for the founding if a. ColUgt in this Colony'

•YAiuE'^MVEiasinnr- • iLni3isi5Jsy •

Bought with the income of the
Edward Wells Southworth
Fund, 19 \\

EARLY CORRESPONDENCE
OF LORD JOHN RUSSELL

JOHN RUSSELL, SIXTH DUKE OF BEDFORD.
(Painted by Sir Thomas Lawrence. Photographed by Keith Dannatt, Haslemere.)

Vol, II. Frontispiece.

Early Correspondence
of Lord John Russell
1805-40

EDITED BY HIS SON
ROLLO RUSSELL

VOL. II

T. FISHER UNWIN
LONDON: ADELPHI TERRACE
LEIPSIC: INSELSTRASSE 20

First Published, 1913

{All rights reserved.)

CONTENTS

CHAPTER lll—(coHtinutd)
Religious toleration — Municipal reform — The representa
tion of the people — Repeal of the Test Act — Roman
Catholic emancipation — Foreign politics — Political
crisis in Paris — Intercession for Polignac— Offer of
an important office by Earl Grey — " Peace, Reform,
and Economy" — Preparations for the Reform Bill —
Attitude of the King— The Reform Bill— Victory

CHAPTER IV
The Ministry of Lord Grey — The reformed Commons
— Municipal Poor Law and Irish reforms — Spanish
affairs — Justice to Ireland — Extortions — The King's
alarms at intended concessions in Ireland — Dismissal
of the Whig Ministry — The Speakership — Communi
cations with O'Connell — Russell Leader of the House
— Corporation and municipal reform — Tithes — Legal
changes — Judgeships — Militia reform — The Dorchester
labourers — Orangemen in Ireland ; their violence —
Measures of repression . . . . -34

CHAPTER V
The government of Ireland — The King's observations
— A Bill to render legal Marriages celebrated by
Dissenting Ministers — Plan for the Militia— The King
i

6 CONTENTS
PAGE
and O'Connell — Russell's proposal for the creation of
peers to overcome resistance — The Church Discipline
Bill — Death of William IV. — Accession of Victoria —
Measures against corrupt practices in elections —
Troubles in Canada — Lord Durham acts as Governor
— -England, Russia, , and Persia — Plans for National
Education— Measures for National Health . . 165
NOTES ON AUTHORS OF THE LETTERS AND PERSONS
MENTIONED IN THEM .... 273
INDEX TO TWO VOLS ..... 297

ILLUSTRATIONS

JOHN RUSSELL, SIXTH DUKE OF BEDFORD Frontispiece
(Painted by Sir Thomas Lawrence. Photographed by Keith
Dannatt, Haslemere) FACING PAGE
JOHN CHARLES, VISCOUNT ALTHORP . . 29
(Painted by T. Phillips, R.A. ; engraved by C. Turner, A.R.A. ;
published June 14, 1831, by Mr. Turner; 50, Warren Street
Fitzroy Square)

Early Correspondence of Lord
John Russell
CHAPTER III— (continued)
(140) Holland to Russell. 1831 [?].
Dear John,— I go to the Council of Monday
at Brighton, and I have been at the Cabinet so
late to-day that I must write a letter as short,
though not, I fear, as pithy as one from you.
Dispatches and private letters from Granville
give a very favourable, and, I believe, just report
of the views and sincerity of K. Philip and
Sebastiani. They have had their effects and
done good — but every little that tends to allay
too great quickness and susceptibility of sus
picion, helps .
Pray tell Adair I have received his letter-
fully understand it— and have no doubt that Grey
and Palmerston in possession of his views will
be forward in satisfying them, but I have no
time to write. Yours,
Vassall Holland.

10 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
P.S. Ireland goes on better— and if the great
measures of reform and reduction we have settled
to-day do not alarm the K. (the most reasonable
of sovereigns), all will go well.
(141) Holland to Russell.
Private.
Tuesday, 1831 [?].
Dear John,— Durham was at Cabinet looking
ill, but pleased and useful. All most har
monious, and Grey goes to Brighton on Sunday.
All that affair seems prosperous, and I hope
you will have the glory Canning wished you, e
poi e poi— other things not fit for the paper nor
even for your ear till it happens and your ear
is fit for all things.
Ireland looks better. O'Connell shews a white
feather. The French have started in conversation
notions about territory and recovery of humilia
tion of 1 8 1 5 which are somewhat inconvenient
and above all, unreasonable and too late. They
had not, however, seen the Protocol (I mean that
you begot in a corner), and when they do they
must give up such projects. I am on these three
great subjects in heart and spirit.
Pray do your best to soothe Adair and make
him acquiesce in something. Yours faithfully, 'Holland.
P.S. Remember me to the Duke and give my

1 83 1] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 11
love to the Duchess. I have never recovered
not seeing her when here.

(142) Holland to Russell.
Confidential. January 27, 1831.
Dear John,— The King approves of reform
having been considered, acknowledges the neces
sity of making it effectual, but cannot disguise
his anxiety about the plan which Grey is to
open to him on Sunday. I will write from thence
Monday a line to say whether things go swim
mingly or not, but you must not expect details
on paper.
I wish I were quite as confident as you are
of the chance of war diminishing. There exists
too much suspicion, too much disposition to take
umbrage, too obvious a persuasion that if war
occurs France must be our enemy, and too much
unwillingness to separate ourselves if necessary
from the three other powers, for me to feel
entirely easy as to the result. I wish you would
take some opportunity while away of writing to
Lord Grey, and introduce a sentence or two of
your opinion of the necessity of peace, the
consequences and impracticability of a war
with France, which, as it must become anti-
revolutionary, would be unpopular here and, un
supported by our real and only friends, would
consequently dissolve the Ministry ; in case of

12 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
success, would be infamy ; in case of failure,
ruin— separation in Ireland and revolution here.
There is even a malicious sort of pleasure in
the prospect of Leuchtenberg's election to the
Crown of Belgium, because it will offend and
disappoint the French Government ! as if it
would not be a triumph for the warlike party
in France, and lead to changes in Ministry or
dynasty that would indulge them in war. It is
better to be out-reached by a man whose main
interests coincide with your own, than to foil
him in some little artifice or design and thereby
expose both his and your interests to entire dis
comfiture. In this instance, however, I do not
even see the artifice. If I did I would shut my
eyes and acquiesce.
Your word would, I know, have weight, and
I am sure you agree with me in thinking that
whatever might be the occasion of quarrel, once
at war against France— the Ultras and Despots
are our allies— the liberal party throughout the
world at home and abroad our enemies, and
the war anti-revolutionary— nothing but direct
aggression or positive insult from France should
justify us in breaking with her. Pray say what
you think on this matter, not to me but to others.
You begot the neutrality of Belgium, beget the
peace of the World.
Reform or Adair would give you a plea for
writing to Grey, I should like him to have a
notion of your view of foreign affairs, while or
before he is at Brighton. You were a little

1 83 1] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 13
Prophet about P. at Brussels. The Belgians
will, I fear, chuse Leuchtenberg, with the view
no doubt, I hope, not with the effect, of over
turning King Philip or forcing him into war.
Yours, Vassall Holland.

(143) Holland to Russell.
Private. Brighton, January 31, 1831.
Dear John,— You will naturally be anxious
about a child [Parliamentary Reform], in the
begetting of which you took so active a part.
It flourishes, and is Royally and nobly adopted —
reasonably and almost affectionately adopted —
all that matter and indeed all that depends on
our host goes on admirably — I wish I were as
well satisfied with the aspect and yet more the
tone of news from abroad — particularly Brussels.
You were a Prophet and I am sure I wish even
from higher motives than private friendship that
Bob Adair had been sent thither. The King
is better in health than when I saw him last —
and in good spirits. Yours most truly,
Vassall' Holland.
P.S. — Grey would write but knows I have
written. The King is manifestly in better spirits
since the plan has been opened to him — and
this is not our observation only but Sir Herbert

14 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1831
Taylor's — never was a more successful expedition
than Grey's and Althorp's.
(144) General Fox to Russell.
Brighton, Monday, February 7,
[Postmark, 1831.J
My dear John, — Many thanks for your enter
taining letter ; I am not very much surprised
at the Abuses you have found at Chelsea, and
I hope you will be able to eradicate them or
at least diminish them. I should like to read
your letter to the King at once but will await
your Permission.
It is very flattering to you I think having
to bring on the great Question and just what
the Government ought to have done by you,
though I suppose it will be hard work. To have
been the carryer through of the Repeal of Test
Act and the Reform in Parliament, which last
God grant may get safely through, are events for
Posterity to hear of and remember the mover of.
Brighton has been very pleasant and is now
growing thin. The King is well and in good
spirits notwithstanding the week's company of
the Duke of Cumberland. Yours ever affectionately,
Dear John,
C. R. Fox.
(145) Holland to Russell. 1831.
Dear John, — What you ought to do is this
—stand for Buckinghamshire and write to the

1 83 1] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 15
people of Devonshire who have invited you to
recommend George Bampfield. This is infinitely
the best way— for you, and for the publick, for
the loss of a friend in Bucks would be almost
fatal. Yours ever, Vassall' Holland.

(146) John Wood to Russell.
Preston, Monday Night, April 23, 1831.
My Lord, — On arriving in Manchester last
night, I found the friends of Reform actively
engaged in making arrangements for returning
you as the representative of this great County.
In Bolton, Blackburn and Preston where I have
been to-day, the feeling in your favour appears
universal. ... *
(147) William Russell to Russell.
Paris, April 22, 1831.
My dear John,— I hope to be in England
on the 1st May, and shall probably go by
Havre to Portsmouth, but you may as well keep
a bed ready for me in case I change my mind.
We had yesterday a report that you were beat
by eight, and the funds fell upon it, but to-day
they say it is not true. I look to success or
a dissolution as a sine qua non—\i you don't dis
solve you'll be disgraced for ever and ever, —
but you will, they say you won't, but they lie.

16 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
I am delighted to see you stick fast to the prin
ciple of the Bill ; cling to it as to your honour.
Alas, alas ! I wish I could admire your foreign
policy as much as I do your domestic policy,
but I find here all the admiration and joy at
having a Liberal Government to act with in
England has subsided, they complain of your
coldness, distrust, suspicion and want of
sympathy, and in my opinion with reason.
The Government here attributes much of their
unpopularity to the deference they have shown
to the opinion of England, and an anxious desire
to act in concert with her to maintain the peace
of Europe. You could not have gone upon a
more pernicious and ungenerous plan than dis
trusting France ; the only chance of maintain
ing the peace of Europe is by England acting
frankly, openly and sincerely with this Govern
ment. Believe me that if it is overthrown there
will be the most dreadful war that ever desolated
Europe, a war of passions against all government
and order, and if England does not hold out
her hand to France, this must be the case.
Instead of this we have dirty intrigues in
Belgium, unworthy suspicions, no concert with
France, no sympathy for the gallant Poles, the
Austrians tormenting, torturing and slaying as
in the days of Castlereagh. The French say
they see no difference between Wellington and
Grey and care not how soon the first comes
back to office. Pray, pray use your influence
to make our Government adopt a more liberal

1 83 1 J LORD JOHN RUSSELL 17
and noble system of action. England is sinking
fast and low in the opinion of Europe.
Affectionately yours, G. W. R.

(148) Russell to Moore.
(Date ?)
THE SPANISH ALCALDES.
Once on a day it came to pass,
A Spanish village lost its ass ;
(Michael Cervantes tells the story,
His be the credit and the glory).
A beast of great consideration,
Beloved by all the corporation.
Sometimes the village curate rode him ;
Sometimes the magistrates bestrode him ;
Sometimes he carried loaves and fishes,
And brought them home to each man's wishes.
Garters and ribbands red and blue,
From out his well -stored paniers flew :
With patience bore a heavy pack,
And ever went the beaten track.
The ass was lost ; each man of weight
Deplored the loss to Church and State,
And in an hour of urgent need
They got a quiet sober steed,
But when he failed, they bought a horse,
As luck would have it, from the course ;
A steed so fiery, fuming, prancing,
Snorting, starting, bounding, dancing ;
Requiring so much corn for keeping,
vol. n. 2

18 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
And all the ancient fences leaping ;
That every sober man was frighten'd
And all declared the horse enlighten'd ;
They said he'd ope the stable wide,
For papal bulls to come and bide ;
One day he threw the Mayor in liquor,
And almost overset the Vicar.
'Twas well he died; and in the stable
Was placed a war-horse, old but able.
But there were two Alcaldes known
For always leaving ill alone,
Who shock'd with so much innovation,
Began a State deliberation.
(They resolve to try and find the old lost
ass. For this purpose they both go into the
woods.)
The one tried first a great device,
Their ancient servant to entice,
So when an honest space he'd strayed,
He oped his throat and loudly brayed ;
His colleague thought the ass was found,
And echoed back the fearful sound ;
Each was deceived, each sought the other,
And recognised his sapient brother.
A neighbouring village heard their story
And made this motto to their glory :
" Both Lords their part have nobly played,
And true to Nature each hath brayed."
1 i J. R.
I send you some verse, and have no time for

1831] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 19
prose, as I am going to dinner. It is well you
did not go to the association — rare work for St.
Stephens !
(149) William Russell to Russell.
London, Monday, 1831.
My dear John, — Here I am once more chez
vous, these Kings' houses make one quite corrupt,
I feel much more disposed to turn Tory, than
to go out of it. We finished our Bedford
election most agreeably, all pleasant sailing
before the wind, neither storms nor squalls ; you
have raised a noble spirit in the country, far
beyond anything I could have imagined. I
know no sight so grand, as a People roused
from their Apathy, determined to assert their
rights and freedom. A few Months ago, all
was gloomy, dark, sad and ominous, now all
is cheerful, gay, happy and promising. It is
like the burst of Spring after a severe winter.
A few months ago we were all discontented,
and none more discontented than myself, now
we are all contented and none more contented
than myself — and believe me, my dear John, none
feel more warmly, or rejoice more sincerely in
the successful part you 'have acted in these great
events, for which you enjoy most deservedly that
greatest of all rewards, your country's gratitude
— everybody speaks highly in your praise, your
abilities, your patience, your perseverance, your
good temper, and give you all those good and
great qualities which constitute a Statesman, and

20 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
an honest man. But you must not yet go to
sleep ; the storm is subsided, the Sea is lulled,
but the ship is not yet in port — and many a vessel
has been lost from over security. Believe me
there is a most extraordinary spirit abroad, not
only in England but all over the world, "and I
don't think your Colleagues are aware of it. The
Art is to lead this spirit and not let it lead
you, for the moment you have got it by the
nose, but it is a fractious and turbulent spirit,
feeling its own power, and impatient to use it ;
you must be watchful, watchful, bold and firm.
I wish your foreign Policy were better directed.
I can find no sympathy whatever in this Country
for these gallant Poles. This is very bad. The
Government will get into a scrape if it does not
take care, it will not do to go upon the old Holy
Alliance system— the people on the Continent
will not stand it, and the People have a voice
now-a-days. !
Write me a line to say when you will be here,
or where I can meet you.
Ever affectionately yours, G. W, R.
(150) Holland to Russell.
Private and Confidential.
Tuesday, May 3, 1831.
Dear John,— Whatever were the causes, now
too long and complicated to explain, which pre
vented a better arrangement of House of

1831] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 21
Commons last November, they certainly did
not proceed from any disposition to undervalue
you or your powers or your influence there —
nor did much time elapse before, Grey reverted
to what I suspect was part of his original design
(disturbed by accidents, refusals and exchanges
of others during your absence and the formation
of the Ministry), viz., your introduction into the
Cabinet. Hurry the Bill of Reform on as you
can, I do not believe that you can get it through
before means must and will be devized of offer
ing you a seat in the Cabinet — at least I am
sure the wish cannot be stronger, I scarcely think
it is as strong in your own breast to be there
as it is in that of most of us,' and Grey's in
particular, to have you there. The anxiety felt
and acted upon, to consult you chiefly on the
measure and to place it so distinctly in your
hands is surely as strong an indication of con
fidence in your judgment and abilities and as
plain a proof of the intentions of Government
to seize the first opportunity they can find of
having your assistance in the Cabinet, as it is
possible for men to give — and I own I think
you might give those who admire, love and
honour you so much enough of confidence in
return to suppose that their delay in accomplish
ing what was so much at their heart and so
much to their interest too, arises from no unkind
feeling nor even from any want of decision, but
from a hope of atchieving it shortly in the way
most agreeable to you and most serviceable to

22 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
the common cause of us all. I sincerely believe
that it is so. I know that one among the many
reasons which induced Grey to place the bill
in your hands was the conviction that it desig
nated you as half a Cabinet Minister de facto,
and facilitated your becoming so de jure before
or as soon as the question was passed.
Some further arrangements may since have
become desirable and I believe they have. What
I further conjecture (but that I must allow is
mere conjecture) is that it will be more advan
tageous to the publick service and much more
comfortable to all persons concerned to combine
those arrangements with your introduction into
the Cabinet, than to accomplish them piecemeal
and separately. If anything could add to my
individual wish to see this object accomplished
and that speedily, it would be the state of our
foreign relations which require all the assistance
your judgement and sobriety combined with
your zeal for the liberal cause, wherever pleaded
could afford, but for that very reason I depre
cate the mere resolves and predeterminations and
above all the premature announcement of them.
All goes well. Howick's triumph in Northum
berland does one's heart good. The Tories'
lies in John Bull got the poor Lord Mayor
into a scrape with King and Ministry, but upon
inquiry it turned out his offensive placard was
a forgery of the enemy, and the poor man knew
nothing of it. I have no more time.
Yours ever, and for the time in Pay Office. ¦
Vassall Holland.

1 83 1] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 23
(151) William Russell to Russell.
Brussels, August 26, 1831.
My dear John,— ... I fear Lord Chandos
has much damaged your Bill, however it will
make it more palatable to the Lords, and if you
can stave off the attacks of the Radicals all will
still go well. What I am most anxious about
is the state of things here, there are elements
in this small focus to blow up all Europe, and
its fate depends upon the wisdom and modera
tion of England and France, above all upon their
perfect union. It is clear that mischievous
persons are hallooing and cheering on your
Cabinet to go to war with France — for God's
sake don't be caught in the trap, pray don't
donner dans le panneau. A war with France
would be fatal to your ministry, fatal to your
Bill, almost fatal to England. Besides you have
no grounds for a quarrel, it appears to me that
the conduct of France is moderate, if I was a
Frenchman, I should say to a fault. Think what
a tempting bait is held out to them, this Country
and all its fortresses in their possession, a large
party for them, an opportunity to wipe out the
disgrace of the Treaty of Vienna, and yet they
retreat into France at the desire of England.
Two days ago I had a conversation with the
Duke of Orleans. He spoke with great feeling
of all the sacrifices his father had made and
was about to make for England, but he said
that whilst he did so much to support your

24 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1831
Cabinet, it was but fair that you should support
his ministry. That if France fell into the hands
of the party of the Mouvement, a war must take
place, for the support of which the passions and
hatred of the people against their Governments
would be put into play, and that no throne in
Europe was secure against the storm. This is
too true. The peace of Europe, the stability of
the Governments, the order of Society, the pro
gress of civilization, the happiness of millions
depend upon a Union between England and
France, and it would be an act of wickedness
and stupidity to disturb it for these trifles. Let
the Tories brawl on, let the Holy Alliance
intrigue, let them throw in your teeth stuff about
the honor of England which has nothing to do
with its real honor. Do you keep Peace with
France — and if you cannot be consistent with
the interests and honour of England, resign your
places, and let the Tories carry on the war, for
you are Peace Ministers, and the Country would
never allow you to guide her in war, so don't
plunge her into a stream too violent for your
helm. These are my opinions, ponder on them,
and you will I think come to the same conclusion.
The great object now, is to settle matters here
as quickly and as decidedly as possible, for as
long as this question is open, a quarrel with
France hangs over our head like the sword of
Damocles. Yours affectionately, G. W. R.

1831] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 25
(152) William Russell to Russell.
My dear John,— Pray frank this to Bessy. I
saw Leopold ' to-day with Adair, and he consents
to the Fortress convention. This is a good job
done, and you will meet Parliament with flying
colours. [
Affectionately yours, G. W. R.

(153) Russell to the King.
Whitehall, October 18, 1831.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty
to Your Majesty, and is extremely concerned
that any expression of his should have given
Your Majesty offence. The letter referred to
was written chiefly with a view of impressing
on the excited population of Birmingham the
belief that the reform for which they were so
anxious was postponed and not defeated. And he
has since received a letter from Birmingham from
a dissenting Minister of that place, who does
not belong to any political Union or Society, de
claring that the letters written by Lord Althorp
and himself contributed in a great degree to
prevent acts of violence against persons and
property. At the same time, Lord John Russell does
not wish to justify to your Majesty the expres-
1 King of the Belgians.

26 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [183 1
sion in question. Although not intended to apply
to the majority of the House of Lords, it was
certainly a phrase, which had he not written in
the first moments of disappointment at the rejec
tion of a Measure, the object of so much labour,
and such protracted discussions, he would not
have used.
Lord John Russell is fully sensible that the
present interval is one which all His Majesty's
advisers must wish to be one of tranquillity and
reflexion — a feeling in which he participates as
strongly as any of them, and on such he relies
for the future progress of a measure of wise
and constitutional reform.

(154) The King to Russell.
St. James, October 19, 1831.
The King hastens to acknowledge the receipt
of Lord John Russell's very proper and highly
satisfactory letter of yesterday, and His Majesty
assures him that, while he gives him great credit
for the mild and gentlemanly feeling with which
he has met the communication of His Majesty's
Notice of the unguarded expression he used in
his letter to Mr. Attwood, he rejoices to find in
the sentiments conveyed to His Majesty so
decided a concurrence in his wish that the
present interval should be one of tranquillity and
reflexion.
William R.

1 83 1] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 27
(155) Brougham to Russell.
September, 1831 [?].
My dear Lord J.,— I am quite vexed at the
lingering pace of our Bill. But if the anti-
reformers do stop you— at all events be loud on
the grievance— that puts the saddle on the right
horse. Instead of doing so — what are you all about?
You praise the enemy for his candour and fair
ness! This is exactly playing his game and
taking on yourselves the load of the blame .
Rely on it you are going down hill in the
country in consequence and when once you are
a little lower, the Lords will take courage and
give you and the bill the coup de grace.
Yours, H. B.
(156) Viscount Palmerston to Russell.
December 16, 1831.
My dear Lord John, — I think you ought to
know that the day before yesterday Lord Clive
and his Brother called upon me to say, that they
had derived so much Pleasure from the modi
fications which had been made in the Bill ; From
the Knowledge that there had been private com
munications between Harrowby, Wharncliffe and
Chandos, and Lord Grey ; and from the Tem
perate and Conciliatory Tone in which you had
spoke the other night, that they had determined

28 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1832
not to vote against the Second Reading of the
Bill, and were going out of Town yesterday
morning accordingly.
They added, however, that the amendments
made in the Bill were not enough to enable them
to support it, but they were not without Hopes
that it might still come out of the Committee in
such a shape as to make it possible for them to
vote for the Third Reading.
Yours sincerely, Palmerston.

(157) T. Campbell to Thomas Moore.
12, Waterloo iPlace, January 4, 1832.
My dear Moore,— If there had been some
direct and severe allusion to me in the preface
to which you allude, I should have felt myself
divested of all right to complain on your simple
explanation that it was written during the time
that I had given you notorious cause of
alienation. ... If you have actually spared
me in the preface I am still more indebted to
your magnanimity, and my only regret is that
you shd. have a moment's uneasiness on the
subject. No, my dear Moore, I am too proud
and pleased to call you friend to let anything
cloud our friendship in future. Believe me,
Yours truly,
T. Campbell.

JOHN CHARLES, VISCOUNT ALTHORP.
(Painted by T. Phillips, R.A. ; engraved by C. Turner, A.R.A. ; published June 14, 1831, by
Mr. Turner, 50, Warren Street, Fitzroy Square.)

Vol. II. To face p. 29.

1832] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 29
(158) Althorp to Russell.
Confidential. Downing Street, January 7, 1832.
My dear John, — ;I did not summon you for
to-day and I am glad I did not, but I must
summon you for Wednesday. The King declines
giving any answer until the proposition is made
to him formally by a Minute of Cabinet, which
Minute is to be agreed to on Wednesday when
we can have a full meeting. But there is no
doubt that when such a proposal is made he will
agree to it ; provided the new . creations are con
fined first to eldest sons, secondly to Heirs Pre
sumptive, and lastly to Scotch and Irish Peers,
but he hopes the third class will not be required.
He, however, wishes that if taken, the step should
be decisive and that the whole number required
should be made at once. Chandos has been
trying to open a communication with the King
on this subject, and sent a servant from Stowe
with a letter to Taylor. This was probably
intended to forestall Lord Grey, but it came
while he was at Brighton, and Sir Herbert, in
his answer to Chandos, told him that he con
cluded his object was to communicate with Lord
Grey through him and that with this view he had
sent the letter when he knew Lord Grey would
be at Brighton, and therefore in pursuance of
what he presumed was his intention, he had given
the letter to Lord Grey to be communicated to

30 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1832
the King by him if he should so think fit, but
that he (Taylor) should not show it to the King
himself. This was meeting the thing capitally
and really makes as good a joke of it as I
ever heard.
I have no objection whatever to your con
sulting Hallam though I do not see under
present circumstances why his being opposed
to Reform gives him any merit as an adviser.
Yours most truly,
Althorp .
(159) Althorp to Russell.
Downing Street, March 27, 1832.
My dear John, — We have decided on the
minute unanimously. We state the alternatives
of Resignation and Creation, but recommend as
our decided advice an immediate Prorogation
for a short time and the necessary creation of
Peers in the case of the Bill being rejected on
the second reading. I hear the result of last
night has given great satisfaction in the City,
but, on the other hand, the Tories are much
pleased. I understand they give up all hopes
of winning on the second reading, but they are
very sanguine that they shall so cripple the bill
in the Committee as to render us unpopular and
to destroy us. We, however, can take care of
ourselves as well as they.
Yours most truly, Althorp,

1 832] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 31
(160) Russell to Moore.
Whitehall, March 31, 1832.
Dear Moore,— Cardinal de Retz said that if
he had had the King on his side a single fort
night, things would have turned out otherwise.
So I say, that if we have the King with us
another fortnight, we shall be sure of our game.
Already capitulation is spoken of, and many who
voted against us on the second reading now
speak only of altering some of the clauses.
It is to be sure a wonderful change, I can
hardly believe it myself. But you know I am
apt to be sanguine. Yours truly, J. R.
Remember me kindly to Mrs. Moore. Lord
Lansdowne goes to Richmond to-morrow.
As an example of the kind of language used on
the Conservative side the following quota
tion from a speech of Mr. Shaw, in a debate
on May 25, 1832, in Russell's handwriting,
sounds with a familiar reverbation.
The Bill would undermine British connexion,
destroy the Established Church, and ruin the
security of property. It was, in fact, a Bill
rightly designated when termed superlatively
revolutionary. By proposing this Bill, and by
the means they had used to procure its success,
His Majesty's Ministers had diminished the star
of England's glory. The Constitution might

32 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1832
linger for a short time ; in England for a brief
period its name might continue, but in Ireland,
with the passing of this Bill it must expire. . . .
When he thought of its passing he felt a
sorrow no language could pourtray, for that Act
would operate as a signal for delivering his
country up to boundless anarchy, and fearful
bloodshed and confusion.
[The Reform Bill received the Royal Assent
on June 7th. J (161)
(1832. After Russell's re-election for Devonshire.)
To the Right Honourable Lord John Russell,
His Majesty's principal Secretary, of State
for the Home Department, &c.
My Lord, — We the undersigned Electors and
Inhabitants of the Town and Borough of Bedford
are highly gratified in embracing the opportunity
that now presents itself to> express our admira
tion of the patriotism, courage, moderation and
ability which have distinguished the important
Services that your Lordship has rendered to the
Country in advocating the great and immutable
principles of Civil and religious Liberty, during
the late arduous National Struggle in the House
of Commons.
The zeal you have displayed for the public
good, the sound judgment you have exhibited
in your endeavours to promote it, the incor
ruptible integrity manifested by your Lord-

1832] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 33
ship in Parliament and recently evinced in
the discussion of some of the most momen
tous Constitutional questions ever brought
under its consideration — the liberal and en
lightened principles avowed in your Lordship's
Public Address to your late Constituents — inspire
us with confidence that the present Government
of which your Lordship forms a conspicuous
part, will use its utmost endeavours to carry
into effect, the important measures so ably
promoted by your Lordship. — the attainment of
which we believe to be identified with the well-
being of the Nation and the Stability of its
Institutions .
We do therefore feel highly honored in having
this opportunity of testifying the deep Interest
we take in your Lordship's Re-Election for the
County of Devon — and the satisfaction it affords
us in contributing towards an object in which
the welfare and hopes of the people at large
are so generally embarked.
With these Sentiments we beg to present our
unfeigned and grateful acknowledgments for the
eminent and important Services your Lordship
has already rendered to our Country, by accom
plishing those Reforms which do honor to the
Sacred and inviolable principles so nobly advo
cated by your illustrious Ancestors and which
afford a further assurance that the name of
Russell will for ever be associated with British
Constitutional Liberty. [Many signatures follow.]
VOL. II. 3

CHARTER IV
The Ministry of Lord Grey — The reformed Commons —
Municipal Poor Law and Irish reforms — Spanish affairs
— Justice to Ireland — Extortions — The King's alarms at
intended concessions in Ireland — Dismissal of the Whig
Ministry — The Speakership — Communications with
O'Connell — Russell Leader of the House — Corporations
and municipal reform — Tithes — Legal changes — Judge
ships — Militia reform — The Dorchester labourers —
Orangemen in Ireland ; their violence — Measures of
repression.
(162) Palmerston to Russell.
Stanhope Street, August 28, 1832.
My dear Lord JoHn,— I return you Lord
William's letter ; in which there is much Truth ;
however, one must always try to make the best
of Things as they are ; Pedro wants not only a
little Daring, but more Means; with so small
a Force Daring might be Rashness— as to the
Spanish Ships they will be long enough coming,
and when they do, I think Parker can be answer
able for their good Behaviour.
I do not believe either that the Spanish Troops
will act ; but in good Truth the best thing for
Pedro would be that they should. Palmella goes
31

1 832] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 35
the Day after To-morrow, and we give him a
Steam Boat to take him to Villa Real .
I will take care that the Bulletins shall be sent
you as you desire. Yours sincerely, Palmerston.
(163) Holland to Russell [much abbreviated],
October 26, 1832.
Dear John, — To the question you put to Lord
Grey, and have agreed at his instance to refer
to me, in the terms in which it stands in your
letter of yesterday, namely " to determine
whether Grey's government would be best sup
ported by your remaining to vote for the plan of
Church Reform with such feelings as you therein
describe, or by your retirement from office." . . .
I am strongly fortified in my judgment by the
opinion and conduct of Althorp, who agrees
entirely with you in your principle, who cer
tainly dislikes office more than you do, and who,
I need not add, is a man who acts in all matters
with a scrupulous, deliberate, and inflexible
regard to his publick duty and private con
science, but who, entertaining your principles and
opinions remains and will support Stanley's plan
from a conscientious conviction that it is his
duty to do so. To recapitulate the prolix judge
ment I have ventured to pronounce, I am of
opinion that your migration on this point would
be highly injurious to the Ministry and the
Country, and secondly, that as far as I under-

36 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1832
stand your general principles and the outlines of
Stanley's plan, the latter, though it falls short
of your views, is not inconsistent with them, and
that you consequently are neither surrendering
or betraying them by acquiescing in and sup
porting a plan which falls short of them.
Your very tiresome but conscientious Judge
and friend, Vassall Holland.
(164) William Russell to Russell.
Lisbon, December 3, 1832 [?].
My dear John, — The Appointment of Den-
man does you great credit, but I can't say so
much for your diplomatic appointments. . . .
Temple I know nothing of, but as Palmerston's
brother is entitled to a good appointment your
love of Tories who abuse and undermine you is
to me incomprehensible.
I have had another violent breeze with the
Admiral, for having put five poor devils on board
Edward's ship. He is a great fool, and very
injurious to the English interests here. How
ever, we are now the best friends in the world
again. If I had such a man as Codrington here
I could knock this horrible Government on the
head. Pray lend a favourable ear to Palmella and
do all he wants, do a little wrong to do a great
good, really your policy towards this Country is
not right. Affectionately yours,
G. W. R.

1832] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 37
(165) Sir James Graham to Russell.
Private and Confidential. Admiralty, December 5, 1832.
My dear Lord John,— I am sincerely sorry
not to have written to you, but I had nothing to
say which was satisfactory ; and you may rejoice
in your absence from London for the last ten
days, which have abounded more in annoyances,
embarrassments, and disappointments than I
remember at any former time. Gerard makes
no progress ; and Leopold and his Belgians are
almost as refractory and obstinate as the Dutch.
Pedro, with the means of success in his hands,
has thrown the chance away by petty jealousies
which reign in his Camp and by the want of an
efficient Commander. The Douro is closed by
Batteries which command the Bar ; provisions
are failing, ammunition scarce, the Mercenaries
greedy, and the Money gone. Full Powers have
been given to your Brother and Parker to treat
at Lisbon for an Armistice and for a Regency
to the exclusion of both Brothers with a Party,
which is represented as powerful and command
ing Miguel's Army. This would be a good ter
mination, but it is better, I fear, than we can
now expect. Lord Wellesley talks of going to
Lisbon and Madrid on a special Mission " to
settle the Peninsula " ; while he is talking of
it, I hope Lord William and Parker will do the
thing. Terrible angry feelings afloat about the

38 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1833
Chair ; Abercromby furious ; Brougham much
out of humour ; and I see Breakers ahead ! I
have also my fears about the Elections ; the
Radicals will be stronger than we imagined, and
the Destructives will overpower the Conserva
tives. If the Executive, however composed, lose
the Control in the first Session over the Reformed
House, the Meteor will be hurried into Space,
and Chaos is at hand. If we cannot direct it,
this Dissolution renders the Task impossible for
others ; and now, as you wished to hear from
me, I leave you to the enjoyment of those
cheerful meditations, with which I shall occupy
my journey to the other Extremity of England.
Vive, Vale.
(166) William Russell to Russell.
Lisbon, July 3, 1833.
My dear John,— I have received your letter
of the 20th. The state of England is most
alarming. It is impossible for you to remain
with the sword of Damocles or Wellington over
your head. ... It strikes me you must do one
of two things, either go full swing down the
wind of public opinion, cut and slash and clash
and stop when you can, or take Peel into the
Government and make your stand now, trusting
to the support of the moderate party and setting
the Radicals at defiance, but to stay where you
are is impossible .... What have you sent such
an enormous squadron for? Are you going to

t833] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 39
declare for Maria in the eleventh hour? Things
look a little better here, but all goes piano piano
and not sano sano—l don't know what to say
to it all. It is clear that although the Portu
guese don't like Miguel, they like Pedro and
the Constitution still less ; they would prefer
little Maria with a good Government of all
parties, and a partial reform of abuses. I think
you made a fault in not putting her by force
on the throne, and another in sending such a
sanguinaire sans-culotte as Hoppner here. If
Pedro comes here as Conqueror it is very
doubtful whether his Government will last a
year ; if Miguel conquers you have made him
an irreconcilable foe. In short, you have made
a mess and put your foot in it ; however, time
and chance may clear it away, energy and
wisdom will do nothing. The Cholera continues
to rage here, and as Government does nothing
to check it, I don't see why it should not carry
off all the inhabitants. . . .
Affectionately, G.W.R.
P.S. I have this instant had a good account
from the South. Villa-Flor is getting on, by
Admiral Parker's account it appears you are
going to pick a quarrel with Miguel about Port-
wine. Oh! no, no, I hope not; take a manly
course, say at once you are for Maria, and don't
squabble about Port or Brandy or any nastiness
—the Cabinet must be drunk. Mind, I won't do

40 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1833
any dirty work, nor act as bully ; besides, how
can this weak, exhausted Country say NO, to
fat, rich, plethoric John Bull.

(167) William Russell to Russell.
Brussels, August 23, 1833.
My dear John,— I am sorry to hear that your
health has suffered in carrying through your
arduous task, but I hope it is no more than
what fresh air and rest will restore.
I wish your Cabinet were not so dreadfully
suspicious and distrustful of the French. Nobody
can have behaved better than they have done
in all this business. Good faith, moderation,
and generosity have characterised all their pro
ceedings, and they have completely won
Leopold's heart. You appear to me to be going
out of your way to pick quarrels about straws,
and delaying the final settlement of Dutch and
Belgian differences on which hangs the peace
of Europe. As long as that question is open
there is no day on which a quarrel between
France and England may not burst out.
Nothing but the French forbearance has hitherto
prevented it. Remember on what terms you
would go to war with France. England would
either not support you at all, or support you si
mollement that you must bring your war to a
disgraceful issue. The Tories who now urge
you on to war would be the first to desert you
and to throw it in your teeth ; the Radicals

1833] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 41
would attempt to rouse the whole country. Ire
land would rebel, and we should all feel the
humiliation of being at war, with the Despots,
against a Constitutional Government, on the side
of ignorance and barbarity against civilization,
freedom, and instruction, and all this to pre
vent the French from remaining 2 or 3 months
in this country, as if it mattered one straw
whether they remained or not. Remember, too,
on what terms you would begin your war ; the
French are now in virtual possession of all this
country, they could occupy every fortress with
out firing a shot, and even now they could find
an excuse for occupying Antwerp if they chose
it ; and who, I should like to ask you, is to
get them out? No, I cannot believe your
Government can do anything so wicked and im
politic as to go to war with France, although
we have such sinister reports here. If France
and England remain united the Peace of the
World may be maintained for years ; if not, we
shall have a war that will upset every Govern
ment in Europe and destroy the whole system
of order.
The great point now is to settle this question
decidedly and definitely, it will never be done
in London, dinners and amusements intervene
too often ; besides, there are parties concerned
there whose object is to keep it open, and who
have been too successful. Full powers should
be given to Adair and Belhaven, and in one
or two months all would be settled. Whilst the

42 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1833
Conference in London is doing nothing, Antwerp
is going to ruin, and the inhabitants starving
and the whole Country in a state of malaise-
Pray use your influence on these important ques
tions to keep on in the straight course and tell
Lord Holland and that so far from not feeling for
the Poles I only endeavour not to think of them
as a man turns away his head when a culprit
receives the coup de grace.
Affectionately yours, G.W.R.

(168) Bedford to Russell. 1833-
My dear John,— I am not going to enter
into a discussion with you on the merits of
triennial Parliaments ; you may be right and
I wrong. All I have said is from anxiety on
your own account. I fear you flatter yourself
too much if you think that publick opinion is in
favour of shortening the duration of Parliaments .
Your affte. Father, B.
(169) Memorandum by Russell on Irish Policy.
Note.
Phcenix Park, October 18, 1833.
1. A Government party ought to be formed,
and cemented by every possible means . For this

1833] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 43
purpose the Orange Magistracy in the North,
and the repeal agitators in the South, ought both
to be repressed.
2. The utmost firmness must be shewn in
maintaining the law everywhere. Nobody in
Ireland expects this to be done, and nothing
but the fact convinces them.
3. In the course of improvement, and even
by reason of improvement, numbers of bad
tenants are cast adrift, and from idle loiterers
become Whiteboys and Murderers. Independ
ently of poor-laws some remedy might be
devised for this evil.
4. On those estates which are not improv
ing exorbitant rents are enacted by the distress
of the landlord, from the distress of the tenant.
Any scheme which should enable the Crown to>
purchase land on a large scale would give relief
to such distressed landlords, and be the means
of providing for great numbers of industrious
tenants .
5. There are three principal religions in Ire
land ; the Establishment, few in numbers, but
strong in landed property ; the Roman Catholics,
numerous and containing nearly all the very poor
class ; the Presbyterians, considerable in number,
and remarkable for intelligence and commercial
industry. All three ought to be provided for
by the State.
6. Future enquiry may lead to some diminu
tion of the revenues of the Established Church
after all its proper uses have been provided for,

44 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
but this subject requires long and patient investi
gation before any decision is made.
[In March, 1833, Stanley's drastic proceed
ings in Ireland had driven that country almost
to revolt. He resigned and took the Colonial
Office, but from that time he diverged from the
Whig party; in him they lost one of their
strongest men, who eventually became Conser
vative Prime Minister.]

(170) Lady Holland to Russell. 1834 [?]•
My dear John,— I always miss you, but never
more than when an act of friendship or good
nature is required ; had you been here I should
have entreated you to take care of Holland on
Sunday till Tuesday, he is going to Brighton,
and as he will be lodged in the Pavilion I think
that it's so much better for his health than
going out in the cold to join me at a Hotel, that
I shall let him go alone, he will go in the coach —
on account of his foot. Lord L  gives his
great dinner for pricking Sheriffs, which I will
not let Holland go to, for if he did he would
have too much to do for his health on Monday,
so he goes the day before at his leisure. I am
afraid I cannot get him a companion as the
other Ministers only go on Monday, with the.
exception of Lord Grey, who goes Sunday, but
must be there at 3 o'clock. I wish you could

1834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 45
have gone, you would both have liked the
journey and being together. Allen, perhaps,
may be coaxed to go, but you would have been
a delight. He will set off by 10 on Sunday.
Yours affectionately,
! E. Holland.

(171) Russell to Moore .
Whitehall, June 28, 1834.
My dear Moore,— You cannot doubt that I
am very much gratified by your letter. My
friends in general, I am glad to say, have both
in the house and out of it cheered me with more
praise than I deserve, and I believe, by dint of
encouragement, they will at last make me what
by nature I am not, namely, a good speaker.
But there are occasions on which one must
express one's feelings, or sink into contempt.
... I own I have not been easy during the
period for which I thought it absolutely neces
sary to suspend the assertion of my opinions, in
order to secure peace in this country.
If there is no hesitation or shrinking among
us at the helm, we shall still pass through the
straits in safety, but if there is, I see no sea
mark which can afford hope to the country.
Remember me kindly to Mrs. Moore,
Ever yours truly, J. Russell.

46 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
(172) Russell to Melbourne. September 22, 1834.
Dear Melbourne,— I received only last night
your letter of the 8th. I quite agree with you
that the question of assembling Parliament
requires great consideration, and that the pros
and cons are both of great weight. But I
attach little consequence, I confess, to any argu
ments drawn from suppositions that Parliament
will not go along with us. In the present crit
ical state of affairs, I own I think it the duty
of Government to adopt a decided course of
policy, and ask parliament for their support, and
I own I think from all I know of the House of
Commons that they will be far more likely to
support a Ministry exacting than one which pur
sues the wretched, wavering, blundering course
of policy which was adopted last session. The
House of Commons then naturally say, " These
fellows don't know what they're about ; we must
take the affair into our own hands, and manage
it for them."
I am aware that it would not do to propose
coercive laws, if there were no practical act on
the part of O'Connell to justify it. The mis
fortune is that having prepared in Tipperary and
the other counties his whole means [ ?], he may
open his battery in Dublin about the 20th
November, when it is too late to call Parlia
ment before Christmas. What I should be
inclined to propose then is this : That Parlia
ment should be called together to reconsider the

1834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 47
tithe question, and that we should introduce a
bill on the principle of that of last year, only
clearly providing that all money advanced by
the Treasury should be repaid out of the property
of the Church, and that livings where there were
not a tenth of the population churchmen should
be suspended when vacant, for that purpose.
That in proposing this measure Government
should declare that they were ready to protect
the Protestants of Ireland from any club govern
ment which should pretend to direct elections,
and intimidate juries. That, if necessary, a bill
would be brought in for that purpose ; if not
necessary, the law would be strictly enforced
against associations of this description.
This course would be clear and intelligible,
and would, I am sure, be successful in the House
of Commons. The Lords probably would again
reject the tithe bill ; upon them let the respon-.
sibility rest.
Leaving this for your consideration, I will only
add that I hope, whatever independent members
of parliament may do, that no member of the
Government will seek any intercourse, or ask
for any truce from O'Connell. I could have
wished, I must say, that the chief ministerial
paper had not joined with O'Connell in con
demning Lord Grey.
Auckland comes here to-day, and I shall have
some talk with him to-morrow, and then go
back to Endsleigh. Yours truly,
J. Russell.

