma of the sea service robbing the land, or the land
the sea.
Sir Robert Walpole then proposed that Ogle, with his ten
ships, should be immediately sent for home by a packet-boat
dispatched specially for that purpose. The Duke of Newcastle
proposed to have Ogle sent to the West Indies to reinforce
Vernon — all his Grace's politics being founded on short maxims

376 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1740.
of policy, gleaned in private conferences in the House of Lords
during the Session from Lord Carteret, who had over and over
again told him, " Look to America, my Lord ; Europe will take
care of itself. Support Vernon, and you will want no support
here." Sir Robert Walpole insisted, however, on sending for
Ogle home ; he said, no Spanish recruits being gone to America,
no English recruits were wanting there. That we were at the
rnercy of France for want of strength here. That the whole
was in danger here ; and that as the consideration of the
whole should always take place of the consideration of a
part, we wanted strength, and must get what strength we
could at home; and since the Lords of the Council would
not come into his proposal to augment our strength by get
ting more seamen here, we must send for those we could get
from abroad; and as the Ferrol squadron was now superior
to Ogle and Balchen both, the sooner we could get them
home the better, as they were useless there, and wanted here.
I supported Sir Robert Walpole, and said that I thought the
present posture of affairs in Europe required all our attention
here ; and that our only dispute at present ought to be whether
we should send for Ogle and Balchen home with their fifteen
ships, or send ten from hence to join them and make a blockade
before Ferrol, as we had done formerly before Cales; and
though I had never heard this last scheme of blocking up the
Cales and Ferrol squadron at Ferrol mentioned in Council; yet,
if it was feasible (though the feasibility I did not pretend to
judge of), it was a measure to be preferred to any other what
ever, as it would enable us with twenty-five ships to defeat all
the three views Spain might have of going to America, disturb
ing my Lord Cathcart's expedition, or making a descent on
England or Ireland; whereas if their fleet could come out, we
should not have a naval force sufficient for three distinct
branches of strength to oppose these views, and wherever we
employed what strength we had, we should be vulnerable in the
two other places.
April 29. — Session ended.
May 8. — Princess Mary married.
May 16. — King embarked at Gravesend.
May 24. — King landed [at Helvoetsluys].
May 26. — Regency opened.16
16 Of which the Privy Seal was of course one.

,74o.] MINUTES OF CABINET. 3yj
May 27.-11,000 men in Ireland. Want arms. No man-of-
war on the coasts. Papists searched in vain. 13.000 arms here
for land service ; 5000 for sea service. 5000 in Ireland, 2000
useless. 5000 more demanded from hence. Contract with
Board of Ordnance to deliver 12,000 arms between September
1739 and September 1740; 8000 ought in consequence to have
been delivered; 300 at most have. Utrecht and Liege to be
tried by letter to Mr. Trevor from Duke of Newcastle. Spaniards,
three men-of-war only at Catalonia.
[June] 1 st. — Relating to corn insurrections. Attorney and
Solicitor consulted.
Spy to be continued on the Pretender's son.
Repeat orders, and promises of reinforcement to Vernon.
Hope. Both squadrons at Ferrol in a bad condition. Dutch
ships forbid to enter Gibraltar with corn.
Mr. Trevor to be written to on this, and to know what arms
may be had in Holland or Flanders.

[Here end the Cabinet Minutes ; and it is much to be
regretted that Lord Hervey's papers afford us no further
insight into the two important years that preceded Walpole's
fall. On the assembling of a new Parliament in December
1741, the Minister found himself in repeated minorities, and
was forced reluctantly to retire. On the gth of February he
was created Earl of Orford, and on the 1 ith resigned. Lord
Hervey had no inclination, it appears, to follow him in his
retreat; and the following letters to his father will best
¦explain the circumstances under which, after a long struggle,
he was at length dismissed, and replaced by Lord Gower,
who, from being a Tory, had joined the Whig coalition, to
the great scandal of all the Tories, and the mortification, as
we shall see, of at least one of the Whigs.]

378 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [i742.
LORD HERVEY TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.
Kensington Gravel Vns,fuly 5, 1742.
My Lord,1
Being quite tired of waiting in expectation of knowing
something decisive with regard to the present disagreeable im
pending affair, in order to the sending back of your Lordship's
messenger, I have determined to keep him no longer; but unfit
as I am for writing myself, my temper being so ruffled, and my
mind so agitated, by the constant hurry I have lived in of late, I
am forced to make use of a secretary to acquaint your Lordship
with the remarkable particulars of what passed between the King
and me in his closet upon this occasion.
When I first went in, I began by saying, " I hope your Majesty
does not imagine I am impertinent enough to have given you the
trouble of this audience in order to expostulate with you whether
it is fit or not for your Majesty to remove me out of that office in
which I have now the honour to serve you : I am not one of those2-
who think-they have a right to dictate to your Majesty who you
shall or shall not employ ; and however successful those who have
acted in that manner have lately been, I envy them not their
success by such methods, and upon such terms : the very words
of the tenure by which we hold our offices is during your Majesty's
pleasure, and when that alters, I know of no privilege any one
has to ask your Majesty your reasons; and since this change
from me to my Lord Gower has been so represented to your
Majesty as to induce you one moment to believe that there is
a chance for any one obstacle that now obstructs your Majesty's
measures, or any one difficulty in which you find yourself now
entangled, to be removed by putting this change in execution, I
am so far from desiring your Majesty to let your partiality to me
prevent your trying it, that there is nobody in your Majesty's
councils can press you more strongly to put it to the trial than I
would do if there was occasion, — nay, I will go still farther, and
say, since your Majesty has been told that you are putting me in
one scale in balance against the whole Tory party in the other,.

1 The reader is not to think from the formality of the address that there was-
any coolness between the father and son — quite the reverse ; they were on the
easiest and most affectionate terms ; but this was the style of the day.
2 Allusion to the imperious terms which Pulteney imposed on the King.

i742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 379
and risking even your crown to support me ; that I would for the
first time in my life, though your Majesty commanded me to stay,
disobey your orders and resign my office, since it is much too
great a weight for me to take upon me to be responsible for all
the difficulties your Majesty in futurity may meet with, and for
your Ministers to say, what I can never be able in the nature of
things to disprove, that all these misfortunes were owing to their
advice not being followed in the measure they have now proposed;
and as all I could urge relating to the' expediency of this measure,
considered in a political light, might be thought to proceed from
personal motives, as I am personally concerned, I shall not enter
into the discussion of that point, but leave your Majesty to be
convinced by future experience, whether personal or political rea
sons have induced your Ministers to push it. I do not there
fore complain of the thing itself, but of the manner of doing it."
Here the King interrupted me, and said, " My Lord, if my
Lord Carteret did not bring my message to you in a manner that
showed that ' I have been forced into this thing, among many
others that I have been obliged to do, quite contrary to my incli
nation, and in a manner that showed how sensible I am both of
your desire and abilities to serve me, he did not obey my orders ;
since I charged him to assure you that there was nothing in my
power to make you easy in the manner of making this change
that I would not do to oblige you."
I thanked his Majesty for his kind disposition and intentions
towards me, and said, " My Lord Carteret had done that in the
most ample. manner; that I had nothing to complain of or object
to my Lord Carteret, who had behaved on this occasion to me,
not only like a man of sense, but with the utmost politeness, and
a regard for me which from him I had no reason to expect or
right to claim. But what I complain of, sir, is, that as your
Majesty, before I went into the country to my father, notwith
standing the frequent opportunities you had from seeing me in
private, never gave the least hint that you should be forced to
yield, and give me up in this attack ; and that upon my return to
London, the first news I should hear of it should be from the
Prince and his people publicly singing their songs of triumph
throughout the whole town for this victory being at last obtained
over your Majesty and me, and that your own Ministers should
be whispering it about to every one in your ante- chambers that

380 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742.
this thing was done, before I had received any intimation from
your Majesty that it was even designed." 3
Here the King again interrupted me, and said, " The reason
why he had not mentioned it to me before I went into the country
was because he had positively refused, for three months together,
in the most peremptory manner, ever to take this step, and did not
intend to depart from that resolution. That as to his son, I knew
he was a vain puppy, and so great a liar that there was no depen
dence to be had on anything he said ; and for his own Ministers,
if they had spoken of this thing as a thing done, they were as
great liars, for that they all very well knew he had told them that
it should not be done till I was made easy in the manner of doing
it ; and that he had commanded my Lord Carteret to let me
know that such was his intention and resolution."
I said, "My Lord Carteret had done so; but that when I had
pressed my Lord Carteret to name what that method was to be
which was to make me easy, he had named nothing but a pension
of ^3000 a year, which I flatly refused, and said I looked upon
in a light so different from an equivalent and a compensation for
what I was to give up, that I could consider it only as an addi
tional disgrace ; since from the moment I consented to be rolled
in the dirt of that pensionary gutter, though I should speak after
wards in the House of Lords in support of his Majesty, his mea
sures, or his interest with the brains of a Solomon and the lips
of a Tully, it would not be in my power to be of more use to his
Majesty than my Lord Willoughby; and as I had nothing in
public life at heart but the keeping up my own credit and reputa
tion and the being able to serve his Majesty, so all I desired was
an honourable and plausible pretence to remain in his service,
and support him and his measures with the same zeal and attach
ment which I had hitherto done. But as possibly the Prince
might think his triumph over the ashes of a dead mother and the
authority of a living father incomplete unless he was gratified in
the manner of my removal as well as the removal itself, and
insisted on my being kicked out of his Majesty's Court as well as
removed from my employment, so possibly his Ministers, who
had pressed the one, might likewise have promised the other, and
would consequently obstruct everything that could be proposed
3 Horace Walpole wrote to Mann on the 17th June, " Lord Gower is to be
Privy Seal, and was to have kissed hands last Friday (nth June), but Lord
Hervey had taken the seal with him to Ickworth ; but he must bring it back."

1742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 381
towards defeating his Royal Highness's intentions or executing
his Majesty's, since I did not perceive any one step they had
taken, or any one piece of advice they had given, since Lord
Orford retired, that did not tend to the exalting his son's power
and to the lowering of his own ; that I would venture to prove to
the ablest of his Majesty's Ministers (which, putting my Lord
Carteret out of the question, I looked upon to be no very bold
encounter), that the whole progress of their conduct has been to
advise a series of concessions on the part of his Majesty, without
taking care of one single return that was to be made.
"Your Majesty very well knows the progress of these counsels,
where they take their rise, and how they are pursued ; for though
seemingly and politically blind for prudential reasons at this time,
your Majesty cannot possibly be actually so to what all the world
sees and knows. Your Majesty cannot but be sensible that in
all these changes, removals, and promotions you have not been
able to protect any one man they had determined to disgrace,
or prefer one whom they resolved should not come in ; all that
has been left to be done in your Majesty's closet has been to
force you to give your fiat to what has been previously concerted
and settled by your son and Mr. Pulteney at Carlton House, and
conveyed, to your Majesty by the Duke of Newcastle and Mr.
Pelham, who are to have all the merit with the Prince of pro
moting his pleasure, his] measures, and his creatures, and shelter
themselves from your Majesty's anger, whilst they are gaining
his favour, by exclaiming themselves against what they propose,
and saying it is intolerable, unreasonable, and unjust; but that
Mr. Pulteney's authority, weight, consideration, and power is
such in the House of Commons, that there is no withstanding it
at present, and that his demands, though ever so exorbitant,
must be complied with.
" This being the present situation of affairs, I only desire to give
your Majesty a short sketch of the true state of this kingdom and
your palace at the present juncture.
" As to government, the present posture, or rather no-posture,
but chaos of things, cannot deserve the name, for government
there is none. The titles of government belong not to persons
who exercise all the authority of it : your Majesty bears the name
of King and wears the crown, whilst all the authority of the one
and the power of the other is exercised by another. My Lord
Carteret has the credit in your closet and the name of your Mini-

382 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742.
ster, whilst Mr. Pulteney possesses and exercises the power of
both. Parliament there is none: the Secret Committee4 has
absorbed and engrossed the whole power and authority of .that
body into their narrow faction.
" Your Court is divided into classes, knots, parties, and cabals
of men, all with different views, different principles (if they have
any), and different interests, contending with one another for
power, each thinking to deceive and overreach the other, and all
pursuing their own private personal interests, and their own short
and narrow views, without considering your Majesty's, the national
and general interest, one moment in any one action.
" When I consider the individuals that compose your Adminis
tration, I find nothing but men of as different complexions there.
Some concealed Jacobites, some avowed Republicans, some
treacherous friends and cowardly enemies ; others who, having
forced themselves into your Majesty's service (or, more properly
speaking, into employment), think they have no obligation to
your Majesty for being there, feel and know themselves disagree
able to you now they are there, and consequently think of nothing
but themselves, and remaining there upon the same foot of force
and constraint by which they got in.
" How long such a Government, such a Court, and such an
Administration can subsist upon the foot it now stands, or rather
totters, must be obvious to the meanest capacity, and the meanest
judgment of those titled ciphers about your Majesty's palace and
person, who are really become the best people there, because,
from having too little sense to have any meaning at all, they mean
no hurt, but are equally incapable of doing any good.
"A ship may weather one or two storms, but no ship can long
live in perpetual tempests, nor any Government subsist in per
petual fermentation, struggle, and tumult ; and where these com
motions will end I pretend not to say, and defy the wisest to
foresee. " I have laid these particulars before your Majesty, and opened
this scene with the same fidelity that I have always served you,
giving you the best intelligence I am able, without considering
who it may oblige or disoblige, and leaving your Majesty's better
judgment to form your own opinion and take your own measures
upon such representations. I belong to no class, faction, or
* Appointed to examine into the conduct of Walpole.

i742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 383
party, have no attachment but to your service ; no connection
but with your interest and inclination ; belong to you and to no
other, and am attacked and pursued for no other reason. But
if these are principles, and this a conduct, by which I cannot be
supported in your Majesty's Court, the sooner I am out of it the
better, for I can change neither, and desire to be supported on
no other. I have from the beginning of last winter committed
myself entirely to your Majesty's protection : I knew if there was
a disposition in your Majesty to do me right, there was nothing
could hurt me that was said or done by my enemies, and that if
that disposition was wanting, nothing that was said or done by me
could do me any good. I therefore leave myself and my cause
just where it was ; and do not pretend to say I am so made as to
be able to forget or forgive, if I am ill used, those who can pre
vail with your Majesty to put me in that situation, but will do
them all the hurt I am able, and distress them in every article I
can contrive ; and as all men are vulnerable in some place or at
some time or other, and that every Achilles has his heel, so
patience and good sense will always wait and find an oppor
tunity where the strongest may be come at."
Having related to your Lordship the most material particulars
of this very long conference with the King, I shall descend into
no more minute detail. He seemed thoroughly satisfied with my
conduct, and assured me, over and over again, that this removal
should be made as easy to me as he could contrive.
Upon reading over this letter, I recollect two things I had
omitted, which are of as much importance as any. The one is,
that when I represented the state of his Majesty's palace, and
pictured with indignation and contempt the men who compose
his Administration, I always took care to confine myself to the
home affairs, and to except Lord Carteret 5 out of every fault I
laid to his Ministers' charge, saying I knew him to be the only
man of sense about his Majesty, and that I really believed his
judgment was good enough to know that whilst his Majesty thought
5 I cannot but suspect that this was not altogether a new-born preference
of Lord Carteret, and that Lord Hervey in his secret displeasure with Walpole
had favoured the intrigues of his friend Lady Sundon to reconcile Lord Car
teret to the Queen. See ante, pp. 159, 207. And he now was additionally dis
posed to propitiate him for two reasons : first, the King's personal favour was
all towards Carteret; and, secondly, Lord Hervey had irremediably broken
with every one else.

384 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742.
fit to employ him, the interest of his master must be the first article
of his own interest; but that, conscious of the difficulties in which
the home affairs were at present involved, he had wisely taken
the part of confining himself to foreign transactions, in which I
own the advice given to his Majesty had been bold, the under
taking hazardous, but steadily conducted, and hitherto most for
tunately prosecuted ; but this, I said, will avail him as a Minister,
or your Majesty as a King, but little unless you can put things
upon a more steady, quiet, and permanent foot at home. Whilst
Hannibal abroad was humbling the Romans, conquering all
Italy, and crowned with laurels in every undertaking, those laurels
served but for a chaplet to adorn his sacrifice when he was ruined
by a faction in the senate at Carthage : this would be the case if
even the success abroad should continue ; but if any alteration
should happen there, Lord Carteret's ruin would be yet more
precipitate. The other thing I had forgot to mention was, that when the -
King, in the progress of our conversation, told me it had been said
that it was impossible I could object to the scheme of bringing
in these men in point of policy, because I had been the first who
proposed it to his Majesty,6 I said I had resolved not to enter
into the expediency of this measure at present as an act of state,
because I was personally concerned ; yet, since his Majesty had
made it necessary for me to break that resolution by what he
had just said, my answer was this : — " In the first place, when I
proposed this scheme to your Majesty, it was only in case the
Whig party could not be united — which union, I appeal to your
Majesty, was always the measure I preferred to all others, and
which might have been effected, had it not been for the private
grudges and personal piques of those who profess themselves the
warmest champions for the Whig party, which prevented it : but
in case that union could not be brought about, then, and then
only, I proposed this measure, as the single way to prevent a
flood of Tories coming in, and to put the party of Tories in the

6 Lord Hervey seems here to assert that he was the first to propose the
settling the new Administration on what was called the Broad-bottom of
including Tories ; but considering that the triumphant Opposition had been
composed alike of Whigs and Tories, it seems that it would have been im
possible to exclude the Hanover Tories from a share of the fruits of a victory
which they had taken so large a part in winning.

,742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 385
hands of your Majesty instead of putting you into their hands :
and as this advice must either have been good or bad, I desire
to ask your Majesty's Ministers, if it was good, why it was then
opposed ? if it was bad, how comes it to be now adopted ? and
if it was good, can it be just in your Majesty to make the first
adviser the first sacrifice ? I have heard of ' Necis artificem arte
perire sua,' but that ' salutis artificem ' should undergo the same
fate is a maxim I never heard advanced, and, till my own case,
never knew practised. But I will go still further, and prove to
your Majesty that when I proposed this scheme it was good ;
and that now they who then opposed it have urged it, it is bad :
for when I advised it, it would have been thought a grace and
favour from the Crown ; it is now looked upon as a new violence
and imposition upon the Crown. It is known to be the act
of Carlton House, not of Kensington, and whatever thanks are
paid from the men that come in of the Tory party, they are
paid to the Prince, and not to your Majesty ; consequently, the
executing this scheme at this time is strengthening his hands and
widening his interest ; whereas, when I mentioned it, it would
have strengthened your Majesty's and widened your basis."
I summed up the whole by telling his Majesty all that I desired
was that he would demonstrate to the world that my removal was
a measure of government, not an act of inclination — merely
political, not personal — and that though I might be lowered in
my employment, that I was not lowered in his favour ; and pro
vided this was effectually done, it was quite indifferent to me in
what way ; and that if it was not to be done, the sooner I knew
it the better : that long ill-health had pretty well blunted the
appetite of ambition ; that the usage I had met with had pretty
well cured me of my taste for courts ; 7 and that the infinite
goodness of my father had made my circumstances so very easy,
that I was as much above wanting the profits of a Court, as I
was from trying to obtain them any way but by the creditable
7 How men deceive themselves ! What but ambition, or interest, or a
" taste for courts " could prompt a man who had filled so high a rank as that of
Privy Seal to strive so hard for a lower employment ? But this was the fashion
of the time. He was, I have no doubt, acting on the principle of Lord
Carteret, that to remain in court on any terms was an advantage which no
prudent politician should resign ; and he had the precedent of his greater
friend, Walpole, who at the accession of George II. had condescended to ask
for a " White Stick." See vol. i. p. 32.
VOL. III. 2 B

386 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [.742.
and honest methods I had hitherto pursued whilst I had been
there.

LORD HERVEY TO THE EARL OF BRISTOL.
Kensington Gravel Pits, fuly 15, 1742.
My Lord,
The day after I wrote to your Lordship I heard, from very
good intelligence, that my enemies at Court, the leading men in
the present motley Administration, had resolved to take a new
turn in order to remove the impression which they found my
audience had made upon the King ; but before I relate to your
Lordship the resolutions they came to, I must acquaint you
in what manner all their most secret transactions came to be
known. Their sanctum sanctorum is composed of my Lord Carteret,
Lord Winchelsea his adherent, the Duke of Newcastle and his
quibbling friend my Lord Chancellor, Mr. Pulteney, and Harry
Pelham. Lord Carteret, Duke of Newcastle, and Mr. Pulteney,
whilst they act seemingly in concert at this juncture, having dis
tinct .views and different interests of their own to pursue, are all
striving to deceive and overreach one another ; and each separ
ately relating to their own private friends what passes at these
conferences conducive to their own points, the whole of the con
ference, through different channels, flows into the world. Lord
Carteret, feeling he has the strength of the closet and the confi
dence and favour of the King, whilst he is making his court by
foreign politics, hates and detests Mr. Pulteney for all the trouble
he gives him in pursuing his points at home ; and knowing that
the moment Mr. Pulteney goes into the House of Lords, he will
become an absolute nullity, he is ready to feed the exorbitant
appetite of his demands with any morsels it craves for at pre
sent, provided in return he can gain that one point of Mr. Pulte-
ney's going into the House of Lords.8 On the other hand, Mr.

8 Here we find direct proof of what, indeed, an examination of the dates
and circumstances had long since convinced me — the inaccuracy of Horace
Walpole's story of his father's having duped and "turned the key of the
Calinet" upon Pulteney by " persuading the King to insist, as a preliminary
to the change, that Pulteney should go into the House of Zords." — Reminis
cences. Sir Robert resigned on the 1 Ith of February, and Pulteney's peerage
wa.=, we see, still doubtful up to the middle of July ; and in the conclusion of

,,742] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 387
Pulteney, knowing he has at present the House of Commons' in
his hands, and seeing too plainly that though he has the power
¦of the closet, he has none of the favour, and that every point he
•carries there is extorted, not granted — carried by force, not by
persuasion — hates my Lord Carteret for engrossing that favour
which he proposed at least to share, if not to engross himseli;
and whilst he is forcing seven or eight of his followers into
employment, proposes to remain himself in the House of Com
mons in order to retain the same power to force a new batch of
his friends, three or four months hence, in the same manner upon
the King, which reduces the struggle between Lord Carteret and
him to this short point, that if Mr. Pulteney goes into the House
of Lords, Lord Carteret dupes him ; if he does not, he dupes my
Lord Carteret. The Duke of Newcastle, whose envy is so strong
that he is jealous of everybody, and whose understanding is so
weak that nobody is jealous of him, is reciprocally made use of
by these two men to promote their different ends; and being
jealous of Lord Carteret from feeling his superior interest with
the King, and jealous of Mr. Pulteney from his superior interest
to his brother [Mr. Pelham] in the House of Commons, is like
the hungry ass in the fable, between the two bundles of hay,
and allured by both without knowing which to go to, tastes neither,
and will starve between them. He wants Mr. Pulteney's power
in the House of Commons to be kept as a check and bridle upon
Lord Carteret, who has outrun him so far in the Palace, and yet
wants Mr. Pulteney out of the House of Commons to strengthen
his own power there by the proxy medium of his brother. Thus
stands the private contest and seeming union among these pre
sent rulers, or rather combatants for rule.
One point the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Pul
teney certainly agree in, which is to get me from the King's
this letter Lord Hervey asserts that it was he who at this time pressed the
King to drive Pulteney into the House of Lords. Sir Robert may have made
or conveyed some such suggestion to the King, but it could have had no
share in excluding Pulteney from office, which he had declined from the
first, having for many years declared that he would not take office, but looked
to a peerage. Horace Walpole says in a letter to Mann that the rumour was
that Pulteney had wished to take the office of Privy Seal himself ; but I see
no ground for such a supposition. The fact evidently was that he would not
give up his hold in the House of Commons till his friends were all satisfac
torily placed in the new Administration, and this arrangement was delayed by
Lord Hervey's tenacity.

388 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742.
ear, and not to suffer the traversing power to all their schemes,
which they have felt in so many instances I have there,9 to main
tain its hold, if they by any means can eradicate it, nor to suffer
any man about the King who will tell his Majesty their true
reasons and motives for everything they propose to him, whilst
they are endeavouring to deceive him with false ones ; but as it
was impossible for them to urge the same arguments to the King,
to defeat my expectations and break through his promises in the
compensation that was to be made me for my removal, which
they made use of to effect the removal itself, that they could not
say to the King it was a measure of government, an act of policy,
to disgrace as well as to remove a man with whose services and
conduct and principles the King declared himself thoroughly
satisfied, they were forced to change their battery, and make
objections to everything that was proposed in my favour, one by
one, saying at the same time they thought it highly reasonable
something should be done ; and knowing I had declared that if
that something I was to receive did not accompany what I was
to give up, that I should look upon myself as disgraced, and
carry on no further negotiation, they knew their point was carried
if they could by any means contrive to bring the King to com
plete my removal, leaving the compensation to future considera
tion. In order, therefore, to effect this, they told the King that
the whole machine of government at present was at a stop merely
ujion my account ; that all the changes could not be made with
out Lord Gower's being immediately brought in ; that till all the
changes were perfected, the Parliament could not rise ; that till
the Parliament rose, that dreaded rod of the Secret Committee
would be held over the Court and the Parliament, as in truth it
was only adjourned from time to time, which gave scope to the
Secret Committee to find out new matters to distress the Court.
By these methods and suggestions they alarmed the King's fear
— a sensation which in him will ever get the better of all others
— and brought him to listen, contrary to his resolution and
repeated promises, to the methods they proposed for getting
rid of the Secret Committee at any rate. Knowing this to be
my present situation with the King, I wrote him the following
letter : —
.,  - 
* This is an important admission. It affords at once a clue to Lord Her
vey's motive for clinging to office, and the anxiety of all the other parties to
oust him ; and justifies both.

.742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 389
"July 6, 1742.
"Sir, " Relying entirely on your Majesty's promise by Lord
Carteret, and repeated to me by yourself, that something should
be found out to make this very mortifying removal in the least
mortifying manner, and your Majesty having given me your word
that you would do anything in your power to make me easy, and
laid your commands upon me to name something, I proposed
the Vice-Treasurership of Ireland — as what Lord Sunderland and
Lord Rochester had both accepted in my situation, which was
being removed from Privy Seal without being disgraced ; but,
after suffering the mortification of having Lord Gower preferred
to me, I was forced to undergo the humbling situation not only
of standing a contest with Harry Vane, but to have him like
wise preferred to me by the present all-ruling influence of Mr.
Pulteney ; 10 this I had yesterday from your Majesty's own lips,
whilst you regretted at the same time your own situation and
mine, that you could not give what you wished to bestow as
much as I could wish to receive. Upon this, and your Majesty's
desiring me to think of something else, I left this affair yesterday
with your Majesty, on a very short issue, which was, to whom
you would give the preference in the other half of this office, Lord
Torrington or me. But, to remove all difficulties in these two
points, I will name a third way, which indisputably must depend
merely on your Majesty's inclination ; and that is, if your Ma
jesty, to prove I am not banished your presence and councils,
will make me a lord of your bedchamber ; and to show you do
not mean to hurt me in my circumstances, will add a pension of
^2000 per annum for thirty years on Ireland — though by this I
shall fall so much in rank, and lessen my present income six or
seven hundred pounds a year, yet as I desire nothing but a
creditable and plausible pretence to support your Majesty's
measures with the same steadiness I have hitherto done, so I
think I can justify the acceptance of this small compensation for
the hardship the whole world allows has been inflicted upon me;
and the pecuniary part of my demand being what your Majesty,
in more than one instance, has thought fit to grant to those whose
services, I think, are not much more meritorious than mine, even
as an addition to what they before possessed, sure it is much
10 See vol. ii. p. 195.

