MEMOIRS

op thS

LIFE

OF

• THB RIGHT HONORABLE

WILLIAM PITT.

BY GEORGE TOMLINE, D.D. F.R.S.
LORD BISHOP OF WINCHESTER,
PRELATE OF THB MOST NOBIS ORDER OF THE GARTER.

VOL. I.

PHILADELPHIA:
PRIMTED AMD PUBLISHED BY ABRAHAM SMALL,
No. 165, Chesnut Street.
1831.

CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME.

CHAPTER THE FIRST:
Birth and Early Attainments of Mr. Pitt— He is called to the
Bar-~Chosen Member for Jlppleby— Distinguishes himself by
his Speeches in Parliamevi-^Appointed Chancellor of the Ex
chequer. - - page 9

CHAPTER THE SECOND:
Prorogation of Parliament — Negotiations for Peace — Meeting
of Parliament — Preliminary Articles of Peace — Debates upon
them in the House of Commons — Mr. Pitt resigns — Coalition
Administration. - - - 58

CHAPTER THE THIRD :
End of Session of Parliament — Mr. Pitt visits France — Par
liament meets— Mr. Fox's India Bill — Mr. Pitt appointed
First Lord of the Treasury. - - 100

CHAPTER THE FOURTH:
Situation of the Country — Conduct of Opposition — Mr. Pitt's
India Bill rejected — Parliament dissolved — Reflections. 142

CHAPTER THE FIFTH:
Mr. Pitt elected member for the University of Cambridge —
Westminster Election — Meeting of Parliament — Mr. Pitt's Fi
nance Measures — His India Bill — End of Session. 273

IV

CHAPTER THE SIXTH:

Continental Affairs — Meeting of Parliament — Westminster Scru
tiny — Finance Measures — Parliainentary Reform — Commer
cial Intercourse behveen Great Britain and Ireland — Proro
gation of Parliament. - - 329

CHAPTER THE SEVENTH:
Continental Affairs — Meeting of Parliament — The Duke of
Richmond's Plan of Fortifications — Mr. Pitt's Plan for the
Redemption of the National D<bt — His other Finance Mea
sures —Amendment of Mr. Pitt's India Bill — Commencement
of Proceedings against Mr. Hastings — Prorogation of Parlia
ment. - - - 386

PREFACE.

THE motives which originally induced me to
undertake the following work, and the conscious
ness of my inability to do justice to the subject,
render it impossible for me to publish these
Memoirs, without experiencing much more than
the ordinary anxiety of an author. Having had
the honor and happiness of superintending Mr.
Pitt's education at the university ; having for
some time acted as his confidential secretary,
and afterwards kept up a constant communica
tion with him, upon all matters connected with
his official situation ; having received from him
the most decisive proofs of kindness and good
opinion ; having lived with him in the most un
reserved and uninterrupted intimacy from the
beginning of our acquaintance to the hour of his
death ; and having access to all his papers as one
of his executors, I was emboldened, by the con
sideration of these advantages, and urged by the
combined feelings of affection, gratitude, and
duty, to endeavor to convey some idea of the
character of one, in whom the talents of a great
statesman, and the virtues and qualities of an
amiable man, were so eminently united.
The volumes now offered to the public, reach
to the declaration of war by France against Great

VI

Britain in 1793, a remarkable epoch both in Mr.
Pitt's political life, and in the history of this
country. It is my intention, if it shall please
God to indulge me with a continuance of life and
health, to proceed in the work, with all the ex
pedition consistent with the discharge of more
important duties. The remaining portion will, I
hope, be comprised in one volume, for which I
reserve what relates to Mr. Pitt's private life ;
and arduous as has been the task of decribing
his ministerial conduct, I foresee far greater
difficulty in giving a just notion of his manners,
temper, and disposition, which 1 have always con
sidered as constituting the most extraordinary
part of his character.
The form of our constitution causing every
measure of government to be discussed in parlia
ment, which is indeed the grand theatre of poli
tical contest in this kingdom, it has been neces
sary to relate the proceedings m the house of
commons. I am aware, not only that the printed
debates, to which I have been compelled to have
frequent recourse, are in all cases more or less
inaccurate ; but also that the uninterrupted flow
of Mr. Pitt's eloquence, without hesitation or re
petition, rendered it peculiarly difficult, as was
universally acknowledged, to report his speeches
with tolerable correctness. I trust, however, that
I have, in no instance, mis-stated his opinion, or
departed from his general line of argument; and
I am persuaded, that his speeches here inserted,
imperfect as they are, will be considered as high
ly interesting. Although they will by no means
enable the reader to form an adequate judgment

Vll

of that matchless eloquence, which called forth
unbounded applause from all who heard it, he
Will have the satisfaction and advantage of know
ing Mr. Pitt's sentiments upon all the important
subjects which he had occasion to discuss ; ac
companied with the most authentic explanation,
which can be procured from existing documents,
of those pure and constitutional principles, upon
which he invariably acted.
I cannot but flatter myself, that the summary
account 1 have given of what passed in France
and in England, at the commencement of the
French revolution, may be useful at the present
moment. The opposite effects of supineness
and of energy in the well-intentioned parts of
the communities, and of weak and of vigorous
counsels in the respective governments, of the
two countries — of wild theories and of practical
principles — of atheistic philosophy and of pure
Teligion — will indeed furnish an instructive lesson,
both to private individuals and to persons placed
in situations of power and trust, to the end of
time ; and, it is to be hoped, will never be dis
regarded in this nation.
It was indispensable to the main object I had
in view, to enter into a full statement of the
principles publicly maintained, and of the con
duct pursued, by the opponents of Mr. Pitt,
which has unavoidably led me to speak of per
sons still living, or who have left others closely
connected with them by birth or in politics ; but
it has been my earnest endeavor to represent
every opinion and fact fairly and impartially, and

via

not to give offence by any harsh or uncandid
observation. I have felt it also incumbent upon
me, in writing the history of so recent a period,
to suppress many circumstances and anecdotes
of a more private nature, supplied by papers ia
my possession, and other authentic sources, re
lating to his friends as well as to his enemies,
although they would have thrown additional lustre
on the character of Mr. Pitt.

Illdlllg
OF THE
LIFE OF
THE RIGHT HONORABLE WILLIAM PITT.
CHAPTER THE FIRST:
1759.
Birth, and early attainments of Mr. Pitt — He is called to the Bar
—Chosen Member for Appleby — Distinguishes himself by his
Speeches in Parliament— Appointed Chancellor of the Exche
quer. William Pitt, second son of William first Earl of
Chatham, and of lady Hester only daughter of Richard
Grenville, esq. and countess Temple, was born at Hayes
in Kent on the 28th of May 1759. Of his Father it is
unnecessary for me to speak ; and of his Mother I shall
only observe, that she was highly distinguished by strength
of understanding, superior attainments, and most accom
plished manners. Lord and lady Chatham had two other
sons, the present earl of Chatham, and Mr. James Pitt ;
and also two daughters, the elder of whom, lady Hester,
was married in 1774 to lord viscount Mahon, and the
younger, lady Harriot, in 1785 to the honorable Edward
James Eliot, eldest son of lord Eliot.
Mr. Pitt, when about six years old, was placed un
der the tuition of the rev. Edward Wilson, afterwards
prebendary of Gloucester and canon of Windsor, who
attended him at lord Chatham's house ; and this mode of
education was continued eight years, during half at least
of which period, his health was so indifferent, as to render
Vol. I. B

10
him unable to apply to any serious study. But' notwith
standing this loss of time, the progress he made in learn
ing was such, that in the year 1773, his father, design
ing the law to be his profession, determined to send him,
for the completion of his education, to Pembroke-hall,
Cambridge. He was admitted in the spring of that year,
and went to reside in the beginning of the following Oc
tober. On account of the private manner in which he had
been hitherto educated, his tender age, and the extreme
delicacy of his constitution, it was thought right, that
Mr. Wilson should live with him for a few weeks in the
same college apartment, without however having any con
cern in the direction of his studies. Lord Chatham wrote
a letter to the master of the college, in which he express
ed a desire, that each of the two public tutors; who were
then Mr. Turner* and myself, would devote an hour in
every day to his son. This plan was accordingly adopt
ed ; but after Mr. Pitt's first three visits to Cambridge,
he was entirely under my care and tuition.
Although Mr. Pitt was little more than fourteen years
of age, when he went to reside at the university, and had
laboured under the disadvantage of frequent ill health, the
knowledge, which he then possessed, was very considera
ble ; and in particular, his proficiency in the learned lan
guages was probably greater than ever was acquired by
any other person in such early youth. In Latin authors
he seldom met with difficulty ; and it was no uncommon
thing for him to read into English six or seven pages of
Thucydidesf, which he had not previously seen, without
more than two or three mistakes, and sometimes without
even one. He had such an exactness in discriminating
the sense of words, and so peculiar a penetration in seiz
ing at once, the meaning of a writer, that, as- was justly
observed by Mr. Wilson, he never seemed to learn, but
only to recollect. Whenever he did err in rendering a
sentence, it was owing to the want of a correct knowledge
of grammar, without which no language can be perfectly
* Now master of Pembroke-hall, and dean of Norwich.
j- It was by lord Chatham's particular desire, that Thucydides was the first Greek
book which Mr. Pilt read after he came to college. The only other wish ever ex
pressed by his lordship, relative to Mr. Pitt's studies, was, that I would read
Polybins with him.

11
understood. This defect, too common in a private edu
cation, it was my immediate endeavour to supply ; and
he was not only soon master of all the ordinary rules of
grammar, but taking great pleasure in the philological
disquisitions of critics and commentators, he became
deeply versed in the niceties of construction and pecu
liarities of idiom, both in the Latin and Greek languages.
He had also read the first six books of Euclid's Elements,
Plane Trigonometry, the elementary parts of Algebra,
and the two quarto volumes of Rutherforth's Natural
Philosophy, a work in some degree of repute while Mr.
Wilson was a student at Cambridge, but afterwards laid
aside. Nor was it in learning only, that Mr. Pitt was so much
superior to persons of his age. Though a boy in years
and appearance, his manners were formed, and his beha
viour manly. He mixed in conversation with unaffected
vivacity ; and delivered his sentiments with perfect ease,
equally free from shyness and flippancy, and always with
strict attention to propriety and decorum. Lord Chat
ham, who could not but be aware of the powers of his
son's mind and understanding, had encouraged him to
talk without reserve upon every subject, which frequently
afforded opportunity for conveying useful information and
just notions of persons and things. When his lordship's
health would permit, he never suffered a day to pass with
out giving instruction of some sort to his children ; and
seldom without reading a chapter of the Bible with them*.
He must indeed be considered as having contributed
largely to that fund of knowledge, and to those other ad
vantages, with which Mr. Pitt entered upon his acade
mical life.
The effects of a very serious illness, with which Mr.
Pitt was attacked soon after he went to the university in
* I had frequent opportunities of observing Mr. Pitt's accurate knowledge of
the Bible ; and 1 may, I trust, be allowed to mention the following anecdote :
In the year 1797, I was reading with him, in manuscript, my Exposition ol the First
of the Thirty-nine Articles, which I afterwards published in the Elements of Chris
tian Theology. There were several quotations from Scripture, all of which he re
membered, and made no observation upon them. At last, we came to a quotation,
at which he stopped, and said, " 1 do not recollect that passage in the Bible, and it
does not sound like Scripture." It was a quotation from the Apocrypha, which he
had not read.

12
1773, occasioned him to reside but little at Cambridge in
the first three years. This illness, which confined him
nearly two months, and at last reduced him to so weak a
state, that, after he was convalescent, he was four days
in travelling to London, seems to have been a crisis in his
constitution. By great attention to diet, to exercise, and to
early hours, he gradually gained strength, without any
relapse, or material check ; and his health became pro
gressively confirmed. At the age of eighteen he was
a healthy man ; and he continued so for many years.
The preservation of Mr. Pitt's life, in its early part, may
be considered as owing, under Providence, to his own
care and the affectionate watchfulness of his friends : and
the premature decline of his health, long before he reached
the ordinary age of man, may as justly be ascribed to the
anxiety and fatigue of unremitted attention to the duties
of his public station.
It was originally intended, that Mr. Pitt should take
the degree of bachelor of arts in the regular way, and be
candidate for academical honors ; but his inability to keep
the necessary terms, in consequence of the illness which
has been noticed, caused this intention to be abandoned ;
and in the spring of 1776 he was admitted to the degree
of master of arts, to which his birth gave him a right, and
which is usually conferred upon young men of a certain
rank, after about two years residence in the university,
without any public examination, or the performance of
any public exercise, and of course without the power of
giving public proof of their talents or attainments.
While Mr. Pitt was under-graduate, he never omitted
attending chapel morning and evening, or dining in the
public hall, except when prevented by indisposition.
Nor did he pass a single evening out of the college walls.
Indeed, most of his time was spent with me ; and ex
clusively of the satisfaction I had in superintending the
education of a young man of his uncommon abilities and
thirst for improvement, his sweetness of temper and viva
city of disposition endeared him to me in a degree, which
I should in vain attempt to express.
Towards the latter end of the year 1776, Mr. Pitt began
to mix with other young men of his own age and station

13
in life, then resident at Cambridge ; and no one was ever
more admired and beloved by his acquaintance and
friends. He was always the most lively person in com
pany, abounding in playful wit and quick repartee ; but
never known to excite pain, or to give just ground of of
fence. Even those, who, from difference in political sen
timents, or from any other cause, were not disposed to do
him more than justice, could not but allow, that as a
companion he was unrivalled. Though his society was
universally sought, and from the age of seventeen or
eighteen he constantly passed his evenings in company,
he steadily avoided every species of irregularity ; and he
continued to pursue his studies with ardent zeal and un
remitted diligence, during his whole residence in the
university, which was protracted to the unusual length
of nearly seven years, but with considerable intervals of
absence. In the course of this time, I never knew him
spend an idle day ; nor did he ever fail to attend me at
the appointed hour. At this early period there was the
same firmness of principle, and rectitude of conduct,
which marked his character in the more advanced stages
of life.
It was my general rule to read with Mr. Pitt alternate
ly, classics and mathematics ; occasionally intermixing
other branches of learning. He proceeded with a rapi
dity which can scarcely be conceived ; and his memory
was retentive in a degree of which I have known but few
examples, although it had not been strengthened by the
practice of repetition, so properly in use at public schools,
but often omitted in private education. A tutor is gene
rally satisfied, if he can give his pupil some knowledge of
an author, by selecting for his perusal certain parts of his
works ; but there was scarcely a Latin or a Greek clas
sical writer of eminence, the whole of whose works Mr.
Pitt and I did not read together. He was a nice observer
of their different styles, and alive to all their various and
characteristic excellencies. The quickness of his com
prehension did not prevent close and minute application.
When alone, he dwelt for hours upon striking passages
of an orator or historian, in noticing their turn of expres
sion, in marking their manner of arranging a narrative,

14
or explaining the avowed or secret motives of action. A
few pages sometimes occupied a whole morning. It
was a favourite employment with him, to compare oppo
site speeches upon the same subject ; and to examine
how each speaker managed his own side of the question,
and obviated or answered the reasoning of his opponent.
This may properly be called study, peculiarly useful to
a future lawyer or statesman. The authors, whom he
preferred for this purpose, were Livy, Thucydides, and
Sallust. Upon these occasions his observations were not
unfrequently committed to paper, and furnished a topic
for conversation with me at our next meeting. He was
also in the habit of copying any eloquent sentence, or any
beautiful or forcible expression, which occurred in his
reading. The poets of Greece and Rome had their full
share of his attention ; and he unquestionably derived
from them that advantage, as well as amusement, which
they are eminently calculated to confer. So anxious
was he to be acquainted with every Greek poet, that he
read with me, at his own request, the obscure and in
general uninteresting work of Lycophron, and with an
ease at first sight, which, if I had not witnessed it, I
should have thought beyond the compass of human in
tellect. He was not fond of composition, not having been
accustomed to it when a boy ; nor did he attain that
degree of excellence in writing Latin and Greek, which
is often acquired by young men educated at our public
schools. It ought, perhaps, to be mentioned, that Mr. Pitt did
not construe classical authors in the ordinary way, but
read several sentences of the original, and then gave the
translation of them; and the almost intuitive quickness,
with which he instantly saw the meaning of the most
difficult passages of the most difficult writers, made an
impression upon my mind which no time can efface. He
possessed, indeed, this faculty in so extraordinary a de
gree, and his diligent application to Greek literature had
rendered his knowledge of that language so correct and
extensive, that I am persuaded, if a play of Menander or
iEschylus, or an ode of Pindar, had been suddenly found,
w,ould he have understood it as soon as any professed

15
scholar. There unquestionably have been persons who
had far greater skill in verbal criticism, and in the laws of
metre ; but it may, 1 believe, be said with the strictest
truth, that no one ever read the Greek language, even
after devoting his whole life to the study of it, with
greater facility than Mr. Pitt did at the age of twenty-one.
He was not less successful in mathematics and natural
philosophy ; displaying the same acuteness and readiness
in acquiring knowledge, with an unexampled skill in ap
plying it to the solution of problems. He was master of
every thing usually known by young men who obtain the
highest academical honours, and felt a great desire to
fathom still farther the depths of pure mathematics ; and
had I thought it right to indulge this inclination, he would
have made a wonderful progress in that abstruse science.
When the connexion of tutor and pupil was about to
cease between us, he expressed a hope, that he should
find leisure and opportunity to read Newton's Principia
again with me after some summer circuit ; and in the
later periods of his life, he frequently declared that no
portion of his time had been more usefully employed than
that, which had been devoted to these studies — not mere
ly from the new ideas and actual knowledge which he
had thus acquired, but also on account of the improve
ment which his mind and understanding had received
from the habit of close attention and patient investigation.
In truth, this is the just and appropriate praise of mathe
matical pursuits, that they not only convey much impor
tant information, but give a strength and accuracy to
the intellectual and reasoning powers, which best qualify
young men, both for the duties of the liberal professions,
and for the business of the higher departments of active
life. There was scarcely any book in the wide circuit of
Mr. Pitt's reading, from which he derived greater advan
tage and satisfaction, than from Locke's Essay on the
Human Understanding, of which he formed a complete
and correct analysis. He was a great admirer of this
truly excellent work, while he reprobated the author's
notions on the origin of civil government, as unfounded
and of dangerous tendency. He indicated no inclination,

16
and he certainly had no encouragement from me, to carry
his metaphysical studies any farther. He gave great at
tention to the public lectures in civil law*, a subject
which he considered as connected with his intended pro
fession ; and in the lectures upon experimental philosophy,
he had a pleasure, in seeing theoretical rules exemplified
and confirmed. Amidst these severer studies, the lighter
species of literature were by no means omitted : and I
ought in particular to mention his intimate acquaintance
with the historical and political writers of his own coun-
trvt, and his elegant taste for the beauties of the English
poetsj. To whatever branch of knowledge he applied,
or whatever subject he discussed, the superiority of his
abilities, and the clearness and comprehensiveness of his
mind, were equally manifest. ( These eminent qualities
were in no degree tarnished by pride or self-conceit,
which are too often found in young men of distinguished
talents. He was gentle and unassuming : and the natu
ral cheerfulness of his temper, and unaffected urbanity
of his manners, recommended him to persons of every
age and station. Upon any topic which might arise in
conversation, the openness of his character led him to
express his opinion with a manly decision ; but at the
same time he always listened with a due regard and re
spectful attention to the sentiments of others ; and such
were the candor and mildness of his disposition, that
when talking unreservedly with me, he never spoke with
harshness or resentment even of those from whom he
had received injurious treatment.
In May 1778, Mr. Pitt lost his great and excellent
father, at a period when his advice and assistance would
have been of the highest importance to him. I am
* These lectures were given with great credit by doctor Hallifax, professor ot
civil law, afterwards successively bishop of Gloucester and St. Asaph.
¦fMiddleton's Life of Cicero, and the political and historical works of lord
Bolingbroke, were favourite books with Mr. Pitt in point of style ; as were also the
works of Hume and Robertson. He was not an admirer of Johnson's style, and
still less of Gibbou's. He read Barrow's Sermons, at the desire of lord Chatham,
who thought them admirably calculated to furnish the copia verborum.
J51r Pitt, when young, occasionally wrote English verses. Before he went
to the university, he was concerned with his brothers and sisters in writing a play
in verse, consisting of five parts, which they acted before lord and lady Chatham,
and some friends of the family.

17
happy to have it in my power to insert the following let
ters, which strongly mark the affectionate heart and
amiable character of one of the ablest and most disin
terested statesmen the world ever produced ; and at the
same time shew the opinion he entertained, and the
expectations he had formed, of the subject of these me
moirs. The first of these letters was written by lord Chatham
to Mr. Pitt, upon his going to the university in 1773.
'< Burton Pynsent, Oct. 9th, 1773.
" Thursday's post brought us no letter from the dear
traveller : We trust this day will prove more satisfactory ;
it is the happy day that gave us your brother, and will
not be less in favour with all here, if it should give us,
about four o'clock, an epistle from my dear William.
By that hour, I reckon, we shall be warm in our cups,
and shall not fail to pour forth, with renewed joy, grate
ful libations over the much wished tidings of your pros
perous progress towards your destination. We compute,
that yesterday brought you to the venerable aspect of
alma mater ; and that you are invested to-day with the
toga virilis. Your race of manly virtue, and useful know
ledge is now begun, and may the favor of heaven smile
upon the noble career.
" Little  was really disappointed at not being in
time to see you — a good mark for my young vivid friend.
He is just as much compounded of the elements of air
and fire as he was. A due proportion of terrestrial soli
dity will, I trust, come, and make him perfect. How
happy, my loved boy, is it, that your mamma and I can
tell ourselves, there is at Cambridge one, without a
beard, " and all the elements so mixed in him, that na
ture might stand up, and say, This is a man." I now
take leave for to-day, not meaning this for what James
calls a regular letter, but a flying thought, that wings it
self towards my absent William. Horses are ready, and
all is birth- day.
" Bradshaw has shone, this auspicious morning, in a
very fine speech of congratulation ; but I foresee, " his
sun sets weeping in the lowly west," that is, a fatal bowl
Vol. I. G

18
of punch will, before night, quench this luminary of ora
tory. Adieu, again and again, sweet boy ; and if you
acquire health and strength every time I wish them to
you, you will be a second Sampson, and, what is more,
will, I am sure, keep your hair.
" Every good wish attends your kind fellow-traveller
and chumm ; nor will he be forgot in our flowing bowls
to-day." To this interesting letter, lady Chatham added the fol
lowing postscript :
" If more could be said expressive of feelings, my
dearest dear boy, I would add a letter to this epistle, but
as it is composed, I will only sign to its expressive con
tents, Your fond and loving mother,
Hester Chatham."
The following letter was written by lord Chatham to
Mr. Pitt, when he was recovering from the illness which
has been mentioned :
" Burton Pynsent, Oct. 30, 1773.
" With what ease of mind and joy of heart I write to
my loved William, since Mr. Wilson's comfortable let
ter of Monday ! I do not mean to address you as a sick
man : I trust in heaven, that convalescent is the only title
I am to give you in the ailing tribe; and that you are now
enjoying the happy advantage of Dr. Glynn's* acquain
tance, as one of the cheerful and witty sons of Apollo, in
his poetic, not his medical, attribute. Butj though I in
dulge with inexpressible delight, the thought of your re
turning health, I cannot help being a little in pain, lest you
should make more haste than good speed to be well.
Your mamma has been before me, in suggesting that
most useful proverb, reculer pour mieuix sauier, useful to
all, but to the ardent, necessary J You may indeed, my
sweet boy, better than any one, practise this sage dictum,
without any risque of being thrown out (as little James
* This eminent physician and excellent scholar became warmly attached to Mr.
Pitt, and was a great admirer of his talents and character. He frequently read with
him select passages from classical writers, which he thought particularly deserving
his notice. B

19
would say) in the chace of learning. All you want, at
present, is quiet; with this, if your ardor <¥<«•«/«» can be
kept in, till you are stronger, you will make noise enough.
How happy the task, my noble amiable boy, to caution
you only against pursuing too much, all those liberal and
praise-worthy things, to which less happy natures are
perpetually to be spurred and driven ! I will not teaze
you with too long a lecture in favor oi inaction, and a com
petent stupidity, your two best tutors and companions at
present. You have time to spare ; consider there is but
the Encyclopedia ; and when you have mastered all that,
what will remain ? You will want, like Alexander, ano
ther world to conquer. Your mamma joins me in every
word ; and we know how much your affectionate mind
can sacrifice to our earnest and tender wishes. ( Brothers
and sisters are well ; all feel about you, think and talk of
you, as they ought. My affectionate remembrances go in
great abundance to Mr. Wilson. Vive, Vale, is the un
ceasing prayer of your truly loving father, Chatham."
The above letter indicates great anxiety, beautifully
expressed, lest Mr. Pitt should too soon resume his stu
dies : and seems to shew, that on former occasions of ill
ness, lord and lady Chatham had been under the necessity
of restraining him. He recovered so slowly and so im
perfectly before he left Cambridge, that he was unable to
read any book which required much attention ; and lord
Chatham did not allow him to return to the university till
the beginning of July, soon after which he wrote him the
following letter, which proves the continuance of the same
solicitude : " Hayes, Sunday, July 17, 1774.
" Need I tell my dear William, that his letter, receiv
ed this morning, diffused general joy here ? To know
that he is well and happy, and to be happy ourselves, is
one and the same thing. I am glad that Chambers,
Hall, and tufted Robe, continue to please ; and make no
doubt, that all the nine, in their several departments of
charming, will sue for your love with all their powers of
enchantment. I know too well the danger of a new

20
amour or of a reviving passion, not to have some fears for
your discretion. Give any of these alluring ladies the
meeting by day-light, and in their turns ; not becoming
the slave of any one of them ; nor be drawn into late hours
by the temptation of their sweet converse. I rejoice that
college is not yet evacuated of its learned garrison; and I
hope the governor of this fortress of science, the master,
or his admirable aides-de-camp, the tutors, will not soon
repair to their respective excursions. Dr. Brown, to
whom I desire to present my best compliments, is very
obliging in accommodating you with a stable. I hope
with this aid Mr. Wilson's computation may not be out
above one half, to bring, it at all near the mark. I con
clude, a horse's allowance at Cambridge is upon the scale
of a sizar's commons. However it prove, I am glad to
think you and he will find more convenience for riding at
every spare hour that offers. Stucky will carry Mr.
Wilson safely, and, I trust, not unpleasantly. The bro
thers of the turf may hold the solid contents of his shoul
ders and forehand somewhat cheap ; but by Dan's leave,
he is no uncreditable clerical steed. No news yet from
Pitt. James is here, the flower of schoolboys.
Your loving father,
Chatham."
"Hayes, Sept. 2, 1774.
" I write, my dearest William, the post just going out,
only to thank you for your most welcome letter, and for
the affectionate anxiety you express for my situation, left
behind in the hospital, when our flying camp moved to
Stowe. Gout has for the present subsided, and seems
to intend deferring his favors till winter, if autumn will
do its duty, and bless us with a course of steady' weather ;
those days, which Madame de Sevigne so beautifully
paints, des jours files oVor et de soye.
" I have the pleasure to tell you, your mother and sis
ters returned pefectly well from Bucks, warm in praises
of magnificent and princely Stowe; and full of due senti
ments of the agreeable and kind reception they found
there. No less than two dancings, in the short time they
passed there. One escape from a wasp's nest, which

21
proved only an adventure to talk of, by the incomparable
skill and presence of mind of Mr. Cotton, driving our
girls in his carriage with four very fine horses, and no
postillion. They fell into an ambuscade of wasps more
fierce than Pandours, who beset these coursers of spirit
not inferior to Xanthus and Podarges, and stung them to
madness ; when disdaining the master's hand, he turned
them short into a hedge, threw some of them, as he
meant to do ; and leaping down, seized the bridles of the
leaders, which afforded time for your sisters to get out
safe and sound, their honor, in point of courage, intact, as
well as their bones ; for they are celebrated not a little on
their composure in this alarming situation. I rejoice that
your time passes to your mind, in the evacuated seat of
the Muses. However, knowing that those heavenly la
dies (unlike the London fair) delight most, and spread
their choicest charms and treasures in sweet retired soli
tude, I wo'n't wonder that their true votary is happy to
be alone with them. Mr. Pretyman* will by no means
spoil company, and I wish you joy of his return. How
many commons have you lost of late ? Whose fences
have you broken ; and in what lord of the manor's pound
have any strays of science been found, since the famous
adventure of catching the horses with such admirable
address and alacrity? I beg my affectionate compli
ments to Mr. Wilson, and hope you will both beware of
an inclosed country for the future. Little James is still
with us, doing penance for the high living so well descri
bed to you in Mrs. Pam's excellent epistle. All loves
follow my sweetest boy in more abundance than I have
time or ability to express.
" I desire my best compliments to the kind and oblig
ing master, who loves Cicero and you."
My readers will be sorry to learn, that the following
is the last letter of lord Chatham, which I am able to
submit to their perusal ; it was written only seven or
eight months before his death.
* The author of these memoirs, who in 1803 changed his name from Pretyman
to Toraline.

22
. . " Hayes, Sept. 22, 1777.
" How can I employ my reviving pen so well as by
addressing a few lines to the hope and comfort of my life,
my dear William ? You will have pleasure to see, under
my own hand, that I mend every day, and that I am all
but well. I have been this morning to Camden-place,
and sustained, most manfully, a visit, and all the idle
talk thereof, for above an hour by Mr. Norman's clock ;
and returned home, untired, to dinner, where I eat like
a farmer. Lord Mahon has confounded, not convinced,
the incorrigible soi-disant Dr. Wilson. Dr. Franklin's
lightning, rebel as he is, stands proved the more innocent ;
and Wilson's nobs must yield to the pointed conductors.
On Friday, lord Mahon' s indefatigable spirit is to exhibit
another incendium, to lord mayor, foreign ministers, and
all lovers of philosophy and the good of society ; and
means to illuminate the horizon with a little bonfire of
twelve hundred faggots and a double edifice. Had our
dear friend been born sooner, Nero and the second Charles
could never have amused themselves by reducing to
ashes the two noblest cities in the world. My hand be
gins to demand repose ; — so, with my best compliments
to Aristotle, Homer, Thucydides, Xenophon, not for
getting the civilians, and law of nations tribe, adieu, my
dearest William. Your ever most affectionate father, Chatham."
Early in 1778, a sort of negotiation was carried on
for some time, between sir James Wright, a friend of
lord Bute, and Dr. Addington, a friend of lord Chatham,
which seems to have been commenced by sir James
Wright, with a view of ascertaining whether lord Chatham
would join lord Bute in forming a new administration.
Though this negotiation proved entirely fruitless, it be
came the subject of conversation in all political circles ;
and soon after lord Chatham's death, so partial and incor
rect a statement relative to it, was made by persons con
nected with lord Bute, that it was thought proper to draw
np a full and authentic account of what had really passed,
- 'om papers in the possession of lady Chatham. This

23
account, after being shewn to private friends, found its
way into some of the newspapers ; and on the 23d of Oc
tober, lord Mountstuart, lord Bute's eldest son, publish
ed a letter, addressed to the editors of the same newspa
pers, in which he controverted some of the postitions
contained in it. To this letter, Mr. Pitt, the present lord
Chatham being then abroad, felt it incumbent on him to
write an answer, which also appeared in the newspapers ;
and was considered as fully proving, that " lord Chatham
had not only never courted a political negotiation with
lord Bute, but would, without hesitation, have rejected
every idea of acting with him in any administration*."
I did not think it right to pass over entirely in silence,
the transaction which first called Mr. Pitt into public
notice, and which afforded him the first opportunity of
testifying his zealous regard for his father's memory ;
but as he had very little concern in this business, which
is no longer of an interesting nature, I shall not enter into
any farther particulars f. It may, perhaps, be doubted
whether sir James Wright and Dr. Addington did not
act rather from their own views and motives, than from
any specific authority of the noble persons whose names
they used.
The death of Lord Chatham was soon followed by
other domestic misfortunes. In the summer of 1780,
Mr. Pitt lost his eldest sister, viscountess Mahon, to
whom he was tenderly attached; and in November of the
following year, his younger brother, Mr. James Pitt, who
had been brought up to the navy, and risen to the rank
of post-captain, died in the West Indies ; a young man
of great professional merit, of superior understanding,
and of most amiable disposition. Upon the latter occa
sion, I received from Mr. Pitt the following letter, written
at Burton Pynsent.
" I can hardly bring myself to write under the severe
blow which we have lately experienced, to the news of
* Mr. Pitt's letter. 1 do not insert the whole of the letter, as it would have been
scarcely intelligible without the papers to which it refers.
f They may be found in Dodsley's Annual Register for 177S.

24
which, my dear Pretyman, you are probably not a stran
ger. You will, I know, be anxious to hear from me. I
wish to say as little as possible on the melancholy sub
ject, too melancholy indeed for words. I have to regret
the loss of a brother, who had every thing that was most
amiable and promising, every thing that I could love and
admire ; and I feel the favorite hope of my mind extin
guished by this untimely blow. Let me, however, as
sure you, that I am too much tried in affliction not to be
able to support myself under it; and that my poor mother
and sister, to whom I brought the sad account yesterday,
have not suffered in their health, from so severe a shock.
I have prevailed on them to think of changing the scene,
and moving towards Hayes, which is a great comfort to
me, as the solitude and distance of this place must now
be insupportable. I imagine that we shall begin our
journey in a few days. Adieu. You shall hear from me
soon again. Your's most sincerely and affectionately,
W. Pitt."
In the spring of 1780, Mr. Pitt became resident in
Lincoln's-inn, and regularly attended Westminster-hall.
He had previously kept most of the necessary terms, and
being called to the bar on the 12th of June, he went the
western circuit in the summer of that year.
At the general election in the autumn of 1780, he was
an unsuccessful candidate to represent the university of
Cambridge in parliament ; but in the January following
he was chosen for the borough of Appleby, in West
moreland* ; an event which gave great satisfaction to all
who knew him, from a conviction, that he could not fail
to distinguish himself as a speaker.
Mr. Pitt's entrance into public life was at a very cri-
" Mr Pitt had at this time no personal acquaintance with Sir James Lowther, to
whose interest in the borough of Appleby he was indebted for this introduction
into parliament, at the request of their common friend, the duke of Rutland. This
nobleman, when marquis of Granby and member for the university of Cambridge,
had, from admiration of the talents and political principles of Lord Chatham, at
his own particular desire, become acquainted with Mr. Pitt, at an early period of
his academical life. The closest connexion and warmest attachment took place
and continued between them, during the wholi; of the duke's life ; and at his death,
in October 1787, he left Mr. Pitt one of the guardians to h|s children and trustees
of his estate, with a legacy of 3,000?.

25
tical and important moment. This country was engaged
in war with her colonies in North America, and with
France, Spain, and Holland, without a single ally to as
sist her in so unequal a contest. Besides these numerous
and powerful enemies, a strong disposition to hostility
had been recently manifested by Russia, Denmark, and
Sweden, who had concluded treaties with each other,
constituting what has been called the armed neutrality*
and understood to be more immediately directed against
Great Britain. In India the native powers had entered
into a most formidable confederacy, under the influence
of France, for the declared purpose of expelling the Bri
tish from that country ; and their exertions had already
been attended with a degree of success, which excited
very serious alarm for the safety of our Eastern posses
sions. Nor was the situation of affairs at home more fa
vourable; repeated failures in our naval and military ope
rations had lowered the spirit of the people, and weaken
ed their confidence in government; public credit was
greatly depressed by the expenses of the war ; the value
of landed property was much diminished ; trade and ma
nufactures were in a very reduced state ; there was a
material deficiency in the produce of the revenue ; and
the resources of the country were considered as nearly
exhausted. On the 26th of February, a circumstance of a very
remarkable nature occasioned Mr. Pitt to make his first
speech in the house of commons. The subject of de
bate was, Mr. Burke's bill for economical reform in the
civil list. Lord Nugent was speaking against the bill ;
and Mr. Byng, member for Middlesex, knowing Mr^
Pitt's sentiments upon the measure, asked him to reply
to his lordship. Mr. Pitt gave a doubtful answer ; but
in the course of lord Nugent's speech, he determined not
to reply to him. Mr. Byng, however, understood that
* By these treaties the contracting parties asserted, and mutually pledged
themselves to maintain, the principle, that free ships make free goods ; a principle
totally inconsistent with the right, hitherto acknowledged to belong to belligerent
powers, of searching the vessels of neutral states. Holland was a party to these
treaties ; and from the end of the year 1780, she was actually at war with Great
Britain.
Vol. I. D

26
Mr. Pitt intended to speak after lord Nugent ; and the
moment his lordship sat down, Mr. Byng and several of
his friends, to whom he had communicated Mr. Pitt's
supposed intention, called out, in the manner usual in the
house of commons, Mr. Pitt's name as being about to
speak. This probably prevented any other person from
rising ; and Mr. Pitt, finding himself thus called upon,
and observing that the house waited to hear him, thought
it necessary to rise. Though really not intending to
speak, he was from the beginning collected and unem
barrassed ; he argued strongly in favour of the bill, and
noticed all the objections which had been urged by the
noble lord who immediately preceded him in the debate,
in a manner which greatly astonished all who heard him.
Never were higher expectations formed of any person
upon his first coming into parliament, and never were
expectations more completely answered. They were
indeed much more than answered : such were the fluency
and accuracy of language, such the perspicuity of ar
rangement, and such the closeness, of reasoning, and
manly and dignified elocution — generally, even in a much
less degree, the fruits of long habit and experience — that
it could scarcely be believed to be the first speech of a
young man not yet two-and-twenty.
On the following day, Mr. Pitt, knowing my anxiety
upon every subject which related to him, with his accus
tomed kindness, wrote to me at Cambridge, to inform
me, that "he had heard his own voice in the house of
commons ;" and modestly expressed his satisfaction at
the manner in which his first attempt at parliamentary
speaking had been received.
Before Mr. Pitt had a seat in parliament, he had been
a constant attendant in the gallery of the house of com
mons, and near the throne in the house of lords, upon
every important debate; and whenever he heard a speech
©f any merit on the side opposite to his own opinions, he
accustomed himself to consider, as it proceeded, in what
manner it might be answered ; and when the speaker
accorded with his own sentiments, he then observed his
mode of arranging and enforcing his ideas, and considered
whether any improvement could have been made, or
whether any argument had been omitted. To this habit

27
and to the practice already mentioned of reading Greek
and Latin into English, joined to his wonderful natural
endowments, may be attributed that talent for reply, and
that command of language, for which he was from the
first so highly distinguished. At whatever length he
spoke, he avoided repetition ; and it was early and justly
observed of him, that "he never failed to put the best
word in the best place."
On the 31st of May, Mr. Pitt made his second speech
in the house of commons. The order of the day for
going into a committee on the bill for continuing an act*
of the last session, for the appointment of commissioners
of public accounts, had been read ; and upon the question
being put for the speaker's leaving the chair, colonel
Barre moved, " That it be an instruction to the com
mittee, that they have power to make provision in the
said bill, for removing the commissioners named by the
said actf, and for substituting other commissioners in
their stead, who are members of the house of commons."
This motion was opposed by lord North, in a speech of
considerable length, and immediately after he sat down,
Mr. Pitt rosej. He was heard with that silent attention,
which the recollection of his former display of abilities
could not fail to command. In a strain of the same for
cible and manly eloquence, and with the readiness and
correctness of a person long habituated to public debate,
he replied to every argument used by the minister. He
strenuously contended, that the house of commons, who
were by the constitution entrusted with the power of
granting public money, and watching over, examining,
and correcting the public expenditure, could not, consis
tently with the faithful discharge of their duty, delegate
* This was entitled, " An Act for appointing and enabling Commissioners to ex
amine, take, and state the Public Accounts of the Kingdom, and to report what
Balances are in the hands of Accountants, which may be applied to the Public Ser
vice, and what defects there are in the present mode of receiving, collecting, issuing,
and accounting for the Public Money ; and in what more expeditious and effectual,
and less expensive manner, the said Services can in future be regulated and carried
on for the benefit of the Public."
¦j- These commissioners were not members of the house of commons. They had
made several reports under the act of the preceding session ; but, as they had not
completed their business, the object of the present bill was to continue them for
another year.
t Mr. Fox rose at the same time, but gave way to Mr. Pitt, and did not speak
•ipon the question.

28
any part of that trust to persons who were not of their owfl
body ; that this was an unalienable privilege, to which
the house chiefly owed their importance in the legislature,
and their power of establishing economical regulations,
and of alleviating national burdens. He concluded with
these emphatic words : " I press these arguments upon
you, to rouse you from your lethargy, to awaken your
sleeping virtue," to excite you to timely acts of prudence
and exertion ; that after your country has met with dis
grace and defeat abroad, you may not be enslaved at home;
in short, that the liberty of the people, and the safety of
the constitution, may not be buried in one grave, with the
power, the opulence, and the glory of the nation."
Although this speech, to which no one replied, appeared
to make great impression upon the house, the motion was
negatived by a majority of 98 to 42.
Mr. Pitt spoke for the third time on the 12th of June,
upon a motion of Mr. Fox, " That the house do resolve
itself into a committee of the whole house, to take into
consideration the present state of the American war," and
in making that motion he declared that it was his inten
tion to move in the committee, if it should be granted,
the following resolution : " That his majesty's ministers
ought immediately to take every possible measure for
concluding peace with our American colonies." A long
debate ensued, in which frequent mention was made of
lord Chatham, as being favorable to the principle of the
measures which had given rise to the war; and Mr.
Pitt felt it necessary to notice what had been said. He
rose at a late hour, when the house was fatigued,
and the question loudly called for. But the moment
it was perceived, that he was going to speak, the
noise and impatience for the question ceased, and both
sides of the house became silent and attentive ; and
as this speech contained not only his own sentiments,
but those of his illustrious father, relative both to the
origin and to the conduct of the American war, I shall
transcribe a part of it from the parliamentary debates, to
give some idea, though a very imperfect one, of Mr.
Pitt's early and unpremeditated eloquence : He said
that he was induced to rise, from certain expressions

29
which had fallen from a right honorable gentleman on the
floor*, and from another gentlemanf on the other side of
the house, relative to the ministerial and parliamentary
conduct of a dear and most respected relation, with re
gard to the American war, and the successive measures
by which it had been produced. He thought that it was
his duty, as the son of that noble lord, and as a member of
that house, to rise upon the present occasion, to correct
the gentlemen who had spoken, and to prevent the house
from separating, under a persuasion that the conduct and
sentiments of the noble lord were such as had been de
scribed. The silence of one so nearly connected and
allied in blood and affection, might seem to countenance
what had been so confidently, but erroneously, stated.
There might be many gentlemen in the house, who were
well acquainted with the political opinions of that noble
person ; to them no refutation of the assertions of that
night would be necessary. But there might be others,
who were entirely ignorant of them, or who knowing them
but imperfectly, might be deceived by misrepresentations,
perhaps unintentionally made.
Actuated by these motives, he thought it incumbent on
him to state his relation's opinion, as it appeared in his
public conduct, and as it came farther confirmed by pri
vate communication made to himself and the rest of his
family. The noble person, whose name had been so of
ten mentioned in the course of the evening, most heartily
reprobated the American war in all its parts, as well with
respect to the principle in which it was taken up, as its
progress, and the ultimate objects to which it pointed.
He had expressed himself uniformly so on the subject,
and he was persuaded, never gave a vote or opinion in
contradiction to those sentiments. This was well known
to those who acted with him; there were many living tes
timonies of the truth of what he now said ; and innumera
ble circumstances, in confirmation of it, could be adduced,
if farther evidence were required.
The only opinion declared by his noble relation, which
could have afforded the most distant color for the asser
tion which had been made, was, that he thought the
• Mr. Rigby. f Mr. Adam.