48 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
(173) Russell to Melbourne.
Whitehall, September 29, 1843.
My dear Melbourne,— I think the time is
now come when I ought to. bring under your
consideration, preparatory to the deliberations of
the Cabinet, the question of consolidating the
civil departments of the Army.
For this purpose I send you some printed
papers, and will shortly explain their nature, as
well as my general views on the subject.
In the month of March, 1833, Lord Grey
named the Duke of Richmond, then Postmaster-
General, Sir John Hobhouse, then Secretary at
War, and myself, to consider the propriety of
some new arrangement of the civil offices con
nected with the Army. The result was that we
recommended in a short paper (marked A.) the
formation of an Army Board, to control the
finances of the Army and Ordnance departments.
Subsequently a Commission was recommended
to the King, and the Duke of Richmond, Sir
James Kempt, Mr. Ellice, Sir Robert Dundas,
and I were named members of that Commission.
We took evidence, and the draft of a report was
prepared by the Duke of Richmond, but the
pressure of other business produced such a delay
that on the 27th of May, when the Duke of
Richmond resigned, no meeting had taken place
on the subject of that report. Indeed, I believe
the evidence had been printed only a very short
time before. The Duke of Richmond then

1 834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 49
resigned his seat as a member of the Commis
sion, of which he was the chief, and in which
his ability and zeal had been more conspicuous
than that of any other Member. He sent me
the King's commission, and all the papers printed
and manuscript, but I have not thought it neces
sary or useful to reassemble the remaining
Members of the Commission.
I must now, however, call your attention to the
draft Report drawn up by the Duke of Richmond,
stating at the same time that in the general
purport of that Report I entirely concur. I will
only add one or two general observations to the
grounds and reasons there stated.
The best way of expediting public business
is to place every department under one head,
or one body of men, who are responsible for
the whole. It is found by experience that
separate and independent authorities lose the time
by perpetual communications, with not unfre-
quent wrangles and disputes. Such was the case
with the Board of Admiralty before the con
solidation of the Navy and Victualling Boards.
It is the case with the many and anomalous
bodies which form the Army. The Commander
in Chief, looking only to the efficiency of the
army, disregards the necessity of defending all
military expenditure before the House of Com
mons. The Secretary at War, having no means
of forming a judgement on military discipline,
is unable to undertake the responsibility of
measures on which he is called on for explana-
VOL. II. 4

50 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
tion. The Treasury, likewise, unable to judge
of matters of military detail, refer them to the
Comptrollers of Army Accounts, who are thus
a check on the Secretary at War. The Com
missioners of Chelsea Hospital consider them
selves, as they are entitled to do, quite
independent, both of the Commander in Chief,
and the Secretary at War.
These evils may no doubt be obviated at par
ticular times when a Commander in Chief of
high authority, such as the Duke of York, or the
Duke of Wellington, sways the whole military
finance, or a Secretary at War of practical know
ledge in the profession of arms, such as Sir
Henry Hardinge, can bend and influence the
Commander in Chief. But in other circum
stances both Sir John Hobhouse, and Mr.
Ellice can tell what inconveniences daily arise
from the separation of authorities.
The Minute of 1 8 1 2, which was long resisted
by Lord Palmerston, has not remedied the evils
before experienced. It merely interposes a clog
on the transaction of public business .
The true remedy is to be found, either in the
appointment of a Board as recommended in the
draft Report, or in the creation of a Secretary
of State for the War department only. The
former measure would be attended with an
immediate saving, which can hardly be expected
from the latter.
Should the suggestion of a Board be adopted,
I have one suggestion to make with respect to

1 834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 51
the office of Paymaster of the Forces. Upon
reflexion I am convinced that the Cashiers ought
not to be appointed by the Treasury, as recom
mended in the report (at my desire) but that one
of the three civil members of the Board should
perform the duties, and have the authority of
Paymaster General. In the Chelsea Board,
and at the Ordnance, the Treasurer is a member
of the Board. The whole machinery would thus
be brought together, and the various parts act
without difficulty or delay.
I will only add that I pledged myself last year
in the House of Commons that before the
Estimates were again brought forward, this
important question should be decided by the
Government. I trust, therefore, that after read
ing the papers, you will bring the question before
the Cabinet, in order that if any new arrange
ment is to be adopted, a bill may be brought
into Parliament soon after the commencement
of the Session. I remain, Ever yours faithfully,
J. Russell.
(174) Russell to the Earl of Durham.
Hawick, October 19, 1834.
My dear Lord DurHam,— I am sorry to see
that discussions have arisen respecting the
origin of the Reform Bill, and that the Edin*
burgh Review has still further, but partial dis-

52 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
closures. Such, however, being the case, it may
help, both your memory and mine if I state to
you what my recollections furnish on the subject.
I have papers in London which will corroborate
or correct the greater part of what I am going
to say.
In the latter end of November or beginning
of December, 1830, I went by your desire to
your house in Cleveland Row, where you
informed me that you had received a commission
from Lord Grey to ask for my assistance in
forming a committee to prepare a plan of
Reform. We then agreed to invite Sir James
Graham and Lord Duncannon to be with our
selves members of that committee.
In a short time I proposed to the committee
the heads of a plan of reform. The two first
articles disfranchised fifty boroughs, and allotted
only one member to fifty others. Householders
of a certain ruled value (I think £10) were to
vote in all the old boroughs, and of a certain
other value (I think £15) in the new boroughs
to be created. The enfranchisement of large
towns, the admission of copyholders to vote in
counties, and the shortening the duration of the
poll formed part of the plan. I have it now
among my papers with the words " Ld. J.
Russell's Plan of Reform," written in your hand
writing on the outside.
We had many and anxious discussions. Sir
James Graham proposed a plan of registration,
which we adopted, with some alterations. Plans

1 834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 53
of reforms for Scotland and Ireland were dis
cussed and adopted. At my suggestion it was
proposed to limit the duration of Parliament to
five years. In the course of our discussions you
very much pressed the mode of voting by ballot.
I was very reluctant in the subject of this change,
but finding the other members of the committee
against me, I consented, on condition that the
franchise in towns should be raised to twenty
pounds. I thought this was the most likely
method of preventing the bribery and profligacy
which I apprehended would ensue from the
ballot .
When the plan was submitted to the
Cabinet the ballot was struck out. The com
mittee even afterwards found that a £20 fran
chise would restrict the numbers very greatly in
small boroughs, and proposed to the cabinet the
uniform suffrage of ten pounds yearly value.
This change was adopted.
After all, however, the plan contained hardly
any thing new. Lord Grey and other reformers
had repeatedly since the year 1780 drawn the
great outlines of Parliamentary Reform.
The real question in debate was, whether we
should propose an incomplete and therefore
gradual reform, or a large and comprehensive
plan, which we might hope to make a final
Measure. The authority of Lord Grey, and the dangerous
excitement consequent on the Duke of
Wellington's denial of all reform induced me to.

54 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
think that the latter was the safer proposition.
In adopting it, I gave up some preconceived
opinions, and discarded some apprehensions,
which I trust that events will prove to have
been unfounded.
Such is the substance of my recollections on
this subject. I shall keep a copy of this letter,
in order to show it to Lord Duncannon and Sir
James Graham. I remain, with great regard,
Yours faithfully, J. Russell.
(175) Earl of Durham to Russell.
Lambton Castle, November 7, 1834.
My dear Lord John,— Lord Grey had sent
me your letter to him (with a copy of Sir
Herbert's) in which you say that you shall avail
yourself of the King's permission to state, in
your place in Parliament, the circumstances
attending the preparation of the Reform Bill.
This, no doubt, was written before you knew
the course advised by Lord Grey and followed
by me at Glasgow.
I am as anxious as you can be, that the charges
against you and me and the Committee, in the
Edinburgh Review, should be disproved in the
fullest mode— but I am also desirous to have
Lord Grey's approbation throughout the whole
proceedings. He seems averse to the disclosure.
What do you think best to be done?

1834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 55
If you decide on a full relation in Parliament
of all our Proceedings, I must claim the right,
as Chairman, to make the statement. In your
letter to me of the 25th October you admit the
justice of this, saying :
" If any statement is to be made, you, as
Chairman of the Committee, are the proper
person to make it, but it might perhaps be
advisable that it should be made in both
Houses of Parliament at the same time. How
ever, I shall take no step, until I know your
course," etc., etc.
Your letter of the 4th, received this morning,
leaves me in doubt as to your intentions and
wishes. Pray apprize me of them when it suits
your convenience, as I am most anxious to act
with you in this matter, in the fullest and most
unreserved confidence.
The charge made is against us both — our
vindication ought not to be separate.
Then another attack on you in the same
article with regard to your Bribery Bill. I was
on the Committee to which it was referred, and
could give you a pretty specimen of the Chan
cellor's " deliberation " in making the alterations
in it. They all came from him, in his own hand
writing, and were concocted whilst he was
sitting, hearing appeals, and the Committee
actually waited two hours whilst he was writing
them 1
What you state respecting the paragraph in
the Scotch Papers is only what I expected. I

56 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
had heard in London that the C. had expressed
himself to the same effect— of course, I did not
believe one word of what he avowed as to his
favorable disposition towards me— ion the con
trary, I was firmly convinced that I had not a
more decided personal opponent than himself.
All his expressions and actions were those of a
private friend — all his actions, behind my back,
those of a bitter enemy.
Yours very truly, Durham.

(176) Grey to Russell.
Private. Howick, November 15, 1834.
My dear Lord John,— There being no South
post yesterday, I could not sooner answer your
letter. You cannot doubt, I hope, my sincere affec
tion for you, and my most anxious wishes for
your success in the difficult and arduous task
which you seem inclined to undertake : a task
which will require at once the soundest discretion,
the most patient temper, and great physical
strength. Of your ability to fill this or any other
situation I have no: doubt, but I confess I have
great fear that you may not be able to- support
the fatigue, both bodily and mental, of duties,
to which Althorp with his unswervable temper
and strong constitution was hardly equal.

1 834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 57
The difficulties of the Government, in conse
quence of the events which took place at the
conclusion of the session, of those which have
followed, and more particularly of the Glasgow
Meeting and its consequences, are greater than
ever. You cannot conceive how much all reason
able Men, who were sincere supporters of the
government, have been alarmed by them, and
how earnestly they look for the settlement of an
administration which may have power to check
a new system of agitation tending to destroy all
the proposed advantages of the Reform Bill, and
which may afford them some promise of Peace
and Security. A little thing would make them
fly over to a Tory Government for this, if no
other hope were left to them.
For myself I am so strongly impressed with
this feeling, that in the little part which I may
hereafter take in publick affairs, my support can
only be given to an administration which will
take a firm position to maintain the necessary
authority of Government, and to resist the
Radicals and O'Connell.
The Duke of Bedford is not to be here till
to-morrow, ; not knowing where to< direct to him
I could not send him your letter, but I will shew
it to him when he arrives.
Lady Grey desires to be very kindly remem
bered to you.
Believe me ever, Dear Lord John,
Yours very sincerely, Grey.

58 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
(177) Althorp to Russell. November 16, 1834.
[The King had dismissed his advisers and sent
for the Duke of Wellington. The King was
particularly hostile to Lord John Russell,
dreading his projected reforms.],
My dear John,— This is the greatest piece of
folly ever committed. It is, however, a great
relief to me, and I think ultimately it will have
a good effect on the state of Parties in the
Country. We shall, however, have a little
confusion at first. Yours most truly,
Althorp.
(178) 'Sir Herbert Taylor to Russell.
Private. St. James' Palace, November 17, 1834.
My dear Lord,— I cannot send the accom
panying Letter by Command of the King without
taking the liberty of addressing to you the
Expression of my sincere thanks for the kind
ness and Attention which I have uniformly
received from You, and of my regret at the
Cessation of the Official Intercourse which has
always been marked by so much Courtesy on
your part.
Believe me to be ever with the truest regards,
My dear Lord,
Most faithfully yours,
•H. Taylor.

1834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 59
(179) Grey to Russell.
Private. Howick, November 17, 1834.
My dear Lord John,— A letter from Mel
bourne which I received yesterday, had already
informed me of the King's determination : yours
reached me this morning.
Upon the most careful and impartial review
of the situation in which the King was placed,
I cannot blame his decision, and I feel persuaded
that the Queen has had no hand [in] it. The
shock first given to the Government by the
resignation of Stanley and the others, that which
followed it upon mine, the Chancellor's proceed
ings during the autumn, and the new impulse
given to Radical agitation by Durham have,
altogether, produced a state of things which, in
my opinion made it impossible for the present
Government to go on, and for your own sakes,
but more particularly for yours, I do not think
there is much cause for regret.
I do not think there will be much difficulty in
forming a new administration, and less than
many may suppose in maintaining it. Peel's
absence, however, must create a considerable
embarrassment .
The Duke arrived yesterday, and is looking,
I am happy to say, remarkably well. Lady
Georgiana is with him, and he gives us hopes of
seeing the Duchess in about ten days. Pray let
me hear from you during this interesting crisis.
Ever yours, Grey.

60 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
(180) !Sir Herbert Taylor to Russell.
Private. St. James' Palace, November 17, 1834.
My dear Lord, — I have been prevented by
continued Interruptions acknowledging earlier in
the day the receipt of Your Lordship's Letter
which I did not delay submitting to the King.
His Majesty orders me to say that Your
Attendance at the Council upon this occasion
was not necessary but that He regrets that Indis
position should have partly been the cause of
Your Absence. His Majesty has commanded
me further to assure You of His entire Satisfac
tion with the Manner in which Your Lordship
has discharged the Duties of Your Office and
of His Sense of the Zeal and Assiduity which
You have shown as well of Your Attention to
His Majesty in every Communication You have
had occasion to make to Him.
I remain ever with great regard,
My dear Lord,
Yours very faithfully, H. Taylor.
(181) Mr. J. Wilson to Russell.
Chelsea College, November 25, 1834.
My Lord, — I cannot resist the desire to
express to your Lordship how deeply sensible
almost every individual of this Establishment
feels for the zealous and constant interest which

1834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 61
you have shewn for their welfare and comfort,
during the short period which you have pre
sided at the head of it.
I regret I was not aware of your being here
the other day — as I should have felt gratified
in paying my respects to your Lordship, and
in being a witness to the quiet ceremony of
affixing, as it were, your hand and seal to the
Old Man's Paradise which has been so happily
called into existence under your Lordship's kind
and considerate auspices. '
I have the honour to be, My Lord,
Your Lordship's obliged and obedient Servant,
J. Wilson.
(182) Bedford to Russell.
B. Square, Thursday Morning.
[November or December, 1834.]
My dear John, — From some passages in the
letters which you read to me yesterday, I con
clude that your decision is made to take what
is called the Lead of the opposition in the House
of Commons. I most sincerely regret it, for
I am quite convinced that neither your health
nor strength of constitution are equal to this
irksome and laborious task, for you will have
to conduct and keep in order a noisy and
turbulent pack of hounds, which I think you
will find it quite impossible to restrain : reflect
that they are of all descriptions of parties, and
shades of parties, Whigs, moderates, ultra Whigs,

62 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
Radicals, and ultra Radicals &c. &c. &c. How
are all these to be managed? If you do (rashly
I think) undertake this difficult task, I trust they
will at least give you a good second huntsman,
or whipper-in, to do all the dirty work, and
undertake the laborious parts of the office. As
your decision, however, is now made, I imagine,
all I can do is to enter my solemn protest against
it. I have other reasons for wishing you to
decline it, but they are unimportant compared
with this paramount consideration. I send you
a letter from an old and consistent Whig of 50
years standing, and beg you will return it to me.
Ever your affectionate Father, B.
Your friend Rundle is going his lengths at
Tavistock. ,
(183) Holland to Russell.
Holland House, December, 1834.
Dear John,— Your admirable speech which
will do infinite good is quite sufficient to efface
any unpleasant impression your letter to Rundle
might make. The sins of that were at worst
those of omission, and you misunderstood my
feelings and Charles's upon it, if you suppose
that we question the validity of your ground for
being neutral or for distinctly stating your
neutrality. But I thought that if a disclaimer
of all interest about his election was necessary
a word to imply that he had not forfeited your
good opinion would have been natural, and the

1834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 63
impression that so very dry a disclaimer of one
you before recommended might imply to others
a charge about him was I assure you not so
absurd as you suppose. It has been confirmed
by more than one or two of our friends enquiring
earnestly into the causes of it. However it is
of little importance and gone by, and Charles
annexes even less importance to it than others
do for him. It is a consequence of your
beloved brevity. I ought to add that Sir E.
Knowles has behaved throughout very well to
Charles. He is I hear discontented with Rundle.
Yours, Vassall Holland.
I was interrupted by Bishop of Chichester who
is full of your speech. That and Melbourne's
will silence the tale of dissensions.
(184) Earl Spencer to Russell.
Althorp, December 4, 1834.
My dear John,— Charles Wood first and then
Duncannon spoke to me about taking an active
part in the lead of the Whig Party, and upon
telling them that I could not undertake to do
so Duncannon desired me to write to you to
tell you so.
I do not think now that I am in the House
of Lords that the use I can be of is sufficient
to render it imperative upon me to make the
sacrifice of comfort, happiness and eventually of
health which I have hitherto been making.

64 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834
People will very possibly be angry with me for
not continuing to be, what they may think, a
useful instrument to forward our common objects,
but I do not think it reasonable that because
I have already made all' the sacrifices, which
have been required from me, I should be blamed
for not continuing to do so to the end of my
life ; more especially when every body must
agree that they cannot be of anything like the
use they hitherto have been. But in addition
to this there is for the next Session at least an
insuperable obstacle to my appearing in political
life, and that is the state of my private affairs,
which requires my constant attention in order
that I may place myself in a state not of ease,
but of safety ; for as I am at present situated
a very small and not impossible fall in the rental
of my property would leave me pennyless. I
found when in town that several people admitted
this last to be a good plea, who would not admit
the entire sacrifice of my happiness to be any
plea at all ; I do not agree with them, but I
think that on both I am justified in retiring from
public life, and so thinking I told Duncannon
and Wood that they must not expect me to take
any active share in the party concerns.
I do not think the Party will lose much by
this. When I was moved from the House of
Commons my strength was gone ; for as to a
man in the House of Lords having any influence
over an independent party in the House of
Commons, I believe it to be utterly impossible,

1 834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 65
and the attempt at it would only provoke con
fusion and difficulty. This I think applies to
any man, but if you consider the qualities which
gave me influence in the House of Commons
you will see that it must apply to me more than
to almost any other man.
You desired me not to take a rash step, the
only rash step I could have taken as things then
were would have been to take Office, because
it was the one which could not be retraced ;
and for the same reason the most rash step
I could take now would be to recommence
political life in a new Assembly, when so natural
an opportunity of retiring has been afforded
to me.
I have now done as Duncannon told me to
do, and have let you know what my intentions
are ; I feel now I shall hold to them, but I have
lived too long to pledge myself to any thing in
futurity. Yours most truly, Spencer.
(185) Charles Greville to Tavistock.
John's speech at Totnes ' [on Dec. 2nd]
appears to me to have been one of the cleverest
and most appropriate I ever read. . . . Nothing
could be more able than John's argument or on
the whole more forcible.
1 The speech was an exposition of Whig views and of the
untenable assumption of reforming principles by the Tories
under Wellington.
VOL. II. 5

66 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1834 1
(186) Bedford to Russell.
Private. , W. A., December 7, 1834.
My dear John,— Thanks for your letter of
the 4th. I have read your speech at the Totnes
dinner with much pleasure — it is a straight
forward manly speech, and your hit at " his
Grace between two Bank Directors " was very
happy. I concur in all your observations ; it
would not do to have the mover and manager
of the Reform Bill (with all due respect to Lord
Durham) beaten — on the other hand a lavish
expenditure is against the interest and principles
of the Reformers' measure. When I hear of
£28,000 being spent in the last Election at Bed
ford by Messrs. Crawley and Polhill it makes
my hair stand on end. These gentlemen were
what Mr. Lilburne (the late Mr. Whitbread's
steward) used to call " lascivious of their
money." I hear Charles Fox is gone to
Tavistock. I hope he may beat Rundle. They
are very wrath with you at Holland House I
hear for turning him overboard /
I hope you will recruit a little at Endsleigh
by getting some moorland shooting.
I am going to town in a day or two — direct
Belgrave Square. Peel is now in the Field, or
will be to-morrow. We shall hear what this
cautious General says before he puts himself at
the head of his Tories.
Ever your affec. Father, B.

18343 LORD JOHN RUSSELL 67
On December 9, 1834, Charles Greville wrote
the letter to Palmerston given on p. 159.

(187) Viscount Duncannon to Russell.
Woburn Abbey, December 10, 1834.
My dear John,— I did not answer your
former letter ; the Bill is quite ready and
down regularly, the paper I sent round was an
abstract of it, made from it.
You ask about Tithe ; at present it is quite
[illegible], and I do not believe a farthing is
collected, indeed in the local papers I see the
Clergy themselves seemed to have given it up.
I hear the Duke of W.'s friends say that from
some of the papers he has found that were pre
pared for me, he is convinced that a very extreme
Church Reform must take place in Ireland,
though the only papers I left were those that
were in circulation, and which told nothing more
than what has been asserted for the last twenty
years. I perfectly well understand why the Tory
papers persist in saying that you had tried to
force this Bill on the King. He has talked to
them very openly, and he never gave any assent
to a Bill of yours, and therefore they can assert
that " He would die first " — this is all quibble.
Everything looks well, they will certainly gain
in some counties, but I cannot by possibility
see how they can gain what they hold not. I
had a letter to-day from Palmerston in good

68 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
spirits about his affairs. I have no doubt, indeed
never had, of an immediate dissolution.
Truly yours, Duncannon.
(188) Mr. Richard Neave to Russell.
Royal Hospital, Chelsea, December 24, 1834.
My Lord, — I have the honour to acknowledge
the receipt of the minute transmitted by your
Lordship, and to assure you, on behalf of myself
and the other individuals alluded to therein, that
the contents are, to us, most gratifying. Indeed
we cannot but be highly flattered with so honor
able a Record of your favorable opinion, and
in return, I may be allowed to repeat that there
is but one common Sentiment of respect enter
tained for your Lordship by the members of this
Establishment and one common feeling of regret
at your ceasing to preside over its care and
Management. With the same good wishes I
have ever felt and shall ever retain.
I have the honor to be, My Lord, ;
Your most obedient and very faithful servant,
Richard Neave.
(189) Melbourne to Russell.
South Street, January 5, 1835.
My dear John,— I have received this morning
a letter from Abercromby, in which he says, " I
have quite made up my mind that I will not
consent to be proposed in opposition to Sutton,

1 835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 69
and as against any other Person I should have
equally strong objections, but of a different sort.
I do not see why Bernal should not do perfectly
well. He would be an excellent Speaker,"
&c. &c.
I send you this because it appears to me to
be quite decisive upon the subject, and to close
a matter, which in my former letter I considered
as still open. Abercromby says, that although
opposed, his election is quite secure, and that
the party in Scotland is firm and steady, though
at present not violent or clamorous. I say
nothing at present more generally about Politics,
as all must be mere presumption and conjecture,
until we see how the elections turn, and what
is really to be the character of the House of
Commons. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
(190) Russell to Melbourne .
Woburn Abbey, January 5, 1835.
My dear Melbourne, — I do not wonder that
you are bothered with the difficulties attending
the disposal of the Great Seal.
The arrangement we agreed to would be very
much weaken'd, if the Master of the Rolls
(Bickersteth) ' were to be out of Parliament, and
Campbell 2 to have his office. The consequence
1 Afterwards Lord Langdale.
* John Campbell, author of " The Lives of the Lord
Chancellors," and of " The Lives of the Chief Justices."

70 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
probably would be that our bills of Law Reform
would be mutilated in the Lords, where Pepys
would not be able to withstand Lyndhurst
and Abinger, and scouted in the Commons
where our poor efforts would be overborne by
Campbell .
I think therefore yOu should make another
attempt to bring matters right.
With Bickersteth you may agree that a peerage
shall not be pressed upon him at this time, but
I think you may make him feel how inconsistent
is his professed ardour for Chancery Reform,
with a resolution to stand aloof and take no
part in the fray. If Campbell remains, I should
not wish to see him in the House of Commons ;
he would only excite feeling there. Neither can
you ask him, as Master of the Rolls, to assist
the general policy of the Government, for the
place is not political ; but you may fairly ask
him to assist, if called upon, in aiding the success
of a good measure of reform. '
With respect to Campbell, I think as the
Speaker has been spoken to, it will be well to
put the matter in his hands. Adam tells me
he used to be strongly against making a Common
Lawyer an Equity Judge.
It is clear you cannot promise him the supreme
judgeship on Appeals, till matters are further
cleared — the profession — the cabinet — the King
— must be all thought of and consulted. But
it is clear that it is a situation which will be open
to him, and he will be justified in resigning if

i83S] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 71
he does not obtain it, after assisting in office
to pass the Bill.
If both applications fail, I think you must
still carry the arrangement into effect. The
public and the suitors will approve of an
arrangement so much calculated for their benefit,
and not for our individual advantage. But it
is worth while to pause a day or two more, in
order to see if you cannot retain Campbell.
Tavistock is ready to abide by your opinion
respecting the publication of his letter — he desires
you will remark, however, that the phrase is not
his but mine. It is quite true— I used it at
the Bristol dinner, in an endeavour to condense
what I said at the Devon election last year.
I do not see any good myself in the pub
lication of the letter — for other reasons 
Ellice writes to my father a good deal out
of humour with us, and anxious to fight in oppo
sition against a Government of Lord Grey and
Peel — Rather he than I-l«
I shall be in town on Thursday, and at your
orders. If you like to come and dine with us
on that day, say so. Yours truly, J. R.

(191) Palmerston to Russell.
Broadlands, January 22, 1835.
My dear Lord John, — You will have seen
since you wrote to me that we have been

72 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
defeated. I did not expect it till the end of the
First Day's Poll. Till that moment I had felt
confident that I should be second. I had 1 1 4
defaulters who having promised, did not vote
for me, but even their Defection will not account
for my Defeat, unless a large Portion of them
went over to Compton, which I do not believe.
The event was the Result of an immense Com
bination of Tory Influence, assisted by the
Distressed State of the Farmers who being in
arrear, and looking for abatements were more
than usually dependent on Landlords : The Cry
of the Church in Danger had also some Effect ;
and absurd though it be, Althorp's additional
Duty on Spirit Licences lost us a good many
votes. But the Root of the Evil was Inatten
tion at the Time of Registration ; This I shall
be able to correct in future, and shall put Several
Hundred good men and true upon the Register
next year. In the Mean Time I must see if
I can find any other resting Place till another
general Election.
I quite agree with you about the Speaker
ship ; it would be impossible for us to vote for
Manners Sutton ; and with the Returns we have,
I think we shall beat him, if we put up a good
Candidate. Either Abercromby or Rice would
be excellent Men ; but I own I should be sorry,
like you, to see Rice in the Chair, instead of
being more actively and usefully employed in
Cabinet office. I am afraid that Littleton would
not be carried if we were to propose him ; and

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 73
a Failure would not be agreeable to him, and
would be injurious to the Party. But you would
probably have some Communication with him
on the subject before you decided upon any other
particular arrangement. I have no doubt you
would find him perfectly reasonable about it.
I admire greatly your after Dinner Speech
about Ballot ; it puts the argument concisely
and convincingly ; If anything could have recon
ciled me to that absurd Plan, it would have been
my Experience in my recent Canvass ; I am
certain that under a System of Ballot, I should
have had a very large Majority. But excep
tional advantages cannot counterbalance inherent
objections ; and yet after all I should not be
surprized to find some of these days Tories and
Radicals combining to become Balloters, each
hoping by such Means to steal a March upon
the others. For certainly the Radicals would
lose Power by Ballot in many Towns where they
at present Lord it over all.
I was told confidentially the other Day that
the Duke had said to Sarmento that he con
fessed he had been wrong about the affairs of
Portugal. But whether he said so or not, he
certainly has taken up our Hand, and is playing
out our Game, upon which in due Time we shall
not fail to say a word or Two ; but it would
be impolitic to notice it now, or to begin to
Crow, lest we might thereby stop him in his
new Career and prevent him from doing the
good Things which he is preparing to Submit to.

74 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
I dined with Leuchtenberg at Salisbury on
Sunday last, and was greatly pleased with his
Manners and Intelligence ; I wish we had had
him for Victoria instead of sending him to
Maria.1 Yours sincerely, Palmerston.
If you wander any way near this on your
Return to Town I hope you will not forget
my Inn. (192) Russell to Mr. Rice.2
Bowood, January 23, 1835.
My dear Rice,— As the rumours which have
been Circulated by means of the newspapers
respecting the cause of the dissolution of the
late Ministry may be repeated oh the meeting
of parliament, I think it may be useful to
record in writing the result of our frequent
conversations .
My belief is that altho' we had not agreed
on any very definite plan respecting the Irish
Church, you and I were perfectly of one mind
on the principle that when the spiritual instruc
tion of Protestants had been fully provided for
in any district it was right and expedient to
1 Claimant to the throne of Portugal, supported by
Palmerston. 1 See note in Appendix. Mr. Spring Rice was afterwards
first Lord Monteagle. In 1834 he had been Secretary for
War and the Colonies.

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 75
apply any surplus which might remain, to the
education of all classes of the people accord
ing to the system now pursued by the Board
of National Education in Ireland.
Lord Lansdowne, to whom I have shewn this
note, says in reply : " You have stated correctly
in substance what I feel as to the best local
application (and local, I think, it must be) of
the possible surplus of funds after providing for
and exhausting every exclusively protestant
demand, to the objects of general education
under the Board as it now exists, or under any
extended constitution which it might be ex
pedient to give to it. The amount of such sur
plus, and the number of parishes in which it
would be found applicable, depending, of course,
upon what we have not yet before us, the
report of the Commissioners."
May I ask whether I have here stated cor
rectly your opinion, as well as Lord Lansdowne's
and mine ? I remain, Yours faithfully, J. Russell.
(193) Spencer to Russell.
Wiseton, January 28, 1835.
My dear John,— The Date of this letter must
be my excuse for not accepting your invitation
to Woburn.
I will begin with the end of your note. I

76 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
do not promise myself that I shall not be called
upon to undertake the task of forming a new
Government because that does not depend on
me, but I have promised myself, a promise
which I shall religiously keep, that if I am so
called upon I shall decline the undertaking.
Every day more and more convinces me that
if I was in any circumstances or for any cause
to take office again, I should be guilty of a
greater act of folly than any human being ever
committed. I will not in this even except his
Most Gracious Majesty's grand performance in
dismissing Melbourne. This, at present, is the
greatest act of folly with which I am acquainted,
and I think will remain so unless I should
commit the greater one of again involving myself
in the misery from which I have had the good
fortune to escape.
Now I come to your two questions. I think
it would not be prudent to oppose the election
of Sutton as Speaker unless you have a strong
probability of doing so successfully, and, of
course, with this view it is essentially necessary
that there should be no difference of opinion
among yourselves as to who should be the man
you propose. In a letter I had from Rice he
told me that Abercromby would not take the
chair, and in that case I think Rice would unite
more people than any one else could do, but if,
as it appears from your letter, Abercromby is
still a candidate, you will be involved in some
difficulty, because there are a good many people

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 77
who will be far from cordial in their support
of Abercromby, and yet his claim is so strong
or will be supported by many persons of so
much importance that I should fear if you were
not to put him forward there would be a good
deal of bad temper excited. You must settle
this, therefore, before you begin even to think
whether you should propose an Opposition
Candidate for the Chair. I should think that
if you make the attempt and fail you will
strengthen the Ministry considerably, if you
succeed you damage them a great deal more.
You have the question of whether you will make
the attempt quite open : you are not bound to
make it unless you like, but if you think you
can succeed you are perfectly justified by
Sutton's conduct in the late change in making it.
With respect to the other question I think in
the House of Commons you have no option.
The King having followed the Change in the
Administration by an appeal to the people, I
think the People have a right to demand that
their Representatives elected in answer to that
appeal should be called upon to say at once
whether they approve of the dismissal of the
late Government or not. In Policy also this
is the best course, for although in a vote upon
an amendment to the address you will have
Stanley and those who act with him against you,
and perhaps also some little prejudice from the
nature of the question, yet I think that if you
allow the Ministry to get over the night of the

78 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Address you will not find it a very easy matter
to turn them out afterwards when the questions
to be discussed will be individual measures. The
continuance of the present Ministry would be
a great evil, my belief is that they will be suc
ceeded by a Radical administration, and I admit
that from the experience I had of the hostility
of the two parties I personally dislike the
Radicals more than I do the Tories, but if an
administration, be it what it may, is permitted
to cpntinue in existence who come into office
in the manner the administration did, an injury
will be done to the Constitution of the Country,
and therefore I hope whoever may be their suc
cessors that they, at least, may be turned out.
All I have been saying about an amendment
to the Address applies only to the House of
Commons. The moving one in the House of
Lords would, at the best, be useless, and it
is not required there by the reasons which,
in my opinion, make it necessary in the
Commons .
They had no confidence in the late Ministry,
and no appeal has been made to them, nor can
anybody doubt whether they will support the
present Ministry. The moving an amendment
there, therefore, could do no good and would
only give a victory to the ministry which even
in the House of Lords had better be avoided.
I have now given you a good long lore of
my opinions, and of course what I have said
about the Speakership must be strictly confi-

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 79
dential. My opinions are not worth much now,
every day they will be worth less, for I take
so little interest in political matters and always
have that I never keep my information up to
the mark when I am not compelled to do so.
Yours most truly, Spencer.

(194) Rice to Russell,
Confidential. Hastings, January 29, 1835.
My dear Lord John,— I can have no diffi
culty whatever in answering your question, and
am grateful at having an opportunity of doing
so, in consequence of the false statements which
have been circulated respecting a supposed
difference of opinion between you and me on
the question of the Irish Church Reform.
There was an entire and perfect agreement
between you and me respecting the principles
on which we were ready to proceed ; and though
it was impossible to decide how those principles
should have been applied till the Report of the
Ecclesiastical Commissioners was received, I
have not the remotest apprehension that we
should have differed more upon the one point
than on the others.
This agreement of opinion between us, as you
will know, existed before I was your colleague
in the Government, as I had explained my views

80 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
to you and to others before my appointment to
the Colonial Office could have been contem
plated, and to the principles which I then stated
it was peculiarly gratifying to me to find that
I had your full concurrence.
I then held that the first use to which the
Revenues of the Irish Church stood pledged was
for the religious instruction of the members of
the establishment. But believing, as I did, and
as I still do, that a surplus exists after such
provision is made, I was desirous that such sur
plus should be appropriated for the general
education of all classes of the King's subjects
in Ireland in schools open to all without religious
distinctions. The plan introduced by Stanley,
sanctioned repeatedly by Parliament and ex
tended so generally throughout Ireland seemed
to me to afford the best means of realising these
expectations .
I have always maintained that this plan
introduced no new principle whatever, and could
lead to no precedent dangerous or even incon
venient to the Church of England. By exist
ing Statutes Irish Church property is subject
to an obligation to maintain schools. By custom
and I think on sound principles, the obligation
is converted into a pecuniary payment. On the
highest authorities both lay and ecclesiastic the
right of extending such pecuniary contribution
is not only asserted but recommended, and on
the same authority as well as from the reasons
of the case, the system of Education was not

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 81
to be sectarian or peculiar, but was to be liberal
and comprehensive. Always, my dear Lord John,
Yours very faithfully, Spring Rice.
(195) Marquis of Lansdowne to Russell.
Private. Bowood, February 1, 1835.
My dear Lord John,— Your letter of the 28th
from Woburn did not reach me till the 3 ist, and
the same post brought me a letter of later date
from Strickland telling me you were gone to
town, where I consequently now direct to you.
I am very glad on all publick grounds that
Abercromby has been induced to let himself be
proposed for the Chair— indeed, my only, regret
at what has passed is that Rice seemed to like
the prospect and must have considered it a few
days ago as quite open to him. I trust, there
fore, you have written to him on the subject in
the most friendly and considerate terms. /
But your letter to me opens a still more
important and difficult topick. I am concerned
to hear that Duncannon has been in correspond
ence with O'Connell. To what length it may
have proceeded I have, of course, no means of
knowing, and any person out of office that thinks
there is anything to be gained by venturing upon
such dangerous ground, may exercise his own
discretion in doing so, without necessarily impli
cating others, but it must in justice to all parties
vol. 11. 6

82 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
be so understood, and, as far as I am indi
vidually concerned I must protest against being
involved in the consequences of any such com
munications, should they in any degree assume
the character of party concert and alliance.
As to that intercourse which in the position
you must occupy in the House of Commons will
occasionally take place between you and others
who may be more or less recognized as political
leaders, it cannot be avoided ; but there is a
broad line of demarcation between that and inti
mate councils, which, considering the tendencies
of all oppositions, and the present state of
parties, cannot, if you feel as I should in your
situation, be too strictly and carefully observed
—those (whoever they may be) who will have the
task of reducing the chaos we are about to wit
ness to something like order and regularity of
movement, will have difficulties enough to con
tend with, without adding to them by unneces
sary pledges, and raising expectations which can
never be realized.
I cannot, however, consider the two cases to
which you advert as precisely parallel, though
I think they should be dealt with at present
in the same way— in the one the objects of
personal ambition are much more impracticable,
and the power employed in pursuing them much
greater, than in the other.
I have now given you my opinion fully and
in perfect confidence, as you desire, and will
only, add that if you think there is the slightest

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 83
use in it, though I see but little myself, I will
take care to be in town before the 1 7th .
Very sincerely yours, Lansdowne.
You must not expect Stanley to vote against
Sutton. I draw the same inference as to Abercromby's
indisposition to violent proceedings that you do
from his letters to me, but if he is to be
Speaker this is of less consequence.
(196) Memorandum in Lord John Russell's
Handwriting.
[See Spring Rice re " liberal and comprehen
sive," Jan. 29, '35; T. E. Buxton wrote on
Feb. 13, '35 : "I do not forget 'liberal and
comprehensive.' "]
" In conclusion to represent humbly to His
Majesty that the expectations of the country will
not be satisfied with anything short of men who
will fairly and frankly adopt the liberal and com
prehensive principles on which the Reform Act
was founded, or with anything less than measures
which the House of Commons lately dissolved
was prepared to adopt."
(197) Stanley1 to Russell.
Knowsley, January 31, 1835.
Dear Russell,— I am sorry to find that we
are likely to be at issue on the very first day
1 Afterwards Earl of Derby and Conservative Prime
Minister. See Appendix.

84 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
of the meeting of Parliament, for though you
say you do not expect me to tell you what line
I mean to take, I think it only fair to say that
I cannot support Abercromby, whose nomina
tion, indeed, has a good deal surprised me . What
may be the case to be made against Manners
Sutton I have no means of knowing, but I
think it must be a very strong one to justify
his rejection. Ever sincerely yours, Stanley.
(198) Grey to Melbourne.
Howick, February 1, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I have been pre
vented, by an absence from hence on a visit,
from returning an earlier answer to your letter
of the 23rd of the last month. There was
nothing, however, that made an immediate reply
of material consequence.
The questions which you propose for my con
sideration are very difficult. Upon the circum
stances in which they are founded, as they result
from the present state of public opinion, of
measures and of men, I generally agree with
you. The result of the elections seems to me
to prove- undeniably that the feeling of the
country is decidedly in favour of the principle
of Reform ; in other words, of the principles
on which we acted. The necessity under which
Sir Robert Peel and his adherents have found
themselves compelled, to a certain degree, at

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 85
least, to profess an acquiescence in these prin
ciples, would be a decisive proof of this, were
there no other. Here, then, I think, we have
a satisfactory ground for deciding in the first
place (I say we, for I still continue to consider
myself as one of you, though no longer an active
associate), that our conduct out of Government
should be the same as it was in office ; to work
out the necessary reforms, which the state of
our institutions may require, upon safe and
moderate principles ; in accordance with the con
stitution of our mixed Government and with the
spirit of the age.
On the measures which would be required for
this purpose, I think with you that there would
be little difficulty, except, perhaps, with respect to
the Irish Church. I doubt very much as to the
way in which any proposition upon this question,
if it comes to be made a subject of Party con
test may be taken by the Public, and I should
be sorry to see an occasion for a direct breach
with Stanley, to whom I think you must look
as a necessary card in the formation of an
administration. I should, therefore, strongly
advise against a premature discussion of this
very embarrassing matter ; there would be a
great advantage in waiting for the measures
which the Ministers must propose when they
open it ; and for this I think you have sufficient
ground in the appointment of the Commission,
whose report ought to be received before any
decision is taken.

86 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Then comes the last and greatest difficulty
with respect to men. I do not wonder at your
positive exclusions, nor am I much disposed to
dissent from them, except that positive exclu
sions, with a view to future events, of which one
cannot beforehand calculate the exigencies, are
never prudent, and seldom possible to be adhered
to. The chief embarrassment seems to me to
be this. You cannot abstain from taking an
active part in the discussions which the late
events must produce. To you and to Lord
Spencer, a powerful party, who have great
claims upon you, and whom it would be a public
misfortune to see disunited and dissolved, will
naturally look for assistance and advice. In
concerting the measures to be taken, how can
you reject, from merely personal reasons, which
it is difficult to assign, the co-operation of a
person like Brougham, who was intimately con
nected with you in office, who professes the
same principles, and who, whatever may be the
justice of the censure which he has so generally
incurred, will, immediately after the meeting of
Parliament, by his extraordinary activity and
talents, again attract the attention, and not im
probably conciliate the favour of a great
portion of the Public ?
His case is quite different from that of
O'Connell and Lambton. They are both to be
considered as Radicals, with whom I must
regard our difference as no less decided, and
ought to be as strongly marked, as with the

1 83s] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 87
Tories. Here, then, is a difference of principle
at once justifying a refusal to co-operate. But
Brougham has lately, at least (how long, how
ever, he may continue, I will not pretend to
say, in opposition probably not long), professed
moderate opinions, in consonance with ours.
Acknowledging, therefore, the objections which
you state, it seems to me very difficult to keep
clear of him, and that it is hardly possible to
go on either with him or without him.
What, then, is to be done? Leaving this
difficulty, in a great degree to time for its
solution, and avoiding, as far as possible, both
an open quarrel and too intimate a connection
with him, I should say that the best way would
be for you to consult with Lansdowne, Spencer,
John Russell, Holland, and such others of your
late colleagues, as inspire you with the greatest
confidence, upon the course proper to be taken
at the commencement of the Session ; and having
defined it, to trust to the support which it may
receive from those who concur with you in prin
ciple and opinion. With respect to the par
ticular measures which should be taken for this
purpose, I am too far removed from the scene
of active Politicks, and have too little com
munication with others, to give a decided or
satisfactory opinion. But my plan, if I were
still to take a lead, would be to* bring forward
no direct question, unless something in the
address, to which I could not assent, forced me
to an amendment, till the views of Ministers

88 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
were fully developed. I therefore entirely dis
approve of the intention which I see publicly
announced, of opposing the choice of Sutton as
Speaker, or of bringing in any direct question,
on which I have little doubt there would be a
Majority for the Ministers, which would help
them very much for the remainder of the Session.
Your want of confidence in them, your vindica
tion of the late Government, and your views for
the future, might all be gone into in a dis
cussion on the address. This would leave every
thing open, would pledge nobody against you,
and would, which I think of the greatest im
portance, avoid the risk of driving Stanley to
a support of the Ministers on a particular ques
tion, which might facilitate a future agreement
with them, and cut off in the same degree all
hope of co-operation with you. In this way
I think you would have a good game. The
Ministers are pledged to some measures of
Reform. If they are such as to satisfy public
expectations, a division amongst themselves, or
at least amongst some of their supporters is,
I think, inevitable, and they are too weak to
bear any defection. If they fall short of what
is reasonably demanded, their immediate defeat
in the House of Commons is equally certain.
And then there might arise the possibility of a
junction with Stanley and others, which might
enable you to form an administration, standing
equally clear of the extremes of both Parties 
All this is very unsatisfactory and very long,

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 89
but I am not able to render it clearer or shorter
 1 shall not move till quite the end of this
month, or the beginning of the next.
Ever yours, Grey.