390 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742-
more reasonable to give it as an equivalent for what your Majesty
yourself owns is unjustly (though not in your power to avoid)
taken from me. Which of these three ways your Majesty thinks
fit to choose is quite indifferent to me, as they will any of them.
produce the same effect in the main point of my remaining with
honour in your Majesty's service.
" As to the difficulties in which your Majesty's own affairs are
at present involved, the scene of which I had the honour to open
yesterday to your Majesty, with regard to your Government, your
Palace, and your administration, if there was anybody about your
Majesty that had sense, resolution, and fidelity, besides Lord
Carteret (who, I believe, wants none of the three), your Majesty
might easily surmount and be extricated out of them — the whole
is at present in your hands — unless your Majesty will throw your^
self and the whole again into those hands that have brought those
difficulties upon you.
"I look upon this week as the great crisis in which it is to be
determined whether your Majesty is ever to be really King and
supreme governor again in this country or not ; and whether the
nerves and essence of government shall again be united to the
titles and show of government, or remain in different conflicting
situations. It is very plain the methods your Majesty has lately
been advised to take will not produce that union — it is evident to>
all eyes, and the topic of all conversations.
" It is as necessary, too, to the safe and quiet conduct of your
Majesty's affairs, that you should unite in the same person the
favour of your closet and the power of it. At present, the favour
is all bestowed on Lord Carteret, and all the power exercised by
Mr. Pulteney. This cannot last; favour and power must go on,
together, or neither can go on long. It is as essential, therefore,
towards constituting a Minister who can subsist, to vest him with
these two things, as it is to the fixing your Majesty's own power
to reunite the authority of the Crown to the name of King. I
will open myself more fully either to your Majesty or Lord
Carteret, which you think fit, upon the methods to attain these
ends, which I do not think hard at the present juncture to arrive
at ; but desire, when Lord Carteret relates my conversation to
your Majesty, that nobody may be by, lest in that case your
Majesty, he, and I, may be betrayed to the very man you want
to get rid of, and must subdue or be subdued yourself — a
treachery I am well warranted to suspect in those whose whole

i742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 391
life has been one continued series of treachery and betraying since
they first came into the political world ; u one who was intro
duced into it under the wing of Lord Townshend ; who, when he
found Lord Townshend's interest tottering, betrayed him to Lord
Stanhope and Lord Sunderland; who, from the same motives,
afterwards betrayed Lord Sunderland back again to Lord Town
shend and Sir Robert Walpole; who has since betrayed Sir
Robert Walpole to Lord Carteret, would betray Lord Carteret to
anybody he thought it his interest, and does actually betray his
King and his Master to his son and successor. I am, with the
greatest respect and fidelity, sir, " Your Majesty's," &c, &c.
I will, in as short manner as I can, relate to your Lordship
how I explained the political latter part of this letter to the
King the next time I saw him. I said, as he was most reason
ably uneasy at the power Mr. Pulteney really possessed and
that which he assumed, and was justly sensible that' whilst
that Tribune of the Commons had a veto on all his measures,
that the principal point he had now to consider was how to
subdue and get rid of him ; that there were two ways of doing
this : — The one was, for his Majesty to talk very roundly to Mr.
Pulteney, and tell him he would prefer those he recommended,
provided Mr. Pulteney would go into the House of Lords ;
which was a condition his Majesty, as well as I, knew that his
Ministers had never yet dared directly to propose to him ; that
if Mr. Pulteney consented to this stipulation, the thing was
done, since from that moment he would be nothing but a
mere Lord with one vote, and his influence in the House of
Commons quite at an end. If Mr. Pulteney refused to comply,
his Majesty had nothing to do but, with a high hand, to pro
rogue the Parliament without promoting any of Mr. Pulteney's
people. What would be the consequence of this ? The Secret
Committee had already sat so long without doing anything
essential or answering anybody's expectations, that they had
raised the indignation of all their own friends, and were become
the contempt of all his Majesty's, except some few Court
cowards who were nearest his person. In the meantime Mr.
Pulteney would bounce, bluster, and clamour, but that his

11 The Duke of Newcastle

392 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742.
Majesty would have four months beforehand to bring him to
reasonable terms, or to order his affairs so as to bid him
defiance. That if his Majesty got the Prince and his family,
with my Lord Cobham and his adherents, the Court party
in the House of Commons would be too strong for Mr. Pulteney
in numbers. Besides, his Majesty's having all the tolerable
speakers there on his side, and supposing the worst to happen
that could happen, his Majesty could but be obliged to
treat with Mr. Pulteney at the opening of the next Session;
and never could have worse terms then imposed upon him
than what were now insisted on, if Mr. Pulteney was not
to go into the House of Lords, and seven or eight of his
followers were notwithstanding to be brought into employ
ment. His Majesty felt the force of this reasoning ; and whilst for
two or three days he was turning it in his own thoughts, all his
Ministers were complaining of his ill-humour ; that they could
not get him to do any one thing, and were at a loss to imagine
in what manner this devil had been raised. On Friday last
[gth July] he followed my advice, spoke to Mr. Pulteney plainly
and strongly, and carried the point of his going into the House
of Lords, promising at the same time to comply with all Mr.
Pulteney's demands in the changes that were to be made, and
put them on Monday in execution.
Here follows what I am ashamed to repeat : he profited of the
advice, and made the adviser the first victim, for late on Satur
day night I received a letter from Lord Carteret, to tell me his
Majesty's pleasure was, that I should bring the Privy Seal on
Monday morning and deliver it to him.
Pursuant to these commands I waited on his Majesty, and,
delivering the seal, said I was at first a little surprised, after the
many repeated promises I had received from his Majesty by
Lord Carteret, and from his own lips, that some equivalent or
compensation should be found out to satisfy me. That in Lord
Carteret's letter no mention was made of what I was to receive
as well as what I was to give up ; but concluding afterwards
that his Majesty, from his great goodness, had chosen to com
municate the harsher part of his pleasure by another, whilst he
reserved the communication of what was more agreeable for his
own lips, I begged to know what his resolution and deter
mination was. He said, " My Lord, you know I have resisted

1742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 393
this measure as long as ever I could ; I am now forced to bring
it to immediate execution. I hope in time to be able to do
something you may like ; and in the meanwhile am very ready
to give you a pension of ^3000 a year."12 I told his Majesty
that the pension was what he knew I could not possibly bring
myself to accept, as I thought it would hurt my character,
which I was determined to maintain in the best manner I
could ; that it was in the power of a Court to disgrace me,
but in nobody's but my own to discredit me ; that I had made
different proposals to his Majesty in what manner he might
perform his promise of doing anything in his power on this
occasion to satisfy me. He said it was impossible for him
to comply with any of those proposals. I answered, that
with regard to Mr. Vane impossible might be the case, as his
Majesty might not have power to resist Mr. Pulteney; but
with regard to the other two, they were both in his Majesty's
power, and his inclination could only be wanting to do either
of them. He still recurred to this sentence, " My Lord, they
are all impossible." I then said, " If that is the case, that none
of these things are to be done, then I must look upon myself as
disgraced ; and that it was very plain his Majesty had promised to
do what in one case he could not, and in two others what he
would not perform ; and as I had acquainted all my friends
with the promise he had made me, I was reduced to the dis
agreeable necessity of proving that his Majesty had altered
his mind, and gone back from that promise, or I must take a
lie upon myself (which it was impossible for me to do) by
acknowledging I had reported what I had not been warranted
to affirm ; and for these reasons I thought it had been much
better for his Majesty, and kinder to me, in the first step
of this affair, to have ordered Lord Carteret to tell me I must
deliver the seal with only some general words, expressing his
Majesty's reluctance to take this step, saying, it was one among
many others that he was forced to, contrary to his inclination,

12 In reply to this portion of Lord Hervey's letter, Lord Bristol answered
that he highly approved his rejecting that proposal, but that he insisted on
adding ^3000 a year to Lord Hervey's allowance. I must, however, confess
that I cannot see how a pension of ^3000 a year during pleasure could
"hurt" Lord Hervey's "character" more than a place during pleasure in
addition to a pension of £2000 for thirty years.

394 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742-
and then this matter would have been at ,a much quicker as well
as more agreeable end.
He always dwelt upon his sorrow in general for what I pro
posed being impossible, or his hopes of something happening
that might be agreeable to me, commendations of my conduct,
acknowledgment of my services, and thanks to me for my attach
ment and fidelity. Many more things passed in the course of
this interview, with the recital of which I shall not now trouble
your Lordship.
One thing more only that I said I would acquaint you with i
I told his Majesty that I really thought my honour, credit, and
character quite out of this question ; for that the question was
not whether he would or would not show personal favour to my
Lord Hervey, but whether he would show the world that the
assiduity and fidelity with which all mankind knew, and he
acknowledged I had served him, were the two most dangerous.
qualities any man could bring into his Court ; for if that was the
case, his Court could only be filled with bullies, knaves, and
fools ; and that I thought his honour doubly engaged, as he had
given his promise to show that he would not suffer a servant of
his to be discarded and punished for no other reason than having.
served him well, and him only. "For supposing, sir (I con
tinued), one of your Majesty's footmen had been beaten for
trying to keep an insolent mob off your coach, which mob ha&
shown that they were endeavouring to approach your coach only
to insult you — to force you to let them drive it, or else to attempt
to overturn it — could your Majesty possibly, at the instigation of
that very mob, turn away such a footman with the same marks.
of your displeasure that you would do any servant who deserved
such treatment by the worst behaviour, and keep those only in
your service who had, underhand, encouraged that mob which
he had resisted ? "
The strange weak answer he made to this can never be
guessed, and will scarcely be credited when I say it was " My
Lord, there would not be so much striving for a footman 's place." 13
Upon taking my leave I said, " All my friends had told me,,

' 13 But was it not quite apropos to Lord Hervey's own illustration? And
having seen the way in which he had been for so many years thinking
and writing about the King, I cannot, I confess, sympathise in his griev-

I742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 395
and I myself believed, that after the very particular manner in
which I had lived with and served him for so many years ; after
the good opinion his Majesty had to everybody declared he had
of me, and the repeated promises he had made me by himself and
Lord Carteret, it was impossible he should part with me in any
manner that would disgrace me, and without giving me some
thing that would show that was not his intention. But I hoped
it would be thought no disrespect to say to his Majesty on this
occasion what is said in the Gospel of God himself, that I found
with kings all things were possible''
I did not care to break into this narrative of my transactions
with the King, by giving your Lordship any account, which
would have seemed digression, of some concomitant steps I took
with Lord Carteret whilst this affair was depending ; but when I
found that he had been very backward in pushing those points
with the King which I had flattered myself, from what he had
said to me, he would have been glad to promote, at the same
time I wrote my last letter to the King, I sent the following
letter to Lord Carteret : — July 7, 1742.
" My Lord,
"The alteration in your Lordship's manner of acting has
made so great a one in my manner of thinking (the one, as I
always told your Lordship, being dependent on the other), that I
have now no inclination or desire about this disagreeable negotia
tion but to have it concluded — in what manner, I am thoroughly
indifferent ; since, either way, the part I have to act is a very
plain one, and as I perceive it clearly, I shall pursue it resolutely
— two things which I cannot help valuing myself upon, since clear
and resolute are, I see, at present so little the characteristics of
anybody's opinions or actions but my own. I am not vain enough
to fancy myself, in our commotions, of as much consequence as
the King of Prussia in those of Europe, to whom one may apply
that line in Lucan, where he says —
' Momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum ; '
but I am not humble enough neither to think I shall be quite a
feather in whatever scale your Lordship chooses to throw me.
However, as my chief point is not to be kept here longer in
suspense, losing my time and hurting my health, in dangling after
an affair I am most heartily tired and sick of, and that the cross

396 LORD HERVEY'S MEMOIRS. [1742.
or pile 14 decision of it will not give me one moment's uneasiness,
I must end where I began, and entreat your Lordship that I may
at least have this obligation to you, of deferring no longer to let
me know what is determined. " I am, with great respect,
" My Lord," &c. &c.
To this letter I received the following answer : —
" My Lord,
" I am extremely sorry that your Lordship should think
there is the least alteration in my manner of acting towards you.
If you think me mysterious because I do not explain, your Lord
ship does me great injustice; for the truth is, that I am quite
ignorant as yet whether the Vice-Treasurer's place will be given
to your Lordship or not. Your Lordship, I hope, will be so good
as to believe that whatever is the case, it is far from being my
choice that your Lordship should be thrown, as you express it,
into a contrary scale. The moment that I know what will be the
turn which his Majesty will give to this affair, I will do myself
the honour to acquaint you. And am,
" My Lord,
" With the greatest respect and truth,
" Your Lordship's most humble
and most obedient servant,
"Carteret."
I must tell your Lordship that in all my conferences with Lord
Carteret, he understood my situation with regard to him, and I his
with regard to me, to be this : I told him always, if I could not
remain at Court agreeably to him, that I did not care how soon
I quitted a place where I knew I had and desired to make no
other friend; he always telling me that there was no man in
England he wished more to make his : and said, even in our first
conference, his situation was the oddest in the world, for that he
was forced by a combination of circumstances to join in a measure
of which he approved neither the political nor personal part, and
to run the risk of disobliging one whom he knew could serve
him, for the sake of people who could not serve him if they
would, and who, he knew, would take the first occasion to hurt
him if they could. 14 Toss-up.

i742.] LETTERS TO LORD BRISTOL. 397
A thousand particulars relating to this negotiation occurring
every minute to my memory, if I was not so fatigued as to be
unable to transmit more of them, I believe this letter would swell
to the size of M. de Thou's History ; but the rest I will reserve
for a verbal conference with your Lordship, and will only add, that
notwithstanding the little sleep I have by night, and all these
mortifications I meet with by day, my looks, strength, and spirits
are so visibly and perceptibly mended, that it is as surprising to
other people as unaccountable to,
My Lord,
Your Lordship's most obedient and dutiful son,
Hervey.
F.S. — I have at Lord Carteret's earnest entreaty deferred resign
ing my son's commission till the Parliament rose, but shall then
immediately send it to the King, and have this comfort at least
in the result of all these transactions, that there will be that one
circumstance of getting him out of the army (so much wished by
your Lordship 15) agreeable to you, though there is no one circum
stance throughout the whole agreeable to me. I hear of nothing,
wherever I go, but Lord Carteret's encomiums on my conduct
in every step of this affair, to which he gives such epithets as I am
neither vain enough to repeat nor to think I deserve.

16 It appears that Lord Bristol's hostility to standing armies had been latterly
so sharpened, that the only serious difference that he ever had with Lord
Hervey was on account of his obtaining this commission for his eldest son,
George (afterwards second Earl). It soured for a time the intercourse between
them, and the old Lord went so far as to make on this account some penal
alterations in his will : on this announcement, however, of the resignation of
the commission, he cancelled the hostile will, and renewed his former disposi
tion altogether in Lord Hervey's favour.
His descendants now inherit the united fortunes of the Herveys, the Carrs,
and the Feltons.

INDEX.

Abercorn (6th Earl of), ii. 189 n.
Abington (Lord), ii. 382.
Addison (Joseph), iii. 279.
Agrippina, the Queen likened to, i. 176.
Aix-la-Chapelle, i. 105.
Albemarle (Lord), ii. 292 n.
Alberoni (Cardinal), i. 71.
*¦ All men have their price," i. 242.
Amelia (Princess), see Emily (Prin
cess).
Ancaster (Duchess of), i. xlix.
Anglesey (Lord), ii. 384, 386.
Anne (Queen), disposal of her jewels,
i. 89 a. ; governed the country by her
women favourites, i. 93 ; her wars,
ii. 39, 153 ; her allowance when Prin
cess, iii. 72, 75 ; alluded to, i. 13, 14,
54, 105 »., 146, 284 ; ii. 186, 336 n.
Anne (Princess-Royal), see Orange
(Princess of).
Anton (Mons. d'), iii. 360, 371.
Arbuthnot (Dr.), i. xxxiii, xxxviii ;
ii. 188.
Argyle (John, 2d Duke of), makes his
court to Lady Suffolk, i. 59, 170, 175 ;
is Master of the Ordnance, i. 214 ;
Sir Robert Walpole and he hate each
other, i. 214, 343 ; iii. 100 ; cele
brated by Pope, i. 214 ; his cha
racter, i. 214, 343 ; is given a regi
ment of dragoons, i. 250 n. ; his
quarrel with the Duke of Bolton,
i. 288 ; the Queen's dislike to him,
i. 343 ; his quarrels with Lord Isla,
'•343 \ iii. 102 ; his opposition to the
Bishops, ii. 275 ; iii. 99 ; disliked by
the King, iii. 101 ; opposes the bring
ing in of the Porteous Riot Bill, iii.
106, 107 ; change in his conduct to
the Queen, iii. 118 ; his motion in the
Porteous case, iii. 122 ; opposes the
bill, iii. 139 ; his attack on the Duke
of Newcastle, ii. ; prevented from
breaking his stick over the Duke of
Newcastle's head, iii. 142 ; will pro
mote a scheme for the disjunction of

Hanover, iii. 291 ; alluded to, i. 165 ;
ii. 186 n., 269, 275, 330, 342 ; iii. 58,
100, 117, 145, 359.
Arlington Street, ii. 264.
Army (The), i. 164 ; the reduction of
standing forces, 1729, i. 133 ; ripe for
mutiny, i. 190 ; Officers' Commis
sions Bill, i. 288 ; Lord Scarbo
rough's action on the bill, i. 291 ;
estimates, 1734— increase of the army,
i. 306 ; debate in 1735, ii. 126, 136,
148-152 ; antipathy to standing ar
mies, ii. 150 n. , 254-255 ; iii. 242 ;
reduction in 1736, ii. 253, 259 ; opi
nions on it, ii. '253-256 ; vacant com
missions, ii. 297 ; debate in 1737, iii.
90 ; troops furnished by Denmark,
iii. 363 ; offer of troops from the
Landgrave of Hesse, iii. 361 ; state
of, in Ireland, iii. 377.
Asfeldt (Marshal d'), ii. 23.
Ashurst (Ben), compares Lord Chester
field to a stunted giant, i. 97.
Asturias (Prince of the), i. 317 n.
Augusta (Princess of Wales), George II.
fixes upon her as the future Princess
of Wales, ii. 189, 228, 287 ; an apart
ment built for her at St. James's, ii.
228 ; her arrival at Greenwich, ii. 288;
visited by Frederick, ii. ; the mar
riage, ii. 288, 292 ; her reception at
Court, ii. 288 ; her good sense, ii.
289, 290 ; iii. 286 ; her age, ii. 289 ;
her ignorance of English, ii. ; her
appearance, ii. 290 ; the company
see her in bed on her wedding
night, ii. 292 ; to reside where the
Queen resides, ii. 293 ; her ladies
of the bedchamber, ii. ; her pre
tended illness, ii. 296 ; the Queen
visits her, ii. ; her scruples about the
sacrament, ii. 302 ; the chapel dis
putes, ii. 303-305 ; her jointed baby,
ii. 306 ; Frederick's influence over her,
ii. 307 ; has a cold, iii. 7 ; her join
ture, iii. 58, 59, 63, 73, 75, 84, 90 ;

40O

INDEX.

its settlement, iii. 142 ; at Kew, iii.
152 ; is with child, iii. 153 ; her an
swers to the Queen's interrogations,
iii. 154, 195 ; the Queen does not see
she is big, iii. 165 ; the suspicion that
she was never likely to be pregnant,
iii. 165 n. ; is taken ill at Hampton
Court, iii. 166 ; her journey to St.
James's, ii. ; no preparations made
for her reception, iii. 167 ; put to bed
between two tablecloths, ii. ; de
livered of a girl, iii. 168, 180; the
Queen visits her, iii. 169, 211 ; the
Queen's kindness to her, iii. 172 ; the
Queen no longer doubts that the
child is hers, iii. 174 ; hears of Fre
derick's quarrel with the King, iii.
210; forces M. Dunoyer to tell her
the cause of it, iii. 211; her fortune,
iii. 244 ; removes to Kew, iii. 246 ;
her letter to the King regretting that
the Prince's tenderness to her should
be the cause of a division in the
family, iii. 248 ; the reply, iii. 250 ;
her letter to the Queen on the jour
neys to London, iii. 259 ; the reply,
iii. 263 ; walks with M. Dunoyer, iii.
265 ; her uneasiness, iii. 286 ; alluded
to, ii. 291, 305, 368 ; iii. 37, 164, 168,
170, 171, 177, 189, 190, 191, 192,
193, 196, 197, 200, 225, 232, 236,
245, 265, 269, 273. .
Augusta (Princess, afterwards Duchess
of Brunswick), her birth, iii. 168,
180 ; her death, iii. 168 n. ; her chris
tening and god-parents, iii. 229 ; to
be called the Lady Augusta and
her Royal Highness, ii. ; to remain
with her mother, iii. 231, 233, 237 ;
is ill, iii. 265 ; alluded to, iii. 174,
175, 191, 192, 193, 197, 212, 216,
225, 236, 250, 264.
Aulic Council, i. 128.
Austria (Archduchess of), her marriage,
i. 78 ; ii. 82, 84, 104, 238.
Aylesford (Heneage, 2d Earl of), iii.
144.
Backenschwants (John), ii. 328.
Balchen (  ), iii. 359, 361, 362, 369,
37L
Baltic (The), i. 81 ; iii. 371.
Baltimore (Charles, 6th Lord), lord of
the bedchamber to the Prince of
Wales, ii. 191 ; carries the Prince's
proposals to Miss Vane, ii. 191-193,
196-198 ; his wife, ii. 197 ; on the
safety of the King, iii. 13 ; his speech
on Frederick's claim, iii. 79, 82; the
King's opinion of him, iii. 239 ;
alhided to, iii. 47, 245, 247, 264, 285.
Barr (Duchy of), ii. 233.
Barrington (Lord), i. 156.

Bateman (Lady), iii. 283.
Bath, i. 280, 312 ; ii. 89, 92, 198 ; iii.
300, 327 ».
Bath (Earl of), see Pulteney (William).
Bathurst (Allen, 1st Earl of), i.xix, xxxiii;
ii. 272, 385 ; iii. 90, 144.
Bavaria, ii. 180, 241 ; the claims of the
Electress to the crown of Poland , i.
252.
Beauclerk (Lord Vere), iii. 374.
Bed, custom of seeing newly married
couples in, i. 317 n. ; ii. 292.
Bedford (Diana, Duchess of), formerly
Lady Diana Spencer, plot to marry
her to Frederick, Prince of Wales, i.
240 n. , 289 n. ; her marriage, i. 289.
Bedford (John, 4th Duke of), his birth,
i. 289 n. ; his marriage, i. 289 ; the
King's dislike to him, ii. ; his
character, i. 290 ; his motion on the
Scotch peers' petition, ii. 144; alluded
to, iii. 48, 90, 268.
" Beggars' Opera (The)," original of
the quarrel scene in, i. 116 a., 117 >i. ;
first played, i. 117 «.; the Duchess of
Queensberry and, i. 120-123.
"Begged for a fool," its meaning, ii.
318.
Belleisle (Mons. de), ii. 23.
Bellenden (Miss), i. xix; daughter of
the 2d Lord Bellenden, i. 54 ; her
marriage to Colonel Campbell, i.
xxiii, 55 ; supposed mistress of the
Prince of Wales (George II.), i.
xxiii, 55 ; her eldest child, i. xxiv n.
Benson (Dr.), made Bishop of Glou
cester, ii. 120.
Berkeley (George), his love for Mrs.
Pulteney, i. n ; ii. 183 ; his marriage
to Lady Suffolk, ii. 91, 182 ; his age,
ii. 183.
Berkeley (James, 3d Earl of), removed
from the Admiralty, i. 49 ; iii. 283 ;
a stanch Whig, i. 49 ; head of the
fleet during George I.'s reign, ii. ;
his character, i. 50 ; alluded to, i. 51 ;
iii. 282.
Berkshire (Henry, 4th Earl of), iii. 90.
Bernard (Sir John), his scheme for the
reduction of the interest of the national
debt, iii. 126; alluded to, i. 199 a.,
205.
Berwick (Duke of), Marshal of France,
natural son of James II. of England,
commands the French army on the
Rhine, i. 254, 263 ; ii. 22 ; his death,
ii. 19, 22, 23 ; alluded to, ii. 4, 33.
Bishops, Lord Chancellor Talbot on
the election of, ii. 117 ; their recon
ciliation with the Court, ii. 274, 279.
Bitonto (Duke of), see Montemar
(Duke of).
Bitonto, battle of, ii. 3.

INDEX.

401

Bloodworth (Mr.), equerry to the Prince
of Wales, iii. 166, 167.
Bolingbroke (Henry, 1st Viscount), his
character, i. 13-22 ; his birth, i. 13 n. ;
his first employment, ii. ; impeached
for high treason, ii. ; attainted,
it. ; in the Pretender's service, ii. ;
said to have betrayed him to gain his
pardon, it. ; married to Madame
de Villette, i. 15 ; returns to England
in 1723 by virtue of an Act of Parlia
ment which enabled him to inherit
his father's estate, ii. ; acknowledges
Madame de Villette as his wife, i.
17 ; his intrigues to convey bad im
pressions of Sir R. Walpole to the
King, i. 18 ; prevails with the Duchess
of Kendal to deliver a letter to the
King containing accusations- against
Sir R. Walpole, ii. ; his interview with
the King concerning the accusations,
i. 19; the Queen's opinion of him, i,
173 ; his health drunk, i. 208 ; his
opinion on the plans of pacification,
ii. 174, 243 ; leaves England, ii. 260 ;
the reason, ii. ; his memoirs, iii.
161 ; alluded to, i. xxxiii, xxxiv, 10, 26,
28, 52, 199, 222 n., 305 ; ii. 247, 261.
Bolingbroke (Marie, Viscountess), for
merly Madame de Villette, tells the
Queen that Lord Bolingbroke entered
the Pretender's service in order to
betray him to gain his pardon, i. 14 ;
Lord Bolingbroke acknowledges her
as his wife, i. 17 ; forswears her mar
riage to obtain a sum of money, it. ;
alluded to, i. 16, 18, 20.
Bolton (Duke of), a great fool, i. 214;
governor of the Isle of Wight and
ranger of the New Forest, i. 215 ;
dismissed, i. 215, 250 ; iii. 101 ; his
dirty tricks, i. 215 ; verse on him,
il. ; motion in both Houses to know
why his regiment was taken from
him, i. 288 ; grudge between him and
the Duke of Argyle, ii. ; admitted
to the Cabinet Council, iii. 359 ;
alluded to, i. 165,
Bootle (Mr.), i. 199 a.
Bothmar (  ), Hanoverian Minister,
ii. 264 a.
Bourbon (Cardinal of), see Spain (Don
Lewis of).
Bourbon (Duke de), First Minister of
France, i. 82.
Bremen, i. 50, 69, 77, 80, 81 ; iii. 367.
Bribery at elections, i. 338, 341.
Bridgewater (Scrope, 1st Duke of), i.
74 a. ; iii. 90.
Bristol (Augustus, 3d Earl of), his will,
i. x.
Bristol (Elizabeth, Countess of), made
lady of the bedchamber to the
VOL. III.

Princess of Wales (Queen Caroline),
i. xiv, xxxii ; her talents, i. xxi ; her
poems, i. xxii ; her love for her hus
band, il. ; her account of Frederick,
i. xxxi ; alluded to, i. xvii, xviii, xix,
xxxvii; ii. 88 ; iii. 241, 243.
Bristol (Frederick, 4th Earl of), Bishop
of Derry, ii. 121 n.
Bristol (George, 2d Earl of), iii. 397.
Bristol (John, 1st Earl of), his peerage,
i. xiv, xvi; Lord Hervey's epitaph
on him, i. xvi ; his love for his wife,
i. xvii ; he implores Lord Hervey to
give up tea, i. xxvii ; his death, i.
lvii ; scheme to induce him to indem
nify Lord Hervey for throwing up a
pension, i. 129 ; disapproves Lord
Hervey being called to the Lords, i.
249 n. ; his offer to receive Lord Her
vey if he should leave the Court, iii.
139 a., 354 a. ; his illness, iii. 139 a.,
147 ; his character and politics, i. xiv,
xvii ; iii. 240-243 ; his prejudice to a
standing army, i. xviii a. ; iii. 242 ;
alluded to, i. xxi, xxii, xxiv, xxvii,
xxxi, xxxii, xliii, xlviii, 51, 105 n. ;
ii. 264.
Brogllo (Marshal de), French ambas
sador in London, ii. 18, 247 ; in
command at the battle of Parma, ii.
18 ; made a marshal of France, ii. ;
commands the French at the battle
of Guastalla, ii. 20 ; his defeat, ii. ;
his disgrace, ii. 21 ; his capture and
escape, ii.
Broxholme (Dr. Noel), attends the
Princess of Wales, iii. 194, 197 ;
called to the Queen, iii. 297.
Brunswick (Duchess of), see Augusta
(Princess).
Brudenell (Mrs.), ii. 323 ; iii. 300.
Bubb (George), see Dodington (George).
Buccleuch (Duke of), ii. 144.
Buckingham (Duchess of), i. lv.
Buckingham House, i. lv.
Buckinghamshire (Earl of), see Holart
(Lord).
Burlington (Dorothy, Countess of), lady
of the bedchamber to the Queen, i.
231 ; loves the Duke of Grafton, ii. ;
alluded to, ii. 331, 336 ; iii. 229.
Burlington (Earl of), resigns his ap
pointments, i. 215 «., 230; joins the
Tories, i. 230; epigram on his house
at Chiswick, ii. 320, 331.
Bussie're (Paul), F.R.S., iii. 309.
Butler (Dr.), Bishop successively of
Bristol and Durham, iii. 334.
Butts (Bishop), Bishop of Norwich, dis
approves of the action of the Bishops
on the Quakers' bill, ii. 264 ; his cha
racter, ii. ; Lord Hervey's advice to
him, ii. 265; alluded to, ii. 276; iii. 147.
2 C

402

INDEX.

Byng (Sir George), his instruction con-
'cerning the attack of the Spanish
fleet, i. 51 n. ; his defence of Sicily, i.
70 n.
Cabinet Council, i. 34 ; iii. 235, 283;
list of, in 1740, iii. 358 ; minutes of,
in 1742, iii. 360-377.
Cadogan (Lord), i. 77.
Calais, ii. 101, 102.
Cambis (Mons. de), French ambas
sador, iii. 296.
Cambray, Congress at, proposal for a,
i. 68 ; its opening, i. 71.
Cambridge, Clare Hall, i. xvii.
Campbell (John), of Cawdor, M.P., a
lord of the Admiralty and Treasury,
ii. 159 ; disobliged, ii. 160 ; the diffi
culty in appointing him to the Admi
ralty, ii. 162 ; alluded to, ii. i6r, 164.
Campbell (Mrs.), see Bellenden (Miss).
Cannons (Mrs.), a midwife, iii. 154,
165, 180, 191, 194, 196.
Capua, ii. 3.
Cardigan (George, 4th Earl of), after
wards Duke of Montagu, iii. 90.
Carlton House, ii. 99 a.; iii. 266, 268 n.,
3°3-
Carnarvon (Henry, Marquis of), insists
on taking an answer to a letter of
Frederick's in writing, iii. 200, 226 ;
a half-witted coxcomb, iii. 239; al
luded to, iii. 199, 285.
Caroline (Princess), her attachment to
Lord Hervey, j. li-liii ; her opinion on
the marriage of the Princess-Royal, i.
318; stands sponsor to Lord Hervey's
daughter, i. 319 n. ; her opinion of
Frederick, ii. 370; iii. 8, 53; her
character, ii. 374 ; does not believe
the Crown him I incident, iii. 27 ;
placed behind a door to hear a con
versation, iii. 45 ; her allowance, iii.
76, 77 ; plays at cribbage, iii. 168 ;
her hatred of Frederick, iii. 188, 209 ;
on Lord Carteret, iii. 208 ; her love
for the Queen, iii. 209 ; her message
to Frederick, iii. 210 ; his neglect of
her, iii. 211, 212 ; attends on the
Queen in her illness, iii. 296 ; takes
Ward's pills for her rheumatism, iii.
298 ; is ill, iii. 299 ; her rheumatism,
i. Ii ; iii. 301 ; bleeds at the nose, iii.
302, 313 ; refuses to go to bed, iii.
314 ; her parting interview with the
Queen, iii. 317 ; told of the Queen's
rupture, iii. 337 ; holds a looking-
glass to the Queen's lips, iii. 345 ; her
grief at the Queen's death, i. Ii ; iii.
346 ; her melancholy, iii. 356 ; her
death, i. Ii, Iii; iii. 357 a. ; alluded to,
i. 280, 321, 323 ; ii. 75, 85, 86, 91, 103,
198, 207, 219 a., 225, 291, 292 n.,

306, 333, 373 J '»¦ 5. 7. 3=. 35. *59
164, 169, 173, I75, 192, 210, 228, 241,
255. 275. 3oi, 3*5, 3J6, 3l8> 323. 351-
Caroline (Queen), ordered when Prin
cess of Wales to leave St. James's
Palace, i. 39 a. ; ii. 123 ; iii. 279 ;
assures Sir R. Walpole of her inte
rest, i. 44; her jointure, i. 46, 63;
iii. 76, 77 ; her influence over the
King, i. 60, 64, 89, 92, 169, , 186,
217, 299 ; ii. 81, 208, 348 ; iii. 85,
311 ; Sir R. Walpole calls her a fat
bitch, i. 63 a. ; her arguments in fa
vour of Sir R. Walpole, i. 64, 65,
189 ; borrows and hires jewels for
her coronation, i. 89 ; her appoint
ment as regent during the King's
absence in Hanover, i. 126 ; ii. 182,
295, 297 ; her interview with Bishop
Hoadley respecting the Dissenters'
petition, i. 148-152, 157; her inter
view with Lord Stair concerning Sir
R. Walpole and the excise scheme,
i. 166-174 ; tells Lord Hervey of
the interview, i. 174 ; her promise to
keep the particulars of the interview
secret, i. 175 ; hears that Lord Stair
had not done so, il. ; informed of
Lord Carteret's speech in the Lords,
i. 176 ; her pride, i. 177, 299 ; refuses
to accept Sir R. Walpole's offered
resignation, i. 194 ; she weeps, i. 195,
198, 334 ; ii. 75, 80 ; iii. 17, 52, 243 ;
informed of the debate on the City
petition, i. 198 ; burnt in effigy, i.
206 ; interview with Bishop Hoadley
on his allegiance to the Whigs, i.
233-236 ; her concern at the defeat
of the Court party in the South Sea
affair, i. 241 ; her opportunities for
conversing with Lord Hervey, i. 266 ;
always hunts in a chaise, ii. ; is
told it is for the interest of Court to
keep out of war, i. 271 ; her partiality
for Charles VI. , i. 273 ; her opinion
on the Prince of Wales's allowance,
i. 281 ,• her character, i. lix, lxii, 299 ;
her mode of governing the King, ii. ;
considers soldiers a support of gran
deur and power, i. 307 ; ii. 253 ; com
miserates with the Princess-Royal, i:
317 ; Frederick's treatment of her, i.
319 ; ii. 227 ; supports Handel, i. 320;
her dislike to Lord Chesterfield, i.
322; he turns hev into ridicule, i.
323 ; Lord Stair writes to her on the
state of the country, i. 333 ; her grief
at parting with the Princess-Royal,
i. 334 ; ii. 75 ; ber influence in the
counsels of England, i. 337 ; Bishop
Sherlock a favourite, i. 340 ; ii. 281,
284 ; her dislike to Lord Isla and the
Duke of Argyle, i. 342 ; holds view!