30
British legislature had a right to lay duties for the regu
lation of commerce in the colonies ; duties incidental to
the extension of trade, and calculated for the mutual bene
fit of both countries ; but not a single tax or duty of any
kind for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, to
be remitted home, and to be disposable by the British
parliament. This, however, was but a speculative opinion,
totally different and distinct from the doctrines and mea
sures which were productive of the war. Those mea
sures, at least, which produced the riot at Boston, from
whence it was acknowledged by every part of the house,
the war originated, did not come within the above de
scription. They were taxes upon the import, laid on ex
pressly by the British parliament, collected under its au
thority, and intended for the British treasury ; and were
not even pretended to hold out any advantage to both
countries, but to one only ; neither were they directed to
promote or extend the commerce of America, but merely
to draw out of the pockets of the inhabitants of that coun
try, certain sums of money for augmenting the revenues
of this.These were the true and genuine sentiments of the no
ble person alluded to. To infer, therefore, that, because
he approved of one mode of conduct, which was not
adopted, he approved of another system, which he had so
frequently and openly reprobated, was a most extraordi
nary kind of logic indeed. But he could not think, that
those who argued in this manner, expected to bring home
conviction to the breast of any unprejudiced man.
After thus explaining his noble father's principles and
conduct, he said, that with respect to himself, in whatever
point of view he considered the American war, he was
the more confirmed in the opinions he had early formed
concerning its origin and tendency. It was conceived in
injustice ; it was brought forth and nurtured in folly ; its
footsteps were marked with blood, persecution, and de
vastation. It was productive of misery of every kind.
The mischiefs, however, recoiled on this unhappy coun
try, which was thus drained of its vital resources of men
and treasure. And what had the British nation received
in return ? Nothing but a series of ineffective victories or

31
severe defeats ; — victories celebrated only by a temporary
triumph over our brethren, whom we were endeavoring
to trample down, and destroy ; which filled the land with
mourning for the loss of dear and "valuable relations, slain
in the vain attempt of enforcing unconditional submis
sion, or with narratives of the glorious exertions of men,
struggling under every difficulty and disadvantage, in the
sacred cause of liberty. Where was the Englishman,
who, on reading the accounts of these sanguinary and
well-fought battles, could refrain from lamenting the loss
of so much British blood spilled in such a contest ? or
from weeping, on whichever side victory might be de
clared ? Add to this, the melancholy consideration, that
to whatever quarter we looked, we could perceive noth
ing but natural and powerful enemies, or lukewarm and
faithless friends, rejoicing in our calamities, and meditat
ing our ultimate downfal. After dwelling with great
force upon the evils already occasioned by the war, he
concluded with warning ministers of the still more dis
astrous and fatal events which must inevitably attend its
farther prosecution.
The lord advocate*, who had been an uniform sup
porter of the American war, and was one of the ablest
debaters in favor of administration, replied to Mr. Pitt.
After adverting, in general terms, to several persons who
had taken part in the Jebate, he proceeded thus, with a
sort of prophetic eulogy : " The honorable gentleman who
spoke last, claims my particular approbation. I am un
willing to say to that honorable gentleman's face, what
truth would exact from me were he absent ; but even
now, however unusual it may be, I must declare, that I
find myself impelled to rejoice in. the good fortune of my
country, and my fellow- subjects, who are destined, at
some future day, to derive the most important services
from so happy an union of first-rate abilities, high inte
grity, bold and honest independency of conduct, and the
most persuasive eloquencef." Mr. Fox's motion was
lost by a majority of 172 to 99.
* Mr. Dundas, afterwards viscount Melville.
+ Mr. Dundas also, in the same speech, paid the following just and elegant com
pliment to the late lord Chatham : In speaking of his lordship's last speech in the
house of lords, he said, '•These were almost the last words that upright minister

32
These were the only three occasions on which Mr.
Pitt spoke in this session, which ended on the 18th of
July*. On the circuit of this summer, Mr. Pitt was employed
in several election causes of great interest at Salisbury ;
and an argument which he delivered in the course of the
trials, on the admissibility of a point of evidence, was
much applauded by Mr. Justice Buller, who presided as
judge. The highest compliments were also paid him by
that eminent lawyer, Mr. Dunning, who was leading coun
sel on the same side ; and every one who heard him on
this, and the few other occasions on which he spoke in a
court of justice, was convinced, that he was peculiarly
suited to the profession in which he had engagedf. He
and consummate statesman ever uttered. He was a man, whom, from my earliest
youth, I was always taught to look up to with reverence and admiration before I had
seen him. Every opportunity I have since had of becoming acquainted with him ia
his senatorial character, the more it has confirmed me in my early impressions; and
he was no less great in his last awful exit, than in the most splendid actions of his
political life. He held the language of a patriot and sound statesman ; and the capa
ciousness of his soul was only equalled by the integrity of his mind and the goodness
of his heart. There was a quickness of conception, a warmth ot imagination, and
a tone and firmness of mind, which were truly astonishing. He saw his object at a
distance ; and was unceasing in his endeavors to obtain it."
* After the close of the session in which Mr. Pitt made these three speeches, a"
friend of Mr. Fox told me, that upon his saying to Mr. Fox, " Mr. Pitt, I think,
promises to be one of the first speakers ever heard in the house of commons," Mr.
Fox instantly replied, " He is so already." From this, and other testimonies, it ap
pears, that Mr. Fox was very early impressed with a high idea of Mr. Pitt's talents.
It ought to be mentioned to the mutual credit of these two great men, that in future
life, when they were the leaders of two opposite parties, and the supporters of dif
ferent systems of politics, they always in private spoke of each other's abilities with
the highest respect. Mr. Fox, at a late period of Mr. Pitt's first administration,
said, that "he had been narrowly watching Mr. Pitt for many years, and could never
catch him tripping once ;" and in conversation with me, I always noticed, that Mr.
Pitt considered Mr. Fox as far superior to any other of his opponents, as a debater
in the house of commons.
¦j- Since 1 wrote the above, 1 have been favored with the following communica
tion from a gentleman, who was many years a member of the house of commons,
and now holds an honorable station in the court of chancery : he was very intimate
with Mr. Pitt on the western circuit, and afterwards, till they were separated in
1792 by a difference of political opinions. " Among lively men of his own time of
life, Mr Pitt was always the most lively and convivial in the many hours of leisure
which occur to young unoccupied men on a circuit ; and joined all the little excur
sions to Southampton, Weymouth, and such parties of amusement as were habitual
ly formed He was extremely popular. His name and reputation of high-acquire
ments at the university, commanded the attention of his seniors. His wit, his guod
humor, and joyous manners, endeared him to the younger part of the bar. In
some bribery causes from Cricklade, he was retained as junior counsel ; but even in
that subordinate character, he had an opportunity of arguing a point of evidence
with extraordinary ability. I remember also, in an action of crim. con. at Exeter
as junior counsel, he manifested such talents in cross-examination, that it was the
universal opinion of the bar, that he should have led the cause. Daring his short

33
passed the autumn with his mother at Burton Pynsent,
(where I joined him for some time,) and in visiting his
friends, till he was called to London by the beginning of
term in the early part of November.
Parliament met on the 27th of November, and
upon the usual motion for an address to his majesty,
Mr. Fox moved, as an amendment, to omit all that part
which might be considered as pledging the house to a
continuance of the American war ; and he proposed to
substitute in its room this sentence, " And we will, with
out delay, apply ourselves with united hearts to prepare
and digest such counsels, as may in this crisis excite the
efforts, point the arms, and by a total change of system
command the confidence of all his majesty's subjects :"
This amendment, for which Mr. Pitt voted without
speaking, was rejected by a majority of 218 to 129.
The following day, upon the report of the address, Mr.
Pitt spoke early in the debate, and argued strongly and
powerfully against persevering in the American war,
" which fruitlessly wasted the blood and treasure of the
kingdom, without even a rational object ;" and he in
veighed with great severity against the incapacity of
ministers, who, "by their fatal system, had led the
country, step by step, to the most calamitous and dis
graceful situation to which a once flourishing and glori-
stay in the profession, he never had occasion to address a jury ; but upon a motion
in the court of king's bench, for an habeas corpus to bring up a man to be bailed,
who was charged with murder, Mr. Pitt made a speech whieh excited the admira
tion of the bar, and drew down very complimentary approbation from lord Mans
field. When he first made his brilliant display in parliament, those at the bar who
had seen little of him, expressed surprise ; but a few who had heard him once speak
in a sort of mock debate at the Crown and Anchor tavern, when a club, called the
Western Circuit Club, was dissolved, agreed, that he had then displayed all the va
rious species of eloquence, for which he was afterwards celebrated. Before he dis
tinguished himself in the house of commons, he certainly looked seriously to the law
as a profession. The late Mr. Justice Rooke told me, that Mr. Pitt dangled seven
days with a junior brief and a single guinea fee, waiting till a cause of no sort of im
portance should come on in the court of common pleas. At Mr. Pitt's instance, an
annual dinner took place for some years at Richmond Hill, the party consisting of
lord Erskine, lord Redesdale, sir William Grant, Mr. Bond, Mr. Leycester, Mr.
Jekyll, and others: and I well remember a dinner with Mr. Pitt and several of his
private friends, at the Boar's Head in Eastcheap, in celebration of Shakespeare s
Falstaff. We were all in high spirits, quoting and alluding to Shakespenre the
whole day ; and it appeared, that Mr. Pitt was as well and familiarly read in the
poet's works as the best Shakespearians present. But to speak of his conviviality is
needless. After he was minister, he continued to ask his old circuit intimates to
dine with him, and his manners were unaltered."
Vol. I. E

34
ous empire could possibly be driven — a situation which
threatened the final dissolution of the empire, if not pre
vented by timely, wise, and vigorous efforts."
The applause in the house was so great when Mr.
Pitt sat down, that it was some time before the lord ad
vocate, who rose immediately, could be heard : He
began by saying, that " the lustre of abilities and splendor
of eloquence displayed by the honourable gentleman
who spoke last, having proved that an astonishing extent
and force of understanding had descended, in an heredi
tary line, from a parent uncommonly gifted to a son
equally endowed with all the fire, and strength, and
grace of oratory, it did not at all surprize him, that an in
voluntary emotion of applause should burst out on the
conclusion of the speech the house had just heard ; and
that each gentleman should be anxious to communicate
to his neighbour his approbation of it." Mr. Fox after
wards noticed the universal admiration which Mr. Pitt's
speech had excited ; and Mr. Courtenay said, that Mr.
Pitt's " splendid diction, his manly elocution, his bril
liant periods, his pointed logic, conveyed in a torrent of
rapid and impressive eloquence, brought strongly to his
recollection that great and able statesman*, whose me
mory every grateful and generous Briton revered." The
motion for bringing up the address was carried by a
majority of 131 to 54.
On the 12th of December, the day fixed for voting the
army estimates, previously to the house going into a
committee for that purpose, sir James Lowther moved
" That it is the opinion of this house, that the war carried
on in the colonies and plantations of North America,
has proved ineffectual, either for the protection of his
majesty's loyal subjects in the said colonies, or for de
feating the dangerous designs of our enemies ;'' and he
gave notice, that if this motion should be carried, he
would then move, " That it is the opinion of this house,
that under the present circumstances of the country, all
farther attempts to reduce the revolted colonies to obedi
ence, are contrary to the interests of this kingdom, as
tending to weaken its efforts against its antient and
* Lord Chalham.

35
powerful enemies." Mr. Pitt took no part in the de=-
bate ; but he was one of 179 who voted for the motion
— 220 voted against it.
This division was the first symptom of a change of
opinion in the house of commons, relative to the Ameri
can war ; and that change was to be attributed to the in
telligence recently received of the surrender of lord Corn-
wallis and his army at York-town, in Virginia. No
blame whatever was imputed either to the general or to
his troops ; but this disaster had great effect in opening
the eyes of parliament, and also of the public, to the
folly and impracticability of continuing the war ; and it
compelled even lord North, lord George Germaine, and
the lord advocate, to acknowledge that some alteration
must be made in the system hitherto pursued ; but
while they admitted the necessity of changing the plan,
they were by no means explicit or consistent in describ
ing the manner in which the war was hereafter to be
prosecuted. Two days afterwards, the house being in a commitee
of supply upon the army estimates*, Mr. Pitt pointed
out the opposite declarations of lord North and lord
George Germaine, who had preceded him in the debate,
with respect to the future conduct of the American war ;
and while he was dwelling with great force and effect
upon the contradiction between the prime minister and
the secretary of state for the American department, he
observed lord North, lord George Germaine, and Mr.
Welbore Ellis, whispering together — he immediately
interrupted his argument, and said, he would pause, till
harmony was restored between the two noble lords ; and
with a happy classical allusion truly characteristic of
the three persons, he added, " Nestor will compose the
difference between Agamemnon and Achilles." This
speech extorted praise from Mr. Rigby, then paymaster
of the forces — he paid many compliments to " the repre
sentative of lord Chatham," as he called Mr. Pitt, and
said, " that his oratory was not less persuasive, his abili-
* The debate on sir James Lowther's motion having lasted till two °'cl°^ lne
next morning, the house only went into a committee pro forma, and it was agreed,
that the business of the army estimates should be deferred to the 14th.

36
ties not less powerful, his virtues not less splendid ; nay,
he made no scruple to declare, that he regarded him as
a still greater orator than his noble and admired father :
he had observed with amazement and pleasure the effect
which his eloquence had produced, and the awe, the
hope, and the animation which it inspired." He ac
knowledged the inconsistency between the assertions ot
lord North and lord George Germaine, and confessed
that he was convinced, by events and facts, of the im
practicability of conquering America. Lord Nugent
followed Mr. Rigby ; and though he had been a stre
nuous supporter of all the measures of administration
respecting America, he now admitted the necessity of
renouncing the war, and of declaring America indepen-.
dent. Towards the end of the debate, Mr. Fox said,
that Mr. Pitt, " with that commanding eloquence, which
even the effrontery of ministers could not resist, had de
tected and exposed the glaring and abandoned disunioa
which subsisted in his majesty's councils." Ministers,
however, were triumphant by a majority of 166 to 84.
These were the only two occasions upon which Mr.
Pitt spoke before the Christmas recess.
The house of commons met on Monday the 21st of
January, after their adjournment for the holidays ; and on
the 24th, Mr. Fox concluded a long and comprehensive
speech, in which he entered very fully into the miscon
duct of the board of admiralty, by moving, " that it be
referred to a committee, to inquire into the causes of the
want of success of his majesty's naval forces, during this
war, and more particularly during the year 1781." This
motion, after some observations from lord North, and
several other members, being agreed to. without a divi
sion, Mr. Fox proposed that the inquiry should take
place in a committee of the whole house, on that day
se'nnight, which was unanimously agreed to, without a
single remark. He then proceeded to move for a variety
of papers, as necessary to the object of the inquiry, among
which were communications of intelligence received from
persons employed abroad, relative to the equipments and
movements of the enemies' fleets. Lord North and lord
Mulgrave (one of the lords of the admiralty, himself a

37
naval man, and in the confidence of lord Sandwich, the
first lord,) objected to the production of letters and do
cuments containing this intelligence, upon the ground,
that they might inform the enemy of the names of the
persons by whom the intelligence was communicated,
and thereby endanger their lives ; and also reveal parti
culars, which, if concealed, might be serviceable to the
future operations of our navy. To obviate the former
of these objections, Mr. Pitt suggested, that the sub
stance only of the intelligence communicated, and not
the letters themselves, should be laid before the house :
and this suggestion being adopted, fifteen motions were
acceded to without a division. Mr. Fox consented to
defer the motions to which the other objection applied,
in order to give the lords of the admiralty time to consi
der, whether the papers to which they related, might be
granted with safety. The result was, that all the motions
for papers were suffered to pass on following days ; but,
it being foreseen that the preparation of these papers,
which were very numerous, must occupy a long time,
lord Mulgrave proposed that the debate should be post
poned to^ the 7th of February, to which Mr. Pitt and
other opposition members reluctantly consented.
On that day Mr. Fox, in a long and able speech,
brought five charges against the board of admiralty,
grounded upon the papers then before the house, and
concluded by moving, " That it appears to this commit
tee, that there was gross mismanagement in the admi
nistration of naval affairs in the year 1781." Mr. Pitt
supported this resolution; but in the course of his speech,
he said, that he should have preferred a motion for the
removal of lord Sandwich, the first lord of the admiralty,
to whom he imputed all the naval disasters and dis
graces which had befallen the country. Mr. Fox's mo
tion was negatived by a majority of only 22, the numbers
being 205 and 183. So small a majority in so full a
house, and upon so important a question as the conduct
of the navy in the time of war, was a clear proof that the
confidence of parliament in administration was considera
bly lessened.
On the 13th of February, Mr. Fox gave notice, that,

38
as his motion on the preceding Thursday, having been
made and negatived in a committee, could not be en
tered upon the journals, he should, with a view to its
being there recorded, move in the House, on the Wednes
day following, a resolution, substantially, if not literally,
the same, as that which had been rejected in the com
mittee. Accordingly, on the 20th of February, after a
short speech, he moved, " That it appears to this house,
that there has been great mismanagement in the conduct
of his majesty's naval affairs in the year 1781." Mr.
Pitt highly distinguished himself in this debate ; he went
through a very accurate detail of all the naval events of
the preceding year, and commented upon each with un
common acuteness and force of reasoning. He pointed
out in what particulars there had been neglect ; and earn
estly conjured the house to consider the real importance
of the question before them, a question upon which pos
sibly the very being and existence of the country depend
ed. He declared that he supported the motion from
motives of a public nature, and from those motives only.
He was too young to be supposed capable of entertaining
any personal enmity against the earl of Sandwich ; and
he trusted that when he should be less young, it would
appear, that he had early determined, in the most solemn
manner, never to suffer any private or personal conside
ration whatever to influence his public conduct at any
one moment of his life*. Mr. Dunning, in a subsequent
part of the debate, alluding to this speech of Mr. Pitt,
said, that almost all the sentiments, which he had col
lected in his own mind upon the subject, had vanished
away like a dream, on the bursting forth of a torrent of
eloquence behind him, from the greatest prodigy that
ever perhaps was seen in this or in any other country, an
honorable gentleman, possessing the full vigor of youth,
united with the experience and wisdom of the maturest
age. The house divided, and the numbers were, for the
motion 217, and against it 236. Thus the majority was
decreased, although the number of members present was
greater than upon the former occasion.
* This was not merely an ebullition of youthful patriotism, but a principle to
which he adhered throughout life. .

39
The opposition considering themselves sufficiently en
couraged by the late divisions, to persevere in their mo
tions against the administration, general Conway, two
days afterwards, moved, " That an humble address be
presented to his majesty, earnestly imploring his majesty,
that taking into his royal consideration the many and
great calamities which have attended the present unfortu
nate war, and the heavy burdens thereby brought on his
loyal and affectionate people, he will be pleased gra
ciously to listen to the humble prayer and advice of his
faithful commons, that the war on the continent of North
America may no longer be pursued for the impracticable
purpose of reducing the inhabitants of that country to
obedience by force ; and expressing their hope, that the
earnest desire and diligent exertion to restore the public
tranquillity, of which we have received his majesty's
gracious assurances, may, by a happy reconciliation with
the revolted colonies, be forwarded and made effectual,
to which great end his majesty's faithful commons will
be ready most cheerfully to give their utmost assistance."
In the debate which followed, Mr. Pitt, with his usual
eloquence, contended for the necessity of putting an im
mediate end to the American war : upon a division, the
numbers were, for the motion 193 ; against it 194.
This division, although it did not take place till two
o'clock in the morning, was followed by a conversation
relative to the time of opening the budget, in which lord
North called the language used by colonel Barre, " inso
lent and brutal." These epithets excited great clamor
in the house ; and several members, and among the rest
Mr. Pitt, required that lord North should apologise for
them, not only to colonel Barre, but also to the house.
Lord North made a satisfactory apology in two short
speeches ; in one of which he acknowledged, that he had
been irritated by colonel Barre's expressions, which, he
said, he ought not to have been, accustomed as he was
to parliamentary abuse. He added, that he was certain
the house would give him credit, when he said, that he
took abuse as patiently as any man. All who knew lord
North, knew this to be true ; but soon after the apology
was admitted on all sides to be sufficient, colonel Barre

40
was proceeding still to complain of the word " brutal,"
as applied to him by lord North, upon which the speaker
interposed, and the conversation ended.
On the following Monday, general Conway gave no
tice, that on Wednesday he would make a motion as
nearly the same as that which he had made on the pre
ceding Friday, as the rules of the house would admit.
He said, that considering the very small majority by
which his last motion had been rejected, and the absence
of many members upon that occasion, it did not appear
to him, that the sense of the house had been fully taken;
and therefore he was desirous of giving every member
then in town an opportunity of declaring bv his vote, his
opinion respecting the farther prosecution of the Ameri
can war.
Conformably to this notice, he moved, on the 27th,
the following resolution, " That it is the opinion of this
house, that the farther prosecution of offensive war on
the continent of North America, for the purpose of
reducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force,
will be the means of weakening the efforts of this
country against her European enemies, tends, under the
present circumstances, dangerously to increase the mu
tual enmity, so fatal to the interests both of Great
Britain and America, and by preventing a happy re
conciliation with that country, to frustrate the earnest
desire graciously expressed by his majesty, to restore
the blessings of public tranquillity." In the debate
which took place upon this motion, lord North spoke at
considerable length. He was followed by the attorney
general*, who acknowledged that nothing but peace with
America could restore this country to its former state of
splendor and respect ; and considering a truce with Ame
rica as the best means of attaining that object, he in
formed the house, that he had prepared a motion for
leave to bring in a bill to enable his majesty's ministers
to treat upon that ground : he therefore moved, " That
the debate be adjourned till this day fortnight." Mr. Pitt,
in a speech which was allowed on all hands to be the
best and most forcible in point of argument, and the most
* Mr. Wallace.

41
brilliant and persuasive in point of eloquence, which he
had ever delivered in parliament, replied fully both to
lord North and to the attorney general. He censured the
idea of a truce and the motion for adjournment, as a ma
noeuvre to gain a few votes, and treated the whole pro
posal as made for the purpose of imposing upon the
house, by holding out a delusive hope ; and in referring
to an assurance from lord North, that government was
inclined to listen to terms of accommodation with Ame
rica, he said, that no confidence was to be placed in the
present ministers, all whose promises had ended in de
ception and disappointment, and who did not agree in any
one plan or principle. At half past one o'clock, the house
divided upon the attorney general's motion for adjourn
ment, which was negatived by a majority of 234 to 215.
The minister, being thus left in a minority, suffered the
original resolution to pass without a division.
General Conway then moved an address to the king,
nearly in the words of the resolution ; to which, when
presented by the whole house, two days afterwards, his
majesty returned the following answer : " There are no
objects nearer to my heart than the ease, happiness, and
prosperity of my people. You may be assured, that, in
pursuance of your advice, I shall take such measures as
shall appear to me most conducive to the restoration of
harmony between Great Britain and the revolted colonies,
so essential to the prosperity of both ; and that my efforts
shall be directed in the most effectual manner against our
European enemies, until such a peace can be obtained,
as shall consist with the interests and permanent welfare
of my kingdoms." Upon this answer being reported to
the house on the fourth of March, general Conway rose
and said, that although his majesty had not expressed
himself quite so explicitly as might have been wished,
yet he thought it right and proper, that the house should
return his majesty thanks for the pacific disposition ma
nifested in his answer ; and therefore he moved an ad
dress to that effect, which was carried without division
or debate, and was ordered to be presented by such mem
bers of the house as were of the privy council. He then
moved, " That after the solemn declaration of the opi-
Vol.L F

42
nion of this house, in their humble address presented to
his majesty on Friday last, and his majesty's assurance
of his gracious intention, in pursuance of their advice, to
take such measures as shall appear to his majesty to be
most conducive to the restoration of harmony between
Great Britain and the revolted colonies, so essential to
the prosperity of both, this house will consider as ene
mies to his majesty and this country, all those who shall
endeavor to frustrate his majesty's paternal care for the
ease and happiness of his people, by advising, or by any
means attempting, the farther prosecution of offensive
war on the continent of North America, for the purpose
of reducing the revolted colonies to obedience by force."
Several objections were at first made to this motion, and
lord Howe proposed an amendment. Mr. Pitt, however,
answered the objections, and lord Howe withdrew his
amendment. The debate was then continued upon the
original motion, and Mr. Pitt made a short reply to Mr.
Rigby. The motion was at length carried without a di
vision ; and thus the same house of commons, who, at
the end of November, had by a great majority voted an
address to his majesty, promising their support of the
American war, in the beginning of the following March
pronounced every man an enemy to his king and coun
try, who should recommend, or in any respect promote,
the continuance of that war.
Although ministers had been compelled by a majority
of the house of commons, to abandon their favourite
measure of the American war, yet they continued in
office, and indicated no intention of resigning. The
members of opposition, therefore, having succeeded in
one great object, thought they might now proceed to a
more general attack upon the administration ; and accord
ingly, lord John Cavendish, on the 8th of March, moved
four resolutions, the first of which asserted, that the ex-
pences of the army, navy, and ordnance, since the year
1775, had amounted to upwards of 100 millions; the
second enumerated the territorial losses which we had
sustained during that period; the third asserted, that we
were still engaged in war with France, Spain, and Hol
land, without a single ally ; and the fourth attributed

43
these misfortunes to the want of foresight and ability in
his majesty's ministers. Mr. Powys, in seconding these
resolutions, said, that among those, who opposed the
present administration, were men of the first abilities in
the kingdom, the representatives of the most opulent
families in the nation, and the descendants of all that was
great, all that was illustrious ; and particularly alluding to
Mr. Pitt, he called him the " heir of his father's virtues
and unexampled talents ; the son of a man, who had car
ried the British name to the very highest pinnacle of
glory." The first three resolutions, containing plain mat
ters of fact, could not be controverted ; but upon the
fourth there was a long debate, towards the end of which
Mr. Pitt replied to lord North ; he contended, that the
king's speeches proved, that the noble lord must have
been guilty either of delusion or of want of foresight ;
that the noble lord's declared hostility to the resolution
of the house, relative to the American war, was of itself
a sufficient reason for withdrawing all confidence from
him ; and that a change of ministers would afford the
only chance for the salvation of the country. The secre
tary at war moved the order of the day, upon which the
house divided; and administration had a majority of ten,
the numbers being 226 and 216.
The smallness ©f this majority upon such a question
convinced every one, that ministers could not long main
tain their situations ; but as they still manifested no de
sign of retiring, sir John Rous, on the 15th of March,
moved a resolution, which comprehended the substance,
though in somewhat different words, of the four resolu
tions', which had been moved a week before, by lord
John Cavendish. In the debate of this day Mr. Pitt
replied to the lord advocate, and particularly dwelt upon
the learned lord's confession, that the present ministers
had not the confidence of the people. He said, " that
lord North's administration had been an administration
of influence and intrigue, and that it was generally ac
knowledged, that he and his colleagues were unfit for
the purposes of government." He spoke with great
animation and warmth, and concluded with confessing
" that he was agitated more than he had ever been upon

44
any former occasion, as he could not avoid feeling for
his country, in the mortifying distress of being governed
by men, who had neither sensibility nor shame ; who
were as void of feeling as they were of every other valua
ble quality, which constitutes the great statesman and
the powerful minister." He most strenuously recom
mended the motion, as the" only means of presenting to
the eyes of the world, what he had read of with rapture,
but almost despaired of seeing, "a patriot king, presiding
over an united people." The house divided upon the
question, and the numbers were, 236 for ministers, and
227 against them. While the division was taking place,
Mr. Fox gave notice, that a similar motion would be
made on the Wednesday following.
On that day, at the usual hour, and in a very full house,
lord Surry rose to make the promised motion ; and lord
North stood up at the same moment. Neither of these
noble lords being willing to give way to the other, and
both remaining upon their legs, great clamor and confu
sion arose ; but at length, after several members, and
among the rest, Mr. Pitt, had delivered their sentiments
upon the point of order, lord North was permitted to
Speak, but not without interruption : he said, that he had
risen for the purpose of informing the house, that there
was now no occasion for the motion, the purport of which
had been announced on a former day, as those persons,
who had for some time conducted the public affairs, had
ceased to be his majesty's ministers. They were no
longer to be considered as men holding the reins of
government, and transacting measures of state ; but
merely remaining to do their official duty, till other mi
nisters should take their places. The sooner these
ministers were appointed, the better it would be, in his
judgment, for the public business, and for the general
interests of the nation. Mr. Pitt, rising immediately,
said, that the declaration which the house had just heard
from the noble lord, appeared to him to render the in
tended motion unnecessary, its object being already
accomplished ; and lord John Cavendish, Mr. Fox, lord
Surry, general Conway, and several other members con-

45
ourring in mat opinion, the house adjourned to Monday,
to give time for making the new arrangements.
In a few days an administration was formed consisting
of the marquis of Rockingham first lord of the treasury*,
the earl of Shelburne and Mr. Fox secretaries of state,
admiral Keppel (created viscount Keppel) first lord of
the admiralty, lord John Cavendish chancellor of the
exchequer, lord Camden president of the council, the
duke of Grafton lord privy seal, general Conway com
mander in chief, Mr. Dunning (created lord Ashburton)
chancellor of the duchy of Lancaster, and lord Thurlow,
who continued lord chancellor.
I have thought it right to notice particularly all the
motions made in the house of commons, the object of
which was the removal of lord North and his colleagues
from office, for the purpose of shewing the very promi
nent part, which Mr, Pitt, young as he was, both -as a
man and as a member of parliament, took upon almost
every one of those occasions. He frequently suggested
modes of proceeding, when difficulties occurred ; he
constantly replied to the principal speakers on the oppo
site side ; and though he had been scarcely twelve
months in parliament, and was not yet twenty-three years
of age, he answered their arguments and objections with
the readiness and exactness of the most experienced de
bater, and in a style of oratory, so dignified and brilliant,
that at this early dawn he was compared to his illustrious
father in his meridian splendor. The immediate subjects
of these motions were, the impolicy of continuing the
American war, the conduct of the board of admiralty,
the internal situation of the country, the want of foreign
alliances, and various other points brought forward to
prove, that ministers were no longer entitled to the confi
dence of the house. The discussion of these compre
hensive and important subjects afforded Mr. Pitt an oppor
tunity of declaring his political principles, and his general
* On Thursday, the day after lord North had announced his resignation in the
house of commons, the king sent for lord Sbelburne, and offered to appoint him
first lord of 'he treasury; but lord Shelburne informed his majesty, that in bis judg
ment no on could at present fill that situation except lord Rockingham. Lord
Sh'-lhurne ..lluded to tins cucnnistance in his speech in the house of lords, on the
1 1th of the following July, when he lamented the death of lord Rockingham.

46
ideas of the British constitution, and of displaying a force
of eloquence, and a fund of knowledge, which called
forth, as we have seen, the highest commendations, not
only from his friends, and those of his own party, but
also from persons perfectly unconnected with him, and
who differed very widely from him in sentiments and in
conduct. He gave indeed such decisive proof of his
possessing very extraordinary talents, that the new minis
ters, in forming their arrangements, offered him several
situations*, and among others a vice-treasurership of
Ireland, an office of considerable rank and emolument,
which, it was thought, would be the more acceptable to
him, as it had been formerly held by his father ; but he
resolutely delined this and every other offer, preferring
his profession of the law to any official connexion with
an administration, of which he did not form a part — he
had indeed determined, as he soon afterwards declared
publickly, never to accept any subordinate office, mean
ing an office, which did not entitle him to a seat in the
cabinet. This determination did not proceed from any
overweening self-opinion, or reprehensible ambition, but
from an unwillingness to be considered as pledged to
measures, in framing which he had no concern.
As a private member he was regular in his attendance
upon the house of commons, and gave his general sup
port to the measures of government.
It being thought desirable to ascertain the expenses
of the American war, and of the war with the European
powers consequent upon it, and also what part of them
still remained to be provided for, a committee of 15 per
sons was appointed by the house of commons, on the
2nd of May, to enquire into and report to the house,' the
amount of the expences of the navy, army, and ordnance,
of the sums borrowed, and of the annual produce of the
taxes imposed for the payment of interest upon loans,
from the 5th of January 1776 to April 5, 1782; together
with the state of the public debts, both funded and un
funded, at the beginning of every year of the above pe-
* These offers were made through lord Shelburne, Mr. Pitt having very little
acquaintance with lord Rockingham or any of his party.

47
riod. Mr. Pitt was chosen a member of this committee
by a great majority of votes*, but did not take an active
part in preparing its report, being at this time engaged in
professional attendance in Westminster Hall.
During the administration of lord North, many of his
principal opponents had complained, that the people of
England were very imperfectly represented in the house
of commons, and associations were formed in different
parts of the kingdom, for the purpose of obtaining what
was called a reform of paryamentf. It was urged, that
the counties sent a very inadequate number of members,
and that many very small boroughs had each two repre
sentatives, in most cases chosen through the influence of
some peer or person of large property, or by means cor
rupt and disgraceful, while some of the most populous
and important towns had no representative. All this
was said to be a gross departure from the original prin
ciples of the constitution, and as calling aloud for correc
tion. The present was thought a favorable time for
bringing this question before the legislature, and a gene
ral meeting of the friends of parliamentary reform was
held at the house of the duke of Richmond, in London,
at which it was determined, that a motion upon the sub
ject should be immediately submitted to the house of
commons. Mr. Pitt was fixed upon as the fittest person
to make this motion ; and the selection of him for the
conduct of a business, which had excited an eager anx
iety both in and out of parliament, and which from its
delicacy and importance required no ordinary qualifica
tions, is another proof of the high opinion, which was
already entertained of his judgment and abilities.
On the 7th of May, after the call of the house had
taken place, (which was appointed for that day, in order
to secure a full attendance,) Mr. Pitt brought forward
this interesting question, in a speech of considerable
length. Having apologized for undertaking a task,
which required so much greater ability and experience
* Mr. Pitt had 247 votes, and no other person had more than 165, except Mr.
Thomas Pitt, who proposed the committee and had 219 votes,
t These associations began in 1779.

48
than he possessed, he proceeded to observe, that the in
adequate representation of the people in parliament had
long engaged the attention of the public, and that men
the most enlightened had maintained the necessity of a
calm revision of the principles of the constitution, and
of a moderate and substantial reform of those defects,
which had gradually and imperceptibly stolen in to de
face, and now at last threatened to destroy, the most
beautiful fabric of government in the world. He parti
cularly mentioned his father, who was not apt to indulge
vague and chimerical speculations inconsistent with prac
tice and expediency, as a decided friend to parliamentary
reform ; and upon these authorities he entreated gentle
men not to be deterred from attempting to remove the
acknowledged abuses of the constitution, by a fear of in
juring what they so much and so deservedly loved and
revered : they ought rather to be anxious to apply a time
ly remedy, lest this nation, with the best capacities for
grandeur and happiness of any on the face of the earth,
should be confounded with the mass of those, whose
liberties were subverted and lost. He spoke with great
severity of the corrupt influence which caused a perseve
rance in the American war, contrary to the sense of the
people ; and after commending in terms equally strong,
the honorable and patriotic manner in which the king's
government was now conducted, he called upon the
house to seize the favorable opportunity of restoring the
purity of election. He contended that the present state
of the house of commons was totally different from its
original construction ; and that as there ceased to be the
connexion designed by our ancestors between the repre
sentatives and their constituents, to correct that abuse
would be, not an innovation, but a recovery of the con
stitution. He did not at that time mean to discuss what
would be the best species of reform ; but only to propose
the appointment of a committee for the purpose of inves
tigating the subject, and reporting their opinion of the
plan which ought to be adopted, and of the most proper
method of carrying it into execution. He stated some
facts and circumstances to prove, that members were
chosen by boroughs, which had no one quality of repre-

49
sentation, no population, no trade, no share in the general
interests of the country, no stake to entitle them'to that
distinction, but were either under the command of the
treasury, or of some great and powerful individual; or
else the electors sold their votes to such persons as would
purchase them at the highest price: it was well known,
he said, that by means of such boroughs the nabob of
Arcot had seven or eight members in the house of com
mons; which led him to argue upon the impropriety and
danger of a foreign influence being allowed to creep into
our national councils. The corruption, of which he com
plained, was the natural effect of" the wide limits of our
empire, and of the broad and great scale upon which its
operations were conducted: " it had grown with our
growth, and strengthened with our strength ;" but un
happily it had not decayed with our decay, nor diminish
ed with our decrease : it still existed in its full force, and
had supported a late administration against all the conse
quences of a mischievous system and a dismembered
empire. To prevent the recurrence and extension of this
evil, he was anxious to establish a more solid and equal
representation, by reviving the true constitutional connex
ion between parliament and the people ; and therefore he
moved, " That a committee be appointed to examine
into the present state of the representation of the com
mons of Great Britain in parliament, to report the same
to the house, and likewise what steps in their opinion it
may be proper for parliament to take concerning the
same." Mr. Sawbridge, in seconding the motion, spoke
of Mr. Pitt's speech, as displaying " that great and asto
nishing ability, for which he was so justly distinguish
ed*." The motion, however, although supported by
* Mr. Fox, in addressing the electors of Westminster on the 17th of July in this
year, said, " A motion for parliamentary reform was made in the house of commons,
by a young man of the most signal abilities, and whose public conduct had so entire
ly concurred with your own sentiments and wishes, that you expressed a desire for
him to become one of your representatives in parliament. The honorable author of
this motion (I mean Mr. William Pitt,) supported it in the house with ail that abi
lity, whioh characterizes him, and with all that firmness, integrity, and dignity,
which, I believe, to be no less in the number of his excellencies." It is to be ob
served, that this declaration was made after Mr. Fox had resigned the seals as se
cretary of state, and after Mr. Pitt was appointed chancellor of the exchequer; that
is, after the little connexion, which had subsisted between Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt,
had ceased ; and on that account it may b> considered as more honorable to both .
Vol. I, G

50
Mr. Fox and several other persons in office, was lost by
a majority of 20, the numbers being 161 and 141.
It is not to be inferred from this majority, that no de
fect was supposed to exist in the present construction of
the house of commons, and no departure to have taken
place from the original plan of representation. The
ground on which the motion was opposed was this, that
it may be wiser to submit to certain deviations and ir
regularities in an established form of government, rather
than, by attempting to correct them, to hazard the safety
of the whole fabric. A practice may indeed prevail,
utterly indefensible in theory, and irreconcileable with
the design of the framers of a political institution, and
yet, from the changes, to which time subjects every
community, may not be mischievous in its nature, and
may even be productive of beneficial effects. It is, for
instance, a principle of our house of commons, that its
members should be chosen by the unbiassed votes of
their constituents. But the fact is, that a considerable
number of the members are chosen through the influ
ence of persons, who from private connexions or various
other causes happen to have weight with the voters ;
and that seats in parliament, to a certain extent, are ob
tained through pecuniary means, as was acknowledged
without scruple in the debate upon Mr. Pitt's motion.
This, it will be admitted on all hands, was never in the
contemplation of our ancestors, but still no material
harm seems likely to result from it, while confined to its
present bounds, and perhaps upon the whole the good
may preponderate. The two things chiefly to to desir
ed in the house of commons are, that it should be open,
first, to persons of extensive property of every species,
who from their large stake in the country will be most
studious to consult and provide for its real interests ; and
secondly, to men, who by possessing superior talents
will be best able to promote the welfare, and raise the
glory, of the nation. Members of the former descrip
tion, who have been truly independent, and of the latter,
who have been highly distinguished, have been intro
duced into parliament, by means of what are called close
and rotten boroughs, among whom may be reckoned

51
lord Chatham, lord North, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Pitt.
View the question in another light : it is the duty of the
house of commons, both to direct the concerns of the
kingdom at large, and to watch over and protect the
particular interests of all these various classes of persons,
of which the community consists ; and the present di
versity of the elective franchise affords an opportunity to
men of all the liberal professions and respectable situa
tions in life to become members of the house of com
mons ; men of landed property, monied men, merchants
bankers, officers in the army any navy, lawyers, civilians,
diplomatists, and those who from consciousness of ability
are ambitious to serve their king and country in some
political department. Hence, not only every order in
society has its guardians in the great council of the na
tion to prevent any partially oppressive or injurious mea
sure, but the house of commons has among its members
persons, who can, from their own knowledge and expe
rience, give information upon any point under delibera
tion, and suggest proposals upon subjects to which they
have directed their attention, and in which the public
good may be concerned. This great variety of charac
ters in the members, is of itself attended with important
advantages ; and were they entirely or principally cho
sen from any single description of men, the worst conse
quences must inevitably ensue. Whatever defects,
therefore, there may be in the present system of repre
sentation, and however short it may fall of ideal perfec
tion, it seems no wonder, that the house of commons as
now elected should have been considered well calculated
for all the practical purposes of one branch of a free gov
ernment ; and that it should have been decided, that
there was no benefit in view sufficient to justify the
risque, which must have been incurred by any alteration.
On the 17th of May, Mr. Pitt supported a motion of
Mr. Sawbridge, for leave to bring in a bill to shorten the
duration of parliaments, upon the ground, that long par
liaments were one source of undue influence. Mr. Fox
also supported the motion, but it was lost by a majority
of 149 to 61.

52
After the new ministers came into office, there were
several debates, relative to the state of Ireland, and on
the llth of June Mr. Fox introduced a bill for repealing
the 6 Geo. 1. The object of this bill was, to renounce,
on the part of this country, all legislative and judicial
authority over Ireland ; and it passed without any divi
sion in either house. Mr. Pitt approved the measure,
but took no part in any of these debates on the subject
of Ireland.
On the 19th of June, Mr. Pitt warmly and ably sup
ported a bill introduced by Lord Mahon, for preventing
bribery and expence at the election of members to serve
in parliament, in opposition to Mr. Pbwys and Mr. Ba
ker, two county members, with whom at this time he
generally acted. It astonished him, he said, to hear
gentlemen avow hostility to the principle of a bill which
in his opinion was highly constitutional. It had been
called an innovation. It was no innovation. It referred
merely to the mode of conducting a very constitutional
business, a mode which had continually varied with the
times, a mode which had admitted of the greatest abuses.
The regulation cf this was no innovation, but a restora
tion of the constitution. There Was, indeed, nothing in
the bill, which did not meet his fullest approbation. It
was calculated to revive a number of very useful laws,
which from the relaxation of morals, had become almost
obsolete. He went through a vast variety of topics, with
such a masterly conception of the subject, with so much
readiness and precision, and with a dignity and correct
ness of language so singular and so animated, that the house
was most powerfully impressed. He was answered by
Mr. Fox, who, after highly complimenting the preced-'
ing speaker, combated all his arguments with his usual
ability and address. He denied that the principles of
the bill had been fairly 'stated by his honourable friend
(Mr. Pitt). This point he labored with infinite dex
terity and spirit. He wished by no means to counte
nance a bill, which carried on the face of it a sort of
discordance, or at least a dissimilarity of sentiment, be
tween candidates and voters. He was for cultivating

53
the connexion between the elector and the elected, by
all possible expedients. Why should the house endea
vor to circumscribe the very -few privileges the electors
of Britain retained ? Was it not rather their business to
give them every assistance for extending their franchises ?
And nothing could possibly enhance the natural inde
pendence of English electors more than the power, upon
an occasion of elections, of obliging their friends, or pre
ferring to the highest honour of the country those, who,
in their opinion, might seem most deserving of it. He
was not fond of recurring to those times, when repre
sentatives were paid for their trouble by those they re
presented. This house was then of little or no weight
in the government of the country*. And those argu
ments, which referred to such antient usages, could be
of no other use than to put the house of commons in
mind of its antient insignificance. He said, that nothing
which would injure the cause of popularity, had any
thing to expect from his support ; and whenever the
honorable gentleman came forward with his ideas of a
more equal representation, he might depend on his
warmest concurrence. This was a point on which they
could never disagree. On the present bill, however,
their opinions did not meet, and he had stated with great
deference the grounds on which they differed. Mr.
Pitt said, some explanation was necessary, and he was
ready to give it : no one was more willing than he was,
to give the right honorable gentleman all the credit which
his very extraordinary abilities demanded. He joined
very sincerely in the just applause, which a variety of
shining and splendid passages in his speech naturally
extorted from the whole house : he was even more sin
cere in approving those passages, because instead of re
probating, they actually made for, the question before
the house. The forms of parliament did not permit
him, and he had no inclination, to follow the right honora
ble gentleman through all the extraneous topics he had
•It would be well if those, who complain of the present state of the house of
commons, and urge the necessity of restoring it to its original condition, would
recollect these observations of Mr. Fox, which are unquestionably founded in
truth and fact.

£4
introduced into the debate. He (Mr. Fox) had stigma
tized those times of simplicity and purity, which had
been mentioned, rather hastily, by ascribing to the in
significance of the house of commons, circumstances,
which might arise from very different causes. He wish
ed much, that all those virtues, which constitute the
highest character of a country gentleman in this kingdom,
had their fullest influence ; but under that idea, said he,
let us not introduce, let us not patronize, let us not plead
for, licentiousness. To the qualities of generosity, of
humanity, and of hospitality, he would give every possi
ble degree of credit ; but never, under that sacred pre
tence, would connive at the madness and tumult, which
had rendered the elections in this country, for the most
part, a mere farce. He returned thanks to the house for
indulging him thus far, and said, that nothing but the
warm interest he felt in a very important question could
have induced him to take this liberty.
I have transcribed these short speeches, as I find them
in the parliamentary debates, that it might be seen in what
manner Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox spoke of each other, when
arguing upon a question, concerning which they happen
ed to differ (the first, I believe, upon which they did dif
fer,) before any separation or material disagreement took
place between them. I must, however, remark, that
although they had hitherto acted together in parliament,
there had been no intimacy or confidential intercourse
between them. Mr. Pitt prevailed upon this occasion by
a majority of one, the numbers being 60 and 59 ; but
two days afterwards, when the bill was re-committed, an
important clause*, which was supported by Mr. Pitt and
opposed by Mr. Fox, being rejected by a majority of
26f , the bill was withdrawn.
On the 25th of June, the attorney general^, after mov
ing resolutions, requiring Mr. Rigby late paymaster of
the forces, and Mr. Ellis late treasurer of the navy, to lay
* The clause was of a penal nature, relating to the disqualification of the candi
date in a certain case.
•j" The numbers were 66 and 40.
+ Sir Lloyd Kenyon, afterwards lord Kenyon, and successively master of the
rolls, and chief justice of the king's bench.

55
before the house an account of the sums of money in their
hands at the time of their quitting their respective offi
ces*, which passed without a division, moved for " leave
to bring in a bill to direct the payment into the exche
quer, of the respective balances remaining in the hands of
Mr. Rigby and Mr. Ellis, for the use and benefit of the
public :" this motion, supported by Mr. Fox and Mr.
Pitt, both of whom spoke in the debate, and opposed by
lord North, was rejected by a majority of 11, the num
bers being 116 and 127 : this division, which left the new
ministers in a minority, was a proof of the strength of the
late administration in the house of commons, upon any
question in which they or their friends were personally
concerned, after they had been two months out of office.
Although the present ministers, while in opposition,
had concurred in censuring and resisting the measures of
lord North, yet when they became members of the same
cabinet, jealousies soon arose ; and so little cordiality and
confidence, prevailed among them, that even if lord Rock
ingham had lived, a new arrangement must have taken
place. Lord Rockingham died on the 1st of July ; and
his majesty was pleased to appoint lord Shelburne to suc
ceed him as first lord of the treasury. Mr. Fox and lord
John Cavendish immediately resigned their offices! 5 ar*d
a few days afterwards, Mr. Fox stated in the house of
commons, that the cause of his resignation was a differ
ence of opinion upon some essential points between him
and those who remained in his majesty's councils. Gene
ral Conway, commander in chief, after insinuating that
disappointment in a contest for power was the real cause
of Mr. Fox's resignation, positively declared, that in his
judgment there was no disagreement in the cabinet suffi
cient to justify Mr. Fox in withdrawing himself from it;
that he saw no symptom of a departure from those prin
ciples, upon which the ministers had originally come into
* The attorney general also proposed a resolution to make Mr. Rigby and Mr.
Ellis accountable tor the interest of the balances in their hands, but this idea being
generally disapproved, the resolution was withdrawn.
¦)" Lord Shelburne, in lamenting the resignation of these two members of the ca
binet, said, that he admired the one for his great abilities, and venerated the other
for his incorruptible integrity.

56
office ; and that he was convinced lord Shelburne would
steadily adhere to the system of his predecessor. This
declaration from one of the ministers, made it necessary
for Mr. Fox to rise again ; and entering into a more full
explanation, he acknowledged, that the appointment of
lord Shelburne to the office of first lord of the treasury,
was one reason which had induced him to retire. He
proceeded to express his decided opinion, that the duke
of Portland ought to have been placed in that situation,
being the fittest person to succeed lord Rockingham as
head of that great body of whigs, who had long acted to
gether, and who had the best claim to the direction of
public affairs. But while he thus seemed to dictate to
the king, he admitted his majesty's indisputable right to
nominate his own minister.
The above assertion of general Conway, and Mr.
Fox's avowal of his objection to lord Shelburne's being
at the head of the treasury, gave Mr. Pitt an opportu
nity of animadverting upon Mr. Fox's conduct. He as
cribed his resignation to a dislike of men, and not of
measures ; to private pique, and not to public grounds r
and he contended, that Mr. Fox, instead of making: a
separation among those, upon whose union the salvation
of the country might depend, ought at least to have re
mained in office, till he had seen lord Shelburne abandon
ing the principles, upon which he and Mr. Fox and his
friend lord Rockingham had hitherto acted, not only in
opposing lord North's administration, but as colleagues
in office and members of the same cabinet.
The fact was, that for the last three years Mr. Fox had
been closely united with the Rockingham party, many of
whom were persons of high rank, large property, and
unexceptionable private character, and consequently of
considerable weight in the country. To this party Mr.
Fox was a material accession ; and by connecting himself
with such a powerful set of men, he added greatly to his
own importance. The ability of the individual, and the
respectability of the party, were mutually advantageous ;
and Mr. Fox might now with reason expect to be the
real, though not the nominal, head of that " great body of
whigs," whom he had pronounced to have the best claim

57
to the direction of public affairs, and who had long been
in the habit of treating lord Rockingham with great defe
rence, to which, from his unimpeached honor, political
experience, and the high situation* which he had filled,
he was justly entitled.
Lord Shelburne having been promoted to the head of
the treasury, and Mr. Fox and lord John Cavendish
having resigned their respective situations, Mr. Thomas
Townshend and lord Grantham were made secretaries of
state, and Mr. Pitt chancellor of the exchequer. Thus
did Mr. Pitt, when he was little more than 23 years old,
attain the important office of finance minister in the house
of commons, where all measures relative to the revenue
must originate ; and at a time when the pecuniary con
cerns of the country were known to be in a state of the
greatest embarrassment, in consequence of a long and
expensive war, which still continued. He did not, like
other eminent statesmen, who began their political career
in the house of commons, previously pass through some
subordinate officef ; nor did he wait till that period of
life, which had hitherto been considered as necessary to
mature the judgment, and to qualify even men of the
most brilliant talents for the higher departments of exe
cutive government. He was, at once, at this early age,
placed in a situation, which before had always been filled
by persons of tried discretion, and long established cha
racter, and which, from peculiar circumstances, was now
attended with greater difficulties, than had been encoun
tered by any of his predecessors.
* He was first lord of the treasury from July 1765 to August 1766.
f This was the case with lord Godolphin, lord Oxford, lord Bolingbroke, sir Ro»
bert Walpole, Mr. Pelham, lord Chatham, lord North, and Mr. Fox, who may be
considered as the most eminent statesmen since the revolution. The only office
indeed which, lord Oxford held before he was made secretary of state, at the age of
43, was that of speaker of the house of commons.