(199) Russell to Melbourne. February 9, 1835.
I am very glad to find that Lord Grey recom
mends, with respect to Brougham, so cautious
and conciliatory a course. His merits are great
and conspicuous, — his demerits vexatious but not
vital. My opinion respecting an administrative
office may be wrong ; but at all events it would
be premature to settle it now. I am quite satis
fied that you should act on Lord Grey's advice
at present.
What Lord Grey says of other matters is, I
think, said in ignorance of the temper of the
Commons, of the Country, nay, of the Tories
likewise ; for depend upon it, they will agree
well enough in their little schemes of Reform,
and if any of them are defeated they will only
rejoice and say We [the Opposition] are imprac
ticable. . . . Althorp is of opinion that we
cannot avoid an amendment. . . . This is my
view, but I think the more cautiously worded
the better. ... I have sent wire to Lansdowne,
who will infuse a few more drops of wisdom
into it. . . . The division will be very close.

90 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
(200) Russell to Melbourne .
Confidential. Queen Street, February 11, 1835.
... I sent my draft to Lord Lansdowne, who
approves. I send you his letter. . . . Lord
Grey's letter raises an ulterior question. He
evidently looks to the formation of a Liberal
Government again disunited on the question [the
Irish Church] and agreeing to postpone it. If
such a government can be made I should be
ready, if Lord Grey or you sanctioned it by
taking the chief post, to give it what support I
could. But I would take no share in it. . . .
Abercromby's prospects are very good. . . .
(201) Melbourne to Russell.
Confidential. Brocket Hall, February 12, 1835.
My dear John,— I send you Lord Lans-
downe's letter. I wish you would by to-morrow
night's post send me a copy of your proposed
amendment. When I read it cursorily, it
appeared to me not in a Parliamentary style and
to advert to too many interests. An Amend
ment should never present to the observing a
very wide field for observation. I do not think
it necessary to send Grey's letter to Lansdowne,
as I understand from the latter that Grey has
written to him precisely to the same effect. I

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 91
will certainly be up, on Sunday evening and shall
be glad if you will come as you propose on
Monday. Lansdowne tells me that Grey has
postponed coming up until after Easter. This
will be counted and will, in fact, be a clear and
unequivocal mark of disapprobation of our
Meetings, supposing active hostility is decided
upon . I should think it very unadvisable to have
any Meeting until after the 28th. We can all
agree upon that question. Let us all get into
the field together upon it, and subsequent agree
ment will be more probable. The question of
a Meeting afterwards will very much depend
upon the probability that exists of avoiding differ
ence of opinion.
You are quite right to be explicit about the
Irish Church, that in general nobody is so much
for shuffling over differences of opinion and
getting over matters as well as one can, as I am.
I was always exhorting the different sections of
Grey's Government to this course, which was
very often followed. But this is really an impor
tant moment, and a great start, and it is nonsense
now not to understand one another at least upon
matters so important and so urgent. Would you
be satisfied with Duncannon's bill for the
present and with leaving future measures to
future discussion and consideration?
Another matter strikes me. What will you
say if Peel addresses you in the House of
Commons thus, as, if I were in his place I
certainly should address : " The Noble Lord

92 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
complains of the King for dismissing the late
Government— I will bring that matter to the very
short issue. If the Noble Lord is sent for to
morrow is he prepared to advise the re-establish
ment of that Government— is he prepared to place
the Great Seal again in the hands of the late
Ld. Chancellor and the Seals of the Ways
Department in those of the late Secretary of
State?" You can give no satisfactory answer
to this but by pledging yourself to do so. If
you get off in any way, he immediately says was
the King so wrong in dissolving an administration
of which its own Members are not prepared to
advise the re -establishment ?
Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
(202) Daniel O'Connell to Russell.
Dublin, February 13, 1835.
My Lord,— I have the honor to acknowledge
the receipt of your circular on the subject of the
Speaker and the accompanying Private note. I
have transmitted the letter to most of the Irish
Members. I reckon with a good deal of confi
dence on sixty-two Irish Members on the vote
for Mr. Abercromby. I should think there can
not be less than sixty at the very lowest.
I enter very cordially into the views which I
understand are entertained by your Lordship, for
the ensuing campaign. I think I may venture
to promise that the Irish Members of the popular
party will* avoid all topics on which they may

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 93
differ with you and your friends until the Tories
are routed, and that you will find us perfectly
ready to co-operate in any place which your
Friends may deem most advisable to effect that
purpose. In short, we will be steady allies
without any mutiny in your camp. Indeed, this
after all is pure selfishness because we see clearly
that if the present administration remain in office,
a civil war with all the Horrors of religious— I
should say— sectarian rancour must be the inevit
able consequence. They are already letting slip
the sanguinary Orange gang. Who shall succeed
Orangeite or Catholic is not of much importance,
but my opinion certainly is that the Catholic
Party will triumph, but triumph amidst the deso
lation of the Country, and its ultimate loss to
British Connexion. We Irish are, therefore,
directly and personally interested in the Defeat
of the present Ministry. I know Ireland well
and am convinced the views of the Catholics in
part of one Province and of the Protestants in
the residue of the Island depend upon such a
change of men as shall insure the repression in
the place of the excitement and encouragement
of the Orange faction. They will if they come
to blows be defeated— with more facility than
you may imagine— but what a horrible alternative
—submission to insult, injustice, and murder on
the one hand— or " Bellum plus quam Civile "
on the other. And yet in sober sadness I do say
that upon this alternative the present Govern
ment fling Ireland.

94 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
I leave here with my family to-morrow early
by Holyhead so as to be in London by the 17th
without fail. I hope to assist in mustering a
large Irish force in St. James's Square on
Wednesday. I have the honor to be,
My Lord,
Your very obedient and humble,
Daniel O'Connell.
(203) Russell to Melbourne. February 13, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I have copied my
amendment and entirely left out the last para
graph to which Lansdowne objected. . . .
I am very glad you approve of my " speaking
out " on the Irish Church question. . . . The
" doubtfuls " on the Speakership have nearly all
declared. . . . It is a very pretty race. . . .
Yrs. ever, J.R.
Draft Amendment to the Address: That your
Majesty's faithful Commons have seen with great
satisfaction your Majesty's declaration that to
correct abuses and improve the condition of your
people is the first wish of your heart. . . . That
we therefore trust that your Majesty's Councils
will be directed in the spirit of temperate but
effective reform, and that the same liberal and
comprehensive views which restored to the people

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 95
their undoubted right of chusing their own repre
sentatives, and prompted the emancipation of all
persons held in the bonds of slavery in your
Majesty's colonies and possessions abroad, will
place our Municipal Corporations under vigilant
popular control, afford a final remedy to the evils
belonging to the tithe system, and purge the
Church of England and Ireland of those abuses
which offend the best friends of religion, disturb
the peace of society, and are incompatible with
the welfare of the State.
(204) Russell to Melbourne.
Confidential. Queen Street, February 17, 1835.
My dear Lord,— After the conversations we
have had together on the subject of Lord
Brougham I trust you will excuse my troubling
you with this letter.
Lord Brougham's conduct last year excited
general animadversion. There were not several
opinions upon it, but only one opinion. After
the dissolution of the ministry he went abroad.
It appeared to me to be inexpedient to send
letters after him to Marseilles, or Nice, but I
expected after his return to have a fair and
friendly but clear and undisguised explanation
with him upon the whole case. I intended this
because although I thought him much to blame
I thought (and had expressed my opinion to my
intimate friends) that he had never entertained

96 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
any deliberate design of injuring the Ministry,
the party or individuals, and that his great and
splendid services outshone and effaced the most
conspicuous of his errors.
From this explanation he has shrunk. What
course he may intend to take it is not for me to
ask, but whatever mischiefs may arise from it,
to the public, to the party with whom he has
acted uninterruptedly for many years, or to him
self, your Lordship, will see that I have no share
in the responsibility to be incurred. It only
remains for me to thank your Lordship for your
kind and judicious conduct on this occasion. I
remain, Ever yours faithfully, J. Russell.
(205) William Russell, senior, to Russell.
[Linc Inn Fields ?] Thursday night.
February 19, 1835.
My dear John,— I have just read with very
unmixed satisfaction the debate of this evening
upon the Choice of the Speaker. I hardly know
whether my opinion can be of any value to you
upon such a matter, but I cannot refrain from
expressing my admiration of the very statesman
like manner in which you seem to have conducted
this difficult and most important affair.
Yours aff., Wm. Russell.
Amidst my other aspirations for the good of

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 97
the cause, I cannot help expressing my anxiety
that the very great advantage you obtained over
Ld. Stanley in to-night's debates may not lead
to anything like a general political discord
between you and him. ¦ (206)
The following draft of a letter to O'Connell
represents the attitude adopted towards him and
by him. Queen Street, February 20, 1835.
Sir, — I am much obliged to you for your
letter from Dublin on the  inst.
I know not what may have been the com
munications made to you of my views for the
ensuing campaign, but I am ready to acknow
ledge that the declaration of your intention to
avoid all topics of difference and to co-operate
generally until the Tory Ministers are defeated,
is very frank and explicit.
Acting in the same spirit, I think it neces
sary to explain that while I do not ask you to
give up any of your opinions on public questions,
you will of course understand that I do not
renounce any of mine.
You say that not only the ultimate safety, but
the immediate tranquillity of Ireland depends
upon such a change of men as shall assure a
change of the policy now pursued in that
Country. I am convinced that it is as necessary,
although not so urgent for England, to remove
vol. 11. 7

98 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
from power Ministers, who do not profess, and
as I believe, never can obtain the confidence of
the Country. (207) Spencer to Russell. February 21, 1835.
My dear John,— I wish you joy of such a
brilliant commencement to your Leadership. I
hope you will go on in the same way, and I
think you cannot but do> so as long as the
Ministry remains in. When it goes out I do
not know what to say, for that will weaken you
very much. ,7 . . ,
1 Yours most truly, Spencer.
(208) Palmerston to Russell.
Broadlands, February 22, 1835.
My dear John,— I congratulate you heartily
on your victory the other day. Persevere and
prosper. Now is the time to push on .your advan
tage and to carry as an amendment a vote
affirming want of confidence in the Government.
I am coming to town to-morrow to be present
as a spectator of your Waterloo on Tuesday.
Yours sincerely, Palmerston.
(209) Grey to Russell.
Howick, February 23, 1835.
My dear Lord John,— I have this moment
received your letter. I can easily conceive that

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 99
in many cases my views of what expediency
requires, might be modified or altered if I was
on the spot. But there is one point on which
my opinion and my resolution can admit of no
change. I have already stated to you and others
that nothing could induce me to be a Party to
anything like concert or communication with
O'Connell and the Radicals. After the strong
opinions which I have expressed upon this
subject, and the measures taken, whilst I was
in the Government upon them, I could not
conscientiously, or without loss of credit, depart
from this determination. Though I agree with
you, therefore, as to the propriety, I should rather
say the duty, of acting upon the principles which
you always professed, and not rejecting the
support of those who are willing to assist you
in measures prescribed by those principles, I
could not read without the deepest regret, I might
say with absolute dismay, the account of your
having written to O'Connell, Hume, etc., to
attend the meeting on the question of the
Speakership. The view taken by Howick of this
proceeding I entirely approve, and though his
motive for attending the meeting was such as
I cannot condemn, I should have been better
satisfied if he had adhered to his first resolution
of staying away. That he will do so, if unhappily
any future meeting of a similar description
should take place, I will not allow myself to
doubt. Having said this I willingly turn to a more

100 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
agreeable topick, and I am sure you will give
me credit for the sincere pleasure which I
received from the accounts, sent to me from
all quarters, of the success of your Speech. Be
assured there does not exist a more sincere well-
wisher to your fame and happiness than myself.
As I read Stanley's speech I really think it is
treated with more severity than it deserved. He
cannot maintain an adverse argument, without
parting his adversaries sharply both in reasoning
and in manner. It would be well if he could
correct a fault equally prejudical to his own
influence, and to the publick interest as far as
it is involved in the assistance which it is in
his power to afford. But I am sure all those
who look to the means of extricating the Country
from the present state of confusion, ought to
endeavour to conciliate him and not to widen the
breach, which I much fear some are disposed
to do from motives which I need not describe.
I was very glad to hear, therefore, from Howick,
that he had seen him ; that he found him
disposed to communicate freely and cordially on
the present state of politicks, and expressing
himself as anxious to be united with his old
friends .
Wood sent me a statement of what he under
stood to be the substance of the proposed amend
ment. Admitting an amendment to be expedient
or necessary, there is nothing in what has been
suggested, in which I do not concur. After a
victory on a field of battle which appeared to be

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 101
most disadvantageous, I suppose there can be
little doubt of a majority on the address also.
Ever, dear Lord John,
Yours most sincerely, Grey.
Your letter being dated ye 20th ought to have
come yesterday, but did not arrive till this
morning. (210) William Russell to Russell. March 6, 1835.
My dear John,— I have watched your opening
career with intense anxiety on your own account
as well as on my poor Country's, and I now
breathe freely. I am at ease, at least as far as
you are concerned. Your speech on the choice
of a Speaker quite reconciled me to the line you
took, and quite convinced me (which I thought
at the time) that you ought to have superseded
Mr. Sutton when you took office. Your speech
on the address is also excellent— your exposition
of a Tory conscience was well done— your justi
fication of the late Ministry and defence of your
own principles admirable. There was no sore
ness, no cavilling, no loose statement like in
Devonshire— no peevishness, no pettishness like
in Brougham's speech— all was calm, dignified,
and statesmanlike. This is as it should be, this
is the way to lead a powerful opposition that has
the fate of the Nation in its hands-^the fogs that
surrounded you have cleared away— and though

102 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
your path is still beset with holes you can see
to avoid them. You have now but to go straight
like a ball from a cannon, and if an obstacle
presents itself go against it, you need not turn
one inch out of your way. Your principles are
avowed and clear as the sun at noon day. Of
our leading statesmen you alone are intelligible.
Peel has left his high ground to skirmish in the
plains, with a pack of mercenaries who will
betray him — Stanley and Graham have one eye
on the hills the other on the plain, and are
undecided where and how to fight, but you have
steadily kept the plains, with a stout band rallied
round you. You have no occasion to use tricks
or finesse or faction— the first are not in your
nature, but the last has its charm in your eyes
—it would now, however, be your ruin. Enforce
your principles and opinions to the utmost,
regardless of the support they will receive, and
fearlessly and calmly wait the result. You
cannot go wrong, you cannot fall, you cannot
even stumble. I must, however, make one little
criticism— your amendment was rather too much
of the old Tierney School, and Peel cut it up
cleverly. The issue of the fight must be, as
I said, in the Irish Church— and your manly,
frank declaration of your opinion does you
honor. Go on, my dear John, in the same line,
and save your Country.
We are well and join in love. Aff. yours, Wm. R.

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 103
(211) Grey to Russell.
Woburn Abbey, March 11, 1835.
Dear Lord John,— I have received your letter,
and am not at all surprised at hearing that many
of our best friends feel " the same objections
and alarms " that I expressed on the subject of
Mr. Hume's motion. I should, indeed, have
been very much surprised if it had been
otherwise. After you went I wrote to Howick expressing
very fully my feelings upon this matter. They
are so strong that if I were in the House of
Commons I should certainly both speak and vote
against the motion ; and in doing so I am per
suaded I should do more to unite the Party on
sound Whig principles, than by acquiescing in
a measure to which there are so many objections .
From what you say I trust it will be decided
to give it no countenance or support, and if I
were to advise, it would be not to substitute
any other motion for it, of a similar tendency.
The case of 1784 is so very different, that it
affords no precedent ; and the result of the pro
ceedings of that period was not such as to
encourage a repetition of them.
If by a meeting " including all shades of oppo
sition " you mean one to which Hume, O'Connell,
etc., are again to be invited, I can only repeat
my former opinions, which remain entirely
unchanged. I know the bad impression which
the former meeting produced, and I shall be

104 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
much vexed if Howick is induced to attend one
of a similar description.
The opinion I expressed with respect to the
present administration may have " astonished "
you ; but it is the only one, which such lights,
as I possess, have enabled me to form. If you
try the experiment I expect you will find that
it is not quite so foolish as you seem now to
think it. But you do not state it quite fairly.
I have never said anything that could be inferred
as expressing an opinion that the present
Ministry, of the composition and character of
which I may think as you do, " is the best this
great country can produce." There are certainly
existing those who might compose a much better
— probably one as good as this Country ever saw.
But in the present state of Parties, can they be
brought together? I exclude all consideration
of an intermixture of Radicals as altogether in
admissible. The Whig Party, if such a Party
still exists, is much too weak to support itself
against the two Bodies which would hang ort
both its flanks, in the House of Commons ; and
I should deceive you if I were to express a belief
that the restoration of the late Government would
have the confidence of the Country. Till circum
stances, therefore, shall render possible some
junction of those who are now separated, I must
repeat my opinion that the sudden overthrow
of the present administration would not diminish
our difficulties. This opinion may again incur
your censure, but I believe, as in the case of the

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 105
supplies, that you will find many of our best
friends concurring in it. Ever yours, Grey.
(212) William Russell to Russell.
[Stuttgart?], March 12, 1835.
My dear John,— As I am desired to send a
letter for your housekeeper, I must add a line
to say how delighted I am with your public
proceedings. You are taking the true line, if
your colleagues in office had acted so, they never
could have been turned out. You are quite
right about the Irish Church, and you have a
good argument in the conduct of every Protestant
European Hall which has set us the example (to
our shame) of providing religious instruction and
comfort for the Catholic population. In this
Country it is beautiful to see the harmony in
which the Pros, and Caths. live together. Con
tinue your noble course and you will redeem the
character of the Whigs.
Ever affectionately yours, Wm. R.
(213) Lord Wetlesley 1 to Russell.
Private. Clarendon Hotel, April 5, 1835.
My dear Lord,— I send you an extract from
a letter which I received yesterday from Mr.
1 See note in Appendix.

106 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Blake ; perhaps it may furnish some useful sug
gestions in the present moment.
Allow me to congratulate you on the success
of your most judicious and skilful management,
of which I trust the country will soon reap the
benefit, in the demolition of our miserable
enemies .
Always, my dear Lord, Yours sincerely, Wellesley.

(214) Mr. Charles Gore1 to Russell.
Mount Street, Wednesday night, April 8, 1835.
My dear Lord,— Your victory has been as
brilliant as has been your skill in fighting it.
Long may you enjoy the vantage ground.
Well and truly did Lord Wellesley say to me
on Sunday : " Lord John's conduct as Leader
has been admirable, and he has shewn him
self more than equal to so difficult a task.
He possesses all the temper and tact of Lord
Althorp with 10,000 times his eloquence and
power." Wishing you, my dear Lord, most cordially
and sincerely every happiness and prosperity,
Believe me always, Yours most faithfully, etc .,
Chas. A. Gore.
1 Later a Commissioner of Woods and Forests. Father of
the present Bishop of Oxford.

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 107
(215) Memorandum to Grey.
Lansdowne House, April 11, 1835.
Having well considered the state of Parties
and the circumstances of the Country, we are
decidedly of opinion that no administration
which will command public confidence or give
any promise of stability, can be formed without
uniting every element of strength which the
present state of parties and opinions admits of
combining, and most of all we think it desirable
that you should be induced to give ,your active
support and assistance in office. We submit to
give this as our deliberate judgment and earnestly
entreat you to give it your most serious con
sideration. It would naturally be our wish that
you should place yourself at the head of the
Treasury, but if you should for any reason be
desirous of declining that situation, we trust that
you will not refuse to fill the post of Secretary
of State for foreign affairs, which will secure to
the Nation the benefit of your abilities and ex
perience, and to your Colleagues the protection
and encouragement of your countenance and
authority. Lord John Russell has not been in
formed of our intention to make this communica
tion, but we feel no doubt whatever of his entire
concurrence in it. We have not thought it ex
pedient to incur any delay by inviting the agree
ment of others, but we are confident that it would
be cordially and universally given.
(Signed) Melbourne, Lansdowne, Vassall
Holland, Palmerston, S. S. Rice.

108 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
(216) Melbourne to Russell. April 12, 1835.
My dear John,— Lord Grey entirely declines
taking any part, and the King considers me as
employed in making arrangements. I am sorry
for it, but you must see the necessity of your
immediately coming to London. There is much
that must be decided without further delay. The
questions of Brougham and Palmerston are of
the utmost importance, fully as much as any
questions of principle can be. Pray do not delay.
Yours faithfully,
' Melbourne.
(217) William Russell to Russell. April 24, 1835.
My dear John,— Whatever you do, let me
beg of you not to ask Palmerston for anything
for me neither directly, nor indirectly, don't even
name me to him. He has his own corps of
favourites to which I don't aspire to belong —
nor have I " nous " enough to comprehend his
policy— nor have I activity enough to meddle
'as much as he likes — so, as a favour, I entreat
of you not even to name me to him. I don't
want money, I don't want diplomatic rank, nor
diplomatic honors, and am very well here until
my services are necessary elsewhere ; then
employ me where and how you please. You are
more useful to Ireland where you are, otherwise
I should have been glad to have seen you at

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 109
the For. Office, and I would have given you
some hints as to our diplomacy that would have
put it on a more useful and respectable footing.
On the Continent the Conservatives look upon
you as a most dangerous and detestable Demo
crat, but they would have preferred you to
Palmerston, who gives them all the stomach
ache. You have no time to read more, so
good-bye, and God bless you and aid you in
the great and glorious work you have under
taken. Give my love to your wife. . . .
Affectionately yours, G. W. R.
I think you ought to pay the Catholic Priests
— Ireland will never be quiet till you do. See a
pamphlet called : " On National Property and
the prospects of the present administrators and
their successors," 1835, 3rd edition.

(218) Mr. G. P. Livens to Russell.
Committee Room, Bedford, April 28, 1835.
My Lord, — I have much pleasure in convey
ing to your Lordship the sentiments of a large
portion of the inhabitants of the Town and
Borough of Bedford, who met yesterday for the
purpose of testifying the respect and admira
tion they entertain for the distinguished services
your Lordship has rendered to the Country^ by
so ably advocating the principles and measures
on which we conceive the stability and main-

110 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
tenance of the Public Institutions of the Nation
mainly depend. . . . Geo. P. Livens.

(219) Lord John Russell's Draft of a Bill on
Corporation Reform; Provisions.
(These notes refer to the Bill which he had been
preparing, which he introduced in May, and
finally carried, after a struggle with the
Lords, in June, 1835.)
1 . A clause to declare that with respect to
the boroughs mentioned in Schedules A, B, and
C, this Act shall supersede all Charters, so far
as they may be inconsistent with the provisions
of this Act.
2. Provides that each Municipal Borough shall
be governed by a Mayor, Aldermen, and Com
mon Council, with a Town Clerk and Treasurer.
The number of Aldermen for each borough in
Schedule A to be , in Schedule B to be ,
in Schedule C to be
3. All persons on the register of electors as
ten pound householders to vote for Common
Council, and to be styled burgesses.
4. The Common Council to be elected for
three years. One third to go out annually.
5. Towns of which the population exceeds
20,000 to be divided into wards. One ward
for every burgesses.
6. The Aldermen to be chosen by the bur-

18353 LORD JOHN RUSSELL 111
gesses out of the Common Council. No
pecuniary qualification necessary.
7. Aldermen and Common Council to be resi
dent. Bankruptcy to vacate.
8. Aldermen to be elected for 5 years, and
to be immediately re-eligible.
9. The Mayor to be chosen by the Common
Council out of the Aldermen.
1 o . The Mayor to serve one year .
1 1 . The Mayor and Aldermen not to exercise
Magisterial powers without the sanction of the
Great Seal.
12. In each Borough in Schedules A (and
(B qy) a Recorder to be appointed by the Crown
for life.
1 3 . Town Clerks to be elected for 5 years by
Common Council. Treasurer the same.
14. The property of the Corporation to be
managed by Aldermen chosen by Common
Council. Accounts to be published yearly, and
new expenditure to be sanctioned by Common
Council. 1 5 . Administration of Charities subject to
control of Common Council.
16. The City and Borough Quarter Sessions to
be maintained. Crown to have power to order
Sessions more frequently.
17. A court of Record in every borough for
the trial of civil Actions.
1 8 . The Mayor and Alderrhen to appoint Con
stables qT.
19. Lighting and Paving Boards not under

112 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
existing corporations to continue till altered or
superseded by Act of Parliament.
20. Gaols not to be altered by this Act.
2 1 . The parliamentary boundaries to be taken
as the limits of the Corporation, unless the Crown
should issue a Commission to fix boundaries.
22. Freemen to have no voice as such in
chusing Common Council, Aldermen, or Mayor.
But all pecuniary privileges of right of Common,
&c, to be retained during life.
23. Corporation property to be strictly applied
to municipal purposes.
24. Monopolies of trade, handicraft, &'c, to
be abolished.
25. Exemption from tolls to be extended to
all householders resident within the town.
Deficiency arising from want of such tolls to be
made up by a general vote, imposed by Common
Council. 26. Persons to be compelled to serve cor
porate Offices under a fine.
27. Cities and towns that are Counties of
themselves to .retain that distinction .

Schedule A to contain municipal boroughs of
20,000 inh. and upwards.
Schedule B of 10,000 and under 20,000.
Schedule C of 5,000 and under 10,000.
Mem. Towns of less than 5,000 inh. within
certain limits might be left to another
Session. J. R.

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 113
(220) Russell to Moore.
Whitehall, May 15, 1835.
My DEAR Moore, — I send you Melbourne's
reply to my note inclosing yours. His reasons
for preferring the father to the children are per
haps good, at all events I believe him to be
thoroughly impressed with them, as he urged the
same thing to me in conversation.
I remain, Yours faithfully, J. Russell.
(221) Bedford to Russell. May 19, 1835.
My dear John,— When you receive this, you
will be again an M.P. and prepared to enter on
the very arduous task of leading the House of
Commons in this most arduous crisis . God grant
that tyour health and strength may be equal
to the task ; . . . preserve the equanimity of
temper which distinguished you through the early
part of the session, and by which you gained
golden opinions. . . . Above all take care and
be what Goldsmith said somewhat sneeringly of
Burke " too fond of the right to pursue the
expedient." Mr. Fox's maxim was to say strong
things but not in strong language. . . .
Your affte. Father, B.
VOL. II. 8

114 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
On July 26, 1835, the King wrote to Russell
highly disapproving of the Reduction of the
Militia Staff, on August 13th and 14th he ex
pressed his surprise at the second reading of
the Irish Corporation Bill without its having been
submitted to him, on September ist and 3rd
highly approving of the Government's course on
the Lord's amendments, and Sept. 8th highly
satisfied at the tact and address shown in the
concluding of the Corporation Bill, on Oct. 19th
highly approving of his actions in regard to Tithe
Collection, &c, in Ireland, and of his answer
to the Plymouth Deputation ; expressing also
his antipathy to Brougham's proceedings ; on
Oct. 23rd protesting against Lord Mulgrave's
invitation to O'Connell to dine at Viceregal
Lodge ; Russell replied to the King giving his
opinion that Mulgrave's explanation was satis
factory, and stating his views on the subject.
On Sept. 28th Sir Herbert Taylor was directed
to express the King's strong objection to the
appointment of Brougham to be Chairman of
the Commission on Educational Endowments ; he
" dreaded the subversive principles which were
being taught to the rising generation." On
Sept. 30th Russell wrote a long letter justifying
to the King this appointment, showing that the
Commission was to inquire into and not to direct
the distribution of charitable funds for educa
tion, that Brougham's hasty words, were mOstly
not to be taken as more than the feeling of the
moment, and that in his distribution of patron-

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 115
age he was supposed to lean too much to the
adversaries of the Radicals, who had on that
account objected to the proposal to confer upon
him the Great Seal. As regards the House of
Lords, Russell defended it as a part of the Consti
tution, though not meaning " to exclude the
possibility of an inquiry " at some future
time.

(222) Russell to the Earl of Mulgrave.
Private and Confidential.
Wilton Crescent, May 27, 1835.
My dear Mulgrave, — I have submitted your
letter and Papers to the Cabinet, and after con
sidering the matter very carefully they agree in
the following Propositions.
Ist. That no Military Force should be granted
without making an Application to the Castle in
every instance.
2nd. That it should be made clear, both to
the Officer in command of the Troops, and the
persons claiming Tithe, that Military Force is
given not to aid " in the Collection of Tithe,"
as the Lieutenant General Commanding has
expressed it, but, in the words of Mr. Attorney
General Blackburn's circular, because " some
specific acts of forcible resistance " have been
proved, and because " the public Peace will
certainly, be disturbed, if some extraordinary

116 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
means are not resorted to for the protection of
the men employed (by the Tithe owner) in col
lecting Tithes legally due."
3rd. An application having been made to the
Castle, and the Lord Lieutenant being satisfied
that a serious risk of life will be incurred, or that
the public peace will certainly be disturbed in
the process of collecting Tithes legally due,
Military assistance may be specially granted.
But the Troops are not to be used for the purpose
of collecting Tithe, nor are they to be kept on
the ground when no legal collection is going
on. For instance, if it be Law that Cattle cannot
be distrained during the night, the Troops must
be withdrawn from Sunset to Sunrise. Nor
are they to be continued when no Breach of the
peace is imminent, and their presence in the
field, while it harasses them, is not necessary for
the preservation of the Peace.
4th. You cannot advise the Tithe owner to
forego or suspend his Claim. But your own
Opinion of the expediency of granting Military
aid in preserving the Peace may be affected by
the circumstance that the whole matter is under
the consideration of the Legislature. You must,
of course, never positively decline assistance in
preserving the Authority of Law, but you may
with propriety suspend your decision for a
time. I remain, &c, &c, &c, J. Russell,

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 117
(223) The King to Russell.
Windsor Castle, June 14, 1835.
The King has received Lord John Russell's
letter of yesterday and the accompanying Report
of the Inspections made of the Militia Staffs
in the United Kingdom, and His Majesty has
to notice, with extreme concern, the state of un
fitness and inefficiency in which, with some
honorable exceptions, they are shewn to be.
It would be useless to attempt now to trace
the causes of the decay into which this Estab
lishment has fallen or the neglect and the
improvidence to which it may be attributable,
but although His Majesty is willing to admit
that it would be worse than useless to maintain
the Staffs in general, in their present state and
that the continued expense to the Country of
an Establishment so constituted could not be
justified, it is impossible that His Majesty should
contemplate otherwise than with doubt, hesita
tion, and apprehension a proposal for breaking
up altogether, and without any substitution, the
frame work and foundation of that great Con-.
stitutional Force of the Country to which it may
be necessary to have recourse in periods of
National emergency, and His Majesty does not
deny that, although he had anticipated from the
enquiry which has taken place and of which he
had himself repeatedly urged the necessity, an
arrangement for remodelling and improving this
Establishment, he was not prepared for a pro-

118 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
posal which appears to him to exclude all
provision connected with the maintenance and
the assembly of the Militia of the Country.
This, nevertheless, appears to the King a very
serious object and one which ought not to escape
the consideration of His Government, in the
prosecution of Reforms which the correction of
abuses and the introduction of economy may
justify, and although he approves of both and
is prepared to sanction any reasonable Plan for
the extension of the important and valuable
Police Establishment, he trusts that means will
be found and measures will be suggested for
the constitution of a basis which may facilitate
the assembly and the formation of the Militia
of the several Counties, wherever its services may
be required.
Upon this subject, as well as with respect to
the Plan to which Lord John Russell has
attended, the King will be glad to communicate
personally with him on Wednesday, the 24th
inst., and in the mean time His Majesty states
what has occurred to him, as the most simple
Plan towards keeping up the Militia, without
entailing the necessity of a distinct permanent
Establishment and its consequent charge.
His Majesty would propose that the Ballots
should take place as usual, and that the numbers
should be enrolled and kept complete. But
they should be embodied and mustered one day
in the year at convenient periods, and in pro
portions suited to the districts in which they may

1 835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 119
be conveniently assembled, and that Officers of
the Line and Sergeants from contiguous, or the
least remote stations, should be employed to
inspect them, and that men should transmit
reports to the Secretary of State. As the only
object would be to ascertain the existence and
the general efficiency of the new balloted and
returned for service in the Militia, the Musters
and Inspections might be made by competent
Officers of any Rank, whether on full pay, de
tached from Regiments for that Duty, on half
pay residing in the districts, or by those who
may be employed in the Recruiting Service, these
details being of easy arrangements, between the
Civil and Military Authorities, if the general
principle be introduced and established.
It appears also to the King that, in connec
tion with such a Plan, arrangements should be
made for ascertaining the number and the
efficiency of Pensioners from the regular Army
in each district, and for registering them as avail
able towards the training of the Militia Regiments
whenever they should be embodied.
In the estimate of the saving which may
accrue from the suppression of the Militia Estab
lishment and of the balance with the expense of
the proposed addition to the Police, Lord John
Russell does not appear to have taken into calcu
lation the Pensions and Superannuations to which
the present Staff will be entitled, when disbanded.
Some arrangement will also be required for the
due care and custody of the Arms and Clothing

120 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
which must be deposited in secure Stores at
convenient stations. „, „
William R.
(224) Russell to Mulgrave .
Private . Home Office, June 26, 1835.
My dear Mulgrave,— I think that the Ques
tion of Flag or no Flag having been brought
under your notice, you may as well give directions
that the Standard be not hoisted on occasion
of any Victory gained in Civil War.
Morpeth comes on to-night. I am glad to
find you proceed so quietly.
Yours truly, J. Russell.
His Excellency, The Lord Lieutenant.
It may perhaps be as well that you should
send me a Dispatch, stating whether you think
it necessary to renew the Coercion Act of last
year. We are about to discuss a proposition
for a permanent Bill on the plan of the Report
of the Queen's County Committee.
(225) Melbourne to Russell.
Downing Street, July 27, 1835.
My dear John, — I think your letter will do
very well, and I have sent it on to the King.
Yours, Melbourne.

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 121
(226) Brougham to Russell. York, Sunday.
My dear Don Giovanni,— I have again
looked at the letter and believe it must be
Abercromby's to whom I shall write. I agree
entirely in all you say (except as hereinafter
excepted) and I am delighted to find that you
take the right and good line among the mutual
railings of our friends. My rule is simple, I
always oppose whatever I hear said — if A abuses
B, I defend B and vice versa . This outcry against
Mac. falls quite within the rule. Pray continue
to defend him to those who attack him and abuse
him to himself, for I doubt not he well deserves it.
As for Leader, I can only say what I have said
500 and odd times for the last seven or eight
years, especially for the last three, that if any
wizard were to give me a wand and a cap which
should make me king of the Whigs I would
accept it because I or anyone else so armed could
in three months change the Government and do
what would be useful to the world. But if the
said fairy were to offer me by unanimous consent
and authority of the said Whigs the place of their
leader in the common acceptation of the word
I should beg his honour the fairy to go about his
business and especially to go to Bedlam 
Neither imagine that I do not see the ruin we
are bringing on ourselves and on our country
by rejecting all order and discipline. . . . Such
a Committee as you allude to I long ago proposed

122 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
and was always anxious to see. Romilly and
myself both said we should hold ourselves at its
disposal. . . . Yours ever, H. Brougham.
(227) Melbourne to Russell.
Confidential. South Street, September 8, 1835.
My Lord, — I have to request that you will
in conjunction with the Marquis of Lansdowne,
Lord Duncannon,1 Lord Howick2 and Mr.
Poulett Thomson 3 undertake the consideration of
Tithe in England, and the framing of a measure
upon that subject for the consideration of the
Cabinet. I remain, my Lord,
Your Faithful and ob'. serv'.,
Melbourne.
(228) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, September 20, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I have received the
enclosed letter from Brougham, which tho'
friendly is threatening. I have told him I
cannot commit myself or you, as to the course
to be pursued with respect to the Great Seal, or
1 Afterwards Earl of Bessborough.
2 Afterwards Earl Grey.
3 Afterwards Lord Sydenham, Governor of Canada.

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 123
any judicial office. I imagine he will decline
the Commission.
Since I saw you I have thought over the
arrangement you mention 'd, and I see the
strongest objections to it. I fear both offices
will be ill filled, and this quite independent of
mortifying Brougham, which is an evil.
The accounts of the state of this country, and
Ireland are generally very good. I have some
hopes that we may hit on a plan for the Irish
Church which the Tories will agree to.
Yours truly, J. Russell.

(229) Lansdowne to Russell.
Private. Lansdowne House,
Wednesday Night [September (?)], 1835.
My dear J. Russell,— Many thanks for M's
letters— they have certainly as little of a publick
character as any letters on publick matters could
have, and I am glad you mean to inculcate the
practice of laying before the Government from
time to time such general statements as to the
prevailing condition and opinions of the country,
as I think should be expected from every Lord
Lieutenant whilst there is one.
I should hope to hear you have got quite well
in the country, and to see you soon after our

124 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
return from Ireland, where we shall remain I
think till the middle of October.
Yrs. ever, LANSDOWNE.
I conclude Minto will now have the Admiralty
and there could not be a better person for it
notwithstanding the unlucky little difficulty there
has been.1 (230) Brougham to Russell. September 21, 1835.
[After a former long letter declining the
Chairmanship of the Commission to inquire into
Educational Endowments.]
Private.
My dear J.,— After taking time to consider
and consulting some, especially City friends, and
rather in accordance with my own opinion than
with theirs, I have considered that my refusing
might be misconstrued into a factious feeling
after the offer I made in 1 8 1 8 to be at the head
of the Inquiry tho' accompanied with retiring
from Parliament. So that I accept the propo
sition. ... I only make one condition, that I
am to have nothing whatever to do with
patronage. . . . Yours sincerely, H. B.
1 The Earl of Minto was appointed to the Admiralty in
September, 1835, and held it till 1841.

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 125
(231) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, September 28, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I am very sorry to
hear you have not been well since the session
closed. I am afraid you do not take exercise
enough, or eat and drink more than enough.
One of the two may do, but not both together.
I have been quite set up by leaving London,
and having only a moderate quantity of business,
with sufficient good air.
Richmond has done what we expected. I
repeat what I said before ; you must have no
commission ; Palmerston, Hobhouse, Howick
and I can settle the matter. We can consult
Lord Sheffield, or anyone else. I hope Vyvyan
will not object ; Kempt (?) was our great
stumbling block before ; Vyvyan should have
been told of the Commission when he took
office. Lord Hill rather alarms me by saying you
mean to offer Gibraltar to Lord Anglesey, but
I suppose Rice has told you the conditions. We
must have no patent office; no non-resident
Governor ; no exorbitant salary. I wish for my
part you would make some good arrangement,
which might put the whole Mediterranean com
mand under one Military head resident at Malta.
If not offer Malta to F. Somerset, and propose
F. Ponsonby as Secretary. Ever yours, J. R.

126 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
(232) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, September 30, 1835.
My dear Melbourne, — You will know before
this that the King objects strongly to Brougham,
but I hope you will be able to overcome
his objections. He considers it as a Commission
to direct education instead of an enquiry. What
is it Brougham did? I have written to Taylor
another long letter, which you ought to see. It
must be considered that if Brougham is rejected,
after having consulted his friends, we shall have
" war to the knife " from him, and according
to an old joke of Dudley's " Mr. Brougham's
Monarchy Abolition Bill read a first time."
I confess I could not have said to W. Harvey
all the hard things you did, but it is as well
perhaps. I do not consider his conduct in
Parliament as any material objection.
I am glad you agree about the Great Seal.
You may as well ascertain the point of doubt.
I suppose Campbell must be Master of the Rolls
in that case.
My notion is that all church patronage now
in the gift of the Great Seal should go to the
Prime Ministers, and that law patronage of
Recorders, Magistrates &c. should be more
directly in the Great Seal than it is at present.
Pepys is, I believe rich, and so far would be
a good new peer.
I have written a long letter to the Duke of
Wellington a few days ago respecting the Militia.