INDEX.

403

in the interest of Germany, ii. 37 ;
Mons. Hatolf's influence over her, ii.
38, 152 ; desires bir R. Walpole to
•give her his answer to Mons. Hatolf's
plan on the conduct of England, ii.
39 ; her dread of the Pretender, ii.
40 ; is put out of patience with Lord
Harrington, ii. 43 ; reproaches Count
Kinski with his stiffness, ii. 44 ; sends
for Lord Hervey every morning, ii.
.46 ; disputes with him on the affairs
of Europe, ii. 47 ; his letter on the
affairs of Europe, ii. 47-52 ; goes to
the opera, ii. 77 ; her illness, ii. 77,
103 ; her interview with Sir R. Wal
pole on the state of her health and
the importance of her life, ii. 78 ; the
fears that the King overheard the
conversation, ii. 85 ; is brought to
Sir R. Walpole's way of thinking, ii. ;
her interview with Lady Suffolk, ii.
93, 184; her dislike to Bishop Hoad
ley, ii. 107, no, ni ; iii. 216 ; studies
divinity, ii. 113 a. ; purchases pre
sents for the Princess of Wales, ii.
126, 228 ; her ill-humour at defeat in
¦election petitions, ii. 138, 140 ; pos
sesses impediments to love, ii. 143 ;
-converses with Lord Hervey on the
iScotch peers' petition, ii. 147 ; her
.power declines, ii. 167 ; the King
acquaints her with his amours, ii.
167, 168 a., 169, 257; Lord Hervey
writes to her an account of his tour,
.ii. 170; tells Lord Hervey of the
marriage and the story of Lady Suf
folk, ii, 183-187 ; at chapel, ii. 199 ;
iii. 17; her opinion of the English,
¦ii. 203-205 ; her love of power, ii.
205 ; the King's behaviour to her,
ii. 205-211, 216-225, 231, 257, 347;
Sir R. Walpole's advice on it, ii. 208-
aii ; the King's presents to her, ii.
209, 211 ; her love for pictures, ii.
224 ; conversation at Court on the
propriety of her visiting a tavern, ii. ;
rejoices at Mons. de Chavigny's dis-
. grace, ii. 249, 251; Mons. de Cha-
vigny on her influence, ii. 252 ; her
opinion on the reduction of the forces,
ii. 253 ; the King adorns her dress
ing-room with pictures of Madame de
Walmoden's entertainments, ii. 258 ;
her interview with Bishop Sherlock
•on the treatment of the Bishops, ii.
275_278 ; conversation with Bishop
Hare, ii. 278 ; the behaviour of
the Prince of Wales to her, ii. 295,
-296, 297, 303-305, 306 ; her opi
nion of the- Princess of Wales, ii.
307 ; her opinion of General Moyle's
¦conduct, ii. .317 ; her letters to the
iting, ii. 319, 347 ; her health, ii. 319;

Sir R. Walpole advises her to invite
Madame de Walmoden to England,
ii. 349 ; requests the King to bring
her, ii. 351, 352 ; on conjugal infi
delities, ii. 351 ; advised not to take
Madame Walmoden into her service,
ii. 353 ; conversation with Sir R. Wal
pole on her visit, ii. 355 ; the King
requests her to remove the Court to
St. James's, ii. 362 ; determines to
stay at Kensington, ii. 362, 365 ; is
pitied by the people, ii. 363 ; corre
spondence with the Prince of Wales
on his intention to leave Kensington,
ii. 365-368 ; her opinion on Frederick,
ii. 370-373 ; iii. 8, 45, 276 ; keeps the
King's birthday, 1736, in London, ii.
374 ; requests Lord Hervey to stay at
Court, ii. 374 ; her altered feelings
towards the King, iii. 1 ; her reflec
tions on Frederick receiving the free
dom of the City, iii. 4 ; on Frederick's
conduct in the event of the King's
death ; iii. 8-13, 23, 28-30 ; her
anxiety for the King s safety, iii. 13,
14, 15, 17, 18, 22, 52; informed of
his safety, iii. 18 ; her anxiety for the
Princess-Royal, iii. 22, 52 ; her friend
ship for Lord Hervey, i. xxvi ; iii. 23 ;
writes to the King an account of the
anxiety during his danger, iii. 24;
his reply, il. ; she is pleased with
it, iii. 26 ; is praised by the King, iii.
34 ; complains of Sir R. Walpole, iii.
36 ; refuses to bring Frederick's appli
cation for Mrs. Townshend's appoint
ment before the King, iii. 37; informed
of Frederick's claim, iii. 40-42; her
behaviour, iii. 43, 52 ; advised to see
the Prince on the matter, iii. 44 ;
determines not to do so, iii. 45 ; her
sufferings, iii. 52; curses the hour of
Frederick's birth, iii. 53; her ani
mosity to Frederick, iii. 54 a. , 67 n. ;
her indignation with him, iii. 59-62;
conversation with Lord Hervey on
the Prince's claim, iii. 62-67, 68-70 ;
is pleased with his defeat, iii. 80 ; is
angry with him, iii. 82 ; her annoy
ance at Lord Carteret's speech on the
claim, iii. 87 ; her promise to support
Sir R. Walpole, iii. 97; on the Por
teous Riot Bill, iii. 114-118, 125; on
Lord Isla, iii. 118; opposes the scheme
for the reduction of the interest of the
national debt, iii. 128 ; reprimands H.
Walpole, iii. T34; is mute to Frederick,
iii. 153; informed that the Princess
of Wales is with child, il. ; interro
gates her upon it, iii. 154; concerned
for Lord Scarborough, iii. 155; Lord
Carteret courts her interest, iii. 158-
161 ; on memoirs, iii. 162 ; plays at

4°4

INDEX.

quadrille, iii. 168 ; informed that the
Princess of Wales is in labour, iii.
169; visits her, il. ; will not taste
anything in the Prince's side of the
house, iii. 170 ; the Prince's reception
of her, il. ; she kisses the child,
iii. 171 ; her kindness to the Princess,
iii. 172 ; the Prince asks her to christen
his daughter, iii. 173 ; appoints a day
for him to ask it of the King in form,
il. ; goes to Lord Hervey's lodg
ings, il. ; writes to the King, il. ;
no longer doubts that the child is
the Princess's, iii. 174 ; her annoy
ance at the conduct of the Prince, iii.
177-179 ; returns to Hampton Court,
iii. 179 ; her hatred of Frederick, iii.
188 ; Frederick writes thanking her
for visiting the Princess, iii. 194 ; his
letter justifying his conduct and asking
her assistance, iii. 197 ; her reply, iii.
198 ; the Prince's reproaches, iii. 199;
on the King answering a letter of
Frederick's, iii. 200 ; Frederick's hos
tility directed against her, iii. 202, 205,
270 ; her indignation, iii. 204 ; visits
the Princess of Wales, iii. 211; the
Prince does not speak to her, ii. ;
the Prince kisses her hand at the
coach-door, iii. 212 ; on Frederick's
offer to give up Hanover, iii. 217, 220 ;
her dislike to Hanover, iii. 219;
Frederick's letter to her on the bap
tism of the Princess Augusta, iii. 226 ;
his disrespect, iii. 227, 230; is ill with
the gout, iii. 227 ; Lord Hervey stays
with her while she is in bed, iii. 228 ;
speaks with Sir R. Walpole on the
message to Frederick, iii. 230; will
not displease the Princess of Wales, iii.
231 ; her confidence in Lord Hervey
increases, iii. 234 ; wishes she could
change sons with Lord Bristol, iii.
243 ; declines to receive a letter from
Frederick, iii. 247; is easily impressed,
iii. 253 ; at church, iii. 259 ; the reply
to the Princess of Wales's letter con
sidered, iii. 260-263 ; Lord Hervey's
advice, iii. 262 ; the reply, iii. 263 ;
the King deceived, iii. 272; on the
Duke of Newcastle, iii. 290; on the
disjunction of Hanover, iii. 291 ; her
illness, iii. 294-345; attends the
drawing-room, iii. 295; her former
illnesses, il. ; says she will die, iii.
299 ; desires Mrs. Herbert to continue
in waiting, iii. 300; her secret — the
rupture, iii. 301, 309; its history, iii.
310 ; on Frederick's inquiries after
her health, iii. 307, 326 ; her mind at
ease on hearing that Frederick will
not be pecuniarily the better for her
death, iii. 313; the wound begins to

mortify, iii. 315 ; parting interviews,.
iii. 316 ; gives the King her ruby
ring, iii. 318 ; the scene, il. ; her wish
that the King should marry again,
iii. 319; the reasons for her belief
that she would die on a Wednesday,
iii. 320 ; Sir R. Walpole's influence
with her, iii. 329 ; Archbishop Potter
prays by her, iii. 333 ; on her receiv
ing the Sacrament, ii. ; desires the
Archbishop to take care of Dr. Butler,
iii. 334 ; the King's panegyric on her,
iii. 337-339 ; she asks how long she
is to live, iii. 344; her death, iii.
345 ; her last word, iii. 334 a. ,
345 ; her funeral, iii. 347 n. ; al
luded to, i. xix, xxi, xxxi, xliii, xlvi,.
xlvii, Ix, 30 a., 31, 35, 37, 43, 54, 63,
90 a., 91, 113, 115 a., 117, 142, 153,
191, 204, 231, 249, 262, 265, 278, 285,
287, 288, 293, 303, 325, 339 ; ii. 6,
41. 42. 53. 54. 60, 61, 71, 72, 74, 76,
77. 87, 90, 92, 94, 101, 102, 104, 109,
123, 130, 162, 163, 164, 166, i8r, 182,
189, 198, 199, 207, 213, 214, 225, 229,
240, 243, 253, 255, 267, 274, 279, 280,
285, 287, 288, 289, 291, 293, 297, 302,
3°5. 3°9. 313, 3iS. 333. 354. 357. 358.
359. 36r; i». 2, 5. 6, 27, 31, 32, 35,
46, 48, 49, 50, 51, 56, 57, 67, 79, 83,
85, 91, 92, 100, 103, 104, 112, 142,
150, 152, 164, 166, 175, 181, 182, 183,
187, 190, 192, 195, 203, 206, 207, 208,
211, 215, 216, 222, 223, 224, 227, 228,
229, 230, 232, 233, 236, 238, 240, 241,
244, 245, 248, 250, 251, 253, 254, 264,
265, 266, 268, 271, 273, 274, 275, 277,
278, 285, 287, 298, 312, 321V 323, 341,
347. 348, 35° »-. 35L 352, 356.
Carteret (Lord), dismissed from the
Lieutenancy of Ireland, i. 143 ; his
hatred of Lord Townshend, ii. ; re
fuses the steward's staff, il. ; the
Queen's opinion of him, i. 173 ; ii.
130 ; refuses to take part in the Scotch
peers' petition, ii. 127 ; his means of
getting at the Queen's ears, ii. 128 ;
his character, ii. 130 ; called a liar
and knave by the King, il. ¦ his
speech on the army, ii. 149 ; his
speeches on the sinking fund, ii. 156 ;
his daughter's marriage, ii. 159 n. ;
his opinion of Mons. de Chavigny,
ii. 253; his speech on the Quakers'
Bill, ii. 272 ; his motions on the Por
teous riot, iii. 39 ; his motion and
speech on Frederick's claim, iii. 86 ;
is driven to take his part, iii. 94 ;
submits to be second to Sir R. Wal
pole, il. ; proposes a string of ques
tions to be asked the provost and
bailies of Edinburgh on the Porteous
riot, iii. 98 ; declines to take further

INDEX.

405

part in the affair, iii. 99 ; his speech
on the Duke of Newcastle's motion,
iii. 113 ; his speech on the trial of
Captain Porteous, iii. 118 ; his opinion
on the question, iii. 124 ; is a West
minster scholar, iii. 136 ; his services
offered to Sir R. Walpole, il. ; takes
-no part in the Stage Bill, iii. 143 ;
Lord Aylesford's opinion of him, iii.
'144; he courts the Queen's interest,
iii. 158-161 ; his memoirs of his own
time, iii. 158, 161 ; his share in Fre
derick's affairs, iii. 206-208 ; his son
runs away, iii. 208 : is in Bedfordshire,
iii. 245 ; Sir R. Walpole's jealousy of
him, iii. 251 ; his speech to the City
deputation on Frederick, iii. 266;
Lady A. Hamilton rails at him, iii.
286 ; alluded to, i. Iii, 12, 175, 186,
244, 290, 305 ; ii. 71, 243 ; iii. 38, 48,
67, 90, 92, 95, 102, 120, 135, 195,
246, 283, 376, 379, 396.
Castinett (Admiral), i. 70.
Cathcart (Lord), iii. 368, 376.
Cavendish (Admiral), iii. 374.
Cavendish (Lord Charles), i. 200.
Cavendish (Lord James), i. 200.
Cawdor (1st Lord), ii. 159 a.
•Chancery (The Court of), explosion in,
ii. 311 ; offer of a reward for the dis
covery of the perpetrators, ii. 313 ;
the Lord Chancellor at, iii. 312.
Chandler (Bishop), i. 148 a.
Charitable corporation, i. 174, 226, 228 ;
ii. 66.
¦Charles I., i. 93; iii. 4.
Charles II., i. 93, 297 ; iii. 4, 71, 75.
Charles VI, , see Germany.
Charles XII. of Sweden, iii. 245.
Charlotte yacht, iii. 18, 26.
Chatham (Lord), i. 250 a.
Chauvelin (Mons.), Garde des Sceaux,
governs Cardinal Fleury, ii. 176 ;
desirous for war, ii. 177 ; dismissed
and exiled, ii. 252 ; his death, il.
•Chavigny (Theodore de), French Mini
ster in England, i. 273, 330 ; ii. 23,
101 ; his treatment during the nego
tiations for peace, ii. 245-249 ; his
birth, ii. 245 a. , 252 ; attaches him
self to the Tory party during the peace
negotiations, ii. 247; in disgrace, ii.
249 ; his dispatches intercepted, ii.
250 ; his employments, ii. 252 ; Lord
Carteret's opinion of him, ii. 253.
Chelsea, i. 30 ; ii. 165; iii. 215, 260.
Chesterfield (Countess of), i. 15, 18 ;
ii. 300.
¦Chesterfield (Philip, 4th Earl of), his
supposed interest with George II., i.
95 ; his character and appearance, i.
95 ; ii. 130 ; iii. 162 ; like a stunted
giant, i. 97; sent as ambassador to

Holland, i. 98 ; made Lord Steward,
i. 143 ; dismissed, i. 210, 213, 217,
230 ; ii. 214 ; his letter to the King,
i. 211 ; seconds the address to the
Queen on the marriage of the Prin
cess-Royal, i. 322 ; his reception by
the Queen, il. ; delivers the message,
i. 323 ; is disliked by the Queen, il. ;
bis rancour to Sir R. Walpole, i. 322 ;
ii. 214 ; turns the Queen into ridicule,
i. 323 ; makes his court to Lord
Townshend, i. 324; looked upon as
commander-in-chief of the Scotch
peers, ii. 128 ; the Queen's opinion of
him, ii. ,130 ; his speech on the army,
ii. 149 ; his favour with the Prince of
Wales, ii. 227 ; brags that he had
married the Prince of Wales, ii. 227 ;
mistakes Sir W. Russell for Madame
de Walmoden'sson, ii. 273 ; iii. 150;
his speech on the bill for the regula
tion of the stage, iii. 143 ; his memoirs,
iii. 161 ; is ill, iii. 245 ; alluded to,
i. xix, xxxiii, 10, 142, 165, 216, 291,
305 ; ii. 92, 97, 98, 183, 272, 367, 371,
383 ; iii. 48, 90, 195, 206, 207, 266,
278, 284.
Chetwynd (John), i. 49.
Chetwynd (William), i. 49.
Chetwynd (Lady), i. 49.
Chetwynd (Lord), i. 49.
Cheyne (Dr.), i. xlviii.
Chiswick, i. 31 ; ii. 320 ; iii. 168.
Chippenham election petition, ii. 138 a.
Cholmondeley (George, 3d Earl of), Sir
R. Walpole's son-in-law, turned out
of the Mastership of the Robes, i. 39,
47 ; put into the Admiralty, i. 49 ;
objects to Lord Hervey being called
to the Lords, i. 248 ; his motion on
the Scotch peers' petition, ii. 147 ;
appointed to the Treasury, ii. 160,
164; is uneasy in the Prince of Wales's
service, ii. 160 ; declines to be made
a lord of the bedchamber, il. ; is
Chancellor of the Duchy, iii. 38.
Churchill (General Charles), i. x'lvi, 24 ;
his natural son, i. 24, 116.
Civil List (The), i. 40, 43, 62, 238, 240,
326, 332 ; ii. 152, 294, 363 ; iii. 46,
71, 87, 89, 225 ; W. Pulteney 's pro
posals, i. 42 ; settled, i. 45 ; defi
ciency in, i. 124, 141 ; effect of the
excise scheme upon, i. 184 ; the
Queen on, iii. 69 ; W. Pulteney on,
iii. 70-73; Sir R. Walpole on, iii.
76-78.
Civita Vecchia, iii. 372.
Claremont, iii. in.
Clark (Dr. Alured), Dean of Exeter,
iii. 217.
Clarke (Mr.), ii. 339.
Clavering(Mrs.), iii. 167.

406

INDEX.

Clayton (Mr. ), iii. 16.
Clayton (Mrs.), see Sundon (Lady).
Clemis (Count), iii. 360.
Cliefden, iii. 268.
Clinton (Lord), i. 165; his opposition
to the Excise Bill, i. 197 ; is dismissed,
i. 210, 217; created an earl, i. 210 a.;
his death, il.; bis character, i. 211.
Clutterbuck (Thomas), his appoint
ments, ii. 159 ; his marriage, il. ; the
vacancy in the Treasury solicited for
him, il. ; his pretensions, il. ; his
character, ii. 160 ; is disobliged, il. ;
the difficulty in appointing him, ii.
162 ; his resentment, ii. 164.
Cobham (Viscount), dismissed, i. 215 a. ,
245, 291 ; iii. 101 ; motion in both
Houses to know why his regiment was
taken from him, i. 288 ; alluded to,
i. 165, 216, 250 ; ii. 97, 98 ; iii. 90.
Cockpit, iii. 360, 362, 363, 367, 371 ;
Sir R. Walpole's speech at the, i. 219.
Coigny (Marshal de), ii. 18.
Coke (Thomas), Vice-Chamberlain to
George I., see Lovel (Lord).
Colchester, ii. 76.
Commons (House of), see Parliament.
Compton (Sir Spencer), see Wilming
ton (Earl of).
Cond4 (Prince de), i. 176.
Confidence (The vote of), ii. 136 ; its
terms, i. 308 ; debate on, i. 309.
Conti (Prince of), ii. 24.
Cook (Tom), see Lovel (Lord).
Cordials, iii. 297.
Corn riots, ii. 308 ; iii. 377.
Cornwall, Duchy of, its revenues, iii.
271.
Cornwallis (Mr.), M.P., iii. 270.
Coronation (The), i. 88.
Corporation Act, the attempts to repeal
it in 1730, i. 145 ; in 1736, ii. 261.
Cotton (Betty), ii. 323.
" Country Parson's Plea," ii. 262.
Court (The), unpopularity of, i. 325;
ii. 363 ; difficulty of extorting favours
from, iii. 51.
Coventry (William, 5th Earl of), iii. 90.
Cowper (Mrs.), iii. 13.
Craftsman [The), i. xxxiii, 18, 92, 173,
282, 311 ; ii. 45, 222, 323.
Craon (Prince of), iii. 372.
Crawford (John, 13th Earl of), iii. 107.
Credit, vote of, i. 105, 141, 308.
Crown him I crown him! cries of, iii.
27.
Cumberland (William, Duke of), born,
1721, i. 38 a. ; iii. 317 a. ; his chris
tening, i. 38 n. ; the Queen's secret
desire to, see him on the throne, iii.
30 ; his allowance, iii. 76, 77 ; the
King and Queen's partiality for him,
iii. 178 ; Frederick speaks well of

him, iii. 255 ; the idea of giving him*
Hanover, iii. 293 ; his parting inter
view with the Queen — her injunctions,
iii. 317 ; alluded to, ii. 291, 292 a. ;
»i. 5. 7. I5I> l69> 2I7. 2*9. 223. 23*>
303, 366.
Cunningham (Henry), i. 204.
Customs (The), frauds in, i. 218 ; ap
pointment of a committee to be
chosen by ballot to inquire into, i.
218 ; Sir R. Walpole's speech on, i.
219-225.
Daffy's elixir, iii. 294, 298.
Dantzic, ii. 31, 33, 241 ; the siege of, ii.
26 ; Stanislaus at, il. ; bombardment
of, by the Russians, ii. 27 ; its capitu
lation, ii. 29 ; escape of Stanislaus.
il. ; conditions of the surrender, ii. 30.
Darlington (Harry Vane, 1st Earl of),
ii- 195-
Dashwood (Kitty), i. xxx.
Dawley, i. 199.
Decker (Sir Matthew), banker, i. 17 a.
Deimar (General), ii. 177.
Del Presidii, ii. 233.
Delaware (Lord), sent to demand the
Princess Augusta for the Prince of
Wales, ii. 287 ; is Treasurer of the
Household, iii. 38 ; alluded to, i. 321,
ii. 288 ; iii. 108.
Deloraine (Mary, Countess of), the Prin
cesses' governess, ii. 86, 209 ; her mar
riage to W. Wyndham, ii. 209 ; her
death, ii. ; supposed to have been
the Delia of Pope, ii. ; the King's
visits to her, ii. 218 ; is his new mis
tress, iii. 150 ; her husband's son, iii.
151 ; will not promise whose the next
shall be, il. ; determines to be well
paid by the King, ii. ; her pretty face,
iii. 152 ; alluded to, iii. 272, 288, 351.
Denmark, i. 86, 262 ; ii. 137, 363.
Denmark (Charlotte Amelia, Princess
of), ii. 228.
Denmark (Frederica Sophia, Princess
of), ii. 228.
Derry, income of the See of, ii. 115,
121 n.
Derwentwater's (Lord) estate, i. 228 ;
ii. 66.
Devonshire (William, 2d Duke of), i.
33, 2r2.
Devonshire (William, 3d Duke), K.G.,
appointed Lord Steward, i. 230, 231 ;
given the Gaiter, i. 249 ; his motion
on the Scotch peers' petition, ii. 146 ;
goes to Newmarket, ii. 374 ; is Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, iii. 358 ; al
luded to, i. 339 ; ii. 286 ; iii. 17, 57, 58.
Devonshire House, i. 35.
Dissenters, their attempt to repeal the
Test and Corporation Acts in 1730, i.

INDEX.

407

145 ; Sir R. Walpole's desire to post
pone the petition, i. 148 ; Bishop
Hoadley's aid asked by the Queen,
il. ; her interview with him, i. 148-152,
157 ; report that the Bishop was con
vinced that their request was un
reasonable, i. .152 ; his anger at it, i.
153 ; his interview with Sir R. Wal
pole, i. 153-157; the project defeated,
i. 157 ; committee of London Dis
senters formed to treat with the Mini
sters, il. ; its interview with the Mini
sters,'!. 158 ; the resolutions, il. ; their
cause betrayed, i. 159 ; the attempt
to repeal the Acts in 1736, ii. 261, 263;
Sir R. Walpole's opposition, ii. 261 ;
action of the Bishops, ii. 266.
Dives (Miss), iii. 7.
Dizard (Lady), see Dysart (Countess
, of).
Dodington (George Bubb), afterwards
Lord Melcombe, one of the Lords of
the Treasury, i. 38 ; First Minister of
the Prince of Wales, i. 215 ; sketch
of his life, i. 304 ; his fear of the Prince
being reconciled to the- King, il. ; his
rupture with the Prince of Wales, ii.
96-100 ; his character, ii. 96, 99 ; the
reasons for the rupture, ii. 97 ; his
obligations to Sir R. Walpole, ii. 98 ;
caricature on his figure, ii. 99 a. ; his
house in Pall Mall, ii. 92 ; the door
into the Prince of Wales's garden,
il. ; his conduct, ii. 163 ; alluded to,
i. 280, 332 ; ii. 371.
Dorset (Duchess of), i. 31.
Dorset (Duke of), makes his court to
Mrs. Howard, i. 59 ; made Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland, i. 143 ; hated
by Sir R. Walpole, i. 213 ; imputes
the non-election of Court candidates
to the excise scheme, i. 341 ; the
• Queen consents to remove him from
Ireland, ii. 163 ; goes again to Ire
land, ii. 164 ; is Lord Steward, iii. 358;
alluded to, iii. 364.
Dover, ii. 101, 102.
Downing Street, the official residence
in, ii. 264 a.
" Dragon of Wantley,"a farce, iii. 295.
Drawing-rooms, i. xlvi ; iii, 290, 295.
Dresses at the Prince of Wales's wed
ding, ii. 292 a.
Drost (Henry), ii. 329.
Drummond (John), i. 17.
Du Bois (Cardinal), ii. 252.
Duck (Stephen), ii. 222 n.
Duncan (Mons.), First Minister to the
Prince of Orange, ii. 74.
Dundonald (Thomas, Earl of), ii. 144.
Dunkirk, i. 185 ; debate on, i. 139-140;
state of its harbour, i. 140 ; Lord
Hervey's pamphlet on the state of, ii.

Dunmore (Lord), iii. 35, 225.
Dunoyer (Mons.), dancing-master, iii.
166 ; a licensed spy at both Courts,
iii. 210 ; tells the Princess of Wales
the cause of the quarrel, iii. 211 ;
walks with the Princess of Wales, iii.
265.
Dysart (Grace, Countess of), iii. 283.
Dysart (Lionel, 3d Earl of), ii. 159 «.,
283 a.
Earle (Giles), iii. 145.
Edgcumbe (Lord), i. 93 a.
Edinburgh, Hall's forces drawn up in,
ii. 146 ; Porteous. mob in, ii. 314-
319 ; Nether Bow Port, iii. 104, 108 ;
the town fined ^2000, iii. 137.
Edward III., iii. 75, 87.
Edwin (Lady Charlotte), ii. 344 a. ; ii.
284.
Effingham (Jane, Countess of), iii. 153,
269,
Elba, ii. 233.
Elbing, ii. 30.
Election petitions, decisions of Parlia
ment in, i. 102 ; ii. 138 ; the Marl
borough case, ii. 138-142; the Chip
penham case, ii. 138 a.
Elections, 1734, i. 338 ; bribery at, il.
Eli tz (Madame d'), mistress to three gene
rations of the Hanover family, ii. 300.
Eltham man-of-war, iii. 16.
Emily (Princess), her commiseration of
the fate of the Princess-Royal on her
marriage, i. 318 ; stands sponsor to
Lord Hervey's daughter, i. 319 a. ;
has lost the confidence of the Queen
and Frederick, 11. 373 ; iii. 209 ; her
character, ii. 373 ; her dislike to Lord
Hervey, ii. 374; can keep nothing, iii.
48 ; her allowance, iii. 76, 77 ; plays
at commerce, iii. 168 ; Frederick's
neglect of her, iii. 211, 212; sits up
with the Queen, iii. 314 ; her parting
interview with the Queen, iii. 317 ;
her deception, iii. 342 ; reads prayers
to the Queen, iii. 345 ; notion that
she would be employed to influence
the King, iii. 350 ; dare not speak of
business to the King, iii. 356 ; alluded
to, i. 280, 321, 323 ; ii. 91, 103, 207,
291, 292 a., 334; iii. 5, 7, 32, 35,
169, 175, 192, 255, 258, 296, 297,
301, 302, 332, 344, 351.
England, influence of, on the fate of
Europe, i. 337 ; George II.'s dislike
to, ii. 201-203, 217; the Queen's
opinion of, ii. 203-205 ; to guarantee
the treaty of peace, ii. 233 ; alluded
to in foreign affairs, i. 67, 68, 69, 71,
73. 74. 75, 77. 80, 85, 254, 264, 277 ;
"¦ 4, 34. 35. 37. *7S. *76, J77, 178.
235, 236, 242, 244, 254, 260.

408

INDEX.