Vol. I, . H

58

CHAPTER THE SECOND:
1782.
Prorogation of Parliament — Negotiations for Peace — Meeting
of Parliament — Preliminary Articles of Peace — Debates upon
them in the House of Commons — Mr. Pitt resigns — Coalition
Administration. Immediately after Mr. Pitt was appointed chan
cellor of the exchequer, he left Lincoln's Inn, and having
taken possession of his official house in Downing-sreet,
from that moment devoted his whole time and thoughts
to the service of his country. Besides a strict attention
to the duties of his peculiar office, he omitted no oppor
tunity of becoming acquainted with the business of every
department of the state ; and by his penetration and dili
gence he soon acquired a variety of useful information,
both as to foreign and domestic politics. The connexion
which had subsisted between lord Shelburne and lord
Chatham, in the latter part of lord Chatham's life, natu
rally led to a considerable degree of confidence between
lord Shelburne and Mr. Pitt, different as their characters
were in some important points ; and there was perhaps at
this time no person in the kingdom, from whose know
ledge and experience Mr. Pitt would have derived greater
advantage. Parliament was prorogued on the llth of July, and
Mr. Pitt continued in London and its neighborhood, the
whole of the summer. His time, when he was not de
tained in town by business, was passed principally with
private friends, at his late father's house at Hayes, which
still remained in the family.
Towards the end of autumn, after an impartial estimate
of the support, which government, in the present state of
parties, might expect to receive in the house of commons,
it appeared to ministers very desirable, that some addi
tional strength should, if possible, be obtained before the

59
meeting of parliament. Mr. Pitt, however, positively
objected to any application being made to lord North.
He had resolved, from a sense of public duty, not to
enter into any political connexion with a man, whose ad
ministration had brought so much disgrace and calamity
upon the country, and whose principles he had so repeat
edly and severely condemned. This determination pro
ceeded from no personal dislike to lord North, with whom
he had never had any acquaintance or intercourse ; but
from a conviction, that a change from that system, which
had been so long pursued, was indispensably necessary
to rescue the kingdom from the dangers with which it
was surrounded. But neither Mr. JPitt nor lord Shel
burne saw any reason, why they should not act with Mr.
Fox. It was therefore agreed, that an offer should be
made to him to return to officp*for which purpose Mr.
Pitt waited upon him by appointment. As soon as Mr.
Fox heard the object of Mr. Pitt's visit, he asked, whe
ther it was intended that lord Shelburne should remain
first lord of the treasury, to which Mr. Pitt answered in
the affirmative. Mr. Fox immediately replied, that it
was impossible for him to, belong to any administration,
of which lord Shelburne was the head. Mr. Pitt ob
served, that; if that was his determination, it would be
useless for htm to enter into any farther discussion, " as
he did not come to hetray lord Shelburne ;" and he took
his leave. This was, I believe, the last time Mr. Pitt
was in a private room with Mr. Fox; and from this pe
riod may be dated thit political hostility, which conti
nued through the remlinder of their lives.
Mr. Fox, while in Opposition, had repeatedly asserted,
that peace might be elsily obtained by any minister, ex
cept lord North ; and Is soon as he was appointed secre
tary of state, he mada application to the States General,
through the Russian iminister at the Hague, to induce
them to consent to a separate peace; but this proposal was
rejected with disdain. He (then sent Mr. Thomas Gren-
ville to Paris, to open a negotiation for a general peace,
but scarcely any steps were taken in this important busi
ness, when Mr. Fox resigned the seals. Mr. Grenville

60
was, at his own desire, immediately recalled ; and lord
Shelburne renewed the attempt, through Mr. Fitzher-
bert*, with France, Spain, and Holland; and through
Mr. Oswald, with America. The result was, that, at
the meeting of parliament, on the 5th of December, the
king, in his speech from the throne, announced, that pro
visional articles of peace with the American colonies
were actually agreed upon, to take effect whenever terms
of peace should be finally settled with the court of France;
and that negotiations for peace with all the belligerent
powers of Europe, were so considerably advanced, as to
afford reason to hope and believe, that they would soon
be brought to a favorable conclusion. The motion for an
address to his majesty, thanking him for his speech from
the throne, and expressing satisfaction at the progress
made for a general pacification, was carried unanimously
in both houses.
When the address was reported to the house of com
mons, on the following day, Mr. Burke exerted all his
great powers of wit and eloquence, to turn the king's
speech into ridicule; commenting upon many of its ex
pressions in a vein of sarcastic humor, which kept the
house for some time in constant laughter. He accused
lord Shelburne of " duplicity and delusion ;" but of Mr.
Pitt's " virtue, integrity, and honor," he repeatedly spoke
in terms of the highest commendation. Mr. Pitt reprov
ed the levity of this veteran orator, in a grave and digni
fied strain, which at once marked his readiness at reply,
and his correct sense of propriety and decorum. He said,
that the present was a moment for seriousness, and not
for mirth. The gay flowers of a brilliant and exuberant
fancy were proper for their season — the hours of recrea
tion and conviviality. He should be happy to share in
the delights of that fertile imagination, which had so long
been the wonder and the pleasure of the house; but he
could not indulge himself in admiring " the beautiful
motes which people the sunbeam," when his mind was
occupied with objects so serious and important as those
then before the house ; nor could he do otherwise than
condemn the indiscretion of that wit, which so unseason-
* Afterwards lord St. Helen's.

61
ably ran away with the good sense and sober judgment
of the honorable gentleman. It was only in circles of
amusement that it became men to give a loose to their
imagination, and abstract their minds from all business
and reflexion. He rose, therefore, to bring back the house
to sobriety and seriousness ; and to tell them, that this
was neither a fit time, nor the present a proper subject,
for the exhibition of a gaudy fancy, or the wanton blan
dishments of theatrical enchantment : it was their duty
to break the magician's wand, to dispel the cloud, beau
tiful as it was, which had been thrown over their heads,
and to consider solemnly and gravely the very perilous
situation of the country ; and by the force of their united
wisdom, abilities, and experience, endeavor to extricate
the nation from its difficulties, by the restoration of an ho^
norable peace. The honorable gentleman had paid him
many compliments, which he was sorry he could neither
accept, nor thank him for, as they were accompanied
with animadversions of such a nature, that only the ele
gance of the honorable gentleman's genius could save
them from being ridiculous. All such playful exercises
of the honorable gentleman's talent for the gay and ludi
crous, he should treat with neglect: and all compliments
paid to him in such a style, he should never think himself
bound to acknowledge. That the honorable gentleman's
character of the speech from the throne, would be admit
ted by the house, he could not believe ; because he could
not believe, that they would consent to call that speech
" a farrago of hypocrisies and absurdities," which they
had unanimously approved, and for which they had, with
out a single dissentient voice, agreed to present his ma
jesty with an address of thanks. That his majesty's ad
monitions to his parliament should be branded with such
epithets ; that his feelings on so affecting a subject as the
dismemberment of his empire, should be outraged ; that
his speech, delivered with all the sacredness of royalty,
should be charged with mockery, hypocrisy, and even
profaneness, were things which he did not expect to
hear; and which nothing could excuse, but the circum
stance of their being the overflowings of a mind, the rich
ness of whose wit was unchecked for the time by its wis-

62
dom. Mr. Pitt then made some observations upon the
few arguments which Mr. Burke had advanced; and con
cluded by saying, " the serious part of what has fallen
from the honorable gentleman, I consider as illogical and
unfounded ; the trifling part, as the redundancy of an over-
luxuriant imagination, which, in the hour of cool reflex
ion, the honorable gentleman, I am convinced, will con
fess to have been ill-timed and improper*."
The report of the address was received without any
division. The king having, in his speech from the throne, ac
quainted parliament, that he had offered in the treaty of
peace to declare the American colonies free and indepen
dent states, which he found to be indispensable to the
attainment of an entire and cordial reconciliation, the
duke of Richmond, in the debate upon the address in the
house of lords, asserted, that the independence of the
American states was now fully and irrevocably recog
nised by this country, whatever might be the result of
the present negotiation with France. But, on the other
hand, lord Shelburne maintained, that the recognition of
the independence of America was contingent upon peace
with France, and that the provisional articles would have
no effect, if that event should not take place. This
difference of opinion was noticed on the following day,
in the house of commons, by Mr. Fox, who took occa
sion from it to ask ministers, whether the provisional
treaty recognised the independence of America uncon
ditionally, so that if the negotiation then carrying forward
for a general peace should not be brought to a speedy
determination, the provisional articles would still remain
in force ; and whenever we should have a peace with the
European powers, that agreement would be finally rati
fied ? To this question, Mr. Townshend, Mr. Pitt, and
general Conway, the only three ministers in the house of
commons, concurred in answering, that the clear indis
putable meaning of the provisional agreement made with
the American commissioners, was, the unconditional, un-
* I was present when this speech was delivered, and nothing could exceed the
applause with which it was received by the house.

63
qualified recognition of the independence of the colonies.
This subject was renewed in several subsequent debates,
and gave rise to some severe animadversions upon lord
Shelburne, who was represented as having delivered sen
timents inconsistent with those of his colleagues, and as
intending to deceive both them and the public.
On the llth of December, the day fixed for voting
the army estimates, Mr. Burke compared his majesty's
ministers, in thus holding a double language, to the ser
pent which naturalists describe to have two heads ; and
he desired to be informed upon which of the many opi
nions, entertained in the country respecting American
independence, the provisional articles were built. Mr. Pitt,
conformably to what he had said upon the former occasion,
assured him, that the provisional articles acknowledged
the independence of America substantially and conclu
sively ; and that the recognition could not be revoked,
even if the present treaty with the European powers
should not succeed. The debate was continued, and in
the course of it, Mr. Courtenay said, that gentlemen had
taken notice of the contradictory language of his majes
ty's ministers, and had expressed their apprehensions,
that from the assertion of a noble lord in another house,
there was delusion in the provisional agreement. For
his part, this contrariety of sentiment and explanation
only furnished him with a new proof of the talents of the
noble lord in question, who was exceedingly well skilled
and adroit in the dissemination of discordant opinions, for
the sake of unanimity. As two negatives produce in
rhetoric an affirmative, the noble lord in his casuistical
policy knew, that two opinions, of an exactly contrary
tendency, were likely to convince men of different prin
ciples, and to bring them over to his way of thinking.
For instance, there was one set of men, who thought,
we should not grant independence to America, without
a compensation,1 such as procuring a general peace. To
these men, therefore, the noble lord declared, that the
provisional articles contained only an offer of indepen
dence, which might be recalled in certain circumstances;
and by this explanation he brought over all such men to
his side. There was another set of men, who thought.

64
that it would be magnanimous and good policy in this
nation, to acknowledge the independence of America, in
the first instance, absolutely and irrevocably : to meet the
ideas of these men, the noble lord's colleagues in this
house came forward and declared, that the provisional
agreement did this fully and finally ; and these gentlemen
were also brought over. " This," said Mr. Courtenay,
" is what I call disseminating contradictory opinions for
the sake of unanimity. I have, however, and so indeed
has every man, an implicit confidence in the chancellor
of the exchequer. The explanation which he has given
of the provisional articles, will certainly have its proper
weight in the house ; and the noble earl, of whom I have
spoken, has unquestionably shewn his genius and judg
ment in procuring the aid of the right honorable gentle
man in his administration. He has placed him in the
cabinet, for the wisest of purposes. There is a kind of
magic in the name and lineage of a Pitt, which the earl
of Shelburne knew must have its influence in the nation.
The noble earl is a great philosopher, and he has been
taught, probably by Dr. Priestley, that the best method
of purifying foul and corrupted air is by the introduction
of a young vegetable ; and he no doubt knows, from ex
periment, that an exhausted animal will live much longer,
and a candle burn brighter, in dephlogisticated air, than
in any other." In a subsequent part of the same debate,
Mr. Fox observed, that the ingenious opinion advanced
by Mr. Courtenay, was exceedingly expressive of lord
Shelburne's character. It was very true, that he acted
so much in a style of duplicity and art, that his language
would bear any construction, which either he or his
friends might choose to put upon it. He believed, that
no man knew better how to accommodate himself to the
opinions of mankind, or how to frame his measures, so
that they might look every possible way, and bear every
possible explanation. It was, therefore, very evident and
clear to him, that if lord Shelburne could, in the first in
stance, cajole his colleagues in office to consent to the
provisional agreement, under the persuasion, that they
thought it was a complete and irrevocable recognition of
the independence of America, he would concede every

35
thing to bring over those gentlemen to his purpose ; and
having succeeded thus far, he would then accommodate
himself to the temper of the other set. of men, and by
these discordant means be able to produce unanimity.
He approved what had fallen from Mr. Powys, who had
termed the ministers of that house hostages for the rati
fication of the provisional treaty, agreeably to their avow
ed construction of it. He would, he declared, be con
tent, in the marked phraseology of his worthy and re
spectable friend, (sir George Savile,) to accept of perso
nal security, that the construction put upon the provi
sional treaty should be enforced ; and therefore he would
follow the example of Mr. Powys, and consider the three
right honorable gentlemen as hostages for the due per
formance of what they had solemnly declared was the
true meaning of the treaty.
Mr. Fox, however, would not allow the matter to rest
here ; he contended that parliament ought to have an op
portunity of forming their own judgment upon so impor
tant a point as the recognition of American independence;
and, therefore, on the 18th of December, he moved,
" That an humble address be presented to his majesty,
that he will be graciously pleased to give directions, that
there be laid before this house, such parts of the provi
sional articles agreed upon between his majesty's com
missioners and the commissioners of the United States
of America, as relate to the recognition of the indepen
dency of the said states." This motion was resisted by
the ministers, and also by lord North and his friends,
and upon a division, it was rejected by 219 to 46.
There was no other material debate before the Christ
mas recess, but upon every occasion Mr. Fox and his
party used their utmost endeavors, by insinuation and
open attack, to lower the character of lord Shelburne.
He was accused of duplicity and insincerity ; and it was
even asserted, that no credit was due to the declarations
in his majesty's speech, which is always considered as
the speech of the minister, relative to the independence
of America, and the progress made towards a general
pacification. These reflections and accusations, urged
repeatedly and confidently, in all the variety and with all
Vol. I. I

66
the art, which wit and ingenuity could suggest, and ap
parently supported by the different constructions put
upon the provisional articles by his lordship and the other
ministers, had certainly considerable effect both in and
out of parliament, although it would have been difficult
to point out any action in lord Shelburne's public life,
which would have justified this suspicion and distrust.
The conduct of the business of government in the house
of commons, was nominally in the hands of Mr. secre
tary Townshend, but it was Mr. Pitt who took the pro
minent part in every debate ; and though he had to con
tend with the experience and talents of Mr. Burke, Mr.
Fox, and Mr. Sheridan, he was always prepared to repel
their attacks, however unexpected, and to whatever point
they were directed ; never failing, even in this early pe
riod of his parliamentary career, to prove himself more
than equal to the most powerful of his opponents.
Though the repeal of the 6 Geo. 1, in the last session,
was intended and considered as a renunciation of all le
gislative and judicial authority in Great Britain over Ire
land, yet the English court of king's bench thought it
incumbent upon them to decide an Irish cause of appeal,
which had been previously depending in that court. The
conduct of the king's bench in proceeding to this deci
sion, was universally approved in England ; but in Ire
land it excited so much jealousy and dissatisfaction, that
ministers judged it expedient, immediately after the
Christmas recess, to bring a bill into the English house
of commons, expressly enacting, that the people of Ire
land should in future be bound only by laws passed in
the parliament of that kingdom ; and' that no writ of error
or appeal should hereafter be received from the courts of
law or equity in Ireland by the courts in England. There
was no division upon this bill in any of its stages, in
either house of Parliament.
The preliminary articles of peace with France and
Spain were signed at Paris, on the 20th of January 1783 ;
and on the 27th, copies of them and of the provisional
articles with America, were laid before both houses of

67
parliament. Mr. secretary Townshend had previously
informed the house of commons, that no preliminary
articles" between this country and the United States of
Holland, were at present signed, but that a cessation of
hostilities had been agreed upon.
It was thought right to allow time for examining the
terms of the several treaties, before they were discussed
in parliament; and in this interval, Mr. Pitt brought
another subject under the consideration of the house of
commons. From his first entrance into parliament, he
had professed himself a friend to economical reform ;
and since he had been chancellor of the exchequer, he
had diligently inquired into the constitution of the public
offices, and the manner in which business was transacted
in them, with a view to diminish the expence of those
establishments. Having found a great variety of cir
cumstances in almost every department, which required
correction, on the 10th of February, after a few intro
ductory observations, he moved, first, " for leave to bring
in a bill for preventing abuses, and establishing certain
regulations, in the several offices of the treasury, admi
ralty, ordnance, excise, and stamps, and in several other
offices to be therein mentioned." He then proceeded to
say, that there was another office engaged in the collec
tion of the public revenue, which he thought of sufficient
magnitude to be considered in a separate bill ; he meant
the board of customs, where, from the want of proper
power to check their increase, bad habits had grown into
practice, and the fees of clerks and various persons em
ployed, had been raised and multiplied in an arbitrary
way, and to an exorbitant degree. Another point to
which the bill would be applied, was, the annulling the
patents, under which various places were held as mere
sinecures, by persons, who were not under the control
pf the commissioners, and whose deputies were guilty
of innumerable exactions and impositions. These patent
places were fruitful only of abuse, neither facilitating the
business of the office, nor contributing to the accommo
dation of the public ; but, on the other hand, they ope
rated in a manner very vexatious to the merchants, and

68
detrimental to the revenue. He proposed to limit all
fees, perquisites, and salaries, to certain definite, sums,
in every department of the custom-house ; to abolish all
useless patent offices, making a suitable compensation
both to the present possessors, and to those who had an
interest in any reversion ; and to introduce regulations,
and to give powers for simplifying the present intricate
forms of office, and for expediting the transaction of bu
siness in this important branch of the public revenue :
he accordingly moved, secondly, for leave to bring in a
bill for these purposes. To convince the house of the
necessity for this bill, he moved, thirdly, for a list of all
the established officers/ of the customs in England and
Scotland, with their respective salaries. Fourthly, for
an account of all the fees, perquisites, and salaries, re
ceived by patent officers of the customs in England and
Scotland, together with the payments to their deputies,
and any other charges to which they might be liable :
and fifthly, for a similar account respecting officers who
held their situations otherwise than by patent. Mr.
Pitt was induced to extend his views to Scotland, on
the suggestion of Mr. Dempster, who said, that there
was as much reason in Scotland, as in England, to com
plain of the fees and perquisites paid to custom-house
officers, and of the delays and inconveniences to which
merchants and traders were subject. All these motions
passed unanimously, and with strong marks of appro
bation. As the time approached for discussing the treaties, it
was obvious to every one, that the continuance of minis
ters in office must depend upon the opinion which par
liament might express respecting the terms of the peace ;
and the general expectation was fixed upon the part,
which the two great leaders, lord North and Mr. Fox,
would take upon that question. Lord North was fully
aware of Mr. Pitt's positive determination to have no
political connexion with him ; and he could not but
know, that a perfectly good understanding subsisted be
tween lord Shelburne and Mr. Pitt : he must, therefore,
have been convinced, that any union between himself

69
and the present ministers, was utterly impracticable.
Mr. Fox, on his part, had resolved, not to take office
while lord Shelburne was first lord of the treasury.
Under these circumstances, lord North and Mr. Fox
had a common interest in the removal of ministers ; and
the present appeared a favourable opportunity for effect
ing that purpose. Their sentiments were sounded by
means of common friends, through whose intervention
they pledged themselves to each other, to oppose any
motion which might be made for approving the terms of
the peace. Nothing farther was settled between them
at this time. Future measures were to depend upon
the result of their first co-operation.
The 17th of February having been fixed for taking the
treaties into consideration, Mr. Thomas Pitt* on that
day moved, " That an humble address be presented to
his majesty, to return his majesty the thanks of this
house for his gracious condescension in ordering the
preliminary and provisional articles of the several trea
ties, which his majesty had concluded, to be laid before
them, and to assure his majesty, that they had consider
ed them with that attention which so important a sub
ject required : to express their satisfaction, that his ma
jesty had, in consequence of the powers entrusted to
him, laid the foundation, by the provisional articles with
the states of North America, for a treaty of peace, which
they trusted would insure perfect reconciliation and
friendship between both countries ; and that in this
confidence they presumed to express their just expecta
tions, that the several states of North America would
carry into effectual and satisfactory execution those mea
sures, which the congress was so solemnly bound by
the treaty to recommend, in favor of such persons as
had suffered for the part they had taken in the war, and
that they should consider this circumstance as the surest
indication of returning friendship : To acknowledge
their due sense of that wise and paternal regard for the
happiness of his subjects, which induced his majesty to
deliver them from a burdensome and expensive war ;
* Afterwards lord Camelford.

and to assure his majesty, they shall encourage everj
exertion of his subjects of Great Britain and Ireland in
the improvement of those resources, which shall tend to
the augmentation of the public strength, and the prosper
rity of his dominions."
As soon as Mr. Wilberforce had seconded this motion,
lord John Cavendish rose and stated, that although there
appeared some grounds of objection to the terms of the
peace, the house was not at present competent to decide,
whether, upon the whole, they deserved approbation or
disapprobation ; especially, since the treaty with Holland
was not yet concluded ; and therefore, after urging the
propriety of not hastily pronouncing an opinion upon so
important a question, he moved, that the whole of the
address, after the words in the first paragraph, " to assure
his majesty that," should be omitted, and the following
words be substituted, " his faithful commons will proceed
to consider the same with that serious and full attention,
which a subject of such importance to the present and
future interests of his majesty's dominions deserves :
that in the mean time they entertain the fullest confidence
in his majesty's paternal care, that he will concert with
his parliament such measures as may be expedient for
extending the commerce of his majesty's subjects : that
whatever may be the sentiments pf his faithful commons,
on the investigation of the terms of pacification, they beg
leave to assure his majesty of their firm and unalterable
resolution to adhere inviolably to the several articles, for
which the public faith is pledged, and to maintain the
blessings of peace, so necessary to his majesty's subjects
and the general happiness of mankind." Mr. St. John
having seconded this amendment, lord North rose, and
at the end of a long and able speech, in which he entered
into a minute examination of the terms of peace, and the
relative state of the different powers engaged in the late
war, he declared his intention to vote for the amendment;
but he desired leave to propose an addition to it, which
circumstance affords strong reason to believe, that he had
not been previously consulted concerning the precise
motion to be made by lord John Cavendish. The addi
tion proposed by lord North, related to the loyalists, and

71
was this, " And his majesty's faithful commons feel, that
it would be superfluous to express to his majesty the re
gards due from the nation to every description of men,
who, with the risk of their lives and sacrifice of their
properties, have distinguished their loyalty and fidelity,
during a long and calamitous war :" These words, the
substance of which was in the original address, were
adopted, and inserted after the words " commerce of his
majesty's subjects."
The nature of this amendment, as moved by lord John
Cavendish, and added to by lord North, shewed, that
those who aimed at the removal of ministers, did not
venture to propose at once a direct censure of the treaties.
They thought it necessary to feel their way, and under
color of desiring more time for consideration, they pro
cured for themselves the means of collecting the sense
of the house, and of forming an opinion, how far they
might depend upon the support of their friends, without
absolutely committing themselves upon either of the two
grand points — a junction between the two parties, who
had been so long and so acrimoniously opposed to each
other — and a parliamentary condemnation of the condi
tions of peace. But although the amendment itself was
cautiously worded, and the mover of it was himself very
guarded in what he said, yet both lord North and Mr. Fox,
in the debate which followed, argued at great length, in
most decided language, against the terms of the treaties,
which was perhaps necessary for the attainment of the
object which they had in view. At the same time, how
ever, that they might not alarm those, who were rejoic
ing that an end was put to the horrors and miseries of
war, or give a shock to the public faith, which might be
considered as pledged by the several provisional and pre
liminary articles, they unequivocally declared, as lord
John Cavendish had also done, and as the amendment
expressed, that they did not mean " in any particular to
overthrow or frustrate the peace which had been con
cluded ;" and it was remarked, that lord North and Mr.
Fox, contrary to their custom for many years, studiously
abstained from any reflection upon each other. In all
this there was certainly great political management.

72
Mr. Pitt rose immediately after Mr. Fox, at four
o'clock in the morning, and replied to the various argu
ments which had been advanced against the treaties; but
both the house and himself being nearly exhausted when
he began, there were perhaps few occasions upon which
he spoke with less effect. The division did not take
place till half past seven, and the amendment was car
ried by a majority of 16, the numbers being 224 and
208. The address thus amended was voted unanimously,
and was presented to the king on the 19th.
The division, and every thing which passed in the de
bate, were very encouraging to the opponents of govern
ment, and they now thought that they might safely come
forward with a positive censure of the terms of the trea
ties. Accordingly, on the 21st of February, lord John
Cavendish, after complaining, that those, who had voted
for the amendment to the address, were considered as
enemies to peace, and assuring the house, that neither
he, nor his friends, had the remotest intention to annul or
shake those treaties, which had been made by the king's
prerogative, moved the five following resolutions :
, First, that in consideration of the public faith, which
ought to be preserved inviolable, this house will support
his majesty, in rendering firm and permanent the peace
to be concluded definitively, in consequence of the pro
visional treaty and preliminary articles, which have been
laid before the house.
Secondly, that this house will, in concurrence with his
majesty's paternal regard for his people, employ its best
endeavors to improve the blessings of peace to the advan
tage of his crown and subjects.
Thirdly, that his majesty, in acknowledging the inde
pendence of the United States of America, by virtue of
the powers vested in him by the act of the last session of
parliament, to enable his majesty to conclude a peace or
truce with certain colonies in North America, has acted
as the circumstances of affairs indispensably required, and
in conformity to the sense of parliament.
Fourthly, that the concessions made to the adversaries
of Great Britain, by the said provisional treaty and pre
liminary articles, are greater than they were entitled to,

73
either from the actual situation of their respective posses
sions, or from their comparative strength.
Fifthly, that this house do feel the regard due from
this nation to every description of men, who, with the
risque of their lives, and the sacrifice of their property,
have distinguished their loyalty, and been conspicuous
for their fidelity, during a long and calamitous war ; and
do assure his majesty that they shall take everv proper
method to relieve them, which the state of the circum
stances of this country will permit.
To the first three resolutions very little objection was
made, and they passed unanimously. But upon the
fourth, there was a long and animated debate, which was
begun by Mr. Powys*, at that time an independent
memberof great weight in the house of commons, who
declared, that it was with the most painful feelings that he
rose to oppose a motion made by the noble lord, whose
candor he had long admired, and whose principles he had
been accustomed to revere. He had expected, after
what had been assigned by the other side of the house,
as the ground of the amendment moved to the address,
a few days since, that a motion would have been that day
made, for the house to resolve itself into a committee, in
order to take the provisional and preliminary articles into
their serious consideration, and that those treaties would
have been discussed and investigated article by article.
Such a motion appeared to him, to be a natural conse
quence of what had been said last Monday ; but to deny
then that the articles had been sufficiently considered, and
to call upon the house now, without any farther conside
ration, to vote a censure upon the peace, appeared to
him perfectly irreconcileable either with reason or com
mon sense. How came the house to be that day more
ripe to declare an opinion on the peace, than they had
been last Monday? How had they spent the three inter
vening days ? Had that time been dedicated to an
examination and discussion of the articles? Every gentle
man knew, that it had not been so employed. How then
was the house to proceed to a vote of censure ? What,
without papers and without sufficient information upon
* Afterwards lord Lilford.
Vol. I. K

74
the subject, to enable them to form a judgment upon the
whole of the treaties ? He trusted, that the house would
act more prudently, and reject the motion ; of this he was
certain — the noble lord in the blue ribbon could not vote
for it. The noble lord had expressly declared in his
speech on Monday last, that he would ,not vote a censure
upon ministers. For consistency's sake, therefore, the
noble lord could not vote for the present question ; and
as his friends stuck pretty close to him, he trusted that
the motion would not be carried.
With regard to the peace, he said, he had already
declared, that there were parts of it, which he had wish
ed not to see in the treaties ; but that, nevertheless, such
was the situation of the country, such the state of our
finances, and such the power of the confederacy formed
against us, that he was ready to accept the peace as it
was, and to say, that it merited the approbation of parlia
ment. How an honourable gentleman over the way
(Mr. Fox,) could say otherwise, he was at a loss to
imagine. That honourable gentleman, the house would
recollect, had talked of the necessity of a peace, in strong
terms, some time ago ; and when he afterwards came
into power, and had from that circumstance the fullest
opportunity of information, he had told the house, that
bad as he had formerly described our situation to be, he
had found things much worse than he had painted them,
and that almost any peace was desirable. How that
honorable gentleman would act that day, he as yet knew
not ; but he should be a good deal surprized, if he were
to stand up and support the motion. The plain meaning
of the question was, in his opinion, not, whether the
peace deserved praise or censure, but to remove the pre
sent administration. He wished, that foreign courts un
derstood the matter as well as they did within those
Walls — then the question would do no great harm. As
to any idea, that the peace had been hurried on merely to
keep ministers in power, he could say nothing of minis
ters collectively, because he knew them not collectively ;
but there were some in office, of whose honor and inte
grity he was so well convinced, that he was persuaded
they would spurn at such an idea, and hold it in as much

75
eontempt, as his noble friend himself who made the'
motion. As to the first lord of the treasury, if his remo
val was the principal object of the motion, he took that
matter to be pretty well decided already. The division
on Monday last, was a broad hint to that lord, that he
was not altogether so popular as he had imagined. He
cautioned the house, therefore, against being drawn in to
adopt a motion, which might prove of the most pernicious
consequence to their country. Perhaps what had passed
on Monday last might do much harm abroad, and stop
France From disarming. In that case, instead of peace,
we should see our late enemies observing an armed
neutrality, and should be under the necessity of keeping
up all our war establishments, by which means the nation
would still groan under that immense burden of expence,
to relieve us from which, a peace was so much to be de
sired. If the peace was bad, let the house look at the
cause of it. The noble lord in the blue ribbon, by his
mal- administration of affairs, had plunged us into the war,
and brought on all those calamities which now obliged
us to accept the peace, such as it was. To the ill-timed
lenity of the present ministry it was owing, that the noble
lord enjoyed his present situation*. Had those inquiries,
which had once been talked of, been carried on, he was
persuaded they would not, on Monday last, or that day,
have witnessed the very extraordinary and unnatural
coalition and alliance, which had been formed against
ministers. Last summer, he said, he had observed
something like sterling principle in party: he wished that
principle to remain pure and incorrupt ; and he advised
his noble friend who made the motion to recollect, that
though some alloy might be necessary to make the
political coin sufficiently durable for currency, yet that
care should be taken not to debase it entirely.
In the course of the debate Mr. Fox made a long and
elaborate speech, in which he maintained, that a vote of
disapprobation of the terms of the provisional treaty and
preliminary articles, could not be considered by our late
enemies as indicating any wish to renew the war.
* That it, that he had not been impeached.
\

76
" France, Spain, and America," he said, " must believe,
that we are determined indeed for peace, when we can
so solemnly pledge ourselves, as we do by the first reso
lution, to ratify and confirm a negotiation, in which we
find such a waste of 01 ir interests and possessions." He
would not allow, that this fourth resolution was brought
forward as a mere contest for power ; but insisted, that it
was incumbent upon the house, to declare their opinion
upon the peace, for which the papers already upon the
table were fully sufficient. He entered into an examina
tion of the conditions of the treaties, and pronounced
them to be inconsiderate, improvident, and inadequate to
the real and relative situation of the kingdom. He affirm
ed, that our navy was in a respectable state, when
compared with that of our enemies ; and that their
finances were as much exhausted as our own, France
and Spain being in as much danger of a public bank
ruptcy as England was. He lamented that his coalition
with lord North had lost him the support, and brought
down upon him the censure, of some persons, for whom
he had great respect ; and asserted, that this junction of
parties was rendered necessary by the political circum
stances of the country. He had, indeed, as was well
known, formerly opposed the measures of lord North ;
but now all ground of disagreement was removed by the
declaration of American independence : private resent
ments ought not to be remembered, when the public
interest required unanimity. He avowed his wish to be
in office, trusting that the short time he was in adminis
tration, he had not shewn any incompetency, which
should prevent his offering himself a candidate for a
share in that new arrangement, which was become indis
pensable, in consequence of the late neglectful, not to
give it a worse epithet, conduct of the first lord of the
treasury. He imputed the whole blame of the peace to
lord Shelburne ; and represented him as acting upon
unconstitutional principles, and as having made disgrace
ful concessions in the treaties, for the purpose of keeping
himself in power.
Mr. Pitt began his reply, by noticing the unbecoming
language of triumph used by Mr. Fox on that day, and by

77
assuring the house, that no party motives should ever se
duce him to any inconsistency, which the busiest suspi
cion should presume to glance at. He would never en
gage in political enmities without a public cause — he
would never forego such enmities without the public ap
probation — nor would he be questioned and cast off in
the face of that house, by one virtuous and dissatisfied
friend. These the sober and durable triumphs of reason
over the weak and profligate inconsistencies of party vio
lence, these the steady triumphs of virtue over success
itself, should not only be his in his present situation, but
through every future condition of his life ; triumphs,
which no length of time should diminish, which no
ehange of principles should ever sully.
He then detailed at great length the situation of this
country with respect to its army, its navy, and its
finances ; and on the other hand stated the military and
naval strength of our numerous enemies, with an allusion
to Mr. Fox's humiliating and unsuccessful proposal to
Holland ©n the subject of peace, when he was secretary
of state. In speaking of the deficiency of our revenue,
he exclaimed, in reference to Mr. Fox's assestion, that
other nations were in equal distress, "Good God! to what
consequences does the honorable gentleman lead us ?
Should I have ventured to advise the continuance of war,
at the risque of a public bankruptcy, which would almost
have dissolved the bonds of government, and have in
volved the state in the confusion of a general ruin? Should
I have ventured to do this, because one of the adverse
powers might have experienced the same calamity ?" He
also inquired into the terms of the different treaties, and
enumerated what had been respectively ceded, and what
retained, by the contracting parties, in Europe, Asia,
Africa, and America : from these considerations he drew
two conclusions — that it was impossible for this kingdom
to have continued the war ; and that the peace, all cir
cumstances taken into the account, was such as called for
the approbation of parliament. There was indeed, he
said, a time, when Great Britain might have met her
enemies on other conditions ; and if an imagination,
warmed with the power and glory of this country, could

78
have diverted any member of his majesty's councils from
a painful inspection of the truth, he might, he hoped, with
out presumption, have been entitled to that indulgence.
He felt at that instant, how much he had been animated
in his childhood by a recital of England's victories. He
was taught by one, whose memory he should ever re
vere*, that at the close of a war, far different indeed from
this, she might have dictated the terms of peace to sub
missive nations. This, in which he placed something
more than a common interest, was the memorable sera of
England's glory. But that aera was past : she was now
under the awful and mortifying necessity of employing
a language corresponding with her new condition. The
visions of her power and pre-eminence were passed away.
" These," continued Mr. Pitt, " are the conditions, to
which this country, engaged with four powerful states,
and exhausted in all her resources, has thought fit to sub
scribe, for the dissolution of that confederacy, and the
immediate enjoyment of peace. Let us look to what is
left, with a manly and determined courage. Let us
strengthen ourselves against inveterate enemies, and re-
conciliate our antient friends. The misfortunes of king
doms, as well as of individuals, which are laid open and
examined with true wisdom, are more than half redress
ed; and to this great object should be directed all the
virtue and all the abilities of this house. — Let us feel our
calamities : let us bear them like men.
" But, I fear, 1 have too long engaged your attention to
no real purpose, and that the national security will this
day be risqued, without a blush, by the malice and dis
appointment of faction. The honorable gentleman (Mr.
Fox) has, in fact, declared, that because he was prevent
ed from prosecuting the noble lord in the blue ribbon, to
the satisfaction of public justice, he will heartily embrace
him as his friend. So readily does he reconcile extremes,
and love the man whom he wished to impeach — with the
same spirit, I suppose, he will cherish the peace, because
he abhors it. But I will not hesitate to assert, from the
evident complexion of this night's debate, that the oppo
sition to the treaties originates, rather in a desire to force
¦ The earl of Chatham.

79
the earl of Shelburne from the treasury, than in any real
conviction, that ministers deserve censure for the conces
sions they have made: concessions, which, from the facts
I have enumerated, and the reasoning I have employed
as arising from those facts, are the obvious result of an
absolute necessity, and imputable not so much to those
of whom the present cabinet is composed, as to that cabi
net of which the noble lord in the blue ribbon was a
member." In adverting to the supposed coalition between lord
North and Mr. Fox, he said, " If, however, the baneful
alliance is not already formed, if this ill omened marriage
is not already solemnized, I know a just and lawful im
pediment, and in the name of the public safety, I here
forbid the banns."
After vindicating lord Shelburne from the aspersions
of those, who " thought this elevation effected at their
own expence," and bearing honorable testimony to his
abilities and zeal in the service of his country, he pro
ceeded in this manner, " My own share in the censure,
pointed, by the motion before the house, against his
majesty's ministers, I will bear with fortitude, because
my heart tells me, I have not acted wrongly. To this
monitor, who never did, and I trust never will, deceive
me, I will confidently repair, as to an adequate asylum
from all the clamor, which interested faction can raise.
I was not very eager to come into office, and shall have
no great reluctance to go out, whenever I shall be dis
missed from the service of the public. It has been the
grand object of my short official existence, to do the du
ties of my station with all the ability and address in my
power, and with a fidelity and honor, which should bear
me up, and give me confidence, under every possible
contingency and disappointment. I can say with sin
cerity, I never had a wish which did not terminate in the
dearest interests of the nation. I will, at the same time,
imitate the honorable gentleman's candor, and confess,
that I too have my ambition. High situations and great
influence are desirable objects to most men ; and objects
which I am not ashamed to pursue, which I am even
solicitous to possess, whenever they can be acquired

80
with honor and retained with dignity. On these re
spectable conditions, 1 am not less ambitious to be great
and powerful, than it is natural for a young man to be
with such brilliant examples before him. But even these
objects I can cheerfully relinquish, the moment my duty
to my country, my character, my friends, render such a
sacrifice indispensable. Then I hope to retire, not dis
appointed, but triumphant ; triumphant in the conviction,
that my talents, humble as they are, have been earnestly,
zealously, and strenuously employed, to the best of my
apprehension, in promoting the truest welfare of my
country ; and that, however I may stand chargeable
with weakness of understanding, or error of judgment,
nothing can be imputed to my official capacity, which
bears the most distant connexion with an interested, a
corrupt, or a dishonest intention. Nor is it any part of
of my plan, whenever I may quit my present station, to
follow the noble earl, now at the head of his majesty's
councils, to such a fortress, as the honourable gentle
man promised to rear, for those of his friends, who
should find themselves duped as he had been*. The
self-created and self-appointed successors to the present
administration, have asserted with much confidence, that
this is likely to be the case. I can assure them, how
ever, that when they come from that side of the house
to this, I will, for one, most readily and cordially accept
the exchange. The only desire I would indulge and
cherish on the subject, is, that the service of the public
may be ably, disinterestedly, and faithfully performed.
To those who feel for their country as I wish to do, and
will strive to do, it matters little, who are out, or who
are in ; but it matters much, that her affairs be con
ducted with wisdom, with firmness, with dignity, and
with credit. Those entrusted to my care I will resign,
let me hope, into hands much better qualified to do them
justice than mine. But I will not mimic the parade of
• This alluded to a declaration made by Mr. Fox in the house of commons,
toon after he had quitted office in consequence of lord Shelburne's appointment
to the head of the treasury, that many of those who at present remained with
the new minister would hereafter find themselves disuppointed anil duped, and
would be glad to retire to him (Mr. Fox), as a fortress, from whence they might
snail the measures of government. '

81
the honorable gentleman, in avowing, and inviting
others to, an indiscriminate opposition to whoever may
be appointed to succeed. I will march out with no war
like, no hostile, no menacing protestations ; but hoping
that the new administration will have no other object in
view than the real and substantial welfare of the commu
nity at large ; that they will bring with them into office
those public and patriotic principles, which some of them
formerly held, but which they abandoned in opposition ;
that they will save the state, and promote the great pur
poses of public good, with as much steadiness, integrity,
and solid advantage, as I am confident it must one day
appear, the earl of Shelburne and his colleagues have
done, I promise them beforehand, my uniform and best
support on every occasion, where I can honestly and
conscientiously assist them.
" In short, sir, whatever appears dishonorable or in
adequate in the peace on your table, is strictly chargea
ble to the noble lord in the blue ribbon, whose profusion
of the public money, whose notorious temerity and ob
stinacy in prosecuting the war, which originated in his
pernicious and oppressive policy, and whose utter inca
pacity to fill the station he occupied, rendered peace of
any description indispensable to the preservation of the
state. The small part which fell to my lot in this igno
minious transaction, as it is called, was divided with a
set of men, whom the dispassionate public must, on re
flection, unite to honor. Unused as I am to the factious
and jarring clamours of this day's debate, I look up to
the independent part of the house, and to the public at
large, if not for that impartial approbation which my con
duct deserves, at least for that acquittal from blame, to
which my innocence entitles me. I have ever been
most anxious to do my utmost for the interest of my
country ; it has been my sole concern to act an honest
and upright part ; and I am disposed to think, that every
instance of my official deportment will bear a fair and
honorable construction. With these intentions I ven
tured forward on the public notice ; and can appeal with
some degree of confidence to both sides of the house,
for the consistency of my political conduct. My earliest
Vol. I. L

82
impressions were in favor of the noblest and most dis
interested modes of serving the public : these impres
sions are still dear to my heart ; I will cherish them as
a legacy infinitely more valuable than the greatest in
heritance. On these principles alone I came into par
liament and into place ; and I now take the whole house
to witness, that I have not been under the necessity of
contradicting one public declaration I have ever made.
I am, notwithstanding, at the disposal of this house ; and
with their decision, whatever it shall be, I will cheerfully
comply. It is impossible to deprive me of those feel
ings, which must always result from the sincerity of my
best endeavors to fulfil with integrity every official en
gagement. You may take from me, sir, the privileges
and emoluments of place ; but you cannot, and you shall
not, take from me those habitual and warm regards for
the prosperity of Great Britain, which constitute the
honor, the happiness, the pride of my life ; and which,
I trust, death alone can extinguish. And with this con
solation, the loss of power, sir, and the loss of fortune,
though I affect not to despise, I hope I shall soon be
able to forget, Laudo manentem ; si celeres quatit
Pennas, resigno quse dedit 
 probamque
Pauperiem sine dote quKro*."
This animated and eloquent speech drew forth the
warmest applause from every part of the house, and was
universally acknowledged to display a perfect acquaint
ance with the situation of this country, and of those pow
ers with which we had been at war, as well as a manly
and truly patriotic spirit. Lord North followed Mr. Pitt,
beginning with these words : " I rise up, sir, late as it is,
and much as has been said, to make some reply to that
part of the debate especially, which concerns me" and my
friends. Several of the speakers have addressed many of
* When Mr. Pitt delivered this speech, I was in the gallerv of the house of com
mons, silting next to a joungman, who was then a great admirer of Mr. Pitt, but
was afterwards one of his most determined and powerful opponents as a member of
the house : he did not know me, but we had entered into conversation during the
debate; and when Mr. Pitt quoted this passage from Horace, he turned to me, and
said with great eagerness, " Why did he omit, ' Et mea virtute me involvo.'?"— An
omission generally considered as marking equallv the modesty and good taste of Mr.

83
their invectives against me and those with whom I am
connected. A great deal has been thrown out on my
supposed criminality, and those imaginary artifices, to
which it is alleged I owe my safety. "The last speaker,
whose amazing eloquence so deeply affected every mem
ber in the house, did me the honor to single me out as
the object of his thunder; and it is no smali presumption
of my innocence, that I could hear him thunder without
being dismayed, and even listen to his thunder with a
mixture of astonishment and delight." He then declared
that he had, while in office, uniformly acted from upright
motives; and had always been ready, and still was soj to
submit every action of his political life to the most scru
pulous inquiry. He admitted that his administration had
been unfortunate, and in its consequences extremely cala
mitous to the country. He confessed, that he had often
been " the butt of Mr. Fox's inexhaustible powers of
ridicule and asperity ;" but he contended, that the present
emergency called upon him to forget former animosities,
and to unite with the man, by whom, as Mr. Powys ex
pressed it, "he had been, for many years, vilified and gross
ly abused." He condemned the peace, and said, that all
Mr. Pitt's eloquence, great as it was, would never be
able to satisfy the house, that the interests of the public
had not been sacrified by an inadequate and premature
accommodation : at the same time he saw no reason why
the carrying of the present motion should drive Mr. Pitt
from the service of his country.
The division took place at a late hour, and the num
bers were, for ministers 190, and against them 207. Lord
North at first hesitated about voting for this fourth reso
lution ; but he was told by his friends*, that his vote
upon the former night would be of no avail, if he did not
follow it up by a direct censure of the peace, and that in
fact the resolution only expressed what he had himself
said in that debate. After much persuasion he yielded,
and in his speech justified his junction with Mr. Fox.
* Mr. Eden, afterwards lord Auckland, was supposed to be the person, who
had the principal weight with lord North upon this occasion. He was called the
father of the coalition ; and I myself heard Mr. Sheridan attribute the coalition ta
him.

84
At present they had no personal communication. The
long and bitter enmity, which had subsisted between
them, made the advances towards friendship slow and
gradual. The fifth resolution, relative to the loyalists, was with
drawn, the purport of which was in fact contained in the
address to the king.
Very little was said in these debates concerning the
difference of opinion in ministers, on the subject of the
recognition of the independence of the American states,
which had been so warmly discussed before the Christ
mas recess. Mr. Fox, however, acknowledged, that the
provisional articles were upon that point " final, conclu
sive, definitive, except in the event of what was in itself
an impossibility — an eternal war." The case seems to
have been this : The treaty with America was to take
place, whenever peace should be made with France, but
not before ; and therefore lord Shelburne was right in
saying, that the treaty was contingent, not absolute ; and
the other ministers were right in maintaining, that the
acknowledgment of independence could not be recalled.
The whole difference turned upon an ambiguity of words,
and arose from the difficulty of bringing so many treaties,
which were meant to depend upon each other, to a con
clusion at the same point of time, joined to a conviction
universally felt, that terms being settled between Great
Britain and America as an independent state, peace would
soon be adjusted with the EuropulRPptiiir elfsV wftose ppi^
mary object in entering into the war was, to detach the
American colonies from all connexion with the mother
country. It will be necessary to mention more particularly some
previous circumstances relative to Mr. Fox and lord
North, to account for the effect produced by their junction
at this moment. Mr. Fox came into parliament at the
general election in 1768, though only in the twentieth
year of his age ; and in his first speech in the house of
commons, in February 1769, upon the question of the
Middlesex election, he supported ministers against Mr.
Wilkes, who was then at the zenith of his popularity.