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 127
I am ready to make the staff useful, but in reality
my opinion is with Howick and Hardinge ; there
are always about 7,000 pensioners who have been
discharged within three years, and who would
make excellent drill sergeants at any time.
I suppose you do not think of calling out
the Militia permanently in time of peace — if so,
you ought to dismiss the Yeomanry.
Yours truly, J. Russell.
(233) Melbourne to Russell.
South Street, September 30, 1835
My dear John,— The King accedes to
Brougham, very reluctantly, saying that he does
not know what he may do in any situation. . . .
He only requests that the Commissioners may
not be wild or violent men ; so pray tell me
that there may be no name amongst them to
shock him. On my part I have done a damn'd
foolish thing in offering Gibraltar to Anglesey, —
luckily he has refused it.
Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
(234) The Duke of Wellington to Russell.
Private. Walmer Castle, October 1, 1835.
My Lord,— I have had the Honor of receiv
ing your Lordship's Letter of the 26th Septem
ber, and I assume from that you do me justice

128 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
in believing that I am disposed to give every
assistance in my Power to enable you to decide
upon the formation of a Peace Staff for the
Militia. Although it has not lately been deemed
necessary to call out the Militia for training,
and such training may not be desirable under
existing circumstances, and Parliament might not
be disposed at present to grant the Money to
defray the expence, unless the Minister could
state the periods at which he should think that
the training was necessary, I cannot think it
safe that the Country should be entirely deprived
of the Means of using the Militia.
Without incurring a large Expense I do not
see the way to keep up a Staff, which should
be capable and able to organize, train, and dis
cipline at any moment, after a long period of
Peace and discontinuance of training.
Men may be disciplined as proposed to Your
Lordship by General D'Albrai, but they might
not, and probably would not, be fit for the per
formance of the Duty of Organizing, training,
and disciplining the Militia. Lord Bute's plan
might be useful, as well as that suggested by
Your Lordship, viz., that the Colonels of the
Militia should be required to select the non
commissioned officers for the Peace Staff of the
Militia from among the Pensioners residing in
the County if any should be found qualified.
The Connection of an arrangement for the Aug
mentation of the Pensions of such Men in con-

1 835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 129
sequence of their Services on the Peace Staff
of the Militia would certainly be an encourage
ment ; and would have the additional good effect
of giving a Provision to the Peace Staff of the
Militia when they should be worn out.
But all these measures would have the effect
only of giving to the Publick the Services of
Men to be non-commissioned officers of Militia
who should be in some degree disciplined. Still,
whenever the Militia should be called out to be
trained whether for eventual Service, or even
for the Annual Month's training and dis
cipline supposing that Measure to be again
resorted to, the Government and the Staff of
the Army, and the Army itself must give all
the Assistance that can be afforded in order to
discipline and render efficient as Military Bodies
the several Corps of Militia. Where this Emer
gency shall occur, it is more than probable that
the best Peace Staff that can be formed by the
adoption of any or of all the Measures that
have been proposed will not be found very
efficient .
But it does not follow that because it would
be difficult to keep up an Efficient Peace Staff
without incurring a large Expence, such a one
might not be formed at a reasonable expence
which should be capable of performing the
Essential Services of Organization preparatory
to Discipline.
The Militia is the only force in this Country
regularly organized by Law, and it is its first
vol. n. 9

130 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Corps de Reserve. The Government might find
itself placed in very disadvantageous Circum
stances if it had no Organized force in Reserve ;
or if possessing the power of calling out such
a force to the amount of from 50 to 70 thousand
Men, of which the Militia of the United Kingdom
consists, it had not the Means of organizing even
one Battallion.
It is to the formation and Organization of
the Battallions that I would limit the attention
of the Peace Staff of the militia in the first
instance under present Circumstances. They
should be charged with the Care of the Arms
Cloathing and Accoutrements of their several
Companies. If the Militia having been balloted
for should have been embodied, each of the Staff
should have a Roll of His Company, should
know as nearly as possible where each Militia
Man resides, and should occasionally communi
cate with him. The non-commissioned Officers
or the Staff should understand the whole system
of keeping the Accounts of the Soldiers.
By the aid of such Men the Battalions would
be immediately organized into Companies ;
Cloathed, armed, and accoutred ; the first rudi
ments of Military Discipline might be taught
till the larger arrangements above adverted to
for disciplining could be adopted by the Gov
ernment and the Military Authorities of the
County. The Qualities thus required for a non-commis
sioned Officer on the Peace Staff of the Militia

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 131
would be habits of Sobriety and Care ; the know
ledge of Reading, writing, and accounts ; and
with a knowledge of the system of a Regiment
as to enable him to teach the Militia Men
brought in from the Country how to take care
of themselves, of their Arms, Accoutrements, and
Cloathing. Days and weeks will be gained by
the Services of such a Staff even in the more
showy and essential points of teaching the
Militia Men the use of their Arms, and how
to move with order and precision.
I confess, therefore, that if the old non-com
missioned Officers of the Militia are not worn
out by use or disabled by Drink, I should prefer
them for these Services to others more capable
and efficient at the Drill.
In respect to the Numbers of the Peace
Staff for the Militia, I should think that there
ought not to be less than an Adjutant Serjeant
Major, Quarter Master Serjeant, and two
Runners for each Battallion ; and a Serjeant for
each Company, as fixed by act of Parliament.
I have the Honor to be, My Lord, Your Lord
ship's most obedient and faithful Humble
Servant, Wellington.
(235) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, October 2, 1835.
Dear M,— I am very glad you got out of the
scrape so easily with Anglesey — it was too much
and too little for him.

132 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
I suppose Lord Aylmer will be sent to Ire
land, he is a very well-disposed man, but not
very able. You should see him and talk sense
to him, if he is to go.
I send you a long letter of William's in answer
to one of mine. I had proposed Fryer and
Pearson to Lord Talbot as Magistrates ; he
replied, " They are in trade, an objection which
Lord Melbourne allowed to be good." I wrote
him word I was not convinced, but I would
consider of it.
Littleton's reasoning seems to me perfectly
good, and as I wrote to Lord Talbot, if the
principle is worth anything, country gentlemen
ought not to judge about hares and pheasants.
What say you? for I do not like to go any
further without your concurrence.
One of the Dorchester labourers, Loveless,
made a confession that he had been seduced by
Londoners, and had got the men to take oaths
thinking there was nothing in it against law.
Upon which I wrote to the Colonial Office that
the two Lovelesses should be pardoned after
three years in the colony. Now Joseph Hume
writes me a letter, which I send you. I am not
disposed myself to do more than I have done,
for then we should be in their power, instead
of their being in ours. What say you? To
be sure the Duke of Cumberland and the Duke
of Gordon are far more guilty than the labourers,
but the law does not reach them, I fear.
I have been informed that the Bristol re-

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 133
formers, who have made a subscription to give
me a piece of plate, wish to give it to me at
a public dinner. I could not well refuse, and
have agreed to be there on the ioth November.
Here at Plymouth, and in all this county, I have
got off going to any public Meeting. Yours truly, J. R-
(236) Russell to Melbourne .
Endsleigh, October 3, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I am much obliged
to you for Rolfe's paper. It is certainly more
practical than Bickersteth ! qui donne dans le
Benthamisme. I will consider it and return it
to you in a few days.
I send you a letter from Mulgrave. I fear
the Orange Sheriffs of Cork will consider they
have gained a triumph.
I sent you a letter yesterday from Hume
respecting Orange Societies — do you think any
thing more can be done now? We may ask the
Law Officers as to the legality, tho' I apprehend
they can hardly give a decided opinion without
all the facts. But dismissing from all civil
offices all Orangemen would be making a flame
indeed !
I am glad you are gone to Panshanger. I
hope you will go a-shooting.Yours affectionately, J.R.

134 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
(237) Memorandum by Russell on the Division
of Duties of the Lord Chancellor .
October 6, 1835.
There are two main points to be considered
with reference to the office of Lord Chancellor ;
the one, the appointment of a permanent judge
in Equity to preside over the Court of Chancery ;
the other the separation of the political and
judicial functions of the Lord Chancellor.
1 . With respect to the first, it can hardly be
denied that the appointment of such Supreme
Judge would be a great benefit to every person
of property in the Kingdom. The fluctuation of
political changes and the necessity of chusing
a man fit for the front rank and station in
political life, must be a great impediment to
the due administration of justice in the Court of
Chancery. Without these impediments the
difficulty would be sufficiently great. Two of
the fittest men of our time to preside in an
Equity Court, Lord Eldon and Sir John Leach,
had yet such faults that according to the epi
gram with the one you never had the oyer, and
with the other never the terminer. To all these
difficulties you add that of placing a man to
preside in a difficult branch of law who has
never studied it, and who cannot possibly find
time to study it.
2. This point being abundantly clear, with
out going farther into the argument, let us con
sider the other part of the question. The doubts

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 135
in my mind were such upon this part that when
asked in the House of Commons, I answered that
we " had made up our minds to propose a per
manent judge in equity, but that the separation
of the judicial and political functions of the
Lord Chancellor was a matter of great difficulty."
The doubt which weighed upon my mind was,
" How shall we ever find a lawyer, fit to com
mand the respect of the Bar, and the House of
Lords, who will take upon himself a mere minis
terial office at a ministerial salary?" For it
had never occurred to me that we could propose
to give £10,000 a year, and £5,000 a year
retiring pension to any man for merely being
Minister of Justice. The functions can be per
formed without law ; at present the Prime
Minister and Secretary of State perform them
all, perhaps less well, but certainly not so much
less well, as to make it worth while to incur
this difference of expense. Well, then, for the
usual salary who can be got to take such an
office ? A lawyer in full practice ? He would
lose his whole income, perhaps, for three
months' salary. A retired lawyer? Hardly any
such would like to begin afresh the turmoil of
life. He retires only because he wishes to be
quiet, and you propose to him new battle in
an unknown world.
It seems to me, then, matter of necessity and
not of choice to have the Lord Chancellor to
preside over the House of Lords. Whether to
that Court of Appeal should be brought the

136 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
business before the Privy Council, and whether
the Court should sit, the House of Lords being
adjourned, are questions on which I do not
venture to pronounce.
It remains to be considered whether such
changes can be, or ought to be, proposed by us
to Parliament. In the first place we are pledged
so far as the permanent Judge in Equity. In
the second place I think we should greatly mis
take our position if we did not bring forward
every useful and practical reform, which can be
stated in such a manner as to carry with it
the good sense of the country. It is for this
that we are in office. Were we to consult the
feelings of the bar, or to yield to the doubts
of individual lawyers, that might be done as
well by Peel, or even by Knatchbull and
Chandos. If we propose what is useful for the
country, for the suitors in courts of law, and
that which no sound argument can overthrow,
we shall ultimately find support, come what
may. As little am I deterred by the argument of
expense, so long as the object is to give the
suitor justice. If you cannot afford to do
justice speedily and well, you may as well shut
up the Exchequer, and confess that you have
no right to raise taxes for the protection of the
subject, for Justice is the great and primary end
of Government. J. R.

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 137
(238) Melbourne to Russell.
Confidential. Panshanger, October 6, 1835.
My dear John,— I have received all your
letters. I return you Mulgrave's of the 3rd
September. Upon the whole it appears to be
not an unfortunate escape out of the conse
quences of a questionable step. I did not say,
any thing about it before, because the step had
been taken, but I think you will now do well
to warn Mulgrave not to stir that very difficult
and hazardous question of the Orange Lodges
without great caution and previous consultation.
This is rendered more necessary by Taylor's
letter to you of the 4th inst. a copy of which
has been sent to me. This letter is extremely,
unjust and absurd, but it is occasioned by the
very strong impression which I know to have
been made by the recent speeches of O'Connell,
speeches which are calculated to have exactly
the same effect as Brougham's of last year.
Everything that renders the Roman Catholic
party more irreconcileable naturally disposes
more and more to a reliance upon and a cling
ing to the other party. You cannot expect it
to be otherwise. There is a good deal in what
Hume says of the difference between the Orange
Lodges and the Political Unions, but the Trades
Unions were quite as secret as the Orange
Lodges, and had all the same characteristics,

138 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
and if a measure had been likely to be effectual
against them, it would have been prudent and
justifiable. But it was better to leave them to
the absurdity and impracticability of their own
objects, which has caused them to decline,
though it is not probable that they will ever
entirely cease, or that they will not upon occa
sions again revive. The question of the Orange
Lodges deserves and requires a very serious con
sideration, because their objects though bad, are
not so inconsistent and impossible and contra
dictory to the laws of Nature, as those of the
Trades Unions. Allen says if they are not put
down we may expect the same consequences as
from the League. This is extra vagent, but at
the same time they are of the same nature as
that combination.
I am certainly quite against doing anything
more in the case of the Dorsetshire labourers.
I thought the matter had been considered to
have been settled. Perhaps if it will tend to
prevent the revival of the question, you might
facilitate their being joined by their families.
You call Loveless's statement that he had been
seduced by Londoners a confession — I call it a
defence or justification, and probably false. Did
he state who those Londoners were ?
It is certainly true that I always admitted
a man's being a Trader to be an objection to
his becoming a Magistrate, and I believe that
it is upon this principle that the Commissions
have been constituted generally, and particularly

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 139
in the manufacturing Counties. The notion was
that Manufacturers would not be considered im
partial Judges in cases between the Workmen
and their employers. You may certainly say
the same with respect to Country Gentlemen in
disputes between farmers and their men, and
also upon the Game Laws, but after all Country
Gentlemen have held, and still do hold, a higher
character than Master Manufacturers. There is,
however, a great deal in what Hatherton says,
and it becomes a difficult question to decide
whether in the present state of society it is either
practicable or useful to maintain the distinction.
It is, however, a considerable change and re
quires some consideration and some enquiry.
It is not a very good feature in the present
period that there is so much anxiety to get into
the Commission of the Peace, not for the pur
pose of administering justice, but in order to
acquire personal dignity and political influence.
You must also bear in mind that the majority
of Master manufacturers are Tories, particularly,
for instance, in this very town of Wolverhamp
ton, and if the rule is once to be considered
broken you will enable the Lord Lieutenant to
put numberless Tories into the Commission who,
of course, cannot be objected to. Fryer him
self, though I dare say a very honest man, is
a very offensive one, professing extreme prin
ciples and I dare say putting them forward in
a very insulting manner.
I return you your list of Commissioners.

140 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Those whom I know are very proper men.
Could you not transfer Mr. Roberts from the
unpaid to the paid? I know him well and wish
him well, having studied law under him for two
years. I should think that the second Column
would suit him much better than the first.
Yours faithfully, Melbourne.

(239) William Russell to Russell.
[Watermark, 1835.]
. . . Pray look a little to Foreign Affairs
yourself and don't let us spoil our noble posi
tion, for England never stood so high. She
has but to dictate her will to the world, but
let her never dictate except when her honour
or interest require it, above all let her not
meddle and intrigue.
(240) Russell to Mulgrave.
Private and Confidential. Endsleigh, October 9, 1835.
My dear Mulgrave,— In referring to my
letter, with respect to granting military aid to
support the collection of tithes, dated " Wilton
Crescent, May 27, 1835," I observe an opinion
expressed towards the end of it that your opinion
of the expediency of granting such aid in pre
serving the peace might be affected by the cir-

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 141
cumstance that the whole matter was under the
consideration of the Legislature.
This being no longer the case you will doubt
less receive applications for military aid, and I
am glad to learn that in these difficult circum
stances you have consulted the Law Officers of
the Crown. I likewise concur generally in the
opinion they seem to have given that the
assistance of the Military and police ought to
be reserved for those cases where the attempt
to collect tithe has produced riot, or breach of
the peace.
It is usual in this country, upon the requi
sition of the Magistrates, to place within their
reach, and at their disposal, any military force
in the immediate neighbourhood. But in conse
quence of the frequent calls for Military assist
ance in Staffordshire, on the occasion of the
late contested election, I specially warned the
Lord Lieutenant of that county, and the Com
mander in Chief, upon an occasion when riot was
apprehended, not to allow the troops to be
brought within sight of the people unless actual
rioting took place. The meeting in question
passed off quietly.
I should advise, therefore, that acting in the
spirit of the opinions you have received, you
do not grant military aid to accompany persons
engaged in the collection of tithes— But that you
should make such arrangements with the Com
mander in Chief as may from time to time be
necessary, and that you should inform the

142 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Owners of Tithes, applying for Military aid, that
the King's troops and the police will be at all
times ready to assist in the manner, which you
and the authorities may judge most effectual in
the preservation of the public peace.
I remain, With great regard,
Yours most faithfully,
J. Russell.
(241) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, October 9, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I now proceed to
answer some parts of your letter of yesterday.
I will advise Mulgrave to be very wary respect
ing Orange Lodges. I had already warned him
not to take the law implicitly from the Irish
Lawyers, including the Chief. He cannot how
ever entirely recede from what he has done, for
it would be more hazardous to retreat than
continue where he is.
I have written rather an evasive answer to
Taylor's letter respecting Orange Lodges, but I
think I must write again soon to point out the
importance of the question. There is no doubt
they would be the League if they could, and
nothing but their want of power can excuse our
standing still. I think we can hardly let the
question rest.
The question of the Dorchester labourers is
not finally disposed of. The debate ended in

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 143
the House of Commons by Peel's saying that
if any circumstances came to my knowledge in
their favour it was quite open to me, on my
responsibility, to give them a further remission.
Since that time two circumstances have trans
pired—one that Loveless gave a very fair, and
I believe true account, that the evidence against
him was agreeable to the fact, but that he took
what he did from the suggestion of others, and
that he did not know it was unlawful. Now as
to the unlawfulness, it required putting together
two acts of parliament to prove that the thing
was unlawful ; O'Connell says now that it was
lawful, and no proclamation warned them that
what was notoriously done all over London was
illegal. Secondly, it appears that the Duke of
Cumberland and Lord Wynford have been doing
the same thing only with more cunning, and
deserve at least a more severe punishment. I
have already offered the wives of the Lovelesses
to go out, but they would not go till their
husbands were consulted. Certainly if I stay
in office, I shall not keep the sentence in force
the whole seven years.
I will have the name of Mr. Miles put in
the Commission for Charities. I believe it was
you who left Mr. Roberts among the unpaid,
I suppose at the suggestion of Brougham, who
seems to have had more influence at the Home
Office then than he is ever likely to have again.
With respect to Magistrates it is quite true
there is great desire to get into the Commission,

144 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
but you must recollect the power of a Magis
trate does not begin and end with sending a
sheep -stealer to jail. The county purse is in
a great degree under his control, roads are
turned, bridges made, the poor relieved by his
decisions, and in this county our Whig magis
trates have reduced the expenses 50 per cent by
economy and honesty. The landed gentry are
very respectable, and I have always found them
kind and humane, but they are certainly the
class in this country most ignorant, prejudiced
and narrow-minded of any. The uneducated
labourers beat them hollow in intelligence.
I have heard from Mulgrave again to-day.
Yours, J. R.
(242) Russell to Melbourne .
October 9, 1835.
Dear Melbourne, — Pray send back the copy
of my letter which I sent you, and Sir Herbert's
answer in original.
If it was intended to let me know what was
thought of Brougham, so likewise it was intended
by me to signify that the Lords were not to be
considered, as without check or controul, and
I thought Q. Anne was more tolerable for that
purpose than 1832.
However in fact it is a remedy that would
not serve the purpose. The Pitt party has been
weaken'd, and not strengthen'd by making so

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 145
many dull country gentlemen duller Lords. And
we should lose in the same proportion.
Two or three now and then may be useful,
but I should regret any large creation. The
best stuff would be liberal Irishmen — the Orange
Peers are so numerous, and Duncannon is not
an Orator.
I agree with you about Pepys, but I have
no sort of doubt as to what must ultimately, be
done. I am glad of what you told Mulgrave. I sent
him an amended draught much shorter, and
putting military aid in the front instead of the
rear of the letter. Yours truly, J. Russell.
Pray send to Rolfe or Phillips, to say whether
my list of Commissioners will do.
( 243) Russell to Melbourne .
Endsleigh, October n, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— The causes of the
Penitentiary fire must be investigated, and like
wise the state of the fire engines.
Mulgrave says your letter to him and mine
entirely agreed as to the tithe : no doubt such
a decision may create much embarrassment, but
answers to applications must be given, and you
have only an option between the course pro
posed, and a civil war in Ireland for the sake
of tithe, which Peel and Wellington were not
vol. 11. 10

146 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
prepared to undertake, and did not. I shall say
therefore no more about it. . . .
Upon English tithes I am quite free from
prejudice, as I no longer represent the Devonian
destructives. Besides, Lansdowne is President
of that Committee.

(244) Melbourne to Russell.
South Street, October 13, 1835.
My dear John, — I have this morning received
a letter from Mulgrave stating the course, which
upon consultation with Lansdowne and Rice he
has settled to pursue with respect to the applica
tions for Tithe. It is the same both in substance
and form as you and I have recommended, and
therefore I consider this matter as settled.
I had intended, as Taylor's letter to you upon
the subject of Orange Lodges had been sent
to me by the King's Command, to read the
report, and then to write generally upon the
subject. You had better let me see what you
write before you send it, in order that we may
perfectly agree. (
I do not myself care much what is done
respecting the Dorsetshire Labourers. But you
know the feeling which exists against their being
brought back into the Country.
Do about Roberts what you will.
I am inclined to agree with you about your
Magistrates. I think some Manufacturers and
persons in business should be admitted. You

1 835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 147
will have some difficulty with the Lieutenants
of Counties, as it hitherto certainly has been
considered a disqualification to be actually
engaged in trade.
The Spanish news is as you anticipated,
better. The Juntas are coming in, and Las
Nevas has not advanced.
Sligo's conduct in Jamaica has been hasty and
intemperate, — but there is nothing for it but to
support him at present. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
I have returned you your letters in another
cover. (245) Tavistock to the Duke of Bedford.
Woburn Abbey, October (?) 21 [1835.]
Many thanks my dear Duke. . . .
I don't see how Mulgrave could have made a
new regulation to exclude the member for
Dublin, who was there and called upon him, to
say nothing of the support he was giving to
his Government, with seven millions of people
at his back. Lord Wellesley told my brother
the year before last that he would invite
O'Connell to dinner if he came to Dublin, and
he was then preaching Repeal. Extreme
opinions can be no reason for excluding a man
from society. . . . Yours ever, T.

148 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
(246) Melbourne to Russell.
October 22, 1835.
My dear John, — . . . The King is much
annoyed at Mulgrave's having invited O'Connell.
... It was in my opinion right to do it, but
it is difficult to defend it. . . .
Yours faithfully,
Melbourne.
(247)
The following address was presented to
Russell in Devonshire in October, 1835 :—
To the Right Hon. Lord John Russell —
We, the undersigned, inhabitants of Plymouth,
Devonport, Stonehouse, and vicinity, desire to
express our entire approbation of your Lordship's
political conduct, and our grateful sense of the
firm and zealous attachment which you, in
common with the rest of His Majesty's Ministers,
continue to show to the cause of civil and
religious liberty. This attachment has been
proved by the introduction of many, measures,
which have been sanctioned by the House of
Commons, and promised great and lasting good
to the united empire. That they have not become
laws is not referable to any want of energy on
the part of yourself and colleagues, but is to be
ascribed to the resistance offered by another
branch of the Legislature. But we feel more
especially indebted to your Lordship for the

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 149
recent measure of Municipal Reform, which
exchanges a number of self -elected irresponsible
bodies, for local government, elected by and
responsible to the people ; and although we may
not approve of all its provisions, we have the
satisfaction of knowing that you do not regard
it as a final measure, but are on the contrary
prepared to make such alterations as experience
may require. We cannot take leave of your
Lordship without the assurance, that we have
witnessed with admiration and thankfulness, your
great and protracted exertions during the past
session of Parliament. We rejoice that in one
important instance, at least, they have been
crowned with success : and we beg to add, on
public and private grounds, our most earnest
wishes that your health may be soon re-estab
lished, and that your strength and spirits may
long be preserved firm and unbroken.
The following was Russell's reply :—
Gentlemen,— I thank you most gratefully for
the personal kindness which has prompted this
Address, for the entire approbation of my
political conduct of which you assure me, for the
generous spirit in which your sentiments are con
ceived, and for the temperate language in which
they are conveyed.
In common with the rest of His Majesty's
Ministers I have endeavoured to prove my
attachment to the cause of civil and religious
liberty, not by words only, but by acts. The

150 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
principal measures which we have proposed
during the whole period which has elapsed since
Lord Melbourne and his colleagues have been
recalled to power, were calculated in our
opinion to strengthen the bonds of union between
different parts of the empire, to solve perplex
ing difficulties, to secure the participation of the
people in the benefit of institutions intended for
their use, to promote freedom, order, morality,
and religion. Some of these measures after
receiving the sanction of the House of Commons
have been defeated by the resistance of another
branch of the Legislature. They exercised their
undoubted privilege ; whether wisely or no, it
is for you, and not for me, to determine . I may,
however, be permitted to observe that the same
party which prompted and led this resistance
have been opposed to every liberal measure
which has been proposed for the last seven years,
and that upon all the most important of those
measures, their resistance has ended in a con
fession that the struggle was hopeless, and that
although darkness was still to be desired, light
was no longer to be excluded.
This inherent weakness of their cause has
appeared, even in the present year, upon the
Bill for the Regulation of Municipal Corpora
tions. The denunciation of robbery, the imputa
tion of calumny, the cry of revolution, however
loudly uttered and valiantly sustained, have all
ended in a concession of five-sixths of the main
provisions of that Bill. For the remainder, like-

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 151
wise, we are not precluded, as you justly observe,
from proposing such alterations as experience
may require.
Fortified, therefore, by past victories, relying
firmly on future progress, I earnestly recommend
you to look for the triumph of further measures
of reform rather to the effect of public opinion,
enlightened and matured by knowledge and dis
cussion, than to organize changes, which cannot
be proposed without causing division, nor carried
without risk of convulsion, and which, even if
carried, would be of very dubious benefit indeed
to the popular cause, but of unquestionable
danger to the Monarchy. For my own part,
in my Address to you upon taking office, I
declared my resolution with respect to such
fundamental alterations . To the great landmarks
of our liberties I must steadily adhere ; of the
principles which pervade our primitive institu
tions I am an ardent admirer ; to the Constitu
tion of this country, in all its branches, I stand
pledged by feeling, by opinion, and by duty.
Gentlemen, I cannot conclude without assuring
you that, although no longer your representative,
I shall ever take a warm interest in the pros
perity of this county, and of all its inhabitants.
(248) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, October 29, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I send you the Lord
Advocate's remarks on Mr. Wallace's. They

152 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
will, I think, furnish you with a complete answer
to that part which relates to lay property in
tithes. As to the statistical information respect
ing every person's religion, you know we all
agreed in the Cabinet that we did not intend
to make this enquiry resemble the Irish in that
respect. I should judge from Sir H's letters that the
irritation produced by O'Connell's speeches has
greatly subsided.
You had better frame your answer to Wallace
on the papers I send you, and then return them.
Yours faithfully, J. R.
(249) Melbourne to Russell.1 1835-
My dear John, — I have been employed all
morning in answering that letter from Brougham.
I have thought it best, as the ice is broke, to
tell him pretty much my whole mind.
I send you the amendment in the form in
which I should like to vote for it better than
that in which it stood before.
. . . Reaping fruits is too metaphorical and
pretient. There is no such  2 as reform. Who
ever tells of any thing but the reformation of
religion, placing the Corporations under popular
1 Watermark 1833. Parts are illegible.
2 Illegible.

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 153
control points too much to one way of reforming
them. Tithe System is a vile phrase. Your last
sentence clumps the Church of Ireland and
England too much together as if the evils in
both Countries were the same.
The Bill for amending the representation ought
never to be mentioned without the word " neces
sary." If it was not absolutely necessary, it
was the foolishest thing ever done.
You may adopt these or not, as you like.
Yours, Melbourne.
(250) Mulgrave to Russell. November, 1835.
My dear John, — I was very much pleased
indeed with your Bristol Speech. It seemed to
me peculiarly well calculated to allay alarm on
the one side without disappointing expectation
on the other. I should think its tone very likely
to do the Government good at Head Quarters.
I was very glad to hear in one of your last letters
that you thought the unaccountable irritation
against me there was subsiding, because what
ever its trifling origin may have been it is not
pleasant to have one's every action misrepre
sented by him one is sent to represent. One
sometimes can judge the state of feeling there
from small indications, and such an opportunity
will occur shortly. When I was at Belfast the

154 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
Governors of the Royal Academical Institution,
who, you know, are the great Presbyterian
College of the North, showed me a full length
Portrait of the King painted by a Belfast artist
and presented to them by him. They said they
had had several communications from Sir
Herbert Taylor on the subject and requested
me to convey to him for the information of
H.M. when I returned to Dublin that I had
seen it there with the expressions of their grati
tude &c. &c. As when your sturdy Presbyterians
choose to be frivolous and fawning it does not
do to baulk them I wrote a few days ago to
Taylor accordingly and we shall see whether I
get a civil answer to a communication which
under ordinary circumstances is of a nature to
be most graciously received.
That which gives me most uneasiness in the
present state of the Country (otherwise perfectly
tranquil) is the disposition to outrage on the
part of the Orangemen throughout the whole
of that Tract of Country which runs almost across
the Island a little to the North of Dublin where
parties are nearly equally divided. There is
another (of which you will receive the official
report) in Cavan much more brutal and disgust
ing in its details than the one at  . I am
afraid too there, that unless the Government
promptly interposes and appears to take the
Question up in the shape of investigation by
sending a special Magistrate down, that such is
the excitement in consequence of the neighbour-

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 155
ing Catholic Population that they will come down
from the Mountains of Leitrim where they swarm,
and that there will be a frightful collision. How
ever they have at once petitioned for a Govern
ment inquiry, and will be satisfied with that at
present I should hope. I see in the Standard
to-day an attack upon the wording of  [ Rest
missing]. (251) Sydney Smith to Russell.
3, Weymouth Street, November 24, 1835.
My dear John,— I have totally forgotten what
day you mentioned for my dining with you ....
And now I am writing I must correct a mistake
into which you have fallen, my dear John,
respecting me. I am not a Lover of Abuses,
and have no passion for them. I entirely agree
with all this administration have done and all
that I believe they intend to do. I am a sincere
friend to the Reform of the English and to the
circumscription of the Irish Protestant Church.
What you mistake for a Love of abuses is a
Love of talking Nonsense and joking upon all
subjects. 2ndly . . . a much greater apprehen
sion of political changes than you seem to enter
tain, a conviction that the best understandings
often cannot see the consequence of measures,
that the game though it must be played is one
of great difficulty and danger, You must not
forget that I began attacking abuses 30 and
40 years ago when it was almost safer to be a

156 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
felon than a reformer, and you must not mistake
my afternoon nonsense for my serious and
morning opinions. Ever yours, Sydney Smith.

(252) Russell to Mulgrave.
Confidential. Wilton Crescent, December 3, 1835.
My dear Mulgrave,— I have consulted the
Cabinet upon the Questions you put, and
although they have given me no specific
directions, I think I am sufficiently autho
rized to lay before you my view upon the subjects
you have treated.
I do not think Lord Bandon can be put out
of the Commission of the Peace, or deprived
of his Deputy Lieutenancy. It is one thing to
weed out Orangeism from the Army and Police,
organized Bodies under the Orders of Govern
ment, and another to deprive Magistrates of their
Commissions as Justices of the Peace. Such
a step as this last would excite great commotion
and perhaps strengthen the Orange Lodges. The
Rules then which I would lay down at present
are— 1. Dismiss from the Police every Orange
man.
2. Do not admit to any place of Trust or
Authority any Orangeman who comes

1835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 157
to you for approval — except in cases
to be mentioned.
3. Do not dismiss Orangemen from Clerk
ships, places in the Revenue etc. but
do not admit any fresh ones.
4. Dismiss any Orange Magistrate, who
shall be found encouraging a Viola
tion of the Law, as in the case of
Colonel Blacker, and do not permit
any young ones to be Magistrates as
in the case of Lord Claude.
I come then to the case of the Sheriffs. I
do not think you are bound to the first in the
List, but I would not have you travel out of the
List unless either the whole three are incapable
from illness, want of property, etc. or there has
been an evident fraud in placing 2 out of the
3 on the List, to force you to choose the third.
By no means make an exception to the general
rule in favour of Mr. John O'Connell. He can
be Sheriff next year.
Thanks for your Letter about Tithes etc. I
saw Drummond yesterday, and he will tell you
the sort of questions I wish put. Morpeth must
be instructed to get the Irish Bills in a state of
forwardness. I mean all except the Church Bill.
The Municipal Corporations Bill must be looked
over by you, Morpeth and O'Loghlin, and the
Bill we passed last year in the Commons care
fully compared with the English Act, as it passed.
Morpeth may then draw up a Paper containing
the Heads of the New Bill, as you would think

158 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
it best to introduce it, and the Cabinet can decide
what is best to insist upon, or omit.
Yours ever, J. R.
(253) Russell to Mulgrave .
Confidential. London, December 6, 1835.
My dear Mulgrave,— When I was at
Brighton the day before yesterday I thought
it right to inform the King generally of the views
entertained by Hume and others respecting
Orange Lodges and those which I had com
municated to you. He declared his entire dis
approbation of these Societies, but said he
thought he had shewn sufficiently that he would
not encourage them by the means taken in respect
to the Army — which had proved effectual. He
did not see what more could be done. Surely
not any new Laws. I concurred very much in
what he had said, but told him that Mr. Hume
wished to dismiss from the Magistracy and from
office all Orangemen. He objected strongly to
such a course. I told him that in my opinion
any proscription of this kind would inflame rather
than check the Orangemen — that what we wished
was gradually to discourage and damp them and
that in my opinion the best way to do this was
to dismiss from the Ranks of the Army and
Police, and not to admit to places of trust any
Orangemen.

1 834] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 159
He agreed ; suggesting that many fit and able
Persons might be Orangemen, and that if there
were any question of their appointment, they
should be asked whether they would leave the
Orange Society or not take the appointment.
I closed with this suggestion, and said it should
be so put. I did not touch upon the Sheriffs,
whose case I imagine, is quite different.
Here therefore the conversation ended. The
King was a good deal excited, but perfectly
reasonable, as I thought, in his views.
If therefore the Chancellor is asked to appoint
any Orangeman a Magistrate, he may ask him
whether he belongs to the Orange Society and
means to continue in it — and so of any office if
such a case should occur.
Pray speak to Lord Plunket on the matter.
I go to the Country for a week to-morrow.
Yours truly, J. Russell.
(254) Charles Greville to Palmerston.
[This letter should follow after No. 185, p. 67.]
London, December 9, 1834.
You may rely upon it, no overture has been
made to Stanley — nothing has been done without
Peel, who arrived to-day. I concluded that he
has by this time written to Stanley and have
no doubt that such an offer has been made to
him as he can accept, unless he resolves to have
no connection with the Gov' at any price.
My mind is altogether suspended as to Stanley's

160 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
acceptance, but your friends won't hear of ye
possibility of it. I never saw anything like ye
confidence of Whigs & Radicals of ye result
of ye elections & of turning out the new
Gov' at once. I think the danger much
greater than the Tories in their sanguine dis
positions apprehend, but not quite so great as
ye Whigs fancy. Melbourne's 2nd Speech at
Derby wd have been very well if he had not made
the first, but in so much as it was a sort of re
cantation of what he had before said, & that he
did this under compulsion, it was very unworthy
of him, & I regret it. John's speech at Totnes
appears to me to have been one of the cleverest
and most appropriate I ever read. He was under
no such obligation as Melbourne had imposed
upon himself, and nothing cd be more able than
John's argument, nor I think on the whole fairer.
With respect to " the case," I can only say that
there is a great lie somewhere, for ye assertions
of the Exministers are wholly irreconcileable with
the explanations with which H M has furnished
his new advisers. On ye whole I regret that
the King turned the old Gov' out but as he has
done so, I hope the new may keep their places,
for I see no decent alternative upon third defeat.
Ye old Cabinet can't be reconstructed, and they
go on with the King if it was. How could
he look them in ye face. And what splendour
belonging to the Crown would compensate for
the humiliation of his position. Brougham
appears to be cutting his capers at a fine

1 835] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 161
rate at Paris. It is a fine stage for him. His
friends thought adversity was to make him wiser,
but there seems to be little appearance of it.
There is a Council to-morrow, I know not for
what, for nothing can be settled yet. . . .
Yours ever, C. G.

(255) Russell to Melbourne .
Woburn Abbey, December 12, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— I am glad the pre
liminaries are settled. Fitzwilliam naturally does
not like Segrave. But the time to object was
when he was made a peer — that was the step
which placed him on a footing to claim his
present honours. Althorp and Tavistock are
quite satisfied it was right — I cannot say what
Ebrington thinks.
I do not know much of the Court of Chancery,
but I see strong objections to Pemberton's plan.
I fear the effect would be to transfer the Court
of Chancery to the House of Lords. Every one
who appeals now would appeal then. You would
thereby lose one of the great objects, if not the
greatest, that of placing in the Court of Chancery
an Equity Lawyer as Chief, as you place in the
King's Bench a common lawyer. Rolfe's plan
therefore, as approved by Campbell seems to
me by far the best. Nor is there any more
difficulty in carrying the one than the other. But
in order to propose one or the other you must
vol. n. 11

162 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
have a Lord Chancellor and discuss your plan
with him. I suppose the pension is decided.
With respect to the Mastership of the Rolls, I
shall be content to see it given to Brougham,
Bickersteth or Campbell. I am doubtful between
the two first, and now wish that you would con
sult other members of the Cabinet. Did you
read the Morning, Advertiser ? The mischief is
but too evident, and the hand too plain.
I am sorry you have been ill. They hope to
see you here for some shooting when you have
leisure. I shall be in town on Monday, and stay
till I go to Brighton for the council.
I had a long talk with Spencer, and told him
our tithe plan, and the plan of the Church Com
mission. He liked both upon the whole, and
said that if we began the session with these
measures, it would quiet the alarm of the friends
of the Church. He seems very cordial with the
Ministry, and more eager about politicks than I
expected. His dread of being asked to return
to office is wearing out, which makes him more
at his ease. Last week he was on the point
of setting out for Germany, to avoid any chance
of being persuaded to take office.
Ever yours truly, J.R.
(256) Russell to Melbourne.
December 14, 1835.
My dear Melbourne,— You may have seen
from my letter that I was not at all disposed to

1 83 5] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 163
urge pertinaciously what yet I think is a fair
claim for Brougham. In your place, I could
venture to recommend him to the King, but I
cannot fairly ask you to be responsible. . . .
The appointment of Bickersteth would have
this advantage, that the Courts of Equity would
be as well filled as the corruption of what is called
Equity, . . . would permit. And so far we
should stand justified to the Country.
I think Pemberton's objection might be got
over by giving an appeal either to I Judge in
Court of Chancery, or House of Lords, as the
suitor chose, but not both. But these questions
must be discussed with your future Chancellor
and Master of the Rolls .
Recollect that the political Chancellor must be
a Judge of Appeal ; and if you take Pemberton's
place a Common Lawyer would hardly be more
fit for the place than he now is for the Great
Seal. I once thought that there ought to be a
Vice-President of the Privy Council, to sit
supreme in all questions from the Colonies and
East Indies. And I am still of opinion that it
would improve the administration of Justice in
our foreign dependencies.
If Thomson comes back on Wednesday, we
might have the Cabinet on Thursday or Friday.
You had better summon it for one of those
days. . . . Yours truly,
J. Russell.

164 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1835
(257) Melbourne to Russell. December 16, 1835.
My dear John, — I have had a curious corre
spondence with Brougham, in which, in order
to relieve the Government from any embarrass
ment, he desires to be understood as having
[renounced?] any claim he may have to the
Great Seal. This makes me doubt whether it
would be prudent to offer the Rolls at all. . . .
Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
' (258) Russell to Tavistock .
Woburn Abbey, December 25, 1835.
My dear Tavistock,— You are right in saying
that it was my intention to subscribe to the relief
of the Irish Clergy before the meeting took place.
But I was determined not to do so if the money
raised was to be applied to litigation between
the clergy and the tithe payers. . . . After
reading the Archbishop of Canterbury's speech
(a truly charitable speech) I proposed to Lord
Melbourne that we should subscribe to the relief
of the distressed Clergy. ... I am myself very
warm in political questions, but I trust my
politicks will never so far triumph over my
religion as to induce me to withhold alms to the
distressed or justice to the motives of my
political adversaries. . . .
Ever yours afftely.,
J. Russell.

CHAPTER V
The government of Ireland — The King's observations — A
Bill to render legal Marriages celebrated by Dissenting
Ministers — Plan for the Militia — The King and O'Connell
— Russell's proposal for the creation of Peers to over
come resistance — The Church Discipline Bill — Death of
William IV — Accession of Victoria — Measures against
corrupt practices in elections — Troubles in Canada —
Lord Durham acts as Governor — England, Russia, and
Persia — Plans for National Education — Public Health
measures.
(259) Brougham to Russell.
N. Circuit, Saturday.
[1836 probably.]
My dear Giovanni,—. . . Pray think
seriously before agreeing to a Declaration or
any such nonsensical thing. You must recollect
that some will refuse it, so these will be cut out
for at present they have the indemnity to save
them. As for declaring not to use official influence for
effecting changes in a legal way, I could not
make such a vow myself. I am sure no Quaker
will as long as tithes exist. But if it only means
that nothing against law is to be done that is
a merely nonsensical declaration.
165

166 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
As for Peel, you must see that they, do not give
him the credit (as usual) of a measure he did
all the little he could to oppose. He really is
too great an impostor. . . .
; Yours ever, H. BroughJam.
(260) Sir Herbert Taylor to Russell.
Private. Brighton, January 3, 1836.
My dear Lord, — I had yesterday the honour
of receiving your Lordship's Letter of the 31st
ulto., and of submitting it to the King.
His Majesty has ordered me to inform you that
he has received and read with great Satisfaction
Your Report on the State of the Country, and
that it fully confirms the accounts which His
Majesty had occasionally received from other
Quarters, and the Impressions He entertained
respecting the Tranquillity which prevails
throughout England, the Diminution of Political
Violence and of a discontented and unruly Spirit
in the humbler Classes, a consequent more
general Return to habits of Industry and a
disposition to take advantage of those Sources
and means of Employment which the Encrease
of Trade, in almost all its branches, and the
growing Prosperity of this great Country offers
in so extraordinary a degree.
His Majesty is aware that these favourable
Reports apply to the manufacturing Towns and

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 167
Districts more than to the Agricultural Districts,
but He is not ignorant of the endeavours which
are used by Landholders to improve the Condi
tion and the Resources of the Agricultural Portion
of the Population and He has no doubt that those
Endeavours will undeniably receive very essential
aid and support from the Operation of the New
Poor Law, however unpopular some of its Pro
visions may be, and in spite of the Obstructions
offered to them by those chiefly on whose idle
ness and disorderly habits they are calculated
to place restrictions. His Majesty highly
approves of the Precautions used and the Steps
taken by Your Lordship to meet and to defeat all
Opposition to the Law, and He re Joyces that they
have proved uniformly successful, without incur
ring the necessity of violence.
His Majesty wishes sincerely, that it were in
your power to include Ireland in the favourable
Report, or rather to express Yourself with Con
fidence in Consequence of its Comparatively
tranquil State and of the Improvements in Roads,
Agriculture, and Education, to which You advert.
He believes them to have been very great, and
He is sensible that Ireland possesses resources
which, under a steady Administration of
Authority and Law, and a peaceful Observance
of both, would very soon render it a happy and
a prosperous country, but experience has shown
that no Reliance can be placed upon the
Appearance of Calm in Ireland, and that a large
Portion of its Population is under the Guidance

168 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
and the influence of Passions which are incom
patible with the preservation of Peace and which
may, at any moment, be moved into active Oppo
sition to Authority and into Violence by those
who feel inclined to render them the Instruments
of their hostility to the Connexion with England
and of their Resistance to the Government, — and
it is impossible for His Majesty not to appre
hend that tranquillity, which depends upon the
good will and the Sufferance of those who
unfortunately exercise so pernicious an influence
may, when least expected, be disturbed by Causes
of Agitation, which are purposely kept in reserve.
Whether the Introduction of a Poor Law
framed upon that which exists in this Country,
but modified so as to suit the Character, habits,
and Circumstances of the Irish People, would
prove an effectual check to Disorder, and be
productive of general Improvement in their
Morals and habits, is a question which His
Majesty is persuaded has undergone the serious
consideration of His Government, and he is
sensible also that a Measure so important
cannot be hastily applied and that it may be
advisable to wait the effect of the new Law in
England before its Provisions are extended to
Ireland. Upon this occasion the King has ordered me to
call Your Lordship's Attention to an arrangement
which His Majesty has learnt from the News
papers to have been recently introduced by the
Attorney-General in Ireland, and which He

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 169
noticed to Lord Melbourne when last here, —
namely, the Appointments of Local Solicitors
in every County, to conduct the Business of the
Crown at the Sessions, in supercession to those
hitherto employed. His Majesty cannot help
dreading the effect of such an arrangement at this
period, when the Attorney-General is a Roman
Catholic, and when the Influence of Mr.
O'Connell with that Portion of the Population
of Ireland is so powerful and may be favored
by these local Appointments which may become
more or less the Aiders and Abettors of iHis
Designs. His Majesty has indeed understood
that the Individual named for the County of
Tyrone is a relation of Mr. O'Connell.
The King hopes that his apprehensions may
be unfounded, but he considers it right to state
them to Your Lordship with a view to such
enquiry as you may think fit to make.
I have the honour to be with great regard,
My dear Lord,
Most faithfully yours,
iH. Taylor.
(261) Russell to Taylor.
Woburn Abbey, January 5, 1836.
My dear Sir, — I have the honour to acknow
ledge your letter and am much gratified to find
that his Majesty has read with great satisfaction
the General Report I made on the state of the
country. . . .