Epigrams, i. no; ii. 129, 320.
Erskine (Charles), Lord Advocate, after
wards Lord Justice-Clerk, iii. 119.
Essex (William, 3d Earl), English am
bassador at Turin, treated imperti
nently by the Court of Sardinia, i.
263 ; lord of the bedchamber, iii.
169 ; alluded to, iii. 172, 173, 193,
196, 197, 200, 273.
Etiquette (Court), ii. 188 a., 291; iii.
227.
Eugene (Prince), ii. 179 ; commands the
German troops on the Rhine, ii. 1,
22; his inaction at Philipsburg, ii. 22:
his promise to relieve the governor,
ii. 23 ; the faction against him at
Vienna, ii. 25 ; retreats from Philips
burg, il. ; his age, ii. 26 ; his letter
to General Deimar, ii. 177.
Europe, on the verge of a war, i. 255 ;
the influence of England on the fate
°f. i- 337 J the balance of power in,
ii. 38, 40 a., 49.
Euston, iii. 302.
Evelyn (John), M.P., iii. 285.
Excise laws, petition of druggists to
relax the, i. 219.
Excise scheme, i. 160; outcry against
it, i. 162, 177-181, 193 ; Sir R. Wal
pole delays bringing the proposal into
Parliament, i. 178 ; debate, i. 181,
202 ; carried in committee, i. 182 ;
Lord Scarborough determines to op
pose the bill, i. 189 ; resolved to drop
the bill, i. 192 ; the City petitions
against the bill, i. 192, 197 ; the peti
tion rejected, i. 198 ; the King ques
tions Lord Hervey on the opinion on
the bill, i. 196 ; opposition at Court,
i. 199 ; speakers for and against, il. ;
proposal to put off the bill for two
months, i. 201 ; carried, i. 202 ; be
haviour of the City mob, i. 181, 202,
206, 209 ; reasons for dropping the
bill, i. 208 ; rejoicings at its rejection,
i. 208 ; alluded to, i. 225, 242, 341 ;
ii. 67.
Falmouth (Lord), i. 211 ; a blunder
ing blockhead, i. 229 ; determined to
hurt the Ministers, i. 230 ; dismissed
the Vice-Treasurership of Ireland, i.
333-
Fane (Mr.), Minister at Florence, iii.
257-
Farinelli's performances, ii. 77.
Felton (Elizabeth, Lady), i. xiii.
Felton (Sir Thomas), i. xiii, xiv n.
Ferdinand VI., i. 68 a., 79.
Finch (Rt. Hon. William), ii. 70.
Findlater (James, 5th Earl of), iii. 107.
Fitzroy (Lord Augustus), iii. 16.
Flanders, the bribe of, ii. 178.

Fleet (The), i. 70, 81 ; ii. 242, 255; iii.
13, 359. See also Navy.
Fletcher (Andrew), Lord Justice-Clerk, /
iii. 99, 108, 109, no, in, 112, 113,
114.
Fleury (Cardinal), First Minister of
France, i. 41, 82 ; determines to ad
here to the treaties made with George
I., i. 41, 140 ; his character, i. 83 ; his
neglect of his nephews' advancement,
i. 84 ; mentioned by Pope, i. 84 n. ;
H. Walpole's interest with him, i.
329 ; his policy during the war in
Europe, ii. 30-33 ; the plan of paci
fication, ii. 175 ; his fondness , for
peace, ii. 176 ; iii. 373 ; alluded to, i.
104, 107 a., 255 ; ii. 210 a., 227, 235,
238, 252 a., 368.
Florence, i. xxviii ; iii. 257.
Fog's Journal, ii. 323.
Forces, reduction of the, see Army.
Foreign affairs, state of, at the acces
sion of George II., i. 66-87.
Fox (Henry, afterwards Lord Holland),
ii. 162 ; asked to Vote for the Prince
of Wales, iii. 41 ; Lord Hervey asks
for some favour to be shown him,
iii. 50 ; made Surveyor of King's
Works, iii. 146; alluded to, i. xliii,
xlviii; iii. 41 a., 147, 180, 285, 326.
Fox (Stephen), afterwards Earl of II-
chester, accompanies Lord Hervey to
Italy, i. xxviii ; Lord Hervey asks Sir
R. Walpole to reward him, ii. 162 ;
iii. 49, 145 ; accepts the secretaryship
to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, ii.
163 ; his salary, il. ; asked to vote for
the Prince of Wales, iii. 41, 49 ; pro
mised a peerage by Frederick, iii. 49 ;
is promised a peerage by Sir R. Wal
pole, iii. 145, 146; alluded to, i. xliii,
xlvi; ii. 170 ; iii. 41 ». , 285.
France, 67, 68, 71, 83, 86, 103, 132, 133,
139, 254, 264, 348 ; ii. 41, 84, 137,
174, 178, 180, 233,234,235, 237, 241,
242, 249 ; iii. 363, 371; Horace Wal
pole ambassador to, i. 38 ; determina
tion to adhere to the treaties made
with George I., i. 41 ; alliance with
England, i. 66 ; Duke ' of Orleans
regent and heir to the crown, i. 69,
85 ; renunciation of the crown by
Philip, i. 69 n. ; possibility of becom
ing one kingdom with Spain and
Germany, i. 81 ; state of, i.,84 ; Lord
Stair ambassador to, i. 165 ; presides
at the election of the King of Poland,
i. 252 ; marches an army to the Rhine
to attack Charles VI. , i. 254 ; fits out
a "squadron to convey Stanislaus to
Dantzic, i. 256 ; the wars against Ger
many, i. 263, 265, 275; negotiations
with Spain, i. 273 ; plan drawn up by

INDEX.

409

Sir R. Walpole, i. 273 ; failure of the
negotiations, il. ; treaty with Spain, i.
274 ; gains the battle of Parma, ii. 18;
rejoicings for the victory, ii. 19 ; de
feated at the battle of Guastalla, ii.
20 ; the surrender of Philipsburg, ii.
23, 123 ; the armies retreat, ii. 26 ;
the policy of Cardinal Fleury during
the war, ii. 30-33 ; the true state of
the case, ii. 33 ; its fleet, ii. 132, 135 ;
signs preliminary articles to a general
peace, ii. 232 ; reproached with trea
chery, ii. 233, 238, 241 ; the triple alli
ance, ii. 239 ; the treatment of her
Minister during the negotiations for
peace, ii. 245-249 ; its naval strength,
iii. 360 ; ignorance of Spanish affairs,
iii. 368, 373.
France (Louis XV. .King of), i. 82.
Frederick (Prince of Wales), Lady Bris
tol's account of him, i. xxxi ; his
share in Sir R. Walpole's fall, i. 1 ;
his allowance, i. 45, 240, 281, 319;
ii. 294; arrives in England and is
created Prince of Wales, i. xxxi, 45,
120 ; his birth, i. 120 ; his marriage,
i. 143; ii. 126, 189, 228, 286, 292 ;
his quarrels with the King, i. ix, xxi,
125, 240, 250, 280, 282 ; ii. 76, 225-
227, 295 ; his quarrel with Lord Her
vey, i. xxxii, 160 ; falls into the hands
of the Tories, i. 240 ; his marriage
with Lady Diana Spencer prevented,
il.; his character, i. 241 ; ii. 368-373 ;
his education, i. 265 ; attends a levge,
i. 280 ; his debts, i. 282, 319 ; ii. 372 ;
his character, i. 303 ; his treatment
of the Queen, i. 319 ; ii. 227 ; the
causes of his quarrels with the Prin-
: cess -Royal, i. 319, 320, 321; his
audience of the King, i. 319 ; his
.desire to serve a campaign on the
Rhine, il. ; his wish for a proper mar
riage, il. ¦ patronises the Lincoln's
Inn Fields opera, i. 320 ; objects to
; Lord Hervey being so much with the
Queen and the Princesses, i. 321 ; ima
gines himself the idol of the people,
i. 326 ; mortified at the reception of
the Prince of Orange at the play, i.
327; the Prince of Orange on his
character, i. 335 ; his mistress, Miss
Vane, i. 336 ; advised to take leave of
her, ii. 189 ; his proposals to her, ii.
191, 192, 197; creates a disturbance
at Court, ii. 76; his rupture with Dod-
ington, ii. 96-100 ; puts new locks on
his doors after the quarrel with Dod-
ington, ii. 99 ; his attachment to Lady
Archibald Hamilton, ii. 189; Miss
Vane's letter to him, ii. 193 ; his rage
on receiving it, ii. 196 ; her second
letter, ii. 197 ; his grief on the death

of her child, ii. 198 ; he refuses the
Princess of Denmark, ii. 228 ; Lord
Chesterfield in favour, ii. 227 ; visits
the Princess Augusta at Greenwich,
ii. 288 ; visited by the Court when in
bed on his wedding night, ii. 292 ; to
reside where the Queen resides, ii. 293,
296, 365 ; his behaviour to the Queen,
ii. 295, 296, 297, 303-305 ; his influence
over the Princess, ii. 307 ; correspon
dence with the Queen on his intention
to leave Kensington, ii. 365-368 ; his
dread of the King's death, ii. 372 ;
iii. 8 ; gives a dinner to the Lord
Mayor and aldermen, iii. 3 ; the
toasts, iii. 7 ; presented with the free
dom of the City by the Saddlers' Com
pany, iii. 4 ; speculations on his con
duct in the event of the King's death,
iii. 5, 8-13, 28-30 ; told of the King's
safety, iii. 15 ; assists to extinguish
the fire at the Temple, iii. 28 ; cries
of Crown him / crown him 1 il. ;
pretends to have been injured at the
fire, il. ; his popularity, il. ; gives
^500 for poor debtors, il. ; compli
ments Sir R. Walpole, iii. 32 ; com
plains of hard usage, iii. 37 ; his claim
to have ^100,000 a year settled on
him, iii. 40-54, 91, 131, 139, 144, 181;
a composition proposed, iii. 55-59 ;
his reply, iii. 59, 60, 74 ; is to apply
to the King through the Queen, iii.
60, 82 ; opinions on his claim, iii.
62-67 ; gets what he wants by agita
tion, iii. 63 ; debate on his claim in
the Commons, iii. 70-80 ; his defeat,
iii. 80 ; its cost to the King, iii. 80,
93 ; the intention to turn him out of
St. James's, iii. 83 ; goes to the draw
ing-rooms as usual, ii.; the settlement
of ^50,000 upon him, iii. 84 ; Lord
Hervey's pamphlet on his claim, iii.
85 a. ; persuaded to take his claim
to the Lords, iii. 86; his defeat,
iii. 88 ; the Lords' protest, ii. ; the
best way to put an end to the affair,
iii. 92 ; Sir R. Walpole on the Tory
party and his claim, iii. 92-97; says he
has weight enough to change the Ad
ministration, iii. 96 ; his action on the
Porteous Riot Bill, iii. 139 ; at Kew,
iii. 152 ; visits Court, iii. 153 ; writes
to the Queen that the Princess is with
child, iii. 153, 177; intends the Prin
cess to lie-in in London, iii. 164 ; takes
the Princess to lie-in at St. James's,
iii. 166 ; tells the Queen the story of
the labour and journey, iii. 171 ; asks
the Queen to christen his daughter,
iii. 173 ; and to appoint a day to ask
the King in form, il. ; abused for his
conduct, iii. 174, 177. l89 > nis lies of

410

INDEX.

Lord Hervey, iii. 188 ; his reasons for
taking the Princess to London, iii.
190; his letter to the Queen on the
removal of the Princess and announc
ing the birth of his daughter, iii.
191 ; his letter to the King announc
ing the birth of his daughter, iii. 192 ;
minutes of his conversation with Lord
Harrington and Sir R. Walpole on
the removal of the Princess, iii. 193 ;
his letter thanking the Queen for
visiting the Princess, iii. 194; advised
to acknowledge his fault and to ask
forgiveness, iii. 195 ; his denials, il. ;
the King's message on hearing of his
design to visit the Court, iii. 196 ; his
reply justifying his conduct, il. ;
writes to the Queen justifying his.
conduct, iii. 197 ; his letters con
sidered, iii, 198 ; the reply, il. ; writes
to the King asking to be received at
Court, iii. 199 ; the King refuses to
answer it, iii. 200 ; his hostility
directed against the Queen, iii. 202,
205, 270; conferences on his affairs,
iii. 203 ; opinions on turning him out
of St. James's, iii. 203, 204, 205 ; his
resentment against Sir R. Walpole,
iii. 204; meddles with the Ministers,
il. ; Lord Carteret's action in his
affairs, iii. 206-208 ; the feelings of
the Princesses Emily and Caroline for
him, iii. 209 ; keeps the Princess in
ignorance of his affairs, iii. 211 ;
thinks a woman should not meddle
with politics, il. ; kisses the Queen's
hand at the coach-door, iii. 212 ; H.
Walpole's account of his conduct and
the kissing incident, iii. 212 a. ; in
tends to set himself at the head of a
party to repeal the Test Act, iii. 214 ;
his reported intention to offer to give
up his succession to Hanover, iii.
217-225, 292 ; looks upon Hanover
as a retreat in case of need, iii. 218 ;
his avarice, iii. 219 ; his letter to the
King on the baptism of the Princess
Augusta, iii. 226 ; also to the Queen,
il. ; his disrespect to the Queen, iii.
227 ; considers he ranks before the
Queen, il. • his nickname, Griff, iii.
228, 307 ; his letter to the King
thanking him for being godfather to
his daughter, iii. 229 ; and to the
Queen for being godmother, iii. 230 ;
further disrespect to the Queen, il. ;
receives the message from the King
requesting him to leave St. James's,
iii. 238; his reply, il. ; Lord Hervey
on his being turned out, ii. ; his
guard taken away, iii. 244 ; forbidden
to take the furniture of his apart
ments, il. ; the King's gifts, il. ; re

moves to Kew, iii. 246; sends for his
advisers, il. ; asks how he shall send
a letter to the Queen, iii. 247; the
Queen refuses to receive it, iii. 248 ;
his threats, iii. 255 ; denies having
spoken of the two journeys, iii. 264 ;
his folly, il. ; walks with Lady Archi
bald Hamilton, iii. 265 ; his speech
to a deputation from the'City, iii. 266;.
distributes copies of the King's mes
sage, il. ; " he is a rock, " iii. 266,
267 ; takes Norfolk House and Clief-
den, iii. 268 ; reduces his establish
ment, iii. 269 ; is clapped at the play,
iii. 270; speaks well of the King, il. j
his accusations against the King, iii.
271 ; garbled copies of the letters
published, iii. 272 ; difficulties in his
Court, iii. 283-286 ; Bishop Sherlock
on his conduct, iii. 286 ; his inquiries
after the Queen's health, iii. 303, 324;
the King's reply, iii. 303-307 ; the
Queen's bitterness, ' iii. 307 ; his
anxiety for the Queen's death, iii.
326 ; alluded to, i. xviii, xxxi, lx, 332,
334 ; "¦ 103. 211, 29r> 293. 3°2. 3°5;
iii. 13, 24, 34, 149, 159, 183, 187, 210,
228, 229, 236, 241, 243, 245, 248, 250,
25I> 259> 26J» 265, 273, 278, 282,
354 n-
Friend (Dr.), i. xvii, xlvii.
Gaeta, ii. 3.
Gage (Viscount), i. 314.
Gaols, abuses in, ii. 66.
Gay (John), celebrates Miss Bellenden,.
i. 54a.; the ''Beggars' Opera," i.
116 a., 117 a., 120; his letter to.
Swift, i. 120; alluded to, i. xxxiii;.
iii. 300 a.
General Fund Act, ii. 155.
Generals accountable for courage, but
not for blood or lives, ii. 16.
George I., his interview with Lord.
Bolingbroke concerning his accusa
tions against Sir R. Walpole, i. 19 ;
his death at Osnaburg, 1727, i. xxxiii,.
30 ; puts the Prince of Wales (George
II.) under arrest, i. 39; his civil list,
i. 45 ; iii. 77, 89 ; at Hanover, i. 85 ;.
governed the country by anybody
who could get at him, i. 93 ; his idea
of separating Hanover from England,
iii. 216 a. ; his will, iii. 271 ; corre
spondence relating to the Prince of
Wales (George II.), iii. 279 ; his.
opinion of him, iii. 350 ; alluded to,
i. xviii, 15, 20, 41, 50, 65, 66, 67, 80,
126, 137, 240 a. ; ii. 300.
George II. is informed of the death of
George I., i. 31 ; his habit of sleeping
after dinner, il. ; designates Sir S..
Compton as First Minister, il. ; his.

INDEX.

411

speech made in Council, i. 36 ; visits
Leicester House, i. 37 ; the names he
applies to Sir R. Walpole and others,
i. 38, 200 ; ii. 130 ; put under arrest
when Prince of Wales and ordered to
leave St. James's Palace, i. 39 a. ; ii.
123; correspondence on the matter,
iii. 279-281; his intimacy with Lady
Suffolk, i. 52, 54-59 ; his surprise at
her marriage, ii. 182 ; he enumerates
the sovereigns who have governed
the country through others, i. 93;
asks "who governs now?" il. ¦ his
stature, il. ; his determination to do
something for Lord Chesterfield, i.
97; his speeches in Parliament, i.
101, 164, 247, 283, 332 ; ii. 131,
259 ; iii. 38, 144 ; demands a vote
of credit, i. 106, 141, 308 ; the
quarrels with the Prince of Wales,
i. ix, xxxi, 125, 240, 250, 280, 282 ;
ii. 76, 225-227, 295 ; his visits to
Hanover, i. 126 ; ii. 165, 229, 231,
258, 273, 287, 295, 319, 347 ; iii. 362,
368, 371 ; returns from Hanover, ii.
199, 229 ; iii. 1, 2, 32, 34 ; his dis
putes with the King of Prussia, i.
127, 128 ; ii. 36, 165 ; acts more as
Elector than as King, i. 136 ; ii. 35 ;
informed of the excise debate, i. 182,
185, 204 ; prepossessed in favour of
the scheme, i. 183 ; his anxiety, i.
185 ; his plan of governing, i. 186 ;
his love for Sir R. Walpole, i. 188 ;
refuses to accept Sir R. Walpole's
offered resignation, i. 195 ; questions
Lord Hervey on the opinion of the
Excise Bill, il. ; his anger, i. 197 ;
informed of the debate on the City
petition, i. 200 ; Sir R. Walpole makes
light of the failure of the Court party '
on the South Sea affair to him, i.
242 ; his hatred of the French, i. 260 ;
ii. 35 ; motive for being disappointed
at the election of Stanislaus, i. 261 ;
conversation with Lord Hervey on
the King of Sardinia, i. 264 ; his
hunting, i. 266 ; conversation with
Lord Hervey on European affairs, i.
267-271 ; his treatment of the Prince
of Orange, i. 277 ; his character, i.
294, 304; his habit of keeping em
ployments vacant, i. 295 ; his treat
ment of Lord Lifford and Lady
Charlotte de Roussie, i. 297 ; the
Queen's mode of governing him, i.
299 ; his dread of the Prince of
Wales's name being mentioned in
Parliament, i. 303 ; considers soldiers
a support of grandeur and power, i.
307 ; ii. 253 ; demands a vote of con
fidence, i. 308 ; spares no expense on
the occasion of the Princess-Royal's

marriage, i. 316 ; interview with the
Prince of Wales, i. 319 a. ; supports
Handel, i. 320 ; addressed by the
two Houses on the marriage of the
Princess-Royal, i. 322 ; the City and
towns say impertinent things under
pretence of complimental addresses,
i. 324 ; unpopularity of the Court, i.
325 ; often told that he received the
crown as the gift of the people, i.
326 ; jealous of the popularity of the
Prince of Orange, i. 327 ; complains
of the state of parties, i. 338, 339 ; he
accepts the explanation of Spain re
garding the young Pretender, ii. 6;
his temper, ii. 24, 93, 101, 138, 200,
202, 205-208, 211, 225, 274 ; iii. 10,
34. 3*9. 328, 339 ; receives news of
the surrender of Philipsburg, ii. 24 ;
relates the story of Count PleUo, ii.
29 ; his views upon the affairs of
Europe, ii. 34; leans towards Ger
many, ii. ; his love for armies, ii.
35, 151 ; contempt for civil affairs, ii.
35. 3^; warned that his British crown
would be fought for on British ground,
ii. 40 ; approves of Sir R. Walpole's
efforts to maintain peace, ii. 45 ; goes
to the opera, ii. yy ; his behaviour to
the Queen, ii. 77, 87, 205-211, 216-
224, 257, 347 ; attends to his duties
when ill, ii. 78 ; consents to the mar
riage of Don Carlos, ii. 82, 84 ; de
clines to let the letter of consent go,
ii. 84 ; visits Lady Deloraine, ii. 86 ;
rupture with Lady Suffolk, ii. 88-96,
184; his fondness for the Queen, ii.
94 ; his displeasure at the conduct of
the Princess-Royal, ii. 100-102 ; iii.
3 ; his opposition to the marriage of
Don Carlos, ii. 104-106 ; his dislike
to Bishop Hoadley, ii. 107, no, in ;
iii. 216 ; new appointments — his ob
jections, ii. 123 ; his desire for war,
ii. 151 ; his attachment to Madame
de Walmoden, ii. 167, 170, 231, 273 ;
promises her to return to Hanover,
ii. 229 ; writes to her every day, ii.
231 ; acquaints .the Queen of his
amours, ii. 167, 168 a., 169, 356; his
letters to the Queen from Hanover,
ii. 169, 341 ; his inclination to pay his
addresses to the Princess of Modena,
ii. 169; offered the command of the
army on the Rhine, ii. 178 ; refuses
it, ii. 179 ; his invalid acts during the
regency of the Queen, ii. 182, 298 ;
fixes upon the future Princess of
Wales, ii. 189, 228 ; his manner of
greeting the Queen on his returns
from Hanover, ii. 199 ; iii. 34 ; is ill,
ii. 200 ; his love for Germany, ii. 201-
203, 217; iii. 31 ; his dislike of Eng-

412

INDEX.

land, ii. 201-203 ; his ill-humour at
the alteration of the pictures at Ken
sington, ii. 205; his presents to the
Queen, ii. 209, 211; on people leav
ing town, ii. 212; on fox-hunting, il. ;
on fathers and sons, ii. 225 ; at the
play, ii. 226 ; sees the Princess- Royal,
ii. 229 ; his intention of visiting Han
over opposed by Sir R. Walpole, il. ;
watches the guard relieved, ii. 231 ;
rejoices at Mons. de Chavigny's dis
grace, ii. 249, 251 ; abused by Mons.
de Chavigny in his dispatches, ii. 250;
his treatment of Mons. de Chavigny,
251 ; on the action of the Bishops on
the Quakers' Bill, ii. 268 ; his orders
for the Prince and Princess of Wales
to reside where the Queen resides, ii.
293, 296, 365 ; his dilatoriness, ii. 297 ;
the ladder story, ii. 298-302 ; on the
looseness of the English laws, ii. 319 ;
the Queen asks him to bring Madame
Walmoden to England, ii. 351 ; his
reply, ii. 354 ; the discontent caused
by his visits to Hanover, ii. 351, 362-
365 ; desires the Queen to remove
-the Court to St. James's, ii. 362 ;
his birthday, ii. 374 ; speculations in
the event of his death, iii. 8-13, 19 ;
his return from Hanover in 1736
¦delayed by a storm, iii. 3, 52 ; fears
for his safety, iii. 3, 13 ; never left
Helvoetsluys, iii. 14 ; further cause
for anxiety, iii. 15 ; is safe, iii. 18 ;
his impatience to embark for Eng
land, iii. 18, 19 ; his unpopularity,
iii. 21, 28, 31 ; the Queen writes to
him an account of the anxiety on his
danger, iii. 24 ; his reply, il. ; his
gift of writing love-letters, iii. 26 ; his
illness, iii. 35, 37, 42, 51 ; dismisses
Lord Dunmore, iii. 35 ; objects to
being plagued about his health, il. ;
informed of the Prince's claim, iii. 43 ;
set against making peers, iii. 50 ; his
behaviour, iii. 52 ; holds levies, il. ;
the proposed composition with Fre
derick, iii. 55-59 ; enraged at Fre
derick's reception of the message, iii.
59 ; supports the Whigs, iii. 65 ; the
Tories ready to come to him, il. ;
pleased with the Prince's defeat, iii.
80 ; its cost, iii. 80, 93 ; complains of
the usage of the Whigs, iii. 80 ; his
desire to get out of settling ,£50,000
on Frederick and giving the Princess
her jointure, iii. 84 ; is determined
to have nobody at the head of
the army but himself, iii. 101 ; op
poses the scheme for the reduction
of the interest of the national debt,
iii. 128 ; rumoured that he would
.go to Hanover, iii. 150 ; his new

mistress, Lady Deloraine, iii. 150 ;
refuses to allow Mrs. Townshend to
be presented, iii. 153 ; ignores Fre
derick, il. ; his character, iii. 155 ;
his rudeness, iii. 156; on memoir
writers, iii. 161 ; his message' for the
Princess of Wales to lie-in at Hamp
ton Court, iii. 164, 165 ; plays at
commerce, iii. 168 ; told that the
Princess of Wales is in labour at St.
James's, iii. 169; his anger* iii. 169,
173 ; his written message to be given
to Frederick saying he will not see
him, iii. 193 ; his message to Frede
rick on his intention to visit the
Court, iii. 196 ; Frederick's reply
justifying his conduct, ii. ; still re
fuses to see the Prince, iii. 198 ; is
irritated by the Prince's letters, iii.
199 ; refuses to send an answer to
Frederick's letter asking to be re
ceived at Court, iii. 200 ; his message
to the Prince fixing a day for the
baptism of the Princess Augusta, iii.
225 ; the reply, iii. 226 ; his annoy
ance at the Prince's disrespect to the
Queen, iii. 227 ; his message request
ing Frederick to leave St. James's
agreed upon, iii. 236; the reply, iii.
238 ; on Frederick's advisers, iii. 239;
his reply to the Princess of Wales's
letter, iii. 250 ; at church, iii. 259 ;
his anger at the Princess of Wales's
letter to the Queen, iii. 260 ; Fre
derick's accusations, iii. 271 ; the
Queen's deception, iii. 272 ; the cor
respondence with Frederick printed,
iii. 273-275, 277-278 ; thinks Frede
rick must be a changeling, iii. 276 ;
his god-parents, iii. 280 ; the sup
posed attempt to deprive him of his
succession to the crown when Prince
of Wales, iii. 282 ; buys lottery
tickets, iii. 287; does not wish the
Queen to think he has secret trans
actions with Madame Walmoden,
it. ; his birthday, iii. 289 ; in the
Princess Emily's apartment, iii. 296 ;
alarmed at the Queen's illness, iii.
297 ; lies on the Queen's bed, iii, 299;
resolves to have a lev6e, il. ; his new
ruffles, il. ; sits up in the Queen's
room, iii. 302; his reply to Frede
rick's inquiries after the Queen, iii.
303-307 ; on the Queen's rupture, iii.
310 ; is uneasy as to the disposal of
the Queen's property, iii. 312 ; goes
to bed, iii. 314; his parting interview
with the Queen, iii. 317 ; his reply to
her wish that he would many again,
iii. 319 ; his temper, il. ; easier to
make him hate, than love, iii. 323 ;
complains of the outward room being

INDEX.