85
In February 1770, he became a lord of the admiralty,
lord North having a few days before been placed at the
head of the treasury. In January 1773, he was made a
lord of the treasury ; but in March 1 774, in consequence
of a disagreement with lord North, he was dismissed
from office, and from that time uniformly opposed ad
ministration ; always expressing' himself with the greatest
contempt, and even with rancorous violence, towards
lord North. It was not merely the detail of his measures
which Mr. Fox reprobated — he inveighed with the most
pointed severity against the general system upon which
lord North acted, and was studious to shew, that, if
persevered in, it must lead to the ruin of the country.
He called him the great criminal of the state, whose
blood must expiate the calamities he had brought upon
his country ; the object of future impeachment*, whom
ah indignant nation would surely in the end compel to
make some atonement for his offences, on a scaffold ; he
protested that he could not trust himself in the same
room with him. And when it was evident, in the begin
ning of the year 1782, that some change in administration
must take place, he declared that he should be " infa
mous," if he formed any connexion with the men then
in office ; those " weak, wicked, and incapable advisers
of the crown, who were the cause of all the present ca
lamities : these, and these only, were the persons, whom
he and his friends would for ever proscribe." How-
4pe? errd(ba^;'Kl^v!N6rth's political principles might
be esteeme$lfTiowever culpable he might be consi
dered for-'^me neglect of the finances of the coun
try ; however unequal he might be thought to the man
agement* of the dispute with America, and the conduct
of the War which followed ; and however unwise and
disastrous, in these and in other respects, his admi
nistration might be represented, full credit was given to
him for acting from the conviction of his own mind. He
always stood forward, with manliness and spirit, in de
fence of his own measures and system, against the attacks
and aspersions of Mr. Fox ; and though, in general, more
* Mr. Burke likewise declared, that lord North was a fit object of impeachment^
and that he had " an impeachment ready drawn in his pocket."

86
temperate in his language than his antagonist, he occa
sionally retorted upon him with great keenness, and not
unfrequently exposed him to ridicule, by lively sallies of
wit and humor, in which he greatly excelled. In short,
every one knew that Mr. Fox and lord North had not
only professed and supported opposite political princi
ples, but that they had for many years been contending
against each other, with the most marked personality,
each declaring, that he could not trust his honor in the
hands of the other. With respect to the peace, if the
terms were not so advantageous as might have been
wished, it was obviously to be attributed, as was remark
ed in the debates, to the losses and defeats which this
country had sustained, and to the exhausted state to
which it was known to be reduced, through the incapa
city and mismanagement of lord North and his colleagues;
and Mr. Fox's loud and incessant clamors for peace were
fresh in the memory of every one.~ While opposing lord
North, he had declared, that peace could not be pur
chased by too great sacrifices — that peace upon any
terms, peace for a year, for a month, for a day, was in
dispensable, under the present circumstances of the
country. And when in office, he asserted, as was also
noticed, that he found the country in a situation far
worse, and less competent, to carry on the war, than he
had expected — declarations which must have given the
enemy considerable advantage in the negotiations for
peace. In the first debate on the treaties, Mr. Fox had
said, that even this peace was preferable to the continu
ance of the war ; and on the night he and lord North had
joined in voting a censure upon the terms of the articles,
they had, by a previous resolution, declared, that the
house of commons would support his majesty in making
a definitive treaty, upon the basis of those very articles,
which they then denominated inadequate and disgraceful.
Although, therefore, parliament had an unquestionable
right to express its sentiments upon the treaties, it was
impossible that the condemnation of them could be at
tended with any public benefit. No consideration, indeed,
of that sort was urged by Mr. Fox or lord North, as an
apology for their conduct : on the contrary, they scarcely

87
dissembled, that, even in their own opinion, there was
some danger of public faith being shaken by the very
motion, which they supported and carried in the house of
commons, and of the nation being again plunged into all
the calamities of war. To see these two men suddenly
coalesce, and appear willing, in utter disregard of every
private feeling and public principle, to share together
that power, of which it had been the object of their lives
to represent each other as altogether unworthy — to see
them unite in condemning a peace, which the one had
rendered, and the other pronounced to be, necessary,
upon no ground of national advantage, and from no as
signable motive, but that of gratifying their ambition, could
not fail to excite astonishment and disgust : it not only
made them unpopular at the time, but fixed an indelible
stigma upon their public characters. " This," Mr.
Powys observed, " was the age of strange confederacies.
The world had seen great and ambitious despots stand
forth the protectors of an infant republic : France and
Spain had combined to establish the rising liberties of
America. The house of commons now beheld the
counterpart of this picture : a monstrous coalition had
taken place between a noble lord and an illustrious com
moner: the lofty assertor of the prerogative, had joined in
alliance with the worshipper of the majesty of the people."
" This alliance," said a contemporary writer, " seemed so
much beyond the usual pliancy even of politicians; the per
sonal violence of their former hostility seemed so repugnant
to every idea of junction, that the natural integrity of the
people felt the coalition as one of those public violations
of consistency, one of those public derelictions of princi
ple, which destroy all future confidence, and forfeit all
future esteem*."
The consequence of the two divisions upon the peace
was, that lord Shelburne and the rest of the ministers re
signed their offices, or declared themselves ready to do
so, as soon as their successors should be fixed upon ; and
it became necessary that a new administration should be
formed. The king was very reluctant to apply to lord
* Review of the principal proceedings of the parliament of 1784.

88
North and Mr. Fox. Lord North had received the most
decided proofs of his majesty's confidence and favor,
through a series of twelve years; and his union with Mr.
Fox, whose principles and conduct he knew to be pecu
liarly obnoxious to the king, could not but be highly dis
pleasing to his majesty, especially as it was evident, that
in an administration, consisting of lord North and Mr.
Fox, and their respective adherents, Mr. Fox must, from
his superior energy and talents, have the chief influence.
Lord Shelburne was the only person in whom the house
of commons had shewn a want of confidence ; and he
was with reason considered as more immediately the
author of the treaties, which had been condemned,
although all the members of the cabinet were undoubted
ly responsible for them. Mr. Pitt's character, both for
ability and integrity, was not only unimpeached, but stood
very high in parliament and in the country; while that of
lord North and Mr. Fox was greatly lowered by their
late " very extraordinary and unnatural coalition." His
majesty was therefore induced to propose to Mr. Pitt to
succeed lord Shelburne, as first lord of the treasury, with
full powers to nominate his colleagues.
This was a most dazzling offer to so young a man,
and demanded, both upon private and public grounds,
the most serious consideration*. By far the greater num
ber of the friends whom Mr. Pitt consulted, advised him
to accept the offer, which had been so graciously made,
and was so honorable to himself. But, after reflecting
upon the opposition which he must experience, from the
two numerous and powerful parties, at the head of which
were lord North and Mr. Fox, he was convinced, there
was no prospect of his obtaining that degree of support in
parliament, without which no administration can be effec
tive or beneficial to the country ; and it was obvious, that
an unsuccessful attempt on his part, would add strength
to those who were already too strong. Fearing therefore
that his acceptance would only remove a present difficul
ty, at the expence of future comfort to the king, and per-
* On the 25th Mr. Dundas moved, that the house should adjourn to the 28th •
The object of this motion, though not avowed, was, t.< give time to Mr. Pitt to con
sider his majesty's offer, and it was carried by a majority of 49 to 37.

89
haps be productive of material injury to the public, he
felt himself under an imperious obligation to decline the
offer ; thus exhibiting a striking contrast to the conduct
of his competitors, who were ready to run any risque, and
to make any sacrifice, for the purpose of obtaining
power. This decision, however, did not cause him in the slight
est degree to relax his attention to the public service.
On the 28th of February he brought in the bill, the sub
stance of which he had explained on the 10th, for a re
form in the customs. It was read a first time, and Mr.
Burke made some objections to the principle upon which
it was founded; but it was ordered to be printed, and read
a second time on Monday fortnight. Mr. Pitt took this
opportunity of stating, though not immediately connected
with the subject of the bill, that very large sums had been
issued from the exchequer to public accountants, some
as far back as the seven years war, for the expenditure
of which no account whatever had been given — that these
sums, he had reason to think, amounted to no less than
50 millions sterling. He did not deny, that by far the
greater part of this money had been fairly and justly ex
pended ; but he contended, that the accountants should
be compelled to produce their vouchers, and that mea
sures should be taken to prevent accounts being so long
withheld in future. As a preparatory step, therefore, he
moved, " That there be laid before this house, a list of
the public accountants who have received public money
by way of imprest, and upon account, and who have not
yet accounted for the same ; also of those persons, from
whom balances of declared accounts are still due, with
the sums respectively unaccounted for by each." This
motion was agreed to unanimously, after a short conver
sation between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Burke.
An act of parliament having passed in 1776, soon after
the American disturbances broke out, for restraining the
commercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ame
rica, the restoration of peace, and the recognition of the
independence of the United States, rendered necessary,
not only the repeal of that restraining act, but also the
Vol. I. M

90
establishment of a new system of trade with the inhabi
tants of the United States, in consequence of their ceasing
to be British subjects. This business engaged the atten
tion of ministers, immediately after the signature of the
provisional articles : but it was soon discovered, that, oc
cupied as they then were, it was impossible for them to
digest a complete plan within a reasonable period : " It
was not," as Mr. Pitt observed, " a trifling regulation
which would suffice — a revolution, perhaps unprecedent
ed in any former age, had taken place, and would of
course materially change the commercial interests of all
Europe." It appeared, however, very desirable, that
English trade with the United States should commence
with as little delay as possib'e. large orders having ar
rived from America ; and if not speedily executed, there
might be danger of the market being forestalled by other
countries. It was therefore determined, that a temporary
bill for that purpose should be submitted to Parliament,
which might continue in force till there should be leisure
for maturely and fully considering the subject. Accord
ingly, in this interval, Mr. Pitt presented to the house
of commons, " A bill for making provisional regulations
for opening an intercourse with America." This was
instantly acknowledged, by all parties and individuals, to
be a question of great importance and difficulty ; as the
conditions and privileges, which we should grant to
America, might affect the principle and operation of our
navigation laws, and interfere with the commercial trea
ties subsisting or depending between Great Britain and
other powers : nor could it be then ascertained what reci
procal advantages we might expect from America. The
bill gave rise to numerous and long debates ; and at
length, after it had been committed and re-committed,
and a variety of amendments adopted from both sides of
the house, without any division, or a single acrimonious
remark upon its principle or any of its clauses, it was
unanimously agreed, on the proposal of Mr. Pitt, that it
should stand over till new ministers were appointed, who
might either proceed with it, or substitute some other mea
sure in its room. In one of the last of these debates, Mr.
Eden, who had been an active member of opposition du-

91
ring lord Shelburne's administration, and whose ideas by
no means coincided with Mr. Pitt's upon this point, said,
that " he must do justice to the right honorable gentle
man who had introduced the bill : it had been a most
teazing and troublesome discussion, but it had been
throughout conducted by that right honorable gentleman,
with a liberality, patience, candor, politeness, and good
humor, which would for ever command the admiration
and respect of every individual concerned."
By the preliminary articles of peace, it was stipulated,
that the islands of Grenada and the Grenadines, St. Vin
cent, Dominica, St. Christopher's, Nevis, and Montser-
rat, which the French had taken during the war, should
be restored to Great Britain ; but that Tobago, which
had also been taken by them, should remain in their pos
session ; and that St. Lucia, which had been taken by
the English, should be restored to France : These changes
rendered some new regulations immediately necessary,
for carrying on trade with those islands ; and Mr. Pitt
introduced a bill for that purpose, which passed without
difficulty. On the 3d of March, the king, not having been able
to shake Mr. Pitt's determination, and being desirous
that the situation of prime minister should not be filled
by any one of Mr. Fox's party, sent for lord North, and
proposed to him to return to the head of the treasury ;
but his lordship represented, that it would be impossible
for him to serve his majesty in that capacity, under pre
sent circumstances. Nothing, therefore, remained to his
majesty, but to learn what arrangement might be pro
posed by lord North and Mr. Fox, who by this time, it
was understood, had entered into strict engagements with
each other ; and a communication was accordingly made
to them. The duke of Portland, whom they designed
to be first lord of the treasury, had an audience of the
king on the 13th of March ; and, in consequence of
powers received from his majesty, an attempt was made
to form an administration. But difficulties arose ; and
there was no immediate prospect of their being removed.

92
The want of an administration had been frequently com
plained of in the house of commons ; and on the 18th of
March, Mr. Coke, member for Norfolk, gave notice,
that if an administration should not be formed by the 21st,
he would move an address to his majesty upon the subject.
On that day, he informed the house, then very full, that
he understood the arrangement was nearly, if not wholly,
settled ; and therefore he declined making the motion, of
which he had given conditional notice. Fresh impedi
ments, however, occurred ; and on the 24th, Mr. Coke
stated the general idea, that the negotiation for a new ad
ministration was entirely broken off, and Mr. Pitt, when
appealed to, having confirmed that statement, Mr. Coke
moved, " That an humble address be presented to his
majesty, that his majesty will be graciously pleased to
take into his serious consideration, the very distracted
and unsettled state of the empire, after a long and ex
hausting war ; and that his majesty will therefore conde
scend to a compliance with the wishes of this house, by
forming an administration entitled to the confidence of his
people*, and such as may have a tendency to put an end
to the unfortunate divisions and distractions of the coun
try." This motion was seconded by lord Surry ; and
produced a debate of considerable length, in which se
veral members severely reprobated the coalition, and
others as warmly defended it. Some doubt also was ex
pressed, whether the motion would not interfere with the
king's right to appoint his own ministers. Mr. Pitt, in
, allusion to what had been said, observed, that he could
not so far renounce the sentiments which he had formerly
avowed, or so far lose sight of the just grounds of confi
dence in others, as to call the abandonment of principles
the forgetting of old animosities and past prejudices. He
therefore thought it necessary to declare, explicitly, that
he could not bring himself to adopt the reasoning, by
which it was attempted to justify the coalition ; and thai
* When notice was first given of this motion, a member, who disapproved the
coalition, signified his intention of adding a clause as an amendment, requesting his
majesty, not to appoint any person a minister, who, '• by his mismanagement of
public affairs, and by want of foresight and ability, when in office, had lost the con
fidence of the people." These words were taken from a motion of Mr. Fox
against lord North, when at the head of the treasurv. The amendment, however,
was not moved.

93
no consideration should induce him to join those, who,
by their grossly contradictory assertions and flagrant in
consistency of conduct, had forfeited all claim to confi
dence; that he could not conform his ideas to the tide of
interest, or adapt his political opinions to the prevalence
of party ; that one great principle was firmly fixed in his
mind, by which his conduct should be uniformly regu
lated, and that what he reprobated to-day, he should not
applaud to-morrow; that he could not coalesce with those,
whose principles he believed to be diametrically opposite
to his own ; that a similarity of ideas was indispensable in
friendship, and without that similarity there could be no
union, public or private, which would be either perma
nent, or honorable to the parties. The motion did not
appear to him, to be any infringement of the constitu
tional prerogative of the crown ; but, at the same time,
he thought it not calculated to be of any service, as it only
requested his majesty to appoint an administration, which
he was already vested with power to do. And as to the
administration being entitled to the confidence of the peo
ple, he desired to know, who were to be the judges upon
that point, and how it was to be decided. In the latter
part of his speech, he adverted to the prevalent opinion,
that the want of an administration was owing to a disa
greement between the duke of Portland and lord North,
about filling up the offices : upon which lord North and
Mr. Fox declared, that though some difference of opinion
had arisen upon that subject, it had not produced a delay
of more than 24 hours, and that it by no means caused
the failure of the attempt to form a new arrangement*.
The motion was then agreed to, without a division, and
with only about four dissentient voices.
On the 26th the house was informed, that the address
had been presented to the king, and that his majesty had
been pleased to return the following answer : " That it
was his earnest desire to do every thing in his power to
comply with the wishes expressed by his faithful com
mons." Lord Surry declared his confidence in his ma-
* The real cause was, the unwillingness of his majesty to remove the principal
officers of his household, and to appoint it) thrir room persons proposed by the
duke of Portland.

94
jesty's assurance ; but at the same time gave notice, that
if an administration should not be formed by Monday
(the 31st,) he should move an inquiry into the cause of
the delay.
In consequence of the unsuccessful conclusion of the
above negotiation, the king again offered the treasury to
Mr. Pitt; and after several times conversing with him
upon the subject, at a late hour on Monday the 24th of
March, he wrote a letter to him from Windsor^ in the
most pressing terms, which, after complaints of the treat
ment he had received from the duke of Portland and lord
North, ended with these words, " I trust, therefore, Mr.
Pitt will exert himself to-morrow, to plan his mode of
filling up the offices that will be vacant, so as to be able,
on Wednesday morning, to accept the situation his cha
racter and talents fit him to hold, when I shall be in town
before twelve, ready to receive him." To which Mr. Pitt
returned the following*answer the next day: " Mr. Pitt re
ceived this morning, the honor of your majesty's gracious
commands. With infinite pain he feels himself under
the necessity of humbly expressing to your majesty, that
with every sentiment of dutiful attachment to your ma
jesty, and zealous desire to contribute to the public ser
vice, it is utterly impossible for him, after the fullest con
sideration of the situation in which things stand, and of
what passed yesterday in the house of commons, to think
of undertaking, under such circumstances, the situation
which your majesty has had the condescension and good
ness to propose to him. As what he now presumes to
write is the final result of his best reflection, he should
think himself criminal, if by delaying till to-morrow,
humbly to lay it before your majesty, he should be the
cause of your majesty's not immediately turning vour
royal mind to such a plan of arrangement, as the exigency
of the present circumstances may, in your majesty's wis
dom, seem to require."
Mr. Pitt's inflexible determination to decline these
repeated offers, made with so much earnestness and con
fidence — a determination, which, it was obvious, could
proceed only from a sense of public duty — was very
generally admitted to be a rare instance of moderation

95
and disinterestedness. Having before displayed the
most brilliant talents and powerful eloquence, he now
gave full proof of a firm and strong mind, under the gui
dance of a sound understanding and sober discretion ;
and the admiration of these qualities, both splendid and
substantial, was greatly heightened by the consideration,
that the person, in whom they were so eminently united,
had not yet completed his 24th year. Surely this single
act is sufficient to refute the charge of inordinate ambi
tion, which has been sometimes urged against Mr. Pitt.
What could be more captivating to a young and aspiring
mind, than the offer of being prime minister of his coun
try? What could be more difficult to resist, than the
sentiments and wishes of his friends, and the pressing
importunity of his sovereign ? What more alluring to
most men, than the means of disappointing the hopes
of political rivals ? Whoever had an opportunity of
judging of what passed in Mr. Pitt's breast upon this,
and indeed upon every occasion where the public interest
was concerned, could not but be convinced, that no per
son was less under the influence of an improper love of
power. The good of his country was ever the ruling
principle of his mind.
On the 31st of March, Mr. Pitt acquainted the house
of commons, that he had resigned the office of chancellor
of the exchequer; and upon being asked, whether he
knew if any new arrangement was likely soon to take
place, he replied, that he had no certain knowledge upon
the subject, but he concluded, ftom his majesty's an
swer to the address, that there would be no unnecessary
delay. Lord Surry, after stating a variety of circum
stances, which required the immediate appointment of
an administration, proposed the following resolution, as
a ground- work of their future proceedings, " That a con
siderable time having now elapsed without an adminis
tration responsible for the conduct of public affairs, the
interposition of this house, in the present alarming crisis,
is become necessary :" But this resolution being strongly
objected to by Mr. Pitt, lord John Cavendish, and lord
North, upon the ground of its infringing the royal pre-

96
rogative, and of its implying a doubt of the sincerity of
the assurance conveyed in his majesty's answer to the
late address, it was withdrawn ; and lord Surry after
wards proposed an address, of considerable length, to
his majesty, representing in detail, that the state of affairs,
both at home and abroad, demanded the immediate ap
pointment of an efficient responsible administration, and
repeating the supplications of the house, that his ma
jesty would be pleased to take the necessary measures
for that purpose : But this address was also objected to
upon nearly the same grounds as the resolution ; and after
a long debate, it was withdrawn, principally in conse
quence of a declaration from Mr. Pitt, that an admi
nistration would probably be formed very shortly ; with a
notice, however, from lord Surry, that it certainly would
be moved two days afterwards, if an administration
should not then be appointed.
At length, on the 2nd of April, after repeated impe
diments and interruptions, which strongly marked the
reluctance of the king in acceding to the arrangement,
a new administration was announced, consisting of the
following persons, the duke of Portland, first lord of the
treasury ; Mr. Fox and lord North, secretaries of state ;
lord John Cavendish, chancellor of the exchequer ; lord
Keppel, first lord of the admiralty* ; lord Stormont,
president of the council ; and lord Carlisle, lord privy
seal. The great seal was put into commission, at the
head of which was lord Loughborough ; and the other
commissioners were, Mr. justice Ashurst and Mr. baron
Hotham. The earl of Mansfield, chief justice of the
king's bench, was to act as speaker of the house of
lordsf. Earnest application was made to Mr. Pitt to
resume the office of chancellor of the exchequer, par
ticularly by lord John Cavendish himself : but to this
proposal he would by no means listen, for the reasons
* Lord Keppel was appointed first lord of the admiralty when lord Rockingham
came into office, in 1782, and he continued in that situation when lorf! Shelburne
was made first lord of the treasury ; but disapproving the preliminary articles of
peace, he resigned before they were discussed in parliament, and was succeeded
by lord Howe.
-(•The chief justice of the king's bench is generally in the commission, but he
never acts as speaker of the house of lords, when there is a lord chancellor or a
lord keeper, except iu case of illness.

97
which, have been already stated. There was also a
general change in the officers of his majesty's household.
Nearly six weeks had elapsed, since lord Shelburne
and his colleagues declared, that they only remained in
office till successors to them should be appointed, during
which time Mr. Pitt* conducted the business of the
house of commons in a manner, which greatly raised his
character, and procured him universal respect. In this
interval, besides the ordinary proceedings relative to the
annual estimates, the issue of exchequer bills, and the
mutiny bill, none of which could be postponed, several
important subjects were discussed, and there were nu
merous debates on questions arising out of the treaties
of peace recently concluded, and the long continuance of
the ministerial interregnum; upon all which occasions
Mr. Pitt spoke and acted as minister, acknowledging his
responsibility, and displaying the same zeal and diligence,
as*if he had been permanently fixed in office. He sup
ported this singular situation with so much dignity and
propriety, that while scarcely any one regretted the re
signation of lord Shelburne, persons of every party and
description expressed an earnest wish, that the public
might not lose the services of Mr. Pitt, in whose inte
grity all confided, and whose abilities all admired.
To give some idea of the general opinion which pre
vailed at this moment, I shall quote the beginning of a
speech of Mr. Powys, on the 6th of March, upon the
subject of pensions lately granted : he said, " If ever
there was a moment in which it would be presumptuous
in him to submit a question to the house, he was sure
that this was the moment ; for this was a time when a
system was set up, and gloried in by some people, of
despising public opinion, and acting upon principles
which would set that opinion at defiancef: at such a
time, when party bore the sway, it was peculiarly pre
sumptuous in him to intermeddle with state affairs, who was
* Mr. Townshend, though he continued secretary of state, took very little part
in the business of the house of commons after the second division upon the peace;
and, on the 4th of March, he was created lord Sidney.
f This so obviously referred to Mr. Fox's coalition with lord North, that Mr. Fox
•ould not but notice it in his speech of this day.
Vol. I. N

98
of that description of .men, who were neither the. leaders
nor the followers of a party. However, let what would
be thought of him, he would do what he conceived to
be his duty. The administration of this country had for
some time been burning in the socket, and had at last
lost its light; but perhaps it was, in one sense, no
misfortune ; for when he considered who it was that
was at the head of that ministry, he might say, with the
tailor in the farce, ' that it was better to have no head
at all.' In the dissolution of that ministry, however,
there was one thing greatly to be regretted, the retreat
from office of the right honourable gentleman on the
floor, (Mr. Pitt,) whose shining abilities qualified him
for any situation ; but it was to be hoped, that he would
not long remain unemployed. Great talents were public
property ; and therefore the public ought not to be de
prived of them. He was sorry, that going to speak of
pensions, as he then was, he had it not in his power to
say, that one had been granted to the right honorable
gentleman, who had been taken from a profession, to
which he would have been an ornament, and in which
his abilities must have soon raised him to one of its most
important offices. His honor, however, was his own ;
and he could only say, it was in the care of a most in
telligent and watchful guardian. If he would not blend
with others in a system of politics, to which he could
not conscientiously give his countenance, and was deter
mined to retire, he would carry with him the applause,
the esteem, and admiration of his country. This could
not be called poverty, but wealth of the most desirable
nature, which might excite the envy of the pensioned
and the titled statesman. The right honorable gentle
man would retire with dignity, rich in conscious rectitude,
rich in talents, rich in character, rich in the confidence of
that house, rich in every quality which could adorn the
man and the statesman."
After explaining the grounds upon which the pensions
referred to by Mr. Powys had been granted, Mr. Pitt
said, that, " As far as regarded the past conduct of the
ministers, he had felt no sort of embarrassment in un
bosoming himself fully to the house. There was, how-

99
ever, a part of his honorable friend's speech, to which
Tie could not so easily reply, and which excited in his
mind the warmest emotions — that was the part, in which
his honorable friend had done him the honor to speak of
him in terms, which must necessarily be imputed to the
partiality of friendship : but he did assure the house, that
to afford satisfaction by any part of his conduct, to a
gentleman so perfectly independent, and for whose cha
racter he had so much reverence and esteem, would
gratify his ambition in a degree, next to that, if ever he
should be so happy to experience it, of his country ap
proving his services, and deeming them in the smallest
respect conducive to the public welfare. With regard
to those rewards and honors which had awaited his col
leagues in office, he was neither so weak nor so rash as to
expect or desire, what he was conscious he had no pre
tensions to receive. It was sufficient for him, called upon
as he had been, at an early period of his life, to fill the
exalted station in which he had been placed, that his
weak endeavours to discharge the duties of it faithfully
and diligently, had not been disapproved. He came
into office with nothing to risque; his colleagues had
much to hazard : he had no right, therefore, vainly to
suppose himself upon a footing with them ; and he did
assure the honorably gentleinan, and the house, that his
reward would be fully adequate to the utmost of his
wishes, if he should have the good fortune to find, that
he had not lost the favorable opinion of that house and
of his country."

100

CHAPTER THE THIRD:
1783.
End of Session of Parliament— Mr. Pitt visits France — Par
liament meets— Mr. Fox's India Bill— Mr. Pitt ^appointed
First Lord of the Treasury.
The new ministers having entered upon their re
spective offices, and the other situations being filled by
their friends, the business of the nation proceeded in its
usual course. Mr. Fox took the lead in the house of
commons*, and was understood to have the principal in
fluence in this motley administration ; lord North con
descending to act a subordinate part under the man, to
whom he had been for so many years the object of con
tempt and reproach.
On the 9th of April, Mr. Fox announced his inteh?-
tion of introducing two bills, in the room of Mr. Pitt's
American intercourse bill. By one of them, he pro
posed merely to repeal the prohibitory acts ; and by the
other, to remove the impediments with respect to bonds^
certificates, and other documents, which stood in the
way of trade with the Americans, and to give the king
in council power to regulate the duties and drawbacks
upon goods imported from, and exported to, America :
these, were the only points, which, in his judgment, at
present required the authority of parliament, as he pre
ferred leaving all other subjects to be settled by the
treaty then under negotiation, and which he thought
might speedily be concluded ; and therefore he designed
that the se'cond bill should remain in force only six weeks,
Mr. Pitt did not object to this mode of proceeding, being
convinced of the necessity of opening an intercourse
with America as early as possible, in order to prevent
• On the 8th of April, the dnke of Portland, in answer to a question from the
duke of Richmond, said, that it was intended soon to call up lord North to the
house of lords; but he continued iu the house of commons till the death of his fa
ther, the earl of Guildford, which did not take place till several years afterwards.

101
other countries from pre-occupying the American mar
ket. He sincerely wished, he said* that the negotiation
might succeed as fully as Mr. Fox expected ; but when
he recollected the difficulties, which had arisen in the late
discussions in that house, and the vast variety of consi
derations necessary to be adverted to, in a permanent
commercial treaty with America, he owned he was not
so sanguine, as to think it possible, that an arrangement,
so comprehensive in its nature, so multifarious in its ob
jects, and altogether so seriously important, could be
completed within the short period which had been men
tioned. It was from an idea of the unavoidable delay,
which must attend the bringing to an issue such a treaty
as this, that he had been induced to propose a temporary
measure, adapted to the necessity of the moment, and
which in fact included all the provisions enumerated by
Mr. Fox. The bills passed without any opposition ; but
the house of lords extended the duration of the second
bill to the 20th of the following December, in conse
quence of ministers having discovered, that the treaty,
as Mr. Pitt predicted, would not be brought to a conclu
sion so quickly as they had at first expected.
The chancellor of the exchequer opened the budget on
the 16th of April ; and it appeared, that the loan of 12
millions, required for the present year, was negotiated in
the same private manner as the loans under lord North's
administration : 7,700,000/. were subscribed by eleven
bankers, nearly upon terms proposed by themselves and
previously agreed upon ; and the remaining 4,300,000/.
were distributed by the chancellor of the exchequer him
self, among the other bankers and monied men, the pub
lic companies, the clerks of the treasury, and of the bank,
and his private friends. This justified Mr. Pitt's suspi
cion, as far at least as one important branch of the public
service was concerned, that the old system would be still
pursued. Mr. Pitt severely censured both the terms of the loan,
and the principle upon which it had been conducted. He
entered into calculations to shew, that the lenders, ac
cording to the price of stocks on that day, had no less a
bonus than six per cent, which was so much more than

102
had been usual upon similar occasions, that even minis
ters could not defend the measure, upon any other ground
except the impossibility, under the present peculiar cir
cumstances, of borrowing the money upon better terms :
of this, however, no fair trial had been made by compe
tition, although that mode of negotiating the loan had
been suggested to the chancellor of the exchequer, by
four of the most considerable bankers in London ; and
he acknowledged, that he had received an offer of 60
millions from different persons. There were several
other debates upon this business, in which Mr. Pitt ac
cused Mr. Fox and lord John Cavendish, of the same
disregard to economy, and of aiming at the same species
of influence in the distribution of the loan, which they
had so often, so recently, and so vehemently reprobated
in lord North, when he was at the head of the treasury.
The premium rose to more than eight per cent ; and a
bargain so manifestly disadvantageous to the public*,
and so palpably inconsistent with former declarations,
could not but be injurious to the credit of adminis-
trationt." On the 7th of May, Mr. Pitt again brought the busi
ness of parliamentary reform before the house of com
mons ; and as he had not succeeded in his motion last
year, for the appointment of a committee to examine into
the general state of the representation, and some objection
was made to that mode of proceeding, he now thought it
right to propose a specific plan. After an eloquent eulo-
gium upon the constitution of England, he desired the
house not to suppose, that he meant, with the mad hand
of modern visionaries and speculative reformers, rashly
and sacrilegiously to attempt an innovation on what our
ancestors had purchased at so large an expence of trea
sure and of blood, and which they had delivered to us as
the most valuable of all trusts; which had already proved
• Lord Shelburne, in the house of lords, said, that the loss to the public was
650,000?. f The consols, 3 per cents, at the end of March were at 70, but fell before lord
John Cavendish quitted the exchequer in the following December, to 56, which
must have been caused by the view the public took of the management of the finan
ces, and by the general want of confidence in ministers, as there was no public event
to account for that depression.

103
the source of so much happiness, and of so much glory ;
and which it was so obviously the interest and the duty
of every man to cherish, support, and defend. His in
tention was far different : he wished only to restore the
true spirit of the constitution ; to renovate it upon its own
principles ; and to bring it back to that degree of vigor,
which the lapse of time, the alteration of circumstances,
and a variety of events, to which all human institutions
are liable, had tended to weaken and diminish. He re
probated the scheme of universal suffrage as absurd,
impracticable, and not known or attempted at any period
of the British history. His idea of representation, he
said, was this : that the members, once chosen and re
turned to parliament, were, in effect, the representatives
of the people at large, as well of those who did not vote
at-all, or who having voted, gave their votes against them,
as of those by whose suffrages they were actually seated
in the house. There ought, however, to be a community
of interests between the representatives and the repre
sented, without which it would be in vain to expect the
house of commons to be the guardian of the people's
freedom, or to act as a check or control upon the execu
tive power. Considering these great objects, as not
sufficiently secured by the present system, and conceiv
ing that members for boroughs were more liable to the
operation of undue influence, than those who were re
turned for counties, he proposed, that the number of
county members should be increased by one hundred at
least ; and that every borough should be disfranchised,
upon proof before an election committee of the house of
commons, that a majority of the voters had been bribed
and corrupted. By this expedient the boroughs would
either be kept free from corruption, or would be gradually
abolished. With a view of carrying this plan into exe
cution, Mr. Pitt submitted to the house three resolutions ;
the first of which related to bribery and expence at elec
tions ; the second, to the disfranchisement of boroughs,
under the above circumstances ; and the third, to the
addition of county members, and of representatives of
the metropolis.
Lord North, in opposing these resolutions, said, that in

104
the whole course of his parliamentary engagements, he
had never listened with so much care to any speech, as
he had to the one made by the right honorable mover,
(Mr. Pitt ;) and he must do that gentleman the justice to
say, that he had never in his life been better paid for his
attention. The candor, the moderation, the ingenuity,
and eloquence, displayed by that gentleman, were such
as did honor to the illustrious body of which he was so
distinguished a member*. The house divided upon the
order of the d?y, moved by lord North, for which 293
voted, and 149 against it ; and thus Mr. Pitt failed by a
much greater majority than before, which was, perhaps,
to be attributed to the increased influence of lord North,
who was now secretary of state.
Some difficulties having arisen relative to Mr. Pitt's
bill for a reform in the customs, and it appearing to be
the wish of several respectable persons, that the business
should be deferred till next session, Mr. Pitt consented.
But, that the public might suffer as little loss or inconve
nience as possible, from the delay, he moved, on the 30th
of May, a resolution, forbidding the grant of any patent
office in the customs, in possession or reversion, except
during pleasure, before the next session. Mr. Fox said,
he had not the least objection to the resolution^ : he rose
pnly to desire, that if he allowed the motion to pass,
without any opposition on his part, his acquiescence
might not be interpreted into an approbation of the prin--
ciple of the bill, or disapprobation of the mode of giving
places by patent. Mr. Pitt admitted, that this explana
tion was perfectly consistent with his object, which was
merely to leave the business open for future discussion j
and the resolution passed unanimously.
On the 2nd of June, Mr. Pitt presented to the house
of commons, the bill (of which he had given notice some
time before,) for preventing abuses, and establishing cer
tain regulations in the public offices : He said, that this
• It should be acknowledged to the honor of lord North, that he always spoke
of Mr. Pitt in the handsomest terms, though he knew Mr, Pitt's unfavorable opi
nion of him as a public man.

105
bill embraced some of the objects pointed but in the king's
speech, at the opening of the session ; and that the delay
in introducing it, had been caused by its comprehensive
nature, and the change of administration. That the house
might be informed of the grounds upon which this bill
was framed, and of the degree and extent of the refor
mation it was intended to accomplish, he moved three reso
lutions, which passed unanimously, requiring to be laid
before the house, an account of the fees, gratuities, and
perquisites, received in eighteen public offices* ; of the
annual incidental charges incurred ; and of the number
of officers and clerks, with their respective salaries, em
ployed in each of them.
Mr. Burke, in speaking upon this bill, having insinu
ated, that exorbitant fees had been taken for passports,
since the cessation of hostilities, and during the time of
the late administration, Mr. Pitt desired, that the matter
might be inquired into ; and he himself seconded two
motions, made by Mr. Burke, the one for an account of
all fees received for passports, since November 30th ; and
the other, for copies of all letters applying for redress, or
complaining of fees taken for passports during the same
period. The returns to these motions proved, to the
satisfaction of every one, that the fees alluded to by Mr.
Burke, were the same as always had been taken under
the same circumstances, and that no blame whatever was
imputable to the late ministers.
Among the taxes proposed this year, by the chancel
lor of the exchequer, was one upon receipts, which was
very much disliked in the country ; and many places
having instructed their representatives to vote against it,
it met with great opposition in the house. But Mr. Pitt
made a speech in its favor, on the 12th of June, and de-
• These offices were, the admiralty office, the ordnance office, the war office,
the office of the comptroller of the army accounts, the navy office, the navy pay of
fice, the victualling office, the sick and hurt office, the custom house, the excise of
fice, the office of surveyor general of his majesty's land revenues, the office of sur
veyor general of his majesty's woods and forests, the tax office, the stamp office, the
salt office, the post office, the hawkers' and pedlars' office, and the hackney coach
office. The treasury was not included, because the fees of that office had already
been regulated, and were carried to a fund out of which the secretaries and clerks
were paid.
Vol. L O

106
clared his determination to support the tax, notwithstand
ing all that had been said against it. Upon this occasion,
Mr. Sheridan, secretary of the treasury, acknowledged
that Mr. Pitt had spoken with infinite candor; and indeed
his support was of material service to ministers, as well
as highly creditable to himself. He disdained to take
advantage of the unpopularity of the tax, for the purpose
of distressing government ; thus fulfilling his promise of
affording assistance to the new administration, whenever
he could do it consistently with the public interest.
He received, however, soon after, a very unsuitable
return from ministers : the first and second reading of
his bill for the regulation of the public offices, had taken
place with very little observation ; but his motion, on the
17th of June, for its being referred to a committee, was
opposed by lord John Cavendish, on the ground of the
inutility of the measure ; and that any abuse which did
exist, might be corrected by the heads of the respective
offices. In reply, Mr. Pitt expressed considerable sur
prise at the opposition of the. noble lord; and stated a
variety of facts, which had come to his knowledge in
consequence of inquiry he had made, to prove the ne
cessity of such a bill ; and that the correction of abuses
was not to be expected from the heads of offices, who
were, in fact, the persons that profited by them. He
mentioned, that the chief clerk in the navy office, whose
salary was about 250/. a year, received in gratuities, not
authorized by law, 2,500/. a year ; and that other clerks
with smaller salaries, received perquisites in the same
proportion ; that the accounts of contractors were ex
amined and passed by persons, who were actually in
the pay of the contractors themselves ; that the secretary
of the post office, whose salary was 600/. a year, receiv
ed a per-centage upon all packets, and that the whole
emoluments of his situation amounted to 3,000/. a year ;
that offices were sold, a practice which lord John Ca
vendish himself had acknowledged ought to be checked ;
that employments in the stamp office were, in many in
stances, held by gentleman's servants, who received the
salaries without ever attending at the office, having,
through the interest of their masters, obtained leave of

107
absence ; that large sums were unnecessarily expended
by the board of works, in the repair of houses and build
ings belonging to the public, and also under the head of
incidental expenses, which were made to include almost
every thing, not only for the public offices, but for the
use of persons in office at their own private houses, both
in town and country ; and that such was the lavish con
sumption of what were called stationery wares, that, in
that article, lord North, the last year he was in office,
put the public to the expence of 1,300/. one item of
which was 340/. for whipcord. Mr. Pitt completely
acquitted the noble lord of any knowledge of this ab
surd extravagance; but, from that very circumstance,
he inferred the propriety of adopting a new system.
These and other abuses of a similar description, it was
the object of the present bill (he said,) to correct ; and
he added, that it would produce a saving of 40,000/. a
year to the public, which was only a small part of the
economical reform intended by the late ministers, if they
had been permitted to remain in their situations, and for
which materials had been actually collected with much
labor and care, and left in the treasury. This statement
shewed the great attention which Mr. Pitt had given,
the short time he was chancellor of the exchequer, to the
business of every public office, concerned in the receipt
or expenditure of the country ; and the facts which he
adduced, and the reasoning with which he accompanied
them, were so striking and convincing, that, notwith
standing the objections of the present chancellor of the
exchequer, Mr. Pitt's motion was agreed to without a
division, and the bill went through the committee. It
passed the house of commons, on the 19th of June;
ministers, though avowedly adverse to the bill, not ven
turing to divide the house upon it, in any of its stages.
They had probably determined, that it should be op
posed in the house of lords, where they were more confi
dent of success ; and accordingly it was rejected in that
house, by a majority of 40 to 24 ; ministers, and their
adherents, voting agdnst it. The conduct of Mr. Fox
and his friends, upon this bill, afforded the country an
incontestible proof how little they were disposed to act

108
in office upon the principles, which they had professed
when in opposition.
Ministers, however, although they would not accede
to Mr. Pitt's comprehensive plan, which applied to so
many of the public offices, yet, observing the credit he
gained by his exertions to introduce economical reform,
seem to have thought that something of the kind ought
to be attempted by themselves ; and therefore, at the
end of June, lord John Cavendish, availing himself of the
suggestions in the reports of the commissioners of ac
counts, brought a bill into the house of commons, for
abolishing the offices of chamberlain and usher of the
exchequer, after the death of the present possessors, and
for limiting to certain definite sums the incomes of the
other principal officers in the exchequer, who were at
present paid by a per-centage upon the money issued ;
and whose profits increasing with the expences and dis
tress of the country, rose, in time of war, to an enormous
height. He proposed, that the auditor of the exchequer
should receive 4,000/. a year* ; each teller, 2,700/. f ;
and his deputy, 1,000/. ; the clerk of the pells, 3000/4 >
his deputy, 800/. ; and his receiver, 200/. : these regula
tions were not to take place during the life-time of the
present auditor, tellers, and clerk of the pells. Mr. Pitt
objected to the allowances as being too large ; but after
several debates and divisions, the bill passed.
Before the close of the session, lord John Cavendish,
in consequence of a motion made by Mr. Pitt, nearly five
months before, presented to the house, a book, contain
ing, " A list of public accountants, who have received
public money by way of imprest, and upon account, and
who have not yet accounted for the same, and of those
persons from whom balances of declared accounts are still
due," by which it appeared, that the sums unaccounted
for, amounted to upwards of 44 millions. Fifty millions
had been mentioned by Mr. Pitt, upon the faith of this
very book, which had in fact been prepared by his direction ,
* The emoluments of this office, in time of peace, were 7,000/. a year.
t The emolumentsof a tellership, in time of peace, were 2,500/. a year.
i The emoluments of ihis^ffiee, in time of peace, were 3,300/. a year. ';

109
while he was chancellor of the exchequer, but which he
had not had leisure to examine accurately when he quitted
office. The difference of six millions arose from a mis
take made by the person employed to prepare the book,
and was afterwards discovered.
The production of this book induced Mr. Pitt to move
an address to the king, requesting his majesty to take the
most effectual measures for compelling the proper persons
to account for these immense sums, and to repay what
remained due to the public ; and also for preventing in
future, similar delays in bringing public accountants to a
settlement. This address, although objected to by per
sons in office, was at last, after some unimportant amend
ments, suffered to pass without a division.
The prorogation of parliament took place on the 16th
of July, soon after which I accompanied Mr. Pitt to Bright
ton, where we passed a few weeks, and then returned to
London. In the beginning of September, Mr. Pitt, Mr.
Eliot, and Mr. Wilberforce, went to France, where they
remained till the middle of October, residing principally at
Rheims and Paris. Mr. Pitt's name and character were
well known in France, and he was every where received
with great marks pf distinction. This short visit was the
only one he ever made to the continent.
Mr. Pitt returned to England, with an intention of resu
ming his profession of the law, if there should appear a
fair probability of the administration being permanent ;
considering this as the only plan he could adopt, to pre
serve that independence, which he had resolved never to
forfeit ; but events soon took place, which prevented this
idea being carried into execution.
Parliament met on the llth of November, and the
king began his speech by acquainting the two houses,
that definitive treaties of peace had been concluded with
the courts of France and Spain, and with the United States
of America ; and that preliminary articles had been ratified
with the states general of the United Provinces. His
majesty then proceeded to mentiori, that the situation of
the East India company, and the necessity of providing

110
for the security and improvement of the revenue, were
his reasons for calling parliament together at this early
season; and after expressing his confidence, that they
would adopt such measures, as the restoration of peace,
after so long and so expensive a war, might make expe
dient, he concluded, by recommending temper and mo
deration in all their deliberations.
Upon an address being moved in the usual form, Mr.
Pitt admitted, that there was not one exceptionable idea
either in the speech, or in the address ; but he said, it
appeared to him singular, that the house was now called
upon to thank his majesty for concluding definitive trea
ties, acknowledged to be in substance the same as the
preliminary articles, for which, in the last session, the
house had refused to thank the crown. He contended,
that the address now proposed was, as far as the peace
was concerned, in its real principle, the same as the one,
which upon that occasion was rejected ; and therefore he
should consider the vote of this day as the panegyric of
the late ministers, upon that very point for which they
were then censured. In pursuing the topics noticed in
the king's speech, he adverted to the affairs of India, and
to the state of the revenue ; and concurring with the sen
timents expressed by his majesty, gave his decided opi
nion, that those two important subjects demanded the
serious and immediate attention of ministers. Mr. Fox
thanked Mr. Pitt for his support; and informed the house,
that on that day se'nnight he would make a motion re
lative to India.
Before I give an account of that motion, it may be
right to take a short retrospect of Indian affairs. The first
English East India company was established in 1600,
by charter, which was renewed by James the first, Charles
the first, James the second, and William and Mary. A
second company was established, by act of parliament,
in 1698; and in 1708, these two companies were, by the
same authority, formed into one, the views and designs
of which, were, at that time, confined to commerce. Be
ing therefore merely a society of merchants, united for
the purpose of carrying on more advantageously, a valu-

Ill
able and distant trade, the privileges granted them were
adapted to that, and to no other, object. When the
company, by an unforeseen change of circumstances, and
an unexpected train of events, became possessed of ex
tensive territories with a large revenue, and exercised a
species of political sovereignty over dependent princes,
unknown in modern Europe, in addition to, but connect
ed with, their commercial concerns, it was soon evident,
that a set of merchants, however respectable for charac
ter and talents, were wholly incompetent, as well from
the want of suitable knowledge, as of sufficient authority,
to manage these complicated and arduous affairs; and
those to whom they necessarily entrusted great powers
in India, being removed, from the eye of their employ
ers, to the distance of half the globe, were too apt to
yield to the temptations, which the feeble and unsuspect
ing inhabitants of a rich and fertile country amply sup
plied ; and which it was the more difficult to resist, from
the conviction, that, whatever might be their conduct,
they had but little to fear from the dissatisfaction or re
sentment of their masters at home.
The first considerable accession of territory was in
1765*, and in the years immediately following, several
acts of parliament passed, which aimed at nothing beyond
regulations respecting the dividends upon East India
stock, and other financial matters. In 1773, the abuses
and malversations in India had risen to such a height, as
to call aloud for correction ; and a bill was introduced by
lord North, and passed in that year, for the better go
vernment of India in future ; but it proved utterly ina
dequate to its object. Tyranny, oppression, and faith
lessness, both towards states and individuals, continued
and increased ; the British name was disgraced by the
grossest acts of violence and injustice ; the territorial pos
sessions were brought into a state of imminent danger ;
and the company suffered very considerable pecuniary
embarrassment, in consequence of heavy expenses in
curred by wars with the native powers, while their ser
vants, with few exceptions, regarding only their own pri-
* Namely, the duannies of Bengal, Bahar, and Oriisa, and the fire northern sir*
ears, by lord dire.

112
vate interests, acquired immense riches by fraud, pecu
lation, extortion, and plunder.
The general situation of the company's affairs, and the
conduct of the governors and others in high offices in
India, had, of late years, been frequently the subjects of
discussion in parliament; and at length, on the 15th of
February 1781, in consequence of intelligence received
from Calcutta, and of petitions to the house of com
mons, a select committee \vas appointed to take into con
sideration the state of the administration of justice in the
provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, and their seve
ral dependencies. The committee was afterwards in
structed, to consider, how the British possessions in the
East Indies might be held and governed with the great
est security and advantage to this country, and by what
means the happiness of the native inhabitants might be
best promoted. General Smith was chairman of this
committee, which consisted principally of persons in op
position to lord North's government. On the 30th of
April following, lord North himself, in consequence also
of intelligence lately received, moved for the appoint
ment of a secret committee, " to inquire into the causes
of the war that now subsists in the Carnatic, and of the
present condition of the British possessions in those parts,
and to report the same to the house, with their observa
tions thereupon :" of this committee Mr. Dundas was
chairman, and all its members were friends of adminis
tration. Both these committees continued to sit through
the remainder of that session, and the whole of the two
sessions which began in November 1781, and December
1782*. During this long period, they carried on their
inquiries with the utmost zeal and diligence ; their re
spective chairmen making, from time to time, elaborate
and circumstantial reports to the house, and moving a
great variety of resolutionsf, which gave rise to several
debates. As Mr. Pitt was not a member of either of

* The select committee was revived upon a motion of Mr. Fox's, November 12,
1783. The secret committee had finished their inquiries.
-j- Mr. Dundas moved ill resolutions and general Smith 10. Mr. Dundas ac
knowledged, in the handsomest terras, that in drawing up the reports of the secret
committee, and in preparing the resolutions which he moved, he had been greatly
assisted by Mr. Thomas Orde, afterwards lord Bolton.