170 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
I quite admit that policy, of this kind [con
ciliatory] must be administered with great
caution, and a careful attention to the character
of individuals. But the interest is one of mighty
concern to the Empire. If by any misfortune the
peace of Europe were to be disturbed, and
Ireland could not be governed by her affections,
the best allies of Russia or any hostile power
would be found among a discontented peasantry,
and the most costly army might be required in
the heart of the British Dominions. J. Russell.

(262) Russell to Taylor.
Whitehall, January 9, 1836.
My dear Sir, — I had the honour of receiving
last Night your Letter Dated Yesterday in reply
to mine of the 5th instant.
It gives me great pleasure to find that the
reasons assigned by the Attorney General of
Ireland appear to His Majesty in general satis
factory and sufficient.
They are founded undoubtedly on a State of
Disorder and outrage which is greatly to be
lamented, but any improvement in this respect
can only be gradual and comparative, while in
our view the fights at fairs and races are
generally found to increase as Political excite
ment diminishes.
I should have mentioned but that I thought

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 171
Lord Melbourne might have referred to Lord
Mulgrave's Letter, that the Lord Lieutenant had
been apprized by the Attorney-General of the
arrangement proposed, and had given it his
General Sanction. I certainly had not been
aware of the alterations, till my attention was
called to it by His Majesty's remarks.
'Having replied on these points, I will now
proceed to state how far I think my observations,
from a want of clearness on my part, have been
misunderstood. I certainly did not wish to
propose any compromise, and I hope not any
prostitution of the favours of the Crown. To the
destruction of the Institutions of the Country, the
Subversion of the Established Religion and the
separation of Ireland from England, I, in com
mon with the rest of the King's Servants, must
oppose an unconquerable resistance. Nor do
I expect that those who have such objects in
view can be satisfied with the present Ministry,
or give them any support, except as a choice
of Evils.
But looking to the immediate state of Ireland
it appears to my Humble Judgment that while
Political Agitation is suspended, and National
Influences are resuming their sway, advantage
may in some Instances be taken with caution
and due regard to character, of detaching from
the former partizans of Separation, and recruit
ing the ranks of Order and British Connexion.
And I should fear that any marked line of Ex
clusion would tend more to reserve the seeds

172 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
of Agitation for the future than a more Con
fiding Course.
There is sometimes in Nations, as in Indi
viduals, a proneness to adopt extreme opinions
for which allowance should I think be made.
For instance, I remember when Sir Robert
Wilson used to alarm me with his open profession
of Democracy, and when on the Hustings of
Southwark he gave, what Mr. Calvet called, " a
fraternal Hug " to Mr. Hunt. But he is now
an altered man in this respect, and no one cer
tainly would propose that he should be excluded
from the favour of the Crown, on account of his
former Violence. So likewise it may be, I con
ceive, with some of these Irish Agitators. The
Repeal of the Union was taken up by many
without much reflexion, and I really believe that
if at the End of Two Years of tolerable tran
quillity Mr. O'Connell were to raise the Cry again,
more than half his former followers would desert
him. I may perhaps be permitted to say two words
on the General course of the Government, which
I should more properly leave to Lord Melbourne.
Our principles and opinions seem to me to be
pretty clearly defined. I do not believe that
anything we shall propose will be injurious to
the Church or to the settled Institutions of the
Country. But we cannot expect that our Views
will entirely coincide with those of any other
Party in the State. Neither those who agree
with us generally, and who are personally our

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 173
friends can be expected to come over to us on
such questions as the Irish Church, nor will
those who supported us last year agree with us
in resisting a change in the House of Lords.
It must be left to time to solve the difficulty
then consequent upon the divergence of opinion.
His Majesty's Views in this respect are such as
become the exalted Station which he fills, and
the Enlarged and comprehensive benevolence of
his Character. But men engaged in the turmoil
of public Life are bound by connexions, fettered
by Public declarations, and liable to perpetual
Misconstruction, and thus live in an Atmosphere,
far above which the Sovereign moves and reigns.
That His Majesty may not suffer, or the Public
Interests be injured by these Party contentions
will always be my anxious wish.
I have the honour to be,
With great regard,
Yours very faithfully, Russell.
(263) Taylor to Russell.
Private. Appd. William R.
Brighton, January 10, 1836.
My dear Lord,— I have not delayed to submit
Your Lordship's Letters of yesterday to the King
who has ordered me to communicate to you the
Remarks His Majesty made upon Your Reply to
mine of the L8th.

174 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
The King in stating that He could not approve
of any compromise with [ ? ] any Constitution of
the favor of the Crown to the Partizans of the
violent Party in Ireland did not mean to say that
such could be suggested by Your Lordship or
Your Colleagues, but intended to apply the
Observation to the Characters and the acts of
Mr. O'Connell and some of His Adherents who
have so repeatedly declared Designs to which
Your Lordship in common with the rest of the
King's Servants must oppose an unconquerable
Resistance .
But these Individuals have not only avowed
such intention, but they have caused it to be
understood, in words too plain to be mistaken,
that excitement is suspended and agitation is
kept in Reserve so long only as the Government
shall pursue a Course which they shall approve—
His Majesty therefore conceives it to be very
natural that He should question the Policy or
the Safety of a confiding course with respect to
Individuals of this Stamp and should consider
that, as it applied to such at least, the practice
of holding a Candle to the Devil may be carried
too far. If, however, any line can be drawn
between Mr. O'Connell and some of his past
friends and followers, if there be any who,
having been his willing Tools and Supporters,
have shewn a positive Inclination to detach them
selves from him, His Majesty is not disposed
to deny that a marked line of exclusion with
respect to them would not be wise, but, although

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 175
His Majesty has, in other Instances, proved His
readiness to make Allowance for the proneness
which Individuals have shown to adopt extreme
Opinions, He apprehends that great Caution
ought to be observed with respect to those who
have adopted the Opinions of Mr. O'Connell or
betrayed any Leaning to his Character and Con
duct, and he does not believe that the Jail would
be much injured by the absorption of any joints,
if those only which are sound be detached.
His Majesty cannot admit the justice of the
Comparison between Sir Robert Wilson and the
followers of Mr. O'Connell. Sir Robert Wilson
had done good and gallant Service before He
unfortunately adopted that wild and violent
Course and the extreme Opinions which excluded
him, very properly, from the favor of the Crown,
—but, although he abandoned that Course and
acknowledged his Errors and his folly, Years
passed before the Impressions they had left, were
removed and before Credit was given to him for
Consistency in the more sober Course, Years
again before he received the Reward to which
his early Services had entitled him.
Nor, on the other hand, is the King disposed
to pay to the respectable Members of that great
Political Party which was so long opposed to,
and which now constitutes or is connected with,
the Government of the Country, the ill Com
pliment of placing their Course, Actions, and
Intentions in the same Category with those of
the Fraction which constitutes the more violent

176 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
1
Party in Ireland and, for the Reasons assigned
in my Letter of the 8th Inst, His Majesty is
most anxious that there should be no Appearance
of Countenance given to Men of that description,
which would be inconsistent with the respect and
the high Character which it is desirable that a
great Party should possess and maintain. Nor
does the Kirig confine this Remark and the feel
ing which produces it to Political Conduct, and
Opinions and Designs, for it is impossible for
him not to appreciate the value which a Political
Course derives from respectability in Sanity and
in the Ordinary transactions of Life, and there
fore, on that ground, even if there were no other,
not to shrink from the thought of showing
favor or Countenance to such Men as Messrs.
O'Connell, Ruthven, and Shiel, or those who
may seek advancement by a close connexion with
them. His Majesty heard with great satisfaction that
Your Lordship's Attention had been given to
the Question of the Militia Establishment, and
that you have been" in communication with the
Duke of Wellington and also with the Duke of
Richmond on the subject, also that You had
denoted an Inspection of the Out Pensioners with
the view to a Return of those who may be fit
for duty.
The King has directed me to mention to you
on this occasion that a few years ago Sir Richard
Jackson the Deputy Quartermaster applied a
good deal of his time and attention to the subject

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 177
of the Militia Establishment and Regulations and
that His Majesty is persuaded You would find
him a useful Adjutant in the Revision and
Reconstruction of it. He possesses great In
telligence and Information, but being of an
unassuming disposition and retired habits, would
not come forward, unless encouraged to do so.
His Majesty has not yet received the Appoint
ment of Mr. Hull as Stipendiary Magistrate for
Liverpool, but will approve it whenever submitted
to Him.
I have the honour to be with great regard,
My dear Lord,
Yours very faithfully, H. Taylor,

(264) Russell to Melbourne. January 10, 1836.
My dear Melbourne,— I think the circum
stances stated by Campbell make it incumbent
on you to call a Cabinet, as you propose, early
to-morrow. At the same time I cannot forget the manner
in which Campbell induced us to treat the
Attorney General in the person of Home.
*' The right of a person appointed Attorney
General, who does his duty and gives satisfaction
to the Government he serves, to succeed to any
judicial office that may become vacant I "
Does he mean Jfaat Rolfe being Attorney
vol. 11. 12

178 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
General would have a right to succeed Denman
as Chief Justice?
There will, of course, be a jealousy between
the Chancery and Common Law Bar on this
subject. I am not inclined to submit, unless
I find the Cabinet almost unanimous in favour
of Campbell. Yours, JR.
(265) In Russell's Handwriting.
Heads of a Bill to render legal the marriages
celebrated by Dissenting Ministers.
1 . All Dissenters to conform to the present
laws in regard to the proclamation by Banns.
2. A clergyman shall, if required, deliver a
Certificate to the parties that he has published
their banns in the Church ; he shall ascertain
to the best of his powers that the parties have
complied with the laws respecting banns, and
shall be entitled on delivery of the certificate
to a fee not exceeding  .
3. Twenty householders of a parish, being
Dissenters, may apply by memorial to the Quarter
Sessions for a license to marry for the licensed
Minister of a licensed dissenting Chapel within
their parish.
4. Dissenting Ministers thus authorized may
celebrate marriage between the hours of 9 & 12
in the forenoon with open doors in the chapel
licensed in the manner aforesaid. Notice to be

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 179
given on the Sunday preceding the marriage
before the Congregation in the said chapel.
5. Dissenting Ministers shall not celebrate
marriage in any instance without having first
recd. a Certificate signed by officiating Clergy
man of the parish. All marriages thus con
tracted to be valid by law.
6. Dissenting Minister, authorized as afore
said, to keep register of all marriages celebrated
by him to be kept in or near the chapel.
7. Copy of or duplicated Register to be
transmitted every 3 months to Registrar of the
Diocese. 8. The said register or duplicate to be given
in evidence of any marriage in a court of law.
Evidence may be given to show that the entry
was fraudulently made or without the attestations
required by the Act.
9. Penalties for any offence against this Act.
10. Penalties on Dissenting Minister marry
ing persons neither of whom belong to the con
gregation. Marriage still to be valid.

At various times Russell was much occupied,
and had much correspondence, on the subject
of the Militia. I have found many notes refer
ring to it, both during his tenure of the Home
Office, 1835-9, and during his Prime Ministry,
when corresponding with the Duke of Wellington,
1847-9. The following refer to the first
period.

180 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
Plan for the Militia.
1. One permanent Serjeant for every 80
men (instead of 40 as by old Militia Act).
2. One drill Serjeant for every alternate com
pany, only to be employed when the Militia is
embodied. 3 . Militia to be called out once in every three
years for one day.
4. Each permanent Serjeant to be able to
read and write, and keep accounts, and to be
admitted only upon a character for steadiness
and sobriety.
5. A list of the pensioners who have not
served twenty-one years, or who having served
twenty-one years have been admitted on the
pension list, within the five years preceding, to
be furnished to the Lord Lieutenant of the
county wherever they reside.
6. Pensioners appointed to militia staff not
to receive their pensions, but to have an
encreased pension at the end of ten years'
faithful service.
7. Officers serving on the Staff in each dis
trict in Great Britain and Ireland to be
appointed to inspect Militia Staff in each county
within his district. No Serjeant to be appointed
to the Staff without his previous certificate.
8. Officers inspecting to be directed to recom
mend in certain instances that Staff Serjeants
should be ordered to join depot or headquarters
of a regiment of the line in order to perfect

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 181
themselves in drill may be ordered for that pur
pose by Secretary of State to place themselves
under command of officer commanding such
regiment or dep6t for period not exceeding three
months .
9. Power of payment for that purpose.
Heads of Militia Bill.
1 . Number of Serjeants of each Regiment of
Militia on permanent Staff to be one for every
eighty men. Where less than that number now,
to be filled up to that number ; where more,
vacancies not to be filled up.
2. Serjeants to be appointed in future to per
manent Staff to be able to read and write and
keep accounts furnished with a certificate of
character for sobriety and steadiness from house
holders of parish in which they have resided or
regiment in which they have served, approved
as fit for the duty of permanent Serjeants by
an Officer serving on the Staff in Great Britain
or Ireland.
3. Non-commissioned officers or privates on
the pension list, having the above requisites, to
be preferred to other candidates. For this pur
pose Commissioners of Chelsea Hospital to fur
nish Lords Lieutenant, through Secretary of
State, with a list of pensioners in each County
in the United Kingdom reported fit for duty.
4. After ten years' good service such
pensioners to be entitled on retirement to an
encreased rate of 3d. a day pension.

182 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
5. Power in the Secretary of State to order
staff of militia to join any regiment or dep6t
serving in the United Kingdom, which shall be
pointed out for that purpose by Commander-in-
Chief, with a view to learn or perfect their drill-
period, not more than six weeks' pay for that
purpose. 6. Militia to be called out for one day every
year in sub-division meetings, in plain clothes.
Deputy lieutenants to attend, pay for one day,
distances to be made convenient by Lords
Lieutenant at Lieutenancy Meeting.

Concerning the Militia.
1 . Let the Ballot take place, according to the
best and most economical plan that can be
formed— males from 20 to 40— to serve five
years. 2. Let every 25,000, or every 20,000 of the
population furnish a company of 80 men.
3. Let there be one serjeant during peace for
every company.
4. Let the company be called out every year
for one day.
5. Let the battalion be called out once in
every two years for  days.
6. Let each Serjeant be required to act during
peace as a constable.
7. Let forty men be balloted in every 20,000.
8. Let every Union furnish one company, or
half company, or more than one company.

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 183
(266) The King to Russell.
Brighton, February 12, 1836.
The King acknowledges the receipt of Lord
John Russell's Report of the Proceedings of the
House of Commons yesterday evening from
which His Majesty is not surprised to learn that
Mr. O'Connell should seek to procrastinate the
consideration and the inquiry into a transaction
of which the full exposure is likely to add if
possible to the discredit which attaches to his
general conduct. His Majesty suspects how
ever that Mr. O'Connell has long been callous
to any stigma, altho' he may be irritated by the
defeat of his odious purposes. His Majesty
sincerely hopes that the Irish Corporation Bill
may be finally arranged to the satisfaction of
all parties . William R.
(267) The King to Russell.
St. James's Palace, February 24, 1836.
. . . The King highly approves of the very
judicious course adopted by Lord John Russell ;
His Majesty does not think that under the cir
cumstances which had led to the agitation of
the question, the words Orange Leader could
reasonably have been excluded from the amend
ment and His Majesty rejoices that the amend
ment was carried without a division. William R.

184 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
(268) Melbourne to Russell. February 26, 1836.
My dear John,— I have sent your letter to
the King. ... I have a letter from the King
giving up Grey at once, which perhaps does not
diminish the difficulty. . . .
Yours faithfully,
Melbourne.
(269) The King to Russell.
Windsor Castle, March 2, 1836.
The King has received Lord John Russell's
letter of yesterday, . . .
His Majesty cannot say that he regrets the
check given to the Railway Mania by the loss
of the Gravesend Railroad Bill. William R.
(270)
In April, 1836, Lord Melbourne wrote a note
on the measure on Church Rates as follows :
" If a measure upon this subject is absolutely
necessary, as I suppose it is, I think the course
pursued by Lord John Russell is the only one
which we can pursue."
Lord Lansdowne wrote : "I certainly concur
in all the reasoning of Lord J. Russell's excel
lent statement."
Lord Minto : "I certainly concur," with one
exception .

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 185
Lord Palmerston : " Lord John Russell's
reasoning in reply to the Dissenters' objection
to an indirect contribution to Church Rates is
conclusive."

(27 1) Memorandum to the Cabinet by Russell.
June 5, 1836.
I beg to call the attention of the Cabinet
to the position in which the present conduct of
the House of Lords may place the Ministry and
the Country. It is evident that a majority of
that House are combined, not to stop, or alter
a particular measure, but to stop or alter all
measures, which may not be agreeable to the
most powerful, or in other words the most
violent, among their own body.
Both the Tories and the Radicals have the
advantage of a definite course with respect to
this state of things. The Tories praise the
wisdom of the Lords, and wish to maintain their
power undiminished. The Radicals complain of
a mischievous obstacle to good government, and
propose an elective House of Lords.
The Ministers stand in the position of con
fessing the evil, and not consenting to the
remedy. The influence of public opinion is,
indeed, to be looked to as some check to the
House of Lords, but on Irish questions it is a
very imperfect one.
It is certainly possible to wait till the begin
ning of next session before any definite course

186 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
is taken. But I own it appears to me better to
take every opportunity of increasing the strength
of the Liberal Party in the House of Lords, than
to begin a struggle against a majority such
as that which the Tory peers now possess. It
is possible, nay probable, that if the Tories could
see a steady and gradual creation of Peers, to
meet their obstinate resistance, they would be
disposed to yield. Before the passing of the
Reform Bill they were coerced by the dread of
a large creation, and by that alone.
It appears to me, therefore, that this oppor
tunity should be taken for the creation of eight,
ten, or twelve peers, and the Ministry be pre
pared to advise a similar measure, whenever it
is provoked. (272) Russell to Melbourne. June 5, 1836.
Dear Melbourne,— I think if you are not
of the opinion stated in the paper I sent you,
it will be better not to send it round. One
day or other we shall all come to one mind
upon it, and till we do, it is as well not to have
my proposition debated. But I beg you to con
sider it well.
The proposition on the Irish Bill is to give
eleven large towns the original Bill, 17 others
the provisions of 9 Geo. 4, and to omit or dis
franchise entirely 22.
This you can write or tell to Lord Grey, there

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 187
is nothing else of consequence, except that we
by this means, with the exception of 1 1 towns,
place the administration of justice entirely in
the hands of the Crown. Yours, J.R.
(273) Melbourne to Russell. June 5, 1836.
My dear John,— I have kept your letter in
order to give it a little consideration. It is a very
serious step and, there is no doubt, if taken, will
lead to the resignation of the Government and
the attempt to form another. ... I think it
would be a good thing if you could before
Monday communicate to Grey, what you intend
to propose to the Members on that day at the
Foreign Office. (274) Russell to Melbourne.
Woburn Abbey, January or July 6, 1836.
My dear Melbourne,— I have little to add
to my letter of yesterday.
If you think fit to carry the original arrange
ment into effect, I think you will be fully justi
fied, and I shall most cordially concur. I do
not see that it is possible to say more to Camp
bell than this, that his claims will be very
strong, if not paramount, in the disposal of the
divided office of Lord Chancellor.
If, on the contrary, you think that your offer

188 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1836
to Bickersteth and your recommendation to the
King ought to be retracted, and the Rolls offered
to Campbell, I think it will be necessary to call
a Cabinet, and to write to Lansdowne to ask
his opinion in writing.
I should at all events bring Hobhouse up to
see Bickersteth and explain fully with him.
The bestowing a cavalry regiment on Wilson,
who never was more than a Captain of
Dragoons, and an Infantry regiment on F.
Ponsonby, the most distinguished cavalry officer
in our service, may well cause surprise. I hope
Lord Hill can justify it. Yours truly, J. Russell.
I shall have some dinner for you to-morrow.
I wish you would speak to Lord Hill about
Sir F. Stovin. He is a good soldier and deserves
well of us.
Account of the Meeting at the Foreign
Office to consider the Postponement of
the Church Discipline Bill.
(275) Russell to Melbourne.
Whitehall, July 25, 1836.
My dear Melbourne,— The report of what
took place at the Foreign Office was extremely
incorrect, and Mr. Poulett Thomson undertook
on Saturday to have the Report given in the
newspapers contradicted in some other newspaper

1836] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 189
—I suppose the Courier— as there was no con
tradiction in the Globe of that evening. I
mention this merely to show that I had been
struck by the incorrectness of the Report.
With respect to the particulars on which you
require a statement from me, I say in the first
place that I never said the Report was agreed
to by a sort of compromise. — I said that it was
naturally a question for you to consider when
you came into Office whether you would pro
pose a continuance of the Commission, formed
as it had been by Sir Robert Peel, or introduce
measures of your own, and that if you adopted
the former alternative of course no extreme
measures of reform could be expected. I added
something to show that my personal opinion
would be against such extreme measures.
With regard to the second point I said that
though desirous of carrying the Ecclesiastical
Revenues and Duties Bill, I was willing to post
pone it to another session, provided a short Bill
were carried, suspending appointments to Digni
ties. This was in conformity, with the proposal
of Lord Lansdowne, to which the Bishop of
Gloucester, as Lord Lansdowne and you told
me, attached much importance.
With respect to the third point, I said that
to which I had previously got the Assent of
the Church Commission, namely, that in order
to meet the objection of the Commission being
permanent, irremovable, and unconstitutional, I
would introduce words, which are used in the

190 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
Church Temporalities Act, that two of the
Bishops and three lay Commissioners should be
removeable by the King in Council under the
Sign Manual. The notion of a new nomination
by the Crown is entirely without foundation, or
is founded in misapprehension.
Having explained what I did say, I must add
that in the Commission itself I urged that the
Bishoprics of Durham, Ely, and Winchester
should be reduced to a par with the others, and
that the Deaneries and Canonries should be
equalised. These views I abandoned for the
sake of unanimity, and the support of the
Bishops in the Commission.
His Majesty must no doubt be aware that the
majority of the Commission being opposed to
us in politics, their proposals are naturally
viewed with jealousy by the whole body of our
supporters . Yours faithfully, J. Russell.
(276) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, January 4, 1837.
My dear John,— A Happy New Year to you
and yours and many more to come, and long
may you direct with wisdom and justice the
home affairs of England.
I am sorry you view my conciliatory efforts
here so coldly— however, I will persevere, and
then you will be better able to judge of the

1837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 191
soundness of my views and the success of my
efforts. I am sanguine of a good result. What
is the use of sending a Minister here to be a
cypher. Let me put a case. Supposing that
our Minister had had any influence here when
the Polish revolution broke out, would he have
allowed Prussia to have assisted in giving over
Poland tied hand and foot to the Russians, from
which so many evils have sprung and will spring ;
but do not fear that it will compromise the honor
of England or the Whigs. I want to elevate
your Ministry, and I will if I am not thwarted.
Yesterday Prince Witgenstein called on me and
told me how much the King valued the Alliance
of England. He is the King's friend. After
wards Prince Radzville called and said the same
—he is the P's Royal friend. These you may
say are straws and words, but straws shew how
the wind blows and from words spring deeds.
Home Policy was always the forte of the Whigs
and Foreign Policy the foible. I want you to
be all forte— but then you must be in earnest
and honest. One of the first qualities of a
Minister is to know how to choose his instru
ments and to suit the man to the place. You
should have sent to Portugal such a man as
Sir Stratford Canning, and not a man who was
making butter when a revolution was planning.
You should have sent to Spain such a man as
Sir William A'Court and not a man who was
only known as a Commercial Agent, and you
should not have sent a horde of Blackguards to

192 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
fight against the Biscayans, the freest people
of the Earth, and dishonour the British flag.
Don't be angry at these plain truths.
I now want to save the East from the dis
asters of the West brought on by mismanage
ment, and have written a letter to-day to Palmer
ston and sent him some papers, which I hope
he will shew you. Always yours, W. R.
( 277 ) The Archbishop of Canterbury to Russell.
Lambeth, April 1, 1837.
My dear Lord,— I have circulated your Lord
ship's letter of the 14th of March among the
Commissioners who signed the letter to Lord
Melbourne ; and I have the honour of inform
ing you that in their opinion there can be no
difficulty in respect to going on with the Plural
ities Residence Bill, as it had been agreed to
by the Commissioners previously to the date of
that letter. . . . [The letter continues on the
Collegiate Churches, &c.].
(278) Russell to the Archbishop of Canterbury.
April, 1837.
My dear Lord,— I have had the honour of
receiving your Grace's letter of yesterday.
Since I wrote on the 14th ulto. I have
reed, from Mr. Sydney Smith a paper of
Remarks on the Pluralities Bill, in several of

1 837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 193
which he assures me that your Grace, the Archp.
of York and the Bp. of London concur. I am
likewise prepared to agree to several of them,
but I should like to consult your Grace on the
subject before the Bill goes into Committee ....
Your Grace's faithful, &c,
J. Russell.
(279) The King to Russell.
Windsor Castle, April 6, 1837.
The King has received Lord John Russell's
SLetter of Yesterday, from which He has learnt
with Satisfaction that the Army Estimates were
carried, in spite of the Opposition offered as
usual by Mr. Hume, and which was so ably and
properly met by Lord Howick.
His Majesty has read with attention the
Letter from the Duke of Wellington on the sub
ject of the Militia Staff, and, adverting to a
chief ground of the Opinions which it conveys,
namely, that the Efficiency of that Staff and
the trade in which employed must be neces
sarily regulated by the Charge which it may be
found expedient to incur for that purpose, His
Majesty agrees in what is remarked and sug
gested by His Grace, by which, as a Peace
Staff, it would " be rendered capable of per
forming the essential Service of organization
preparatory to Discipline," but His Majesty
thinks the proportion of Serjeants should be one
to sixty men .
vol. 11. 13

194 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
Even, however, with regard to the " prepara
tory Organization " of the Militia it would seem
necessary that the Militia should exist in some
Shape, that the Rolls should be kept complete
by Ballot and the Efficiency of the Individuals
should be ascertained by some sort of Meeting
which, to avoid the expense of embodying, might
be held in Parishes or Districts. William R.

(280) Lord Howick to Russell.
Private. W. O. [War Office], April 7, 1837.
My dear Lord John, — I send you a paper
containing my opinion as to the course which
may be adopted respecting Canada. I hope that
what I propose will meet with your approbation ;
I confess it is with great difficulty that I have
overcome my reluctance to refuse a larger con
cession to Roebuck, but the meeting of the
Working classes has added to the difficulties
which would at all events have been great in
going as far in this way as I could have wished,
and George Grey has pointed out to me some
passages in the papers which have been laid
before Parliament which I had not recollected
and which would have been obstacles to the
abolition of the Legislative Council. . . .
Yours very truly, HOWICK.

1 837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 195
(281) 'Sir E. Lytton Bulwer to Russell.
8, Charles Street, May 8, 1837.
I beg to thank you, nty dear Lord, for your
kind and obliging note. In sending you
" Athens " I scarcely expected you ever to find
time to read it. I only wished to render some
offering to one whose name is indissolubly con
nected with the Historical Literature of this
Country, and who has begun by writing, and
progressed by acting, History.
Believe me,
My dear Lord,
With consideration,
Your Lordship's obliged Servant,
E. L. Bulwer.
(282) The Earl of Essex to Russell.
9, Belgrave Square, May 20, 1837.
[After describing the story of some blood
stone-handled knives and forks, now given by
Lord Essex to Lord John Russell . ]
" it will be most gratifying to me to know
that you will receive it, as a token of that
affectionate friendship which has subsisted
between us, uninterrupted, for so many years,
and I assure you it has been the pride of my life
to consider myself as a part of your family.
Take care of your health, my dear John, for
the sake of your family, friends, and country ;
you are equally dear, as well as necessary to

196 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
all. Many have sacrificed their lives by over
work in the cause of injustice and oppression ;
preserve yours, I beseech of you, who are so
honourably and deeply engaged in the great
cause of liberal government, and public good ;
that you may long enjoy life, and all the
honours and rewards that must accompany yours
is the ardent and sincere wish of your truly
affectionate friend, Essex.

(283) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, June 5, 1837.
My dear John,— Many thanks for your letter.
Your labours must be so incessant that I hardly
expect you to answer. All my correspondents
tell me that you are doing admirably, and that
the tranquillity and prosperity of England are
chiefly owing to the wisdom of your measures
and your moderation and firmnesss in support
ing them. I am very anxious however about the
Irish question. There you must be firm and
not moderate, " Justice to Ireland " has been
so long withheld it would be unjust to withhold
it any longer. — Patience like other things must
have its limits, however I see all the difficulties
of your position and trust like others to your
judgment. . . . Afftely. yours, G. W. R.

1837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 197
(284) Sir Herbert Taylor to Russell.
Windsor Castle, June 13, 1837.
My dear Lord,—. . . This has been on the
whole an unsatisfactory day and he does not
gain ground. His signature continues good and
if there be not too many the exertion appears not
to be felt. . . . He was much alive to all I
read to him this morning and appeared
interested by it. I have, etc., H. Taylor.
P.S. The King was asking to-day whether you
had recommended any one for the vacancy
among the Poor Knights and mentioned par
ticularly Mr. Heurtley adjutant of the Kent
Yeomanry who lost an arm and whose other
hand is maimed. . . . His Majesty ordered me
to send you also the application of W. Lawrence
late major of the 13th Dragoons.
(285) Taylor to Russell.
Windsor Castle, June 15, 1837.
My dear Lord,— I was so much interrupted
and hurried this evening that I could not write
to your Lordship by post as I had intended to
acquaint you that I had submitted your letter
of yesterday to the King who appeared much
gratified by the terms in which you express
yourself about him and ordered me to assure
you that He had learnt with concern the ill-

198 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
ness of the Duke of Bedford, and that he hoped
that he is in a state of progressive recovery.
I sincerely wish I could apply the expression
of this hope with confidence to the state of the
poor King. . . . Restoration of strength is the
important object and I am in despair of that
being attained but I may be mistaken.
I have, etc., >H. Taylor.

(286)
Windsor Castle, June 19, 1837.
My dear Lord,— I am favored with your
Lordship's letter to which I am replying from
the room adjoining that in which the King is,
His Majesty having at 12 sent me a kind
message which brought me to it, but he has not
asked for the same. He is in fact sinking grad
ually tho' not rapidly, and Dr. Chambers does
not think there has been any perceptible change
in the last 2 hours, tho' it has in the opinion of
all become a case of hours. There is still great
muscular power. Between 10 and 1 1 he took
leave of his family and soon after sent for me
and afterwards for [illegible] and took leave
of me also but desired I would submit any
business to him and seemed surprised I had none
until reminded that it was Monday, more or less
a blank morning. The Queen does not leave
him. Under present circumstances, I apprehend it

1837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 199
would not be advisable that you should come
here, as you would not probably see the King
and your coming might occasion a sensation in
this place and elsewhere. Lord Conyngham will
proceed to Kensington Palace with the melan
choly information of his death whenever it shall
occur. ...
I have the honour to be, my dear Lord,
Yours very faithfully, H. Taylor.

(287) The Qjueen to Russell.
Kensington Palace, June 23, 1837.
The Queen requests Lord John Russell to
signify her intention of receiving the Address
from the House of Commons at 2 o'clock on
Tuesday at Kensington Palace. The Queen
would request Lord John Russell to forward the
answer that she is to give a little before that
time. (288) The Qjueen to Russell. July 11, 1837.
The Queen received Lord John Russell's com
munication yesterday evening and requests him
to inform the Bishop of London that it is her
intention to receive the Holy Sarcament on
Sunday next at the Chapel Royal. The Queen
will be pleased to patronize the musical meetings
mentioned by Lord Russell.

200 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
(289) Sydney Smith to Russell. July 14, 1837.
Dear John,— I write to ask you a question.
Did I ever as the condition of my silence and
forbearance in the Question of the Ecclesiastical
Commission ever ask of you anything for myself
which I did not ask for every Prebendary in
England or for my Cathedral anything which
I did not ask for all the Cathedrals in England ?
I am not talking of my motives. They may
or may not have been purely selfish, but was
the thing asked to be exclusive to me and my,
Cathedral? Pray do me the favour to answer
the question. I
Ever yours, Sydney Smith.
(290) Brougham to Russell.
Private. B. Square, September 6, 1837.
Dear J. R., — I send you some remarks upon
your observations. Pray attend closely to them
— as they are the result of much reflexion and
indeed discussion — your remarks coinciding with
those of others last Session and partly also in
the Session of 1835 — and those others having
changed their opinion for the most part upon
reconsideration — I am however by no means
wedded to my own opinion as to any part of
the details and only am anxious for full and
deliberate consideration before any step is taken.

[837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 201
I send also W. Allen's publication with his
preface — which I had not received when I sent
you the former tract. The preface requires much
attentive consideration.
I have not seen the Government pamphlet, but
by an extract of it in a newspaper I think it a
most perilous not to say crazy experiment on
the patience of the Reformers and the Liberal
party in general.
Alloiw me to give you a friendly warnings — in
case the dangerous position of the Government
should not have presented itself to your mind.
You have a majority of the Lords against you
— and the Tories have 3 1 7 or 315 but at the very
least 310 in the House of Commons ready to
vote black white for them and what is more to
the purpose, white black against you. You, on
the other hand, have a number of capricious —
and even ill-disposed supporters — but also a few
very conscientious ones — who will not even vote
gray, white — much less black — to support you.
Get then only into a scrape — and you have a
vote of censure as sure as you are alive. I
will give you an instance — your own Letter with
the Queen's absolute approval of all Mulgrave
has done including his Gaol delivery. What if
the Lords (a judicial kind of body) begin and
vote a censure on that? They have a kind of
pretext for interfering. Then you must begin
in the Commons and get a vote t'other way.
This gives the enemy a great advantage— and
you may find while parties are so nicely balanced,

202 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
a difficulty in obtaining even a bare majority.
This is not perhaps very likely to be tried —
because the Tories have mismanaged all ques
tions relating to Ireland. But all this shows
how absolutely necessary it is to look to the
country as well as the " youthful " queen.
Yours ever, H. B.

(291) Melbourne to Russell.
Confidential. Windsor Castle, September 15, 1837.
My dear John, — I return you Brougham's
letters. I quite agree with him about the pub
lication, which he calls the Government Pamphlet
— I have had it contradicted in the Newspapers
that it is authorized by the Government and I
wish you would contradict it to him and in order
that you may do so with truth I will put you
in possession of all that passed with me on the
subject. The Pamphlet is written by Mr. Squire
whom you probably know and who was some
time employed by the Morning, Chronicle in the
foreign department.
With respect to our future course I mainly
agree in all the first part of your letter with
some differences with respect to minor points,
which it is unnecessary to advert to at present.
But I have a great dislike to making, any altera
tion about the Ballot. I have a great objection

1837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 203
to a change in the grounds upon which the
Government was formed. I think our principle
should be to hold the ground which we have
taken, but not to occupy new ground rashly.
I doubt therefore the Policy of it as being an
advance in a Radical direction, but more than
this, with the strong hostile opinions which the
more I think about, I cannot but form I hardly
feel justified in giving the question such a lift,
as would be given by making it open— I feel
certain that it would be inoperative as a remedy
for the evils which it is intended to ease and
that it would produce many other evils, from1
which we are at present free.
Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
(292) Melbourne to Russell.
Windsor Castle, September 19, 1837.
My dear John,— I have received your letter
of the 1 7th with the enclosures which I return
— I think you are well in agreeing to Kennedy
and not to the other — not that I think that
the introduction of Kennedy will make the Com
mission work well. It is impossible to be with
the Archbishop of Dublin for ten minutes upon
affairs without perceiving not only that he can
do no business, but that no business can be done
where he is.
Wnat you say upon Ballot and upon the Army
is highly reasonable. I have no objection to

204 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
Vivyan — but you must remember that he would
like very well to be Commander in Chief himself.
If you think the first of November will do
for our Meeting in London — I will send out Cards
for a dinner on that day. When do you posi
tively mean to be at Bowood and how long do
you propose to stay? Yours, Melbourne.
(293) Melbourne to Russell.
Windsor Castle, September 27, 1837.
My dear John,— I think Mr. Gibson Craig
will do very well. I thought you would get
a roughish kick from Peel. He is not a horse
into whose stall you should go inadvisedly and
without speaking to him before. I will tell you
about Pendarves' letter ; the whole state of local
taxation whatever it may be, in both the Duchies
should be considered. It is my fixed intention
at present to be at BOwood on the 1 2th and
from thence to go to Brighton. But the foreign
affairs go very awkwardly and Portugal seems
to be falling into the same state of protracted
civil war as Spain. Yours,
i Melbourne.
(294) Melbourne to Russell.
Windsor Castle, September 28, 1837.
My dear John,— I return you the letters.
There does not appear to me to be any harm

1837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 205
done. Peel's answer is cross and sarcastic, but
I take that to be the real nature of the man,
and it is only prudence and calculation that ever
makes him otherwise — at least that is my estimate
of his character.
I yesterday morning received a letter from
the Duke of Sussex offering to move the address
in the House of Lords — as he offers, it appears
to me almost impossible to decline. There are
objections — he may be imprudent and it shews
a disposition to put himself forward, which may
hereafter embarrass, but these considerations do
not appear to me to be of sufficient weight to
justify so very ungracious an act as it would
be to refuse him. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
(295) Russell to Melbourne .
Saltram, October 8, 1837.
My dear Melbourne,— ... I think you
were wrong in raising the question of 1834 with
Ellice. " Bygones are bygones " and " Alors
comme alors " are two great maxims in politicks.
I disagree entirely with you about 1834. . . .
My scheme for the Army is this : Let a com
mission be formed as follows : Secretary at War,
Secretary of State for Colonies, D° for Home,
Commander in Chief, Master of Ordnance. Let
all questions relating to numbers, expense, and
gov' of the Army be referred to them, and let

206 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
the Departments go on as before, with these
exceptions : . . . y J.R.
(296) Memorandium by Russell on Scotch
Church Endowment. 1837 [?]•
1 . That the Bishops' Teinds should be applied
in providing for the religious destitution existing
in certain Highland and other rural parishes
having unexhausted teinds, . . .
[And other provisions for a better distribution
of contributed moneys. — Ed. ]
(297) Sydney* Smith to Russell. 1837-
... I am sorry you have taken such a dislike
of Chapter and such a passion for Bishops. You
may hate frogs without loving toads. I am sorry
that you will not negotiate with me because I
think that all this meeting of a parcel of foolish
and extravagant [ ? ] and the writing a long
pamphlet to be a great bore, and I should be
heartily glad to avoid it. But honestly I think
this conduct of the Commission to have been
unjust and unfair to every branch of the Estab
lishment except the Bishops, — of course you will
beat us and do what you please with us. But
the Commission is not the best chapter in an
excellent government nor the Corner Stone on
which your great well-earned reputation will be

1 837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 207
built. God bless you dear John. My letter
needs no answer. S. S.
(298) Russell to 'Sydney Smith.
October 15, 1837.
Dear Sydney,— Certainly you never did ask
any thing either for yourself or for your Cathedral
which you did not ask for all others.
I asked you to forbear for a time as I thought
it likely the Church Commission would come
to some Resolution which would be generally
satisfactory to the Deans & Chapters.
Yours truly, J. Russell'.
(299) Melbourne to Russell.
Pavilion, October 20, 1837.
My dear John, — The Queen desires me to
send you these papers. The Queen also desires
me to say that she wishes Lady John and you
to dine here to-morrow and Sunday.
I send a letter for Mulgrave. The first part
is about a matter already determined — but the
end beginning at the 4th sheet about O'Connell's
letter is important. It is subject to all the objec
tions he states and many others — particularly it
gives weight and probability to the strongest
objection against us in that our majority is sure.
Yours, Melbourne.

208 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
(300) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, October 24, 1837.
My dear John, — Sir R. Peel is wandering
about Germany. ... I don't know whether he
will come and see me. I suspect that he wants
to skip the meeting. The ultras of his party
bother him so, that he fears to break bulk. Your
contest will be severe, but I cannot doubt of
your ultimate success. Yet you must begin by
tearing off the Mask of hypocrisy under which
your adversaries fight. They are much like the
Churchmen in the time of L. 14th who accused
Moliere when he wrote his " Tartuffe " of attack
ing the Church — instead of the vices of the
Church. How absurd to say you cannot do
justice to the Catholics without doing injustice
to the Protestants. Calvinistic Prussia does
justice to her Catholic subjects, and Catholic
Austria does justice to her Protestant subjects.
Why then is not England to do likewise? All
parties and persons on the Continent say you
are right and wonder at the opposition of the
Tories. Let me hear from you before you get
involved in Parliamentary business?
Affy. yours, G. W. R.
(301) Spencer to Russell.
Private.
Novembet 14, 1837.
[This letter refers to Russell's decision and
declaration, in what Mr. Greville called by the

1 837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 209
agreement of all parties an incomparable speech
wherein he regarded the Reform Bill as final ;
he was bound in honour to retire rather than
take part in a further measure so soon after
the pledge given to Ministers in 1832.]
My dear John,— ... I am delighted to
hear your determination but not surprized. I
hope and trust you will swim, but if you go
down it must be with colours flying.
Yours most truly, Spencer.
(302) Memorandum to the Cabinet by Russell
concerning, Election Petitions. November 25, 1837.
Lord John Russell submits to his colleagues
the following outline of measures to be adopted,
in respect to election petitions, applicable to the
present cases, if absolutely necessary, but at all
events to be introduced as an improvement on
the present law.
1. The Lord Chancellor, the two Chief
Justices, and the Chief Baron to name each
three Barristers properly qualified, but of the
list of each the Speaker to name one, making
in all four.
2. The same Judges in like manner to name
one person each, out of whom the Speaker to
chuse a President of the Court.
3. The said five to form a Court, sitting in
London for England, Scotland (qy) and Ireland.
vol. 11. 14

210 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
4. The Court to judge of election petitions.
5 . In case of a scrutiny of votes being granted,
the Court, on the demand of either party to
appoint a Commissioner, to go to the place of
election, to decide each case, and to report with
the notes of evidence to the Court.
6. The Court after hearing each party, but
without further evidence, to confirm or disallow
the decisions of the Barrister.
7. The Court, by its separate members, to
make Circuits, so as to visit each place in the
three Kingdoms once in three years, not for the
purpose of admitting new votes, but of correcting
the Register — any subsequent scrutiny can then
be applicable only to new votes.
8. Revising Barristers in future not to strike
off any name upon the Register, unless the party
is dead, or qualification changed since regis
tration. (303) Wdlliant Russell to Russell.
Berlin, December 5, 1837.
My dear John,— I must write to say how
delighted I am with your speeches on Reform :
every word you have uttered has my perfect
approbation. The violence of the language of
the Tories and Radicals is the greatest eulogium
you could receive, and a convincing proof of
your being right. A Statesman builds for
futurity, the abuse of the day is like the scaffold
ing which will be removed and forgotten when

1837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 211
the building is complete, so you need not care
a straw about the Newspapers. In Galignani's
extracts your name is in every line. Your
speeches have given the greatest pleasure here,
and have besides surprised and astonished people,
who in their ignorance took you for a repub
lican — a Cromwell — an idea put about and
encouraged by our dearest friends, many of
whom I could name. All my Colleagues here
are confounded at the bold and strong attitude
of the Ministry, and are beginning to be more
courteous to me. Sir G. Hamilton who nourishes
himself with the Times told them the Tories must
come in, and they believed him. Louis Philippe
and his Agents are sneaking back to us — our
triumph is complete.
I have got here Robert Owen of Lanark ; he
is a real Radical — the others are poor creatures
compared to him.
I send you a note from my friend Prince
Radzville on your speech and another from old
Bob — burn them.
My Father invites me to go and see him at
Nice, I should like well to run down there if
Palmerston was agreeable, but I don't like to
ask him — although there is positively nothing to
do here — I am always at Potsdam shooting wild
duck. Tell me what you think of Nice, and
sound Palmerston about it.
Love to your Wife. Affec. G. W. R.