4i3

full of people, il. ; his anger at Fre
derick's inquiries, iii. 324 ; Sir R.
Walpole's advice, iii. 325 ; his re
sentment to the Princess-Royal, iii.
327 ; he obliges her to go direct to
Bath without stopping in London
during the Queen's last illness, iii.
327 a. ; orders Sir R. Walpole not
to go to the Queen without first ac
quainting him, iii. 328 ; talks loudly
in the Queen's room, il. ; his super
stition, iii. 331, 345 ; leaves the room
when the Archbishop prays by the
Queen, iii. 333 ; forbids the physi
cians to reveal the cause of the
Queen's illness, iii. 336 ; his pane
gyric on the Queen, iii. 337-339 ;
mixture of brutality and tenderness
to her, iii. 339 ; his vanity, iii. 341 ;
his courage, iii. 341-343 ; kisses the
Queen's lifeless body, iii. 345 ; sends
for Lord Hervey to sit with him, iii.
345 ; sends for a page to sit with him,
iii. 346 ; passes his time in the Prin
cesses' apartment, il. ; his grief, iii.
347 ; his behaviour to the Queen
when she had the small-pox, il. ;
his directions for her burial, iii. 347a.;
talks of himself, iii. 348 ; never men
tions his mother, il. ; her picture, iii.
349 a. ; his opinion of his relations,
iii. 349 ; advised to bring Madame
Walmoden over, iii. 351 ; on the
marriage of the Princess Mary, iii.
366 ; at Sheerness, iii. 371 ; regency
opened, iii. 376 ; alluded to, i. xviii,
xxxi, xxxiv, xlvi, lx, 35, 41, 47, 48,
60, 63, 64, 65, 90 a., 91, 113, 120,
122, 124, 141, 151, 155, 168, 169,
170, 191, 198, 204, 216, 217, 230,
246, 248, 261, 285, 287, 288, 293,
296, 3^5. 334 I ii- 4. 17, 4L 42. 53.
\ 60, 61, 71, 72, 74, 76, 80, 85, 100,
126, 130, 148, 156, 160, 162, 164,
185, 187, 203, 213, 214, 215, 243,
253, 258, 286, 288, 289, 291, 292 a.,
294, 306, 309, 312, 348, 349, 357,
358, 360, 372 ; iii. 5, 7, 42, 44, 45,
47, 48, 49, 50, 60, 62, 64, 67, 69, 83,
91, 94, 112, 115, 116, 142, 152, 166,
178, 181, 182, 183, 187, 189, 190,
192, 194, 195, 203, 206, 208, 209,
210, 211, 215, 216, 217, 218, 220,
224, 229, 230, 231, 232, 238, 244,
245, 246, 247, 248, 250, 251, '257,
264, 265, 266, 268, 270, 273, 286,
288, 291, 298, 308, 309, 315,. 316,
321, 322, 329, 331, 332, 343, 352,
353. 3^4. 366, 373.
George III., his birth, iii. 268 a.
German language, ignorance of, in
England, ii. 289.
Germany, i. 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, 80, 86,-

103, 133, 134, 136, 138, 140, 348 ;
11. 31, 36, 41, 44, 45, 133, 137, 173,
174, 175, 179, 180, 181, 233, 234,
235. 236, 237, 238, 241, 246 ; secret
treaty with Spain, i. 71-74 ; situation
of the Court of Vienna, i. 76-79 ;
possibility of becoming one monarchy
with Spain and France, i. 81 ; the
breach with Spain, i. 104; Charles
VI. opposes Stanislaus in his endea
vours to obtain the crown of Poland,
i. 251 ; espouses the cause of the
Elector of Saxony, il. ; protests
against the action of the Primate, i.
253 ; prepares an army to march to
the Polish frontier, i. 254 ; thinks of
retreating, il. ; destitute of forces, i.
255 ; evacuates Italy, il. ; Charles
VI. 's promises and menaces, i. 256 ;
national hatred of the French , i. 261 ;
the French wars against, i. 263, 265,
275 ; negotiations with Spain, i. 273 ;
plans drawn up by Sir R. Walpole,
il. ; their failure, it. ; pride of
Charles VI., i. 273, 274 ; sends troops
to Italy under Count Merci, ii. 1 ;
and to the Rhine under Prince Eu- '
gene, ii. 2 ; loses Italy, il. ; Count
Merci recalled and Count Konigseg
sent to Italy, ii, 16, 19 ; the Emperor
looks upon the loss of private soldiers
as nothing, ii. 17 ; defeated at the
battle of Parma, ii. 18 ; Charles VI.
upholds the conduct of Count Merci
at the battle, ii. 19 ; victorious at the
battle of Guastalla, ii. 20 ; Prince
Eugene's inaction at Philipsburg, ii.
22 ; the faction against Prince Eu
gene, ii. 25 ; George II. 's desire to
exert himself in defence of the Em
peror, ii. 34 ; a natural ally of Eng
land, ii. 40 ; Wasner sent to pick up
and report news, ii. 53, 55 ; the
Bishop of Namur sent to pick up and
report news, 55-60 ; presses England
to come into the war, ii. 177 ; signs
the preliminary articles to a general
peace, ii. 233 ; the consent of the
Emperor necessary to the disjunction
of Hanover, iii. 292.
Gibbon (Mr.), i. 199 a.
Gibraltar, i. 66, 72, 73, 78, 81, 133,
134 ; garrisons of, i. 306 ; fifty men
sick at, iii. 361 ; Dutch ships for
bidden to enter with corn, iii. 377.
Gibson (Bishop), Bishop of London,
displeased with the appointments of
Bishops Sherlock and Hoadley, ii.
112 ; opposes the appointment of Dr.
Rundle to the See of Gloucester, ii.
112-120 ; troubled at Bishop Sher
lock's influence with the Queen, ii.
129 ; his action on the Quakers' Bill,

4*4

INDEX.

ii. 263, 266, 267 ; lives in Whitehall,
ii. 264 ; opposed to Bishop Butt's
promotion, ii. 265, 276 ; his squabbles
with the Duke of Argyle, ii. 275 ;
Lord Hervey hates him, ii. 276 ; his
disgrace, ii. 277 ; bis peace with the
Court, ii. 279 ; no longer designed
to succeed Archbishop Wake, il. ;
his character, ii. 280 ; his hatred to
Bishop Sherlock, il. ; his determina
tion to name his successor, il. ; Sir
R. Walpole calls him his pope, ii.
283 ; alluded to, ii. 112, 268, 269,
282, 330, 364.
Gin Acts, i. liv. ; ii. 312, 313.
Gin riots prevented, ii. 313.
Godolphin (1st Earl of), Lord Trea
surer, i. 13 ; ii. 124.
Godolphin (2d Earl of), his desire
to get rid of his employment as
groom of the stole, ii. 122, 158 ; his
peerage, ii. 122-125 ; his salary and
pension, ii. 123, 158 ; his marriage,
ii. 123 ; created Baron Helstone, ii.
123, 125 ; his character, ii. 125 ; is
made Privy Seal, ii. 158 ; his ac
count of the birth of the Princess
Augusta, iii. 180 ; is made Constable
of the Tower, i. xlix ; alluded to, ii.
286; iii. 168, 267.
Godolphin (Henry), Provost of Eton,
ii. 123.
Godolphin House, iii. 168 a.
Gower (Lord), i. 1, liv ; ii. 382 ; iii.
377. 388.
Grafton (Charles, 2d Duke of), Lord
Chamberlain; his birth, i. 212; de
scribed as a mute, il.; Mackay and
Swift's allusions to him, il. ; "talks
as the King talks," i. 261 ; ii. 41 ; his
dislike to Lord Hervey, i. Ii, 297 a. ;
his maxim never to give a direct
answer, i. 315 ; his conversation, il. ;
his blunders, i. 325 ; his opinion on
the affairs of Europe, ii. 41 ; goes
fox-hunting, ii. 212, 374; at Euston,
iii. 302 ; alluded to, i. xlvi, 121, 210,
231, 314, 321 ; ii. 286, 292 a., 293,
296. 317. 32°, 33°. 342. 36S 5 iii- 17.
57, 58, 169, 172, 173, 175, 203, 229,
236, 244, 323, 350, 358, 364.
Grantham (Earl of), Lord Chamber
lain to the Queen, i. 333 ; conveys
Lord Stair's letter to the Queen, il. ;
called a fool by the King, i. 334 ; ii.
223 ; his opinion on the affairs of
Europe, ii. 42 ; his bad writing, iii.
248 ; alluded to, i. 39 ; ii. 78, 223,
33°. 339. 361 1 >"• JS. 247. 259. 280,
294.
Grantham (Thomas, 1st Lord), see
Rolinson (Thomas).
Gravesend, i. 335 ; ii. 295 ; iii. 376.

Green Park, i. xxxv.
Greenwich, i. 334 ; ii. 288, 289.
Grenville (Richard), afterwards Earl
Temple, ii. 292 ; iii. 48.
Griff, the King's nickname for the
Prince of Wales, iii. 228, 307.
Grosvenor Street, Miss Vane's house
in, ii. 198.
Grovestein (Baron), Dutch ambassadbr
in England, ii. 74, 229.
Guard relieved, the King's habit of
watching the, ii. 231.
Guastalla, the battle of, victory of the
Germans, ii. 20 ; capture and escape
of Marshal de Broglio, ii. 21.
Guildford (Earl of), see North (Lord).
Gumley (Anna Maria), see Pulteney
(Mrs.)
Haddock (Admiral), iii. 359, 360, 361,
369. 372-
Hague (The), i. 328 ; ii. 69, 73, 74 ;
iii. 2 ; treaty of, i. 139 ; Mr. Finch
envoy at, ii. 70.
Halifax (Marquis of), his character, i.
97 ; Sir R. Walpole sups with him,
182.
Hall's forces, ii. 146 a.
Ham Common, mentioned by Swift,
53 u.
Hamilton (Lady Archibald), the Prince
of Wales's attachment to her, ii. 189 ;
her character, ii. 190 ; her jealousy
of Miss Vane, ii. 191 ; the dispute as
to her appointment as a lady of the
bedchamber to the Princess of Wales,
ii. 293, 305 ; appointed lady of the
bedchamber, Privy Purse, and Mis
tress of the Robes, ii. 306 ; her salary,
il. ; walks with the Prince, iii. 265 ;
her interest at the Prince's Court, iii.
283 ; her uneasiness, iii. 286 ; alluded
to, ii. 365; iii. 166, 167, 171, 194,
212, 326.
Hamilton (Lord Archibald), ii. 189 a.,
190 ; iii. 149.
Hamilton (Charles), iii. 41, 326.
Hamilton (Elizabeth, Duchess of), ii.
344-
Hamilton and Brandon (James, Duke
of), ii. 144, 190; iii. 284.
Hampton Court, i. 107, 249, 264 ; iii.
158, 164, 168, 171, 180, 192, 193, 194,
195, 196, 197, 198, 20b, 207, 226, 228,
229, 232, 236, 248, 249, 250, 259,
263, 265, 273, 282, 288, 289, 295,
3°4-
Handel (George Frederick), patronised
by Anne, Princess- Royal, i. 279 a.,
320 ; ii. 75 ; singing-master of the
Princess-Royal, i. 320; undertaker
of the opera at the Haymarket, il. ;
supported by the King and Queen,

INDEX.

415

il. ; anti-Handelists looked upon as
anti-courtiers, i. 321.
Hanmer (Sir Thomas), his character, i.
105 ; on votes of credit, i. 106.
Hanover, i. xviii, xxxi, 54, 120, 136,
137; ii. 199, 246, 297, 298 ; iii. 2, 22,
150, 152, 310, 347; the King's visits
to, i. 126; ii. 165, 229, 231, 2-8, 273,
287, 295, 347 ; iii. 362. 368, 371 ; the
Ministers at, ii. 166 ; the King's love
for, ii. 201-203, 2I7j Madame Walmo-
den's lodgings at, ii. 298 ; proposed
disjunction of. iii. 216-225, 291.
Hanover (The House of), causes of
dissension in, i. 125 a.
Hanover (The Treaty of), i. 72, 78, 80,
81, 84, 85, in, 140: a cause of dis
pute between Sir R. Walpole and
Lord Townshend, i. no.
Harcourt (Lord), i. 115 ; iii. 153.
Hare (Francis), Dean of St. Paul's and
Bishop of Chichester, i. 339 ; ii. 275,
330 ; his death, ii. 275 ; complains of
Lord Hervey, ii. 278 ; called " old
baboon, " il. ; Sir R. Walpole inclined
to make bim Archbishop of Canter
bury, ii. 285.
-(' Harry theFourth," the play of, ii. 226.
Hatolf (Mons.), Minister in England for
Hanover, Ji. 38 ; his character, il. ;
desired by the Queen to put his views
on the conduct of England in writ
ing, il.; "a servile Imperialist," ii.
106 ; is ill, ii. 152.
Hardwicke (Sir Philip Yorke, ist Lord),
created a peer and Lord Chief -Justice,
i. 284 ; his salary, i. 285 ; his charac
ter, it. ; appointed to carry the mes
sage on the marriage of the Princess-
Royal to the Queen, i. 322; speaks
on the Scotch peers' petition, ii. 145 ;
on the Quakers' Bill, ii. 269, 270, 271 ;
nettled at the explosion in the Court
of Chancery, ii. 312 ; rejoices at Lord
Talbot's death, iii. 38 ; made Lord
Chancellor, iii, 39, 58; on the Porteous
Riot Bill, iii. 99, 102, 103, 105, 116 ;
his speeches, iii. 106, in, 120 ; his
opinion on the disposal of the Queen's
property, iii. 312 ; alluded to, i. 199
a., 182; ii. 340; iii. 58, 60, 61, 82,
87, 92, 112, 118, 121, 124, 138, 168,
203, 204, 233, 235, 253, 256, 258, 358,
362, 373.
Hardy (Sir Charles), captain of the
King's yacht, iii. 21.
Harrington (William Stanhope, ist Earl
of), appointed a representative at the
Congress of Soissons, i. 105 ; sent to
! desire the Duchess of Queensberry to
forbear coming to Court, i. 122 ; ne
gotiates the Treaty of Seville, i. 132,
141 ; is ambassador in Spain, i. 132,

212 ; is made Secretary of State, i.
141, 213 ; ii. 43, 214 ; iii. 359 ; created
a peer, i. 141 ; his character, i. 212 ;
ii. 42, 214 ; his opinion on the affairs
of Europe, ii. 42 ; the Queen's opinion
of him, ii. 43, 213 ; goes with the
King to Hanover, ii. 181 ; his action
on the plan of pacification, il. ; the
King's opinion of him, ii. 213 ; his
behaviour to Sir R. Walpole, ii. 214 ;
his desire for an earldom and a grant
for life of Richmond Park, ii. 215;
his house at Petersham, ii. 216 ; is ill,
ii. 297 ; sent for on the birth of the
Princess Augusta, iii. 176 ; the Queen
jokes with him, iii. 179 ; requested to
state in writing his conversation with
Frederick on the.removal of the Prin
cess, iii. 192 ; the conversation, iii.
193 ; alluded to, i. 158, 336 ; ii. 54,
174 »., 182, 230, 326, 342; iii. 15,
38, 58, 263, 264, 273, 363, 370.
Harwich, ii. 75, 76, 100, 101 ; iii. 13,
14, 16.
Haymarket opera, i. 320.
' ' Heart of Midlothian " (The), iii. 118 n.
Heathcote (Mr.), i. 199 a.
Hedges (Mr. ), Treasurer to the Prince
of Wales, i. 281 ; iii. 47, 96 ; his speech
on the Prince's claim, iii. 79, 82 ; his
death, iii. 229.
Helstone (Lord), see Godolphin (2d
Earl of).
Helvoetsluys, ii. 77, 199 ; iii. 2, 14, 15,
16, 20, 32, 376,
Herbert (Mr.), iii. 285 ; appointed Trea
surer to the Prince of Wales, iii. 229.
Herbert (Mrs.), iii. 300, 302.
Herenhausen, ii. 189, 228, 298, 299.
Hertford (Lady), ii. 140.
Hertford (Lord), ii. 140.
Hervey (Carr, Lord), i. xiii, xviii, xix,
xxxii ; his death, i. xxv.
Hervey (Emily Caroline Nassau) i.
319 a.
Hervey (Henry), i. xli.
Hervey (John, Lord), biographical
notice, i. ix-lvii ; his injunctions re
garding the publication of his
Memoirs, i. ix ; his parentage, i.
xiii; made lord of the bedchamber to
the Prince of Wales (George II.), i.
xiv ; his education, i. xvii ; his talent
for jockeyship, it. ; he visits Paris, i.
xviii ; visits Hanover, il. ; in favour
with Prince Frederick, i. xviii, xxxi;
recalled to England, i. xviii ; his only
serious difference with his father, i.
xviii a. ; his tastes, i. xix ; a frequent
visitor at the Prince of Wales's
(George II.) Court, il. ; his intimacy
with Miss Bellenden and Miss Lepell,
i. xx ; his talent at repartee, i. xxi ;

416

INDEX.

his poetical talents, il. ; his marriage,
i. xxii-xxiv ; verses on his marriage,
i. xxiii ; his laxity of morals, i. xxv ;
succeeds to his title, i. xxvi ; is elected
member for Bury, il.; his delicate
health, i. xxvii, lv ; his poetical epis
tle to Stephen Fox, i. xxviii, xxix a. ;
his poems, i. xxviii-xxxi ; his quarrel
with A. Pope, i. xxxiv, xxxvii-xlv,
xlviii ; A. Pope calls him Lord
Fanny, i. xxxix ; the Duchess of '
Marlborough's aversion to him, i.
xiv ; uses paint for his face, il. ;
is subject to epilepsy, i. xlvi ; his
epitaph on the Queen, i. xlvii ;
his knowledge of Latin, i. xlviii ;
his correspondence with Dr. Mid
dleton, il. ; assiduous in his at
tendance in the Lords, i. xlix ; his
speeches on Spanish affairs, il. ; his
reluctance to share the fate of Sir
R. Walpole, i. 1 ; his death, i. Ii,
Iii, hi ; his letters to Lady M. W.
Montagu, i. liii-lvi ; hardens into a
patriot, i. liv ; opposes the Gin Act,
il. ; is left Buckingham House, i. Iv ;
his anonymous letters to Sir R. Wal
pole, i. xxvi, 43, 339 ; his pension,
i. xxxii, 43 a., 129, 131 ; goes to
Italy, i. xxvii, 43 a. ; returns, i. xxix,
xxxi. 43 a. , 128 ; holds the conduct
of princes in little veneration, i. 61 ;
sneers at the King's speech, 1728,
i. i, 102 ; moves the address in the
Commons, 1728, i. xxvi, 102 a. ; the
endeavours to gain him over from the
Court, i. 129 ; writes to Sir R. Wal
pole asking for office, i. 130 ; his
quarrel and duel with W. Pulteney,
i. xxxii, xxxiv-xxxvii, 131 ; assures
Sir R. Walpole of his attachment to
his interests, i. xxxii, 131 ; his pam
phlets and writings, i. xxv, xxxiii,
xxxix, xliv, xlvii, Iii, lv, lviii, 140, 288,
311 a. ; ii. 263 ; iii. 85 a. ; is made
Vice- Chamberlain, -i. xxvi, xxxii,
xxxiii, 142 ; his quarrel with Frede
rick, i. xxxii, 160 a. ; his opinion of
Lord Scarborough, i. 191 ; the King
charges him to write an account of
the excise debate from the Commons,
i. 197 ; sups with Sir R. Walpole, i.
201 ; is wounded on the forehead, i.
204 ; his speech on liberty of speech
and freedom of debate, i. 207 ; his
opinion on protesting in the Lords, i.
244 ; draws up a speech for the King
at Sir R. Walpole's request, i. 246 ;
is called up to the Lords, i. xxvii,
248 ; expresses his joy at the success
of Stanislaus, i. 261 ; reproved by the
King, il. ; his conversation with the
King on the King of Sardinia, i. 264 ;

his opportunities of conversing with
the Queen, i. 266 ; spends Sundays
and Mondays in London, il. ; walks
with the Queen on other mornings,
il. ; his real business in London, i.
267 ; the terms of his conversations
with the King, it. ; conversations
with the King on European affairs, i.
267-271 ; also with the Queen, i. 271 ;
is the only man of common sense, not
a Minister, who has access at Court,
i. 272 ; visits the Prince of Orange
with the King's compliments, i. 278 ;
his talk with the Queen on the Prince
of Wales's allowance, ii. 281 ; moves
the address in the Lords, 1734, i.
283 ; his speech , i. 345 ; his dislike
to the Duke of Grafton, i. Ii, 297 a. ;
his religion, i. xvii, xxv, 298 a. ; ii.
113 ; draws up the plan for the order
of the procession at the marriage of
the Prince and Princess of Orange, i.
313 ; his opinion on things or persons
becoming familiar to the eye, i. 318 ;
solicits the Prince of Orange and the
Princesses Emily and Caroline to
stand sponsors to his daughter, i.
319 ; the Prince of Wales objects to
his being so much with the Queen
and the Princesses, i. 321 ; requests
to be with the Queen during the de
livery of the message of the Lords on
the Princess-Royal's marriage, i. 323 ;
is biassed against Horace Walpole,
i. 330 ; visits the Prince and Princess
of Orange at Gravesend, i. 335 ; takes
leave of the Princess-Royal, i. 336 ;
approves of Sir R. Walpole's argu
ments for peace, ii. 40 ; is indifferent
as to what posterity will say of him,
ii. 43 ; his favour with the Queen, ii.
46 ; iii. 23 ; his salary is increased, ii.
46 ; the Queen gives him a hunter, il. ;
his love and admiration for the Queen ,
ii. 47 ; disputes with the Queen on
the subject of the affairs of Europe,
ii. ; his letter to the Queen on the
same subject, ii. 47-52 ; his apologies
for the Memoirs, ii. 63, 375 ; with the
Princess- Royal, ii. 75; the Queen
sends for him , it. ; his letter to Bishop
Hoadley advising him to apply for
the See of Winchester, ii. 107 ;
on parson - ministers, ii. 129; his
speech and motion on the Scotch
peers' petition, ii. 147, 379 ; his
opinion of Lord Stratford's oratory,
ii. 149 ; closes the debate on the
army, ii. 150, 389 ; his antipathy to
standing armies, ii. 150 a. ; on the
finances of the country, ii. 153-156 ;
his ' ' Poetical Epistle " to the Queen,
iii. 158 n. , 323 ; solicits the vacancy in

INDEX.

4i7

the Treasury for Mr. Winnington, ii.
158 ; remonstrates with Sir R. Wal
pole, ii. 161 ; writes to the Queen an
account of his tour in the west, ii.
170 ; visits Bishop Sherlock, il. ; visits
Mr. Fox at Redlynch, il. ; visits Lord
Poulet at Hinton, il. ; his intrigue
with Miss Vane, ii. 192 ; writes the
letters for her to send to the Prince
of Wales, ii. 193, 197 ; his friendship
for Bishop Hoadley, ii. 219 ; his
friendship for the Queen, i. xxvi, ii.
218-225 I on 'he duties of a Minister,
ii. 248 ; on the reduction of the forces,
ii. 254-256 ; has no desire to govern
the country, ii. 257 ; the King shows
him the pictures of Madame de Wal-
moden's entertainments, ii. 258 ; his
advice to Bishop Butts, ii. 264 ; hates
Bishop Gibson, ii. 276 ; Bishop Hare
complains of him, ii. 278 ; advises
Sir R. Walpole on Church matters,
ii. 283 ; recommends Bishop Potter
for the See of Canterbury, ii. 284 ;
his play "The Death of Lord Her
vey," ii. 333 ; conversations with Sir
R. Walpole on the King and Queen,
ii. 348-350 ; his opinion of Lady San-
don, "ii. 358; his conversation with
her on Madame Walmoden's visit to
England, ii. 359-361 ; on Frederick's
character, ii. 370-373 ; his quarrel with
him, i. xxxii ; ii. 371 ; he dines with
Sir R. Walpole, iii. 4 ; conversation
with Sir R. Walpole on the supposed
loss of the King, iii. 4-6 ; his conver
sations with the Queen on the con
duct of Frederick in the event of the
King's death, iii. 8-13, 23, 28-30 ;
on the safety of the King, iii. 13, 17 ;
his action in Frederick's claim, iii. 40-
45 ; asks for favours for Stephen and
Henry Fox, iii. 49, 146 ; reproached
for having loved Frederick, iii. 53 ;
his opinion of the proposed composi
tion with the Prince, iii. 55-57 ; con
versation with the Queen on the
Prince's claim, iii. 62-67, 68-70;
wishes W. Pulteney success, iii. 70 ;
his opinion on speaking, iii. 73 ; his
action on the Porteous Riot Bill.iii. 100,
104, 115 ; his speeches, iii. 106, 109,
114, 119 ; his motion, iii. 122 ; abuses
Lord Isla, iii. 112 ; his conduct on
the three per cent, scheme, iii. 133 ;
at Ickworth , iii. 139, 147 ; asks for
favours for his brother, iii. 146 ; his
conversational exaggerations, iii.
157 a. ; is grateful to Lady Sun
don, iii. 159 ; his memoirs, iii. 161 ;
on Lords Chesterfield's, Boling
broke's, and Carteret's memoirs, iii.
162 ; his opinion on the lying-in of
VOL. III.

the Princess of Wales, iii. 164 ; plays
at cribbage, iii. 168 ; orders a fire and
chocolate in his apartments for the
Queen, iii. 170 ; his opinion on the
birth of the Princess Augusta, iii.
174 ; on Sir R. Walpole's interest at
Court, iii. 180-188 ; his advice, iii. 183 ;
his resentment against Frederick, iii.
187, 189 ; Frederick's lies, iii. 188 ;
on Frederick's affairs, iii. 203, 204,
207 ; on turning the Prince out of St.
James's, iii. 205 ; is partial to W.
Pulteney, iii. 208 ; on Frederick's
reported offer to give up Hanover,
iii. 216-224 > on Frederick's popu
larity, iii. 218 ; his rule never to seem
inquisitive, iii. 222 ; he stays with the
Queen when she is ill with the gout,
iii. 228 ; his message to the Queen
in rhyme, supposed to come from
Frederick, iii. 228 ; draws up a
message turning Frederick out of
St. James's at Sir R. Walpole's
request, iii. 231 ; asked not to own
that he had seen it, iii. 233, 234 ;
Sir R. Walpole puts him in disagree
able situations, iii. 234 ; the Queen's
confidence increases, il. ; Sir R. Wal
pole's jealousy increases, ii. ; on being
blind to the failings of people, iii. 256 ;
advises the Queen, iii. 262 ; invents a
story, iii. 272 ; translates the corre
spondence with Frederick, iii. 273,
277 ; his resentment to Frederick, iji.
274 ; the Queen upbraids him, iii. 277;
dines at Mons. de Cambis's, iii. 296 ;
attends the Queen during her illness,
il. ; advises Sir R. Walpole to come to
town, iii. 301 ; sits up with the Queen,
iii. 302 ; his action on Frederick's in
quiries after the Queen, iii. 303-307,
308 ; his peiitesses, iii. 306 ; lies on a
mattress at the foot of the Princess
Caroline's couch, iii. 314 ; she wakes
him, iii. 315; he sees the Queen again,
iii. 316 ; his interest with the King,
iii. 322 ; he endeavours to lighten the
Princess Caroline's grief, iii. 346 ; the
King's feelings for him, iii. 352 ; his
dissatisfaction with Sir R. Walpole's
treatment, i. xxvi ; iii. 352-356 ; his
friends try to persuade him to ruin.
and succeed Sir R. Walpole, iii. 356 ;
appointed Lord Privy Seal, i. xxvii,
xlix, li ; iii. 358 ; correspondence re,
lating to his dismissal from office, i. 1,
iii. 378-397 ; alluded to, i. n, 37, 48,
56 a., 57 a., 70 a., 78 a., 95 a., 97 a.,
107 »., 117 a., 121 a., 174, 182, 185,
189, 193, 195, 198, 200, 203, 204, 235,
236, 278, 294, 317, 336 ; ii. 17, 24, 38,
39, 42, 61, 62, 68, 71 a., 81, 82, 88,
104, 109, 115 a., 128, 148, 158, 195,
2 D

4i8

INDEX.

196, 198, 202, 206, 208, 209, 226, 227,
230, 231, 253, 266, 269, 275, 292 a.,
295, 302, 307, 317, 319, 348, 351, 352,
357. 367 I iii- 7. 26, 27, 31, 36, 38, 45,
91, 97, 102, 103, 114, 120, 122, 124,
134, 135, 136, 141, 151, 155, 156, 158,
159, 160, 169, 172, 173, 178, 180, 202,
227, 230, 238, 240, 241, 243, 244, 245,
246, 248, 250, 251, 253, 259, 260, 265,
267, 271, 276, 287, 290, 295, 302, 310,
325, 326, 327, 330, 337, 342, 344, 345,
3^5 «¦¦ 375-
Hervey (Lepell), her marriage, i. lv.
Hervey (Mary, Lady), her character and
attractions, i. xx, xxiv ; her marriage,
i. xxii-xxiv ; verses on her marriage,
i. xxiii ; her eldest child, i. xxiv. ; her
affection for the Princess Caroline, i.
liii ; her death, i. lvii ; Sir R. Wal
pole's love for her, i. 128 ; she hates
him. il. ; her friendship for W. Pul
teney, i. 128 ; iii. 71 ; alluded to, i.
xix, xxxii, xlvi, 129 ; ii. 109.
Hervey (Thomas), i. xli ; iii. 146.
Hervey (Sir Thomas), i. xv.
Hervey (Captain William), iii. 359.
Hervey (Sir William, ist Lord Hervey),
i. xiv a.
Hesse (Prince Frederick of), Cabinet
minutes relating to his marriage with
the Princess Mary, iii. 364.
Hessians, debate on the, i. 136-138 ;
ii. 137 : the offer of 6000, iii. 364.
Hinton, ii. 170.
Hinton (John, Lord), afterwards 2d Earl
Poulet, iii. 258 ; called to the Lords
and made lord of the bedchamber, i.
284; called Lord Hervey's ape, ii.
278.
" Histoire du Prince Titi," i. vi, x.
Hoadiey (Benjamin), Bishop succes
sively of Bangor, Hereford, Salisbury,
and Winchester, i. 148; ii. in ; mis
understanding with Sir R. Walpole,
i. 148, 234, 237; ii. 107, in; iii.
214 ; his interviews with the Queen
concerning the Dissenters' petition,
i. 148-152, 157 ;¦ and with Sir R.
Walpole, i. 153-157 ; report that the
Queen had convinced him that the
Dissenters' request was unreasonable,
i. 152 ; his anger at it, and determi
nation to clear up the point, i. 153 ;
interview with the Queen on his
allegiance to the Whigs, i. 233-236 ;
dines with Lord Hervey, i. 236 ; is
promised the See of Winchester, ii.
106 ; Lord Hervey advises him to
apply for the See of Winchester, ii.
107 ; his reply, ii. 108 ; applies for
the appointment, ii. 109 ; the reasons
for his missing the Bishopric of Dur
ham, ii. no ; disliked by the King

and Queen, ii. 107, no, in ; iii. 216 ;
made Bishop of Winchester, ii. in ;
the King, Queen, and Sir R. Wal
pole's treatment of him, il. ; his
book on the Sacrament, ii. 219 ; the
King's opinion of him, il. ; talks
with Sir R. Walpole on Frede
rick's attempt to repeal the Test Act,
iii. 214; alluded to, ii. 112, 113 a.,
284.
Hoadley (John), iii. 215. .
Hoadly, iii. 215 a., see Hoadley.
Hobart (John, Lord), afterwards Earl
of Buckinghamshire, ii. 92, 93 ;
created a peer, i. 54, 89.
Holland, i. 67, 68, 73, 86, 103, 137, 254,
334. 337. 348 ; ". 25, 33, 43, 73, 75,
86, 100, 149, 173, 174, 178, 296 ; iii.
370, 377 ; Lord Chesterfield sent as
ambassador to, i. 98 ; Horace Wal
pole's mission to, i. 328 ; ii. 68 ; the
reception of the Prince and Princess
of Orange, il. ; reports of Horace
Walpole on the Dutch and the war,
ii. 50, 53, 68 ; fears of an'insurrection,
ii. 69 ; the wish to make the Prince
of Orange Stadtholder, il. ; Horace
Walpole sent as ambassador, ii. 70,
244 ; Mr. Finch, envoy at the Hague,
resigns, ii. 70 ; the scheme of accom
modation, ii. 131, 173 ; its forces, ii.
133 ; the interests of England and Hol
land mutual, ii. 134 ; the interest of
the Prince of Orange gets weaker, ii.
229 ; no promises of assistance from
George II., il. ; to guarantee the
treaty of peace, ii. 233 ; credited with
the advantages that accrued to Europe
from the peace, ii. 244.
Holland (Lord), see Fox (Henry).
Hollings (Dr.), iii. 154, 165, 194, 197.
Honiton, i. 49 a.
Houghton, i. 113, 339; iii. 185, 301,
321.
Howard (Charles), see Suffolk (Earl of).
Howard (Mrs.), see Suffolk (Countess
of).
Howe (Sophia), i. xix, xxix ; ii. 158 a.
Hulse (Edward), M.D., afterwards Sir,
see Hulst (Dr. )
Hulst (Dr.), iii. 302, 315, 316.
Hurst (Colonel), i. 27.
Hyde (Lady Catherine), see Queensierry
(Duchess of).
Ickworth, i. xiv, xix, xxii, xxviii,
xxix, xxx, xxxi, lv ; iii. 139, 380 a.
Ilchester (Earl of), see Fox (Stephen).
Inchiquin (Earl of), i. 314.
Irby (Sir William), Vice-Chamberlain
to the Princess of Wales, ii. 304 ; iii.
248, 259.
Ireland, state of the army in, iii 377.

INDEX.