LI 3
these committees, and took no part in the debates imme*
diately consequent upon their proceedings, I shall only
observe, that the reports, which were drawn up with
great ability and precision, contained a prodigious mass*
of authentic, important, and interesting information, rela
tive to the transactions and concerns of the company,
both at home and abroad ; from which it appeared, that
the distressed state of their finances, the critical situation
of their territorial acquisitions, the mal- practices of some,
and the unwise conduct of others, who had been invested
with authority in India, and the want of power to punish
past, or guard against future abuses, demanded both im
mediate relief, and a general reform in the present sys
tem. The orders of the court of directors had been dis
obeyed, and the resolutions of the house of commons
disregarded; and therefore it was universally agreed, that
nothing but an act of the legislature, with suitable provi
sions, could prevent the ruin of the company, or the loss
of our settlements in India.
Though such was the opinion of every party, and of
every individual, the successive ministers had been so
occupied by the business of the war, and the negotiations
for peace, with other pressing matters, that they had not
found leisure to enter fully and effectually into this exten
sive and difficult subject; but in April 1783, Mr. Dundas,
who was unconnected with the persons then in office,
thought it incumbent upon him, after the opinions he
had delivered, and the pledges he had given, to introduce
" A bill for the better regulation and government of the
British possessions in India, and for the security and
preservation thereof." Its principal provisions were, to
appoint a secretary of state for Indian affairs, to recal
Mr. Hastings, the governor general, to give extensive
powers to his successor, and to secure to the zemindars
or landholders of Hindostan, a permanent interest in their
respective tenures. He intimated, that lord Cornwallis
was the most proper person to succeed Mr. Hastings,
but he did not require, that his appointment should be
inserted in the bill. Ministers, however, having an
nounced their determination to oppose some of its clauses,
* They fill several folio volumes.
Vol. I, P

114
Mr. Dundas did not attempt to carry it through the
house. And it being understood that administration had
no measure of their own to propose, the chairman of the
East India company, not long before the prorogation,
moved for leave to bring in a bill, as a temporary expe
dient, the objects of which were, to suspend the payment
of a large sum, about a million, due from the company
for custom duties, to authorize a dividend of 4/. per cent
to the proprietors, at midsummer 1783, and to enable
the company to borrow 300,000/. for present exigencies.
This motion was seconded by lord John Cavendish, who
promised his assistance to the measure, upon the ground
of the necessity of supporting the credit of the company,
with whose interests those of the public were intimately
connected. This bill, which passed without any difficul
ty, afforded Mr. Fox an opportunity of declaring his in
tention to bring forward the consideration of the affairs of
India, early in the next session ; and we have seen that
the king's speech mentioned the situation of the East
India company, as one of the reasons for calling parlia
ment together before Christmas, which had not been
usual in time of peace.
On the 18th of November, Mr. Fox, conformably to
the notice he had given, opened his plan relative to
Indian affairs, which produced such important conse
quences. He began his speech, by stating the urgent
necessity of a radical change in the mode of managing
our Indian concerns ; and he proceeded to explain the
particulars of the plan, which he wished tr>submit to the
house, as the only means of extricating the company
from their present pecuniary distress, and of securing our
valuable territories in the east. He proposed to establish
in London a board of seven commissioners, who should
have full power to conduct and manage all the affairs of
the company, civil, military, and commercial, with auth
ority to take possession of all charters, papers, books,
vessels, warehouses, goods, money, and every species of
property belonging to the company ; and to suspend,
remove, and appoint all officers and servants, of every
description, employed by them, both in Europe and
Asia ; and that under these commissioners, and subject

115
to their control, there should be eight pers6%s, each pos
sessing India stock to the amount of 2,000/. who should
act as their assistants, and whose peculiar duty it should
be to superintend and regulate all matters connected with
the trade of the company. He farther proposed, that in
the first instance, both the seven commissioners, and
their eight assistants, should be appointed by parliament,
and that their power should continue for a limited time,
three or five years ; that any of the seven commissioners
should be removable by the king, upon a vote of either
house of parliament, and that any of the eight assistants
should be removable by five of the seven commissioners;
that any vacancy, which might happen among the com
missioners, should be filled up by the king, and among
the assistants, by the court of proprietors ; that provision
should be made, under the direction of the commission
ers, for the punishment of all offences committed by the
company's servants in India, whether in their conduct
towards the native princes, or in the internal manage
ment of the company's affairs ; that an exact account of
the mercantile transactions of the company should be
laid before the court of proprietors, every half year ; and
that an account of all the proceedings, both of the com
missioners at home, and of their servants abroad, should
be laid before the board of treasury, previous to the
commencement of every session of parliament, for the
purpose of its being submitted to both houses. This was
to be the substance of one bill ; and he announced his
intention of introducing a second bill, for preventing all
ambitious projects for the extension of our territorial pos
sessions in India ; for securing to landholders both the
enjoyment and inheritance of their property ; for prohibi
ting the servants of the company from receiving presents
from the native powers and zemindars, or oppressing
them by increase of rent or tribute ; for abolishing mono
polies ; and for explaining the powers granted by the act
of 1773, to the council general in Bengal, over the other
presidencies, in matters relating to war, peace, and trea
ties. Having explained the substance of his two intended
bills, Mr. Fox again urged the plea of necessity, as the
ground of what he acknowledged to be " a strong mea-

116
sure," and sft, he was aware, that in proposing it, " he
ran a considerable risque, that he put his situation as a
minister to the hazard." From these and other similar
expressions, it was evident that he had some misgiving in
his own mind, concerning the reception his plan might
experience, and the effect it might have upon himself and
his character. Towards the end of his speech he alluded
to his coalition with lord North, in a manner which mark
ed a consciousness of its unpopularity ; he lamented the
absence of his noble colleague on account of indisposition,
and regretted the want of his assistance in the arduous
task of the day ; but he was happy to be able to assure
the house, that he and the noble lord perfectly coincided
in sentiment and opinion upon the subject ; and he trust
ed that, as the bill would be some time in its progress,
he should still have the benefit of the noble lord's power
ful support. He concluded by moving, "That leave be
given to bring in a bill for vesting the affairs of the East
India company in the hands of certain commissioners, for
the benefit of the proprietors and the public."
Mr. Pitt instantly saw the serious objections to which
the proposed plan was liable, although the nature of it
had been studiously concealed, till disclosed that day by
Mr. Fox ; and rising immediately after colonel North
had seconded the motion, he said, that when the bill
came before the house, he should examine its provisions
with the accuracy and care which thev demanded. He
admitted, what had been so eloquendy stated by the
right honorable gentleman, that great and enormous
abuses had taken place in the management of our Indian
concerns ; and great indeed he thought they must be, to
warrant a measure, which he would be bold to declare,
was a direct violation of the principles of the constitution,
and an entire abrogation of all the ancient charters and
privileges, by which the company had been first esta
blished, and had since existed. He the more particular
ly urged the attention of the house to the plan, which
they had just heard, as the right honorable mover had
not introduced it with any satisfactory reasons for insti
tuting a board with powers of so extraordinary and alarm
ing a nature. It was true, the bill was said to be found-

117
ed on necessity. But what was this ? Was it not ne
cessity that had always been the plea of every illegal
exertion of power, or exercise of oppression? Was not
necessity the pretence of every usurpation ? of every
infringement of human freedom ? Necessity was the
argument of tyrants ; it was the creed of slaves. No
advantage had been stated as likely to result from yield
ing to this necessity, except that of destroying the cor
rupt influence, which had been exerted by the company
and their servants, in the two houses of parliament ; but
he contended, that if the source of this influence should '
be possessed by the same commissioners, who were to
have the sole direction and command of every part of
Indian affairs, the minister himself, who was, in fact, to
nominate these commissioners, would not only be the
governor of India, but enjoy the power and patronage,
which, it was pretended, this bill was chiefly designed
to eradicate. Under this idea, he again most earnestly
recommended, that the bill might remain on the table
so long as to enable every member of the house to form
an adequate opinion of the necessity of the measure, and
of the tendency of its principle.
In speaking of the second bill, Mr. Pitt said, that the
right honorable gentleman had his sincere thanks and
applause for the manner in which he proposed to give
security, stability, and permanency to the property of the
ancient inhabitants in our Indian territories : but while
he paid this deserved tribute to his intentions towards
the natives in our eastern possessions, which he joined
the warm and animated feeling of the whole house, in
acknowledging to be characteristic of English liberality,
he hoped never to see them carried into effect, if the
adoption of them must be attended with the absolute loss
of our own most valuable privileges. The right honora
ble secretary was willing to secure to the Gentoos their
natural rights ; but let him take care that in doing so, he
did not destroy the liberties of Britons : while he pro
vided for the protection and safety of our subjects abroad,
let him shew some consideration for the chartered rights
of our countrymen at home. He concluded, with ex
pressing a wish, that the second reading of the first bill

118
should not take place without a call of the house, for he
was assured, that not a single member, when he heard of
it, would consider himself uninterested in its fate. Se
veral members spoke after Mr. Pitt ; and Mr. Fox then
gave notice, that he should move the second reading of
the first bill on the 27th ; Mr. Pitt requested the delay
of a few days, that there might be time for a call of the
house ; but Mr. Fox would not consent. Leave was
given to Mr. Fox, to bring in both bills ; and the call of
the house on the motion of Mr. Pitt, was fixed for the
3rd of December, the earliest day on which it could with
any propriety take place.
This plan strongly marked the bold and ambitious
character of its author. We have seen, that Mr. Fox
admitted the risque he incurred by the proposal ; and it
was generally believed, that more than one of his friends
endeavoured to dissuade him from so hazardous an at
tempt* ; but he refused to listen to their advice, being
convinced that the plan, if it succeeded, would probably
establish him in office for life ; and foreseeing, if it failed,
no other bad consequence than the end of his adminis
tration, the continuance of which, under present circum
stances, he well knew to be extremely precarious. Such
appears to have been the ground of Mr. Fox's conduct,
in bringing forward a measure, which would have effect
ed a material change in the constitution, by the creation
of a new independent power, greater than that of the
king. The appointment to all the offices of the com-v
pany at home, and to the governments and other lucra
tive situations, of every description, in India ; the dis
posal of the military commands and commissions in
the armies of that immense empire ; the annual nomi
nation of cadets and writers to the different settlements ;
the power of protecting those who returned to England,
with fortunes acquired by means which could not bear a
strict examination! ; the purchase of merchandize and
* It was confidently said, that Mr. Fox consulted the earl of Mansfield, chief
justice of the king's bench, and at that time acting as speaker of the house of lords,
who expressed himself decidedly against the measure ; which is the more likely to
be true, as his lordship and his nephew lord Stormont, then president of the coun
cil, both voted for the rejection of the bill.
t In one of the debates upon this bill, Mr. Burke represented the power of pro
tecting those who returned from India "loaded with odium and with riches," as a
source oi influence far greater than the the nomination to office.

119
stores, to the amount of five or six millions a year ; the
taking up of ships, and the contracts for freight — these
and various other means of favor, and sources of patro
nage, connected with such numerous establishments,
such extensive trade, so large a dominion, and so ample
a revenue, must have constituted a degree of influence,
which, when opposed to^ministers, might have impeded
the necessary functions of executive government ; and
when friendly, might have enabled them to carry any
measures, however injurious to the liberties of the peo
ple, or to the prerogative of the crown.
* In support of what has been now asserted, relative to
the formidable extent of Indian patronage, I must ob
serve, that it is stated in one of the reports of the select
committee, which were drawn up by the friends of Mr.
Fox, and were appealed to as the ground and justification
of this plan, that " the East India company is in posses
sion of a vast empire, with a boundless patronage, civil,
military, marine, commercial, and financial; in every depart
ment of which, such fortunes have been made, as could
be made no where else." Mr. Fox's own authority may
also be quoted upon this subject : in April of the preced
ing year, when he was secretary of state, he said, (in the
house of commons,) that " he could not, consistently
with his regard for the constitution of the country, ap
prove the taking away from the East India company, and
placing under the direction of the crown, the entire ma
nagement of our territorial possessions in the east : this
would afford to government such ample means of corrup
tion and undue influence, as might, in the end, overthrow
the whole constitution, and deprive us of our best and
dearest rights ; on which account, he thought it would
be more prudent to leave to the company the appoint
ment of its own servants." It should be remembered,
that the patronage, from which he then apjprehended such
mischievous consequences, if placed in the crown, was
confined to the territorial possessions of the company ;
whereas he now proposed to give to the commissioners
recommended by himself, not only that patronage, but
also the additional appointment to all the offices and em
ployments connected with the trade, and every other con
cern of the company, both at home and in India. And

120
on the very day he moved for leave to bring in this bill,
he said, that the influence of the crown had been dimi
nished: but, added he, "the influence of the crown, in its
most enormous and alarming state, was nothing compared
to the boundless patronage of the East India government,
if the latter was to be used in the influence of this house."
Could there be a stronger condemnation of the plan, than
this acknowledgment by its author ? It was impossible
for any one to doubt, how patronage would be used, when
placed at the command of seven political men, six of
whom, as will hereafter be seen, were members of the
house of commons, and the seventh a member of the
house of lords ; all nominated by a person, whose avow
ed principle it was, as well as that of those with whom he
was more immediately connected, that England ought to
be governed by a party. This measure was the legiti
mate offspring of such a principle, operating upon a mind,
conscious of possessing neither the favor of the king, nor
the confidence of the people, and determined upon ac
quiring power in defiance of both.
The true idea, therefore, of this plan, is, that it was in
tended, not to add to the power of the king's government
in general, but to give such a degree of strength to the
present ministers, as to ensure their continuance in of
fice ; or, if they should be compelled to resign, to render
them so powerful, by the patronage which they would
retain when out of office, that no future administration
could long resist their opposition ; more especially, as it
was understood, that Mr. Fox had it in contemplation
still farther to diminish the influence of the crown.
In addition to this fundamental objection, resting upon
the essential principles of the British constitution, it is to
be remarked, that this plan would have caused a total
and complete revolution in our whole Indian system, both
with respect tpcommerce and territorial government. It
would also have violated private property, by taking away
from the stock-holders, those rights, which they purchas
ed with their stock ; and it would have abrogated the
charters of the East India company*, by annihilating the
• Mr. Lee, the attorney general, when alluding to the alleged infraction of the
company's charter, said, " A charter is nothing more than a piece of parchment,
with a bit of wax dangling to it." This unguarded expression had great effect in
the country.

121
court of directors, and by depriving the court of proprie
tors of every part of their real power. Such an invasion
of private property and public charters, could not have
taken place, without affecting, if not in its immediate, at
least in its remote, consequences, in its principle, and by
analogy, every class and every individual of the com
munity. Nor is this all : the commissioners, being in
vested with the whole political authority in India, might,
designedly or accidentally, have pursued a line of conduct
directly opposite to that of the king's government ; nay,
they might have involved this country in war with France
or Holland, on account of their eastern possessions, and
in consequence of that connexion which must necessarily
subsist between European and Indian politics, without
even the privity of his majesty's ministers, with whom
they were not bound to keep up any communication, ex
cept by delivering an annual statement of their proceed
ings. An imperium in imperio would therefore have
been established, of the worst and most dangerous kind ;
and that unity of action would have been destroyed, which
is essential to the peace and good government of every
nation. The guards proposed by Mr. Fox, against the evils to
be apprehended from this bill, were not such as were
likely to have any considerable effect. The appointment
of the commissioners by parliament, was in reality, (as
was observed by Mr. Pitt,) leaving them to be nominated
by Mr. Fox. It is true, the commission was to continue
only for a limited time, four years as ultimately settled ;
but there was every reason to believe, that this enormous
patronage would have prevented a change of ministers
within any such period; and in that case, a renewal of the
commission would have been easily obtained. The
power of removing a commissioner, by a vote of either
house of parliament, would have been nugatory, as parlia
mentary interposition would not have been justified, except
in cases of gross and palpable misconduct, which the
commissioners might have contrived to avoid, even while
they secretly exerted the most mischievous influence.
The appointment of a new commissioner by the king, in
case of a vacancy by death or otherwise, would have
Vol. I. Q

122
been equally unavailing ; since, if the present ministers
were in office, one of their own friends would succeed ;
and if there were an adverse administration, the new com
missioner would have but little weight against the other
six remaining members of the board.
Mr. Fox affirmed, that this bill created no new power,
but merely gave to a board of commissioners that power,
which had been hitherto possessed by the company. But
it was justly observed, that it was a transfer of power
from a body of men, not politicians, numerous and fluc
tuating, by whom the boundless patronage of India was
divided into a thousand little wandering streams, which
being now collected into a single channel, would be
poured, like an irresistible flood, upon this country, and
sweep away its liberties — it was a transfer from a large
unconnected body, into the hands of a small junto, poli
tically connected, independent of the crown, by whom
India would be converted into one vast political engine,
to be levelled, as the party might choose, either against
the prerogatives of the sovereign, or the independence of
parliament. As to the plea of necessity, so confidently urged against
every objection, it may be remarked, that although it
was universally admitted, that some change in our Indian
system was indispensable, yet it by no means followed,
that nothing short of the violent and unconstitutional plan,
proposed by Mr. Fox, could restore the credit of the
company at home, and provide for the future good go
vernment of India. The unqualified statement of the
pecuniary distress of the company, and the pathetic de
scription of the abuses committed in India, were no vin
dication of this specific plan. Whether the plan in ques
tion would have relieved that distress, or have corrected
those abuses, may be matter of doubt; but it was after
wards proved by fact, that those important purposes
might be completely obtained, without any material in
fringement of the chartered rights of the East India com
pany, or any the slightest danger to the constitution of the
country. I have said, material infringement, because,
without some diminution of the rights and privileges of
the company, and taking from the directors that part of

123
their power, which they had proved themselves incapable
of exercising properly and advantageously, it was impos
sible to establish the reform, either at home or in India,
which all acknowledged to be necessary. The power,
thus taken away, must be vested somewhere ; the grand
object, which was so happily accomplished by Mr. Pitt
in the following year, being to place it, where it should
be effective, and at the same time not operate in a manner
injurious to any branch of our government.
Having made these observations upon the principle
and tendency of this ever memorable bill, I proceed to
give an account of its progress through one house of par
liament, and of its rejection by the other. It was pre
sented to the house of commons on the 20th of November,
read a first time, and ordered to be printed. Mr. Fox
then moved, that it should be read a second time, on that
day se'nnight. Mr. William Grenville* immediately
remonstrated against this short interval between the first
and second reading ; and took this opportunity of stating
his objections to the measure, in strong and personal
terms. He said, that it aimed at nothing less than to
erect a despotic system, which might crush the free con
stitution of England. It was true, that India wanted a
reform, but not such a reform as this — it wanted a con
stitutional alteration, not a tyrannical one. This bill vio
lated every rule of British justice, broke through all those
ties, which should bind man to man ; was fraught with
most pointed mischief to national honor and English le
gislation ; and was an attack upon the most solemn char
ters, confirmed by the sacred faith of parliament. He
contended, that if the charter of the East India company
might be thus totally annihilated, the charter of the bank,
which rested upon the same authority, might also be
seized; and if the property of the East India stockholders
might be thus invaded, there was an end of security to
every species of private property. Less violent methods
than this would surely have been found, if there was not
at the bottom some deep, some latent, some dreadful
purpose, of which this was the forerunner. He repre
sented the measure as in reality designed and calculated
• Now lord Grenville.

124
to lift Mr. Fox into a situation wholly unknown to our
constitution; a situation from which he could not be
driven or moved, till he chose voluntarily to abdicate his
dictatorship ; at the same time declaring, that he had such
an opinion of the daring ambition of the honorable gen
tleman, as to feel confident, that having once possessed
himself of such inordinate power, he would never con
descend to lay it down, and become once more an hum
ble individual. The seven commissioners, although os
tensibly chosen by parliament, would in fact be his no
minees, his creatures, and dependants, who would direct
the wealth and patronage of India to the support of his
administration, and in return, look to him for the renewal
of their lease of power. Well, then, might the inde
pendent members of that house be afraid, lest the united
factions, now armed with the influence of the crown,
should, if fortified with this additional strength, perpetuate
their authority, and render it irresistible. He read the
protests from the journals of the house of lords in 1773
and 1780, signed by the duke of Portland, the present
first lord of the treasury, by lord Fitzwilliam, who was
to be at the head of this new commission, and by the
late lord Rockingham, whom Mr. Fox professed to con
sider as his political guide*, in which, principles were
maintained directly contrary to those of this bill. Having
observed, that this scheme was planned by the man,
whose voice had been loudest in sounding the alarm of
danger to the liberties of the country, he concluded, with
comparing the haste with which Mr. Fox and his friends
were endeavoring to carry this bill through parliament, to
the precipitancy and ardor of plunderers, eager to grasp
at and hold fast their prey. Mr. Fox's motion, although
objected to by Mr. Pitt and several other members, was
carried without a division.
On the 24th, the chairman of the India company pre
sented a petition to the house of commons, from the
East India proprietors, against the bill, setting forth,
* In a subsequent debate upon this bill, Mr. Fox said, that he was one of those,
who had suffered a sort of political martyrdom in the cause of lord Rockingham's
principles, of those who had surrendered pomp and power, rather than remain
where the principles of that noble lord ceased to be fashionable, and were wither
ing into coutempt

125

i<

that the said bill destroys the continuation of, and
wholly subverts, the rights and privileges, granted to the
petitioners by charter, made for valuable considerations,
and confirmed by divers acts of parliament ; and that
the said bill operates to the total confiscation of the pro
perty of the petitioners, by empowering certain commis
sioners to be therein named, to seize and take possession
of all the lands, tenements, houses, warehouses, and
other buildings, books, records, charters, letters, and other
papers, ships, vessels, goods, wares, merchandizes,
money, securities for money, and other effects belong
ing to the petitioners, and to order and dispose thereof at
their will and pleasure ; and this, without charging the
petitioners with any specific delinquency, or stating any
just ground by which the petitioners' rights and privi
leges ought to be forfeited, or their property to be seized ;
a proceeding contrary to the most sacred privilege of
British subjects — that of being tried and convicted upon
a specific charge, before judgment is passed against them,
in any case whatever : And therefore praying, that the
acts of delinquency, which can be alleged against the
petitioners, or other just grounds, if any, for subverting
the petitioners' constitution, and divesting them of their
rights and privileges, and seizing their property, by a
measure so alarming, and in a manner so extraordinary,
may be stated in writing ; and that the petitioners may be
allowed a reasonable time to answer the same, and make
their defence thereon ; and that the petitioners may be
heard, by themselves or their counsel, against the said
bill." On the following day the chairman presented a similar
petition from the directors of the East India company,
complaining, upon the same grounds, of the injury in
tended to be done to them ; and further representing,
that since the 18th of November, " a general alarm and
apprehension of the desperate state of the company's
affairs had gone forth." They therefore intreated, that
a public examination might be made into the true state
of the circumstances of the company, in which they
hoped to prove, that with a temporary and moderate re
lief* from parliament, their credit could not fail to be
firmly established. These two petitions were received ;

126
and leave was given, that the petitioners should be re
spectively heard by their counsel, upon the second read
ing of the bill.
On the 26th, Mr. Fox brought in his second bill, the
title of which was, " A bill for the better government of
the territories, possessions, and dependencies in India."
The speaker read the breviate of it, which occupied a
considerable time, the clauses being very numerous. Mr.
Pitt observed, that it was not possible to form a just judg
ment of a bill of such length, from the cursory manner
in which it had been read. He declared, however, that
at present he saw no objection to its principle, and that he
was willing it should go to a committee ; but he did not
pledge himself to support it, wishing to have time to con
sider it more fully. Mr. Fox, in answer to a remark
from Mr. Arden*, said, that this second bill was not ne
cessarily dependent upon his other bill, although at pre
sent in some of its clauses, it referred to it ; and that it
mght, by some slight alterations in the committee, be
made complete and efficient, even if the first bill should
fail, and in whomsoever the management of East India
affairs at home should be vested. It was then ordered,
that the bill now presented, should be read a second time
on the following Tuesdayf.
On the 27th, the day fixed for the second reading of
Mr. Fox's bill, for vesting the affairs of the East India
company in the hands of commissioners, counsel were
heard, and witnesses examined in support of the petitions
from the proprietors, and from the directors of the com
pany. The counsel who spoke first, delivered to the
house, two papers of accounts ; one of which contained
a statement of the debts and property of the company;
and the other, an estimate of the expected receipts and
payments to March 1786. The object of these papers,
which were authenticated by the accountant and auditor
of the company, was, to inform the house of commons
of the real state of the finances of the company, in oppo-
* An early friend of Mr. Pitt, who had been solicitor general in lord Shelburne'*
administration. He was afterwards successively attorney general, master of the
rolls, and chief justice of the common pleas. When he accepted the last of those
situations he was created lord Alvanly.
t The house did not sit on that day, on account of a very late debate oo the pre
ceding day, and this bill made no farther progress.

127
sition to Mr. Fox's representation on a former night.
After the counsel had finished, a short conversation took
place upon a point of order ; and when that was settled,
Mr. Fox, in an elaborate speech, objected to many of the
articles in the papers, delivered that day from the East
India company ; and endeavored to prove the result of
the statement and estimate to be erroneous, to a large
amount. After a variety of other arguments in support
of the bill, he concluded by moving, that it be committed.
Mr. Pitt began his answer to this speech, by men
tioning the peculiar situation in which he found himself
placed, by the progress and present state of this questiori.
He said, that from the commencement of it, he had, by
every exertion in his power, called the attention of the
house, and of the country in general, to the importance
and dangerous consequences of the measure proposed.
He had pladged himself to point out the dreadful ten
dency of tnis bill, with respect to every thing dear and
sacred to Englishmen; to prove its inimical influence on
the constitution and liberties of the country ; and to ex
pose, by undeniable evidence, the false and pernicious
principles on which it was founded. These particulars
required time and deliberation, which the violent and in
decent precipitancy of this business virtually proscribed.
However, it was impossible to regard the very face of
the bill, without feeling strong repugnance to its success.
He desired the house to take notice, that the ground of
necessity, upon which the bill had been originally de
clared to be introduced, was now changed : that neces
sity no longer rested on the simple, clear, and obvious
proposition, the bankruptcy of the company, but was that
day placed on a still weaker foundation ; a foundation
infinitely more fallacious — upon the temporary distress of
the company. Was that a fit plea to warrant the passing
of a bill, which openly professed a daring violation of the
chartered rights of the company, and proceeded to an
immediate confiscation of all their property ? Ought the
house to be satisfied with such a plea, even if proved be
yond the possibility of doubt ? He trusted they would
not ; he trusted the house had too much regard for their
own honor and dignity, too scrupulous an attention to
justice, and too conscientious an adherence to their duty

128
to their constituents, to support the minister in one of the
boldest, most unprecedented, most desperate, and most
alarming attempts at the exercise of tyranny, which ever
disgraced the annals of this or of any other country.
The right honorable gentleman, whose eloquence and
whose abilities would lend a grace to deformity, had
appealed to their passions, and pressed home to their
hearts, the calamitous situation of the unhappy natives of
India, a situation, which every man must deeply deplore,
and anxiously wish to relieve. But ought the right ho
norable gentleman to provide for the protection of the
oppressed abroad, by enforcing the most unparalleled
oppression at home ? Was the relief to be administered
in Asia, to be grounded on violence and injustice in Eu
rope ? Let the house turn their eyes to the very extra
ordinary manner in which the very extraordinary bill,
then under consideration, had been introduced. When
the right honorable gentleman opened his plan to the
house, he urged the indispensable necessity of the mea
sure, as its only justification ; and in order to carry that
necessity to the conviction of the house, he gave such a
statement of the company's affairs, as to convey to the
mind of almost every gentleman present, that the com
pany was insolvent to the amount of eight millions.
Mr. Fox appearing to dissent from this, Mr. Pitt said,
" I am ready to admit, that the right honorable gentle
man did not expressly say this ; but still I contend, that
the manner in which he stated the affairs of the company,
conveyed that idea. It has been entertained by most of
those who heard him ; it has been entertained by the
public; and it has been entertained by the company.
The right honorable gentleman has himself since con
fessed, that he made several omissions in his former
statement of the company's affairs — omissions he certain
ly did make — omissions, gross, palpable, and prodigious.
What was the consequence ? The company flatly deny
the right honorable gentleman's statement. They pre
pare an account of the true state of their affairs ; they
produce it at the bar of the house ; they establish its au
thenticity, by the concurrent testimony of their ac
countant and auditor. What happens then ? The right
honorable gentleman declares it incumbent on him to

129
clear his own character ; and that can only be done by
refuting and falsifying the company's statement of their
affairs, to the enormous amount of twelve millions.
Arduous and difficult as this task was, the right honora
ble gentleman entered upon it with a degree of spirit
peculiar to the boldness of his character, running through
the account with a volubility, which rendered compre
hension difficult, and detection almost impossible. I
have attempted to follow him through his commentary ;
and though it is impracticable, upon first hearing such a
variety of assertions and calculations, to investigate the
accuracy of all of them, and completely expose their
> fallacy ; yet I will undertake to shew, that the right hon
orable gentleman has reasoned unfairly upon some of the
articles, grossly misrepresented others, and wholly passed
by considerations material to be adverted to, in order to
ascertain the true state of the company's affairs." Mr.
Pitt then went into a minute examination of the finances
of the company ; and after going through all Mr. Fox's
observations, and objections to the papers which had
been that day presented, he affirmed, that the company,
though at present under pecuniary embarrassment, was
by no means insolvent ; and that the petitioners ought to
be allowed an opportunity of proving the whole of the
statement of their affairs, at the bar of the house. The
right honorable secretary, he said, had accused the com
pany of temerity, in bringing their accounts before the
house, in a state exceedingly fallacious. He (Mr. Fox)
had asked, what indignation and censure would have
been due to the individual, who should have dared thus
to trifle with truth, with decency, and with the dignity of
the house ? What then should be said of a minister, who
had ventured to rise up in his place, and impose on the
house, a statement every way absurd and erroneous?
On these and many other accounts, Mr. Pitt considered
it perfectly reasonable, that the debate should be deferred,
at least for a single day, to allow the house time to in -
quire into and examine the truth of the papers just pre
sented, the falsehood of which, communicated, as they
had been, from high authority, ought not to be taken
for granted, upon the bare assertion of the secretary of
Vol. I. R

130
state ; and therefore reserving for the present his senti
ments upon the principle of the bill, he moved that the
debate be adjourned till to-morrow. This motion, after
a long discussion, was rejected by a majority of 229
to 120.
On the 1st of December, the day fixed for the bill go
ing into a committee, upon the question being put for the
speaker leaving the chair, Mr. Powys rose, and con
demned the measure, as rash, despotic, and dangerous
to the constitution : he expressed great respect for Mr.
Fox's talents ; but he wished to see him the servant of
his sovereign, and not his master. At the conclusion of
his speech, he declared, in the most solemn manner, '
that whatever was dear to Englishmen, or valuable to
that house, depended upon the issue1 of their present de
liberations ; and that the passing of the bill would con
sign the constitution, the liberties, the glory, and the
dignity of the British empire to ultimate and certain ruin.
The bill was defended by Mr. Fox and Mr. Burke, and
opposed by Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas. The arguments,
in its support, rested chiefly upon the gross abuses com
mitted in India, and the utter incapacity of the directors
to manage so important and complicated a concern. On
the other hand, it was contended, that though a change
of system, under the authority of parliament, was un
questionably necessary, an effectual plan for the future
government of India might be devised, without a total
abolition of the company's charter, or creating a power
inconsistent with the principles of our constitution. A
division took place at half- past four in the morning, and
the motion for the speaker's leaving the chair, was car
ried by a majority of 217 to 103, which was a decided
approbation of the principle of the bill. As, however,
it was so late, the house went into a committee only pro
forma, and it was agreed that the committee should sit
again on the 3d.
On that day, the house resolved itself into a commit
tee, without any previous debate, and there was a discus
sion upon several of the clauses, in which Mr. Pitt took
no part. It was agreed that the name, commissioners, to
which some objection was made, should be changed for

131
that of directors ; that the seven directors should be, earl
Fitz william, who was to be chairman, Mr. Frederick
Montague, who was to be deputy chairman, lord viscount
Lewisham, colonel North, sir Gilbert Elliott, sir Henry
Fletcher, and Mr. Gregory* ; that the directors should not
be disqualified from sitting in parliament, but that they
should be incapable of holding any office of profit under
the crown during pleasure ; that there should be nine,
instead of eight assistants! ; that these nine assistants,
who were all named in the committee, should have a
salary of 500/. a year each, paid by the East India com
pany ; and that the commission should continue four
years. Upon these, and other points of less importance,
which it was necessary to settle, there was very little dif
ference of opinion, and no division. It was left undeter
mined, whether the seven directors should receive any
pecuniary emolument, but Mr. Fox gave his decided
opinion, that they ought to have a fixed salary paid by
the public ; nor was it now determined, whether the nine
assistants should be capable of sitting in the house of
commons. Mr. Fox, at present, saw no sufficient reason
for excluding them ; but he was willing to postpone that
question, till the report should be considered, when he
promised to listen to any arguments which might be
urged against it, and to act according to his conviction.
The committee having gone through the bill, the report
was immediately received, and the bill, With its amend
ments, ordered to be printed. When the report was
taken into consideration on Friday, it was determined,
after a short debate, that the nine assistants should not be
allowed to sit in the house of commons. Several new
clauses of inferior moment were added, without any divi
sion. Mr. Pitt's objection being to the general principle
of the bill, he did not think it necessary to take any part
in the discussions upon the provisions of the particular
clauses ; considering it of very little importance in what
manner they were settled, and being convinced, that no
* The two last were directors of the East India company, but members of the
house of commons, closely connected in politics with the ministers.
f The reason of this increase was, that there might be three committees at the
same time", eaoh consisting of three persons.

132
alteration in the committee could reconcile him to the
measure. The motion for the third reading, on Monday the 8th,
was carried, after a long and warm debate, by a majority
of 208 to 102. A few alterations of a trifling nature were
then made, and the bill passed.
In order, in some degree, to account for the little re
sistance, in point of numbers, which this bill met with in
the house of commons, it may be observed, that lord
North and Mr. Fox, who were at present united in go
vernment, had been for many years the two principal
persons on opposite sides of the house. Lord North, in
the course of a long administration, had conferred favors
upon many of the members, and Mr. Fox was now the
efficient head of a numerous party ; besides which, they
were both men to whom their personal acquaintance and
connections were warmly attached. To these circum
stances, and to the persuasion, that the patronage of India
would render the present ministers irresistible, are to be
attributed those large majorities, by which this bill was
uniformly supported in its progress through the house of
commons. And to account for the little interest, which
a bill, afterwards so unpopular, at first excited in the pub
lic mind*, it must be considered, that its provisions were
novel in their nature, and its real tendency not immedi
ately discerned by the community at large; and the
rapidity with which it was carried through the house of
commons, in defiance of every remonstrance upon the
subject, did not allow time for the public opinion to
operatef. The people were slow to believe, that a mea
sure, so objectionable as this was represented to be by its
opponents, could be brought forward by a man, who had
always professed himself the champion of the British
constitution, and the guardian of the rights and privileges
of every description of British subjects. It was evident,
however, that a sufficient impression was already made in
* Only two petitions, besides those from the proprietors and directors of the East
India company, were presented against the bill, in its progress through the house of
commons; one from the city of London, and the other from the borough of High
Wycnmbe, which latter was not presented till the day on which the bill passed.
f The bill was presented to the house of commons, on the 20th of November,
and it passed that house on the 8th of December.

133
the country, to render it probable, that the bill would
have greater difficulties to encounter in the other house
of parliament, than it experienced in the house of com
mons. On the 9th of December, the bill was carried up to the
house of lords by Mr. Fox, who was, upon that occasion,
attended by a great number of members of the house of
commons; and the duke of Portland immediately moved,
that it should be read a second time on Monday next
(the 15th,) to which no objection was made. A conver
sation followed, begun by lord Temple, requesting a far
ther production of papers, to which the duke of Portland
refused his consent; and lord Temple acquiesced, with
out dividing the house. Lord Temple, lord Thurlow,
and the duke of Richmond, spoke several times, and ex
pressed themselves in strong terms against the bill. Lord
Thurlow, in his first speech, called it " a most atrocious
violation of private property, a daring invasion of chartered
rights, and a direct subversion of the first principles of
the British government, for the purpose of establishing,
upon groundless pretences, an enormous and unconstitu
tional influence in the hands cf the present minister;" and
afterwards, in replying to lord Loughborough, who de
fended the measure, lie said, " The present bill means
evidently to create a power unknown to the constitution,
an imperium in imperio ; but as I abhor tyranny in all its
shapes, I shall oppose, most strenuously, this strange
attempt to destroy the true balance of our constitution.
The present bill does not tend to increase the influence of
the crown, but it tends to set up a power in the kingdom,
which mav be used in opposition to the crown, and for
the destruction of the liberties of the people. I wish to
see the crown great and respectable ; but if the present
bill should pass, it will be no longer w orthy of a man of
honor to wear*. The king will, in fact, take the diadem
from his own head, and place it on the head of Mr. Fox."
The conversation ended with lord Temple's presenting
a petition from the East India company, stating objec
tions to the bill ; and praying that they might be heard
* When lord Thurlow pronounced these wor.ls, he locked nt the prince of Wales,
who was present, and was known to be friendly to the measure.

134
by counsel against it. It was agreed, that counsel should
be heard, upon the second reading of the bill ; and the
house adjourned.
In the intermediate time, several corporate bodies pre
sented petitions to the house of lords, against the bill ;
conceiving, that their own charters were endangered by
this attack upon the charter of the East India company.
On the 15th of December, the day fixed for hearing
counsel, and for the second reading of the bill, the duke
of Richmond presented a petition from the city of Lon
don, against the bill ; and, u pon the duke of Manchester's
objecting to some expressions in the petition, the duke of
Richmond observed, that this petition was drawn up in
the very words of a famous protest against an India bill,
which passed in 1773, and which protest was signed by
the duke of Portland, lord Fitzwilliam, and several other
lords, who were present and known to be friendly to the
bill now before the house, although interfering in a far
greater degree with the privileges of the company, than
that against which they had then protested. This obser
vation prevented any farther objection, and the petition
was received. Counsel were then called in ; and after a
speech from one of them, relative, to the rights, and the
present state, of the East India company, and the national
advantages derived from its trade and territorial acquisi
tions, they proceeded to examine witnesses, and to pro
duce written documents in support of the allegations
which had been made. This examination, with some
interruption, continued to a late hour, when the counsel
represented, that they were not prepared to proceed any
farther at present, as some of their witnesses, whom they
had not examined, had left the house, and they had
omitted to bring some books, which they wished to sub
mit to the inspection of their lordships ; and therefore
they requested the indulgence of the house to allow the
business to be postponed to the next day. To this lord
Carlisle objected ; but the duke of Chandos, who was
unfriendly to the bill, thought the request a very reasona
ble one, and accordingly moved, that the farther hearing
of counsel be adjourned to the next day. Late as it was,
a debate ensued ; and the duke of Portland, in speaking

135
against the motion, alluded to a rumor, which had been
in circulation several days, that lord Temple had had an
audience of the king, and was authorized to declare, that
his majesty was hostile to Mr. Fox's India bill. The
duke asserted, that every attempt to influence the votes
of the members of either house, upon a bill depending in
parliament, was a violation of the constitution.
Lord Temple acknowledged, that he had been ad
mitted to an audience of the king ; and contended, that
as a peer of the realm, he had a constitutional right to of
fer his majesty such advice as he might think proper : he
had, he said, given his advice ; what that advice was, he
would not then say : it was lodged in the breast of the
king : nor would he declare the purport of it, without his
majesty's consent, or till he saw a proper occasion. But
though he would not declare affirmatively, what his ad
vice to his sovereign was, he would tell their lordships
negatively what it was not — it was not friendly to the
principle and objects of the bill. After a warm alterca
tion upon this point, a division took place, in which 87,
including proxies, voted for the adjournment, and 79
against it. The house immediately adjourned, the min
isters having been left in a minority.
On the 16th, counsel were farther heard ; and on the
17th, there was a long debate upon the principle of the
bill, in which the arguments for and against it were near
ly the same as in the house of commons. The question
for committing the bill was negatived by a majority of
19, the numbers being 95 and 76; and the bill was after
wards rejected without a division. The prince of Wales
voted in the minority, in the former night ; but this night
he did not vote on either side. Lord Stormont, presi
dent of the council, and lord Mansfield, speaker of the
house of lords, both of whom had, on the 15th, voted
against the adjournment, now voted against the commit
ment of the bill, though they took no part in either de
bate. It was generally understood, that these two lords
had, from the first, declared themselves adverse to the
bill ; but that notwithstanding this difference of opinion
upon so important a measure of government, lord Stor-

136
mont would have remained in office, if the administration
had continued*.
The day Mr. Fox's India bill was rejected in the house
of lords, the subject of lord Temple's having had an au
dience of the king, and being authorized to declare, that
his majesty's sentiments and wishes were unfavorable to
that measure, was brought forward in the house of com
mons, with great solemnity. As soon as the speaker
had taken the chair, Mr. Baker rose, and observed, that,
as he had a matter of the first importance to submit to the
consideration of the house, he requested the speaker to
issue his orders for the immediate attendance of members.
This being agreed to, the serjeant at arms, as is usual
upon extraordinary occasions, took the mace, and going
into the adjacent rooms, in the speaker's name, comman
ded the instant attendance of those members whom he
found. The house soon became very full ; and Mr. Ba
ker rising again, and adverting to the division which had
taken place two nights before, in the other house, when
ministers were left in a minority, positively asserted, that
several peers were, upon that occasion, influenced by the
rumors, which had been some days in circulation, to vote
differently from what they had intended. He said, that
these rumors were notorious, and affected the personal
reputation of the sovereign. He contended, that the use
of the king's name, in the manner to which he alluded,
was dangerous to the constitution, inasmuch as it was
calculated to bias the deliberations of parliament, and to
destroy that freedom of debate, and independence of con
duct, which were at once the support and the glory of the
British government. He therefore considered it his duty
to propose the following motion, " That it is now ne
cessary to declare, that to report any opinion, or pretended
opinion, of his majesty, upon any bill or other proceeding
depending in either house of parliament, with a view to
influence the votes of the members, is a high crime and
misdemeanor, derogatory to the honor of the crown, a
breach of the fundamental privileges of parliament, and
subversive of the constitution of the country."
• If the hill had succeeded, a lord chancellor would probably have been appoint
ed, and lord Mansfield would no longer have aeted as speaker of the house of lords.

137
Lord Maitland, in seconding the motion, said, that
that night might probably determine, whether the coun
try was henceforth to be governed by a public and re
sponsible administration, or by a secret cabal, whom no
one knew, or could find, or could charge with any viola
tion of right. Mr. Pitt opposed the motion upon two
grounds ; that it was the unalienable right of peers, both
collectively and individually, to advise his majesty, when
ever they thought themselves called upon so to do, by
the situation of public affairs ; and that it was not suita
ble to the dignity of the house to found any of its pro
ceedings upon common report, without other authority.
He contended, that no fact to justify such a motion as
the present, had been proved or stated. He alluded to
a similar influence, meaning that of the prince of Wales,
which had been exerted on the opposite side ; and to
other rumors mischievous in their nature, which had
been suffered to circulate without remonstrance or no
tice. In reply to what had been insinuated concerning
secret influence, directed against the measures of govern
ment, he said, that when ministers found themselves des
titute of that support, which could alone render them
efficient in their situation, and constitutionally responsi
ble for their public conduct, it was their duty to retire
from his majesty's service. He concluded, with moving
the order of the day.
Mr. Fox made a very violent speech upon this occa
sion ; and to persuade the house, that there had been
an undue interference, he read the following extract from
a letter : " His majesty allowed earl Temple to say, that
whoever voted for the India bill, were not only not his
friends, but he should consider them as his enemies.
And if these words were not strong enough, earl Tem
ple might use whatever he might deem stronger, or more
to the purpose." Mr. Fox affirmed, as a proof, that this
int;mation from his majesty was not without effect, that
several peers, particularly mentioning lords of the king's
bedchamber, who had given their proxies in favor of
the bill, changed them on the same day, after they be
came acquainted with the king's sentiments. " Were I
disposed," continued Mr. Fox, " to treat the matter se-
Vol. I. S

138
riously, the whole compass of language affords no terms
sufficiently strong and pointed to mark the contempt
which I feel for their conduct. It is an impudent
avowal of political profligacy, as if that species of profli
gacy were less infamous than any other. It is not only
a degradation of a station, which ought to be occupied
only by the highest and most exemplary honor, but for
feits their claim to the characters of gentlemen, and re
duces them to a level with the meanest and basest of the
species. By what magic, nobility can thus charm vice
into virtue, I know not, nor wish I to know ; but in any
other thing than politics, and among any other men than
lords of the bed chamber, such an instance of the
grossest perfidy, would, ss it well deserved, be branded
with infamy and execration." Mr. Jenkinson and lord
Mulgrave replied to Mr. Fox ; the latter of whom said,
that he " conceived Mr. Fox to be the most dangerous
character, that had for a long time appeared in this coun
try." Mr. William Grenville, in a subsequent part of
the debate, said, he was authorized to declare, that lord
Temple had not made use of the words ascribed to him
by Mr. Fox. Mr. Fox admitted, that these might not
be the precise words ; but he asked, whether Mr. Gren
ville, or any other person, would answer for the noble
lord, that he had not made use of words of the same pur
port as those which he had mentioned, namely, " words
calculated to influence the minds of men, by the use of
the royal name." To this, no reply was made. The
house divided upon Mr. Pitt's motion, which was lost
by a majority of 153 to 80. Mr. Baker's motion was
consequently agreed to ; and he then moved the follow
ing resolution, to which no objection was made, " That
the house will, on Monday morning next, resolve itself
into a committee of the whole house, to consider of the
state of the nation."
After these motions had passed, Mr. Erskine repre
sented to the house, that it was incumbent upon them,
in the present state of political affairs, to guard, as far as
they could, against a dissolution of parliament ; and he
proposed to ground a motion for that purpose, upon the
necessity of immediately taking some step with regard

139
to India; and therefore he moved, " that it is necessary
to the most essential interests of this kingdom, and pe
culiarly incumbent on this house, to pursue, with unre
mitting attention, the consideration of a suitable remedy
for the abuses which have prevailed in the government
of the British dominions in the East Indies ; and that
this house will consider as an enemy to his country, any
person, who shall presume to advise his majesty to pre
vent, or in any manner interrupt, the discharge of this
important duty." In the debate upon this motion, sir
Henry Hoghton acknowledged, that the dissolution of
parliament would, in the present circumstances of the
country, be an unwise, hasty, and violent measure ; but
yet, as the power of dissolving parliament was a clear
and unquestionable prerogative of the crown, he thought
it improper for the house of commons to allude to it in
the most transient manner : he therefore moved, that the
latter part of the resolution, beginning with these words,
" and that this house," should be omitted. This amend
ment, which was supported by Mr. Pitt, was negatived
by a majority of 147 to 73 ; and the original motion was
carried without a division ; after which the house ad
journed. The rejection of Mr. Fox's India bill, by the house
of lords, afforded his majesty an opportunity of removing
ministers, whom he had been compelled to admit into
office, but to whom he had never given his confidence ;
and accordingly, late in the evening of the 18th, the two
secretaries of state received messages, intimating, that
his majesty had no longer any occasion for their services,
and requiring that the seals of office should be delivered
to him, by the under secretaries of state. The seals
were the next day placed in the hands of lord Temple,
who took the oaths as secretary of state, and immedi
ately wrote letters of dismissal to the other ministers.
At this important juncture, Mr. Pitt readily accepted
from his majesty, the offer of being at the head of the
treasury, which he had resolutely declined nine months
before. The difference in the situation of the king and
of the country, caused this difference in Mr. Pitt's con
duct, which was in both instances equally regulated by a

140
sense of public duty. In the former case, he was per
suaded, that his acceptance would have been attended
with mischievous consequences; but now he saw no
other means of averting dangers of the most alarming
nature, and of providing a government for India, without
violating the principles of the constitution. He therefore
felt himself under an indispensable obligation to make
the attempt, trusting, that the loyalty and patriotism of
the people of England would lead them to support a
minister, who stood forward in defence of his sovereign,
and of the constitution, against the attacks of men, whose
only aim was to secure the continuance of that power,
which they had gained by force.
Great clamor being raised against lord Temple, re
specting the use of the king's name upon the subject of
Mr. Fox's India bill, he thought proper to give back the
seals to his majesty on the 22d, three days after he had
received them; and the reason, which he and his friends
assigned for this step, was, that he might, in a private ca
pacity, and without the protection of official influence,
answer any charge which might be brought against him.
Mr. Pitt was convinced of the propriety of lord Tem
ple's resignation, under the present impression of the
public mind; but, to be thus suddenly deprived of the
assistance of a person, with whom he was nearly connect
ed*, and on whose attachment, principles, and abilities,
he had the strongest reason to rely, who was not only to
have filled one of the most important offices in the state,
but also to have conducted the public business in the house
of lords, was matter of serious concern, and occasioned
considerable embarrassment. And though the personal ob
jection to lord Temple was removed, by his resignation,
yet Mr. Pitt could* not then form any judgment as to the
extent-to which the popular- cry, of secret influence,
might be carried ; nor could he but dread the conse
quences to the constitution and to the country, if he too,
from that, or any other cause, should be under the ne
cessity of yielding, and of leaving Mr. Fox and his party
in full and triumphant possession of power. Such, how
ever, was the confidence felt in Mr. Pitt, even at this
* Lord Temple's father was brother to Mr. Pitt's mother.