212 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1837
(304) The Duchess of Kent to Russell.
Confidential. December 12, 1837.
My Lord, — In the hope that it may be your
Lordship's duty to execute the Queen's wishes
in the Commons, it has occurred to me that the
accompanying Memorandum may be of use to
you. It was drawn up and given to me, it con
tains facts only, but with many kind construc
tions, which I wished to deserve. Believe me,
always to be, with great regard and esteem,
Your lordship's very sincere friend,
Victoria.
[42 pp. of writing inclosed giving an account
of the family, upbringing, resources, and events
in the Duchess of Kent's and Queen Victoria's
life. ] (305) Melbourne to Russell.
Downing Street, December 29, 1837.
My dear John,— The Queen desires me to
say that she will be delighted to see the little
girl and would be very happy if Lady John
would bring the baby also. The Queen wishes
you and Lady John to come on the 8th and
to stay till the nth.
Our course about Canada must be clear and
decided. I have had  ' with me and also
Mr.  Gillespie and  representatives of
1 Illegible.

1 837] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 213
the English party. The former is for abolishing
the legislative Council, the latter are for govern
ing for a certain time without an Assembly
— Adieu. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.

(306) Melbourne to Russell.
South Street, December 31, 1837.
My dear John, — We must determine upon
a decided line with respect to Canada— Gosford's
last despatches and the state of the Country
without any despatches absolutely require it. We
must either take such measures as are necessary
and adequate for the occasion, or if we cannot
take them, we must resign the Government to
those who have a better chance of being able
to do so. I have the greatest possible dislike
to the Government's breaking up either in con
sequence of internal disunion, which can never
be made either intelligible or satisfactory to the
country, at a time of national difficulty and
danger, which always looks like fear and shirk
ing from responsibility. But there may be no
help for it.
The great majority of the Cabinet are for
repealing [ ?] Act, and the general opinion is,
that this is the only measure which has any
semblance of being permanently efficient.
Some would prefer temporarily suspending the
Constitution of 1791.

214 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
The great majority of the Cabinet are I believe
against uniting any measure of a conciliating
character with the greater measures, which all
admit to be necessary.
I have very little doubt that if either of the
two first courses is adopted and if the third is
rejected Howick will resign. I have sent to
desire to see him to-day, but from what I hear of
his language I have little hope of instituting any
change in his determination — for this event you
must therefore be prepared.
It appears to be necessary that Glenelg should
make a decided proposition to the Cabinet on
Wednesday, and it is highly desirable that this
proposition should be such as to command the
most general agreement. I am anxious there
fore to hear from you your opinion not later
than Tuesday morning in order that I may settle
with Glenelg finally what he is to propose —
Adieu. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.

(307) The Queen to Russell. January 17, 1838.
The Queen returns the copy of the answer
to the address of the House of Commons [as
to the revolt in Canada ] which she quite approves
of, as she is not aware if she may keep this
copy.

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 215
Memorandum on Canada. January, 1838. ?
The difference between adopting the suspen
sion of the Habeas Corpus and the suspension
of the Charter of 1 79 1 is as follows : —
According to the first course —
1. The power of the Executive is limited to
what is necessary.
2. No infringement is made on the Constitu
tion itself.
According to the second course —
1. The Executive may make any laws of any
kind : may establish torture, secret trial, or any
form of tyranny.
2. The well-disposed Canadians, who may be
considered as represented by Lord Gosford's
Executive Council, may be alienated and driven
into the mass of rebellion.
3. But, on the other hand, the Executive will
be far stronger, both for punishment and reward,
than it would otherwise be.
I should therefore say —
If Sir John Colborne, or a Governor of his
stamp, is to remain in authority, the first course
is the best.
If Lord Durham or Sir James Kempt will go
to Canada, the second course— namely, the sus
pension of the Constitution of 1 791— may be
adopted. ¦What you must lay your account for is, that
no means will be given by the Canadian
Assembly to carry on the government in future.

216 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
This is only to be remedied either by taking
the means now, out of the taxes of Canada, or
repealing Lord Ripon's Act, or by giving
authority to an Assembly of the whole British
provinces to do the same thing.
I do not much care which is done, but the
thing itself must be effected.
Upon the whole, then, I should recommend the
following measures, partly legislative and partly
executive : —
1. That the Constitutional Act of 1791 should
be suspended until Parliament shall otherwise
determine ; or that the Habeas Corpus Act be
suspended for two years.
2. That the Governor be instructed, on the
restoration of tranquillity, to call together, either
united or separately, such of the Members of
the Legislative Council and House of Assembly
who have sate therein during the last ten years,
and .who shall not have been involved in any
charge of treason, misprision of treason, or sedi
tion, and to propose to them the heads or bases
of alterations to be proposed in the Constitutional
Act of 1 79 1.
3. That the Governor be empowered to call
together an Extraordinary Assembly of the
Deputies from the British North American
Colonies to advise concerning any Act of Parlia
ment, named in the writ of summons, which may
require alteration or modification (in case of the
failure of former proposition).
4. If the Habeas Corpus Act only is sus-

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 217
pended, the Governor must have the power of
disposing of a sufficient revenue for the Civil
List, either by the repeal of Ld Ripon's Act or
by the appropriation of £50,000 a year of
Canadian revenue, till there is a permanent
settlement.

(308) William Russell to Russell.
Private. Berlin, February 28, 1838.
My dear John,— I cannot tell you how de
lighted I am at the manly stand you have made
against the Ballot, it would in my opinion be
quite inefficacious as a remedy against bribery
and intimidation and would destroy the characters
of Englishmen, certainly of the Liberal party.
What pitiful figures we should cut, sneaking up
to the ballot box, looking with fear to the right
and the left and dropping in our paper, the con
tents of which we are afraid or ashamed to
acknowledge. Whilst the Tory comes forward
like a Man and like an Englishman and says
openly and fearlessly who he votes for. I would
rather never give a vote than give a concealed
vote— the desire to conceal the votes is a bad
sign of the times. However you have done good
service in preventing us from being Hypocrites
and I thank you. Ever affy. yrs. G. W. R.

218 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
(309) The Qneen to Russell. April 28, 1838.
The Queen does not see the slightest objec
tion to soldiers being admitted with the rest of
the Public into the garden of St. James's Park.
On the contrary the Queen quite agrees with
Lord John that this distinction should be done
away with. (3io)
[A long letter, dated June 3, 1838, by Lord
Melbourne on the Peers to be created, their
various claims, and the objection to the pro
motion of Peers to higher rank, causing numerous
claims to equal promotions, contained the fol
lowing sentence : "If we go upon the principle
of not vacating Seats, which it is evidently neces
sary to do, we must vacate none," and suggesting
three means of obviating the difficulty.]
(311) The Queen to Russell. June 29, 1838.
The Queen quite approves of what Lord John
proposes relative to the Fair in Hyde Park.
She is thankful for Lord John's enquiries and
is happy to say that she is not the least tired
by the fatigues of yesterday. The Queen is much
gratified to know that no accident of importance
has occurred. The crowd was greater than the
Queen ever saw, and everyone in such perfect

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 219
good humour. The Queen must say it was a
very great day for her.

(312) The Speaker, Mr. Abercromby, to Russell.
Private.
Dated by Lord J. R. : " The Speaker,
Canada Debate, August 14, 1838."
You have done two things. You have made
the best speech I ever heard you make and
worthy of a Minister in such difficult circum
stances. You have done more than I thought
possible to extricate Lord Melbourne from a diffi
culty of the most harmful and serious character,
for I never could see how he would [nominate?]
himself to remain in office when he could not
depend in public on a person in so very serious
a situation as Lord Durham.
(3I3) Russell to Melbourne .
August 16, 1838.
My dear Melbourne,— I wish you would
turn your serious attention to the present dis
tribution of our forces. Canada is a continual
drain for troops. . . . We are making a
demonstration in Spain which appears to be end
less. ... I am very strongly of opinion that
our force in the North of Spain ought to be
reduced, that two or three ships, with about a
dozen artillerymen is the utmost we ought to
furnish. ...

220 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
This appears to me the moment to decide,
and I wish you would speak to Palmerston, Minto
and Rice on the subject.
Be assured that Canada cannot be left without
a strong force for some years. . . .
I remain yours faithfully J. Russell.
(314) The Speaker, Mr. Abercromby, to Russell.
August 20, 1838.
My dear Lord John, — You are very, right
in thinking that I shrink from an act which
might injure the Liberal party and expose me to
reproach. I work also for that which I think
is the best for the Throne, believing that much
turns on the conduct of the Commons in the
times that may come. I have told Lord Mel
bourne that if he satisfies himself that it is safe
and good for his party to try Rice, and still
more if he wishes to reconstruct his Cabinet and
can make my place useful in the arrangement,
then my resignation is unreservedly in his hands.
If neither of these things happens then I will
[ ? ] the Session if he wishes it, but that I will
not pledge myself to go to the end of it. It
would be imprudent to do that, after what I
have felt during the last month. I have said
that of all these events the one that will give
me the greatest pleasure is the new modelling
of the Government. I see all the difficulties that
must be encountered, but I see still more

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 221
strongly all the dangers to the interests of the
Liberal party from not doing it. I see that the
Irish attach no importance to Davis' threat of
agitation. They think that it has been done
either for the sake of the rent or to prevent
others from occupying the ground.
Yours very truly,
J. Abercromby.
(315) Russell to Melbourne .
Ryde, September 3, 1838.
My dear Melbourne,— . . . What Durham
says agrees much with what I wrote to you yes
terday. But where I think our Government
always failed is that they allowed the French no
part of the patronage, and nearly all the power.
They ought to have little power, but a fair share
of patronage.
I will be at Windsor Castle on the 12th, and
propose to stay the 13th and 14th, and go to
Woburn or Oakley on the 1 5th.
Y" truly, J. Russell.
We leave this on Saturday for Brighton.
Ryde, September 6, 1838.
(316) Russell to Melbourne.
My dear Melbourne,— ... If we must
have a new person [rather than Colborne, if
Lord Durham retires from the Governorship of
Canada,] I believe that perhaps a Tory will be

222 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
the best, for then the Tories will not cabal against
him and we shall be bound to stand by
him. . . . [Concerning Lord Glenelg, who had
asked for another regiment for Canada . ] I have
consented, but I have no fancy for transferring
the attack from him' to myself. ... I shall
be blamed and be at a loss how to defend myself.
Our Empire grows every day internally and
becomes every day more difficult to controul.
... I hope you will be able to give me a satis
factory answer about this when I go to Windsor.
[Concerning the proposed Botanic Garden in
Regent's Park. ] . . . I should like to economize
in Racing Plates, to have a scientific collection
of Plants. Yours truly, J. Russell.
(3l7) Palmerston to Russell.
Windsor, October 1, 1838.
My dear John Russell,— Melbourne has
shewn me your Two letters of the 27 and 29
ulto about Persia. The Bulletin you sent him
was certainly calculated to make you suppose
that McNeil had declared that "the Dynasty
of the Shah had ceased to reign," but it gave an
incorrect Representation of the matter. These
Bulletins are difficult Things to make out, as
they are abstracts from voluminous Papers.
They must be sent off at once, be copied for
each absent Minister, and are an additional duty

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 223
at a time when from usual leaves of absence
the office is weakest. Mistakes therefore will
sometimes happen in them. My Instruction of
May to McNeil was read to the Cabinet, and
directed him to say to the Shah that his attack
on Affghanistan was at variance with the Prin
ciples of our alliance, and that we should, with
out Reference to any particular stipulations of
the Treaty of 1 8 1 4, take whatever Measures the
Security of our own Territories might render
necessary. McNeil is far the ablest man we have ever
had in Persia, and few men understand better
than he does the Bearing of Persian affairs upon
our Interests in India. He knows the Persians
well, and is as good a Judge as anybody can
be of the best mode of dealing with them1.
The Matter in Question is of great Import
ance, for it is Manifest that the Success of the
Shah in Affgihanistan would be full of danger
and embarrassment to us in India ; and that
consequently it would tend greatly to our
Security, to get the Shah back again into his
own Dominions. He is in this matter acting
avowedly as the Tool of Russia ; and the Pro
ceedings of Russia in Affghanistan are certainly
as direct an approach to British India as it is
at present in her Power to make. She has
opened her first Parallels, and it would not be
wise in us to delay defensive measures till she
has reached the glacis. Auckland and his
advisers seem to be of this opinion, but we do

224 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
not as yet know what Course they mean to
pursue. I am against McNeil's suggested march
of 5,000 Men from Bushire to Ispahan and
Teheran ; I think that if any real movement
of Troops should become necessary, such move
ment would for very many Reasons be better
made in Affghanistan itself.
But the occupation of Carrack and the land
ing at Busheer, if it should take Place, may as
a diversion in the Rear of the Shah, compel him
to give up his attack, and may thus effect our
object at less Expence and with less Trouble
than if we pushed on Runjeet Sing aided by
a Body of the Company's Troops through
Affghanistan. I wish you would send for McNeil's Des
patches and read them through. I think you
will acquit him of Impetuosity or violence, and
be rather of opinion that he has acted with
Discretion and Judgment ; certainly he has not
acted with Haste or without Reflection. It is
very difficult to give to Persons so far off pre
cise Instructions as to Conduct'; because the
Events upon which you found such Instructions
are five or six Months old, when the Instructions
are received, and new Circumstances may have
quite altered the case. But I believe Hobhouse
has written to Auckland to explain why we
should not like to embark in a forward move
ment into the Interior of Persia. That our
Force must be small, liable to be overpowered if
Russia were to throw away the Scabbard and

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 225
go and attack us ; that in such Case we should
be in a worse Condition than if we had not
made the attempt ; That if we succeed, and
Russia stands aloof, we should excite to Rebel
lion against the Shah Quantities of men whom
we must afterwards abandon, and could not
effectually protect ; That our object is not to
dethrone the Shah, but to strengthen him, pro
vided only he will leave the Affghans alone ;
and that an Invasion of his Territory tends to
weaken if not to dethrone him. That on the
contrary any forward movement into Affghan
istan would, if successful, be clear gain, as we
should permanently retain any advantage we
might gain, and should thus make a permanent
Barrier for India. That our Chance of Success
would be much greater because there we are
strong and Persia weak, and Russia would not
there come to the aid of Persia. She might
join Persia to repel an invasion from without ;
She would not join Persia to assist Persia in
invading and conquering a neighbour, if that
neighbour is defended by England ; at the same
Time the Movement in Affghanistan might
require a greater effort and a larger Expence,
while the mere leading Troops to Busheer, if
they went no further, would be comparatively
easy and cheap. Hobhouse was to say to Auck
land that the Government is sure he will have
adopted the Course which he and his Coun
sellors will have thought on the whole best, and
that he will be supported.
vol. 11. 15

226 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
My own belief is that our Demonstration,
together with the Gallant Resistance of the
People of Herat, will have induced the Shah
to abandon the Siege and retire, and if that
should be the Result we shall have had a
good Escape, and shall then be able to enter
into alliance with the Affghans and make with
them the proper arrangements for their future
Security and our own.
Yours sincerely, Palmerston .
(318) Durham to Russell.
Private. Quebec, October 12, 1838.
My dear Lord John,— Your letter of the
1 8th August only reached me yesterday, in con
sequence of its having been sent by a Merchant-
ship direct here — the consequence was that I
received the letters and Despatches of the
7th Sept. a fortnight earlier.
You have most correctly comprehended the
difficulty of my position — and will have seen by
my Despatches 66 and 68 the grounds on which
I have been compelled to take the decision, the
possibility of which you, with such perspicacity,
anticipated. If the overt acts in England had merely been
the speeches of Lord Brougham in the Lords
and the passing of his Bill there, my Government
would not have been damaged. The support

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 227
of the Ministry, and the consequent rejection of
the Bill in the Commons, would have left me
as strong as I was in the estimation of the people
here. But when, by the disallowance of the
ordinance by the Ministers, there became arrayed
against me the Crown, the Lords, and the
Commons — as well as the Ministry, the blow to
my authority was fatal and irreparable.
Now that I am going, the universal sympathy
and feeling of regret which prevails amongst all
classes, gives no occasion for difference of
opinion on political or provincial matters. But,
if I had determined on remaining, every act of
my Government would have been disputed by
each party, accordingly as they disapproved of
the measure. French and English alternately,
as they were pleased or displeased, would have
denied all permanent obedience, and appealed
to the Imperial Parliament, — when they would,
from past experience, have been justified in
expecting censure and disavowal of me.
I had no course to pursue, in these circum
stances, but to transfer the scene of action from
Quebec to London.
I do not conceal from you that my feelings
have been deeply wounded by the conduct of
the Ministry — from you, however, and you alone
of them all, have I received any cordial support
personally, and I feel, as I have told you in a
former letter, very grateful to you.
Believe me,
Yours very truly, Durham.

228 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
(319) Russell to Melbourne .
Brighton, October 18, 5 o'clock.
My dear Melbourne,— Since I wrote my
letter of this day I have received the news
papers, containing the account of Durham's
resignation. No one can say he is not justified
by the course of the House of Lords on the
Indemnity Bill. But it is a serious matter. I
still think Sir John Colborne must remain as
Governor, and I certainly would not advise any
Whig or Liberal of any description to accept
the office.
... I think you should send for Ellice
directly, and consult him as to what is to be
done. I see he or some one of his opinions
has been sneering at Durham in the M9
Chronicle .
I still think Glenelg should have the Comp
troller ship. That is a step in which our best
friends would concur.
If Durham would be Lord Lieut, of Ireland,
it would be a good thing. If you thought so,
Palmerston might hold the seals till his arrival
in London. yrs trulyj J. Russell.
Upon the whole, I believe the best arrange
ment would be to make Rice Sec* of the Colonies
with a peerage, and to insist upon Ellice's taking
the office of Chancr of the Exchequer, leaving
other moves at present.

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 229
(320) Russell to Melbourne.
Brighton, October 22, 1838.
My dear Melbourne,— I am glad to find I
was not immediately required. ... I have been
reading Durham's dispatches very attentively
and there is one conclusion to which they clearly
lead me. It is that whether he is induced to
stay, or another person is appointed, it is neces
sary that Parliament should be assembled before
Christmas .
1 . You will observe that he refuses altogether
to accept and exercise the power which we
authorised and advised him to exercise. He pro
poses to leave the whole of the persons engaged
in the late insurrection at large, subject only
to the fear of a trial by jury, which he says
" exists only to defeat the ends of justice, and
to provoke the righteous scorn and indignation
of the community." He is ready to suspend the
Habeas Corpus Act only in case of " notorious "
preparations for insurrection. He tells you that
he has no reliance on the Government, but must
look to the Opposition likewise, for a, construc
tion of any Act he may pass. In short, he
decides, I will not say wilfully, but deliberately,
to abridge his power as much as possible, and
leave himself as little means as possible of
sustaining the Queen's authority.
2. These doubts and uncertainties have been
fairly raised by the conduct of the House of
Lords, and of Sir W. Follitt in the House of

230 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
Commons. The Ministry and Lord Durham
together might have set them at naught, but the
Ministry alone has not force enough to do ,so.
3. They have been spread throughout the
Colony, not only by the report of the debates,
but by the declaration of Ld Durham, that his
authority was so weaken'd that he must resign.
Of course if he is weaken'd, Papineau's party will
consider themselves strengthen'd.
4. Both Ld Durham's accounts, and those of
Mr. Fox, speak of fresh preparations for revolt
—revolt against an abdicating Governor, and a
shaken authority.
All these circumstances together convince me
that it is absolutely necessary to call upon Parlia
ment to put some clear and defined sense upon
the Act they have passed— to say that the
Governor shall have power with his Council to
pass laws for keeping suspected persons in
custody, and for bringing before an impartial
tribunal traitors and murderers, or he shall not.
If they confirm the requisite powers, the mischief
of Lord Brougham's Bill will be repaired. If
they do not, let them be responsible for the
refusal, and its consequences.
I wish you would shew this letter to Glenelg,
and to Rice. I agree that Durham should be
asked to remain on public grounds. Whether
he will do so, or not, is more than any one can
tell. Nothing is more uncertain than the pre
dictions of what individuals will do in particular
circumstances. But as I see he only speaks of

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 231
coming home by the end of the year, he will no
doubt wait for the effect of his announcement
here as well as in N. America. . . .
Yrs truly, J. Russell.
(321) Russell to Melbourne.
Brighton, October 23, 1838.
My dear Melbourne, — ... I return your
letters. Lansdowne is very good. C. Buller is
right when he says there was a want of explana
tion when the Ordinances were sent. . . .
Durham and Ellice have both of them the fault
of thinking that all is to be done by newspapers.
Yet what more absurd than a Governor and his
intimate friend firing paragraphs at each other
across the Atlantic. It cannot come to good
and I should not wonder if that unlucky Morning,
Chronicle should make Durham persist in his
original intention of resigning. . . .
I am more and more convinced of the neces
sity of meeting Parliament. I should summon
it for the 20th or 22nd of November, . . . pro
ceed with a Bill " to provide for the security of
the Province of Lower Canada." . . . [Details
follow. ]
I agree with you that it will be as well that
the Queen should not ask Durham to stay, though
not on the general grounds you put it. I have
had a most gracious and kind letter from Her
Majesty. Yours ever, J. Russell.

232 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
(322) Spencer to Russell.
Private. Windsor Castle, October 23, 1838.
My dear John, — Between you and me honour
is certainly too formal a word to use, but some
word is wanting to express what I feel in telling
you that I accept most willingly your proposal.
Honour ought to be included in the meaning
of the word, but it must include other feelings
more gratifying than honour of any kind would
be to me in order to express what I should like
to say to you upon so very kind a suggestion.
Pray thank Lady John for me also.
Yours most truly, Spencer.
(323) Russell to Melbourne.
Brighton, October 25 [1838].
I return Ellice's letter and enclosure. His
correspondent hits upon exactly the same remedy
which occurred to me, viz., 10 years of a Govr
and Council— but he adds it is impossible, and
so I suppose it is.
If you had proposed a complete despotism,
and had not named a man like Durham at the
head of it, our friends would hardly have agreed,
as they did.
I was against the suspension of the Constitu
tion, but was overruled.
I think you cannot leave the English to have

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 233
their throats cut with impunity by the Canadian
habitants. Lady John is rather better, but mends very
slowly, and I do not like to leave her at present.
yrs J. Russell.
You will see Lansdowne is quite against me.
I have answer'd Durham's letter, merely
saying that if I had been in the Lords I should
have done no better than my colleagues there,
that I retain my opinion, that if the Colony
supports him he will do well to stay.
Normanby is indignant at the notion of our
truckling to Durham.
(324) Mrs. (Elizabeth) Villiers to Russell.
Ravensworth Castle, November 4, 1838.
Dear Lord John, — . . . God Almighty
strengthen and comfort you, dear Lord John.
Your trial is the severest to which our nature
is subject : . . . Never was a kinder better
husband and father than yourself, and I believe
nothing could be more complete than poor
Adelaide's happiness during the few joyful years
she spent with you. . . . You restored her from
a state of solitary suffering to even more than
her former happiness, you adopted all her
children as your own, and by your kindness and
judicious management of them relieved her mind
from every anxiety. All this was a trial of love

234 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
that few men are exposed to, and fewer still
would have met as you have done ; none could
have surpassed you. In the perfect fulfilment
of the duties and charities of life there is peace,
that peace which passeth understanding, and that
God may abundantly shed such on you is the
heartfelt prayer of yours very sincerely
Elizabeth Villiers.
(325) Memorandum.
November 12, 1838.
. . . The Bill for the registration of electors,
the Prison Bill, the Irish Municipal Bill, some
Scotch Bills which were lost last year should
be brought in with the least possible alteration
and pushed into the House of Lords.
The Committee on Church Leases should be
renewed, and Vernon Smith desired now to
prepare a Report, . . . the Church Dignities
Bill, then ... a measure for the general Educa
tion of the People. ... [8 or 10 sail of the
Line may have to be added to the Fleet . ] [Taxes
may have to be imposed, and danger to the
Government incurred, rather than the Navy be
weak and dispersed.]
(326) Russell to Melbourne.
Cassiobury, November 28, 1838.
My dear Melbourne,— I will prepare the
plan for Education as soon as I can. But I do

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 235
not think it should be brought forward early in
the session, and upon this subject as upon others,
it will be useful to have the report of the Com
mittee on Church Leases first made.
I am always of opinion that when a man has
deserved very well of the Government or of the
party, they, should be prepared to suffer some
loss, and run some risk, to gratify him. This is
the case with George Grey, and therefore when
Pari' meets (Macaulay continuing in the same
mind) I should make him Judge Advocate.
I have no objection to Palmerston's making
some communication to Russia about her fleet,
tho' I must observe, 1 . It is made late, and
therefore less likely to be successful. 2. It will
be necessary not to bind ourselves with respect
to our own force, the Naval being our principal
arm, and we having to consider other powers,
and their strength at sea, as well as Russia.
Still, a friendly representation may, do good, tho'
it may not altogether preclude the necessity for
strengthening our Navy.
I see by a printed paper from Glenelg that
Ld Hill is pushing hard to have the Army in
creased. What he says of the troops in the
dockyard towns is true, but if we increase the
Marines, we shall attain the object of lessening
their duties and have the Marines ready to go
out in a Channel fleet in the summer months.
Thus a number of guard ships might be made
efficient for the Home station.
I agree in what you state of the alarm that

236 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
may be raised by a large increase of the Navy.
Yet we added, I think, 8 sail of the line, two
years ago, without any, stir at all. On the other
hand, the disappointment and reproach may be
considerable .
On the subject of Belgium, I send you a letter
from William, in which you must make allowance
for a brother's partiality. I do not know whether
his opinion is a right one, not knowing the
opinion of Louis Philippe, Mole, or the French
generally. If the two former want an excuse,
and can make it go down with the Chamber, and
public, the signature of a treaty will be the best
thing. You and Palmerston can best judge how
far we should be safe. I should not care a
rush for the vapouring of the Belgian deputies—
they are leather and prunella.
I shall be in London the whole month of
January to prepare for what is to come.
Yrs ever, J. Russell.
There is a brother of Christ's Hospital dead.
Unless you wish for it I shall fill up, the vacancy.

(327) Russell to Melbourne .
Cassiobury, December 2, 1838.
My dear Melbourne,— I am very sorry to
see this news from Canada in the newspapers.
It will do all sorts of mischief, and shews what
it is to let the Lords have their own way. Of

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 237
course any troops required must be sent to
Halifax, tho' I hope we are strong enough in
that quarter.
I have no doubt you were justified in ordering
an increase of the army by the state of Colonial
and Foreign affairs. But there is nothing in the
state of G' Britain or Ireland to require more
troops, and had not the Colonies required an
increase of troops I should have been quite satis
fied to have gone with our present force. What
Lord Hill says in his paper concerning Ireland is
untrue. I will write to Morpeth to get an account
of the number of times detachments have been
called out this year in aid of the Civil power.
In England if we cannot do with our present
force we cannot do at all, tho' I should have
objected to the Colonies draining the force still
lower than it is at present.
What you say about prosecutions for words
is very important, and if the fact be as you say,
decisive, or almost so, against attempting them.
I shall direct prosecutions however for illegal
meetings, and all this outrageous language will
swell the charge — I mean, should they be con
tinued. I am going to send Sir F. Roe and Maule of
the Treasury down to Todmorden.
I suppose you will hardly send a Governor to
Canada to supersede Colborne, while he is in
the midst of an insurrection.
I have a great mind to write to Warburton
about O'Connell's movements, pointing out the

238 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
objections to the course he is pursuing. Have
you any objection? yrs J. Russell.
(328) Russell to Melbourne .
December 12, 1838.
My dear Melbourne,— I agree with Tavis
tock in laying upon Pitt the fault of the Corn
Laws and every other difficulty we have or shall
have. The measures were (1) 500 millions of
debt (2) a bad currency; (3) bad poor laws
(4) a bad law for Canada (5) Swamping the
House of Lords. And his faults of omission were
about equal to those of commission. . . . How
ever one has the satisfaction of thinking that
a country which has survived being governed
by Pitt must last for ever.
(329) Palmerston to Russell.
Stan. Street, December 15, 1838.
My dear John Russell,— I return you the
letter from Howick which I ought to have sent
you back sooner. McNeil and Auckland have
cut the knot which Howick feared to untie.
What he says of the real weakness of Russia for
aggressive war is quite true ; but the knowledge
of that fact ought rather to encourage us to make
a stout stand against her systematic encroach
ments on Peace ; as we ought to be convinced
that she is always pushing on as far and as fast

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 239
as she can go without war ; but that whenever
she finds that perseverance in encroachment will
lead to forcible resistance, she will pull up and
wait for some more favourable opportunity of
carrying on her schemes. Yours sincerely, Palmerston.

(330) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, December 19, 1838.
My dear John,— I am delighted that in
pursuance of my wishes you went to town —
privately because quand I'ame est abattu il faut
le secouer, publicly because it has had the best
effect. The funds rose, public confidence was
strengthened and the Protocol was signed—
whether at your instigation or not I don't know,
but it was signed at a most opportune moment,
for the language of Germany became so war
like it would not have been easy to have
controlled it. The Protocol has made the
troubled waters subside into their former calm.
Palmerston has concluded the negotiations with
great ability and extraordinary patience. Were
I to criticise him I should say that he attended
too much to the Hollando-Bel question and too
little to the European question, for it had there
two bearings, which should have been carried
forward breast to breast, pari passu. He allowed
the latter to be forgotten until the cry of Germany
brought it to his recollection. I should also

240 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
say that Palmerston allowed much time to be
consumed uselessly. He should have signed the
treaty at the Coronation when every body was
in good humour and no difficulties would have
been made. The stipulations of the treaty would
long ere this have been executed, the whole thing
forgotten and Europe as quiet as a pond. The
delay has put in motion bad passions, ambition,
hatred, longing for War &c. and nothing has
been gained. However, you will have the Treaty
to present to Parliament, and it will be a brilliant
feather in your caps. Palmerston is certainly
a very clever man, but he has no foresight, and
no resolution. He allows an evil to gather before
he combats it, and then he combats it feebly.
He does not know the weight of the enormous
Power he wields, he loses his strength on trifles
and details when he should only come into the
field on great occasions, and then to pronounce
an irrevocable decision. Another fault he has
is that of employing very silly agents, and giving
to them all his confidence. The consequence
is that he remains in great ignorance of the real
state and feeling of Europe. But I ought not
to criticise my chief, so let this be entre nous.
France will come round to us. There can
be no doubt of it. I know my friend Louis
Philippe better than you do. I send you an
article written in the Paris Foreign Office which
is to prepare the public mind for the Treaty.
My political position here is perfect. I doubt
whether any English Minister ever stood so well

1838] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 241
at the Court of Berlin as I do. When I came
here, I had cruel uphill work to keep my
ground. I am now at the top of the tree. This
I owe partly to my own straight forward course,
partly to the wise course of your Cabinet, and
partly to my being your Brother, for they have
here the greatest admiration of your conduct on
the various difficult questions you have had to
meet. Eichhorn, the most enlightened of the
Ministers here, told me, squeezing my hand, that
Prussia had no wish beyond that of being on
good terms with England. The Prince Royal
sent to me to say the same. This is all very
well, and we will keep, our influence asleep until
the moment of exercising it arrives.
Durham is judged very harshly here. They
look upon him as a man who has fled from the
field the day before the Battle, and say he should
be impeached. It is much better that Colbourne
should direct affairs. Nothing like an enlightened
Soldier on trying occasions. They are calm,
resolute and don't care a fig for popularity,
Ever My dear John
Most affy. yrs.
G. W. R.

(331) Tavistock to Russell. December 29, 1838.
My dear John,— I am pleased to think that
you approve of my defence on your Appro -
vol. 11. 16

242 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1838
priation Question, and I thank you for your long
and interesting letter.
I have always considered the Ballot as the
most difficult subject you would have to deal
with. Your position is most embarrassing, and
I cannot see how you can possibly escape from
it without considerable and even imminent danger
both to the Whig party and the country at large
as well as to your own influence. I confess
that I often wish that you were well out of the
mess. If Tory principles and measures are to
be adopted, I had rather see them in the hands
of Tory Ministers than yours. ... It will
require all the wisdom and courage you can
muster to steer your course well. . . . Althorp
says there may be circumstances in which a
Minister may be called upon to sacrifice every
thing, even his character [reputation] for the
public interests. Is this a case in point? . . .
Althorp thinks that the more you work the less
you will suffer. God grant that this may be
the case. . . . Afftely. yours T.

(332) Duncannon to Russell. Saturday.
My dear John, — Since you spoke to me yes
terday I have taken some trouble to inquire in
consequence of what occurred on Thursday
evening what is the feeling of the House of

1 839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 243
Commons, I mean those who support us — I am
confident that there was no real want of kind
ness towards yourself. You have been long
enough in Parliament to know what excitement
always takes place in these petty questions, and
this in particular has always created great
interest, and the announcement of a victory on
it produced that ebullition which everybody says
was quite disgraceful. Of this however I am
quite sure that both in the House and out of
it among even the most Radical the feeling
towards you is much better than it was last year,
when as you know they took ill some expression
of yours about the landed interest — all that has
subsided, and you may be assured I would not
deceive you upon it if I did not know what I
say is so. ^ ,
J Truly yours,
! D.
I think you set Ebrington's cases quite right
last night. (333) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, January 8, 1839.
My dear John, — I beg your acceptance as
a New Year's gift of a very pretty service of
old Dresden China painted by the famous bird
painter Vindhers (?). It is a complete dinner
service for six, and when you retire from your
laborious office six friends are as many as you
will wish to see at your table. I have sent by
this Courier two plates as specimens, and the

244 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
remainder of the service will go by the ordinary
conveyance. I cannot tell you how high we stand at this
moment on the Continent ; had we given way to
Belgium we should have been disgraced for ever.
I hope you will be equal to the arduous duties
you have before you — the Corn law is an awful
question — it is in my opinion founded in error,
injustice and avarice. The manufacturers of
Germany which are now pushing us out of the
Levant and the American Markets have been
forced into existence by our Corn laws.
Palmerston has been doing things well of late.
Ever affy. yours, G. W. R.
(334) Russell to Melbourne.
Private.
February 2, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— Your letter obliges
me to enter into explanations which I would
willingly have kept within my own breast.
I have represented to you for at least a year
that I could not feel satisfied with the conduct
of our Colonial affairs. At last I reproached
myself with the pertinacity of this representa
tion to you, and felt, I know not why, that I was
punished by affliction and misery for busying
myself too much in these arrangements of office.
But Howick's opposition has raised my former
objections into full vigour.

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 245
However, be it as you please. I shall give
in my resignation next week, and state that I
thought the destinies of our Colonial Empire
could no longer be continued in their present
hands without imminent peril, that nothing but
the utmost energy and activity are equal to the
present emergency, and that, not finding them
to exist where they ought to be found, I am
compelled to leave office. yrs J. Russell.
(335) Russell to Melbourne .
February 3, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I send you Howick's
answer. I can only suggest that you would make
the letter less painful to Glenelg if you stated in
the first instance that modifications of the Cabinet
had been looked for very generally through the
recess, that one of the changes most desired
was to see Morpeth in the Cabinet, which cannot
be while Normanby remains in Ireland, and then
go on to inform him that while no one doubts his
abilities, his conscientious desire to perform his
duty, or the purity of his administration of the
Colonies, that at this time peculiar energy and
promptitude are required, etc. . . . But if you
do not like all this, I am quite satisfied with the
letter as it stands. Yours,
J. R.

246 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
(336) Palmerston to Russell.
Stan. Street, February, 3, 1839.
My dear John Russell, — It will be neces
sary I think to get the Persians out of Ghonian,
but there will be no occasion to trouble Sir John
Keene to eject them. Pozzo agreed with me
yesterday that the Persians ought to evacuate
that place because they had it not in 1834, when
England and Russia came to an agreement about
Persian affairs ; and he said things ought to be
replaced as to State of Possession in the situation
in which they stood in 1834, the Schah evacuating
the whole of the Herat country and we going
along the " Bare de Sable " in the Persian Gulf,
that is Karak. This Karak seems to be a good
marketable commodity in the negociation.
I trust therefore that the Schah will withdraw
without being driven out ; but if Force should
be required, Schah Kamran of Herat would be
able to do the needful, if Auckland were to send
him some money, some engineer officers and
perhaps a detachment of artillery, and this could
be done with great ease, when Sir John Keene
has got possession of Cabul and Kandahar.
i Yours sincerely, Palmerston.
(337) Lansdowne to Russell.
Belgrave Square, Sunday, February, 1839.
My dear John, — I shall have summons sent
round for \ past one on Tuesday.

1 839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 247
You must be the best judge of the value of
Macaulay in office in the H. of Commons, but
he had almost convinced me that he would be
as useful to the Gov*, by supporting it (which
I know he would zealously) if in Pari, as an
independent member, as he would actually in
place, and I do not think Cabinets are apt to
improve in wisdom in proportion to the no. of
heads they contain. . . .
Yours ever, Lansdowne.
(338) Russell to Melbourne.
Woburn Abbey, March 3, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I do not know what
you are to do about the Board of Trade if you
do not put Macaulay in the Cabinet, and send
Vernon Smith there. If the Master of the Mint
is not to be in the Cabinet you can hardly
separate the two offices.
Gisborne's defeat is very awkward.
The D. of W.'s letter is very important. The
project is probably one of many that the Russian
Emperor keeps in the pigeon-holes of his cabinet
for the subjugation of England and France.
But I agree with the Duke in his concluding
sentence that coute que coute, the Russian fleet
should not be allowed to come out of the Baltic.
I think you should ask Minto and two or
three Admirals how they could be prevented,
if they were to make the attempt.
ylS J. Russell.

248 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
(339) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, April, 1839.
My dear John, — I congratulate you on your
Majority of 22. I hear you spoke admirably.
I congratulate you also on having finished the
Belgian affair — cujus pars parva fui — I think the
Queen ought to make Lord Palmerston an Earl,
he highly deserves it. It would have a good
effect on the Continent. The Belgian and
Eastern diplomacy do great honor to your
Ministry. I hope your health is good.
Affy. yours, G. W. Russell.
I have just heard that the Grand Duke of
Russia will not go to England. This I regret
—for a good reception given to him in England
would go far to put us on good terms with his
Papa — and terms so easily obtained should not
be despised. (340) Mr. W. C. Bowles to T. Moore.
Bremhill, April 19, 1839.
My dear Friend, — We came home the latter
end of last week, and I intended the very
beginning of this week to drive over to see you
and Mrs. Moore, but I had a letter from Words
worth, at Bath, asking me, as I was so near,
to come over, and I could not find a day before
yesterday conveniently, and I particularly
thought it best as he could not come here,

1 839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 249
to give some  ' about him, before I came
to Sloperton.
We saw Wordsworth and old Dorothy yes
terday. . . .
I read your beautiful lines in his daughter's
Album, reading in haste " wreath " for
" breath," cry'd " Cockney " but I soon found
my mistake, and thought them some of the
sweetest verses you had ever written, and
the metaphor all through beautifully followed.
The last trembling lines of poor Walter Scott
were there. Do you know anything of Reade,
author of " Italy," and a poem on the Deluge,
may be (?) ; " Italy " is beautiful.
Think of old Scrope writing a book for which
he has got a thousand pounds. It contains some
fine sketches of forest highland scenery.
(341) Mr. Abercromby, the Speaker, to Russell.
Carlton Terrace, April 29, 1839.
My dear Lord John,— You are aware that
when I agreed to resume the Chair at the begin
ning of the present Session, I stated that I could
not engage to continue to the close. I find that
the depression from fatigue is at times so great
as to make me incapable of discharging the duty
of Speaker with efficiency. Under these circum
stances I have decided that the time is come when
I must retire. I wish to make my retreat in the
way that will be least inconvenient to you and
1 Illegible.

250 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
the House. I refer it to you as the Leader of
the House to select the earliest moment when
the change can be made with the least obstruc
tion to public business and care must be taken
when you have decided, that my resignation
may be so managed as to secure me against any
charge of acting unfairly towards the House.
I remain, My dear Lord John,
Yours very truly, I. Abercromby.
(342) W. C. Bowles to T. Moore.
May qth or gth (year ?)
My dear Moore,— I hope you will not think
my not reading " Rock " unkind. My reluctance
to do so proceeds solely from my regard for
you, and fearing I should find some things in
it less compatible with that truth and candour
which are with me everything in regard to those
for whom I entertain an affectionate interest.
I am told, however, there is great point and
pleasantry in the book, and that you have spoken
with kindness of me among others. For this
you have my thanks, and if you knew how much
I was interested for your best and most sub
stantial fame you would not think me undeserving
of whatever you may have said. ... I should
have been glad to have dined with you at the
Wiltshire dinner, ... no one has a greater
respect for the undeviating principles and high

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 251
gentlemanly character of your Chairman. . . .
God bless you. . . . Dum spiritus nos regit
Artus,
W. C. Bowles.

(343) Russell to Melbourne. May 12, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I have seen Spencer,
who says that we could not do otherwise than we
have done as gentlemen, but that our difficulties
with the Radicals are not diminished.
I asked him whether he had any objection to
see the Queen, and he has none.
I think he and Lord Grey should both see the
Queen. Howick and C. Wood say we ought to adjourn
till after Whitsuntide.
I will call upon you at one to-morrow to settle
what I shall move. yrs J. Russell.
(344) William Russell to Russell.
Berlin, June 24, 1839.
My dear John,—
" His varied life is tossed on faction's wave
A leader now, and now a party's slave,
And shall his character a waverer seem,
If that's a fault impute it not to him.

252 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
He played a stake, a fortune threw the die,
So look upon him with a brother's eye.
We would for him an interest create
His own his virtues and his faults his fate."
What can a man do more than be Creator
and master of his own virtues, that you do and
are, but fate is hard upon you. But struggle
on. The more the difficulties, the more the
glory. You are like Napoleon fighting his great
fight in France, with a better result than him, I
hope. You can bear adversity better than he
could— You are more like Frederick II of Prussia.
Orloff told me you meant to give up. I
hope not. Werther (who wishes you much to
remain in) says you should make the Budget
the only Ministerial question, and say, " As long
as I get my Budget I remain Minister of the
Crown." I think he is right. The Tories are
going down hill here every day. People are dis
gusted with their factious opposition. Wheaton,
the American Minister, says you are right. He
says the Ballot is nonsense, and would disappoint
both parties in its consequences.
He says you should continue the Reform Bill
as it is, correcting its errors and abuses. The
great point is to conclude the session and allow
the heat and bad passions now in agitation to
subside. . . .
Wishing you health and strength to carry, on
your struggle, I am,
Ever affectionately yours,
G. W. Russell.