419

Irwin (Lady), see "Irvine (Viscoun
tess).
Irvine (Anne, Viscountess), iii. 269.
Isla (Earl of), makes his court to Lady
Suffolk, i. 59, 170, 175, 342 ; Lord
Stair expresses his opinion of him to
the Queen, i. 170 ; carries the elec
tion of the Ministers' list of Scotch
peers, i. 341 ; his character, il. ; Sir
R. Walpole depends on him to
manage Scotch affairs, il. ; the
Queen's dislike to him, i. 342 ; his
-quarrel with the Duke of Argyle, i.
343 ; iii. 102 ; his report on the Por
teous riot, ii. 318 ; iii. 40 ; on the
punishment of the rioters, iii. 103,
104 ; his conduct on the bill, iii. 106,
107, 112 ; opposes Lord Lovel 's
motion, iii. 108 ; is Lord Justice-
General for Scotland, iii. 109 ; abused
by Lord Hervey for giving way, iii.
112; the Queen's opinion of him, iii.
115-118 ; speeches on the Porteous
trial, iii. 120, 122 ; alluded to, i. 203 ;
ii. 186 a., 236, 330 ; iii. 99, 100, 114,
119, 122, 135, 136, 142, 290, 359.
Isleworth, iii. 195.
Jtaly, i. xxviii, xxxi, 69, 78, 137, 262,
.263 ; ii. 41, 180, 237, 246 ; evacuated
by Germany, i. 255 ; the war in, i.
263, 265, 275 ; ii. 1-3, 177, 178, 181 ;
Germany sends troops to, ii. 1 ; Car
dinal Fleury 's policy during the war
in, ii. 30, 32 ; cessation of arms de
clared, ii. 232.
Jacobites, i. 167, 222 ; ii. 268, 272 ;
iii. 65, 218, 240 ; state of the party,
i. 5 ; W. Shippen head of the party,
i. 45 ; the majority of the Tories are,
iii. 67.
James II. governed the country by his
priests, i. 93 ; his allowance as Duke
of York, iii. 71, 75 ; alluded to, iii.
240.
Jansenists, i. 83.
Janssen (Miss), ii. 197.
Jersey (William, 3d Earl of), has the
gout, iii. 198 ; keeps his bed, iii. 199 ;
alluded to, iii. 194, 196, 198, 264.
Jesuits, i. 83.
ekyll (Sir Joseph), iii. 61 ; Master of
the Rolls, loses the Marlborough
election through an error in a point
of law, ii. 138, 140, 142 ; Pope's
opinion of him, ii. 140 ; his charac
ter, ii. ; his Mortmain Bill, ii. 262 ;
his Gin Act, ii. 313 ; his house
guarded, ii. 314 ; his opinion on the
Prince of Wales's claim, iii. 70 ; his
speech, iii. 80.
Johnn (Mons.), the Danish envoy, i.
320 a.

Johnson (Dr. S.), i. xli.
Johnstone (Mr.), Secretary for Scotland
ii- 335-
Keene (Mr.), English Minister in
Spain, ii. 4.
Kendal (Duchess of),i. xviii, 15, 18, 19,
20, 113 ; ii. 299, 300 ; iii. 278.
Kensington, i. 42, 344 ; ii. 76, 165, 199,
295, 297. 3°3. 310, 351- 366, 374 ;
pictures at, ii. 205 ; guard at, doubled,
ii. 314 ; dampness of, ii. 362, 365 ;
bad state of the roads to, ii. 362.
Kent (Duke of), i. 230 ; iii. 280.
Kent, the gardener, ii. 328.
Ker (Robert, ist Earl), afterwards 2d
Duke of Roxburghe, iii. 90.
Kew, ii. 295, 319 ; iii. 152, 165, 246, 250,
259, 265, 270, 283, 303.
King (Peter, ist Lord), Lord Chancel
lor, his intellect, i. 158, 284, 287 ; his
success and professional character, i.
285 ; his pension, i. 287 ; his death,
it. ; alluded to, i. 34, 157 ; ii. 168 ;
iii. 216 a., 233 a.
Kingston (Duke of), iii. 280.
Kinski (Count), German ambassador in
England, i. 273 ; ii. 44 ; his stiffness,
ii. 44 ; is exasperated against Sir R.
Walpole, ii. 44 ; reconciled, ii. 59 ;
alhtded to, ii. 54, 57, 58, 179, 301.
Konigseg (Mons. de),sent to command
the Imperial troops in Italy, ii. 16,
19 ; gains the battle of Guastalla, ii. 20.
Koningsberg, Stanislaus escapes to, ii.
29.
La Chaux, one of the King's pages,
iii. 341-
Ladder story (The), ii. 298-302, 341.
Lampoons, satires, &c., i. 92 ; on
George II. and the Queen, i. 93, 94 ;
on Dodington, ii. 99.
Land-tax, i. 160, 179, 183, 195 ; ii. 152.
Law's Mississippi scheme, i. 85.
Leading coach, i. 277.
Leghorn, i. 132 ; ii. 174, 233.
Leicester Fields, i. 34, 35.
Leicester House, George II. 's speecii
dated from, 14th June 1727, i. 36 ;
the King at, i. 37 ; his favourites at,
i. 61.
Leith, ii. 146.
Lepell (Mary), see Hervey (Lady).
Lepell (Brigadier-General Nicholas), i.
xix a., xx.
Letters in the Memoirs referred to, iii.
245-
Lewarden, ii. 73.
Li^ge, iii. 377.
Lifford (Earl of), the King's treatment
of him, i. 297 ; goes fox-hunting, ii.
374 ; alluded to, ii. 327, 333.

420

INDEX.

Lincoln's Inn Fields opera, i. xlvi, 320.
Lindsey (Mr.), ii. 317; iii. 108.
Liria (Duke of), ii. 4.
Lisbon, ii. 255 ; iii. 361.
Literature, state of, i. 311.
Lombard (Peter), i. 330 a.
London (City of), its members instructed
to oppose the excise scheme, i. 162 ;
petitions against the scheme, i. 192,
197 ; ordered that the excise resolu
tions should be carried to the Lord
Mayor, i. 205 ; bonfires and disorders
in, i. 206 ; says impertinent things to
the King under pretence of compli-
mental addresses, i. 324 ; the address
on the marriage of the Princess-Royal
in verse, it. ; none of those who pre
sent the address kiss the King's hand,
i. 325 ; freedom of, presented to the
Prince of Wales, iii. 4 ; congratula
tions of, on the birth of the Princess
Augusta, iii. 265.
London, Treaty of, 1718, i. 67.
London Bridge, ii. 288 a., 312.
Lonsdale (Henry Lowther, last Vis
count), i. 293 ; made Lord Privy
Seal, i. 231 ; his resignation, ii. 156 ;
his character, i. 231 a. ; ii. 157 ; goes
abroad, ii. 158.
Lord Chamberlain (The.), his licensing
powers, iii. 142.
Lords (House of), its treatment of the
Bishops, ii. 275. See Parliament.
Lords (Irish House of), i. 314.
Lorraine, ii. 241 ; proposed cession of,
ii. 174 a., 175, 176.
Lorraine (Dowager Duchess of), sister
of the Regent Duke of Orleans, letter
from Louis XV. requesting her to
reside in France, i. 265 ; her reply, i.
266 ; retires to Brussels, ii.
Lorraine (Duke of), ii. 233.
Loss (Mons. de), the Saxon Minister,
i- 319-
Lovel (Thomas, Lord), iii. 279, 353 ;
created a peer, i. 89 ; his motion on
the Porteous Riot Bill, iii. 108.
Louis XIV, i. 186.
Louis XV. , i. 74 a.
Louis, son of George II. and Madame
de Walmoden, ii. 273 ; iii. 150.
Louisa (Princess), daughter of George
II., her allowance, iii. 77 ; her birth,
iii. 310 ; her vivacity, iii. 318 ; her
marriage, iii. 318 a. ; alluded to, iii.
255.
Lowestoft, iii. 32.
Lowther (Hon. Anthony), a Commis
sioner of Irish Revenue, resigns, ii.
158; called "Nanty" Lowther — js
the Philocles of Lord Hervey's Poeti
cal Epistle, i. xxx ; ii. 158.
Lowther (Sir William), i. 200.

Lumley (John), a stuttering puppy, iii.
239-
Lutheran Church, ii. 302.
Lymington (Lord), i. 250 a.
Lyttelton (George), afterwards ist Lord
Lyttelton, contributes to Dodington's
disgrace, ii. 97 ; appointed secretary
to the Prince of Wales, iii. 269, 272 ;
uneasiness at his appointment, iii.
285 ; alluded to, ii. 292, 367 ; iii. 48.
Lyttelton (Sir Thomas), iii. 374.
Machiavel's History of Florence,.
quoted, i. 118.
M'Kenzie (Miss), ii. 209.
Madox (Bishop), ii. 336.
Madrid, iii. 370, 372.
Magna Charta, i. 162.
Mailbone (Mrs.), ii. 336.
Maintenon (Madame de), i. 15.
Malefactors, report on, iii. 362.
Malpas (Lord), see Cholmondeley (Earl
of).
Malt-tax, ii. 152.
Malton (Lord), created a peer, i. 89.
Manchester (Duke of), i. 229.
Mantua, ii. 180, 232, 233.
Maran, Lord Hervey's valet, ii. 334.
Marble Hill, Lady Suffolk's villa, i. 53:
a., 185 a.
Marchmont (Alexander, Earl of), i. 165 ;
ii. 144 ; dismissed, i. 215 a. , 245.
Margate, iii. 16.
Maria Theresa (Archduchess), after
wards Queen of Hungary and Em
press, i. 73, 78, 79.
Maritime Powers, ii. 175, 176, 177.
181.
Marlborough (Charles, 2d Duke of),
brings in a bill to make the army
commissions for life, i. 289 ; the
King's dislike to him, ii. ; his cha
racter, i. 290; alluded to, iii. 41, 48,
90, 207, 266, 283, 326.
Marlborough (John), ist Duke of), i.
xiv, xvi, 13, 24.
Marlborough (Sarah, Duchess of), her
aversion to Lord Hervey, i. xiv ; calls
Lady Sundon an impudent creature,
i. 90 a. ; delights to call the father of
Horace Walpole's wife " my tailor,"
i. 330 n. ; alluded to, i. xiv, 129, 240
a. , 312 a. ; iii. 149, 350 a. , 352 a.
Marlborough election petition, ii. 138-
142.
Marlborough peerages, ii. 123 a.
Marriages, inconveniences attending, i.
239-
Mary II., her allowance, iii. 72.
Mary (Princess), daughter of George
II. , her allowance, iii. 77 ; her dis
position, iii. 318 ; her marriage, iii.
318 a., 364, 376 ; alluded to, iii. 255.

INDEX.

421

Masham (Lady), ii. 188 a.
Mazarin (Cardinal), i. 176.
Mecklenburg (Duchy of), i. 128.
Melcombe (Lord), see Dodington
(George).
Memoir writers, iii. 161.
Merchants, complaints of, on the de
predations of the Spaniards in the
West Indies, i. 119, 120, 138 ; depu
tation waits on the King, iii. 288 ; on
the scarcity of seamen, ii. 132, 134.
Merci (Count), commands the German
troops in Italy, ii. 1 ; recalled, ii. 16 ;
his infirmities, il. ; his defeat, ii. 17 ;
his death, ii. 18 ; his conduct at tne
battle of Parma condemned, ii. 19.
Merlin's Cave, ii. 222.
Messina, ii. 6.
Methuen (Mr.), i. 126.
Methuen (Sir Paul), resigns the Treasu-
rership of the Household, i. 125 ; his
character, i. 126 ; alluded to, i. 34,
294.
Middleton (Dr.), i. xlviii ; ii. 219.
Milan, ii. 174, 233, 237, 238.
Minister (A), Lord Hervey's opinion on
the duties of, ii. 248.
Ministers (Foreign), asked to forbear go
ing to the Prince of Wales, iii. 243 ;
their day for attending Court, iii. 299.
Ministry (The), list of, at the death of
George I., i. 38; reasons for suspend
ing a change in, i. 40, 41 ; changes
in, i. 141, 210 ; ii. 156 ; revolution in,
i. 199 ; opposes the King's visit to
Hanover, ii. 165 ; the treaty of peace,
ii. 234-237 ; of 1742, iii. 381, 386, 391.
Mirandola, ii. 181.
Mississippi scheme, i. 85.
Modena (Charlotte Aglai, Princess of),
ii. 169.
Modena (Francis d'Este\ Prince of), ii.
169.
Montagu (Charles), M.P., iii. 285.
Montagu (Lady Mary Wortley), her
poems, i. xxviii, xxx ; her quarrel
with A. Pope, > i. xxxvii ; her friend
ship for Lord Hervey, i. xxxvii, liii a. ;
A. Pope's attack on her, i. xxxix ;
Lord Hervey's letters to her, i. liii-lvi ;
her friendship for Miss Skerrett, i.
115 a.; alluded to, i. xx, xxxix, xlix,
26 a., 90 a. ; ii. 143, 260; iii. 107,
148.
Montague (Duke of), made governor of
the Isle of Wight, i. 250 ; his charac
ter, il.; made captain of the fourth
troop of Horse Guards, iii. 149; Mas
ter of the Ordnance, iii. 359 ; alluded
to, iii. 17, 108.
Montandre (Marquis of), ii. 327 ; iii.
159, 207.
Montemar (Duke of), formerly Count

Montemar, ii. 332 ; commands the
Spanish troops in Italy, ii. 2, 6; created
Duke of Bitonto, ii. 3 ; created Duke
of Montemar, il. ; retreats from Man
tua, ii, 232 ; deserts Parma and Pla-
centia, il. ; withdraws into Tuscany,
il.
Monti (Mons.), French ambassador in
Poland, i. 256 ; Stanislaus concealed
in his house, i. 258 ; at Dantzic, ii.
26 ; confined with the Primate of
Poland, ii. 30.
Montijo (Count de), Spanish ambassa
dor in London, i. 273 ; ii. 5.
Mortmain Bill, ii. 262, 264 ; ii. 312 ; iii.
100 ; passed, ii. 268, 270.
Monson (William, Lord), created a peer,
i. 89.
Montrose (James, Duke of), i. 165; ii.
144 ; dismissed, i. 215 a.; 245.
Moyle (General), his conduct during the
Porteous riots, ii. 316 ; iii. 108.
Mulgrave (Lord), i. lv a.
Munich (Count), ii. 26.
Muscovy, see Russia.
Naples, i. 68, 273 ; ii. 173, 236, 237 ;
Don Carlos made King of, ii. 2, 3,
30, 233 ; the Emperor's troops in,
commanded by Visconti, Viceroy of
Naples, ii. 2 ; conquered by the
Spaniards, ii. 3, 6 ; the embassy to
acknowledge Don Carlos, iii. 256.
National Debt (The), i. 138 ; ii. 152,
155 ; Sir John Bernard's scheme for
the reduction of the interest of, iii.
126 ; opposition of Sir R. Walpole,
iii. 126, 129, 130, 133 ; opposition of
the King and Queen, iii. 128, 133 ;
arguments against, iii. 128 ; the right
of Parliament to reduce the interest,
iii. 129 ; the bill ordered to be brought
in , iii. 130 ; thrown out on the second
reading, iii. 131.
Navy (The), debt, i. 303 ; debate on
the vote of seamen, ii. 131-136 ;
strength of, iii. 359 ; Cabinet minutes
relating to the movements of the fleet
during the Spanish war, iii. 360, 362,
367-
Newcastle (Duke of), opposes Lord
Hervey entering the Cabinet, i. xlix ;
Sir R. Walpole's reasons for making
him Secretary of State, i. 9 ; sponsor
for William, Duke of Cumberland, i.
38 ; disliked by the King, i. 38 ; iii.
281 ; called a rascal by the King, i.
38 a. ; and an impertinent fool, i. 39 ;
objects to Lord Hervey being called
to the Lords, i. 248 ; talks as the
King talks, ii. 41 ; his opinion on the
affairs of Europe, il. ; asks leave to
go into the country, ii. 212, 213 ; his

422

INDEX.

share in the treaty of peace, ii. 236,
243 ; his interest superior to Lord
Hervey's, iii. 51 ; his means of keep
ing his interest at Court, iii. 92 ; on
the Porteous Riot Bill, iii. 102, 105 ;
his speech on Lord Lovel's motion,
iii. in ; his motion, iii. 113 ; repri
manded by the Queen, iii. 114, 135 ;
changes his conduct, iii. 117 ; ill with
the Queen, iii. 133 ; his court to Lord
Carteret and Bishop Sherlock, iii.
135 ; half-drunk, iii. 136 ; offers Lord
Carteret's services to Sir R. Walpole,
il. ; his interest low at Court, il. ; a
Westminster scholar, il. ; the Duke
of Argyle's attack on him, iii. 141 ;
his reply, il. ; misrepresents things
said in debates to the King and
Queen, iii. 142 ; his conduct on the
embassy to Naples, iii. 256 ; his means
of working into power, iii. 258; asks
the Princess Emily to use her influence
to prevent the message going to
Frederick, iii. 258 ; his absurdity, iii.
274 ; the Queen on his conduct, iii.
290 ; endeavours to prevent Sir R.
Walpole coming to town, iii. 300;
sends for him by a roundabout way,
iii. 302 ; his breeding, iii. 362 ; his
treachery, i. 1 ; iii. 371 ; his indecision,
iii. 387 ; alluded to, i. 38, 158, 212,
241, 261, 283, 295 ; ii. 5, 54, 84, 92 a.,
101, 105, 159, 184 a., 292 «., 327,
335. 374 I iii- *7. 58, 87, 99, 100, 103,
112, 118, 120, 122, 124, 138, 142, 203,
233. 235. 245. 253. 256. 28o, 282, 306,
35°. 358. 36l> 364. 367. 37L 373-
Nixon, the perpetrator of the explosion
in the Court of Chancery, ii. 313.
"No slavery — no excise — no wooden
shoes ! " i. 170.
Noailles (Marshal de), ii. 23.
Norfolk, Sir R. Walpole's visits to, i.
339 ; ii- 78, 81, 86, 103, 211, 236, 253,
374 ; iii. 153, 158, 289 ; W. Pulteney
in, iii. 245.
Norris (Sir John), admiral of the fleet,
iii- 359. 367. 373-
Norfolk (Duchess of), iii. 268, 295.
Norfolk (Duke of), iii. 268.
Norfolk House, iii. 268.
North (Francis, 3d Lord), afterwards
ist Earl of Guildford, his birth and
appointments, iii. 239 a. ; a weak
man, iii. 239 ; alluded to, iii. 153,
177, 228, 229, 230, 303, 305, 306, 307.
Northampton (3d Earl of), i. 30 a.
Novaro, ii. 174, 233.
Ogle (Sir Challoner), iii. 359, 368, 372.
Oglethorpe (General), M.P., iii. 217.
Oldfield (Mrs.), i. 24 a.
Onslow (Speaker), his opinion of Sir W.

Wyndham, i. 28 ; his character, i..
100; determined to hurt the Minis
ters, i. 230 ; his appointments, i. 333 ;
alluded to, i. 157 ; ii. 262.
Opera (The), ii. 218 ; at the Haymarket
patronised by the Court, i. 320 ; at
Lincoln's Inn Fields patronised by
the Prince of Wales, i. 320 ; the King
and Queen go to the first of Farinelli's
performances, ii. 77.
Oran, Spanish expedition to, i. 306.
Orange (Anne, Princess of), Princess-
Royal, her intended marriage to the
Prince of Orange, i. 237, 277 ; reasons
for the match, i. 237, 279 ; her for
tune, i. 238 ; her character, i. 239 ;
her appearance, i. 240 ; patronises
Handel, i. 279 a. , 320 ; her behaviour
during her engagement, i. 279, 280 ;
her marriage, i. 312-319 ; her jewels,
i. 316 ; the causes of ber quarrels
with the Prince of Wales, i. 319, 320,
321 ; addresses on her marriage, i.
322, 324 ; her reception in Holland,
i. 328 ; her allowance, i. 332 ; iii. 77 ;
her journeys to Holland, i. 334, 338 ;
ii. 75, 86, 100-102 ; the parting with
her family, i. 334 ; her desire for war,
so that she might return to England,
i. 336 ; her influence with the Queen,
i. 337 ; visits England, ii. 25, 70 ; de
clares herself with child, ii. 70 ; H.
Walpole advises her to return to
Holland, ii. 71 ; to lie-in at Holland,
ii. 73, 74 ; returns to Kensington
unexpectedly, ii. 76 ; her conduct
condemned, ii. 77 ; her criticism of
her father, ii. 87 ; her love for the
King, ii. 91 ; wishes for Lady Suf
folk's disgrace, il. ; her desire to lie-
in in England, ii. 100-103 ; her con
duct condemned, ii. 102 ; grows fat,
ii. 228 ; not likely to have children.
il. ; jealous of Miss Schutz, ii. 229 ;
sees the King, il. ; is brought to bed
of a daughter, iii. 2, 22, 52 ; means
taken to prevent her coming to see
the Queen in her last illness, iii. 326 ;
alluded to, ii. 24, 169, 188.
Orange (William, Prince of), his figure
and appearance, i. 237, 239, 278, 279,
317; his estate, i. 237; given the Garter,
i. 249 ; arrival in England, i. 277 ; the
King's treatment of him, i. 277, 280 ;
his illness, i. 279 ; his recovery, i.
280 ; dines with the Princesses, il. ;
removes to Kensington and Bath, il. ;
returns to Somerset House, i. 312 ;
his marriage, i. 312-319 ; his presents
to the Princess, i. 316 ; stands sponsor
to Lord Hervey's daughter, i. 319 ;
the Prince of Wales is civil to him, il. ;
his popularity, i. 327 ; his reception

INDEX.

423

in Holland after his marriage, i. 328 ;
ii. 69 ; the proposal to naturalise him,
i. 332 ; embarks for Holland, i. 334 ;
is acquainted with the affairs of the
Court, i. 33s ; is well informed of the
interests of foreign Courts, i. 336 ;
with the Emperor's army on the
Rhine, i. 337; ii. 25, 70, 71, 74; the
desire in Holland to make him Stadt-
holder, ii. 69 ; makes a tour in Ger
many, ii. 74 ; his return to the Hague,
ii. 74, 76 ; at Helvoetsluys, ii. 77 ;
supposed to be in love with Miss
Schutz, ii. 229 ; alluded to, i. 321 ;
ii. 25, 73, 74, 101, 103 ; iii. 327.
Orleans (Duke of), Regent of France,
i. 69, 265 ; ii. 169.
Orleans (Madame d'), i. 317 a.
Orford (Earls of), see Walpole.
Orkney (Lord), iii. 101.
Ormond (Duke of),, i. 208 ; iii. 372.
Osnaburg, death of George I. at, i. 30.
Ostend Company, maintenance of, i.
73 ; establishment of, i. 77, 78 ; its
traffic to cease for seven years, i. 103.
Oxenden (Sir George), 5th Bart., a
Lord of the Treasury, dismissed, iii.
145 ; his birth, il. ; his character, iii.
147 ; his debauchery, il.
Oxford, i. 202 ; University of, says im
pertinent things to the King under
pretence of complimental addresses,
i. 324.
Oxford (Lord Treasurer) , i. 13.
Paine (Mrs.), iii. 167, 194.
Pains and Penalties, Bills of, iii. 106.
Palatine (The Elector), ii. 207, 241.
Pall Mall, Dodington's house in, ii.
99-
Paris, i. xviii, 139 ; iii. 371 ; negotia
tions of the Congress of Soissons
transferred to, i. 107 a.
Parliament, discussions on election peti
tions, i. 102 ; ii. 138 ; the Marlbo
rough petition, ii. 138-142 ; debate
on the Treaty of Seville, i. 133-135 ;
debate on the Hessians, i. 136-138 ;
debate on Dunkirk, i. 139 ; the Dis
senters' petition, i. 145 ; debate on
the excise proposals, i. 181, 202 ; re
solutions against tumultuous transac
tions, i. 205 ; committee appointed
to inquire into the customs frauds, i.
225 ; the King communicates the
intended marriage of the Princess-
Royal, i. 237 ; debate on the South
Sea Company in the Lords, i. 241-
244 ; Lord Hervey moves the address
in the Lords, 1734, i. 283 ; Army
Officers' Commissions Bill, i. 288,
291 ; motion to know who advised
the King to take away the regiments

of the Duke of Bolton and Lord Cob
ham, i. 288 ; the navy debt, i. 302 ;
Triennial Parliaments Bill, i. 302 ;
army estimates— increase of the army,
i. 306 ; debate on the vote of confi-
' dence, i. 308-311 ; ii. 136 ; addresses
on the marriage of the Princess-
Royal, i. 322 ; Parliament of 1734
dissolved, i. 332 ; proclamation for a
new one, il. ; Scotch peers' petition
in the Lords, ii. 126, 144 ; debate on
it, ii. 144-147, 379 ; debate on the vote
for seamen, ii. 131-136 ; debate on
the army in 1735, ii. 126, 136, 148-
152, 389 ; the treaty with Denmark,
ii. 137 ; Church debates, ii. 261-273 ;
the addresses on the marriage of the
Prince of Wales, ii. 292; motions on
the Porteous riots, iii. 39 ; debate on
Frederick's claim to have ,£100,000
a year, iii. 70-80, 82 ; precedents,
iii. 71, 75; the division, iii. 80; de
bate on the claim in the Lords, iii.
86 ; the division, iii. 88 ; their protest,
il. ; army debate, 1737, iii. 90, 101 ;
forms of procedure in the Lords, iii.
104 ; Porteous Riot Bill, debate in
the Lords, iii. 106-111, 113, 118-124 ;
dispute as to the manner in which the
Scotch Judges should be admitted,
iii. 121 ; bill for the reduction of the
interest on the national debt ordered
to be brought in, iii. 130 ; thrown out
on the second reading, iii. 131 ; Por
teous Riot Bill in the Commons, iii.
137 ; passed, il. ; the debate in the
Lords, iii. 139-142; passed, iii. 142;
jointure settled on the Princess of
Wales, il. ; bill for the regulation of
the stage, il. ; the King's speeches in,
1728, i. 101 ; 1733, i. 164, 247 ; 1734,
i- 283, 332 ; 1735, ii. 131 ; 1736, ii.
259 ; J737. iii- 38, 144 I 174°. ii- 361 ;
openings of the session in, 1727, i.
45 ; 1728, i. 100 ; 1729, i. 119 ; 1730,
i. 131 ; 1733, i. 164 ; 1734, i. 283 ;
1735. ii- T3* • !736, ii. 259 ; r737. i"-
37 ; 1741, i. 1 ; iii. 377 ; prorogued in
1727, i. 49 ; 1728, i. 107 ; 1729, i.
124 ; 1733, i. 248 ; 1734, i. 332 ; 1735,
ii. 165, 221 ; 1736, ii. 295 ; 1737, iii.
144 ; 1740, iii. 376.
Parliament, liberty of speech in, i. 206.
Parliament (The right of), to explain
the intention of their own Acts, iii.
89 ; to reduce the interest on the
national debt, iii. 129.
Parliamentary inquiries, Sir R. Wal
pole's objections to, i. 228.
Parma, i. 68, 70, 71, 72, 78, 79, 80,
132 ; ii. 174, 232, 233, 236, 237 ;
battle of, ii. 17 ; Count Merci killed
at, ii. 18.

424

INDEX.

Parma (Elizabeth of), 2d wife of Philip
V, i. 68 a.
Patinho (Joseph), Prime Minister of
Spain, ii. 4, 5.
Paulet (Lord Harry), iii. 374.
Payne (Mrs.), iii. 167, 194.
Peace, articles for a general, agreed to
by Spain, i. 103 ; plan of accommo
dation, ii. 131, 173 ; rejected, ii. 175,
181 ; the steps taken in England, ii.
181 ; preliminary articles to a general,
signed at Vienna by Germany and
France, ii. 232 ; articles of the treaty,
ii. 233 ; the English Ministers and the
treaty, ii. 234-237; opinion in Eng
land, ii. 241-245, 253 ; the treaty
signed by Spain, ii. 259.
Peerage Bill, i. 173.
Peers and peeresses informed that if
they went to the Prince of Wales's
Court they would not be admitted to
the King's presence, iii. 244.
Peers (Irish), precedence of, i. 313.
Peers (Scotch), the election in 1734, i.
341 ; bribing, it. ; their petition, ii.
126, 144 ; the debate on it, ii. 144-147,
379 ; dismissed, ii. 147 ; action of the
King and Queen, il.
Pelham (Henry) made Paymaster to the
Army, i. 144 ; keeps the King in
formed of the excise debate, i. 185,
198 ; advises Sir R. Walpole not 10
stand a division on the Marlborough
election petition, ii. 139 ; his action
on the bill for the reduction of the
interest of the National Debt, iii.
133 ; alluded to, i. 199 a. , 205, 293 ;
ii. 159 I iii- 57. J36. 267.
Pelham (Jemmy), Secretary to the
Prince of Wales, quits the office, iii.
269.
Pelham (Thomas), i. xxxv.
Pembroke (Henry, 9th Earl), lord
of the bedchamber, applies for the
vacant Mastership of the Horse, i.
296 ; ii. 123 ; his claims, i. 296 ; his
character, i. 296 ; ii. 125 ; iii. 307 ; made
groom of the stole, ii. 123, 125, 358 ;
his salary, ii. 123 ; the Queen abuses
him, iii. 254 ; dlluded to, iii. 35, 58,
108, 236, 238, 248, ,250, 253, 300, 306,
37L
Pembroke (Lady), ii. 331, 336 ; iii.
284. 3°3-
Pension Bill, i. 206.
Petersham, ii. 216 ; iii. 176.
Philipsburg, the siege of, ii. 19, 22 ; the
Duke of Berwick killed at, il. ; the
inaction of Prince Eugene at, ii. 22 ;
surrenders to the French, ii. 23, 24 ;
the governor behaves extremely well,
ii. 23 ; the armies retreat, ii. 25.
Phipps (Constantine), i. lv a.