141
early period of his life, that his character was not in the
slightest degree affected by the clamor, which compelled
lord Temple to resign*.
This was the only event, of a public nature, which I
ever knew disturb 'Mr. Pitt's rest, while he continued in
good health. Lord Temple's resignation was determined
upon at a late hour in the evening of the 21st; and when
I went into Mr. Pitt's bed-room the next morning, he told
me, that he had not had a moment's sleep. He expressed
great uneasiness at the state of public affairs : at the same
time declaring his fixed resolution not to abandon the
situation he had undertaken, but to make the best stand
in his power, though very doubtful of the result. Some
of his confidential friends coming to him soon after he
was dressed, he entered, with his usual composure and
energy, into the discussion of points, which required im
mediate decision ; all feeling the present moment to be
one of peculiar anxiety and difficulty.
Mr. Pitt proceeded to fill up the different offices, in
the best manner he could, though not exactly as he
wished, and had reason to expect he might have done.
Some persons qif high rank and consideration, who
agreed with him in political principles, without partaking
in his firmness of mind, who applauded his conduct, but
shrunk from responsibility, refused, in the present dis
couraging state of parties, and unpromising aspect of
public affairs, to join in his administration ; and those
who looked only to the emolument of subordinate situa
tions, declined connexion with a government, which no
one believed could last a month. At length, and after
various disappointments, the arrangements were com
pleted ; and the cabinet consisted of Mr. Pitt, first lord
of the treasury and chancellor of the exchequer, lord
Thurlow, lord chancellor ; lord Gower, lord president of
the councilf ; the duke of Rutland, lord privy seal ; lord
* Lord Temple had never afterwards any office in England. During Mr. Pitt's
administration, he was made marquis of Buckingham, and lord lieutenant of Ireland.
i f Afterwards marquis of Stafford. This peer had never had the slightest inter
course whatever with Mr. Pitt, but no one of his most intimate friends took a more
decided part against the India bill : and when he understood the difficulty there
was in filling up the cabinet offices, he sent a message to Mr. Pitt, by a confidential
friend, that wishing to enjov retirement for the remainder of his life, he could not
be a candidate for office j but that in the present situation of the king, and distressed

142
Carmarthen and lord Sydney, secretaries of state ; and
lord Howe, first lord of the admiralty*.
state of the country, he would cheerfully take any office, in which it might be
thought he could be useful. His name and experience were certainly of great ser
vice to Mr. Pitt, at the present moment. It is also due to the memory of this
highly respectable nobleman, to add, that he afterwards gave up the presidentship
of the council, and accepted the privy seal, an office inferior both in rank and emo
lument : this was done to make room for the introduction of lord Camden into the
cabinet, who thought, that, having been lord chancellor, he could not with propriety
accept any office but that of lord president of the council.
* The duke of Richmond, who was master general of the ordnance, was not at
first a member of the cabinet, wishing to confine himself to the business of his own
office; but soon afterwards, when he was one of those who advised and encou
raged Mr. Pitt to persevere in his struggle against a mjaority of the house of com
mons, which he was aware was attended with considerable risque, he expressed his
readiness to be in the cabinet, that he might take his share of the responsibility.

CHAPTER THE FOURTH:
1783.
Situation of the Country — Conduct of Opposition — Mr. Pitt's
India Bill rejected — Parliament dissolved — Reflections.
Mr. Pitt was in the 25th year of his age, when he
became first minister ; and the circumstances under which
he entered upon that arduous station, were peculiar and
unfavorable in the extreme. His opponents were men of
extensive connections, tried abilities, and long experience.
Their strength in the house of commons had appeared,
not only by the majorities of two to one, by which they
carried the obnoxious India bill, in its different stages :
but also by the majorities in the same proportion, by
which they succeeded in two motions, after it was certain,
that they would be dismissed from office. In resisting
these powerful adversaries, he had not the assistance of a
single cabinet minister in the house of commons, which
was mentioned by Mr. Fox as one, among many reasons,
for confidently expecting the administration to be but of
short continuance : he conceived it impossible, that Mr.
Pitt should alone be able to conduct the whole business
of the nation, in that house, in the present state of parties.

143
—Indeed his acceptance of office was considered as so
absurd, that the motion for a new writ for Appleby, was
received with loud and general laughter, by the members
of opposition.
These disadvantages, sufficiently appalling in them
selves, were rendered more formidable by the situation
of public affairs. The regulation of the important con
cerns of India, a subject upon which the house of com
mons was pledged, in direct contradiction to Mr. Pitt's
sentiments, would admit of no delay — the numerous
fraudulent practices committed upon the revenue, called
aloud for an immediately, remedy — the public income
was not nearly equal to the expense of even a moderate
peace establishment — an unfunded debt of nearly thirty
millions was to be provided for — some expedient for the
reduction of the national debt, was essential to the main
tenance of public credit — new taxes to a considerable
amount, were indispensably necessary — the discontented
and unquiet state of Ireland demanded attention — the
claims of the American loyalists were to be inquired into
and settled — a permanent arrangement was to be made
for our commercial intercourse with America, in her new
character of independence — and our relations with the
foreigns powers of Europe were, in several respects, in a
delicate and critical situation. Such were the accumulat
ed and pressing difficulties, which Mr. Pitt was fully
aware he should have to encounter, when he undertook
the government of the country ; and we shall find, that in
the course of his administration, others arose, of a nature
and of a magnitude without precedent, and which no hu
man sagacity could foresee.
The late ministers and their friends were persuaded,
that the want of support in the present house of com
mons, would make Mr. Pitt desirous of dissolving par
liament ; and therefore they determined to persevere in
the plan, which they had already begun, of throwing
every possible obstacle in the way of that measure. Be
fore a dissolution could took place, it was necessary, that
the land-tax bill should pass both houses of parliament,
and that a vote should pass the house of commons for
making good the deficiencies of taxes of the last year, in

144
order that the money to be raised upon the land-tax,
might be carried to the sinking fund, and the treasury be
enabled to pay the interest of the national debt, due on
the 5th of January. On Friday, the 19th of December,
the day on which Mr. Pitt's seat was declared vacant, by
his acceptance of office, the land-tax bill was reported :
and to prevent any unusual haste in passing it, Mr. Baker
moved, that the house should adjourn to Monday the
22d, which was indeed the ordinary adjournment on a
Friday. Mr. Dundas stated the near approach of the
5th of January, and urged the importance of passing the
land-tax bill as speedily as possible, that the public credi
tors might not be disappointed of receiving their divi
dends ; and therefore he moved, as an amendment, that
the house should adjourn to to-morrow, instead of Mon
day, and that it should be added, " in order to give an
opportunity of reading the land-tax bill a third time, if it
should be then found engrossed." Mr. Fox opposed
the amendment ; avowedly, because the passing the
land-tax bill would give facility to the dissolution of par
liament, at the same time expressing his astonishment,
that there could be found in the kingdom, a subject daring
enough to advise his sovereign to so desperate a measure ;
and declaring his determination, if parliament should be
dissolved, merely to suit the convenience of an ambitious
young man, to make it the business of a very serious in
quiry in the next parliament. He said, that it would in
some degree render gentlemen accomplices in the guilt
of a dissolution without sufficient cause, if they suffered
the land-tax bill to go out of their hands, before they had
taken such steps as would guard against the evils, which
might be expected from an abrupt dissolution. Lord
North afterwards said, that " he believed there was not
a man in the house, who was not sure that a dissolution*
was at hand." Several members spoke in favor of the
amendment; but Mr. Dundas, who took the lead in Mr.
Pitt's absence, did not think it expedient to divide the
house, being certain that he should be left in a minority ;
and well knowing, that though Mr. Fox did not hesitate
to delay the bill, he would not venture to prevent its
passing before the 5th of January, as the non-payment of

145
the dividends, on the regular day, would affect public
credit, and inevitably cause the greatest confusion and
distress in the country. The amendment, therefore,
was rejected, and the house adjourned to Monday.
The dissolution of parliament, so positively expected
by Mr. Fox and lord North, was a question of great im
portance ; and Mr. Pitt weighed the arguments, on both
sides, fully and dispassionately. It was certain, that in
a few days there would be no impediment to a dissolu
tion, upon the ground of the supplies ; and there would
then be ample time for a new parliament to meet, and
pass a mutiny bill, before the 25th of March, when the
old mutiny bill would expire. Upon consulting his
friends, he found that many of them pressed a dissolu
tion with the utmost earnestness, as indispensably neces
sary to secure his continuance in office ; and the anxiety
manifested by his adversaries to prevent it, was un
doubtedly a reason for its adoption. But, on the other
hand, he was convinced, that a premature and unsuccess
ful appeal to the people, would operate greatly and last
ingly to his disadvantage. It might be true, as stated
by the advocates for the measure, that in a new parlia
ment, the number of his friends would be increased ;
but the real point to be considered, was, whether they
would be so increased, as to render his administration
strong and efficient ; if not, it was better, both for him
self and for the country, that a dissolution should not
take place at present. Most of the great parliamentary
interests were adverse to him ; and his chief reliance
must be upon popular and independent elections. The
public opinion respecting the late ministers, had not yet
been expressed, in any decided manner. The coalition
had, indeed, made them unpopular ; but it was doubtful,
whether to such a degree, as materially to influence the
elections ; and Mr. Fox's India bill was not, at this mo
ment, sufficiently understood in the country, to produce
any effect of that kind. The public, however, had be
gun to open their eyes to the unconstitutional principle
and dangerous tendency of the plan ; and Mr. Pitt saw
reason to believe, that the dissatisfaction and alarm, al
ready appearing in some places, would gradually spread,
V©l. I. T

146
and soon become general. Hoping, therefore, that here
after there might be a more favorable opportunity for
dissolving parliament, he determined, contrary to the
opinion and wishes of by far the greater number of his
friends, not to have recourse to that measure at present,
although he was aware, that he could not long maintain
his situation without a dissolution ; and that in the mean
time he should have to contend against a majority of the
house of commons, headed by a powerful and irritated
party. On Monday, the land-tax bill was read a third time,
and passed, after a declaration from Mr. Fox, that him
self and his friends had always intended, that it should
pass in time to secure the payment of the dividends on
the fifth of January. This declaration was probably
made for the purpose of removing a prevalent idea, that
the leaders of opposition had it in contemplation to em
barrass government, by putting a stop to public busi
ness of every description. The mischief, which would
have arisen from not passing this bill, would have been
great indeed, as on account of the deficiency in the
revenue, it was found necessary to apply nearly a mil
lion*, from the credit of the land tax, to pay the divi
dends. The house then resolved itself into a committee, ac
cording to previous notice, to take into consideration the
state of the nation ; and Mr. Erskine concluded a long
speech, with proposing an address to the king, the object
of which was, to prevent a dissolution of parliament.
Mr. Dundas, Mr. Bankesf, and lord Mahon, assured
the committee, that they were authorized by Mr. Pitt,
who was at present not a member of the house, to de
clare, that he had no intention to advise his majesty to
dissolve parliament ; upon which Mr. Fox acknowledg
ed, that he had perfect confidence in Mr. Pitt's word ;
that he thought as highly of his private honor and perso
nal character, as any of his warmest friends could do ; but
he added, that the dissolution of parliament might be re-
• Nine hundred and thirty-three thousand six hundred and fifty-six pounds.
t An early college friend of Mr. Pitt, with whom he continued intimate through
life.

147
solved upon, without Mr. Pitt's knowledge, by the se
cret advisers of the crown, and even carried into execu
tion without his consent. In reply to Mr. Fox, Mr.
Bankes farther assured the committee, that Mr. Pitt
would, in that case, instantly resign : but even this assu
rance did not satisfy Mr. Fox. Lord North, speaking
upon the same subject, said of Mr. Pitt, " on his honor
and integrity, I have great reliance ; 1 value highly the
character of the right honorable gentleman ; and though
he is' my political enemy, still I always feel myself dis
posed to treat him with more respect than I ever expe
rienced from him : but highly as I value his character,
I cannot trust to it upon the present occasion, because
the event, to which that character is pledged, may not
be within the Control of the right honorable gentleman.
At present there are only two cabinet ministers, (meaning*
Mr. Pitt and lord Gower,) and no one can tell, what may
be the determination, when the cabinet is full.'' In con
sequence of these declarations, from Mr. Fox and lord
North, agreeing in substance, but resting upon different
grounds, Mr. Erskine persevered in his motion,, and the
following address to his majesty, was carried without a
division. " Most gracious sovereign, ,
" We, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects,
the commons of Great Britain, in parliament assembled,
think ourselves bound in duty humbly to represent to
your majesty, that alarming reports of an intended dis
solution of parliament have gone forth.
" Your majesty's faithful commons, dutifully acknow
ledging the wisdom of the constitution, in trusting to the
crown that just and legal prerogative, and fully confiding
in your majesty's royal wisdom, and paternal care of your
people, for the most beneficial exercise of it, desire, with
great humility, to represent to your majesty the incon
veniences and dangers, which appear to them, from a
consideration of the state of the nation, likely to follow
from a prorogation or dissolution of parliament, in the
present arduous and critical conjuncture of affairs : The
maintenance of the public credit, and the support of the

148
revenue, demand the most immediate attention ; the dis
orders prevailing in the government of the East Indies,
at home and abroad, call aloud for instant reformation ;
and the state of the East India company's finances, froflft
the pressing demands upon them, requires a no less im
mediate support and assistance from parliament.
" Your majesty's faithful commons are at present pro-*
ceeding with the utmost diligence, upon these great ob
jects of government, as recommended to their attention
by your majesty's gracious speech from the throne ; but
which must necessarily be frustrated and disappointed by
the delay attending a dissolution; and most especially the
affairs of the East Indies, by the assembling of a new
parliament, not prepared, by previous inquiry, to enter,
with equal effect, upon an object involving long and in
tricate details, which your majesty's faithful commons
have investigated for two years past, with the most la
borious, earnest, and unremitting attention.
" Your majesty's faithful commons, deeply affected
by these important considerations, impressed with the
highest reverence and affection for your majesty's person,
and anxious to preserve die lustre and safety of your go
vernment, do numbly beseech your majesty to suffer
your faithful commons to proceed on the business of the
session, the furtherance of which is so essentially neces
sary to the prosperity of the public ; and that your ma
jesty will be graciously pleased to hearken to the advice
pf your faithful commons, and not to the secret advice of
particular persons, who may have private interests of
their own, separate from the true interests of your majes
ty, and your people."
This address was presented by the whole house, on
the 24th ; and his majesty returned the following answer:
" Gentlemen,
" It has been my constant object to employ the au
thority intrusted to me by the constitution, to its true and
only end, the good of my people ; and I am always happy
in concurring with the wishes and opinions of my faithful
commons. ,

149
" I agree with you in thinking, that the support of the
public credit and revenue must demand your most earn
est and vigilant care. The state of the East Indies is
also an object of as much delicacy and importance as can
exercise the wisdom and justice of parliament. I trust
you will proceed with those considerations with all con
venient speed, after such an adjournment as the present
circumstances may seem to require ; and I assure you,
that I shall not interrupt your meeting by any exercise
of my prerogative, either of prorogation or dissolution."
After the speaker, and the other members, had return
ed to the house, Mr. Fox observed', that though his ma
jesty, in his answer to the address, assured the house,
that they should not be prevented from meeting again,
by either a prorogation or dissolution, still the assurance
went no farther than the meeting after the recess. " His
majesty's ministers had been, it seemed, driven from
their intention of dissolving parliament immediately :
none of them had at present been found daring enough
to advise his majesty to take so desperate a step ; but how
soon after the next meeting, they might venture so to do,
he could not foresee. The promise, that they should
meet again, was the whole extent of the royal favor ; and
it now stood, that their existence as a parliament depend
ed upon this — they were to be put to death, or to be
suffered to live, according as they should behave. Writs
were to be moved before the recess could take place,
which ought to be very short, because public business
pressed ; and soon after the recess, other writs must be
moved, in consequence of the appointment of another
administration ; and of course the proceedings of the
house must be again interrupted, as the present ministers
could not stand long. To talk of the stability and per
manency of the present administration, would be to de
ride and insult the house." — An observation probably
intended to prevent the desertion of any of those mem
bers, who had hitherto voted with him. He added, that
" he hoped, when the house met again, it would lose no
time in convincing the young men, who had taken such
unwarrantable measures to possess themselves of power,

150
that the government of this country was too serious and
too important a thing, to be made the plaything of chil
dren, and to be used to divert them, just as their rash
and mad ambition might prompt." It was agreed, upon
the proposal of Mr. Fox, that the house should, at its
rising, adjourn to the 26th, for the purpose of moving
new writs, and that oh that day it should adjourn to the
12th of January, when the committee on the state of the
nation was appointed to sit again : he first mentioned the
8th ; but upon a remonstrance against so early a day, he
consented to an adjournment of four days longer.
These points being settled, a resolutioh was moved by
lord Beauchamp, " That the commissioners of the trea
sury ought not to give their consent to the acceptance of
any bills drawn, or to be drawn, from India, until it shall
be made to appear to this house, that sufficient means can
be provided for the payment of the same, when they res
pectively fall due, by a regular application of the clear ef
fects of the company, after discharging in their regular
course, the customs and other sums due to the public,
and the current demands upon the company ; or until this
house shall otherwise direct." The directors of the East
India company were restrained by law from accepting
bills above 300,000/. without the consent of the lords of
the treasury ; and the ground alleged for this motion, was,
that bills to a much larger amount were shortly expected
from India, which the company was unable to pay, and
therefore that the lords of the treasury ought not, by au
thorizing their acceptance, to pledge the public for the
payment of them. The real design of the motion, how
ever, was, to make it necessary to pass some bill speedi
ly for the relief, and to save the credit, of the company ;
the supporters of the resolution knowing perfectly well,
that no measure could be carried, unless it were propos
ed by those who had the command of a majority of the
house of commons. In the course of the debate upon
this resolution, Mr. Wilberforce, in reference to what had
been previously said, observed, " that it was glorious in
Mr. Pitt to stand forward at a moment of public difficul
ty, to rescue his country and his sovereign, from the dar
ing attempts to grasp at perpetual power, which the mad

151
ambition of the late administration had prompted them"
to make. If his right honorable friend fell in such a
cause, he would fall nobly ; and he would receive him as
the Spartan mother did her son, upon his buckler." The
motion passed without a division.
The atttention of the house was next called to a mat
ter of less importance, but which appeared, to the opposi
tion, of sufficient moment to demand their interposition.
Lord Surry moved, that an address should be presented
to his majesty, requesting, that he would be graciously
pleased not to grant the office of chancellor of the duchy
of Lancaster, for any other term than during pleasure,
before the 20th day of January next. The reason assign
ed for this motion, was, that the grant of the chancellor
ship for life, would be a great impediment to an intended
reform in the duchy court ; but the real object was, to
prevent Mr. Pitt giving this office to one of his friends for
life, as lord Rockingham had given it to lord Ashburton.
This motion also passed without a division. Thus did
Mr. Fox and his party, not only fix the day of meeting
after the holidays, which had been uniformly left to the
option of persons in office, but, in the mean time, they
proposed and carried whatever motions they pleased, in
violation of the established practice to suspend all public
business, during the short necessary absence of a newly-
appointed minister.
The writs were moved on the 26th, after which the
house adjourned to the 12th of January.
During the recess, the clerkship of the pells, in the
gift of the first lord of the treasury, became vacant, by
the death of sir Edward Walpole. Mr. Pitt, who had
only a small younger brother's fortune, and, to engage in
the service of his country, had given up a lucrative and
honorable profession, in which his eloquence and talents
must have insured him success, could not, perhaps, have
been justly censured, if he had availed himself of this op
portunity to secure a permanent and adequte income ; es
pecially, as his present situation of minister was, in his
own judgment, as well as in that of every other person,
extremely precarious ; and, in any case, its emoluments
not defraying its necessary expenses, it afforded no pros-

152
pect of pecuniary compensation ; but under existing cir
cumstances, he disdained to convert this event to his own
private advantage. He neither accepted the office him
self, not conferred it upon a relation or friend ; nor did he
dispose of it with a view of increasing his political influ
ence — he gave it to colonel Barre, upon condition of his
resigning a pension of 3,000L a year, which was nearly
equal to the value of the office ; and thus a saving to that
amount, was made to the public.
This act of patriotic disinterestedness excited no sur
prise in those who knew Mr. Pitt intimately ; but upon
others, conduct, so widely different from the practice of
former ministers, could not but make a strong impression.
It was frequently mentioned, in both houses of parliament,
with high admiration and applause ; and it certainly con
tributed, in no small degree, to raise his character in the
public estimation, at a most important moment. Lord
Thurlow, in speaking upon this subject in the house of
lords, " acknowledged, that he had been shabby enough to
advise Mr. Pitt to take this office, as it had so fairly fallen
into his hands ; and he believed he should have been
shabby enough to have done so himself, as other great
and exalted characters had so recently set him the ex
ample ; and he was so shabby as to think, that there was
no occasion for him to tower above his noble predeces
sors in office, and to aspire to higher acts of disinterest
edness and spirit. But Mr. Pitt, with notions of purity,
not only very uncommon in these degenerate days, but
scarcely paralleled in the purest times of Greece anil
Rome, had nobly preferred the public to the consideration
of his own interest." I saw colonel Barre soon after this
offer was made to him, and nothing could exceed the
warm terms in which he spoke of it in a public view —
" Sir, it is the act of a man, who feels that he stands upon
a high eminence, in the eyes of that country, which he
is destined to govern."
On the 12th of January, the day on which parliament
met after the recess, Mr. Fox, at the unusual hour of
half-past two, rose to move the order of the day, for the
house to go into a committee upon the state of the nation.
This he did for the purpose of getting possession of the

153
house,, and» preventing Mr. Pitt from bringing forward
any business, till his own motions should be disposed of.
He was, as he must have foreseen would be the case,
soon interrupted in his speech, by those members who
had been re-elected, and who successively appeared to
take the oaths* ; and among the rest, by Mr. Pitt, who
had been chosen again for Appleby.
Immediately after that ceremony was over, which oc
cupied a considerable time, Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox rose
at the same moment, and after some contest between
their respective friends, the speaker decided, that Mr.
Fox, who had been interrupted in his speech by the new
members, had now a right to proceed, in preference to
any other person. Mr. Pitt, however, having declared,
that he rose for the purpose of speaking to order, was
permitted to inform the house, that he had a message to
deliver from his majesty. The speaker repeated, that
Mr. Fox had a right to speak : and Mr. Fox said, that
he should not wave that right, as Mr. Pitt might deliver
the king's message after the other business, which was
of great importance to the house, was concluded ; and
therefore he moved the order of the day.
This motion gave Mr. Pitt the liberty of speaking,
and he began by noticing the art, which had been used
by Mr. Fox, to gain possession of the house, and prevent
his delivering a message from his majesty. He repro
bated the violent and unprecedented proceedings of the
gentlemen opposite to him, during his absence before the
recess ; and complained of the attacks which had been
made upon his character, when he had not the opportu
nity of defending himself. He assured the house, that he
should shrink from no inquiry into his conduct, and that
he was ready to meet any charge, which might be
brought against him ; but he wished the committee on
the state of the nation, to be deferred a short time, for
reasons which he would explain, and which he trusted
would be satisfactory to the house.
It had pleased his majesty, he said, to command his
• The usage is, for all newly-elected members, if they shall appear at the bar
before four o'clock, to be called up to the table to take the oaths, whoever may
happen to be speaking; but in general, publio business is not begun at that hour.
Vol. I. U

.154
services at a time, when, however unqualified for the high
station of minister, he could not think himself justified in
declining the offer. The circumstances of the country
were peculiar and distressing. The East India bill,
brought in by the right honorable gentleman — a bill so
violent in its form as to give just reason for alarm to every
thinking man — had been, by what powerful management
it was not for him to say, hurried through the house.
That bill established a species of influence unknown to
the constitution of this country; and he was one of a most
respectable minority, who thought, that if it passed
into a law, the independence of that house, the equili
brium between the three estates of the realm, and the
beautiful frame of the British government, would be at
an end. The bill passed that house : and it was the idea
even of those, w ho thought it perfectly unfit to be passed,
that some bill was essentially necessary. He had pledged
himself, if it were withdrawn or thrown out, to propose
one less violent in its principle, and, as he thought, more
adequate to its purpose. The obnoxious bill was re
jected by the house of lords ; and would any one object
to his moving for leave to bring in another bill? Would
not all sides of the house acknowledge, that the first sub
ject to be considered, was India ? It was for that ques
tion the house had declared themselves impatient. They
had thought proper to present an address to the throne,
expressing their extreme anxiety to enter upon that im
portant pursuit, which they had represented to be of so
much consequence, as to make them dread any interrup
tion whatever. Was it then possible to think of delay
ing this business ? Was it possible to resist the intro
duction of a new bill, which was the only way of coming
fairly to a decision upon the subject ? Whatever serious
inquiry into the state of the nation might be meditated
afterwards, he should feel it his duty most attentively
and cheerfully to join in it ; but in the mean time, he
begged the house to consider, that this was the first day,
when the new ministers had met them in parliament.
Having been called into office by his majesty, chiefly
on the ground of the India bill, it became their first duty
to frame a system for the government of that part of the

155
empire. They had not opposed the last bill by cavilling;
they had not objected to it, from envy to the parents of
it : they had opposed it, because they thought it a dan
gerous bill, and that its objects might be accomplished
in a safer way. This was the point on which they were
at issue. The present ministers had now to prove, that
they had not lightly disturbed the government of the
country ; that they had not set up a captious opposition,
an opposition to men merely ; but that they opposed a
most violent measure, and having overthrown it, they
thought it incumbent upon them immediately to substi
tute a more moderate, a more constitutional scheme in
its place. He had condemned the last bill, because it
created a new and enormous influence, by vesting in
certain nominees of the minister, all the patronage of the
east. If the house would agree to postpone the order of
the day, and allow him, in the discharge of his duty, to
move for leave to bring in a new India bill, he would
state the outlines of his system as shortly and as accu
rately as he could. He trusted he should not be pre
vented, because the right honorable gentleman had fore
stalled the house, by rising at a time, when those persons
were absent, whose duty it was to conduct official busi
ness ; and he hoped, that the house in general would join
him in voting against the order of the day.
After Mr. Erskine and Mr. Powys had spoken, Mr.
Fox rose, and in the course of his speech, while arguing
upon the necessity of taking immediate steps to prevent
a dissolution of parliament, he said, for an obvious pur
pose, " that parliament had never been dissolved during
the business of a session, since the revolution. In the
reigns of the miserable family of the Stuarts, that sort
of violence was not uncommon. Charles the first had
done it ; Charles the second had done it ; and James the
second had done it : and it was, he hoped, engraven on
the minds of Englishmen, that the last monarch, by
whom this violence was perpetrated, was not allowed to
meet another parliament : he dissolved one parliament in
the middle of a session, and it put a period to his viola
tions of the constitution, and to his reign." Lord North,
general Conway, and several other members spoke ; and

156
the debate having been very personal against Mr. Pitt,
he was permitted to speak a second time. He replied
to a variety of accusations with which he was charged,
as well with respect to secret influence, as the principles
upon which he had come into administration. He de
clared, that " he went up no back-stairs ; that when he
was sent for by his sovereign, he necessarily went to the
royal closet ; that he knew of no secret influence, and
that his own integrity would be his guardian, against
that danger; and the house might rest assured, that
whenever he discovered any, he would not stay a mo
ment longer in office. He would neither have the mean
ness to act under the concealed influence of others, nor
the hypocrisy to pretend, when the measures of an ad
ministration, in which he had a share, were blamed, that
they were measures not of his advising. If any former
ministers took these charges to themselves, to them be
the sting."* " Little did I think," continued Mr. Pitt,
" to be ever charged in this house, with being the abet
tor and tool of secret influence. The novelty of the irn-
putation only renders it the more contemptible. The
integrity of my own heart, and the probity of all my pub
lic as well as my private principles, shall always be my
sources of action. I will never condescend to be the in
strument of any secret advisers whatever ; nor, in one
instance, while I have the honor to act as minister of the
crown in this house, will I be responsible for measures
not my own, or at least, in which my heart and judg
ment do not fully concur. This is the only answer I
shall ever deign to make on the subject ; and I wish the
house to bear it in their mind, and to judge of my future
conduct by my present declaration."
However reasonable Mr. Pitt's proposal might be, to
postpone all other business, till he should have delivered
ihe message from the king, and till he should have ob
tained leave to bring in a bill for the future government
of India, Mr. Fox and his friends persisted in supporting
the order of the day, and prevailed by a majority of 232
to 193.
Although this division did not take place till half-past
two in the morning, the house, at that late hour, went
* Mr Pitt alladed to lord North

157
into a committee on the state of the nation ; in which
Mr. Fox first moved, « That it is the opinion of this
committee, that for any person or persons in his
majesty's treasury, or in the exchequer, or in the
hank of England ; or for any person or persons what
soever, employed in the payment of public money, to
pay, or direct or cause to be paid, any sum or sums of
money, for or towards the support of the services voted
in this present session of parliament, after the parliament
shall have been prorogued or dissolved, if it should be
prorogued or dissolved, before any act of parliament
shall have passed, appropriating the supplies to such ser
vices, will be a high crime and misdemeanor — a daring
breach of the public trust, derogatory to the fundamental
privileges of parliament, and subversive of the constitu
tion of this country."
As an explanation of this motion, which passed with
out a single observation from Mr. Pitt or any of his
friends, it may be right to mention, that since the year
1705*, a special act had passed, at the end of every ses
sion of parliament, appropriating the supplies to the re
spective services, but that it had been customary to issue
money for those services, upon authority of votes of the
house of commons, before the passing of the appropria
tion act. The object of Mr. Fox in prohibiting the issue
of money after a dissolution, before an appropriation act
had passed, was, to make a dissolution, as he thought,
impossible, till the regular conclusion of the session ; be
cause, by having the command of a majority of the house
of commons, he had it in his power to prevent the pas
sing of an appropriation act till the usual time. It will
afterwards appear, that no regard was paid to this reso
lution of the house of commons, and that parliament was
actually dissolved before an appropriation act passed,
Mr. Pitt taking upon himself the responsibility.
Mr. Fox moved, secondly, for an account of all sums
of money issued between the 19th of December 1783,
and the 12th of January 1784, for services voted in the
present session, and not yet appropriated by any act of
parliament. He said, that when that motion should be
• The first instance upon record of an appropriation of the supplies, is at the con
clusion of the statute 9 and 10 Will. 3. c. 44.

158
carried, he proposed to move, that no money should be
issued for any public service, till the above " return was
made, and for three days afterwards ;" upon which, Mr.
Brett, one of the lords of the admiralty, stated to the
house, that this last resolution, if adopted, would be pro
ductive of serious inconvenience and mischief; and that
it would, in fact, stop the whole machine of government.
Mr. Pitt said, that he should urge no objection to either
motion, because he was convinced it would be fruitless ;
but he thought it right to declare, that when the return
should be made, the house would find, that money had
been lately issued, as the exigencies of public affairs re
quired. Mr. Fox acknowledged, that such issues, hav
ing been customary, did not subject ministers to any
blame ; and added, that " as he did not wish to embar
rass government, and distress thum where they ought
not to be distressed," he would wave the last motion, of
which he had given notice, for the present ; but he in
formed the committee, that the same motion would be
brought forward in a few days, if the same occasion for
it should continue to exist*. The other motion then
passed without a division. After which, Mr. Fox ob
served, that what he had hitherto proposed, was with a
view to provide against a sudden and immediate disso
lution of parliament : he had one motion more to offer,
calculated to prevent a dissolution at a more advanced
period, which would be the only motion he should pro
pose that night ; but as some other gentlemen had mo
tions to make, he hoped the house would not separate,
when he had moved the resolution to which he alluded.
He then moved, that the second reading of the mutiny
bill should take place on the 23d of February, which
would, he said, allow ample time for passing the bill into
a law, before the present act expired. Mr. Pitt said,
that he had no objection to the motion ; but the honora
ble gentleman seemed not aware, that his purpose might
be as fully attained without the resolution, as with it,
since he would, at all times, have it in his power to pre
vent the second reading of the billf, till his end was
* Mr. Fox did not venture to bring forward this motion again.
t Mr. Pitt meant, by Mr. Fox's having the command of a majority in the hous
of oommons.

159
answered. Mr. Fox admitted the truth of the observa
tion, but alleged, it was necessary to have the matter
fprmally entered upon the journals. The resolution was
agreed to.
Mr. Fox having finished his motions, lord Surry, after
a short speech, moved, " That it is the opinion of this
committee, that in the present situation of his majesty's
dominions, it is peculiarly necessary, that there should
be an administration, which has the confidence of this
house, and the public." Mr. Dundas moved, as an
amendment, to leave out the words " of this house, and
the public," and to substitute these words, " of the
crown, the parliament, and the people :" but lord Surry
and Mr. Fox, whose present object was, to confine con
fidence in ministers to the house of commons, without
any regard either to the crown, or to the house of lords,
would not consent to this amendment ; and the original
resolution was carried, without a division. It may be
remarked, that the language of this resolution was very
similar to that of the house of commons, which brought
king Charles to the scaffold, and overturned the consti
tution : their requisition to the throne at the beginning of
the troubles, was, that the power should be placed in the
hands of those in whom parliament, meaning the house
of commons, could confide.
Lord Surry then moved, " That it is the opinion of
this committee, that the late changes in his majesty's
councils were immediately preceded by dangerous and
universal reports, that his majesty's sacred name had
been unconstitutionally abused to affect the deliberations
of parliament ; and that the appointments made were ac
companied by circumstances new and extraordinary, and
such as do not conciliate or engage the confidence of this
house." In the debate which followed, governor John
stone, who was an independent member, unconnected
with Mr. Pitt, after some severe strictures upon Mr.
Fox's India bill, observed, " The confidence of this
house is necessary to his majesty's ministers, yet that
confidence is neither to be bestowed nor withheld from
caprice or partial affection. We have a right to expect
his majesty will put his government into the hands of

160
men of ability and integrity. If these requisites are to
be found in the king's ministers, and the measures they
propose are just and honorable in themselves, it is the
height of faction to refuse our assent or support to such
men, whatever our connexions may be with others. Re
specting the present minister, who will deny his ability,
after the appearance he has made in the present discus
sion ? Much less can this come with any weight from
his opponents, who are forced, in the speeches they have
made in support of the measures to effect his overthrow,
without trial or hearing, to acknowledge their admiration
of the wonderful talents he has daily displayed. And as
to his integrity and public character, is there any person
who stands fairer in these respects with the community ?
Has malice tinged his reputation with any vice or infir
mity, or any unbecoming conduct, which can shadow the
lustre of the parent, whose station he has taken in this
house ? If then his majesty has made choice of a mi
nister of the greatest abilities and most spotless integrity,
what will the nation at large say of the conduct of this
house, who will not even hear his propositions, or fry
him by his measures, but obstinately adhere to their de
termination, to force the authors of the East India bill,
big with the evils I have described, into his majesty's
cabinet, to mortify his private feelings, and deprive his
crown of its most valuable prerogatives? It is said,
indeed, that this conduct is to secure our own existence ;
but I must, again and again, declare my opinion, that too
strenuous an interference of this house to prevent its dis
solution, is little short of a bill to continue the duration
of parliament ; because, if it be admitted, that the house
of commons may do wrong, by assuming executive
authority, or by taking privileges to themselves, incon
sistent with the constitution, there is no remedy left to
correct this evil, except a dissolution. History shews,
that the tyranny of the many, is worse than the tyranny
of the few ; and if it be once established, that by repeated
addresses, they can perpetuate their existence, no disso
lution can take place, and consequently, both the king
and the people are left remediless."
The debate was carried on for a considerable time,

161
with great warmth; and Mr. Dundas moved, as the best
means of getting rid of the question, that the chairman
should leave the chair ; but this motion was negatived
by a majority of 196 to 142, and lord Surry's motion
passed without any farther opposition.
The house was then resumed, and the three resolu
tions of Mr. Fox, and the two of lord Surry, were agreed
to. After which, Mr. Pitt gave notice, that he should,
to-morrow, move for leave to bring in his India bill ; and
he was at last allowed to deliver the king's message.
The purport of the message was, to inform the house,
as was usual upon such occasions, that on account of the
river Weser being frozen up, and its navigation rendered
impassable, two divisions of Hessian troops, which had
been employed in America, in the service of Great Bri
tain, had been obliged to be disembarked, and were dis
tributed in barracks at Hilsea, Dover, and Chatham; and
that his majesty had directed, that as soon as the Weser
should be open, they should be again embarked, and sent
to Germany. An address of thanks to his majesty for
his gracious communication, was immediately voted, and
the house adjourned at half past seven o'clock in the
morning. This was a most inauspicious beginning of Mr. Pitt's
administration. On the first day he appeared in the house
of commons, after his re-election, he was left in two mi
norities, the one of 39, and the other of 54 ; and five
hostile motions were carried against him. The most
reproachful terms, which disappointed ambition and poli
tical animosity could suggest, were applied to his princi
ples and his conduct ; and he was denied those common
civilities, which had been hitherto invariably shewn to
the minister of the crown. Having written to the king,
at Windsor, a general account of these proceedings, he
received the following answer from his majesty : — " Mr.
Pitt cannot but suppose, that I received his communica
tion of the two divisions in the long debate, which ended
this morning, with much uneasiness, as it shews the
house of commons much more willing to enter into any
intemperate resolutions of desperate men, than I could
have imagined. As to myself, I am perfectly composed,
Vol. L X

162
as I have the self-satisfaction of feeling, I have done my
duty. Though I think Mr. Pitt's day will be fully taken
up in considering with the other ministers, what measures
are best to be proposed on the present crisis ; yet that no
delay may arise from my absence, I will dine in town,
and consequently be ready to see him in the evening, if
he should think that would be of utility. At all events,
I am ready to take any step that may be proposed to op
pose this faction, and to struggle to the last period of my
life ; but I can never submit to throw myself into its
power. If they, in the end, succeed, my line is a clear
one, and to which I have fortitude enough to submit.
Having found, at an interview, that firmness in his ma
jesty, which his letter indicated*, and being himself by
no means alarmed, either by the number or by the vio
lence of his enemies, Mr. Pitt determined, with the full
concurrence of his colleagues, to persevere in maintain
ing his station. Agreeably, therefore, to the notice he
had given, he submitted to the house, on the 14th, a plan
for the government and management of the affairs of the
East India company; the general outlines of which were,
that the political concerns of the company in India, should
be placed under the control of a board of commissioners,
to be nominated by the king ; and that the commerce
and patronage should be left in the hands of the direc
tors']-. He concluded his speech with these words : " The
establishment of a moderate and effectual system of go
vernment for India, is the great and immediate object of
my mind. I do not wish to gratify young ambition, by
means of the situation to which I am called — I am not
attached to its eminence — I am not governed by motives
of personal interest, or of personal fame. I have intro
duced this plan as the deliberate conviction of my mind,
made up on the fullest communication with the most in-
* in another letter to Mr. Pitt, his majesty thus expressed himself: « The oppp-
sition will certainly throw even difficulty in our way ; but we must be men, and if
we mean to save the country, we must cut those threads, that cannot be unravelled.
Half measures are ever puerile, and often destructive." This letter was written on
the '25th of January, and referred particular!) to a dissolution of parliament, which
his majesty then ihmight ought to be resorted to immediately.
f I have not thought it necessary to enter into a detail of the provisions of this bill,
as it was rejected ; and another upon the same principle, with some amendments,
was introduced by Mr. Pitt, with better success, a few months afterwards, which
will be fully explained.

163
telligent men. Accept the ideas, if they are worth your
notice; strengthen them with your wisdom; mature them
with your experience : or, in their room, substitute a
more adequate system, and I am happy. Establish a
good, rational, and safe system, and dispose of me as you
will. However unpleasant a majority of this house, and
its insinuations against me, may be, I shall dare to meet
them on this great point. I have the consciousness of a
good intention ; and therefore, without any serious fear of
the result, as far as personally concerns myself, I conclude
with moving, that leave be given to bring in a bill for the
better regulation of our Indian concerns."
As soon as Mr. Dundas had seconded the motion, Mr.
Fox rose and objected to the proposed bill, upon the
ground of its differing in all its material provisions, from
that which had lately received the approbation of the
house : " Is it," said he, " less or more than the wisdom
of an individual, however exalted in station — however
distinguished by ability — however flattered by partizans
— or however confident of his own unrivalled talents, op
posed to the collective wisdom of the commons of Eng
land, in parliament assembled ? I trust the propositions
will be considered exclusively in that light, and the fate
of them pronounced accordingly." At the conclusion
of his speech, he said, " that the plan appeared to him
partial, incomplete, and furnishing the company and the
public with only an alleviation, instead of a remedy."
Leave, however, was given to bring in the bill ; and it
was agreed, that it should be read a first time on the
following Friday.
Mr. Fox then observed, that though he thought the ex
istence of the house was secured by the resolutions passed
two nights before, and that it would be downright mad
ness to dissolve parliament, yet he did not know what
step the folly and frenzy of ministers might lead them to
take. He wished, therefore, to learn, previously to his
moving the order of the day, what assurances he could
obtain, respecting the dissolution of parliament before
Friday next. If there were to be no dissolution, he would
wave, at that late hour, going into the committee on the
state of the nation, Mr. Pitt replied, that he was at a

164
loss, in his present state of imputed insanity, how to sa
tisfy the honorable gentleman upon the subject of his
inquiry. He could, however, assure him, that he had no
intention of advising a dissolution of parliament- before
Friday ; and that all his time, till that day, would be em
ployed in preparing the proposed bill for the considera
tion of the house. Mr. Fox was satisfied with this
assurance ; and the house, at two o'clock, adjourned to
Friday. The business of that day was begun by Mr. Dun-
combe's presenting a petition from the county of York*,
for a more equal representation of the people in parlia
ment. Lord North, Mr. Powys, and Mr. Burke, de
clared their disapprobation of the object of the petition ;
but, on the other hand, Mr. Pitt said, that soon after his
introduction into the house of commons, he had profess
ed himself a friend to parliamentary reform, and that he
still continued so. If, indeed, any thing had been want
ing to confirm him in his decided adherence to that
opinion, it was the conduct, of which he had been a wit
ness, for some weeks past, in that house ; a conduct,
which he was convinced, he never should have seen, had
the reform, which the people so much wished for, been
obtained. He would not, however, be understood to be
an advocate for every species of reform, which might
appear necessary to other men ; but a temperate and mo
derate reform, temperately and moderately pursued, he
would, at all times, and in all situations, be ready to
promote. After leave was given to bring up the petition, Mr.
Duncombe moved, that it should lie upon the table, and
Mr. Pitt seconded the motion ; upon which lord Surry ob
served, that the freeholders of the county of York ex
pected, that the right honorable gentleman would have
done something more than barely to second a motion,
that the petition should lie on the table ; they fondly en
tertained a hope, that he would have taken an active part
in the business, and have supported the reform with all
his power. They reposed the greatest confidence in his
abilities, which were certainly of the first rate ; and as
* Mr. Duncombe was member for Yorkshire.