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 253
(345) Russell to Melbourne. June, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I think you should
write to the Chapter of Exeter that all legal
difficulty being now removed, you cannot but
consider that a refusal to attend to the recom
mendation of the Queen will be highly dis
respectful to the Crown, and that you will con
sider what further measures it may be proper
to take on the subject. yrs J. Russell.
(346) Palmerston to Russell.
Stanhope Street, August 3, 1839.
My dear John Russell,— I have received
this Letter this Evening from Denman ; I have
sent it to Melbourne, and I enclose his reply.
We discussed the Matter to-day in Cabinet ;
and the opinion of those present was that we
ought to go on with our Measures ; with a Bill
if possible ; without it if none can be got.
I apprehend that without any Bill we could
do as follows— order our Cruizers on the African
Coast and Elsewhere to detain all Ships found
Slave Trading under the Portugueze Flag ; to
take them to the nearest English Colony ; to land
there the negroes, and to set them free ; to send
the Crew to Portugal and hand them over to
the Portugueze Government : and either to
destroy the Ship by sinking or burning, or Else

254 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
to break her to Pieces and to sell the materials
as old Timber.
Doubts are entertained whether in such a case
the officers and men employed, would be liable
to any action, either for damage or for false
Imprisonment ; some think that it would be a
sufficient Defence against such an action brought
by a Foreigner to plead that the Thing com
plained of was done by order of the Sovereign,
whom the officer or Seaman was bound and
obliged to obey ; others say that even if an
action could be maintained the difficulties of
bringing it to Trial and the Length of Time
required to bring it to a final Decision after
appeal, would deter almost Every body from
adopting Such a Course.
Therefore we might perhaps dispense with an
Act for this Purpose.
But we should want to give to the officers and
Men for these Captures the same Bounties
which are given for Captures under the Treaties,
and for this I conceive an act is requisite.
We should also require an act to empower
Admiralty Courts to adjudicate captured vessels ;
to receive Proof that the vessel was really
engaged in Slave Trade and to decree that on
that Ground she might be dealt with. Because
otherwise our Proceeding would be in its nature
Piratical. We should be seizing the Ships of
Foreigners in Time of Peace, and be disposing
of them without any Form of Trial ; and we
should by so doing be liable to be accused by

1 839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 255
the Crews, or by other Persons, of having
plundered innocent Merchant Ships and of having
burnt or sunk them ; and we should have no
recorded legal Proceeding to appeal to in Refu
tation of such a Charge. This would bring us
soon into Discredit and make it impossible for
us to continue such a System.
We should want a Similar Power for Ships
destitute of Papers proving Nationality.
If Denman thinks he can carry his Bill, he
would perhaps be a good Man to bring it in— not
being a Member of the Government he would
be able more easily than we could, to bring the
Duke to retrace his Steps for it would be less
humiliating for the Duke to accept a Bill from
him than from Us ; and though the Money
Clause could not, I suppose, be brought in with
the Bill in the Lords, we could insert it in the
Commons afterwards. There would be some
advantage in not losing Time. Let me know
what you think on all this.
Yours sincerely, Palmerston .
(347) Russell to Melbourne.
August 13, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— . . . [after calcu
lations on the coming elections. ] For my own
part I am determined to withstand the Tories to
the utmost, thinking their conduct on the Poor
Law the most disgraceful of which any party

256 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
was ever guilty, and therefore I am determined
to have with them neither peace nor truce. . . .
I do not expect that we shall avoid a schism,
but if we can we shall win. . . .
Ever yours, J. R.
(348) Russell to Melbourne. August 16, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I shall not object to
Ward, having no very good man to oppose to
Norman by' s predilection. But this makes it the
more necessary to have good colonial advice in
the Cabinet. I now therefore propose the fol
lowing arrangement, as the one to be finally
adopted. It is time to settle these matters, and
I think in settling them we should unsettle as
few seats as possible : —
Thomson ... Gov. Canada
Clarendon ... P. Board of Trade
Labouchere ... Mint (Cabinet)
Sir George Grey Judge Advocate (Cabinet)
Ward  Under Sec. Colonies
Clay  Vice P. Board of Trade (vacates)
Baring ... ... C. Excr- (Cabinet) (vacates)
Vernon Smith ... Sec. Treasury
Shiel ... ... Sec. India Board.
being only two vacancies in the whole, and one
added to the Cabinet. yrs J. Russell.
Pray shew this to Lansdowne.

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 257
(349) Russell to Melbourne.
August 16, 1839. ,
My dear Melbourne,— I am convinced it
is best that I should go to the Colonies, and it
will make the machine work much more
smoothly. . . . Labouchere must be Board of
Trade. 'He will be most agreeable to
Baring. . . . Yours, J. Russell'.
(350) Russell to Melbourne.
BUCKHURST, August 25, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I do not know that I
could say anything to you in conversation which
I cannot say in writing.
Howick has no right to ask for a division now
on the main proposals of the Commission ; the
last division of the Cabinet having been adverse
to their adoption, and the opinions of the D. of
Wellington, and every military man being still
more opposed to them.
But if Howick resigns, what are we to do in
respect of his office? Macaulay, would be the
best successor in many respects, but there are
obstacles. Clarendon has been offered a place out of the
Cabinet, on the sole ground that there was no
room for him1. I have some reason to think he
would have taken the Privy, Seal, and with a
vacancy, it surely ought to be offered to him'.
vol. 11. 17

258 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
Moreover, the additions made to the Cabinet
in the Commons will be Morpeth and Grey,
besides the successors of Thomson and Rice.
In the Lord's you have had no addition, and
excellently as you speak for the Prime Minister, .
I do not think you have sufficient debating
colleagues for the departments. An addition of
a man of talents in the Lords would be therefore
most desirable.
If only one addition can be made, then I think
it should be Clarendon. If you can make the
Cabinet 16, then have Macaulay likewise. But
I think this should not be done without Lans-
downe's assent, and if Howick is bent on resign
ing I should therefore request him to hold the
office till Lansdowne's opinion can be obtained.
I do not see any danger to Macaulay's seat.
Gordon would then have the Admiralty office,
and M. O'Farrel the Treasury, or vice versa.
I must ask you to represent to the Queen my
great fatigue and worrying cough. Your
messenger arrived last night long after I was
gone to bed— which must account for the short
ness of my answer. Yours ever, J.R.
(351) Melbourne to Russell.
South Street, August 26, 1839.
I send you Howick's decision. Nothing as
it appears to me can be more absurd than the

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 259
grounds upon which he has put it. I have
written to ask him not to press his resignation
immediately, but to give us time to communi
cate with Lansdowne. I rather doubt his
complying. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.
(352) Russell to Melbourne.
BUCKHURST, August 28, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I can only say that I
am sorry Howick has resigned, and shall say
so to him.
As to the next step, I am persuaded it is
one of great importance. There are three
courses .
1 . To give Macaulay Howick's office and
nothing else. You then give just cause of affront
to Clarendon, and prevent his joining you here
after. 2. To offer Macaulay Howick's office and
Clarendon the Privy Seal. You increase the
Cabinet to 16, of whom 9 in the House of
Commons. You make the course of government
somewhat doubtful as to the movement policy,
Macaulay having spoken on ballot, and nothing
else. 3 . To keep the numbers of the Cabinet as they
are, making Gordon or Seymour Secretary at
War, and reserving the power of offering
Clarendon the Privy Seal when he returns home.

260 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
I am in favour of this third course, but should
wish to have Lansdowne's opinion.
Should Howick insist upon leaving the office
now, Sullivan can carry it on, for two or three
months, if required1. ...
You had better get out of town when you can,
for your health and rest. Yrs truly, J. R.
(353) Melbourne to Russell.
Downing Street, August 28, 1839.
My dear John,— I sent you yesterday
Howick's reply to your letters. I apprehend
there is now no chance of his altering his deter
mination, although the further consultation has
taken place between him and Wood this morn
ing. I am told his conduct is mainly owing
to the strong advice which he has received from
Lord Grey.
From what I collect it appears to me that
there is a strong predominance of opinion in
favour of the offer being made to Macaulay.
I myself have no objection to this, and if you
have not, Do you not think that We might pro
ceed to make it, without waiting to communicate
with Lansdowne, which it is difficult to do
secretly and impossible to do speedily?
I have a letter from Sir George Grey, very
handsome, accepting, but saying that he would
have been quite content to remain as he was,

1 839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 261
that if there was any objection on account of
his office, he begged that the offer having been
made might not be held a bar to its being
reconsidered. Brougham expressed temperately and good-
naturedly to Duncannon some objection to that
part of the arrangement, to which otherwise he
said he saw nothing particularly to find fault
with. Yours faithfully, Melbourne.

(354) Russell to Melbourne.
BUCKHURST, August 29, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I think if Charles
Buller declines (which I do not think he will),
Clay, Hawes, and Bannerman are the best-
indeed all of them far better than Charles
Buller. Upon further consideration, I believe if
Howick persists, it will be best to make Macaulay
Secretary at War, and Clarendon should have
the offer of the Privy Seal.
But I should like to have Lansdowne's con
currence in doing this, and a letter to Vienna
would probably reach him, or you might very
easily ask Palmerston to send one of his
messengers to find him. . . .
Yours ever, J. Russell.

262 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
(355) Mr. Benjamin Haydon 1 to Russell.
Private. London, August 31, 1839.
My Lord,— I wish very much to see you
before you go out of Town and when business
is a little got over.
I assure you I heartily, approve of that part
of your Speech wherein you said the Academy
distribute charity, and bestow instruction ; if you
are prepared for State interference, these things
must not be lost sight of.
Be assured my only object is not to obstruct
the good the Academy does — but to lessen the
evil and extend the power of doing good, and
I am perfectly sure if the representative system
were carried into the Academy by the Members
of it being elected out of a Constituency, the
good would be en creased and the evil lessened.
They would then be amenable to a public
assembly-^or once a year the Constituency should
be assembled, and every act of the Year passed,
be canvassed and examined into.
Now they are amenable only to the King and
their own body, and we know how easy it is to
talk over a Sovereign who may or may not know
any thing of what its political relations are and
perhaps think it beneath him .
To vex the Academicians has never been my
paltry object. I had nothing to do with the
1 The artist and author of " Table Talk." See note in
Appendix.

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 263
order, and had my advice been asked I would
have said wait a little, but the House being
committed the dignity ought not to have been
sacrificed, lest the Academicians might be
vexed. Perhaps your Lordship will remember saying
to me when you sat : " Have you ever thought
of any thing for a Picture connected with the
Duke of Wellington — remember, it would be as
lasting as Napoleon? " I said no — but certainly
in consequence of your Lordship's remark I
meditated on it, and designed him and his Horse
Copenhagen on the Field at Waterloo 20 years
after the Battle !
It is for St. George's Hall, Liverpool, and
I should wish to hear your opinion of it — the
Duke of Sutherland thinks it very fine.
I am, My Lord,
Your Obt., B. R. Haydon.
I have just returned from Waterloo, where I
went for the back-ground.
(356) Russell to Melbourne .
BUCKHURST, August 31, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I see the changes,
and Howick's retirement, are announced in the
Globe, so that there cannot be any more mystery
about them.
George Grey must make up his own mind
whether he wishes to be in the Cabinet. If he

264 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
does, I think after what the Chancellor has said,
it would be better that he should be Master of
the Mint, though I do not think the objection
insuperable. In fact, the Attorney-Gen. advises
a prosecution, and carries it on afterwards. . . .
When you have seen G. Grey and Baring,
you may as well send to Lansdowne. My
opinion is in favour of both Clarendon and
Macaulay. We have so many dumb dogs in
the Cabinet.
I shall be in town on Monday, and walk into
the Colonial Office with my seals, which Mr.
Stephen says I ought to carry with me.
I hope you will get Hawes to join us : he
belongs to the friendly section of Radicals.
yrs J. Russell.
(357) Russell to Melbourne.
Endsleigh, September 9, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— It is certainly of no
use to conceal the difficulties of the situation.
... I always thought that the Whig party as
a party would be destroyed by the Reform Bill.
. . . My own disposition, with respect to the
Tories, is far more hostile than it was . Had they
come into office on our resignation last session,
I should have felt bound to aid rather than to
embarrass them. But their late conduct has been
so very profligate. . . . The attempt to govern
on Orange maxims broke down in 1834. . , .

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 265
I remember you were the first person in 1829
by whom I heard it said that Ireland would
henceforth claim to be treated according to its
importance as a branch of the United Kingdom.
It has done so, and will do so, and has a right
to do so. ... I wrote to you yesterday about
Mulgrave's proceeding. I dislike the dismissal
of a man like Colonel Verner, for an after-dinner
toast, most amazingly. . . . Yrs. ever, J. R.
(358) Palmerston to Russell.
Windsor, September 10, 1839.
My dear John Russell,— You will like to
see this Letter from John Hay : send it back
to Minto.
I quite agree as to the expediency of keep
ing France with us, but Esterhazy who equally
wishes it concurs in thinking that the best way
of keeping her with us is to let her understand
that if she will not move on, we, Austria and
Russia, will move on without her.
[Refers to a letter from Lord William Russell.]
(359) Russell to Melbourne. September 13, 1839.
[A few extracts from a long letter.]
My dear Melbourne,— Whatever course we
may take no one can expect that we should carry

266 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
either the Appropriation Clause or the Church
Rate Bill in the present Parliament. . . .
There are two things which I think would be
more acceptable than any others to this body
[the Radicals], the one to make the Ballot an
open question, the other to remove the Tories
from the political command of the Army. . . .
Everybody believes that support of the Govern
ment is nearly fatal to a man who wants a favour
at the Horse Guards.
(360) Sydney Smith to Russell.
Combe Fleury, October 10, 1839.
My dear John,— You will I have no doubt
find everything comfortable at Miss Sneat's
Hotel. I have ordered dinner and beds for you,
but why did you not dine at the best hotel at
C. Florey? You should have dined in your
travelling clothes and gone off the next morn
ing at 6, — I call, Boots and Waiter or anything
else— after 30 years friendship and good will
Ceremony cannot exist. I shall hope to find
you at Bowood on the 16th at dinner. After
profound reflection with Mrs. Smith and Saba
I have ordered you the following dinner. . . .
Ever my dear John very sincerely yours,
Sydney Smith.
(361) Attorney-General Campbell to Russell.
October 19, 1839.
Dear Lord John,— I hope you will not think
me guilty of any disrespect in not having

1 839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 267
addressed you respecting my acceptance of the
vacant Judgeship. Having served so long under
you and being so proud of my gallant leader,
it will cost me a bitter pang to leave the
field. . . . [He declined the Judgeship for the
party's sake.] Yours very faithfully, J. Campbell.
(362) Russell to Melbourne.
Buckhurst, November 12, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I think it is far better
that P. Albert should not be made a Peer.
Constant absence would make his peerage a
nullity, and it would be perilous for him to vote.
In saying this, I am of opinion that if here
after he should wish it, and the Queen approve,
it might be a good measure. But he should
have time to know England, and to know the
rare occasions upon which, in his situation, he
might declare his opinion— such questions should
be national or personal, and not party.
Yrs truly, J. Russell.
I think K. Leopold may have some feeling
that he wished it, and was thwarted. J. R.
(363) Russell to Melbourne.
Bowood, December 20, 1839.
My dear Melbourne,— I think these pro
posals are intended as a net to catch as much as
can be got. I agree in all your notes.

268 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1839
I would only further say that there will be no
objection to separate Coburg and Gotha from
the Crown of England, if the heir should be the
same, but that it would not do to stipulate that
the second son must take it, for he might prefer
being Duke of York here to being Prince of
Coburg in Germany.
Any answer to be sent should be seen by the
Lord Chancellor, and any draft of a treaty of
marriage, or bill for Parliament should be
carefully " perused and settled " by the Law
Officers .
This must take time, and it is very desirable
that the draft of a Bill should be at once pre
pared. If you will tell me what is to be put in
it, I will ask Campbell to draw it.
Yrs truly, J. Russell.

(364) Palmerston to Russell.
Stanhope Street, December, 1839.
My dear John Russell,— I have despatches
to-day from Clanricarde and Kipeleff has com
municated to me one from Nesselrode to him
stating that Russia agrees to our condition about
the Dardanelles and consents that ships of war
of any Power that will co-operate for the attain
ment of the common object, namely the Protec
tion of Turkey, shall enter the Dardanelles when
ever the Russians enter the Bosphorus.

1839] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 269
Brunnow is ordered back here to finish the
negotiation which he had begun.
Yours sincerely, Palmerston.

(365) Lansdowne to Russell.
Friday [1838 or 1839.]
My dear John Russell',— I am obliged to
use Lady Lansdowne's hand to answer your note,
having had an attack of gout. . . . The leaning
of my mind continues quite as strongly as it
was When we last talked upon the subject of
the Education Question, that is, that we ought
after having gone so far to submit to be beat
rather than to abandon our scheme without dis
cussing it. We are so decidedly in the right,
what is not always the case, that a discussion
must lead to good hereafter if it does not produce
it now, and in proposing it, you will have the
advantage of collecting from what passes better
than it is possible to do any other way what is
the feeling of the House, and whether by with
drawing your motion after debate you could
secure a vote for two Normal Schools which it
certainly would not do to propose after relin
quishing a better plan without a certainty of
success .... iHallam agrees entirely with every
part of our scheme. Yours truly, Lansdowne.

270 EARLY CORRESPONDENCE [1840
(366) The Duchess of Bedford to Russetl.
Barons Court, December 27, 1839.
My dearest John,—. . . The inclosed letter
will give you pleasure.
There is always something to thank you for,
your generosity to Henry I have just heard of,
I cannot express what I feel for that additional
proof of your interest about my children, but
you must recollect, my dear John, that your own
children must be considered first. ... I am
more composed since I came here, and walk as
you told me to do every day.
May God bless you my dear John. ... I
look to you as a great source of comfort and I
hope you will always consider C. Hill as your
own Home. Most afftely yours,
Georgiana Bedford.
(367) Justice Denman to Russetl.
Guildhall, May 20, 1840.
My dear Lord,— For myself I must say that
I have not turned my mind to the question
whether the punishment of death ought to be
abolished in other cases than those provided for
by the Acts of 1837; nor have any of my
brethren proposed the question to me. To
morrow I shall meet many of them and will
inform you if they wish to submit any sugges
tions to you. It appears to me probable that

1840] LORD JOHN RUSSELL 271
they would decline to commit themselves by any
opinion of the subject, and unless you hear from
me again you will have the goodness to consider
that I shall have ascertained such to be their
feeling. In truth, the judges have no peculiar
facilities for observing the effect of their
sentences .
Yours, my dear Lord, very truly, Denman.
(368) The Hon. Harriet Lister to Russetl.
September 9, 1840.
My dear Lord John,— Sad as your letters
are, it is still a relief to have them. I will hope
for you, though you cannot for yourself. . . .
I cannot thank you as I wish and feel for all
you are with regard to the children ; for all you
have been to them. I never can think of them
without tears of gratitude. We all feel it, we
often talk of it together. . . . You have been
more than ever an own father could have been,
and by your example, an example of all that
is good and pure and great in mind and con
duct you are doing for them unconsciously more
than any other teaching can do. ... I am only
expressing what my brother and Theresa have
often expressed to me. . . .
Your affte. H. Lister.

APPENDIX

NOTES ON AUTHORS OF THE LETTERS AND
PERSONS MENTIONED IN THEM.
i. Lord William Russell was the second son of John, sixth
Duke of Bedford, and was born in 1790. He served in the
Peninsular War, was twice aide-de-camp to the Duke of
Wellington, and became Major-General in 1841 ; after leaving
the Army entered the Diplomatic Service, and was Minister
successively at Lisbon, Brussels, and Berlin. He was attached
to Adair's mission to Belgium in July, 1831.
He married Elizabeth (the " Bessy " of the letters),
daughter of John Rawdon, brother of the first Marquis of
Hastings. He died on July 16, 1846. She died in 1874.
Their son Hastings became ninth Duke of Bedford.
2. Gertrude was the daughter of William Russell, brother
of the sixth Duke, and uncle of Lord John Russell,
3. Lady Anna Maria Stanhope was daughter of the Earl of
Harrington, and married Lord Tavistock, Lord John Russell's
brother, who was afterwards seventh Duke.
4. Henry Richard Vassall, third Lord Holland, was born in
1773. He went to Eton and Christ Church, Oxford, entered
the Cabinet of All the Talents in 1806, and took much part
in both the political and literary life of the time, He attacked
the treaty with Sweden, which abetted Swedish designs on
Norway, and generally favoured all movements for civil and
religious liberty. In 1830 he became Chancellor of the
Duchy of Lancaster and held office till 1835. He wrote
many political papers, and was much confided in as a critic
VOL. II. 18 ¦»

274 APPENDIX
and friendly counsellor on affairs both public and private.
The brilliant society which for many years gathered at
Holland House has probably never been equalled in England
for conversation, wit, ease, and political influence. Con
temporary records of Sydney Smith, Moore, Jeffery,
Mackintosh, and Rogers give a fair idea of the intercourse
of talents which gave the best sort of pleasure with the
kindest hospitality. Sydney Smith said of Holland that
there never existed in any human being a better heart, more
purified from all bad passions.
Lady Holland, who was a Miss Vassall, was rather dreaded
for her sharp sayings, but took her part in the entertainment
of guests with a good deal of skill, Both Lord and Lady
Holland were lifelong friends to John Russell, and she
insisted on giving him by will a valuable property in Ken-
nington ; he accepted it on condition that it should be for his
own lifetime only.
Lord Holland died in 1840, leaving a daughter, Mary, who
married the third Lord Clifford.
5. Mr. Smith, the " Dean Smigo," was Master of the School
at Woodnesboro.
6. Professor Playfair (1748-1819) was the honoured tutor
at Edinburgh University, a man eminent in philosophy and
beloved by his pupils. He was a mathematician and
geologist, in 1785 Professor of Mathematics, and in 1805 of
Natural Philosophy. He wrote " Elements of Geometry,"
" Illustrations of the Huttonian Theory of the Earth," and he
helped to create Modern Geology. His writing was dis
tinguished by purity of diction and clearness of explanation.
Russell always remembered him with grateful affection, and
in his last illness kept the engraving of his portrait so placed
that he might have it in view.
7. The Duke of Bedford, Russell's father, was Lord John
till 1802, when he succeeded his brother Francis, fifth Duke.
He married first, when only 20, Georgiana Byng, daughter
of Viscount Torrington. Three sons were born of this
marriage, Francis, afterwards seventh Duke, William and
John. His wife died in 1801. In 1803 he married

APPENDIX 275
Georgiana, daughter of the Duke of Gordon, by whom he
had six sons, and three daughters. He died in 1839.
He was ancestor of a very large number of families now
living, Abercorns, Hamiltons (over 100), Buccleuchs,
Durhams, Marlboroughs, Mount Edgcumbes, and others,
including Russells, Villiers, and Peels.
8. Edward Cartwright was the inventor of a power loom
and other mechanical contrivances of great importance to
British industries. He was interested in literature and
poetry, and acted as tutor to Russell during his tour in the
manufacturing districts.
10. The Marchioness of Bath (Lady Weymouth in early
letters) was sister of Lady John Russell, Russell's mother.
11. Mrs. Dugald Stewart was the wife of Prof. Dugald
Stewart, the philosopher, of Edinburgh.
12. Mr. Clive was second son of Earl Powis, and was
grandfather of the present Earl of Plymouth.
13. Sir William Napier was the famous soldier and
historian of the Peninsular War.
14. Francis Horner (1778-1817) was a very able and
honoured member of the Edinburgh group to which Jeffrey,
Sydney Smith, Russell, and Mackintosh belonged. He was
a leading member of the Speculative Society in Edinburgh.
In 1800 he joined the Scotch and_ in 1802 the English
bar. Horner, Jeffrey, and Smith founded the Edinburgh
Review. His articles from 1802 to 1809 were numerous.
He was Member for St. Ives in 1806, was chairman of the
committee on bullion, strongly favoured free trade in corn,
was one of the best speakers in the House of Commons,
and on February 26, 1816, made, as Lord Colchester relates,
a "most powerful and profound" speech on the treaties;
he also spoke on the Catholic claims.1 In a short time
he made a high reputation for breadth of view and
scrupulous integrity. In the summer of this year his
health failed, and in February, 1817, he died at Pisa. The
speeches on Horner after his death by Canning, Romilly,
and Morpeth were translated into Italian by Ugo Foscolo.
1 June 25, 1816. His last speech.

276 APPENDIX
15. The Countess of Bradford and Mrs. Seymour were
sisters of Lord John Russell's mother. The Bridgeman
who travelled with Clive and Russell in Spain was the
eldest son of the Earl of Bradford and later succeeded
to that title.
16. Charles, second Earl Grey, was -born in 1764. He
was the son of Sir Charles Grey, first earl, and of Elizabeth
Grey. He went to Eton and King's College, Cambridge,
but did not gain much from either. After travelling in
France, Italy, and Germany, he entered the House of
Commons and made his first speech in 1787. He was an
excellent speaker. A trusted lieutenant of Fox, he was a
member of the Society of Friends of the People for pro
moting constitutional reform, and moved in 1792 for inquiry.
In 1801 he established himself at Howick, in Northumber
land, which he only reluctantly left when required in London
on important occasions. Grey became Lord Howick, and
First Lord of the Admiralty in 1806. After Fox's death he
became Secretary for Foreign Affairs and leader of the
Whigs in the House. In 1808 he succeeded to the peerage
as Earl Grey. He protested in 1813 against the Swedish
treaty by which, as in the Treaty of Vienna, the Great
Powers claimed to dispose of the territory and fortunes of
small independent States. He condemned the suspension
of the Habeas Corpus Act in 1817, but was left in a small
minority. Owing to the part which he took on the Queen's
side, he incurred the King's hostility, and his exclusion from
office during the reign of George IV. was absolute.
In 1830 he warmly advocated Reform and took a leading
part with a manifesto to the Whig party. In November,
1830, he became Prime Minister. He appointed the com
mittee of four to prepare a plan of Reform. The plan
submitted went beyond what he desired, but popular
enthusiasm urged him forward.
On July 8, 1831, he made a powerful speech in the House
of Lords for the Reform Bill, which will always be connected
with his name. The Peers rejected the Reform Bill. On
May 17 the King gave the necessary authority to create

APPENDIX 277
Peers, but by exercising his influence to induce peers to
stay away from the House no creation was actually made,
and the Bill passed.
Grey resigned, and was glad to retire, after the Littleton-
Wellesley-O'Connell affair, in July, 1834. He died in 1845.
Grey was devoted to the Constitution and to liberty, but
was too timid to bring in large reforms whole-heartedly,
and had rather an aristocratic than a democratic theory of
government. He was a great orator and debater, a high-
minded statesman on whose honour all could rely. He
married Mary, daughter of William Ponsonby. They had
fifteen children. The fifth son succeeded him in the
title. 17. Viscount Althorp, afterwards third Earl Spencer, was
born in 1782, went to Harrow and Trinity, Cambridge, where
he wasted his time until the last year or two. Under the
tuition of Allen, afterwards Bishop of Ely, he worked hard
and showed his capacity.
He was elected Member for Okehampton, as a supporter
of Pitt, in 1804. His parliamentary duties were uncongenial ;
he was hankering for country sports, especially hunting and
shooting. His friendship with Lord Henry Petty, Lord
Ebrington, and Fox drew him towards the Whig party.
From 1815 onwards he formed strong Radical opinions,
seeing clearly the grievances of the industrial classes and
need for parliamentary reform. He supported the Radical
Joseph Hume, in his efforts for greater economy, and voted
for Catholic emancipation and the repeal of the Test Acts.
He supported the proposal for an income tax, and introduced
a Liberal Bill on the Game Laws. He was chosen leader of
the Whigs on March 6, 1827. Although most reluctant to
take office, and to form and head the Ministry, as Grey
suggested, he eventually chose the post of Chancellor of
the Exchequer and leader of the House, and an admirable
leader he became. He grew rapidly, with responsibility,
from "wretched" and "ill-informed" to "thorough,"
"moderate," and "masterly." In the Reform debate his
character helped more than his words. " It was Althorp

278 APPENDIX
who carried the Bill," said Sir Henry Hardinge. " His
fine temper did it." Macaulay bore similar testimony.
After the victory he retired to the country " to expiate,"
as he said, " the great fault of my life, having entered
into politics." He was much blamed, but foolishly, for
having in 1833 privately conversed with O'Connell in order
to ascertain what the Irish Members really wanted.
The motion for production of the correspondence caused
Althorp to resign, and this brought with it the resignation
of the Grey Ministry. An arbitration meeting of Lord
Ebrington, Lord Tavistock, and Mr. Bonham Carter gave
a decision which enabled him, on condition of the excision
of the " meeting clauses " from the Coercion Bill, to return
to office.
In November, 1834, affairs on his estate after his father's
death were found to demand his presence in the country.
He applied himself to farming and to endeavouring by sales
and economies to avoid further embarrassments. He lived
thenceforth at his wife's place, Wiseton. To her, whom
he married in 1814, whose maiden name was Esther Arklow,
he was devoted. Country life and sports were what he
always cared for ; official life was irksome, but demanded
of him.
He made a considerable impression by his statement,
coming from a landlord and a farmer, that protection was
unnecessary and reciprocity a fallacy. In November, 1838,
Lord Melbourne offered him the Governorship of Canada or
of Ireland, both of which he declined.
His last speech was on the Maynooth College Bill
in 1845.
He died in the following October.
Lord Howard spoke of Althorp to Russell as " a man
who acts on all matters with a scrupulous, deliberate, and
inflexible regard to his public duty and private conscience."
He was honoured in the House and beloved by his
friends. During the struggle of the Reform Bill he was a stalwart
coadjutor of Russell, though never a good speaker. In an

APPENDIX 279
old copy of a speech by Russell at Bristol on November 10,
1835, I find this passage : " I must notice a calumny, ... as
extraordinary as any ever promulgated, . . . the attack on
Lord Althorp, first that he acted with baseness towards
Lord Grey ; secondly, that he did so for the purpose of
retaining office for himself. . . . He was a man wholly
incapable of anything base or meanly selfish, ... he was
a man whose fault it was in public life to be too averse
to office ; . . . and if ever there was a man devoted to the
fame and reputation of Earl Grey, that man was Lord
Althorp. . . . The simple grandeur of his character rises
above the reach of detraction."
18. Thomas Moore was born on May 28, 1779, in Dublin.
His father came from Kerry, his mother from Wexford.
He was married in March, 1811, to Alice Dyke, an actress,
he being then thirty-one and his wife sixteen. His friend
Lord John Russell wrote in his memoir of the poet, con
cerning Mrs. Moore : "From 1811 to 1852, the year of his
death, this excellent and beautiful person received from
him the homage of a lover enhanced by all the gratitude,
all the confidence, which the daily and hourly happiness
he enjoyed was sure to inspire." Fond as he was of society
and the gay world, " few men," as Mr. Thursfield writes,
" of whom one reads appear to have got more pleasure
out of their home than Moore." A quarrel and absurd
duel with Jeffrey were followed by a lasting friendship
between the Scotchman and the Irishman. Jeffrey recog
nised the merits of his Irish melodies, asked him to become
a contributor to the Edinburgh Review, and generously
offered help in his money difficulties, but he cherished
his principle of self-reliance. Dr. Parr expressed the feeling
of many friends in describing Moore as standing high in
his estimation for original genius, exquisite sensibility, and
incorruptible integrity. But, as Russell wrote when regretting
the part he had taken in persuading Moore to take refuge
in Paris rather than in Holyrood, " his universal popularity
was his chief enemy."
Many of Moore's writings are trivial and a few are coarse,

280 APPENDIX
but his "Melodies," his "Life of Byron," and some other
of his works, obtained a great and deserved renown. The
" Life of Byron " has been stated to have been more read
probably than any biography in the language except
Boswell's "Johnson." Though very different in character,
Byron formed a friendship with Moore and wrote of him :
" To me some of his last Erin sparks are worth all the epics
that ever were composed. He has a peculiarity of talent,
poetry, music, voice, all his own, and an expression in
each which never was possessed by another. . . . What
humour, what — everything in the ' Post-bag ' ! . . . In society
he is gentlemanly, gentle, and altogether more pleasing than
any individual with whom I am acquainted. . . . For his
honour, principle and independence, his conduct to . . .
speaks trumpet-tongued."
Moore's biographer, Mr. Thursfield, considers his Life
of Lord Edward Fitzgerald the best of his prose writings.
Moore was very cordially welcomed by Sir Walter Scott
at Abbotsford in 1825 ; their sympathy was immediate ; they
were " friends for life " in Scott's words. Miss Berry may
have put him too high when she called him " as good a
creature as ever lived " for he had faults, but his excellence
as a man has been somewhat obscured by the false sentiment
of some of his verse and prose, and by the apparent gay
worldliness of his daily life. In 1847 his five children, for
whom he had sacrificed much, had all died ; he sank into
a sorrow and illness from which he never recovered. His
widow had as maintenance only the proceeds from his Diary,
edited, in the midst of political cares, by Lord John Russell.
The Journals and Letters give a very full view of the society
in which Moore delighted.
19. Samuel Rogers, poet, banker, and man of society,
was born in 1763. His father, a banker, was son of a glass
manufacturer at Stourbridge. His great-grandmother was a
French refugee from Nantes. He was sent to school at
Hackney, but was really self-educated, for he had diligence,
taste, and wit. His good-nature, in spite of occasional
bitterness and a strain of cynicism, was known to his intimate

APPENDIX 281
friends. "He soothed the last illness of Fox, befriended
the dying Sheridan, reconciled Moore and ByrOn," and
generously helped in cases of distress. It was said that a
man who borrowed from him was safe from his sharp
arrows. He kindly noticed the early flights of young Henry
Taylor the poet. William Maltby was a lifelong friend ;
Samuel Johnson he held in high regard, not without awe ;
Dr. Robertson the historian, and other great Scottish writers,
Fox, Sheridan, and Home Tooke were among his associates ;
of these Richard Sharp, the critic and man of letters, had
the greatest influence. Rogers wrote the words of an opera
in 1782, in 1786 published " An Ode to Superstition," in 1786
" The Pleasures of Memory," which in fourteen years went
to fifteen editions, most of them over 1,000 copies each.
In 1819 he wrote " Human Life," which he thought the
best of his works, and " Italy," illustrated by Stothard, came
out in 1822. In 1822 he spent some time with Byron and
Shelley at Pisa. He was a great connoisseur and collector
of works of art ; the collection and library were sold after
his death for ^50,000. In 1850 he declined the office of
Poet Laureate. He was then eighty-seven. He died in
1855- 20. Lavinia, Countess Spencer, the mother of Lord
Althorp, an excellent friend to Russell, was one of the noblest
women of her age. " She was a daughter of Lord Lucan,
her name before marriage being Lady Lavinia Bingham.
She was not less admired for her beauty than for her bright,
intellectual look and graceful smile, so conspicuous in her
portraits by Reynolds." Gibbon wrote of her : " She is a
charming woman who, with sense and spirit, has the play
fulness and simplicity of a child." " In force of character
and brilliancy of conversation she was surpassed by few
women of her time."
21. James Mackintosh was born in 1765, at Aldourie,
a beautiful place on the banks of the Ness, near Inverness.
For education he went to King's College, Aberdeen, and to
Edinburgh for medical study. He joined the Speculative
Society. In the Westminster election of 1796 he supported

282 APPENDIX
Home Tooke. He became Honorary Secretary of the
Friends of the People. He soon afterwards came under
the powerful influence of Burke, and abjured the extreme
principles of the French Revolution, with its sanguinary
history. Coleridge, who had laughed at him, hailed him
as King of the men of talent. He gave a famous course
of lectures at Lincoln's Inn on the law of Nature and of
Nations, never published. A dining club was started at
his house which attracted Rogers, Sharp, Allen, Robert
Smith, Sydney Smith, Jeffrey, Hallam, Ricardo, Porson,
Romilly, and Lords Holland and Brougham. Mackintosh
was a great and eloquent advocate, and was praised by
Erskine after his defence of Peltier. He accepted a judge
ship in India in 1806 and returned to England in 1812.
He was Member for Knaresborough in 1819. He was a
vigorous and consistent supporter of Liberal principles,
supported proposals for mitigating the criminal law, and
was probably the most philosophical of politicians of the
time. In 1830 he wrote for the " Encyclopaedia Britannica"
an article on " The Progress of Ethical Philosophy." His
writings are numerous but not of great distinction. He was
a frequent visitor at Holland House. Sydney Smith said of
him : " Till subdued by age and illness, his conversation was
more brilliant and instructive than that of any human being
I ever had the fortune to be acquainted with." He spoke in
the House of Commons for the last time in February, 1832,
and died on May 30, in the same year.
22. Ugo Foscolo, born in 1778, was an ardent Italian patriot
and a writer of some note. He believed in France's destiny
to liberate Italy from Austria, and fought under Napoleon
for France. In 1816 he went to London. His:principal works
were the " Lettere di Jacopo Ortis," 1802, and " I Sepolari,"
a poem. Like most of the literary men of the time, he
suffered from poverty ; he was somewhat reckless and
ill-balanced and of a passionate temperament, which brought
him into difficulties. He died in England in 1827.
23. Sydney Smith, clergyman, man of letters, philo
sophical essayist, Edinburgh reviewer, and wit, was born on

APPENDIX 283
June 3, 1771. His mother was a daughter of Maria Olier, a
French refugee. His father was of a roving disposition,
wandered about the world immediately after his marriage,
and bought only to sell again nineteen places in England.
Sydney was sent to Winchester School and New College,
Oxford. At Edinburgh, whither he moved in 1798, he formed
lasting friendships with Jeffrey, Brougham, Horner, and
among the older men of eminence, Playfair, Dugald Stewart,
Alison, and Walter Scott. He started the Edinburgh
Review in 1802, and in the course of his life wrote for it
over eighty articles.
After Edinburgh, his time was spent at his remote
country vicarage and in London, where his company was
always welcome and his vivacity unfailing. A keen politician,
he fought hard for all good causes, especially for freedom,
justice, and enlightenment in the State and in matters con
nected with religious toleration. Only in the case of a
rearrangement of ecclesiastical revenues he fell into accord
with the carping spirit of professional conservatism. His
essays on education, on the abuses of the game laws, and on
land tenure may be read to-day for their modern Radical
sense and their trenchant satire, which lay bare the hypocrisy
of a society calling itself Christian.
In his pastoral capacity he helped his parishioners in
unusual ways, often by administering sanitary advice or
doses of physic, of which he had rough-and-ready samples
at hand. He himself, however, dined without discrimina
tion, and only in his old age made discoveries which if
commonly used would regenerate the race, one that " diges
tion is the great secret of life," and another that " by eating
little and drinking only water " mind and body may be kept
*' in a serene state " and free from disease.
He wrote many letters to Lord and Lady Grey, who were
among his closest friends, to Lord Lansdowne, with whom
he stayed at Bowood, and to Lord Holland, also many to
Russell, both private and public.
He married Amelia, daughter of John Pybus, of Cheam,
in 1800. A daughter, Saba, married Sir Henry Holland the

284 APPENDIX
physician, father of the present Viscount Knutsford. His
brother Robert, called Bobus Smith, was a man of merit
and distinction.
Sydney Smith died on February 22, 1845.
24. Lafayette, born in 1757, from early manhood struggled
incessantly for reform, for order, and for humanity, even in
the midst of revolution, but was mortified by the violence
of the Paris mob, which butchered Foulon and Berthier
and revelled in outrage and excess. The Jacobins hated his
moderation and the Court his zeal for reform. He went to
America and became an intimate friend of Washington. On
his return, after imprisonment by the Austrians, he was freed
by Napoleon. He sat in the Chamber of Deputies from
1818 4to 1824. In 1830 he took an active part in the
Revolution. It was at this time that he was visited by
Russell, on behalf of the friends of Polignac.
He died in 1834. Buckle, in his " History of Civilization,"
wrote that it would be difficult to find, in that or any other
age, two men of more active or enthusiastic benevolence
than Condorcet and Lafayette. Lafayette's integrity was
unsullied, his character had a chivalrous and noble turn ;
Burke's attacks upon him were base and false.
25. Henry Brougham, who livefd from 1779 to 1868, went to
the Edinburgh High School at seven years old, and at fourteen
to the University. He contributed a paper on Light to the
Royal Society in 1796. He was 'remarkable for his ready
wit, excellent memory, and oratorical powers. Russell
estimated him high among Parliamentary speakers, and in
his " Recollections " wrote of his " vast powers and splendid
services." The Duke of Bedford gave him the membership
for Camelford in 1810. His political career was brilliant,
eventful, and stormy. He was a leading spirit in great re
forms, but his ways and manners aroused antipathies, which
marred his progress in office. He accepted the Lord Chan
cellorship in 1830, against his wish and at a great sacrifice,
on the appeal of Lord Althorp for the sake of the party.
In science he failed to see the beauty and truth of Young's
theory of Light and ran it down in the Edinburgh Review.