Piastes, a Polish sovereign and saint, i.
255, 257.
Pictures at Kensington, ii. 205 ; the
Queen's love for, ii. 224.
Piedmont, ii. 174.
Pitt (William), afterwards Earl of Cha
tham, iii. 48 ; his speech on the mar
riage of the Prince of Wales, ii. 292 ;
in favour with Frederick, ii. 367.
Placentia, i. 68, 132 ; ii. 174, 232, 233,
236, 237.
Players put under the direction of the
Lord Chamberlain, iii. 142.
PI6I0 (Count de), ii. 28.
Plummer (Mr.), i. 199 a.; ii. 261.
Poland, i. 348 ; ii. 180, 233, 241, 246 ;
death of King Augustus, i. 251, 306,
348 ; candidates for the crown, i. 251 ;
Stanislaus opposed by Charles VI.
and the Czarina, i. 251, 252 ; Elector
of Saxony's cause espoused by Charles
VI. and the Czarina, il. ; the claim
of the Electress of Bavaria, i. 252 ;
the Primate aids Stanislaus, i. 253 ;
protests of the Czarina and Charles
VI., il. ; threats of the Russians and
Charles VI. to invade the country,
i. 253, 254 ; armies of Russia and
Germany march to the frontier," i.
254 ; Russians march towards War
saw, i. 256, 263 ; Stanislaus concealed
at Warsaw, i. 256 ; proposal to place
a Piaste or noble native on the throne,
i.257 ; Stanislaus elected King, i. 257-
260 ; opinion in England, i. 260-263 ;
the Elector of Saxony chosen King
by his own party, i. 263 ; Stanislaus
retires to Dantzic, ii. 26 ; his escape,
ii. 27 ; the siege and capitulation of
Dantzic, ii. 26-30 ; proposal that
Stanislaus should keep the title of
King, ii. 173 ; proposal that the Rus
sians should be withdrawn from, il. ;
proposal that the Elector of Saxony
should be acknowledged King, ii.
173. 233-
Polygala senega = snake-root, iii. 296,
297-
Pomfret (Lady), ii. 357, 358.
Pomfret (Lord), i. 90, 229 ; ii. 238, 357.
Poor's-tax, ii. 152.
Pope (Alexander), his quarrel with Lord
Hervey, i. xxxiv, xxxvii- xiv, xlviii ;
his quarrel with Lady Mary Wortley
Montagu, i. xxxvii ; alluded to, i.
xxxiii.
Porteous (Captain), hanged, ii. 316 ;
Edinburgh fined ^2000, the sum to be
given to his widow, iii. 137, 138 ; al
luded to, iii. 115, 116, n8, 121, 142.
Porteous riot, ii. 314-319, iii. 39 ; bill for
the prosecution of the rioters, iii. 98 ;
opinions and intrigues about it, iii.

INDEX.

425

09-104,111-113, 124; examination of
the provost and bailies of Edinburgh,
¦ iii. 100 ; substance of the bill for the
punishment of the rioters, iii. 104 ;
debate in the Lords, iii. 106-111, 113,
118-124 ; action of the Scotch peers,
iii. 107 ; moved that the Lord Justice-
Clerk be sent for, iii. 108 ; the divi
sion, iii. in ; the Queen on the bill,
iii. 114- 118; the bill in the Commons,
iii. 137 ; passed, il. ; its articles, il. ;
the debate in the Lords, iii. 139-142 ;
passed, iii. '142.
Porto-Bello, i. 103 ; iii. 368.
Porto-Ferraio, i. 132.
Portman (Lady), ii. 123.
Portugal, ii. 233, 242, 255.
Post-office revenue, iii. 71, 75.
Potter (John), Bishop of Oxford, after
wards Archbishop of Canterbury, soli
cits the See of Winchester, ii. no ; his
learning, ii. 284 ; Lord Hervey recom
mends him for the See of Canterbury,
il. ; prays with the Queen, iii. 333 ; al-
ludedto, ii. 330; iii. 332, 334, 358, 364.
Potocki (Theodore), Archbishop of
Gnesna and Primate of Poland, i.
253 ; at Dantzic, ii. 26 ; refuses to
take the oath of allegiance to King
Augustus, ii. 30.
Poulet (John, ist Earl), i. 284; ii. 170.
Poulet (John, 2d Earl), see Hinton
(Lord).
Poulet (Lord Harry), iii. 374.
Poyntz (Rt. Hon. Stephen) appointed a
representative at the Congress of Sois-
sons, i. 105 ; ii. 42 ; his character, ii.
42 ; his opinion on the affairs of
Europe, ii. ; alluded to, ii. 54,' 55,
230 ; iii. 222.
Pragmatic sanction, i. 252 ; ii. 174, 233.
Precedence (Laws of), i. 277 ; ii. 288.
Prendergast (Sir Thomas), i. 200.
Presbyterians (The), attempt to repeal
the Test and Corporation Acts, i. 145.
See also Dissenters.
-Pretender (Charles Edward Stuart, The
Young), iii. 372 ; sent as a volunteer
to the siege of Gaeta, ii. 3 ; ordered
to be sent back, ii. 4 ; his hat falls
into the sea and floats towards Eng
land, ii. 5 ; the spy on him, iii. 377.
Pretender (James Stuart, The), believed
to have been betrayed by Lord Bol
ingbroke, i. 13-15 ; his health drank,
i. 208 ; alluded to, i. 5 ; ii. 40, 309,
312 a. ; iii. 219, 240, 292, 372.
Prie (Madame de), i. 85.
Princess Louisa, ship, lost, iii. 206.
Privy Councillors informed that if they
went to Prince of Wales's Court they
would not be admitted to the King's
presence, iii. 244.

Protestant Church (The), iii. 365.
Protestant succession, i. 237.
Prussia, i. 85, 86 ; ii. 165.
Prussia (Frederick William, King of),
his hatred of George I., i. 86; his
disputes with George II., i. 127, 128 ;
ii. 36, 165 ; with the Emperor's army
on the Rhine, ii. 25; George II. 's
opinion of him, iii. 349 ; alluded to,
iii. 271.
Prussia (Queen of), aunt of George II.,
iii. 349.
Prussia (Queen of), sister of George II. ,
iii. 271, 349.
Pulteney (Anna Maria), wife of William
Pulteney, i. 10, 11, 183 ; her avarice,
iii. 132.
Pulteney (William), afterwards Earl of
Bath, the King is exasperated against
him, i. xxxiv ; his name struck out of
the Privy Council, il. ; stands sponsor
to Lord Hervey's eldest daughter, i.
xxxiii ; sketch of his life and cha
racter, i. 8-13 ; is head of the opposi
tion to the Court, i. xxxiii, 8 ; rivalry
between, and Sir William Wyndham,
i. 11 ; his endeavours to succeed either
Lord Townshend or Lord Carteret,
i. 12 ; enters into a secret correspon
dence with Lord Carteret, il. ; his
civil list proposals, i. 42 ; denied leave
to stand for Westminster, i. 49 ;
friendship of Lord and Lady Harvey
for him, i. xxxiii, 128 ; his quarrel
and duel with Lord Hervey, i. xxxii,
xxxiv-xxxvii, 131 ; suggests an in
scription for Sir R. Walpole's tomb,
i. 189 a. ; his opinion on the treaty
of peace, ii. 243 ; absents himself
from the House tor the greater part
of the session, ii. 260 ; his action in
regard to Frederick's claim, iii. 48 ;
his motion and speech on the claim,
iii. 70-74, 87 ; acts meanly on the
scheme for the reduction of the na
tional debt, iii. 132 ; his conduct on
the Porteous Riot Bill, iii. 138 ; agrees
to act under Lord Carteret, iii. 158 ;
his opinion on Frederick's conduct,
iii. 208 ; is shooting in Norfolk, iii.
245 ; his peerage, iii. 386, 391 ; al
luded to, i. xxxiii, Iii. 28, 29, 52, 129,
131, 136, 199 a., 305 ; ii. 58, 92 a.,
183, 195, 196, 247 ; iii. 143, 195, 207,
246, 354 a., 381.
Purcel (Mrs.), the Queen's dresser, ii.
171, 210, 330, 334 ; iii. 344.
Quadruple alliance, i. 67, 73, 79, 103,
132, 134.
Quakers (The), their bill for the recovery
of tithes, ii. 262 ; iii. 100 ; Sir R. Wal
pole supports it, ii. 263 ; the action

426

INDEX.

of the Bishops, ii. 264-266, 272, 274 ;
the bill passed in the Commons, ii.
268 ; lost in the Lords, ii. 270.
' ' Quaker's Reply to the Country Par
son's Plea (The)," ii. 263.
Queen Anne's bounty, mismanagement
of, ii. 269, 276.
Queensberry (Catherine, Duchess of),
iii. 300 a. ; heads ' ' a party of ama-
zons " in the House of Lords, i. xlix ;
is forbid the Court, i. 120, 122 ; heads
an undertaking to prin t the " Beggar's
Opera," i. 122; solicits subscriptions
in the Queen's apartment, il. ; letter
on her dismissal from Court, i. 123.
Queensberry and Dover (Charles, Duke
of), ii. 144 ; lays down his employ
ment of Vice-Admiral of Scotland, i.
123, 166.
Quieta ne movele, Sir R. Walpole's
maxim, ii. 66.
Raleigh's (Sir Walter) cordial, iii.
297.
Ranby (  ), surgeon to the house
hold, on cordials, iii. 297 ; attends
the Queen, iii. 297, 309, 310, 312,
315, 316, 332 ; his wife, iii. 332 ; tells
Sir R. Walpole of the Queen's rup
ture, iii. 337.
Ratisbon, ii. 252.
Raymond (Lord Chief- Justice), his
death, i. 284.
Raynham, Lord Townshend's resi
dence at, i. 114, 142.
Redlynch, ii. 170.
Requests, Court of, i. 181, 202, 206.
Revenue (The), in 1735, ii. 152 ; Lord
Hervey on the finances of the country,
ii. 153-156.
Rhine (The), Germany sends troops to,
ii. 2 ; siege and surrender of Philips-
burg, ii. 22-24 5 i's overflowings, ii.
24 ; the armies retreat, ii. 25 ; the
war on, ii. 177, 178, 181 ; the com
mand of the army on, offered to
George II., ii. 178 ; cessation of arms
declared on, ii. 232.
Richmond (Duke of), applies for the
vacant Mastership of the Horse, i.
294 ; ii. 122 ; his claims, i. 296 ; ap
pointed, ii. 125 ; his character, i.
294 ; the Queen abuses him, iii. 255 ;
alluded to, iii. 17, 58, 108, 236, 253,
358, 362, 373.
Richmond, i. xxxiii, 31, 53 a., 107, 249,
33s, 35° I ii- 29. 88, 186 a., 295, 350 ;
iii. 150, 155, 195, 265.
Richmond Lodge, bestowed on the
Queen, i. 46, 211 ; goes to the King
on her death, iii. 312.
Richmond Park, ii. 215 ; iii. 14, in,
175, 260.

Ripperda'(Dukede), i. 71, 74, 78, 79. 1
Rixleiven (Madame), governess to the
Princess of Wales, ii. 303.
Robinson (Thomas, afterwards ist
Lord Grantham), English Minister at
Vienna, his letter on the marriage of
Don Carlos and the Archduchess of
Austria, ii. 104 ; his instructions re
garding the marriage, ii. 105 ; Sir R.
Walpole calls him a servile Impe
rialist, ii. 106 ; alluded to, ii. 174 a. ;
iii. 372.
Roussie (Lady Charlotte de), gouver-
nante to the younger children of
George II., i. 297; the King's treat
ment of her, il. ; alluded to, ii. 331 ;
iii. 7.
Roxburghe (John, ist Duke of), iii.
280.
Roxburghe (Robert), 2d Duke of, iii.
90.
Royal Family (The), the objection of,
to acknowledge illness, ii. 77 ; iii.
295-
Roye (Lady Charlotte de), see Roussie
(Lady Charlotte de).
Russell (Sir William), ii. 273.
Rundle (Dr.), opposition to his ap
pointment to the See of Gloucester,
ii. 112-121 ; mentioned by Pope, ii.
112 ; his appointment to the See of
Derry, ii. 115, 120; his death, ii.
120 ; Swift's lines on his appoint
ment, ii. 120 a. ; alluded to, ii. 266,
268.
Russia, i. 82, 86, 262 ; ii. 137, 149 a.,
173, 180; iii. 367; reasons of the Czar
ina for opposing the cause of Stanis
laus and aiding that of the Elector of
Saxony in their endeavours to obtain
the Polish crown, i. 252 ; protests
against the action of the Primate, i.
253 ; their threats, il. ; prepares an
army to march to the Polish frontier,
i. 254 ; the march towards Warsaw,
i. 256, 263 ; the siege and surrender
of Dantzic, ii. 26-30.
Rutland (Lucy, Duchess of), ii. 344.
Ryder (Sir Dudley), Solicitor-General,
afterwards Chief-Justice of the King's
Bench, ii. 139.
Saddlers' Company, freedom of, pre
sented to the Prince of Wales, iii. 4.
St. Alban's (Duchess of), iii, 280.
St. Alban's (Duke of), i. 229 ; ii. 292 a.
St. Christopher's, sale of lands in the
island of, i. 238.
St. James's, i. xlvii, 39a., 61, 183, 277;
ii. .77, 90, 102, 186 a., 205, 273, 288,
295. 362 5 iii- 3. 6. 32, 57, 83, 124,
167, 168, 177, 193, 194, 195, 196,
197, 199, 204, 226, 229, 230, 231,

INDEX.

427

232, 233. 236, 246, 266, 279, 289,
294, 296, 303, 306, 325, 328, 362,
364; marriage of the Prince and
Princess of Orange in the French
chapel at, i. 311, 316.
St. James's Park, iii. 160.
St. Simon (Duke de), i. 317 a.
Sands (Dr.), a man-midwife, iii. 2.
Sandys (Mr.), i. 199.
Sardinia, i. 68, 274 ; ii. 173, 174, 180,
233. 237, 238, 242 ; desire of France
to possess, i. 70 ; Lord Essex treated
impertinently by the Court of, i. 263 ;
character of the King, i. 264 ; Mar
shal Villars's squabbles with the
King, ii. 18 ; death of the Queen, ii.
19 ; the triple alliance, ii. 137 ; to be
invited to accede to the treaty of
peace, ii. 233, 242.
Syracuse, ii. 6.
Saxe-Gotha (Duchess-Dowager of), iii.
229.
Saxe-Gotha (Duke of), ii. 287.
Saxony (Frederick Augustus, Elector
of), claims the crown of Poland, i.
251 ; leaves the Russian army and
goes to Dresden, ii. 27 ; goes to the
fair at Leipsic, il. ; proposal that he
should be acknowledged King of
Poland, ii. 173, 233.
Savoy (Mary of), ist wife of Philip V.,
i. 68 a.
Scarborough (Richard, 2d Earl of), re
fuses to |tell the King who showed
him a verse in which he is ridiculed,
i. 94 ; his character, i. 95, 98 ; his
opposition to the Excise Bill, i. 189,
197 ; supports the inquiry into the
state of the South Sea Company, i.
226 ; speaks against the Officers'
Commissions for Life Bill, i. 291 ;
offers to resign his appointments, i.
292 ; persuaded to keep his regiment
and remain in the Cabinet, i. 293 ;
resigns the Mastership of the Horse,
il. ; opinion on his conduct, i. 294 ;
Sir R. Walpole's opinion that his
mind was going, il. ; his death, i.
294 a. ; moves the message to the
Queen on the marriage of the Prin
cess-Royal, and appointed to carry
it, i. 322 ; offered the Lieutenancy of
Ireland, ii. 163 ; refuses it, ii. 164 ;
his interview with Frederick on his
claim, iii. 46 ; his speech on the
claim, iii. 87 ; his madness, iii. 154 ;
alluded to, i. xix ; iii. 58, 155, 156.
Schaub (Sir Luke), iii. 159, 207, 251.
Schism Act, i. 145.
Schutz (Augustus), ii. 75, 229, 327.
Schutz (Miss), the Prince of Orange
supposed to be in love with her, ii.
229.

Schutz (Mrs.), iii. 71
Schulemberg (Mons.), the ladder story,
ii. 298-302.
Scrub house, ii. 59.
Seamen, complaints of the merchants
on the scarcity of, ii. 132, 134.
Seeker (Dr.), mentioned by Pope, ii.
112 a. ; is made Bishop of Bristol, ii.
120.
"Sedition and Defamation Displayed,"
a pamphlet, i. xxxiv.
Segovia, tower of, Duke de Ripperda's
imprisonment in, i. 71 a.
Selkirk (ist Earl of), ii. 330, 343.
Selwyn (George), ii. 168 a.
Selwyn (Mrs.), woman of the bed
chamber, tells the King he would
be the last man with whom she
would have an intrigue, ii. 168 a.;
alluded to, i. xix ; ii. 336, 357, 360 ;
iii. 300.
Servants, money given to, conversation
at Court on, ii. 223.
Settlement, Act of, i. 136; iii. 216, 291.
Seville, Treaty of, i. 132, 136, 138, 140,
141 ; ii. 237 ; bragged of, by the
Court, i. 133 ; debate on, i. 133-135 ;
voted beneficial by the Lords, i. 135.
Shaw (John), a page of the back-stairs,
"¦ 171, 33°-
Sheerness, iii. 371.
Sherlock (Thomas), Bishop successively
of Bangor, Salisbury, and London, i.
339 ; ii. 112 ; his influence with the
Queen, i. 340 ; ii. 128, 129, 281,
284 ; epigram on his ambition, ii.
129 ; his endeavours to do Lord Car
teret service at Court, ii. 129 ; his
pamphlet, "The Country Parson's
Plea," ii. 262 ; his action on the
Quakers' Bill, ii. 267 ; his interview
with the Queen on the treatment of
the Bishops, ii. 274-278 ; his peace
with the Court, ii. 279 ; his prefer
ment opposed, ii. 279-282 ; the Queen
advises him to go to his diocese and
live quietly, ii. 280 ; is hated by Bishop
Gibson, ii. 280 ; his weakness, iii. 67 ;
is reprimanded by the Queen, iii. 116 ;
his speech on the Porteous trial, iii.
120 ; his motion, iii. 122 ; opposes
Lord Hervey's motion, iii. 123 ; on
Frederick's conduct, iii. 286 ; alluded
to, ii. 170, 285, 330 ; iii. 61, 92, 95,
99, 100, 102, 103, 118, 124, 125, 133,
*3S.
Shippen (William), i. 45.
Shipton (  ), surgeon, iii. 312, 315.
Shirley (Lady Francis), iii. 284.
Sicily, i. 50, 68, 69, 70, 77, 273 ; ii. 34,
173, 236, 237 ; desire of Spain to
possess, i. 70 ; conquered by the
Spaniards, ii. 6 ; its history, ii. 6-15 ;

428

INDEX.

Don Carlos to be acknowledged King
of, ii. 233.
Sinking Fund, i. 42, 302 ; ii. 152, 155,
312.
Skerrett (Maria, afterwards Lady Wal
pole), maid of honour to the Queen,
i. 115 ; ii. 143 ; kept by Sir R. Wal
pole, i. 115 ; mentioned in Lady
Mary Wortley Montagu's letters, i.
115 ; ii. 143 ; her marriage, i. 115 ;
her death, il. ; her fortune, il. ; is
ill, ii. 142 ; her beauty, it. ; the
Queen's opinion of her love for Sir R.
Walpole, ii. 143 ; alluded to, i. 24 a.,
339 ; ii- 267 ; iii. 14, 152 a.
Slingelandt (Pensionary), i. 329 ; ii. 53,
74-
Sloane (Sir Hans), ii. 327; iii. 302.
Smuggling, law passed to make it a
capital offence, ii. 310, 312 ; iii. 99.
Snake-root, iii. 296, 297..
Soissons, Congress of, signature to the
articles, i. 66; proceedings stopped
by the action of Spain, i. 66 ; paci
fication of the North to be discussed
at, i. 103; plenipotentiaries appointed,
i. 105 ; opening of, i. 107 ; negotia
tions transferred to Fontainebleau and
Paris, il.
.Soldiers, considered a support of gran
deur by the King and Queen, ,i. 308 ;
laws affecting, ii. 310.
Somerset (Charles, 6th Duke of), i.
27.
Somerset House, bestowed on the Queen,
i. 46 ; iii. 24 ; Prince of Orange at, i.
277. 312.
South Sea Company, i. 43, 237, 284,
291 ; ii. 66, 240, 386 ; the Tories pro
pose to inquire into the state of, i.
226, 229 ; opposed by the Ministry,
i. 127 ; state of the company, i. 226,
[ 229 ; its capital, i. 227 ; debate in the
Lords, i. 241-244 ; decision against
the Whigs, i. 241 ; its effect on the
' Queen and Sir R. Walpole, il. ; error
of the Tories, i. 242 ; their failure to
appoint a committee, i. 243 ; their
protest, il. ; resolution to expunge the
protest, i. 244.
•Southampton House, iii. 268.
Sophia (Queen of George I.), confined in
the castle of Allien, i. 94 a.
Sovereigns who have governed the coun
try through others, i. 93.
Spain, i. 68, 134, 136, 307 a., 348 ; ii.
32. 4i> 174, 181, 255, 260 ; iii. 359 ;
the attack on its fleet, i. 50, 51 ;
raises objections to the articles of the
Congress of Soissons, i. 66 ; Philip's
renunciation of the crown, i. 69 ; de
feat of the fleet, i. 70 ; desires to pos
sess Sicily, il. ; Treaty of Vienna, i.

71-74; Succession War, i. 77; situa
tion of the Court, i. 79 ; possibility of
becoming one kingdom with France
and Germany, i. 81 ; agrees to the
articles for a general peace, i. 103 ;
breach with Germany, i. 104 ; com
plaints of the merchants against, i.
119 ; iii. 288 ; Treaty of Seville, i.
132 ; cheated by the South Sea Com
pany, i. 226, 228 ; negotiations with
France and Germany, i. 273 ; Sir R.
Walpole's plan, i. 273 ; treaty with
France, i. 274 ; expedition to Oran, i.
306 ; its troops subdue Italy, ii. 2 ;
explanation of the Young Pretender
being in Don Carlos's army, ii. 4 ; its
influence on the councils of France,
ii. 34 ; its fleet, ii. 135 ; the treaty of
peace, ii. 233, 242, 254, 259 ; incensed
at the conclusion of the treaty, ii.
233-239; reproaches France with trea
chery, ii. 233, 238; the triple alliance,
ii. 237 ; its naval strength, iii. 360 ;
Cabinet minutes relating to the war
with, iii. 360, 367, 371, 372.
Spain (Queen of), thinks of her son's
(Don Carlos's) interests, i. 71.
Spain (Don Carlos of), afterwards
Charles III. of Spain, his marriage,
i. 78; ii. 82, 84, 104, 238 ; his succes
sion to the duchies of Parma, Pla-
centia, and Tuscany, i. 68, 70, 72,
79, 132, 133 ; ii. 174, 236 ; placed on
the throne of Naples, ii. 2, 3, 233;
sends the young Pretender to the
siege of Gaeta, ii. 3 ; throws his hat
into the sea to accompany the young
Pretender's, ii. 5 ; opposition of
George II. to his marriage, ii. 104 ;
alluded to, ii. 173, 234 ; iii. 256.
Spain (Don Lewis of), afterwards King
of Spain, son of Philip V. , i. 68 a.
Spain (Don Lewis of), Archbishop of
Toledo and Cardinal of Bourbon, ii.
234-
Spain (Infanta Mary Anne of), i. 74.
Spain (Philip V. of), his wives and sons,
i. 68 a. ; renounces the crown of
France, i. 69.
Spain (Don Philip of) , ii. 234.
Speaking, Lord Hervey's opinion on,
iii. 73.
Spencer (Lady Diana), see Bedford
(Duchess of).
Spitalfields riots, ii. 308.
Stafford (Lady), i. 115 a. ; ii. 290.
Stage (The), licentiousness of, iii. 142 ;
bill for the regulation of, il. ; op
position to it, iii. 143.
Stair (John, 2d Earl of), made Vice-
Admiral of Scotland, i. 123, 166 ;
dismissed, i. 215 a., 245 ; his death,
i. 166 ; his interview with the Queen

INDEX.

429

concerning Sir R. Walpole and the
excise scheme, i. 166-174 ! bis desire
to keep the subject of the interview
secret, i. 175 ; his conscience, i. 172 ;
boasts of what he had said to the
Queen, i. 175, 177 ; reasons for not
taking his regiment from him, i. 245 ;
his regiment taken from him, i. 333 ;
his letter to the Queen, il. ; the King
calls him a puppy, i. 334 ; alluded to,
i. 216 ; ii. 144.
Stanhope (Earl), iii. 282, 283.
Stanhope (Sir William), iii. 286 a.
Stanislaus Leczinski, claims the crown
of Poland, i. 251 ; ii. 240 ; to have
the Duchy of Barr, ii. 233. See Po
land.
Staremberg (Count), i. 72 ; ii. z, 20.
Stewart (Mr.), i. 343.
Stone (Andrew), ii. 328.
Strickland (  ), Bishop of Namur,
arrives in England under the name of
Mr. Mosley to pick up and report
news to the Emperor, ii. 55 ; his
character, ii. 56 ; his nominations for
a cardinal's hat, ii. 56, 57, 60; his
audience with George II., ii. 57 ; Sir
R. Walpole traces his history, ii.
59 ; visits a scrub house, it. ; recalled,
it. ; his excuse to the Emperor, ii.
60.
Strickland (Sir William), 4th Bart., Sec
retary at War, dismissed, ii. 156 ; his
death, il.
Stratford (Thomas Wentworth, ist
Lord), speaks on the army, ii. 148 ;
his oratory, ii. 149 ; ambassador to
Russia and Holland, ii. 149 a. ; his
death, ii.
Stuart (Charles Edward), see Pretender
(The Young).
Stuart (James), see Pretender (The).
Succession, Act of, ii. 303 ; iii. 216,
3^5. 3^6.
Suffolk, ii. 374.
Suffolk (Charles Howard, 9th Earl of),
his marriage, i. 54; his interview
with the Queen with reference to
taking his wife from Court, ii. 186 ;
his pension, ii. 186, 187.
Suffolk (Henrietta, Countess of), for
merly Mrs. Howard, the King's mis
tress, i. 52 ; ii. 184 ; her fortune, i.
54 ; ii. 185 ; outline of her life, i.
54-59 ; the King's intimacy with her,
il. ; her deafness, i. 56, 57 ; opinion
that the friendship between her and
the King was platonic, i. 56 a.; ii.
183 ; her hatred of Mrs. Clayton, i.
91 ; hates Lord Isla, i. 342 ; her rup
ture with the King, ii. 88-96, 184,
214, 218 ; the King's treatment of her,
ii. 89 ; she goes to Bath, ii. 89, 92 a. ;

returns, il. ; opinions on the rupture,
ii. 90-91, 93-96 ; the true reasons, ii.
91 ; hates Sir R. Walpole, il. ; her
marriage to George Berkeley, ii. 91,
182 ; her intimacy with Mr. Pope, ii.
92 ; resigns her employment as Mis
tress of the Robes, ii. 92 a., 93 ; goes
to her brother's house, ii. 93 ; her in
terview with the Queen, ii. 93, 184 ;
her pension, ii. 94, 185 ; supposed
leasons for her marriage, ii. 185 ; Mr.
Howard's attempt to take her from
the Court, ii. 186 ; her separation
from Mr. Howard, ii. 186, 187 ; her
quarrel with the Queen, ii. 188 ; al
luded to, i. xix, 49, 53, 63, 121, 170,
217; ii. 103, 354 ; hi. 150, 157, 349 a.,
351-
Suffolk (Henry, 10th Earl of), iii. 90.
Suffolk (James, 3d Earl 01), i. xiii.
Sultzbach (Prince of), ii. 207.
Sundon (Lady), formerly Mrs. Clayton,
court made to her, i. 89 ; Sir R. Wal
pole checks her ambition, il. ; H.
Walpole's opinion of her, i. 90 ; her
character, il. ; bribed to obtain a post
for Lord Pomfret, i. 90 ; ii. 357 ; her
hatred of Lady Suffolk, i. 91 ; her
opinion on the lying-in of the Princess-
Royal, ii. 103 ; made Mistress of the
Robes, ii. 203; Lord Hervey's opinion
of her, ii. 358 ; his conversation with
her on Madame Walmoden's visit to
England, ii. 359 ; her friendship for
Lord Hervey, iii. 159 ; called a damned
inveterate bitch, il. ; is blamed for
things she knows nothing of, iii. 202 ;
her proposal to govern the kingdom
with Sir R. Walpole, iii. 207 a. ; her
share in Frederick's affairs, iii. 207 ;
is ill at Bath, iii. 300 ; alluded to, ii.
113, 128, 252 a., 281 a., 324, 336,
361; iii. 150, 160, 310 a., 333 a.,
383 a.
Sundon (ist Lord), i. 90 a. ; iii. 207.
Sunderland (Lord), i. 15, 43 ; iii. 283,
35°.
Sweden, i. 81, 86 ; ii. 241 ; its offer of
Hessians, iii. 364, 367.
Sweden (Charles XII., King of), i. 251.
Sweden (Frederick, King of), iii. 364.
Swift (Dean), i. xxxiii.
Swiss troops, i. 68, 70, 132.
Talbot (Dr.), Bishop successively of
Salisbury and Durham, i. 148 a. ; ii.
112, 120.
Talbot (ist Lord), created a peer and
Lord Chancellor, i. 284 ; his salary,
i. 285 ; his character, it. ; recom
mends Dr. Rundle for the See of
Gloucester, ii. 112 ; his dispute with
Bishop Gibson, ii. 112-120 ; opposes

430

INDEX.

a motion on the Scotch peers' peti
tion, ii. 145 ; nettled at the explosion
in the Court of Chancery, ii. 312 ; his
death, iii. 38 ; alluded to, i. 199 a. ;
ii. 145, 182, 221, 262, 270, 286, 340,
384-
Tankerville (Camilla, Countess of), ii.
208.
Teed, one of the Queen's attendants,
ii. 171, 330.
Temple (Richard, Earl), ii. 292 ; iii.
48.
Temple (The), fire at, iii. 27.
Test Act, ii. 107 ; iii. 214 ; attempt to
repeal in 1730, i. 145 ; in 1736, ii.
261.
Tessier (George Lewis), M.D., Physi
cian to the Household, attends the
Queen, iii. 294, 344.
Tavern (A), conversation at Court on
the propriety of the Queen visiting,
ii. 224.
Thiange (Chevalier de), disguised as
Stanislaus, embarks at Brest, i. 256 a.
Thompson (Dr.), ii. 159 a.
Thompson (Edward), M.P. for York,
iii. 147 ; separated from his wife,
il. ; her children by Sir G. Oxenden,
il.
Titchburne (Charlotte Amelia), ii. 323 ;
iii. 168.
Tobacco Bill, i. 189 a., 201.
Tobacco duty, i. 160, 162.
Torrington (Charlotte, Viscountess), iii.
229. 269, 284.
Torrington (George, ist Viscount), First
Lord of the Admiralty, i. 49, ^j ;
defeats the Spanish fleet, i. 50, 70 ;
ii. 34 ; his reward, i. 50.
Torrington (Pattee, 2d Viscount), i. 333 ;
iii. 269.
Tory party, i. 150, 199, 218, 303 ; ii.
260, 268, 272 ; iii. 41, 68, 284 ; state
of, at the death of George I., i. 4;
elated on the rejection of the City
petition against the excise scheme by
a small majority, i. 198 ; resolves
to inquire into the state of the South
Sea Company, i. 226 ; points to be
pushed in 1734, i. 284; the election
of 1734, i. 338 ; firmness of the party,
i. 338, 339 ; Mons. de Chavigny at
taches himself to, during the pe^je
negotiations, Ii. 247 ; ready to go to
the King, iii. 65 ; their reasons for
refusing to sign the Lords' protest on
Frederick's claim, iii. 88 ; the offer to
bring in the party to fight against the
Prince, iii. 95.
Townshend (Lord), George II. 's opinion
of him, i. 39 ; spoken of by the King
as a choleric blockhead, il. ; his rup
ture with Sir R. Walpole, i. 107, no

112, 113, 141 ; his character, i. 108-
110 ; epigram on his disgrace, i. no ;
his party at Court known as ' ' Town
shend 's men," i. 114 ; his designs on
Lady Trevor's virtue, i. 116 ; his
altercation with Sir R. Walpole at
Mrs. Selwyn's, i. 117; goes to Han
over with the King, i. 126 ; retires
from the office of Secretary of State,
i. 141 ; his disgrace, i. 142 ; ii. 214 ;
the King's dislike of him, i. 188 ; is
made court to by Lord Chesterfield,
i. 324 ; alluded to, i. 12, 20, 38, 80,
105, 126, 127, 186.
Townshend (Mrs.), the King's refusal
to make her a lady of the bedchamber
to the Princess of Wales, ii. 294 ;
further application for her appoint
ment, iii. 37; appointed by the Prince,
iii. 152 ; the King refuses to allow
her to be presented, iii. 153.
Townshend (Colonel William), son of
Charles, Viscount Townshend, iii.
166 ; favourite of the Prince of Wales
and groom of the bedchamber, i. 216;
offer to oblige the Prince to dismiss
him, il. ; usher of the Exchequer,
ii. ; his death, ii. ; the King's names
• for him, ii. 294 ; iii. 239.
Trapani, ii. 6.
Treaties made before 1725 to subsist in
full force, i. 103.
Trevor (Mr.), iii. 377.
Trevor (Anne, Lady), i. 116, 117.
Trevor (Thomas, ist Lord), his appoint
ments and character, i. 114 ; his
death, i. 144 ; alluded to, i. 34, 116.
Triennial Parliaments' Bill, i. 302.
Triple alliance, ii. 137, 239.
Tunbridge, iii. 195.
Turin, death of Marshal Villars at,
ii. 19 ; the Queen of Sardinia ill at,
il.
Turnpike riots, ii. 311.
Tuscany (Duchy of), i. 68, 70, 71, 72,
78, 79, 80, 132; ii. 174, 233, 234,
236.
Twickenham, i. xx, xxxiii.
Tyrant, the title of, ii. 8.
Tyrconnel (Lord), i. 200, 314.
Uniformity, Act of, iii. 366.
Utrecht, treaty of, i. 67, 69, 138, 139 ;
ii. 14, 149.
Vandemeer (  ), Dutch Minister at
Madrid, iii. 370.
Vane (Harry, afterwards ist Earl of
Darlington), ii. 195.
Vane (Miss), mistress of Frederick,
Prince of Wales, i. 336 ; ii. 189 ; her
son, i. 336 ; ii. 192, 194, 198 ; her
lovers, i. 336; the proposal that she

INDEX.