165
they had formed an opinion, that he would not consent
to make part of a cabinet, in which there was a man who
was hostile to a parliamentary reform, so they presumed
that success would attend their application, because they
expected it would be supported by all the weight of go
vernment. This he had been commissioned, by a most
respectable body of freeholders of the country of York, to
communicate to the right honorable gentleman ; and he
had taken that opportunity to convey to him, in the most
public manner, their wishes, their hopes, and their expec
tations. He himself was a friend to the reform. He had
seen the fatal consequences of secret influence, which
would not have dared to shew itself, had the house of
commons been constituted in such a manner as to be in
reality the representative of the nation. He allowed,
that Mr. Pitt's abilities entitled him to fill any of the great
offices of state, and he should have been happy, if he had
obtained his present situation by constitutional means ;
but he lamented, that a person of such eminent qualifica
tions should have become the instrument of secret influ
ence, and joined with those who were the worst foes Of
the constitution.
Mr. Pitt replied, that he was surprised to hear the no
ble lord censure him for not doing something more than
barely second a motion, that the petition should lie upon
the table. He might have expected a censure indeed, if
he had gone any farther, as he might have afforded the
gentlemen on the other side of the house, an opportunity
to cry out, that he had presumed, with defiled hands, to
pollute the fair petition of the people ; that he, the crea
ture of secret influence, should dare to interfere, when
there was question of a measure, which was to root influ
ence out of that house. He might have thought, there
fore, that considering, the light in which he appeared to
the noble lord, his, conduct in barely seconding the mo
tion, would have met with approbation, instead of censure.
He should have been ready to return the noble lord his
thanks for the flattering opinion he entertained of his abi
lities, if, by other parts of his speech, he had not been
convinced, that this good opinion of his abilities was over
balanced by a bad opinion of his political conduct. He

166
was, however, thankful to the very respectable body of
freeholders of the very respectable county of York, for
the favorable sentiments they entertained of him ; but he
was at a loss to conceive, where they had learnt, that he
would never make part of a cabinet, any one member of
which should be hostile to parliamentary reform. Per
haps it would be utterly impossible ever to form such a
cabinet. The proposition was a point, on which there
were so many different opinions, that he believed if the
country was to remain without a cabinet, until one could
be formed, which should be unanimous on the subject,
England would never see an administration. To him,
on the other hand, it appeared not a little singular, that
the noble lord and his friends, who were such determin
ed enemies to influence, should expect that a measure re
lating simply to the commons, such as a reform in the
representation of the people, should in any degree origi
nate in the cabinet, or come forward under their influence
and protection. All that he would add, was, that indivi
dually he would exert the utmost of his ability to support
the measure of a reform in parliament, whenever that
question should be brought before the house.
Mr. Fox agreed with Mr. Pitt, that it was scarcely
possible to find a proper number of persons to form a
cabinet, who should concur in the expediency, policy, or
necessity of a parliamentary reform. The petition was
ordered to lie on the table.
This conversation was evidently begun, with a view of
bringing discredit upon Mr. Pitt, for the supposed want
of activity and zeal in the cause of parliamentary reform ;
but the readiness and dexterity, with which he replied to
lord Surry's insinuations, and the open and decided man
ner in which he asserted, and maintained his former opi
nion, completely defeated his lordship's object. Lord
Surry seems not to have been aware, that if any blame
could have been imputed to Mr. Pitt, for sitting in cabi
net with enemies to parliamentary reform, the same be
longed to Mr. Fox ; and to a consciousness of this, we
are to ascribe what Mr. Fox said of a cabinet, consisting
exclusively of the friends of parliamentary reform.
Mr. Pitt then presented his India bill, which was read

167
the first time, and ordered to be printed. He moved,
that it should be read the second time on Wednesday
next, and expressed a hope, that no one would object to
so early a day, as it was universally admitted, that some
bill was necessary for the government of India. Mr.
Fox, however, suggested, that it would be proper to al
low more time for the consideration of the measure ; and
therefore, he proposed Friday, instead of Wednesday, to
which Mr. Pitt consented.
This point being settled, Mr. Fox moved the order of
the day, for going into a committee on the state of the na
tion. Lord Surry immediately asked Mr. Pitt, if he
would give the house the satisfaction of knowing, whether
a dissolution would take place, before the India bill should
be disposed of. Upon which Mr. Fox observed, that
" let Mr. Pitt give what answer he pleased, or no answer
at all, it would not satisfy him, so as to prevent him from
going into a committee." Mr. Pitt having therefore de
clined giving any answer to lord Surry's question, the
house resolved itself into a committee.
Lord Charles Spencer immediately moved the following
resolution, which he represented as a natural consequence
of those to which the house had already agreed, as the
most moderate which could be proposed under present
circumstances, and as likely to produce a settled and
efficient administration, "That it having been declared
to be the opinion of this house, that, in the present situa
tion of his majesty's dominions, it is peculiarly necessary,
that there should be an administration that has the confi
dence of this house and of the public; and thatthe appoint-
ment of his majesty's present ministers was accompanied
by circumstances new and extraordinary, and such as do
not conciliate or engage the confidence of this house ; the
continuance of the present ministers, in trusts of the
highest importance and responsibility, is contrary to con
stitutional principles, and injurious to the interests of his
majesty and his people." Mr. Powys opposed this mo
tion, as premature, unjust, unprecedented, and unwar*
rantable. He spoke in very high terms, both of Mr,
Pitt and of Mr. Fox ; declaring, however, his disappro
bation of the manner in which the one had come into

168
office ; and blaming the other for his coalition with lord
North. He thought Mr. Fox's ambition laudable and
honorable ; but he believed him regardless of the means
by which he gratified it. He said, that he had long
wished the two right honorable gentlemen could have
acted together ; but he acknowledged, that he saw in
lord North a great obstacle to such a junction.
This was the first occasion upon which any desire of
an union between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, was expressed
in the house of commons, and it was now mentioned in
a very cursory way, and without any expectation of its
taking place. Mr. Fox, in noticing that part of Mr.
Powys's speech, said that he neither courted nor avoided
union with any party ; and that he had no objection to
connect himself with persons of any description, with
whom he could form a permanent junction, on sound and
general principles. He defended his coalition with lord
North, although he had formerly differed from him on
various subjects ; but these grounds of difference were
now at an end. He accused the ministers of having
formed a conspiracy against the constitution, and of hav
ing got into office by an act of treachery : but he after
wards added, " I venerate the character of the young
man who holds the reins of government at present ; I ad
mire his virtues, and respect his ability."
As this was a very important motion, being intended
to compel ministers to resign, and was frequently referred
to in subsequent debates, I shall transcribe, from the
parliamentary register, Mr. Dundas's speech, which is
short, and places the question in its true light. In re
plying to Mr. Fox, he said,
" Sir, — After the testimony of so many honorable and
independent gentlemen, who have with one voice ac
knowledged, that the resolution before you, is, in the
present case, absolutely unwarrantable, I rise with pecu
liar satisfaction, and cannot but augur well of the event
of this night's debate. — Sir, I rejoice to see the modera
tion and temper which has shewn itself on this occasion ;
1 rejoice that we meet the question fairly ; and that it
is not brought forward as that was, upon which this re-

169
solution is founded, and of which it is said to be nothing
more than a corollary. The former question, important
as it was, not only to the interests, but to the personal honor
of his majesty's present ministers, was brought before
us suddenly and unexpectedly, at five o'clock in the
morning, when every man's faculties for speaking, for
hearing, and for judging properly, were exhausted by a
previous debate of more than twelve hours ; and when
a very considerable portion of the house had departed,
under the firm and very natural persuasion, that no more
questions of consequence were likely to be introduced.
The present question, as it is brought forward at a better
hour, and with a better temper, so will it be decidejd upon,
I trust, with a better and clearer judgment ; and I assure
you, sir, I shall attempt so far to follow the example of
those before me, and of the right honorable gentleman
himself, (Mr. Fox,) as to suffer nothing personal, nothing
indecent, nothing heated, nothing unbecoming the criti
cal and awful hour, in which I speak, to escape out of
my lips.
" Sir, the first thing I have to observe, is clearly and
distinctly this ; that allowing, for argument's sake, actual
credit for every report without doors, and every insinua
tion that has been made here, the present resolution is,
nevertheless, utterly without foundation. What, sir, is
the utmost that reports have ever said ? That my lord
Temple has indiscreetly, wantonly, and, if you will, un
constitutionally, reported his majesty's private opinion on
the subject of the India bill ; and that, in the house of
lords, that bill has been by these means thrown out.
But, sir, is my lord Temple a minister? Your resolution
says, his majesty's present ministers. Lords of the bed
chamber are no ministers ; who, therefore, are those men,
that your resolution means to slander? I call on the
noble lord to amend his motion, and to name in it every
minister of his majesty, on whose character he means
that this stigma should alight. Sir, I defy any man even
to insinuate, that any one of his majesty's cabinet has
ever had the least share of that secret influence, upon
which this motion is founded, and for which it is to turn
them out of office. — Sir, they are not even accused; they
Vol. I. Y

170
have a right to be accused, and they will deny every past
of the imputation. The throwing out of the India bill,
was a matter previous to their appointment ; a matter in
which they had no concern, and for which they can
share no blame, even if I allow, for argument's sake, that
blame is due any where.
" His majesty's present ministers have, I assert, been
constitutionally chosen by him, who has the sole right to
choose them ; and by this resolution, they are, by this
house, instantly turned out. Sir, is it therefore for their
incapacity and insufficiency, that you overthrow them ?
(Hear ! -hear!) Then, sir, I insist that their incapacity
and insufficiency shall be named in the motion, as the
ground upon which you at once deny them your confi
dence. Let this house judge, and, know, upon what
ground they give their vote. Let me tell you, sir, our
constituents will ask to know — the people of England
must and will know — why ministers, named by his ma
jesty, are instantly turned out by the house of commons ;
turned out, I say, before they are tried, and condemned
before they are accused.
" Sir, if this resolution means any thing, it is in the
nature and spirit of an address, requesting the king to
appoint a new set of ministers. I am forced, therefore,
to view it in this light, since it is, in effect, pointed at his
majesty, and must probably be followed up by an ad
dress, in the same tenor and to the same purport.
" I beg, therefore, the house will go with me in con
sidering, how the royal mind must feel, and what sort of
language his majesty must hold to himself, upon such an
address : — ' You send me back the ministers I have just
chosen ; have I not, then, the right to choose my minis
ters? Certainly yes, you say. — But what crimes have
they committed ? What is it they have so soon perpe
trated ? Certainly not one act of their administration is
yet passed. Are they, therefore, without the confidence
of the house of commons ? Are they men so unpopular,
so incapable, so insufficient, that you will not bear with
them, even for a moment ? Is the minister, who devotes
himself to the house of commons particularly, so unpo-

171
pular and so incapable? I had chosen him ; I had singled
him out as a man, of talents the most astonishing, of in
tegrity the most incorrupt, of a reputation the most ex
traordinary. — I had fondly imagined him the favorite of
the house of commons ; f had been taught to fancy, that
hi celebrating his name, all my people joined in one an
them of praise. Is it for this, therefore, that the house of
commons thus instantly condemn him ? Is it on account
of his fair fame and unexampled reputation, that I am
desired to withdraw my public confidence from such a
person as this ? It follows, no doubt, therefore, that you
wish me to substitute characters as opposite as possible
to this. You wish me then to name some man or men, in
whom I can place no confidence; some man or men,
whom my people execrate, and in whom I myself, in
perfect union with my people, cannot confide. If such
men are to be my only choice, if unpopularity, hatred,
and distrust, are to be the qualifications and the great
characteristics that form a minister in these days, it would
be matter of the sincerest joy to me, if the house of com
mons would permit me to wave my choice. Let the house
of commons name their minister ; let them search out
persons suited to their purposes, only let me not be forced
to play the farce of naming to them, men whom they
have singled out, whom my conscience condemns on
public grounds, and whom my people tell me, they do
not approve.'
" Such would be the natural answer of a king, allow
ing him to be a man of feeling, and a man of honor, like
ourselves, on such an unheard-of address as this ; just
this must necessarily be his private sentiments and soli
loquy on the occasion. Therefore, I would beseech the
house at once, to name the men in whom alone they are
determined to confide. Already we know their names.
Let us bring in a bill, naming the right honorable gen
tleman, and the noble lord, exclusive ministers of this
country, for a term of years ; for that is precisely the spi
rit and meaning, that, sir, is the plain English of this re
solution ; except indeed thai by the present motion, the
house of lords is exempted from any share in the nomi
nation; whereas, if it was a bill, it would not be the

172
house of commons alone that would name the ministers
of this country.
" Sir, we have been told by the right honorable gen
tleman, that this is a great constitutional question, and
not a question who shall be minister. — I meet the house
on that ground ; and I beg leave to request no more fa
vor than this, viz. that every man, who thinks with the
right honorable gentleman, that this is not a question,
who shall be minister, will vote with him, and I am con
tent that all the rest should vote with me. Nay, sir, if
there is any man in this house, who in his conscience
does not think, that this resolution serves to name the
right honorable gentleman, and his colleagues, the mi
nisters, and the only ministers of this country, I am con
tent that all such persons, to a man, should vote against
me. I feel on this ground very sure of finding myself
to-night, in a most respectable majority indeed. Sir, I
have no personal objections or dislike to the noble lord,
or the right honorable gentleman ; it is upon clear con
stitutional grounds that I resist this vote ; and I call upon
the independent part of the house, to stand forth and
maintain the character, the moderation, for thus I will
venture to say, they will most effectually maintain the
true consequence, of this British house of commons.
Let the house look well to its conduct this night ; for this
night it is about to decide, what is the constitution of this
country. The assumption of power and privileges, which
did not belong to it, has once proved the overthrow of
this constitution ; we are verging towards the same pre
cipice again ; we are claiming to ourselves the right of
appointing ministers ; we are disclaiming the nomination
of his majesty, without cause and without trial."
Several members spoke after Mr. Dundas; and, at
last, Mr. Pitt rose to declare, that he could not suffer the
debate to close, without saying a few words ; but, as he
saw the impatience of the house to separate, an impa
tience which he could not*vonder at, when he considered
the very late hour of the niglft, he promised that he would
detain them only for a few moments. Whatever might
be the fate of the motion, he could not but feel the utmost

173
comfort and satisfaction, at the full, fair, and impartial
discussion the question had undergone, and more parti
cularly in having been witness to a debate, in which,
although, from the personal nature of it, he was debarred
from taking any part himself, so many worthy and truly
respectable gentlemen had risen to defend his character,
and rescue it from the odium, with which the violence
of faction, and the malice of party attempted to load it.
In the course of the day a great variety of topics had been
handled, in a way which did honor to the ability of those
who had spoken, and proved incontestably, that the art
and ingenuity of that set of men, whose chief aim it had
been to mislead and confound, had not been successful
to the degree which they might possibly have hoped ;
but that there were others, and those of acknowledged
estimation and importance in the country, who were not
more accurate in their judgments, than zealous in their
determination to tear the mask from the face of faction,
and shew it in its native colors. This necessarily afford
ed him all the gratification which his most sanguine
hopes could have aspired to. He desired to throw him
self upon the candor, the justice, and the honor of the
house ; observing, that if the present motion should pass
before the merits of his India bill should be discussed,
he should be condemned unheard, unknown, untried,
unconvicted. As soon as Mr. Pitt sat down, the house divided, and
the resolution was carried by a majority of 21, the num
bers being 205, and 184. After the resolution was re
ported to the house, and agreed to, an adjournment took
place to the Tuesday following, when the committee on
the state of the nation was to sit again.
Upon the meeting of the house on that day, Mr. Rolle,
who had given notice of a motion for certain papers, said,
he should not then make his motion, and assigned, as
one of his reasons, " a rumor that a negotiation was on
foot, for effecting an union between the two political par
ties, at present opposed to each other." Mr. Fox rose
immediately, and declared, that there was no ground, as
far as he knew, for such rumor ; and that it was very in
decent to postpone a motion, on a pretence of that kind.

174
He then proceeded to express his astonishment, that mi
nisters should continue in office, after a resolution had
passed the house of commons, declaring, that they did
not possess the confidence of that house. He wished,
however, to give his majesty's ministers time to reflect,
and coolly to consider the situation in which they stood ;
and therefore he prpposed, that the committee on the
state of the nation should be postponed to the following
Monday, by which day he hoped ministers would be able
to give such advice to his majesty, as the situation of
affairs demanded : if not, it would be necessary for the
house to take some step, which should render it abso
lutely impossible for them to continue in their offices.
, He concluded with these words, "As to the idea of an
union with those he was now opposing, all he would say,
was, that he was not an enemy to any individual ; but
gentlemen should consider how far it was practicable to
effect it, consistently with principles that appeared almost
irreconcileable." After several members had expressed an earnest wish
for a junction between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt
said, " he wished the sitting of the committee to be de
ferred for some time, though he entertained no desire to
get rid of it entirely : he was by no means averse to the
union, so strongly and so properly recommended, by re
spectable and independent country gentlemen ; but on
the other hand, he agreed perfectly with the right ho
norable gentleman, that an union not founded on princi
ple, and which would produce disunion, where it would
be more dangerous than in that house, would be a falla
cious union, and such as no lover of his country could
ever wish to see. The right honorable gentleman had
asserted, that he (Mr. Pitt,) in common with his ma
jesty's other ministers, held his place in defiance of the
opinion of that house : in answer to that charge he would
say, that nothing but a sense of his duty to the public,
could keep him in office; and when in a committee on
the state of the nation, that business should come to be
agitated, he would state the motives upon which he acted,
and which, he trusted, would be found just and reason
able,- by the committee; for the present, he would only

175
add, that he thought he could not at this moment go out
of office with so much honor as had attended his coming
into it." It was agreed, that the committee on the state
of the nation, should be deferred to the following Mon
day. — From Mr. Fox's speeches this day, it was evident
that he was disconcerted, because Mr. Pitt had not re
signed in consequence of the resolution moved by lord
Charles Spencer. But though Mr. Fox considered the
majority upon that occasion, as sufficient to produce the
effect he wished, yet he could not conceal from himself,
that it was much less than upon either of the divisions
four nights before ; and as lord Charles Spencer's mo
tion was more immediately directed against Mr. Pitt,
Mr. Fox might doubt how far he should be supported in
any personal question of a still stronger nature. It was,
probably, on that ground, he thought it better not to
hazard any other motion in the committee on the state of
the nation, till the fate of Mr. Pitt's India bill should be
decided. He might, not without reason, expect, that the
division upon that question would be greatly in his favor,
as his own India bill, the principle of which was irrecon
cileable with that of Mr. Pitt, had been carried with very
little opposition, in point of numbers. He had been
studious to represent his India bill as the bill of the house
of commons ; because, by passing it with so great ma
jorities, they had, as it were, adopted it for their own ;
and we have seen, that when Mr. Pitt first explained the
substance of his bill, Mr. Fox argued, that the house
was bound, in consistency, to reject the plan, as being
essentially different from that, to which they had recently
given their full and unequivocal sanction ; and he might
hope, that if Mr. Pitt failed in a measure, which was the
avowed cause of his coming into office, and to which he
had confidently appealed as the test by which he wished
to be tried, he would instantly resign.
On the Friday, Mr. Pitt, according to previous notice,
moved, that his India bill be read a second time, and
committed. Mr. Fox opposed the commitment of the
bill,~in a long speech, in which he frequently referred to
his own bill, and compared it with that then before the
house. Mr. Pitt replied to the arguments and objections

176
of Mr. Fox, and of other members ; and, at the end of
the debate, the commitment of the bill was negatived by
a majority of eight, the numbers being 222 and 214.
The bill was afterwards rejected without a division.
An uninteresting conversation followed, relative to the
borough of Harwich ; after which Mr. Fox moved for
" leave to bring in a bill for the better regulation and
government of our affairs in the East Indies ;" and, at
the same time, he informed the house, that the principles
of his new bill would be the same as of that which had
been rejected by the house of lords. Leave being given,
Mr. Fox, suspecting that Mr. Pitt, on account of the
failure of his India bill, might be induced to have re
course to a dissolution of parliament, asked him, whether
the house would be permitted to proceed with the bill,
which he (Mr. Fox) meant to introduce ; or whether
it was the intention of ministers to dissolve parliament.
He said, that as his majesty's answer to the address
of the house, before the recess, certainly contained an
equivocal meaning, and admitted of various interpreta
tions, he thought it incumbent on Mr. Pitt to rise and
declare explicitly, what was the true sense of that answer,
and what was the construction which he, as the framer,
put upon it. Mr. Pitt, however, did not rise ; and, after
some time, sir Grey Cooper observed, that though Mr.
Pitt's silence might be interpreted into an intention to
dissolve parliament, yet he could not believe, that any set
of men would take so violent a step, under present cir
cumstances. He proceeded to state two great obstacles
to a dissolution ; the expiration of the mutiny bill, and
the want of appropriation of the supplies which had been
granted to his majesty. He thought, however, that if
Mr. Pitt persisted in his silence, the house should come
to some resolution on the subject. Upon sir Grey Coo
per's sitting down, the house called loudly upon Mr. Pitt
to rise ; but when they found that their endeavors were
ineffectual, they called as loudly upon sir Grey Cooper,
to move a resolution. In the midst of this clamor, Mr.
Fox rose again, and spoke with great warmth. He
urged many objections to a dissolution, and said, that
he " could not speak of the sulky silence of the right

177
honorable gentleman, in any other terms than those of
indignation." He called upon him to explain his inten
tion, so as to supersede the necessity of the house adopt
ing a measure to prevent a dissolution. Mr. Dempster
followed Mr. Fox, and stated additional objections to a
dissolution, arising from the season of the year, which
would make the new elections extremely inconvenient, if
not absolutely impossible, in some parts of the kingdom.
Upon Mr. Dempster's sitting down, the house called
again vehemently upon Mr. Pitt to rise. He did not,
however, yield to the clamors of his opponents, but perse
vered in sitting still. General Conway then rose, and
very warmly upbraided Mr. Pitt for his silence; he called
upon him " to explain his conduct for his own honor: he
called upon him to clear himself from the imputation
which lay against him. The present ministry, originating
in darkness and secrecy, maintained themselves by arti
fice and reserve. All their conduct was dark and intri
cate. They existed by corruption ; and they were now
to dissolve parliament, after sending their agents about
the country to bribe the electors." Upon hearing these
words, Mr. Pitt rose, and interrupted general Conway,
by calling him to order : he desired him to specify the
instances, where the agents of ministers had gone about
the country bribing voters; it was an assertion, which,
he was confident, the right honorable general could not
bring to proof, and which, as he could not prove it, he
ought not to hpve made. He said, that no arguments
however artful, no strong words thrown out with a view
to put him off his guard, nor any expressions of any
kind, which the honorable general could use, should
draw him aside from that fixed purpose, which, upon
mature deliberation, he had been convinced it was his
duty to adhere to. Individual members had no right to
call upon him for replies to questions, involving in them
great and important considerations ; and it was not in
cumbent upon him to answer interrogatories put to him,
in the harsh language which had been used. He noticed
general Conway's assertion, that it was for his honor, he
should satisfy the house : he begged to tell the honorable
general, that he was himself the best judge of his own
Vol. I. Z

178
honor, and that he stood in need of no adviser how to act,
where his honor was concerned. After dwelling upon
that point, he again complained of general Conway's in
temperate and unparliamentary language, which he was de
termined not to imitate, concluding with the words, which
Scipio applied to Fabius, "si nulla alia re, modestia certe
et temperando linguas, adolescens senem vicero*." Ge
neral Conway, Mr. Sheridan, lord North, lord Surry,
Mr. Eden, Mr. Fox, and other members, successively
called upon Mr. Pitt to acquaint the house, whether he
intended to advise the dissolution of parliament; and
several of them threatened, if he refused, to make a mo
tion, to compel him to answer. These demands, and these
threats, had no effect whatever upon Mr. Pitt : he per
sisted in his silence. At length, Mr. Fox perceiving,
that neither he, nor his friends, could prevail upon Mr.
Pitt to give them any information upon the subject of a
dissolution, and probably not knowing what resolution to
move in so peculiar a case, rose for the fourth time, and
after repeating his astonishment at Mr. Pitt's silence,
which he called an insult to the house, proposed an ad
journment to the next day, although it was Saturday,
when he hoped members would attend, that " proper
measures might be taken to vindicate the honor, and as
sert the privileges, of the house." The house imme
diately adjourned, it being then two o'clock.
The following day, the house, at the usual hour of
meeting, was uncommonly full, under a general expecta
tion that parliament would be dissolved ; members being
anxious to learn, whether that event was likely to take
place immediately. As soon as Mr. Pitt entered the
house, Mr. Powys rose under such emotion, that he shed
tears ; and after some introductory observations upon what
had passed the preceding evening, and a declaration, that
his conduct would be regulated by what he conceived
would be for the advantage of the country, he said, that
before he should proceed, he wished to put a question to
the right honorable chancellor of the exchequer, by the
answer to which, he should be determined, whether or
not he should make the motion, which he had in contem-
• Liv. lib. 28, sect. 44.

179
plation. If the right honorable member should not give
am answer at all, he would not construe his silence into
disrespect ; but he should construe it to mean, that he
did not think proper to give an answer to it, lest he should
engage too far in a business of a very delicate nature :
however, in the present alarming situation of affairs, he
thought it his duty to put his question, and to call for an
answer to it. The question, therefore, to which he wish
ed to have an answer, was, " whether that house might
expect to be in existence, and to meet again on Monday
next?" He did not, as the right honorable member
might see, call for an answer that might proclaim to the
public the secrets of the crown, which, as a minister, the
right honorable gentleman was bound not to reveal : he
wished simply to know from him, whether, on Monday
next, the house might expect to meet again, in order to
proceed to business. Mr. Pitt remaining silent for some
time, Mr. Powys rose again, and said, that he called upon
the right honorable gentleman, as minister of the crown,
to give him an answer. Mr. Pitt then said, that he had
laid down to himself a rule, from which he thought it his
duty not to depart, which was, not to pledge himself to
the house, that in any possible situation of affairs, he
would not advise his majesty to dissolve parliament ;
however, as the honorable gentleman had brought the
matter to a very narrow point, in asking, whether the
house might expect to meet on Monday next, he would
so far gratify the honorable gentleman, as to tell him,
that he had no intention, by any advice he should give,
to prevent the meeting of the house on that day. Mr.
Powys expressed himself satisfied with this answer, and
the house adjourned to Monday.
As the rejection of Mr. Pitt's India bill led his adver
saries to expect, that a dissolution of parliament would
immediately take place, so it suggested to him the pro
priety of again considering the expediency of resorting to
that measure ; and in the mean while he was, as we have
seen, reluctant to answer questions upon that subject
His decision, after mature deliberation, was the same as
before, and upon the same ground. He still feared, that
he should not gain sufficient strength, in a new parliament,

180
to give stability to his administration ; and therefore he
chose to submit for some time longer, to all the inconve
niences and difficulties of struggling against a majority of
the house of commons ; and to encounter all the violence
with which he was threatened, rather than risque a disso
lution under present circumstances ; or desert a post,
which duty to his sovereign, and regard to the constitu
tion, called upon him to maintain. He had, indeed, the
satisfaction of perceiving, that the favprable disposition of
the public towards himself, was gradually increasing, and
that his opponents were growing every day more unpopu
lar. The corporation, and also the merchants and tra
ders, of the city of London, had presented addresses to
the king, in which they strongly expressed their appro
bation of the conduct of the house of lords in rejecting
Mr. Fox's India bill, thanked his majesty for dismissing
his late ministers, and declared their resolution to support
the legal exercise of the royal prerogative ; and there was
reason to think, that this example of the metropolis would
be immediately followed by other parts of the kingdom.
Persuaded, that the cause in which he was engaged, just
and constitutional as he believed it to be, must ultimate
ly triumph, he trusted, that, by continuing to act upon the
same principles, and with the same firmness, and by
giving his adversaries an opportunity of lowering them
selves by their indiscretion and violence still more in the
opinion of the people, he should, in a few weeks, be able
to dissolve parliament with a fair prospect of success.
It will hereafter appear, that upon this occasion he gave
a remarkable proof of that penetration and judgment, for
which he was so highly distinguished. It was certain
that a dissolution would now, and indeed at any moment
since he he came into office, have been productive of
some advantage to him ; but he had the wisdom and the
courage to forego that benefit, unpleasant as the forbear
ance was, in many respects, and to wait, till the measure
could be adopted in a manner fully to answer his pur
pose. The members of opposition, however, still supposing
that Mr. Pitt had a dissolution of parliament in contem
plation, endeavoured to prevent it, by putting an inter-

181
pretation upon the king's answer to the address of the
house of commons before the Christmas recess, which
implied his majesty's promise not to dissolve parliament,
till an India bill should be passed* and some provision
made for the maintenance of public credit. When the
house met on the 26th, Mr. Eden, after a short introduc
tory speech, moved, " That it appears to this house that
his majesty's most gracious answer of the 24th of Decem
ber last, contains assurances, upon which this house can
not but most firmly rely, that his majesty will not, by
the prorogation or dissolution of parliament, interrupt
this house in their consideration of proper measures for
regulating the affairs of the East India company, and for
supporting the public credit and revenues of this coun
try ; objects, which, in the opinion of his majesty, of this
house, and of the public, cannot but be thought to de
mand the most immediate and unremitting attention of
parliament." — As soon as Mr. Marsham had seconded
the motion, Mr. Pitt rose, and said, that he took the ear
liest opportunity of speaking upon a motion, which every
gentleman must be aware, concerned him personally.
As the construction of his majesty's answer was now
brought forward in the shape of a question, and thus
rendered the subject of free parliamentary discussion, he
was certainly bound to meet that question, and enter upon
its merits fairly and unreservedly. His mind, he was
ready to confess, was relieved from those difficulties,
which he had before felt, and which had determined him
to resist every attempt of members to extort from him,
as minister, a verbal declaration relative to the intention
of government with respect to a dissolution of parliament.
That sort of embarrassment being wholly removed, by
the matter no longer depending on the interrogatories of
private individuals, but coming forward in the shape of
a regular motion (and he begged leave to observe, that
the question had never before been put to him by the
house,) he would state his opinion explicitely upon the
subject. That his majesty, by his answer, gave the
house to understand, and in a manner bound himself,
that he would not interrupt their meeting again after the
Christmas recess, was undoubtedly true ; but he saw

182
not, how the royal word could be considered as pledged
any farther. The present motion declared it to be the
construction put upon his majesty's answer by that house,
that his majesty had promised not to interrupt their de
liberations, by an exercise of his royal prerogative of pro
rogation or dissolution, while the affairs of the East India
company, and the support of public credit, continued the
subjects of their consideration. To such an indefinite
promise, he could not subscribe ; and therefore, to a mo
tion, affixing such an unlimited construction upon the
king's answer, he must refuse his assent ; and that for
the strongest reason, which could possibly be adduced^
namely, because he knew, that when he advised his ma
jesty to use the words in which the answer was framed,
he never had such a general unqualified sense of them
in his contemplation ; nor would the words themselves
fairly admit of that meaning. He appealed also to the
recollection of the house, whether the sense for which he
was then contending, was not the one in which the an
swer had been formerly understood by gentlemen on the
opposite side, and upon which they had repeatedly ar
gued and acted. He said, that though he never would
advise the king to pledge himself indefinitely, to abstain
from exercising his undoubted prerogative of dissolving
parliament ; yet, he had no hesitation to declare, in his
ministerial capacity, that at the present moment, there
was no intention to stop the proceedings of that house,
either by prorogation or dissolution.
Mr. Fox expressed himself perfectly satisfied with
this declaration, as far as a dissolution of parliament was
concerned ; but he inveighed against Mr. Pitt with great
warmth, and at considerable length, for continuing in his
situation as minister, " in positive and direct contempt of
a solemn resolution of this house ;" and he added, that
" such an insult to the honor, the sense, and the judgment
of parliament, must not be overlooked." He said, that Mr.
Pitt's " conduct plainly shewed, that he considered him
self superior to the house :" he accused him " of stealing
into office by private intrigue and secret influence :" he
called him " the unconstitutional minister of the crown,
against the voice of parliament, and the spirit of the con-

183
stitution ;" and he intimated, in plain terms, that if Mr,.
Pitt " persevered thus to mock and insult the dignity
and honor of parliament," he, and his friends with whom
he acted, would feel it necessary to adopt strong and vio
lent measures, however sorry they might be to recur to
means, which might tend to dissolve those bonds of
union and harmony between the legislative and executive
powers, so necessary for carrying into effect the various
operations of policy and government. At the same time
he said, that being reluctant to proceed to disagreeable
extremities, he would not, on that night, or perhaps for
some time, move any resolution upon the subject. He
noticed the wish, which had been expressed in a former
debate, for an union of parties, as the only means of es
tablishing a permanent administration ; but he maintain
ed, that the honor of the house of commons required
the resignation of the present ministers, which he must,
therefore, insist upon as a necessary preliminary, before
any negotiation for that purpose could take place.
In answer to these invectives and threats, Mr. Pitt
said, that he had not in his former speech mentioned the
subject so much dwelt upon by the right honorable gen
tleman, because he did not perceive, that any thing in
the present motion had the smallest reference to it. He
had waited with the expectation, that the house would go
into the committee on the state of the nation, and that
some motion would then be brought forward, which
would afford him a more proper opportunity of explain
ing the reasons, which had induced him to continue in
office, after the late resolutions of the house. He had
never shewn any backwardness to account for his con
duct ; and called upon, as he had been, he would now
deliver his sentiments freely, which was at all times the
right of every man, and would doubtless not be denied
to^ him. He came into office to fulfil the duty he owed
to his majesty, whose confidence he had not forfeited by
any attempt to introduce a new power, unknown to the
constitution ; and he considered himself much aggrieved
in being subjected to the censure of that house, without
any charge being proved against him — in being con
demned, unconvicted, and untried. But to suppose that

184
he set himself up as superior to the house of commons,
was, he imagined, an opinion which no man could seri
ously entertain ; for which indeed there was no founda
tion, except that he thought differently from a majority of
the house ; and if that was a crime, it was one, of which
the honorable gentleman himself had been frequently
guilty. Much less would it be thought, that he held the
resolutions of that house in contempt, or regarded them
with any degree of indifference. On the contrary, he
had the profoundest repect for the house, and the utmost
reverence for its resolutions. That he stood in a situa
tion perfectly new, he was ready to admit ; but that he
stood in that situation in contempt of that house, or as
holding himself superior to its authority, he must beg
leave to deny. New and extraordinary circumstances
might justify new and extraordinary conduct. For any
minister, who had been pronounced unworthy of the
approbation of that house, to remain in office, was, he
confessed, far from common ; but he hoped he should
not give offence, when he asserted, that a minister might
nevertheless act constitutionally by remaining in office,
after such disapprobation had been expressed. He in-
treated pardon for what he was going to say ; but he
conceived, that according to the constitution, the appoint
ment or removal of ministers rested not with the house of
commons ; and therefore, there was nothing illegal in a
minister's remaining in office, after that house had de
clared against him : at the same time he acknowledged,
that such a step, without the strongest possible reasons,
would be rash, imprudent, and unwarrantable. He had
not continued in his situation from motives of ambition,
from love of office, or from any reluctance to part with
its emoluments ; but, because his immediate resignation
after the resolution of last Friday se'nnight, must have
been followed by the restoration of the late ministers,
who had, by their unconstitutional conduct, forfeited the
confidence of their sovereign and of the people ; this
change, therefore, would have been dangerous to the
best interests of the public — the only consideration, which
could have kept him in office, after he had lost the confi
dence of that house. To remain a minister under such

185
circumstances was no pleasure to him ; but, on the other
hand, pain and mortification. He urged, however, the
gradual diminution of the majority, as a proof that the
cause of his antagonist was declining ; and assured the
house, that by continuing in office, he conscientiously
believed himself to be performing an important duty to
his king arid country, in which he was determined to
persevere, and not to resign for the purpose of entering
into a negotiation for an union of parties. If gentlemen
really wished to form a stable and extended administra
tion, upon fair and liberal principles, let them lay aside
the trifles of etiquette and ceremony, and discarding all
personal prejudices and private views, proceed on terms
of candor and confidence, from which alone an honorable
and beneficial result could be expected. He repeated,
that though he possessed an employment of eminence, it
was not one of choice ; and he trusted, whenever a fa
vorable opportunity offered, he should prove himself not
tenacious of power, or desirous of clinging to office ; but
at present, he felt himself under an obligation to remain
in his situation, till a new arrangement should be formed,
and not expose the nation to that state of anarchy, which
it experienced on a former and somewhat similar oc
casion*. Mr. Fox replied to Mr. Pitt, again accusmg him of
" creeping into power, by unfair and unconstitutional
means ;" and asserting, that " like every other minister,
he ought to resign, when he found he did not possess
the confidence of the house of commons." He con
cluded by declaring, that the house must carry their
point ; must compel the ministers of the crown to retire ;
and by avowing a determination to enter into no treaty
with them, while they continued in office. The resolu
tion was then agreed to, without a division ; after which
Mr. Fox moved, that the house should go into a com
mittee on the state of the nation, on the 29th, to which
day they adjourned.
When that day arrived, Mr. Fox expressed his con
cern that circumstances had not changed since their last
* Mr. Pitt alluded to the long ministerial interregnum after lord Shelburne's
resignation.
Vol. I. A a

186
meeting. He arraigned Mr. Pitt's conduct in the se
verest terms; he repeatedly accused him of exercising
the power, which he had obtained, by unconstitutional
means, for corrupt purposes, particularly in the late cre
ation of peers* ; of despising and setting at defiance a
majority of the house of commons ; of promoting jea
lousy and mistrust between the king and his parliament 5
and of keeping the country without an effective govern
ment. He said, that though his (Mr. Pitt's) haughtiness,
obstinacy, and temerity, might, if continued, hereafter
justify the strongest measures; at present, he recom
mended moderation ; — and therefore he proposed, that
the house should adjourn to Monday, on which day,
should nothing occur to give public affairs a more favora
ble aspect, it would certainly be necessary to resume the
committee on the state of the nation. The few days
respite, which such an adjournment would afford, might,
it was true, be employed no better than those which were
past had been. He trusted, hotvever, that the well-meant
endeavors of such as wished to produce something like
an union, would not prove again abortivef. But he was
bound in conscience, once for all, to declare, that while
the present ministers retained their situations, every effort
of that kind, however laudable and well intended, must
be useless*nd unavailable.
Mr. Pitt followed Mr. Fox : he said, that he did not
rise to oppose the motion, but felt himself called upon
to state, in very express terms, his objections to the mode
of arraignment, thus constantly adopted by gentlemen
on the opposite side of the house. To that very high
language, thus personally addressed to him, he would
only oppose his simple assertion, as no more argument
was used on one side, than he should affect on the other.
Indeed, he was confident the house would think with
him, that such a torrent of criminating assertions could
hot, by any facts whatever, be established. He was con-
* Lord Camelford, the duke of Northumberland created lord Lovaine with re
mainder to his second son, lord Carteret, and lord Eliot. In this speech Mr Fox
acknowledged, that his majesty would not allow his late ministers to recommend
any persons to be made peers.
¦j- This alluded to meetings of independent country gentlemen, at the St. Alban's
tavern, to effect, if possible, an union between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox j an account
of which will be given hereafter.

187
scious to himself, that no part of his public life, or official
conduct, stood in the least need of apology. The deli
cacy of his present situation required discretion. He
was determined to sustain it with as much firmness and
decency as he could. This resolution was the result of
deliberation ; and no invective or aspersion, which the
right honorable gentleman could throw out, should divert
him from the line he had hitherto pursued. He could
only act in so far as his own judgment directed him.
This direction, he trusted, would not lead him into any
very palpable error; and while he retained a confidence
of that kind, it was in vain to expect he would be inti
midated by any open attack, or cajoled by any secret ar
tifice. The right honorable gentleman, in saying, that
he and his colleagues did not possess the requisites of a
legal administration, was mistaken ; as they had certainly
every formality which belonged to them as the servants of
the public. The epithets, therefore, so well calculated to
throw an odium on them, were improperly applied ; for
whatever the right honorable gentleman might think of a
majority, he (Mr. Pitt) would not allow, that in every
case a majority was to prescribe what, in such and such
circumstances, it was proper for ministers to do. He
did not believe there was a constitutional power in the
house of commons, to control the royal prerogative. He
rather thought, that every branch of the legislature was
instituted to secure the legal and constitutional exercise
of the functions and privileges of the other. He hoped,
therefore, that it would never be contended, that the
sovereign, in creating peers or choosing his ministers,
must first ask leave of that house. The right honorable
gentleman had also said, that there was now no govern
ment in the country, an allegation to which he would
give a direct negative. What ! were ministers of no use
but to attend their duty in parliament ? Was there no
official business to be transacted of a public and national
description without the walls of the house of commons ?
And whether those measures and schemes, which de
pended on the assistance and concurrence of parliament,
were or were not suspended, undoubtedly other matters,

188 ,
however inferior they might be thought, came under
their inspection and control. The right honorable gen
tleman had exerted his utmost to paint his (Mr. Pitt's)
conduct in the worst light ; but still he was willing to
stand forth in his own vindication. Nothing could be
imputed to him, of which he had any reason to be
ashamed. His heart, his principles, his hands were
pure ; and while he enjoyed the conscious satisfaction of
his own mind, no language of the right honorable gen
tleman — no clamor — no artifice of party — no unfounded
imputation, should affect him. He had already stated his
conduct fully and explicitly ; and he trusted, that the rea
sons he had assigned for whatever might seem peculiar
in his situation, were satisfactory to the house. Lord
North answered Mr. Pitt ; and, after speeches from lord
Nugent and Mr. Fox, the house adjourned to Monday.
During these transactions, addresses, similar to those
from the corporation and merchants of London, were
presented to the king, agreeably to Mr. Pitt's expectation,
from various parts of the country, strongly expressive of
confidence in the present ministers ; condemning both
Mr. Fox's India bill, and the violent proceedings of the
house of commons, in consequence of his dismissal from
office, and promising support to his majesty, in the exercise
of his constitutional prerogatives. It was now evident,
that the nation was taking a warm interest in the political
struggle which was depending, and that Mr. Pitt, and
the principles upon which he was acting, were daily be
coming more popular. ,
It has been observed, that the day Mr. Pitt presented
his India bill, Mr. Powys, in an incidental way, expressed
a wish, that Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox could be induced to
act together as colleagues in the same administration ;
but he considered this as by no means a probable event.
In subsequent debates, the same wish was mentioned by
several persons, more pointedly, and with greater hope
of success ; and on the 26th of January, three davs after
the rejection of Mr. Pitt's India bill, a meeting for the
purpose of promoting this object, was held at the St. Al-
ban's tavern, to which Mr Fox alluded in his speech, on

189
the 29th. Fifty-three members of the house of commons,
chiefly independent country gentlemen, attended ; and it
was unanimously agreed, that a written communication,
signed by all who were present, recommending an union
of parties, should be made to the duke of Portland and
Mr. Pitt. Conformably to this resolution, Mr. Grosve-
nor, the chairman, who was member for Chester, the
honorable Mr. Marsham, sir William Lemon, and Mr.
Powys, who were county members, as a committee,
waited upon the duke and Mr. Pitt, with the following
statement : — " We whose names are hereunto signed,
members of the house of commons, being fully per
suaded, that the united efforts of those, in whose inte
grity, abilities, and constitutional principles, we have rea
son to confide, can alone rescue the country from its pre
sent distracted state, do join in most humbly entreating
his grace the duke of Portland, and the right honorable
WTilliam Pitt, to communicate with each other, on the
arduous situation of public affairs ; trusting, that by a li
beral and unreserved intercourse between them, every
impediment may be removed to a cordial co-operation of
great and respectable characters, acting on the same pub
lic principles, and entitled to the support of independent
and disinterested men." To this communication Mr.
Pitt replied, " That he should be very happy to pay at
tention to the commands of so respectable a meeting, and
co-operate with their wishes to form a stronger and more
extended administration, if the same could be done with
principle and honor." And the duke of Portland replied,
"That he should think himself happy in obeying the
commands of so respectable a meeting, but the greatest
difficulty to him, and he imagined a still greater to Mr.
Pitt, was, Mr. Pitt's being in office."
The meetings were continued at the St. Alban's tavern,
and several notes and letters passed between Mr. Gros-
venor and Mr. Pitt, and between Mr. Grosvenor and the
duke of Portland. Mr. Pitt at once declared, " that there
was no difficulty on his part, in the way of an immediate
intercourse with the duke of Portiand, on the subject of
an union :" but the duke of Portland declined meeting
Mr. Pitt, while he continued in his ministerial capacity,

190
notwithstanding the resolution of the house of commons
of the 16th instant. Mr. Pitt refused to resign ; and
each firmly adhering to his determination, the gentlemen
of the St. Alban's tavern had the mortification to find,
that so far from effecting the desired junction, they could
not even prevail upon the two leaders to have a personal
interview. Unwilling, however, to abandon their project,
they had recourse to higher authority. On the 2d of
February, they unanimously agreed, that their chairman
should that day move a resolution in the house of com
mons, relative to an union of parties ; and accordingly, as
soon as the house met, Mr. Grosvenor rose, and said,
that as nothing could tend more effectually to destroy the
country than intestine divisions, so nothing could tend
more effectually to retrieve the credit of the nation, and
render it respectable in the eyes of Europe, and formi
dable to its enemies, than an union of all the able and
great men in the kingdom ; and a coalition on a broad
basis of all the contending parties, which at that moment
divided the house. To effect such an union, had been
the object of many respectable country gentlemen, who
wishing to avert the dangers, that might well be appre
hended from the divisions, which had of late prevailed,
had met several times, in order to devise means of bring
ing about so desirable an end. Several of them had
separately recommended union in the house ; but the
recommendation of individuals had hitherto been without
effect. It Mas the wish, therefore, of the gentlemen,
to whom he had alluded, that a resolution should be of
fered to the house, which, if adopted, would of course
have that weight, which did not attend a recommendation
from any number of individuals, in their separate and
private capacities. A motion to that effect had been
drawn up, which he had shewn to many gentlemen ; and
he was happy to find, that there was not one who had
seen it, who did not declare, that it gave him perfect sa
tisfaction : he hoped, therefore, that it would now meet
with the concurrence of the whole house. He concluded
by moving, " That it is the opinion of this house, that the
present arduous and critical situation of public affairs
requires the exertions of a firm, efficient, extended, united,

191
administration, entitled to the confidence of the people,
and such as may have a tendency to put an end to the
unfortunate divisions and distractions of the country."
After several members had spoken, Mr. Fox rose, and
said, that he should, with the utmost readiness, give his
support to the motion ; but his speech was little calcu
lated to forward that union, which the resolution pro
nounced to be necessary in the present state of affairs.
He represented the motion as implying a complete ap
probation of all those steps which the conduct of minis
ters had imposed on him and his friends, and which they
would not depart from, till ministry set them an example,
by relinquishing their situations : he reprobated the ad
dresses which had been lately presented to the king, in
favor of the present ministers, as not containing the real
sentiments of the public ; and asserted, in direct contra
diction to the language he held during lord North's ad
ministration, that there was no other legal way of learn
ing what the general voice was, but by the votes in the
house of commons : He affirmed, that the mode by which
Mr. Pitt came into office was unconstitutional ; that his
retaining1 office contrary to the sense of a majority of the
house of commons, was also unconstitutional ; that he
was the creature and supporter of an influence unknown
to the constitution ; and that his conduct tended to put
the crown in a situation of dictator to that house : he ac
cused him of obstinacy, and of preferring his own un
derstanding to the collected wisdom of the house ; as
making a breach between the legislative and executive
branches ; and as causing the king to squabble and con
tend with the house of commons, on whom he depended,
from whom his supplies originated, and without whom
his prerogatives would be insignificant and useless.
To these assertions and charges, Mr. Pitt with great
composure, replied, that he intended to agree with the
right honorable gentleman over against him, in giving his
hearty assent to the motion before the house ; but it was
rather a gloomy presage of that union so strongly recom
mended, that the. very first time he happened to agree
with him, it was upon grounds and for reasons the most
opposite. He was, he said, induced to vote for the mo-

192
tion, because he did not think that it made the resigna
tion of his majesty's present ministers by any means a
necessary preliminary to a treaty for an union ; but on
the contrary, that it saved the honor of the house, without
exposing the country to the anarchy of being left without
a government. He admitted, that in the present critical
situation of affairs, a firm, efficient, extended, and united
administration, was absolutely necessary to the country
— but then the union must be founded upon principle
and upon honor ; and any proposal for an union, incon
sistent in his judgment with principle and with honor,
he would most certainly oppose. As to the sense of the
people of England, with regard to the late proceedings
in parliament, and change of ministers, it would not per
haps be decent for him to say so much as might be said
uponthat subject: but thus much he would venture to
say, that he was perfectly satisfied in his own mind, that
the sense of the people was in favor of the late change of
ministers. With regard to a resignation before a treaty
for an union should take place, he would repeat what he
had often said before, that he foresaw the greatest evils
to the nation, if his majesty's present ministers should
give up their employments ; and he made no difficulty in
declaring, that neither his principles nor his feelings in
clined him to resign under such circumstances : but still
so little was he attached to office, that if he should see a
strong and well-connected government ready to succeed
him, he would cheerfully retire, without a wish to form
a part of that government, or a regret at the loss of power.
— How paltry then would it be in him to resign, for the
sole purpose of treating about returning back to office !
The motion passed without a division.
Mr. Coke, member for Norfolk, immediately rose,
and after a short speech, moved, " That it is the opinion
of this house, that the continuance of the present minis
ters in their offices, is an obstacle to the formation of such
an administration as may enjoy the confidence of this
house, and tend to put an end to the unfortunate divisions
and distractions of the country." Mr. Dundas objected
to this motion, principally upon two grounds ; that it was
contrary to the wishes of the people, expressed in their

193
late addresses to the throne, and that it was hostile to the
scheme of union, which it was the intention of the for
mer motion to promote. Upon the first point, he said,
that the present ministers, whom it was the object of the
motion to remove, enjoyed the confidence of the public,
in a most honorable and eminent degree ; and upon the
second, he expressed a hope, that members, who had
"voted for the last motion* would see an obvious contra
diction to it in the present — that they would consider the
present motion as unfriendly to the principles of unani
mity, and find it impossible to give it their concurrence.
Mr. Fox replied to Mr. Dundas, in a speech of increased
violence : In noticing what Mr. Dundas had said, rela
tive to the popularity of the present administration, he
said, " I will not hesitate to affirm, that there is an inten
tion in ministers to establish themselves on a foundation
unfriendly to the constitutional privileges of this house.
They court the affection of the people ; and on this foun
dation they wish to support themselves, in opposition to
the repeated resolutions of this house. Is not this de
claring themselves independent of parliament ? Is not
this separating the house of commons from their consti
tuents, annihilating our importance, and avowedly erect
ing a monarchy on the basis of an affected popularity,
independent of, and uncontrollable by, parliament ? Such
a scheme I can view under no other aspect than as a
system of the basest tyranny, and calculated to accom
plish the ruin of the liberties of the country. Such a
system of despotism is indeed the most likely to origi
nate in men, who carry on their schemes by the machi
nations of dark intrigue, of men who have stabbed the
constitution, by means of secret influence in one depart
ment of government, and are now prepared to perpetrate
similar assassinations, by methods of the basest corrup
tion in another. I hope, however, that members will
attend to these designs of ministers, masked under the
most dangerous and imposing appearances, and that they
will rescue the country from the hands of those, who are
only distinguished by the dirtiness of their political in
trigue, and their violations of the privileges of this house.
I hope that such ministers will finally see the danger of
Vol. I. B b

194
their situation, and that this house will no longer suffer
itself to be insulted by its own moderation." He called
upon ministers to descend from their situation, to resign
their offices, and to cease any longer to defy the maxims
of their ancestors, and to resist the authority of that house;
and he intimated, in the language of threat, that " though
he and his friends ought to pause with deliberation over
every step of their procedure, yet, if ministers persevered
in retaining their offices, it would be necessary to adopt
measures with proper solemnity, which must finally re
store the insulted honor of the house." Towards the
end of his speech he again asserted, that Mr. Pitt had
sought power through the means of base corruption and
dark intrigue, and that he had " prostituted himself into
the character of a mean tool of secret influence ;" and he
concluded with these words, " I call, therefore, on coun
try gentlemen to stand aloof from a ministry, who have
established themselves in power by means so unconsti
tutional and destructive."
Mr. Powys followed Mr. Fox, and declared, that
though he had done every thing in his power to prevent
the passing of the late resolutions against ministers ; that
though those resolutions were, in his opinion, hastily pro
posed, grounded on doubtful and unauthenticated pre
mises, and holding out unfair conclusions ; and though
he thought it hard to condemn a minister untried, and
though he approved of the few measures of Mr. Pitt's
government, and, in one instance, thought his conduct
noble, disinterested, and genuine* ; yet, notwithstanding
the high opinion he entertained of his abilities and inte
grity, and the great respect he had for him personally,
yet he should vote for the present motion, while the for
mer resolutions remained upon the journals. At the
same time, he owned the delicacy of Mr. Pitt's situation,
who certainly had a right to vindicate his honor ; and he
did not wish to see him quit the fortress, in which he
was at present, and come with a servile humility, to de
liver the keys of it to its besieger. The right honorable
gentleman could not be expected to agree to march out
with a halter about his neck ; he desired not that he should
* Mr. Powys alluded to Mr. Pitt's disposal of the clerkship of the pells.