APPENDIX 285
26. William Maltby, born in 1763, the lifelong friend of
Samuel Rogers, was a solicitor of literary tastes, and became
librarian of the London Institution on the death of Porson, in
1809. His powers of memory and his knowledge of books
were remarkable. He died in 1854. Edward Maltby,
the Liberal Bishop of Durham, was his cousin.
27. Edward Stanley, who became 14th Earl of Derby,
was born in 1799, sent to Eton and Christ Church, and
entered the House of Commons in 1820.
He supported Reform, and brought in an Irish Education
Act, but, in opposition to Althorp, passed a very severe Act
for Peace Preservation. In his early career he generally
maintained Liberal views and supported his friend Russell
in his fight against privilege and corruption. As Colonial
Secretary in 1833 he brought in an Act for the Abolition of
Slavery in British Territory, which was passed. He felt
strongly for the maintenance in statu quo of the Established
Church in Ireland, and looked with dismay and indignation
on the proposed interference with tithes and appropriation
of surplus funds to education and other " secular " purposes.
In Peel's administration, when Secretary for the Colonies, he
was a Free Trader, but he gradually moved towards the
regular Conservative camp and eventually led the party as
Prime Minister in February, 1858. His forces were insuffi
cient, but he was assured of some support by Russell. His
Ministry lasted only a short time. In 1866, on the resigna
tion of the Russell Government, defeated by the " Cave " on
Reform, he was again Prime Minister. He was a brilliant
speaker and debater, and until his alarms overcame his
generosity, seemed destined to play a conspicuous part in
the cause of progress. With Disraeli, he brought in the
"dishing" Reform Bill of 1867, and carried it. His last
speech in the House was in June, 1869. He died in the
October following.
28. Leigh Hunt (1784-1859), essayist, journalist, critic, and
poet, was one of the most interesting men of his time,
though his faults obscured his fame for two generations.
His father, unsteady, unpractical, and in debt, married Mary

286 APPENDIX
Sherwell, a tender-hearted, conscientious woman, who was
"a serene and inspiring influence to animate" her son "in
the love of truth." Leigh was educated at Christ's Hospital.
His health was delicate, his views unorthodox, he was
unbusinesslike and rash. As Editor of the Examiner he
did much to raise the tone of newspaper writing, and made
his paper distinguished for fairness and tolerance. But for
a free and outspoken attack on the Prince Regent and his
vices he was sentenced to two years' imprisonment. A
great deal of indulgence was shown to him : he was allowed
to use his rooms for the reception of guests and to decorate
and furnish them according to his taste. Moore and Byron
visited him. He wrote in prison the " Descent of Liberty,"
and continued editing the Examiner. He suffered much
obloquy from the Conservatives, whom he attacked, and
indeed the joints in his armour were not close. Keats,
Shelley, and Carlyle were among his firm friends, but with
Byron he was uncongenial, and they disagreed fundament
ally. He wrote a fine play, "A Legend of Florence," also
"Abou Ben Adhem," "The Story of Rimini," and a
delightful collection of, his writings is contained in " Men,
Women, and Books." Carlyle reckoned the Autobiography
as second to Boswell's "Johnson," "an altogether human
and worthy book." Dickens regarded him as " the very
soul of truth and honour."
Besides Dickens and Shelley, Macaulay, Lord Houghton,
John Forster, Macready, Miss Martineau, and Miss Mitford
testified to his high character. Emerson, Nathaniel Haw
thorn, and George J. Holyoake each give a pleasant picture
of him in his old age. Although he was, at least in later life,
very abstemious, eating only the plainest food, bread for
luncheon and supper, and water to drink, he was artistically
reckless and in perpetual difficulties during the period
1834-40. Russell obtained a pension for him of ^200
a year in 1847.
(Letters of Leigh Hunt to Russell appear to belong to a
later period and I have omitted them ; but there are allu
sions to him in the letters of Russell and Moore, and his

APPENDIX 287
political support of the Liberal cause in the Press was
fearless and valuable.)
29. Thomas Campbell the poet was born in 1777, at his
father's ancestral home in Argyllshire. He was at school in
Glasgow, and afterwards studied in Edinburgh. From 1801
onwards he was acquainted with Lord Holland, with Lord
Minto, and with the Kembles. He was elected Lord Rector
of Glasgow University, once defeating Sir Walter Scott. He
was one of the movers, indeed the originator, of the plan
for the University of London. The actual establishment of
the University he regarded as the only important work in his
life's history. But his poems are not forgotten. He died in
1844. 30. Prince de Polignac was born in 1780. He was an
abettor of the abuses of oligarchical government and of
the Court which cost Charles X. his throne. He served
as Ambassador in England in 1823, and the English friend
ships formed during his embassage caused a great deal of
sympathetic feeling for him and the Princess during his
incarceration in the Revolution of 1830. Russell, at her
entreaty, and acting for English friends, pleaded with the
authorities at Paris that his life might be spared, and that
protection might be given him against the fury of the
populace. 31. Henry John Temple, Viscount Palmerston, was born
in 1784, son of Henry 2nd Viscount and of his second wife
Mary Mee. Much of his childhood was spent in Italy. He
was at Harrow School with- Althorp and Aberdeen, later at
Edinburgh and Cambridge. He stood as a Tory for Cam
bridge University in 1806 and in 1807. He was elected for
the pocket borough of Newtown, Isle of Wight, in 1807, was
a Lord of the Admiralty in 1807, Secretary of War and
Privy Councillor in 1809, and till 1828 ; nearly all this time
he was Member for Cambridge University. But he was
rejected in 1830 when he favoured Reform. Canning's
principles of policy governed Palmerston throughout his life.
He usually acted with the Whigs after 1828, but always
retained Tory leanings in Home affairs. In 1829 he made

288 APPENDIX
a great speech on Foreign Affairs, in which he denounced
the Government support of Dom Miguel. He consistently
favoured Roman Catholic emancipation. In 1832 he sent
Sir Stratford Canning to Madrid to propose the establish
ment of Donna Maria as Queen of Portugal. In 1834 he
contrived a treaty with France, Spain, and Portugal, through
which Miguel and Carlos were expelled from the peninsula.
His splendid and aggressive foreign policy was not wholly
successful in Europe and in the East. The conspicuous part
taken by Palmerston after 1839 cannot be here alluded to,
but it may be sufficient to note that in foreign affairs at least
he was an aggressive Radical, acting for Great Britain with
forceful isolation, in Home affairs a Liberal-Conservative.
Although he was too fond of rash strokes off his own bat,
his relations with Russell were nearly always friendly. He
died in 1865.
32. Sir James Graham, born in 1792, was sent to West
minster and Christ Church, Oxford, but owed little of his
education to either. He travelled in Spain in 1812. He
was elected as a Whig for Hull. The ruinous expenses of
elections compelled him to live in retirement near his home
at Netherby, where he did excellent work in farming and
improving conditions of country life. Before 1830 he was
among advanced reformers ; in 1826 he was elected for
Carlisle, in spite of the Lonsdale influence. He supported
Althorp and Huskisson. He was First Lord of the Admiralty
in November, 1830. He was one of the Committee of four
to prepare the Reform Bill. In June, 1835, dissatisfied with
his former colleagues, he crossed the floor of the House, and
thenceforth sided generally with the Conservative party.
Russell, however, who was always friendly to him, offered
him office in Liberal Administrations of later years. In 1847
Graham declined from him the Governorship of India. In
Lord Aberdeen's Coalition Government ;he was again a
moderate Liberal and again at the Admiralty. He died in
1861. 33. Viscount Duncannon, born in 1781, was the eldest
son of Frederick, 3rd Earl of Bessborough and of Henrietta,

APPENDIX 289
daughter of John first Earl Spencer. He graduated from
Christ Church, Oxford, in 1802. He was a Whig Member of
the House of Commons from 1805 to 1834, when he was
called to the House of Lords as Baron Duncannon of
Bessborough ; in 1844 he succeeded to the Earldom of
Bessborough. He was one of the four who prepared the
Reform Bill in 1830, Commissioner of Woods and Forests
in 1831 ; Home Secretary in 1834. He and O'Connell were
friends, and his co-operation with the Irish leader when he
held the Lord- Lieutenancy of Ireland in the year 1846-7
was successful in promoting peace and order. He died in
May, 1847. He was a firm Liberal, justly esteemed for his
sound sense, industry, and conciliatory principles.
34. John Lambton, first Earl of Durham, was the son of
William Lambton, Member for Durham, and of Anne
Villiers, daughter of the fourth Earl of Jersey. He was born
in 1792. After Eton, he entered the Army in 1809. In 1813
he was elected for Durham county as a Whig, and repre
sented it till 1828, when he was made a peer. He was an ardent
and independent-minded Radical and reformer. He was
one of the Committee of four to prepare the Reform Bill ;
his advocacy of the ballot was unsuccessful, his Parliamentary
and diplomatic career adventurous. Melbourne would not
admit him to the Cabinet. He was appointed High
Commissioner of Canada in 1838 to settle the dangerous
troubles agitating the cojony and greatly distinguished
himself by his resolute action. His faults might have been
pardoned if his character had been less difficult. But
Ministers did not support him, and he was practically
recalled. Russell alone defended him ; but the history of
our colonies contains his vindication. He died in 1840.
35. William Lamb, second Viscount Melbourne, was born
in 1779. He went to Eton and to Cambridge, and to Glasgow
as a pupil of Professor Miller. On December 19, 1806, he
made his first speech, not in the House of Commons. He
was Member for Northampton in 1816. In the movement
for Reform he hung back ; he thought it would lead to " a
prevalence of the blackguard interest in Parliament." He
VOL. 11. 19

290 APPENDIX
supported the Coercion Bill of 1833, and resigned office on
account of Wellesley's conciliatory movement for Ireland.
He befriended the young Queen Victoria on her accession,
and greatly assisted her with his experience and wise
counsels during the first year of her reign. She valued his
counsels most highly, as her letters and journals abundantly
show. In 1838 he wrote to Russell concerning his plan of
State-aided education, " I am against it " ; he had observed
that " the Pagets got on damned well without it." The
recently published Diary of the Queen recounts her amuse
ment at his attitude on that occasion. He was the most
moderate of Whigs, and his attitude of mind is well expressed
by his phrase, " Why can't you leave it alone ? " Yet he ably
drove the slow car of Progress, when unoccupied with cattle
and crops. He was friendly to Russell, though differing
from him on several matters, and generally restraining his
more Radical moves. While reproving his action on one
occasion Melbourne wrote : " He is utterly incapable of
anything of an underhand or clandestine character." In
July, 1846, Russell, being Prime Minister, offered him an easy
place in the Ministry, if his health would allow him to re
enter politics, but he was then unequal to any post.
He died on May 25, 1848.
36. Henry, third Marquis of Lansdowne, was born in
1780, son of the first Marquis and of Lady Louisa Fitzpatrick,
daughter of John, Earl of Upper Ossory. He went to West
minister School and Edinburgh. At Edinburgh he associated
with Palmerston, Brougham, Cockburn, Jeffrey, Horner, and
Sydney Smith in attending Dugald Stewart's lectures. He
was elected for Calne at twenty-two, after a "grand tour."
He was an able speaker and administrator, and at twenty-
five he was Chancellor of the Exchequer. He supported the
movement for the abolition of the Slave Trade, opposed
the Seditious Libels Bill, moved the Unitarian Marriage Bill
(1824), and advocated the political claims of the Jews ; he
favoured the Roman Catholic claims ; he censured the Tory
Ministry for their support of Dom Miguel ; he was President
of the Council in 1830, and entered thoroughly into the plans.

APPENDIX 291
of reformed representation ; he was deeply interested
in State aid for education, and education generally. In
Russell's Ministry of 1846 he was again President of the
Council. Later, his Liberalism suffered a change towards
ineffectual moderation. His high character, his skilful leader
ship, his sympathetic nature, his social influence, were such
that he was held in honour by all parties throughout his life.
He died in 1863.
Lord Lansdowne had married in 1808 a daughter of the
second Earl of Ilchester, and left two sons, one of whom,
the fourth Marquis, held several offices in Liberal Ministries.
His grandson, the present Lord Lansdowne, was in the
recent Conservative Government Minister for Foreign Affairs.
37. Daniel O'Connell, the great Irish leader, was born
in 1775. His career is a part of Irish history. " Few
other men," it has been said, " have possessed his personal
influence, and no other man has used such influence with
greater moderation or self-abnegation." " He re-created
national feeling in Ireland."
He died in 1847.
38. Mr. Spring Rice, later first Baron Monteagle, was the
eldest son of Stephen Rice, a descendant of Sir Stephen
Rice. He was born in 1790, graduated at Trinity, Cambridge,
in 181 1, represented Limerick from 1820 to 1832, and after
wards Cambridge. He was a strong Liberal, had a great
knowledge of Irish affairs, and was a good debater. He was
Under Secretary for the Home Department in 1827. He
initiated many Irish reforms. He was Secretary to the
Treasury in Lord Grey's administration, 1830-4, Chancellor
of the Exchequer 1835-9, and introduced the penny postage
scheme in 1839.
He died in 1866.
39. Lord William Russell, senior, was the uncle of Lord
John. 40. Richard, Lord Wellesley, brother of the Duke of
Wellington, was born in 1760, distinguished himself greatly
in India, became Governor-General in 1797, and held that
office till 1805, was Foreign Secretary 1809-12, and Lord-

292 APPENDIX
Lieutenant of Ireland 1821-8 and 1833-4. He was
created Marquis Wellesley. His opinions were generally
Liberal and conciliatory, his tastes classical. He was a friend
of Brougham. He concurred in the Reform Bill. For the
sake of peace, he suppressed both Orange and Romanist
secret societies. " The great purpose," he said, " is not to
give a triumph to any one party, but to reconcile all." His
recommendation to abandon the clauses for suppression of
meetings led to the resignation of the Liberal Ministry of
Lord Melbourne.
He died in 1842.
41. The Duke of Wellington was born in 1769. He was
sent to Eton while very young, and after a few years there,
to a military academy in France. After his glorious services
in the field, he entered a Tory Ministry, and in 1819, for a
second time, was in the Cabinet, repressing popular move
ments ; he was a champion of privilege. On January 9, 1828,
Wellington accepted, at great sacrifices, the post of Prime
Minister. With Peel, he was wise in carrying relief to the
Roman Catholics, by emancipation. On November 15, 1830,
he resigned, hating " the whole concern " of parlia
mentary Reform. His political as well as his military life
deserves close study. " His name was a tower of strength
abroad, and his opinions and counsel were valuable at home,"
as Palmerston wrote. Russell, always venerating him, in
peace as in war, respected his parliamentary straightforward
ness and his perception of the trend of events which were
too mighty to defeat. Russell had much correspondence
with Wellington on the Militia, and various matters con
nected with military training, also concerning civil dis
turbances. Wellington conferred with him in providing for contin
gencies in the Chartist Movement in 1848. Wellington's
dispatches will always remain famous, like the records
of Caesar.
He died in 1852.
42. Constantine Phipps, Earl of Mulgrave, and afterwards
ist Marquis of Normanby, was born in 1797. He was sent

APPENDIX 293
to Harrow and Trinity, Cambridge. He was elected for
Scarborough and spoke for the Roman Catholic claims and
for Parliamentary Reform in 1819. He was Lord-Lieutenant
of Ireland in 1835. O'Connell wrote : "We have an
excellent man in Lord Mulgrave, the new Lord-Lieutenant."
Thomas Drummond, his associate, was the best Liberal
secretary Ireland had ever received. In 1838 he was
created Marquis of Normanby ; in 1839 he was Secretary at
War and of the Colonies ; in 1846, Ambassador at Paris.
In Italy, where he was Minister at the Court of Tuscany, he
showed strong Austrian sympathies. He opposed Palmers
ton on his return to England, and supported the Conservative
party. He died in 1863. He was the author of various
small books and of several novels. The correspondence of
Russell with Mulgrave during his Viceroyalty was exceedingly
large. 43. Viscount Howick, eldest son of Earl Grey, was born
in 1802, and educated privately and at Trinity, Cambridge.
In 1835 he was Secretary at War. He was a strong Liberal
and one of the earliest Free Traders. Distrusting Palmers-
ston's foreign policy, his unwillingness to serve in 1845
prevented Russell from forming an administration, but in
1846 he entered the Liberal Ministry as Colonial Secretary.
His views and policy were distinguished, sometimes trouble
some. After 1852 he took chiefly the part of a critic, but he came
out strongly in 1866 in urging remedies for Irish grievances,
and in 1878 in attacking Lord Salisbury's foreign policy.
He died in 1894.
44. Edward Lytton Bulwer was born in 1803, was at
Trinity and then at Trinity Hall, Cambridge, in 1822, and
subsequently, after travelling, occupied himself both with
politics and literature. Though Liberal in some respects,
he tended, like Disraeli, towards Conservatism, and in 1858-9
was Colonial Secretary in Lord Derby's Ministry. His
numerous and remarkable imaginative books are far better
known than his political career. He became a Peer, Baron
Lytton, in 1866. He died in 1873.

294 APPENDIX
45. William Bowles, divine, poet, and antiquary, was born
in 1762, went to Winchester and Trinity, Oxford, won the
Chancellor's prize for Latin verse, and entered Holy Orders
in 1792, as Rector of Cricklade. In 1804 he was Vicar
of Bremhill, Wiltshire, where he was highly esteemed and
loved. His poetry is distinguished for tenderness, delicate
fancy, and refined taste. He died in 1850.
46. Benjamin Haydon was born in 1786. His paintings
were at one time greatly admired, and among those who
were interested in him were Sir Walter Scott, Keats,
Charles Lamb, Wordsworth, Hazlitt, Miss Mitford, and
Miss Siddons. Wordsworth and Keats wrote sonnets
praising him. His debts, distresses, and disappointments
led to his killing himself in 1846.
47. The Earl of Essex was a friend at whose place,
Cassiobury, Lord John Russell stayed after the death of his
wife in 1838.
48. Lady Madalina Sinclair was the second, the Duchess
of Manchester the third daughter of the Duke of Gordon ;
they were sisters of the Duchess of Bedford, stepmother of
Lord John Russell. The daughters of the Duchess of
Manchester, of whom Lady Jane Montagu was one, stayed
for a long time at Woburn Abbey, during their girlhood.
Lady Jane, who was so much admired, died at Florence,
while still young.
49. Charles Greville, senior, of the Warwick family, was
father of the Charles Greville of the Memoirs.
50. Charles Greville, the author of the famous Memoirs.
51. John Campbell, first Baron Campbell, was born in 1779,
son of the minister at Cupar in Fifeshire. He went to
St. Andrews University at eleven years old, was destined for
the kirk, but at twenty already expected a success at the Bar,
which would raise him to the Chancellorship, which he
ultimately attained. In 1832 he became Solicitor-General,
and carried through Parliament in the following year some
very important reforms in the laws of real property. From
1834 to 1839, with short intervals, he was Attorney-General.
In 1838 and 1839 he was on the point of accepting a Judge-

APPENDIX 295
ship, but for the strengthening of the Whig Government was
induced to remain in Parliament. He was an excellent
supporter of the cause of progress. He brought in several
measures of legal reform, but will be chiefly known for his great
works " The Lives of the Lord Chancellors," and the " Lives
of the Chief Justices," which are exceedingly able and enter
taining but, especially in the cases of Lyndhurst and
Brougham, inaccurate. His legal decisions still carry great
weight. At the age of eighty, in 1859, the Great Seal was
conferred upon him. He died in 1861, after sitting in court
and attending a Cabinet.
52. Humphrey W. Woolrych was born in 1795, went to
Eton and Oxford, was called to the Bar in 1821, and created
serjeant-at-law in 1855. He wrote many legal books and
biographies, one poem and one novel.
53. Sir Robert Adair, born in 1763, was sent to West
minster and Gottingen. He was an intimate friend of Fox.
Between 1788 and 1836 he was sent on important missions
to Berlin, Vienna, and Petersburg. From 1831 to 1835 he
was on a special mission to the Low Countries, where his
exertions prevented a general war between Flemish and
Dutch troops. He sat as a Whig for Appleby and Camelford.
54. Thomas Wakley, born in 1795, was a reformer both in
medicine and politics. In 1823 he founded the Lancet. He
introduced valuable improvements in hospitals, &c, exposed
charlatanism, and cleared away flagrant abuses. In Parlia
ment he sympathized with the Chartists and labourers. He
was a friend of Cobbett, and was praised by Dickens for his
humanity as coroner, an office he held from 1835 to 1852.
55. Edwin Chadwick, "father of sanitary science," born
in 1800, was appointed Assistant Commissioner on the Poor
Law in 1832. His services to the " Health of Nations " were
most notable. He promoted Poor Law reforms, half-time for
factory workers, water and sewage works, and forcibly
advocated the central direction of national health. I
remember hearing him repeat as a motto of the highest
yalue " Circulation versus Stagnation."

INDEX OF NAMES

Abercorn, Louisa, Duchess of, 23 ; II.
275
Abercromby, afterwards Lord Dunferm
line, 60, 61, 90 ; ir. 38, 68, 69, 72,
76, 8i, 84, 92 ; Letters 312, 314,
341
Abinger, Lord, 11. 70
Acland, Sir Thomas, 85, 287
A'Court, Sir William, 11. 191
Adair, Sir Robert, 147, 150, 298 ; n.
9, 10, 13, 25, 41, 295
Allen, 20, 34, 139
Althorp, Viscount, Earl Spencer, 40,
46, 47, 51, 54, 55, 57, 59, 85, 89,
270, 300; 11. 14, 25, 35, 56, 86, 87,
89, 162, 277 ; Letters 42, 99, 106,
116, 134, 158, 159, 177, 184, 193,
207, 301, 322
Anglesey, Lord, 256, 281, 283 ; 11. 125,
13'
Arbuthnot, 11, 50
Arkwright, Mrs., 267
Attwood, II. 26
Auckland, Lord, 11. 238
Aylmer, Lord, 11. 132
Bandon, Lord, 11. 156
Bankes, 166
Baring, F., Lord Northbrook, 91 ;
II. 256, 257, 264
Bath, Marchioness of, Lady Weymouth,
11 ; II. 275 ; Letter 20
Bedford, Francis, 5th Duke of, 12
Bedford, John, 6th Duke of, II, 12, 13,
17, 20, 30, 33, 131, 262; II. 274;

Letters 2, 13, 14, 15, 17, 25, 38, 44,
64, 72, 135, 168, 182, 186, 221
Bedford, Georgiana, Duchess of, 13 ;
Letter 366
Belhaven, Lord, 11. 41
Belluno, Duke of, 155
Bickersteth, Judge, Lord Langdale,
69 ; n. 69, 162, 163
Blackburn, General, 115
Blessington, Lady, 267
Bonaparte, Napoleon, 26, 134, 135,
181, 190
Bowles, William, 11. 294 ; Letters 79,
340, 342
Bradford, Earl of, 16
Bradford, Countess of, II. 276 ; Let
ter 3
Bridgeman, G., afterwards Earl of
Bradford, 24, 164, 166 ; II. 276
Bright, John, 102
Brougham, Lord, 55, 56, 64, 69, 81,
85, 93= 246, 300; 11. 38, 39, 87,
92, 95, 114, 122, 126, 137, 143,
144, 152, 162, 163, 164, 284 ;
Letters 112, 118, 155, 226, 230,
259, 290
Broughton, Lord, 86, 92
Brunnow, Baron, 269
Buckle, 115 ; n. 284
Buller, Charles, 86
Bulwer, Sir E. Lytton ; 11. 293 ; Letter
281
Burdett, Sir Francis, 31, 139
Bute, Lord, a. 128
Byng, Georgiana, see Lady John Russell

297

298

INDEX

Byron, Lord, 31, 191, 193, 209, 215,
218, 221, 222, 229, 234, 245, 246,
247, 257, 258, 265, 266, 267 ; II.
280, 281
Byron, Lady, 266
Cadogan, 171
Cahir, Lord, 15
Campbell, Judge John, 69 ; 11. 69, 70,
71, 126, 161, 177, 187, 188, 268,
294 ; Letter 361
Campbell, Thomas ; 11. 287 ; Letters
121, 157
Camden, Lord, 280
Canning, Sir Stratford, 11. 191
Canning, George, 38, 39, 40, 224, 263 ;
II. 10
Canterbury, Archbishop of, 95, 96 ;
Letter 277
Caroline, Queen, 36, 115
Carpenter, Lant, Letter 120
Cartwright, Dr., 14 ; II. 275
Cartwright, Major, 14
Castlereagh, Viscount, 260, 263
Chadwick, Sir Edwin, 58, 99, ioo ; 11.
295
Chalmers, Dr., 42
Chandos, Lord, 11. 23, 27, 29
Charles X. of France, 308, 309, 310,
3», 317
Chaworth, Miss, 265
Clanricarde, Lord, II. 268
Clare, Lord, 15
Clarendon, Earl of, 91 ; 11. 256, 257,
258, 261, 264
Clarke, Dr., 288
Clay, II. 256
Clive, 24, 164, 166 ; II. 275
Clive, Lord, n. 27
Cobbett, William, 241
Codrington, Admiral, 11. 36
Coffin, Sir Isaac, 125
Colborne, Sir John, 11. 215, 221, 228,
237, 241
Colquhoun, 91
Croker, 50
Cumberland, Duke of, 72, 74; n. 132,
M3

Denman, Judge, II. 36, 253, 255;
Letter 367
Derby, Earl of, see Stanley
Devonshire, Duke of, Marquis of
Hartington, 40, 128 ; Letters 93,
127
Drummond, Thomas, 73 ; n. 157
Duncannon, Viscount, 11. 52, 63, 64,
81, 91, 122, 288 ; Letters 187, 332
Dundas, Sir Robert, 11. 48
Durham, Earl of, 38, 47, 48, 83, 86,
92; 11. 10, 59, 86, 215, 221, 228,
229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 289 ; Letters
175.318
Ebrington, Lord, Earli Fortescue, 68,
87, 287, 288
Edwards, Letter 271
Eichhorn, n. 241
Eldon, Lord, 41, 273, 301 ; 11. 134
Ellice, E., 91 ; 11. 48, 50, 71
Essex, Earl of, 11. 294
Esterhazy, 11. 269
Fazakerly, 218
Fitzgerald, Lord Edward, 53
Flahault, Comte de, 307
Fortescue, Earl, 85
Fortescue, Chichester, 105
Foscolo, Ugo, 33 ; 11. 282 ; Letters 55,
73
Fox, Charles James, 12, 16, 17 ; n.
H3
Fox, General, 64; Letters 50, 144
George IV., King, 36
Gillespie, II. 212
Gladstone, W. E., 92
Glenelg, Lord, 87 ; n. 222, 235, &c.
Goderich, Viscount, Earl of Ripon,
258, 263
Gordon, Duke of, 13 ; u. 132
Gore, Charles, 90 ; Letter 214
Gosford, Lord, 82 ; 11. 213, 215
Goulburn, 52
Graham, Sir James, 47, 48, 56, 66, 92 ;
11. 52, 102, 288 ; Letter 165
Granville, Lord, 11. 9

INDEX

299

Greville, Charles, 56, 74, 82, 88, 91 ;
11. 208, 294 ; Letters 185, 254
Greville, Charles, senior, Letter 58
Grey, Earl, 43, 47, 48, 54, 55, 57, 62,
66, 68, 81, 85, 132, 133, 135, 136,
138, 139, 147, 302, 312, 313 ; 11. 11,
13, 14, 21, 22, 29, 35, 44, 47, 48, 52,
S3. 54. 89, 90, 91, 251, 260, 276;
Letters 39, 102, 126, 176, 179, 198,
209, 211
Hardinge, Sir Henry, 11. 50, 127
Hartington, Marquis of, see Devonshire,
128
Hatherton, see Littleton
- Hawes, 11. 264
Hawkesbury, Lord, 15
Hawkins, Sir Henry, Lord Brampton,
116
Haydon, Benjamin, Letter 355
Hill, Lord, II. 125, 188, 235
Hobhouse, Sir John, II. 48, 50,
125
Holland, Lord, 18, 19, 20, 47, 55, 84,
261, 264; II. 44, 87, 273; Letters
10, 37, 89, 108, 113, 117, 119, 124,
125, 130, 140, 141, 142, 143, 145,
150, 163, 183
Holland, Lady, 91, 261, 293 ; II. 274 ;
Letters 68, 170
Howick, Viscount, 3rd Earl Grey, 86,
91 ; 11. 22, 122, 125, 127, 193, 238,
244, 251, 257, 258, 259, 260, 263,
293 ; Letter 280
Horner, Francis, 180, 184, 190 ; II.
275
Hume, Joseph, 132, 137, 158, 193
Hunt, Leigh, no, 234, 11. 285
Huskisson, 263, 267
James, Sir Henry, 57, 58
JerTery, 54, 177
Keene, Sir John, 11. 246
Kempt, Sir James, 11. 48, 125, 215
Kent, Duchess of, Letter 304
Kipeleff, n. 268
Knowles, Sir Francis, 11. 63

Labouchere, 87, 91 ; 11. 256, 257
Lafayette, General, 46, 306 ; 11. 284 ;
Letter 95
Lamb, William, see Melbourne
Lambton, see Durham
Lansdowne, Marquis of, 47, 221, 260,
268, 272, 316; II. 75, 87, 90, 94,
122, 146, 184, 189, 233, 259, 260,
261, 290 ; Letters 195, 229, 337,
365
La Pena, General, 134, 151, 164
Leach, Sir John, 11. 134
Lefevre, C. S., 90
Leinster, Duke of, 15
Le Marchant, Sir Denis, 49
Leuchtenberg, Prince of, 11. 12, 13, 74
Lister, Sir Joseph, 100
Lister, Miss Harriet, Letter 368
Littleton, 56; II. 72, 132, 139
Livens, Letter 218
Liverpool, Earl of, 40, 271
Locker, 25
Lockhart, 53
London, Bishop of, 95 , 96
Loveless, 11. 132, 138, 143
Lyndhurst, Lord, II. 70
Macaulay, T. B., 90, 91 ; II. 247, 257,
258, 259, 261, 281
Mackintosh, Sir James, 34, 217, 246,
297 ; 11. 121, 281 ; Letters 51, 54
McCarthy, Justin, 27
McNeil, 222, 223, 224, 238
Manchester, Borough Reeve of, Letter
no
Maria, Donna, II. 39, 74
Maule, Fox, Lord Panmure, n. 237
Melbourne, Viscount, 55, 57, 59, 63,
64, 69, 71, 72, 76, 80, 85, 86, 87, 88,
89; 11. 113, 132, 160, 184, 218, 219,
289; Letters 189, 201, 216, 225,
227, 233, 238, 244, 246, 249, 257,
268, 273, 291, 292, 293, 294, 299,
305, 306, 351, 353
Melville, Lord, 16
Middleton, 288
Miguel, Dom, 45 ; II. 37, 39
Mill, J. S., 86

300

INDEX

Millemack, 215
Minto, Earl of, 11. 124, 164
Mole, M., 11. 236
Molesworth, 52
Montagu, Lady Jane, 161, 176, 181
Moore, Thomas, 36, 37, 38, 53, 54, 80,
85. 93. 167, 200, 235, 237, 279;
Letters 97, 104, 122, 137
Moore, Mrs. T., 265
Morley, John, Viscount, 102, 103
Morpeth, Lord, Earl of Carlisle, 87,
102 ; 11. 157, 258, &c.
Mountmorris, Lord, 144
Mulgrave, Lord, Marquis of Normanby,
36, 64, 68, 73, 74, 77, 87, 91 ; 11.
114, 133, 137, 142, 145, 146, 147,
148, 233, 245, 265, 292 ; Letter 250
Napier, General, Sir William, 11. 275 ;
Letter 28
Napoleon, see Bonaparte
Neave, R., Letter 188
Necker, M., 147
Nelson, Viscount, 121
Nesselrode, Count, n. 268
Norfolk, Duke of, 114
Normanby, see Mulgrave
North, Dudley, 240
Nugent, Lord, 285
O'Connell, Daniel, 43, 44, 57, 62, 64,
66, 68, 75, 89, 277 ; II. 10, 46, 47,
57, 81, 86, 97, 114, 137, 143, 147,
148, 152, 169, 174, 175, 183, 207,
291 ; Letter 202
O'Connell, John, 11. 157
Orleans, Duke of, n. 23
Palmella, 11. 34, 36
Palmerston, Viscount, 47, 63, 317; n.
125, 185, 240, 244, 248, 287; Letters
156, 162, 191, 208, 317, 329, 336,
346, 358, 3^4
Parker, Admiral, n. 34, 37, 39
Parkes, Dr. Edmund, 99
Parr, Dr., 22, 156
Pasteur, Louis, 100
Pedro, Dom, II. 34, 37, 39

Peel, Sir Robert, 41, 42, 44, 50, 56,
57, 60, 63, 66, 67, 89, 92, 272, 287 ;
11. 66, 84, 91, 102, 145, 159, 168,
189, 204, 205, 208, 287
Pemberton, n. 161, 163
Pepys, Judge, 69 ; n. 70
Philip, King, II. 9, 13
Philippe, King Louis, n. 211, 236
Pott, 15, 21
Place, Francis, 49
Playfair, Prof. John, 20, 22, 148, 149,
150; 11. 274; Letters 11, 32, 43
Plunket, 208, 209
Polignac, Princess de, Letter 132
Polignac, Prince de, 46, 47, 298, 305,
307, 308, 309, 317
Ponsonby, F., 11. 125, 188
Pozzo [di Borgo], II. 246
Radzville, Prince, II. 189
Regent, Prince, 144
Retz, Cardinal de, 11. 31
Ribblesdale, Lady, 68
Rice, Spring, 62, 90 ; n. 72, 74, 76,
81, 83, 220, 291 ; Letter 194
Richmond, Duke of, 56 ; II. 48, 49,
125
Ripon, Lord, 56
Roden, Lord, 88
Roe, Sir F., 11. 237
Roebuck, 11. 193
Rogers, Samuel, 80, 85, 92, 191, 218,
257, 262, 266, 268, 281 ; II. 280 ;
Letter 47
Rolfe, Mr., n. 161, 177
Romilly, Sir Samuel, 11. 122
Rundle, 11. 62, 63, 66
Russell, Lord William, senior ; Letter
205
Russell, Lord G. William, 21, 25, 31,
47. 48, 54. 56, 149 ; "¦ 34. 265. 273 ;
Letters 1, 16, 21, 24, 69, 91, 122, 100,
105, 123, 129, 139, 147, 149, 151.
I52, 164, 166, 167, 2IO, 212, 217,
239, 276, 283, 300, 303, 308, 330,
333, 339. 344
Russell, Lady William, 31, 226, 269;
11. 273 ; Letter 128

INDEX

301

Russell, William, Lord, the martyr, 32,
198, 203
Russell, Gertrude, 251 ; Letter 18
Russell, Lady Rachel, 203
Russell, Lord John, 6th Duke, see
Bedford.
Russell, Lady John, first wife of 6th
Duke of Bedford, n, 122; 11. 273
Russell, Lord John, birth, 11 ; child
hood, 12, 13, 14-18; schools, 13-
18 ; visit to Ireland, 16 ; to Scotland,
17; travels in Spain, 18, 19, 22-26;
Edinburgh University, 20 ; election
for Tavistock, 25 ; visit to Napoleon
at Elba, 26 ; maiden speech, 26,
Grillion's Club, 26 ; protest against
war of 1815, 27 ; literature, 27, 39,
&c. ; condemnation of the Ministry,
28 ; protest against suspension of
Habeas Corpus, 29, 30 ; against
bribery and attacks on liberty, 28,
33, 36, 43, 55 ; early endeavours for
parliamentary Reform, 34, 35, 45,
1 35 ' proposed five-year Parliaments,
45 ; early writings, 37, 39 ; Pay
master-General, 47 ; Reform Bill of
1831 and 1832, 48-52 ; visit to Ire
land, 55 ; Dissenters' Marriage Bill,
58 ; Leader of the House, 62 ; mar
riage, 63 ; Home Secretary, 64, 68 ;
passed registration of births, &c, 70 ;
motion on Irish Church revenues,
62, 84 ; speech on Irish political
societies, 74 ; Irish municipal Re
form, 75 ; Dorsetshire labourers, 7 1 ;
speech at Stroud, 79 ; on the Reform
Act, 81 ; on Canada, 82, 85, 87, 90 ;
capital punishment, 78, 97 ; on
Liberal principles (1837), 79 ; Bill
for city courts, 83 ; principles of Re
form, 87 ; on final character of the
Reform Act, 81, 82, 88 ; letter to con
stituents (1839), 88 ; tribunal for
bribery, 82 ; scheme for education,
86, 87, 90, 94, 95 ; on Jamaica, 87,
88 ; Colonial Minister, 91, 92 ; com
mendation of colonial self-govern
ment, 93 ; on the speakership, 90 ;

prison and police reforms, 97 ;
sanitation and health measures, 98,
99, 100 ; speeches and Acts after
1839, 100-105 ; mention in the
correspondence frequent.
Letters 5, 6, 7, 8, 12, 26, 27, 29, 31,
34. 35. 40, 49, 52, 53. 56, 57, 59,
60, 61, 62, 63, 65, 66, 70, 71, 75
76, 77, 78, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85,
86, 87, 88, 90, 98, 103, 107, m,
114, 131, 136, 138, 148, 153, 160,
171, 172, 173, 174, 190, 192, 199,
200, 203, 204, 206, 220, 222, 224,
228, 231, 232, 235, 236, 240, 241,
242, 243, 248, 252, 253, 255, 256,
258, 261, 262, 264, 272, 274, 275,
278, 295, 298, 313, 315, 316, 319,
320, 321, 323, 327, 328, 334, 335,
338, 343. 345. 347, 348, 349. 35°.
352, 354. 356, 357. 359. 360, 361,
362, 363
Sadler, Michael, 99
Scott, Sir Walter, 17, 28, 52, 191, 245,
249, 267
Scrope, 11. 249
Seymour, 127, 128, 307 ; II. 276
Shaftesbury, Earl of, 99
Shah, the, II. 222-6, 246
Sheffield, Lord, 125
Shelley, Percy B., 219 ; Letter 41
Shelley, Mrs., 193
Sheridan, T. B., 238, 241, 245, 247,
314
Shiel, 11. 256
Sidmouth, Lord, 185
Simon, Sir John, 58, 99
Sinclair, Lady Madalina, 15 ; n. 294
Sligo, Marquis of, II. 147
Smith, John, 121 ; 11. 274 ; Letter 4
Smith, Southwood, 99
Smith, Sydney, 54, 80, 84, 119; 11.
192, 274, 275, 283 ; Letters 94, 101,
251, 289, 297, 360
Smith, Vernon, 11. 234, 247, 256
Somerset, Mr. J. R., Letter 30
Somerset, Lord Fitzroy, 24, 169 ; 11.
125

302

INDEX

Soult, Marshal, 178
Souza, Madame de, 216
Spencer, Earl, see Althorp
Spencer, Lavinia, Lady, 11. 281; Letters
18, 67, 96, 109
Spring Rice, see Rice
Stephen, Sir James, 91
Stanhope, Lady A. M., afterwards
Duchess of Bedford, 18 ; n. 273
Stanley, Mr. Edward, Earl of Derby,
47, 56, 63, 66, 67, 75, 85, 92, 95 ;
11. 36, 44, 59, 85, 100, 142, 159,
285 ; Letters 115, 197
Stewart, Prof. Dugald, 20, 150, 162 ;
II. 275
Stewart, Mrs. , Letter 22
Stovin, Sir F., II. 188
Sutherland, Duke of, II. 264
Sutton, Manners, II. 72
Sydenham, Lord, formerly Poulett
Thomson, 91, 92; 11. 122, 163, 188,
256
Talbot, Lord, II. 132
Tavistock, Marquis of, 81, 100; Letters
45. 245, 331
Taylor, Sir Henry, 91
Taylor, Sir Herbert, 11. 14, 30 ; Letters
178, 180, 260, 263, 284, 285, 286
Thomson, Poulett, see Sydenham
Ticknor, George, 33
Tierney, 214, 220
Torrington, Lord, 11
Trevelyan, Sir George, 118
Unknown, Letter 36

Victoria, Queen, 79, 89 ; Letters 287,
288, 307, 309, 311
Villamil, M., 317
Vyvyan, 125
Wakley, Dr., 71
Walpole, Sir Robert, 138, 28S, 289
Warburton, Bishop, 288
Ward, II. 256
Wellesley, Lord, 55, 63 ; 11. 37, 106,
147, 291 ; Letter2i3
Wellington, Duke of, 22, 25, 26, 27,
40, 44, 47, 50, 59, 60, 66, 74, 92,
163, 167, 168, 173, 178, 235, 264,
272, 277, 285, 292, 297, 299, 317 ;
"¦ 53, 58, 73, 145, 193. 247, 257,
292 ; Letter 234
Werther, II. 252
Western, Lord, 73
Weymouth, see Bath
Wheaton, 11. 252
William IV, King, 51, 52, 56, 59, 64,
65, 66, 68, 75, 76, 79; 11. 10, u, 13,
14, 25, 29, 58, 59, ,60, 67, 76, 114,
148, 158, 159, 166-71, 173, 177,
183 ; Letters 154, 223, 266, 267,
269
Wilson, Sir Robert, II. 172, 175
Witgenstein, Prince, 189
Wolryche, 214
Wood, Sir Charles, Lord Halifax, 11. 63
Woolriche, Dr., 227, 243
Wordsworth, William, II. 249
Wynford, Lord, II. 143
York, Archbishop of, 176

INDEX OF SUBJECTS

Albuera, Battle of, 164
Army, consolidation of civil departments
of the, 11. 48-51
Ballot, 11. 47, 73, 83
Barosa, Battle of, 15 1-6
Belgium, Convention with, II. 25
Belgium, neutrality of, 11. 12
Bribery, tribunal for cases of, 82
Brunswickers, 283
Canada, troubles in, 82, 83, 85, 90, 92 ;
n. 213, 215, 216, 221, 226-32, 236-8,
244, 245
Capital punishment, 59, 78, 97
Catholic, Roman, Emancipation, 42, 43,
44, 286-96
Catholics, Roman, in Ireland, 261, &c.
Chancellorship, the, 69, 92, 134; 11.
69, 70, 126, 134, 135, 163, 164, 187,
188
Chancery, Court of, n. 161
Chartists, 30, 73
Chelsea Pensioners, 11. 14, 60, 61,
68
Church rates, 65, 79; II. 184
Church reform, 72, 76, 78; II. 35, 37,
208
Church, pluralities in the, 72
City Courts, 83
Colonies, self-government of, 93
Colonies Act, 103
Corporation Bill, 65, 66, 78, 95
Corporation reform, 11. 95, 96, 1 10-
12, 150

Disease, measures against, 98, 99
Dismissal of Government, 58
Dissenters, justice to, 40, 41, 42, 69,
272, 282
Dissenters, marriages of, 58, 69 ; II.
178, 179
Dissenters, admission to Universities
of, 72
Distress and disease, 29, 98, 99, 118
Dorsetshire labourers, 71 ; II. 132, 138,
142, 143, 146, 148
Edinburgh Review, the Reform Bill
and, II. 51-5
Edinburgh University, 20
Education, 86-96, 104; 11. 234
Education, scheme for national, 86, 87,
go, 93, 94, 95, 99 ; 11. 269
Election petitions, 11. 209, 210
Election, General (1837), 79
England, state of (1806-32), 1 13-19
Expenditure and oppression, 186, 187
Factories Commission, 55
Finality, 81, 82, 88
Foreign politics, 133, 135, 207, 298
Forgery Bill, 78
France, risk of warwith, 11. 11, 12, 16,
23, 24, 40, 41
French affairs, 12, 16, 23, 40, 41
Health measures, 58, 98, 99, 100,
102
House of Lords, 11. 26, 27, 29, 30, 185,
186

303

304

INDEX

Irish affairs, 88, 146, &c.
Irish, co-operation with, 11. 97
Irish corporations, 65, 67, 75, 78, 84,
90
Irish Catholic Question, 282, 285 ; 11.
208
Irish Coercion, 55, 57
Irish Church, 54, 55, 62, 77, 84 ; II.
67, 74, 79, 80, 105
Irish Government, principles of, 73, 77,
80, 145, 146, 147, 186, 187, 188,
253, 261 ; II. 42, 43, 97
Irish tithes, 54, 56, 65, 66, 73, 76, 84,
85 ; n. 115, 116
Irish policy, 11. 42, 43, 46, 93, 97,
I37-HO, H5-I47, 156-159, 171,
172, 196
Jamaica, 87, 88, 93
Jews, emancipation of the, 42,55, 101,
102
Land Laws, iniquity of, 29
Leadership of the Commons, 59, 60 ;
11. 61, 98, 113
Leadership of the Whigs, II. 63, 64, 65
Liberal principles, 79; 11. 83
Life-saving, 99
Luddites, 30
Manchester, franchise for, 276
Manufacturing towns, tour of, 149, 158
Memorandum to Earl Grey, n. 107
Militia, 11. 117-20, 128-31, 180-82,
193, 194
Municipal reform, see Corporations
New Zealand, 92, 102
Nonconformists, see Dissenters
Orange societies, 74 ; 11. 93
Parga and Parguinotes, 32, 37
Parliaments, duration of, 55 ; II. 42
Peninsular War, memorandum, 178, 179
Penny Post, 93

Persia, 11. 223-6, 246
Pluralities, 72
Police, establishment of local, 97
Police Courts Act, 98
Poor Law, 58, 59, 100
Prison and police reform, 97
Privileges of the House of Commons,
101
Punishments (1800-39) 78, 97, 115, 119
Reform of Parliament, 34, 48, 50, 51,
52, 135-9, 208, 228, 230; II. II,
13, 14, 15, 19, 20, 21, 22, 27, 3jf32,
33. Si~&> 210, 211
Reform, early endeavour for, 21, 34,
35, 39, 43, 45
Registration of births, &c, 67, 70, 99
Representation (1800-32), 114
Revolution of 1830, 307
Roman Catholic Emancipation, 286-90
Salamanca, Battle of, 167
Sanitation, 58, 98, 99, 100
Saragossa, siege of, 129
Scotch Church endowment, 11. 206
Slave trade, 117
Slavery abolished, 55
Spain, travels in, 18-26
Spanish affairs, 11. 37-9
Spanish war of 1832, II. 34, 37
Speakership, 60, 90 ; 11. 69, 72, 76, 77,
81,84,92,94,96, 99, 101
State of the country, 185, 187, 188,
205,206,210,211,262-4; 11. 166-77
Talents Administration, 17
Taxes, oppressive, 117
Tests, abolition of, 40, 41, 65, 66
Tithes, English, 65, 69; II. 67, 122,
140-2
Tolpuddle martyrs, see Dorsetshire
labourers
Trafalgar, 121, 125
Transportation, 71, 97
Vital statistics, institution of, 99

UNWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED, THE GRESHAM PRESS, WOKING AND LONDON.