43i

should go abroad, ii. 191, 197 ; her
allowance, ii. 191, 198 ; Lord Her
vey's intrigue with her, i. xxxii ; ii.
192 ; her letters to the Prince of
Wales, ii. 193, 197 ; her death at
Bath, ii. 198 ; alluded to, ii. 371 ; iii.
189.
Vend6me (Duke of), ii. 20.
Venice to guarantee the treaty of peace,
ii. 233.
Venn (Henry), ii. 113a.
Venn (Richard), ii. 113.
Vergennes (Mons. de), ii. 245.
"Verses to the Imitator of Horace," i.
xxxix.
Vernon (Admiral), iii. 359, 368, 375,
377-
Versailles, i. 41.
Vienna, first treaty 0^1725, i. 67 ; second
treaty, i. 71-74, 77, 81, 86, 87, 133 ;
ii. 133 ; preliminary articles for a gen
eral peace signed at, ii. 233.
Vigevanasso, ii. 174, 233.
Villars (Marshal), commands the French
army in Italy, i. 263 ; recalled, ii. 18 ;
his death, il.
Villette (Madame de), see Bolinglroke
(Lady).
Visconti (  ), Viceroy of Naples, ii. j..
Vreid (Mr.), ii. 196 ; iii. 167.
Wade (General), i. 182 ; ii. 316, 318.
Wager (Sir Charles), his endeavours to
prevent the King embarking for Eng
land, iii. 18, 19 ; his behaviour com
mended, iii. 21 ; is First Commissioner
of the Admiralty, iii. 359 ; alluded to,
iii. 16, 360, 367.
Wake (William), Archbishop of Canter
bury, ii. 116, 279, 283 ; iii. 168,
225.
Waldegrave (Lord ) , i. xxxv ; ii. 248 ;
iii. 367, 371, 372.
Walmoden (Madame de), afterwards
Countess of Yarmouth, the King's
mistress, ii. 167, 170 ; the King's
promise to return to Hanover, ii.
229 ; toasts the 29th May, il. ; writes
to the King by every post, ii. 231 ;
the King's fondness for her is in
creased by the birth of her son, ii.
273 ; goes to St. James's, il. ; her
boy, ii. 273 ; iii. 150 ; the ladder
story, ii. 298-302, 341 ; invited to
England, ii. 351, 352, 355, 362 ; the
King's description of her, ii. 355 ;
lodgings to be prepared for her, ii.
355, 357 ; conversations on her pro
posed visit to England, ii. 355-361 ;
the King buys lottery tickets for her,
iii. 287 ; alluded to, ii. 257, 348, 349,
358, 364 ; iii. 3, 160, 351.
Walpole (Catherine, Lady), wife of Sir

R. Walpole, her death, iii. 260 a.;
mourning for her, iii. 289.
Walpole (Edward), son of Sir R. Wal
pole, i. 203, 204, 205 a.
Walpole (Horace), brother of Sir R.
Walpole, ambassador to France, i.
38 ; created Lord Walpole, i. 39 a. ;
called by George II. a scoundrel and
fool, i. 38, 39 ; his arrival in England,
i. 41 ; is appointed a representative
at the Congress of Soissons, i. 105 ;
vote of censure on him, i. 139 ; his
action with reference to Dunkirk, i.
140 ; is sent to conduct the Prince of
Orange to England, i. 276, 328 ; his
mission to Holland, i. 328 ; ii. 68 ;
his interest with Cardinal Fleury, i.
330 ; his wife, il. ; is a good treaty-
dictionary, il. ; his character, i. 331 ;
ii. 73 ; his opinion on the affairs of
Europe, ii. 43 ; his report on Hol
land and the war, ii. 50, 53, 68 ; ap
pointed ambassador to Holland, ii.
70; hisunsuccess, ii. 71, 244; meddles
with the affairs of the Princess- Royal,
ii. 71, 73 ; the Queen tells him to
mind his politics and leave her
daughter's conduct to her own pru
dence, ii. 72 ; returns from Holland,
ii. 244 ; sent to Hanover with the
King, ii. 297 ; reported to have given
a feast on Madame de Walmoden's
birthday, ii. 359 ; his conduct on the
three per cent, scheme, iii. 134 ; re
primanded by the Queen, il. ; his
sweaty body, it. ; instructed to use
force to prevent the Princess-Royal
coming over, iii. 327 ; il pleure de
si mauvaise grace, iii. 348 ; alluded
to, i. xxxiii, lx, 48 a., 199 a. ; ii. 74 ;
202, 248, 255 a., 301, 341 ; iii. 20,
136.
Walpole (Margaret, Lady), wife of
Lord Walpole, afterwards 2d Earl
of Orford, Sir G. Oxenden's intrigue
with her, iii. 148 ; her son, il.
Walpole (Maria, Lady), see Skerrett
(Maria).
Walpole (Sir Robert, afterwards ist
Earl of Orford), W. Pulteney breaks
with him, i. xxxiii ; sketch of his
life, i. 8; Chancellor of the Ex
chequer, First Commissioner of
the Treasury and Prime Minister, i.
8, 88 ; his reasons for making the
Duke of Newcastle Secretary of State,
i. 9 ; intrigues of Lord Bolingbroke
to injure him with the King, i. 18 ;
his character and business capacity,
i. 22-26 ; ii. 210 ; lines by Pope
on his good-humour, i. 26 a. ; lines
by Lady Mary Wortley Montagu
on his ; portrait, il. ; receives news

432

INDEX.

of the death of George I. , i. 30 ; in
forms the Prince of Wales of it, i. 31 ;
commanded by George II. to take
his instructions from Sir S. Compton,
ii. ; interview with Sir S. Compton,
i. 32 ; composes the King's speeches,
i. 35, 247 ; at Leicester House, i. 37 ;
called by the King when Prince of
Wales a rogue and a rascal, i. 38, 39 ;
receives a letter from an unknown
writer revealing schemes against him,
i. 43 ; discovers it was written by
Lord Hervey, i. 44 ; shows the letter
to the Queen, il. ; is supported by
the Queen, i. 44, 64, 65 ; his conten
tion for power with Sir S. Compton,
i. 46 ; dismisses Lord Berkeley, i. 51 ;
iii. 283 ; is understood to be the
Queen's Minister, i. 52 ; iii. 353 ; his
favour with the Queen, i. 63 ; ii. 143 ;
calls her a fat bitch, i. 63 ; his wealth,
i. 65 ; his rupture with Lord Town
shend, i. 107, no, 112, 113, 141 ;
he first meddles in foreign affairs,
i. m ; builds a house at Hough
ton, i. 113; keeps a pretty young
woman (Miss Skerrett), i. 115 ; his
marriage to her, i. 116; his affec
tion for her, ii. 142 ; his anxiety
at her illness, il. ; his altercations
with Lord Townshend, i. 116, 117 a.;
"The Beggars' Opera," i. 121 ; Lord
Hervey's feelings for him, i. 128 ; his
love for Lady Hervey, il. ; Lord Her
vey writes to him asking for office,
i. 130 ; he concludes the Treaty of
Seville, i. 131 ; makes changes in the
Ministry, i. 141, 210 ; ii. 122 ; his mis
understanding with Bishop Hoad
ley, i. 148, 234, 237 ; ii. 107, in ; his
desire to postpone the Dissenters'
petition, i. 148 ; interview with Bishop
Hoadley concerning it, i. 152-157 ;
defeats the project, i. 157 ; a com
mittee of London Dissenters is chosen
by his contrivance to confer with the
Ministers, il. ; his interview with the
committee, i. 159 ; his excise scheme,
i. 160 ; delays bringing it into Par
liament, i. 178 ; his enemies strike at
him, i. 165 ; Lord Stair's interview
with the Queen concerning him, i.
166-174 I leaves the House of Com
mons by the back-way to avoid the
excise mob, i. 182 ; sups with Lord
Halifax, il. ; prepossesses the King
in favour of his excise scheme, i. 183 ;
the King's love for him, i. 188 ; the
King calls him a brave fellow, i. 189 ;
W. Pulteney suggests an inscription
for his tomb, i. 189 a.; he reasons
with Lord Scarborough on his oppo
sition to the Excise Bill, i. 190 ; tells

Lord Hervey of his opposition, i.
191 ; resolves to drop the bill, i.
192 ; resolves to postpone it for two
months, i. 201 ; bids Lord Hervey
stick to the necessity of not seeming
to yield at the instigation of the City,
i. 192 ; he suggests to the Queen
either dropping the bill or resigning,
i. 193 ; his resignation refused, i.
194 ; unaware that the Queen bad
informed Lord Hervey of this, i. 193 ;
his behaviour on the City petition
being rejected, i. 198 ; he intends to
retreat, i. 201 ; he faces the mob, i.
203 ; the scheme for his assassination,
i. 205 ; burnt in effigy, i. 206 ; hates
the Duke of Argyle, i. 214, 343 ; iii.
100 ; the Duke of Bolton his enemy,
i. 214 ; his favours at Court, i. 216 ;
his speech at the Cockpit on the
choice of a committee to inquire into'
the customs frauds, i. 219-225 ; his
objections to parliamentary inquiries,
i. 227 ; is assured of Bishop Hoad-
ley's support, i. 236 ; concern at the
defeat of his party in the South Sea
affairs, i. 241 ; makes light of it to
the King, i. 242; "all men have
their price," il. ; his opinion on the
election of Stanislaus, King of Poland,
i. 261, 262 ; draws up a plan of ac
commodation between Germany and
Spain, i. 273 ; his reasons for in
creasing the army, i. 307, 308 ; Lord
Chesterfield's rancour to him, i. 322 ;
his unpopularity, i. 326 ; is in Nor
folk pushing the county election, i.
339 ; at Houghton with Miss Skerrett,
il. ; receives an anonymous letter
from Lord Hervey, il. ; goes to Rich
mond, it. ; cannot turn his back with
out somebody giving it a slap, i. 340 ;
he sets everything right, i. 341 ; de
pends on Lord Isla to manage Scotch
affairs, ii.; his endeavours to pre
serve peace, ii. 37, 39, 40, 45 ; he
approves of Mons. Hatolf's plan for
the conduct of England, ii. 38 ; his
reply to it, ii. 39 ; warns the King
that his British crown will be fought
for on British ground, ii. 40 ; is
odious at Vienna, ii. 45 ; his in
terview with Wasner, ii. 54 ; gets the
Bishop of Namur recalled, ii. 59 ; his
management of the King and Queen,
ii. 61 ; the obligations of the people
to him, ii. 62; is more anxious to
keep his power than to raise his fame,
ii. 65 ; his system of carrying on the
Government, il. ; his maxim quiela
ne movete, ii. 66 ; he dines with Lord
Hervey, ii. 78 ; his visits to Norfolk,
>• 339; ". 78, 81, 86, 103, 211, 236,

INDEX.

41 ¦¦»
JO

253, 374 ; iii. 153, 158, 289 ; his inter
view with the Queen on the state of
her health and the importance of her
life, ii. 78 ; desires the Queen to keep
him posted in the state of her health,
ii. 81 ; the effect of his absence on
the Queen's mind, ii. 83 ; Lord
Hervey fears the King overheard the
interview on the Queen's health, ii.
85 ; found it to be a mistake, ii. 86 ;
he hates Lady Suffolk, ii. 91 ; his
favours to G. Dodington, ii. 98 ; he
disclaims having had a hand in Lady
Suffolk's disgrace, ii. 103 ; his opin
ion of Mr. Robinson's letter on the
marriage of Don Carlos, ii. 105 ; he
takes the merit of Bishop Hoadley's
appointment to Winchester, ii, 112 ;
his influence over the clergy, ii. 113 a. ,
281 a. ; his action with reference to
Dr. Rundle's appointment, ii. 115-
120 ; be asks the King to confer a
peerage on Lord Godolphin, ii. 124 ;
his determination to keep Lord Car
teret out of St. James's, ii. 128 ; is
troubled at Bishop Sherlock's influ
ence with the Queen, ii. 129 ; the
final blow to his Administration, ii.
138 a. ; his disappointment at the
result of the Marlborough election
petition, ii. 142 ; his personal appear
ance, ii. 143 ; he possesses impedi
ments to love, il. ; his action in
the army debates, 1735, ii. 150-152 ;
his pacific policy, ii. 150 a. ; his diffi
culties in filling vacant offices, ii.
158-165 ; Lord Hervey remonstrates
with him, ii. 161-164 ; he opposes the
King's visit to Hanover, ii. 165, 229,
230 ; his action in the plan of pacifi
cation, ii. 178, 180, 181 ; he advises
the Queen on the behaviour of the
King, ii. 208-211 ; his reasons for not
asking for an earldom for his son, ii.
215 ; his opinion on the Prince of
Wales's marriage, ii. 227 ; his action
in the matter of the treaty of peace,
ii. 235, 243, 244 ; his interest with the
King and Queen firmer than ever, ii.
243 ; his audience with Mons. de
Chavigny, ii. 246 ; on the reduction
of the forces, ii. 255 ; his advice never
to leave the country without an army,
ii. 256 ; opposes the Corporation and
Tests Acts repeal, ii. 261 ; supports
the Quakers' Bill, ii. 263, 265; thanked
by the Bishops for the part he took
in the attempted repeal of the Cor
poration and Tests Acts, ii. 263 ;
removes from Arlington Street to
Downing Street, ii. 264 a. ; his anger
with the Bishops, ii. 265, 267 ; at
Richmond Park, ii. 267 ; iii. 14, 260 ;
VOL. III.

votes for the Mortmain Bill, ii. 268
his threat to resign if Bishop Sherlock
is sent to Canterbury, ii. 280; interview
with Bishop Gibson, ii. 280-282; Lord
Hervey's advice on Church matters,
ii. 283 ; on filling up the See of Can
terbury, ii. 284 ; receives threatening
letters, ii. 313 ; advises the Queen on
her conduct to the King, ii. 348 ;
advises her to bring Madame de Wal
moden to England, ii. 349, 351 ; is
an ill-bred man, ii. 350 ; advises the
Queen not to take Madame de Wal
moden into her service, ii. 353 ;
conversation with the Queen on
Madame de Walmoden's visit, ii. 355;
his opinion that Lady Sundon had
conversed with the Queen against
bringing Madame de Walmoden to
England, i. 357, 361 ; his jealousy of
Lord Hervey's intercourse with the
Queen, ii. 359, 361 ; conversation
with Lord Hervey on the supposed
loss of the King, iii. 4-6 ; informs the
Queen of the King's danger, iii. 17 ;
Frederick compliments him, iii. 32 ;
the King praises him, iii. 34 ; the
Queen complains of his conduct to
her, iii. 36 ; his reasons for regretting
the Porteous riot question being
brought before the House, iii. 40 ;
informed of Frederick's claim, iii. 42 ;
determines to break off negotiations,
iii. 48 ; promises to do what he can
for the Foxes, iii. 49 ; his fate hangs
on the result of the Prince's claim,
iii. 52, 80 ; proposes a composition
with the Prince, iii. 55-60 ; confidence
in him shaken, iii. 67 ; his speech on
the Prince's claims, iii. 74-79 ; pre
vails with the Court to allow Frederick
to remain at St. James's, iii. 83 ; his
difficulty in persuading the King to
settle £50,000 on Frederick and to
give the Princess her jointure, iii. 84 ;
his loss of influence with the Queen,
iii. 85, 93 ; the Court dissatisfied with
his conduct on the Prince's claim, iii.
91 ; opinion on the Duke of New
castle, iii. 92 ; talk with the Queen
on the Prince's claim and the Tories,
iii. 93-97 ; threatens to resign if Lord
Carteret be employed, iii. 95 ; thinks
it hard to be disgraced by a family
quarrel, iii. 97; tells Lord Hervey
the Queen promised to support him,
iii. 97; at Newpark, iii. in; his
action on the Porteous Riot Bill,
il. ; opposes the scheme for the re
duction of the interest of the national
debt, iii. 126, 129, 130, 133 ; uneasy
with the Duke of Newcastle, iii. 135 ;
refuses Lord Carteret's services, iii.
2 E

434

INDEX.

136 ; labours to prevent the Porteous
Riot Bill from being flung out, iii. 137 ;
his rewards, iii. 145 ; his partiality for
SirG. Oxenden, iii. 148 ; his grandson
"got by nobody knows who, "iii. 148;
attacks made on his interest at Court,
iii. 158 ; Lord Hervey thinks he lied,
iii. 160; his delay in sending the mes
sage for the Princess of Wales to lie-
in at Hampton Court, iii. 165, 175 ;
arrives at St. James's, iii. 175 ; on the
partiality of the King and Queen for
the Duke of Cumberland, iii. 178 ;
his interest at Court, iii. 180-188 ;
his conduct on the Prince's claim, iii.
181 ; Lord Hervey's advice, iii. 183 ;
the King's treatment, iii. 184; has
had thoughts of retiring to Houghton,
iii. 185 ; his vanity, il. ; requested
to state in writing his conversation
with Frederick on the removal of the
Princess, iii. 192 ; the conversation,
iii. 193 ; his opinion on the quarrel
with Frederick, iii. 199 ; expects to
be blamed for what he had not done,
iii. 202 ; on Frederick's affairs, iii.
203 ; on turning him out of St.
James's, iii. 204, 205 ; Frederick's
resentment, iii. 204 ; talks with Bishop
Hoadley on Frederick's attempt to
repeal the Test Act, iii. 214; his
opinion on the disjunction of Hano
ver, iii. 219-225 ; instructs Lord Her
vey to draw up a message to turn Fre
derick out of St. James's, iii. 231 ;
makes alterations in it, iii. 233 ; will
talk with the Queen on it, il. ; is
jealous of Lord Hervey, iii. 234 ; his
jealousy of Lord Carteret, iii. 251 ;
on being blind to the failings of
people, iii. 255 ; the Duke of New
castle's conduct to him, iii. 256-258 ;
determined to have nothing to do
with Lord Carteret, iii. 267 ; delays
printing the correspondence relating
to Frederick, iii. 277, 278 ; the Whigs
of Frederick's Court obliged to him,
iii. 284 ; in mourning for his wife, iii.
289 ; the Queen's illness — endeavours
to prevent his coming to town, iii.
300 ; sets out for town, iii. 302 ; his
arrival, iii. 321 ; his awkwardness,
il. ; the Queen recommends the King
and kingdom to his care, il. ; his
presumption, iii. 322 ; advises the
King not to show any resentment to
Frederick during the Queen's illness,
iii. 325 ; his interview with the Queen,
iii. 327 ; his prospects in the event of
the Queen's death, iii. 330 ; proposes
that the Archbishop of Canterbury
should be sent for, iii. 332 ; looks to

the King's mistresses as his means of
influence, iii. 351 ; Lord Hervey's
dissatisfaction at his being neglected,
iii. 352-356 ; is Chancellor of the Ex
chequer, iii. 359 ; created Earl of
Orford and resigns, i. 1 ; iii. 377 ;
secret committee to examine into his
conduct, iii. 382, 391 ; alluded to, i.
xvi, xxvi, xxxii, xxxiii, xlix, lx, 10, 11
a., 12, 16, 21, 28, 29, 33, 35, 39, 40,
41, 47, 48, 49, 52, 62, 78 a., 89, 95,
97, 98, 100, 120, 124, 126, 129 a.,
175, 186, 187, 199 a., 208, 213, 234,
235, 240, 246, 249, 266, 272, 283, 285,
288, 293, 294, 295, 305, 319 a., 324,
330, 334 ; »• fi. 36. 42. 53. 54. 60, 71,
72, 92 a,, 106, 109, 122, 138, 139,
140, 165, 175, 182, 213, 214, 215, 216,
217, 250, 257, 266, 276, 277, 289, 295,
297, 298, 302, 314, 317, 323, 327, 340,
357. 373 I "'¦ H, 15. 24, 26, 31, 45,
47, 61, 63, 87, 102, 103, 114, 142, 143,
151, 155, 165, 176, 177, 180, 192, 206,
207, 217, 218, 234, 236, 244, 245, 247,
250. 253, 263, 264, 270, 273, 282, 285,
286, 287, 300, 337, 356, 362, 364, 367,
372-
Walpole (Robert, Lord), afterwards
2d Earl of Orford, iii. 148 ; his son ,
il.
Walpole's Lodge, mentioned by Swift,
i. 53 n.
Walsingham (Countess of), see Chester
field (Countess of).
Ward's pills, iii. 298.
Wasner (  ), afterwards Austrian
Minister in England, his mission to
England, ii. 53-55.
Weavers' (The) riots, ii. 308.
Wechselmunde, the fort of, ii. 29.
West Indies (The), iii. 359, 368 ; fleet
sent to, i. 81 ; withdrawn, i. 103 ; de
predations of the Spaniards in, i.
119, 120, 138 ; stopped, i. 133 ; de
putation to the King on the depre
dations, iii. 288 ; the truth of the mat
ter, il.
Weston (Edward), ii. 230.
Westphalia, ii. 165.
Weldon (Anne), see Trevor (Lady).
Wentworth (General), iii. 368 a.
Wentworth (Sir Thomas), see Malton
(Lord).
Westminster Abbey, the gates to Henry
VII. 's chapel, ii. 221; the burial of
Queen Caroline and George II., ii.
347 »•
Westminster Bridge, Act for building,
ii. 3*2-
Westminster Hall, ii. 271, 272 ; iii. 312 ;
explosion in the Court of Chan
cery, ii. 311 ; offer of a reward for

INDEX.

435

the discovery of the perpetrators, ii.
3I3-
Westminster School, iii. 136.
Westmoreland (John, 7th Earl of), dis
missed, iii. 149.
Weymouth (Thomas, 2d Viscount), iii.
90.
Wharncliffe (Lord), ii. 143.
White (Mr.), M.P. for Retford, i.
219 a.
Whitehall, ii. 281, 288.
Whig party, i. xv, 303 ; iii. 270, 284 ;
state of, at the death of George I.,
i. 4, 149, 151 ; supported by the Dis
senters, i. 146, 147 ; Sir R. Walpole's
speech at the Cockpit, i. 219-225 ;
efforts to obtain a majority in the
Lords, i. 233 ; the elections of 1734,
i. 338 ; the King complains of the
negligence of the party, i. 338, 339 ;
the final blow to Sir R. Walpole's
Administration, ii. 138 a. ; Frederick's
claim a blow to the party, iii. 46, 47 ;
supported by the King, iii. 65 ; the
King complains of their usage, iii.
80 ; the natural support of the Crown,
iii. 96.
Wilcocks (Joseph), Bishop of Glouces
ter and subsequently of Rochester, ii.
221.
Willes (Sir John), Attorney -General,
afterwards Chief-Justice of the Com
mon Pleas, ii. 139.
William III., governed the country by
his men, i. 93 ; his wars, ii. 39, 153 ;
his civil list, iii. 72, 75.
William (Sir Charles Hanbury), K.B.,
i. 215 a. ; ii. 157 a. ; iii. 256.
Willis (Dr.), Bishop of Winchester,
translated from Gloucester to Salis
bury, i. 148 a. ; his illness, ii. 107 ;
his death, ii. no.
Wilson (Alexander), Lord Provost of
Edinburgh, i. 317 ; ii. 98 ; iii. 137.
Wilson (Andrew), executed, ii. 314.
Wilmington (Sir Spencer Compton, ist
Earl of), Speaker, i. 32, 100 ; desig
nated First Minister, i. 31 ; his inca
pacity for the office, i. 33, 40, 62 ;
desires Sir R. Walpole to compose
the speech to be made by the King
in council, i. 34 ; goes to Leicester
Fields, i. 35 ; contends for power
with Sir R. Walpole, i. 46; created
a baron, i. 53, 100 ; an earl, i. 144 ;
mentioned by Swift, i. 53 a. ; makes
his court to Mrs. Howard, i. 59 ;
made Privy Seal and President of the
Council, i. 144 ; the King's dislike to
him, i. 188 ; his hatred of Sir R.
Walpole, i. 213 ; given the Garter, i.
249 ; alluded to, i. 30, 36, 38, 49, 63,

124, 157; ii. 214, 221, 286, 326; iii.
58, 168, 180, 358.
Winchelsea (Daniel, 7th Earl of), re
signs the Comptroller's office, i. 143 ;
refuses to take part in the Scotch
peers' petition, ii. 127 ; alluded to, ii.
71, 272 ; iii. 90, 207.
Windsor, i. 107, 116.
Wine duty, i. 160, 162.
Wine licenses, revenue from, iii. 71,
75-
Winnington (Thomas), his appoint
ments, ii. 158 ; his death, ii. 158,
159 a. ; his character, ii. 158 ; his
epitaph, ii. 159 a. ; Lord Hervey so
licits the vacancy in the Treasury for
him, ii. 158, 164 ; his pretensions for
the office, ii. 159 ; disobliged, ii. 160 ;
the difficulty in appointing him, ii.
162 ; his friends at Court, il. ; his
calculation on Frederick's probable
majority in the Commons, iii. 52 ;
alluded to, i. 199 a. ; iii. 285.
Wirtemberg (Prince Louis of), ii. 16.
Witgenau (Mons.), governor of Philips-
burg, ii. 23.
Witham, the residence of Sir William
Wyndham, i. 27.
Wrede (John), ii. 196 ; iii. 167.
Wyndham (Mr.), i. 199 a.
Wyndham (William), of Carsham, 2d
husband of the Countess of Deloraine,
ii. 209 ; iii. 151.
Wyndham (Sir William), his character,
i. 26-29 I bis birth and death, i. 26 ;
first brought into the political world
by Lord Bolingbroke, il. ; head of
Hanover Tories at death of George I. ,
il. ; Chancellor of the Exchequer, il. ;
seized at Witham for the part he had
taken as one of the promoters of the
disturbances in the West, i. 27 ; es
capes disguised as a clergyman, il. ;
a prisoner in the Tower, il. ; admitted
to bail, il. ; moves the House to ap
point a day to consider the state of
the nation, i. 138 ; opens the debate
on Dunkirk, i. 139 ; his opinion on
the treaty of peace, ii. 243 ; alluded
to, i. 199 a., 202, 222 a., 305 ; ii. 247,
260 ; iii. 158, 246.
Yager (  ), German house-apothe
cary at Hampton Court, iii. 265.
Yarmouth, iii. 15.
Yarmouth (Countess of), see Walmo
den (Madame de).
Yonge (Sir William), i. 199 a. ; turned
out of the Commission of Treasury,
i. 47; called by the King "Stinking
Yonge," il. ; his character and repu
tation, il. ; Sir R. Walpole's advice

436

INDEX.

to him, i. 48 ; re-appointed to the
Treasury, 1730, i. 49 ; made Secretary
at War, 1735, i. 49 ; ii. 158.
York (Ernest, Duke of), brother of
George I., i. 38 a. ; iii. 281 ; his will,
iii. 271.
York (James, Duke ef), see James II.

York Buildings Company, i. 228.
Yorke (Sir Philip), see Hardwicke
(Lord).
Young (Sir George), i. xxxvi, 49 a.
Zealand, iii. 26.
Zell (Duke of), iii. 349.

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SHAKESPEARE'S WORKS.
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List of Illustrated and Standard Modern Books. 1 1'
CHRISTIAN YEAR (THE.) Thoughts in Verse for the Sundays and Holy days-
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SOUTH AMERICA, A JOURNEY ACROSS, FROM THE PACIFIC
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i6

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