195
undergo any disgrace ; he had not deserved it. Mr. Po
wys, reluctant, probably, to vote against Mr. Pitt, at last
said, that if Mr. Pitt would move the previous question
upon the present resolution, for the purpose of re-consi
dering and rescinding the former resolutions, he would
vote with him ; if not, thinking as he did, that those re
solutions and the present administration ought not to ex
ist together, much as his opinion was adverse to the re
solutions, and sincere as the pains had been which he
had taken to prevent their passing, he should think that
the house could not negative the present motion.
Mr. Pitt disdained to have recourse to the previous
question, for the sake of gaining the vote of Mr. Powys.
It was more suitable to his open and manly disposition to
meet the question fully and fairly ; and therefore he im
mediately rose, and told Mr. Powys, that he declined
moving the previous question, as he thought himself
bound to give his direct negative to the present motion.
He said, however, that he did not comprehend, how any
person, who disapproved the former resolutions, could
consistently support the present, which rested on the
same principles, and was a natural consequence of them.
He then adverted to the warm language which Mr. Fox
had used, and said, that he had himself, during the whole
series of the late extraordinary debates, in which, resolu
tions personal to himself were moved, endeavoured to
avoid being caught by the violence of the proceedings,
and had preserved as calm and governed a temper as the
nature of the case would admit of. Had he been less
guarded, the circumstances which had occurred, would
have justified him. The house had been carried step by
step, as it were, from one resolution to another, without a
fair discussion of any one of them, on its own proper merits.
The first resolution, the house would recollect, had been
passed at the unusual hour of six in the morning, and
with little or no debate. The second, in a manner grew
out of the first ; and that was immediately followed by a
third, which Mr. Fox had desired the house to consider
as a corollary to the preceding ; and that as such, having
voted the former resolutions, they were bound to vote
that as matter of course. Thus artfully had the house

196
been kept from examining any one of the various ques
tions, which had been brought forward singly, and had
been insidiously led on from one to another, without
knowing whither they were to be carried, or at what de
gree of violence they were to be permitted to stop. He
begged them, however, to consider the present question
as it really was, and to ask themselves, if it was at all
likely to further the purpose of the motion, which had
been voted that day. For his part, so far from its hav
ing such tendency, he could consider it no otherwise than
as an effectual bar to the union so much desired by the
respectable and independent gentlemen, who had called
for such a measure, and had exerted themselves in so
laudable a manner to bring it about. The honorable
gentleman who spoke last, had talked of the fortress in
which he (Mr. Pitt) was situated, and had declared, that
he did not wish him to march out of it, with a halter
round his neck. The only fortress he knew of, or ever
desired to have a share in defending, was the fortress of
the constitution. For that he would resist every attack,
and every attempt to seduce him out of it, that could
be made. With what regard to personal honor or public
principle, could it be expected that he should consent to
march out of it, with a halter about his neck, change his
armour, and meanly beg to be re-admitted, and consi
dered as a volunteer in the army of the enemy ? To put
himself into such a predicament, and to trust to the foe
to loosen and take from his neck the halter, which he
was expected to march out with, was a degree of humi
liation to which he would never condescend : and he
spoke not merely for himself, but for much greater men
with whom he acted, and whose sentiments upon the
subject, he was persuaded he delivered distinctly. After
speaking upon this point, in a style of spirited eloquence,
he said, wishing as he did to meet the desires of the re
spectable and independent gentlemen, by acceding to an
union upon principle, he had done every thing in his
power to facilitate such a measure ; that the sacrifice of
the sentiments of men of honor, was no light matter ; and
when it was considered how much was to be given up,
in order to open a negotiation for an union — when it was

197
considered what insulting attacks had been made, and
what clamors had been excited, he conceived some re
gard ought to be paid to his being willing to comply
with the wishes of the respectable individuals, who had
called for an union of parties. To accomplish that ob
ject, was a matter greatly to be desired ; and for that,
and for that alone, was he ready to encounter the disa-
greeableness, which, after what had passed, must neces
sarily be supposed to be felt by him in acceding to the
proposition. With regard, however, to the resignation
of ministers, he must repeat, that he saw no reason for it.
If that house insisted upon their going out, there were
two constitutional means open to them ; either to pro
ceed by impeachment against them for their crimes, if
they had committed any, or by an immediate address to
the crown, to desire their removal. The removal of
ministers lay with the crown, and not with the house :
their remaining in office, therefore, with a view to keep
the country free from anarchy and confusion, and to pre
vent the goverment from falling a prey to that adminis
tration which had been removed, and who were ready to
force themselves upon the sovereign against his will,
was neither illegal nor unconstitutional ; there being no
law, or any principle of the constitution, which required
ministers to resign, because they had not the support of
that house. Mr. Pitt enlarged upon these ideas for
some time, and when he sat down, the house divided
upon the question, which was carried by a majority of
223 to 204.
Whoever considers the nature of this motion, and the
intemperate and offensive language with which it was
supported, must be convinced, that Mr. Fox and his
friends had, at this moment, no real desire to unite with
Mr. Pitt. They trusted to their majority ; and knowing
that a dissolution could not take place for several weeks,
as there did not now remain time for a new parliament
to meet, and pass a mutiny bill, before the 25th of
March, they confidently expected, that by harassing
Mr. Pitt with hostile motions, they should compel him
to resign, without condition or compromise, and reinstate
themselves in the full and undivided possession of

198
power. Having, however, found that he paid no regard
to the resolutions of the house, while they merely re
mained upon the journals, they determined to go one
step farther.
On the 3d, Mr. Coke expressed his concern that mi
nisters had not yet resigned ; and after desiring that the
two resolutions, which had passed the preceding evening,
might be read, he moved, " That the said resolutions be
humbly laid before his majesty, by such members of this
house, as are of his most honorable privy council." — This
motion produced a debate, in which neither Mr. Pitt,
lord North, nor Mr. Fox, took any part, except that
Mr. Fox said a few words upon a point of order ; but
several members spoke with great warmth, on both sides.
Mr. Wilberforce, in objecting to the motion, said, that
the house of commons had no right to interfere with the
executive power in the appointment or dismissal of minis
ters ; and that he had not approved of the conduct of the
opposite side of the house, from the beginning : it had
been divided into parts, with an intention secretly and
blindly to commit the house, and to carry it on from mea
sure to measure ; because the leaders well knew, that it
was only by those means that it could have been brought
to its present violent proceedings. It wras averred, that
ministers had come into office by unconstitutional means ;
and he wished to inquire into the truth of that assertion.
What were the circumstances? A noble person was
said to have given advice to his sovereign, on a bill pass
ing through the upper house. This advice he gave, with
out going in the dark, without taking any secret midnight
opportunity of gaining the royal ear. He had done it
publicly, and therefore, in his mind, fairly. There was
nothing unconstitutional in this : for it was a matter per
fectly understood, that his majesty had, by the constitu
tion, a number of hereditary counsellors, besides the par
ticular persons, who were for the time being his confiden
tial servants. And then, adverting to the charge, that the
royal word had been made use of to influence the votes of
the bedchamber lords, he asked, What had this to do
with the appointment of the present ministers ? If the
East India bill had passed the house of lords, with as

199
great a majority as it did the house of commons, still he
should have thanked the crown for dismissing the late
ministers. They had, in his mind, shewn themselves un
worthy the confidence of the country ; and his majesty
was entitled to the gratitude of his people, for dismissing
a set of ministers, capable of bringing into parliament
such a bill. In the course of his speech, Mr. Wilber-
force said, that Mr. Fox, by his coalition with lord North,
" had lost all confidence, all political reputation, all popu
larity." — At the end of the debate, Mr. Powys said, that
though he should vote for the motion, he did not hesitate
to pronounce Mr. Pitt the first political character in the
country ; but he was not greater than the constitution.
The house of commons had voted, that he ought not to
remain in office ; and the constitution required, that he
should comply with the resolution of that house. He
added, that Mr. Pitt had hard measures dealt out to him,
but he could not help it ; the house of commons must
judge for itself. A division took place, and the question
was carried by a majority of 24, the numbers being 211
and 187. Upon Mr. Fox's motion, the committee on
the state of the nation was then postponed to Monday, to
give time for knowing what effect this communication to
his majesty would produce ; and the house adjourned to
Thursday. It is necessary now to refer to some proceedings in
the house of lords. Soon after the Christmas recess, the
earl of Effingham called the attention of that house to the
resolution of the house of commons on the 24th of De
cember, by which it was declared, as we have seen," that
the lords of the treasury ought not to consent, that the
East India company should accept certain bills drawn
from India, which they were authorized by act of parlia
ment to empower the company to accept. He conten
ded, therefore, that the effect of this resolution was, to
supersede the operation of an act of parliament, which no
one branch of the legislature had a right to do ; such an
assumption of power might lead to the most mischievous
consequences. He also expressed his disapprobation of
the resolution of the house of commons, on the 16th of
January, relative to the appointment of the present minify

200
ters, and their continuance in office, contrary, as was al
leged, to the principles of the constitution. On the 4th
of February, his lordship brought forward two motions
in the house, one upon each o£ these subjects : " The
first motion was, " That an attempt in any one branch of
the legislature, to suspend the execution of law, by se
parately assuming to itself the direction of a discretionary
power, which by an act of parliament is vested in any
body of men, to be exercised as they shall judge expe
dient, is unconstitutional." The second motion was,
" That, according to the known principles of this excel
lent constitution, the undoubted authority of appointing to
the great offices of the executive government, is solely
vested in his majesty ; and that this house has every rea
son to place the firmest reliance in his majesty's wisdom,
in the exercise of this prerogative." These two motions
gave rise to a long and animated debate, in which all the
leading persons of both parties spoke. With respect to
the first motion, the lord chancellor asserted, that the
house of commons had no right to issue any order to the
lords of the treasury, relative to the exercise of a power
entrusted to them by act of parliament ; and declared,
that if he had been a lord of the treasury, he would have
disobeyed it, upon this plain principle, that nothing short
of an act of parliament, passed by the three estates of the
realm, can suspend any part of the statute or of the com
mon law of England. A division took place upon the
first motion, which was carried by a majority of 47, the
numbers being 100, and 53. The second motion passed
without a division. Lord Effingham, afterwards, on the
same day, moved an address to the king, founded upon
the second resolution, which was agreed to without a di
vision. The address was as follows :
" We, your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects,
the lords spiritual and temporal, in parliament assembled,
acknowledge, with great satisfaction, the wisdom of our
happy constitution, which places in your majesty's hands
the undoubted authority of appointing to all the great
offices of executive government. We have the firmest
reliance in your majesty's known wisdom and paternal

201
goodness, that you will be anxious to call into, and con
tinue in, your service, men the most deserving of the
confidence of your parliament, and the public in general.
In this confidence, we beg leave to approach your ma
jesty, with our most earnest assurances, that we will, on
all occasions, support your majesty in the just exercise
of those prerogatives, which the wisdom of the law has
entrusted to your majesty, for the preservation of our
lives and properties, and upon the due and uninterrupted
exercise of which must depend the blessings which your
people derive from the best of all forms of government."
This address was presented by the house to his ma
jesty, on the next day ; and he returned the following
answer :
" I thank you for this dutiful and loyal address ; and I
desire you will rest assured, that I have no object in the
choice of ministers, but to call into my service men the
most deserving of the confidence of my parliament, and
of the public in general. I cannot too often repeat my
assurances, that my constant study, in the exercise of
every prerogative entrusted to me by the constitution, is,
to employ it for the welfare of my people."
The king, in writing to Mr. Pitt on the day this ad
dress was expected to be moved in the house of lords,
expressed himself in this manner, after lamenting the
length to which the house of commons had gone : — " I
trust the house of lords will this day feel, that the hour is
come, for which the wisdom of our ancestors established
that respectable corps in the state, to prevent either the
crown or the commons from encroaching on the rights
of each other. Indeed, should not the lords stand boldly
forth, this constitution must soon be changed ; for, if the
two only remaining privileges of the crown are infringed,
that of negativing bills which have passed both houses of
parliament, and that of naming the ministers to be em
ployed, I cannot but feel, as far as regards my person,
that I can be no longer of utility to this country, nor can
with honor continue in this island." From this extract,
Vol. I. C c

202
coupled with the conclusion of his former letter, as well
as from other authorities, it is evident, that the king had,
at this time, serious intentions of retiring to Hanover, in
case Mr. Fox and his party should prevail.
No other debate took place in the house of lords during
this long contest. It was thought right, that the house of
lords should make a declaration of their sentiments, upon
the power assumed by the house of commons, and upon
the great constitutional question now depending ; but
that, this being done, they should abstain from any far
ther proceeding. It would, indeed, have been not only
unbecoming their dignity, but a gross dereliction of duty
in the hereditary guardians of the constitution, appointed
to maintain a just equilibrium in the state, had they re
mained silent spectators of what was going on in the
house of commons ; but, on the other hand, to interfere
so far as to make themselves parties in the dispute,
might have led to a breach between the two houses ;
which all, who recollected the history of the preceding
century, and whose first object it was to preserve to each
branch of the legislature, its respective rights and privi
leges, were wisely anxious to avoid. This patriotic mo
deration was perfectly conformable to the sentiments and
advice of Mr. Pitt, who was of course consulted concern
ing the line of conduct to be pursued in the house of
lords, upon this important occasion. It was, however,
no small satisfaction to him to find, that while he was
opposed by a majority in one house of parliament, the
members of the other declared in his favor in the propor
tion of nearly two to one; more especially, as his adver
saries boasted of being supported by most of the great
aristocratic families in the kingdom*.
I now return to the proceedings of the house of com
mons, which met, according to its adjournment, on
Thursday, the fifth of February, when lord Hinching-
brook informed the house, that he had had the honor of
laying their resolutions, of Monday last, before his ma-
• Some years afterwards, the head of one of the oldest families in the kingdom,
and of the highest rank, and who Ind been an uniform opponent of Mr. Pitt, said to
me, in conversing npon this struggle,;" Mr. Pitt beat the whole aristocracy of the
country.''

203
jesty, who had ordered him to acquaint the house, that
he would take them into consideration.
The members of opposition in the house of commons,
did not think it right to call in question the truth or pro
priety of the second of the two motions, which had pass
ed the house of lords the preceding evening ; but lord
Beauchamp, rising immediately after lord Hinchingbrook
had delivered his majesty's message, complained of the
first of these motions, denominating it an " unwarrantable
attack upon the privileges of the house of commons."
He said, that it was incumbent upon the house to take
some notice of that motion ; and therefore, as the regular
mode of bringing it before them, he moved, " That a
committee be appointed to examine the journals of the
house of lords, with respect to any proceedings or resolu
tions of that house, relating to any resolutions of this
house, of the 24th of December, and of the 12th and
16th days of January last, and to make report thereof to
the house." Mr. Pitt said, that he had no objection to
the motion, and acknowledged that the mode adopted by
lord Beauchamp, was strictly parliamentary, and con
formable to the practice of the house. He said, he was
unwilling to anticipate what might be the subject of fu
ture debate ; but he desired to remind the noble lord,
that the resolution of the 24th of December, passed
when he himself (Mr. Pitt,) and other persons now in
office, were not members of the house, and consequently
had not the power of resisting it. This observation called
up Mr. Fox, who spoke at some length, and with his
usual warmth, although the motion was not opposed.
In the course of his speech he said, that he had long
suspected, and the history of the last three weeks con
firmed his suspicions, that there was a plan in this coun
try, a conspiracy, to sink the importance of the house of
commons, and vilify them to their constituents, and to
the world. There was a settled design somewhere, to
render the commons subservient to the will of the crown,
and, consequently, useless to the constitution. He re
marked, that it was the constant practice of ministers,
when they found themselves supported by the house of
commons, to exaggerate its power, and its consequence ;

204
but when the house happened to be in opposition to
ministers, then it was cried down, then the prerogative of
the crown was mentioned in lofty strains ; and the lords
were called upon to vindicate their right, which they
were prompted to believe was invaded by the exercise of
the most constitutional powers of the house of commons.
Thus, praised when they supported ministers vilified and
traduced when they opposed them, the commons must at
last be rendered contemptible in the eyes of the public,
and unfit for any one of the purposes, for which they
formed a branch of the legislature. To render the house
of commons contemptible, and consequently useless, was
the obvious wish and object of those who had entered
into the conspiracy against it. The life of the house of
commons was aimed at : of this he declared, upon his
honor, he entertained not a doubt ; and when he spoke
of the house of commons, he did not mean the house
then sitting,, but the house of commons in an abstract
sense, as forming one of the three great branches of the
legislature. If this was not the design of the conspira
tors, would the world have seen that phenomenon in this
country, a minister insulting the house of commons, by
daily appearing on the treasury bench as a minister, after
the house of commons had declared, they could place no
confidence in him ; and after they had laid before his
majesty their resolutions, by way of advice to the crown,
to remove him and his colleagues ? And would the
house of lords have been called upon, to enter into reso
lutions against the house of commons, if there had not
been a settled design to insult and trample upon them ?
Was it not known, that in his majesty's cabinet there
were not wanting those, who were not the warmest friends
to the constitution, in its present form ? Was it not
known, that there were, in high legal situations* in this
country, persons, who held, and avowed in public, prin
ciples the most abhorrent to the constitution ? Could,
then, the house rest at ease under these circumstances ?
To this part of Mr. Fox's speech, Mr. Pitt replied,
" Equally well founded were the two assertions, that there
was a conspiracy to destroy the house of commons, and
" Lord Thurlow, lord chancellor, was the person to whom Mr. Fox alluded.

205
that there were in his majesty's council some persons, he
knew, not how many exceptions the right honorable gen
tleman might make, who were hostile to the present con
stitution. There might possibly be persons so credu
lous as to believe these idle and absurd assertions, and
to such persons it would be in vain to say any thing.
The right honorable gentleman, however, had gone so
far as to point out a learned lord, high in a legal office,
as a person, who holds in public, principles the most
opposite to the constitution. He wished the right ho
norable gentleman was less fond of general insinuation,
and that he would be pleased to state distinctly some of
the expressions of that noble lord, on which he might
be tried, on which he might defend himself. Until the
right honorable gentleman should produce some specific
charge, he should not attempt to defend a character,
which stood equally above censure and panegyric."
Mr. Dundas reminded Mr. Fox, that not long since
he had formed part of an administration with that learned
lord, of whom he now thought so ill, and that he used to
Call him " a very manly man." Mr. Fox confessed, that
he did not always remember his own expressions, and
that he might have called the learned lord by that name.
He concluded by saying, with a liberality which often
broke forth in the midst of his greatest warmth, " that he
did the right honorable gentleman, at the head of the
treasury, the justice to say, that he did not believe him
to be one of those, who aimed at the life of the house of
commons." Lord Bea'uchamp's motion having passed unanimous
ly, the committee appointed to inspect the journals of the
house of lords, presented their report on the 6th ; and on
the 9th, lord Beauchamp, for the purpose of evincing,
that the house of commons had, in the case in question,
acted agreeably to its practice on subjects of a similar
nature, moved, " That a committee be appointed to exa
mine into the usage of either house of parliament to in
terpose, touching the exercise or non-exercise of discre
tionary powers, vested in the servants of the crown, or
,in any body of men, for public purposes, and to report
the same to the house." This motion passed without
any observation.

206
The order of the day, for going into a committee on
the state of the nation, being then called for, governor
Johnstone rose, and desired, that Mr. Fox would produce
his India bill, which some time since he had declared to
be ready ; and asserted, that his not bringing it forward
was the cause of the stagnation of public business. Mr.
Fox, aware that his India bill, if introduced a second
time, would not be supported by the same majority in
the house of commons as before, and that it would un
questionably be rejected again by the house of lords, re
plied, that his bill was not ready, and avowed his opinion,
that it ought not to be introduced in the present unsettled
state of political affairs. He denied, that he was the cause
of the stagnation of public business, which, he said, was
to be attributed to " the obstinacy of a desperate set of
men, who persisted in the retention of their offices, not
withstanding the house had declared, that they did not
possess its confidence." He then stated, that as the king
had signified his most gracious intention to take into con
sideration the resolutions of the house of commons, lately
communicated to him, he wished the house to wave all
farther proceedings, till the effect of its former resolutions
upon the royal mind should be fully known ; and there
fore he proposed, that the order of the day, for going into
a committee upon the state of the nation, should be post
poned to Friday next. This motion, after a conversation
relative to some of the addresses lately presented to the
king, and to Mr. Fox's inconsistency in maintaining op
posite doctrines in the years 1780 and 1784, in which
Mr. Pitt took no part, passed unanimously, and the house
adjourned to the following day.
It was mentioned in the account of the parliamentary
proceedings of last year, that Mr. Pitt gave a decided
and effectual support to the receipt tax, an unpopular
measure of the then administration. In the present session,
lord John Cavendish, while chancellor of the exchequer,
had introduced a bill to enforce and render that tax more
productive ; but it had made very little progress, when
he quitted office. Though Mr. Fox and his party now
wished to stop all other public business, they determined
to push forward this bill, hoping, that if Mr. Pitt sup-

207
ported it, he would make himself unpopular ; or, if he
opposed it, that he would incur the imputation of incon
sistency. Accordingly, on the 10th of February, a mo
tion was made, that the bill should be committed. Mr.
Pitt declared, that he should vote for the motion ; and
announced his intention of delivering his farther senti
ments upon the subject, in the committee, which, it was
agreed, should take place on the following Thursday.
This point being settled, Mr. Pitt moved, that the re
port from the committee upon the ordnance estimates,
should be brought up. Mr. Fox said, that if it were in
tended, that the report should be then brought up, and
that it should be considered on some future day, he should
not oppose the motion ; but if it were intended to take
the estimates into consideration immediately, he should
oppose the motion, because he did not think it proper to
vote supplies, until it should be known what answer his
majesty would give, or whether he would give any at all,
to the resolutions which had been communicated to him.
When some information on that head should have been
given, then it would be for the house to consider what
measures ought to be adopted : but to give the sanction
of the house to the resolutions of the committee of sup
ply on the ordnance estimates, under present circum
stances, would be to carry on the most important business,
and to execute the highest, and now the only undisputed),
privilege of the house of commons, (how long it might
remain so, he could not tell,) that of voting money, while
there was, in reality, no government in the country ; or,
which might be deemed worse, a government existing
in defiance of that house. He understood, that there was
an intention to re-commit the report ; to this he had no
objection ; but he hoped, that no motion would be made
for taking the report into consideration, before Friday.
Mr. Pitt replied, that though a formal answer was not
to be expected from his majesty, in consequence of the
communication lately made to the throne, as in case of
an address, still no doubt it'was necessary, that by some
means or other, the house should be informed what line
of conduct his majesty intended to pursue; and, certainly,
such information would be given. Respecting the report

208
from the committee on the estimates, he observed, that
the house was not then full enough to debate so serious
a question, as whether the supply should be stopped.
He would, therefore, after the report should be received,
move, that-it be re-committed to-morrow ; and the house
might receive the report on Thursday. Mr. Fox said,
that <' if by stopping the supply, the right honorable gen
tleman meant refusing the supply, he would tell him, that
nothing was farther from his intention ; but if by stop
ping, he meant suspending, he would tell him, that he
thought the house ought to suspend it, until his majesty's
intentions should be known. Lord Beauchamp objected
to the proposed arrangement for the ordnance estimates,
because his motion stood for to-morrow ; but, after a te
dious conversation, it was agreed, that the ordnance esti
mates should be re-committed to-morrow, and that lord
Beauchamp should make his motion on Thursday.
As soon as the house met on the next day, Mr. Eden
referred to the report from the committee appointed to
take into consideration the frauds upon the revenue, and,
after a short speech, in which he complained of the pre
sent state of public affairs, and said, as he had done upon
a former occasion, that the country had only a nominal
ministry, he moved, " That this house doth agree with
the committee in the said resolution, that it appears that
the illicit practices used in defrauding the revenue, have
increased in a most alarming degree ; that those practices
are carried on upon the coasts, and in other parts of this
kingdom, with a violence, and with outrages, which not
only threaten the destruction of the revenue, but are
highly injurious to regular commerce and fair trade, very
pernicious to the manners and morals of the people, and
an interruption to all good government ; that the more
secret and illicit practices in the internal excise of this
kingdom, have also greatly increased; that the public
revenue is defrauded to an extent of not less than two
millions per annum ; and that these enormities and great
national losses, well deserve the earliest and most serious
attention of parliament." To this motion, which was
probably brought forward for the purpose of shewing
that the state of the revenue required a settled admi-

209
nistration, Mr. Pitt gave his consent, at the same time
expressing his conviction, that nothing but very strong
measures could put a stop to the fraudulent practices,
which had now risen to so formidable and mischievous a
height ; and declaring, that it would be the duty of the
house to take this important subject into their most se
rious consideration, as soon as circumstances would per
mit. Mr. Hussey, who had been a member of the commit
tee, then rose, and urged the enormous and increasing
frauds upon the public revenue, as one reason for imme
diately forming an efficient and united administration,
which might correct the alarming evil. He hoped that
Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox would make concessions not only
to each other, but to the exigencies of their country,
which, while they were contending, felt the consequences
to its vitals. He lamented, that the endeavors of the
gentlemen, who met at the St. Alban's tavern, for the
purpose of effecting this desirable object, had hithertq
been unsuccessful ; and he called upon Mr. Marsham,
who had taken the chair, in consequence of Mr. Gross
venor's indisposition, to read a resolution, which had
lately passed at their meeting, and which, he thought,
deserved the serious attention of the house. Mr. Mar-
sham expressed himself willing to comply with Mr.
Hussey's request, though he did not feel it to be a plea
sant thing to be called upon in so marked a manner, to
rise in the house. He said, that an union of all the vir
tues and abilities, which the country possessed, was the
cordial and unanimous wish of the gentlemen who met
at the St. Alban's tavern, and that to this object all their
exertions were directed. After expatiating upon the
abilities of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, and dwelling upon the
importance of their cordially uniting in government, he
informed the house, that the resolution alluded to, was to
the following effect : " That an administration, founded
on the total exclusion of the members of the last, or of
the present administration, would be inadequate to the
exigencies of the public affairs."
Mr. Fox rose immediately, and spoke with greater mo
deration than upon any late occasion. He said, that, on
Vol. I. D d

210
his part, there was no personal animosity or spleen, which
could stand in the way of a general and substantial union
of parties; and he trusted, that Mr. Pitt's mind was equal
ly free from every objection of that kind. He mention
ed several circumstances, both in the internal state of the
country, and in respect to foreign relations, which called
for an able, active, and industrious ministry, possessing
the confidence both of parliament and of the crown.
He paid many compliments to Mr. Pitt's abilities : he
respected what he had always understood to be his
political principles, none of which did any one whom he
had consulted, wish him to renounce. The union he
wished to see take place was, an union of principle.
There could, in his apprehension, be no personal conten
tion between Mr. Pitt and himself. He expressed a full
conviction, that Mr. Pitt was not slavishly attached to
the emoluments of office ; and he spoke of Mr. Pitt's
ambition as a noble and magnanimous passion, a love of
glory, a desire of reputation, grafted on the advantages,
which, he trusted, the country would one day reap from
his exertions in her service. He flattered himself, that
the house would give him credit for the same disinter
estedness and the same honorable ambition. Thus far
he thought their dispositions not dissimilar ; and he
acknowledged that Mr. Pitt always appeared to him as
aiming at the same great and desirable objects as himself,
and to act upon the same truly glorious, truly patriotic,
and truly constitutional grounds.
After this candid and conciliatory language, which it
would be difficult to reconcile with what Mr. Fox said
upon other occasions, he proceeded to state, that as on
this subject, however, he wished to conceal nothing, he
would say, that the only suspicion in his mind, and which
originated in the mode by which Mr. Pitt obtained and
kept possession of power, was, that he entertained an
opinion, that the crown might appoint a ministry, and
persist in supporting them, who had not the confidence
of the house of commons. He wished he might find the
suspicion ill-founded, but he dreaded to find it true ; for
then an union on such a principle was impossible. He
said, that he did not well understand where the difference

211
between himself and Mr. Pitt could lie ; and he thought,
that in consequence of the plan which he had in contem
plation, the principal objections to his India bill, on the
ground of patronage, might be removed ; but if any dis
cordance of opinion should still continue on that head, he
saw no impropriety in submitting even that to the dis
cussion and judgment of parliament. The only obstacle,
then, which remained, was the present situation of Mr.
Pitt and his party. He assured the house, as a man of
honor, that he saw no other hindrance to the union which
had been urged, than that now stated, which, being re
moved, he and Mr. Pitt might co-operate cordially ; and
the only struggle between them would be, an honorable
emulation, which should do his country the most essen
tial service. But he declared, that he would never treat
with men, while they refused to treat on constitutional
grounds ; that he meant only to support the constitutional
consequence of the representatives of the people of Eng
land ; and that a negotiation which admitted a precedent,
so destructive of it, was inconsistent with his personal
honor, and with his duty to his country.
Mr. Pitt followed Mr. Fox ; and in the course of his
speech, declared, as to union, it was not possible that any
man should wish for it more sincerely than he did, pro
vided it could be effected upon principle and with honor.
The right honorable gentleman, he said, had been pleased
to mention a subject, in the beginning of his speech,
which, in his opinion, ought to be the last consideration,
if an union, upon principle, could be obtained, and that
was, the consideration of personal arrangements. These
were not to be thought of as a matter, respecting which
there either could, or ought to, be any difficulty. He
said, he had no right to expect the right honorable gen
tleman to abandon his friends, or to desert his connexions.
He certainly had no such right ; and yet, upon an occa
sion like the present, he should neither do justice to him
self, nor act fairly by the right honorable gentleman, if he
did not speak without reserve. With regard to animo
sity, undoubtedly he entertained none against any man
breathing ; it was not, therefore, from animosity, or any
personal pique, that he said, there might be per-

212
sons, whose private character he respected, and whose
ablities were eminent, with whom he could not possibly,
upon public grounds, bring himself to act, or to sit in the
same cabinet*. If such persons there were, and they
would consent to sacrifice their views, and to remove
out of the way of union, they would do themselves
honor, and deserve the thanks of their country. The
right honorable gentleman has said, an union might take
place, in which one minister might look to the right
for confidence and support, and another to the left ; but
he thought a minister ought to look to both : he ought to
iook for the confidence of his sovereign, and for the'con-
fidence of that house — he would go farther ; he ought to
look for the confidence of the house of lords, and of the
people. He had said to the house before, and he would
repeat it, that there was no law of this kingdom, which
made it criminal in him to remain in office, notwithstand
ing a resolution of the house of commons. He would,
however, admit, that the confidence of that house was so
far necessary, that no administration could last, which
did not possess it. With respect to the resignation look
ed for by the right honorable gentleman, as a preliminary
to a treaty, he did not hesitate to say, thathe and his col
leagues were ready to resign, the moment there should
be a prospect of an administration being formed, by
whom the country might be effectually served. But
when he considered the duty he owed to his sovereign
and to the people, he could not reconcile it either to that
duty, or to his own honor, to resign sooner. With re
spect to the India bill, there were points, which he had
hitherto maintained, and from which he felt not the least
disposition to recede ; and if the part he had taken in
coming into office had produced no other good than that
of defeating a measure, which threatened ruin to the con
stitution of the country, he should ever think that he had
done a meritorious service. If such alterations should
be made by the right honorable gentleman, as would re
move the grounds of his apprehensions for the constitu
tion, he should find great consolation even in this, though
other parts should remain in the bill, to which his ob
jections were as strong as ever.
» Mr. Pitt alluded to lord North.

213
Lord North immediately said, it was impossible for
him not to perceive, that Mr. Pitt alluded to him as the
person with whom he could not act ; and, though evi
dently hurt by this exclusion, he declared, in a manly
and dignified manner, that he would not be an ob
stacle to the formation of that stable, extended, and
united administration, which the present distracted state
of the country required. Several members returned
thanks to lord North for his public-spirited conduct ;
and, after this long digression, Mr. Eden's motion passed
unanimously. The house then resolved itself into a
committee of supply ; and after a tedious conversation,
relating principally to the expediency of building fortifi
cations for the protection of our dock yards, the ordnance
estimates were voted without a division ; and it was
agreed, that the report should be received on Friday.
On the following day, lord John Cavendish moved,
that the house should resolve itself into a committee on
the receipt tax act, and a division took place, upon the
question for the speaker's leaving the chair, which was
carried by 162 to 33 ; Mr. Pitt voting in the majority,
and thus declaring his approbation of the principle of the
bill. Several amendments were proposed, to which he
gave his assent, and they were adopted.
The house being resumed, lord Beauchamp made a
report from the committee, to whom it had been referred
to examine the journals, and search for precedents, rela
tive to instructions given by that house, to persons vested
with a discretionary power, touching the exercise or non-
exercise of that discretion. The report contained a great
number of precedents ; and as soon as it was read by
the clerk, Mr. Dundas observed, that it was impossible,
at that moment, to determine how many of the prece
dents applied to the case in question, and that some de
lay was necessary, to allow gentlemen time to look into
the history of the transactions, on which the precedents
were founded : he therefore moved, that the report
should be printed, which motion passed without a divi
sion ; and it was agreed, that the report should be taken
into .consideration on the Monday following.
On that day, lord Beauchamp, after expatiating upon

214
the precedents referred to in the report, moved six resolu
tions, in which it was asserted, that the house of com
mons had not assumed to itself any right to suspend the
execution of law ; that the resolution of the 24th of De
cember, relative to the acceptance of bills from India, was
comformable to the principles of the constitution — agree
able to the usage of parliament in such cases — founded
in a sense of duty towards the people of the kingdom —
dictated by a becoming anxiety for the preservation of
the revenue and the support of public credit — and called
for by the unsettled and embarrassed state of the East
India company ; and that the house of commons would
persevere in maintaining its own privileges, without en
croaching on those of either of the other branches of the
legislature. In the course of the debate which followed,
Mr. Pitt, in replying to Mr. Fox, noticed the strong terms
of asperity and indignation in which he had condemned
the conduct of the house of lords ; and accused him of
endeavoring to make a breach between the two houses
of parliament : he disapproved of the resolution of the
24th of December ; but as there was some ambiguity in
its meaning, he thought, that in the present state of things,
it would be best to move the previous question ; the mat
ter, he said, would then stand thus ; — the house, though
they had passed the resolution, now felt a conviction of
its impropriety, and, without entering into any explana
tion of their conduct, confessed its inconsiderate tendency,
by refusing to take notice of the censure they had receiv
ed. This was the moderate way of proceeding, and this
was the mode which he preferred, as he did not wish to
imitate the right honorable gentleman, all whose profes
sions were for peace, temper, and moderation, but whose
measures were for the reverse. The right honorable gen
tleman was for ever talking about the moderation of his
conduct, and for ever charging him, and his friends, with
all the heat and intemperance which occurred in that
house ; and yet, though this was his constant language,
it was never his practice. Mr. Pitt declared himself to
be a friend of order and concord. The great desire and
object of his heart was unanimity, if it could be procured
on public principles, and on grounds, upon which men of

215
honor could stand. The house divided upon Mr. Pitt's
motion for the previous question, which was lost by a
majority of 29 : the numbers were 186 and 157. This
being a business upon which the house stood pledged,
and which related in some degree to its privileges, this
small increase in the majority ought not, perhaps, to ex
cite surprise. Lord Beauchamp's six resolutions after
wards passed without a division ; and the house adjourn
ed to the 18th.
As soon as the house met on that day, Mr. Pitt rose,
not, as he said, to deliver a regular message from the
king, but merely to inform the house, that his majesty,
after a full consideration of the resolutions of that house,
which had been communicated to him, and of all the cir
cumstances with which they were connected, had not
thought proper to dismiss his ministers ; nor had the min
isters resigned. Mr. Fox immediately expressed his as
tonishment and concern at this declaration of Mr. Pitt,
which he acknowledged to be distinct and explicit. He
said, that the situation of the country was new, and ex
traordinary indeed. — That the house of commons had
never before received such an answer from a prince of
the Brunswick line, a flat and peremptory negative to their
sentiments and wishes. He alluded, in marked terms,
to the times of Charles the first, in which, as in the pre
sent contest, the house of commons was at variance with
the other branches of the legislature* ; and asserted, that
the want of confidence between the house of commons
and administration, was the cause of the many calamities
which happened in some of the reigns prior to the revo
lution. He affirmed, that there was now a settled plan
for governing the country, without a house of commons,
and independently of the people ; but he trusted, that the
firmness and magnanimity of mat virtuous and respecta
ble majority, who had gone so far, and done so much5,
would not fail, on so critical and trying an occasion ; —
that a direct and avowed defiance was now given to the
house ; that, under circumstances so novel and so unpre
cedented, he wished to recommend to the house, to pause,
* Had the house of commons now gained the ascendancy, as in the time of Charles
the first, the consequence might have been equally fatal to the constitution.

216
and to wave, for a very short time, the question of sup
plies, which stood for that day, that gentlemen might
come on a future day, perfectly awake to the situation, in
which they were now placed by his majesty's answer to
the resolutions laid before him by .order of the house.
He said, that this proposition was free from objection, as
no mischief or danger could arise from postponing the re
port of the ordnance estimates. How long it might be
proper for the house to maintain a system of moderation
and delicacy, he did not know ; but he was anxious they
should depart from it, in the present stage of the business,
as little as possible. That his majesty had a legal right
to appoint whom he pleased, and even to continue those
whom he had appointed, to be his ministers, in opposition
to the sentiments of that house, he pretended not to dis*
pute ; but at the same time it should, he said, be remem
bered, that the house of commons had a right, equally
undeniable, to grant and distribute the public money, in
the manner, and at the time, they should judge most pro
per. He then proceeded to state, that as the measures
adopted by the house, had not produced their desired ef
fect, others were consequently necessary. What these
should be, it did not become him to say, it did not be
come the house immediately to say. But, in his opinion,
something farther was necessary. To stop the supplies,
he knew, as well as any other man, was an expedient,
which could only be justified by the last extremity. He
begged, however, to declare, that he, for one, was not yet
ripe to adopt such a strong measure. He was unwilling
to use any language, which might be capable of miscon
struction ; but it was fair and manly to say, that the de
sign, of ruling the country without the voice of the peo
ple, was now obvious. He would readily absolve Mr.
Pitt from any imputation of that sort ; but he would not
so readily absolve those who had secretly advised his ma
jesty to appoint a set of men to the executive government
of this country, in opposition to a majority of the house
of commons. He was satisfied Mr. Pitt could not be
where he was, from choice. Was any one, then, who
saw and admired the display of his great and splendid
abilities, more sensible of their improper application than

217
he was ? He certainly meant no personal disrespect, and
he persuaded himself that Mr. Pitt would not take it in
that light, when he intimated a suspicion, that he was the
dupe of those who were enemies to the Constitutional im
portance of that house. Mr. Fox concluded by repeat
ing, that he wished to allow gentlemen time to reflect
upon the steps which had been already taken, and to
consider what might be farther necessary to put a proper
period to the contest, which had, unhappily, so long in
terrupted the business of the public ; and therefore he
moved, that the house should adjourn to the next day.
This speech may be considered as a masterpiece of
art and ingenuity. Mr. Fox was convinced, by Mr.
Pitt's declaration on that day, for which he was fully pre
pared, that the resolutions of the house of commons,
which had been passed, and communicated to the king,
had made no impression, either upon his majesty or upon
Mr. Pitt; and therefore it now remained for him to as
certain, whether the majority, which he had hitherto
commanded, would support him in still more violent
measures. The ordnance estimates afforded him a fair
opportunity of making an experiment, with respect to
stopping the supplies ; but he was aware that this was a
point which required to be touched with the utmost de
licacy. And accordingly he said, that he had not him
self determined whether it would be right to proceed to
such a length ; and that, being doubtful what line of con
duct it would be proper for the house to adopt, in its
present new and unprecedented situation, he was desi
rous that gentlemen should have time to consider and
reflect upon what they had just heard from Mr. Pitt.
All that he positively affirmed was, that something was
necessary to be done. Leaving it, therefore, open to
himself to act as he should hereafter see expedient, he
had recourse to the plausible proposal of adjournment to
the next day only ; a delay, from which it was impossible
that any inconvenience could arise to the public service.
Mr. Fox well knew, that he could not divide the house
upon a question, in which any impediment to the sup
plies was concerned, more moderate in itself, or resting
upon more specious and less exceptionable grounds. At
Vol. I. E e

218
the same time, the result would fully answer the purpose
which he had immediately in view, and which was of the
utmost moment to him, namely, to be able to form a
judgment of the temper and disposition of the house,
upon the grand subject of withholding the supplies. In
one part of his speech, he endeavored to alarm ; in ano
ther to conciliate ; in a third, he threatened. He repre
sented, that there was a settled design to annihilate the
importance of the house of commons, in order to per
suade members, that by supporting the present ministers,
they were contributing to their own degradation and in
significance ; but as Mr. Pitt's character and well-known
principles would exempt him from any imputation of that
sort, he ascribed this design solely to an interior cabinet,
to secret advisers, of whom Mr. Pitt was the unconscious
tool and instrument. This might be said with a view
also to rouse, as Mr. Fox would call it, the spirit of Mr.
Pitt, of whose eloquence and talents he spoke in terms of
high commendation : and to obviate any objection or
prejudice against himself, he declared his anxiety for
pacific measures, and asserted his love of moderation.
He admiited that he might be some times warm in de
bate, but contended, that no one could point out any
instance of violence or inconsiderateness in his public
conduct. He even allowed the right of the king to nomi
nate his own ministers, and to continue them in office,
although that concession could not be reconciled with his
former assertion, that Mr. Pitt was the unconstitutional
minister of the crown.
Mr. Powys followed Mr. Fox, and supported his mo
tion, representing it as " temperate, and as the only means
of giving the house a breathing time, in the prospect that
a compromise might be brought about, which he still
thought practicable. He said, that the house must sup
port its own resolutions ; that he wished on a subsequent
day to propose a moderate measure, namely, that the
house should either present an address to the king, or
pass a resolution, declaring their confident hope, that his
majesty would take measures, which should give effect
to their resolutions. He professed, that he had still the
highest opinion of Mr. Pitt, and retained the most perfect

219
reliance upon the patriotism and integrity which he had
uniformly shewed ; trusting that he would yet delibe
rately consider the merits of his situation, and yield to the
pressing calls of his country. It was the saying of a
distinguished writer : That there were some men, whose
abilities were born with them; some men, who achieved
abilities ; and a third set, upon whom abilities wTere
thrust. These, the writer said, were the three orders of
able men; and all these three distinctions of ability, in his
opinion, met and were combined in Mr. Pitt. He had
the greatest respect for him ; and in taking the part
which he did upon the present occasion, he by no means
intended opposition personally to him."
Mr. Pitt, in his reply to Mr. Fox and Mr. Powys, said,
" an attempt has been made to color the putting off
the supplies, as if it were only the pause of a moment,.
and that this pause was occasioned by a circumstance
which the house had not foreseen, and which put parlia
ment, the country, and public affairs in quite a new situa
tion. Allowing all this to be true, which he would not
allow but for the sake of argument, how could such an
explanation make any alteration in facts, which the least
discerning might see through ? The supplies, were, to
all intents and purposes, stopped. The right honorable
gentleman affects to call it postponing; but he trusted the
public would see the trick attempted to be put upon
them, and upon the house. It was too shallow to have
effect. It could not, he was well persuaded, succeed
against the good sense of the people of this country. But
why would not gentlemen come openly and plainly for
ward ? He was sure no man would doubt, that he
allowed the right of the house of commons to withhold
the supplies, whenever the circumstances of the case
would justify such a measure ; but he hoped no man
would say, that the present was a crisis of that kind. He
contended, that his majesty not having dismissed his mi
nisters, because that house, without a trial, had thought
proper to condemn them, was not a sufficient reason for
calling that right into exercise. The right honorable
gentleman, conscious that he was in reality stopping the
supplies, was, very prudently and consistently, unwilling

220
to push the question. It was then only, that the conduct
of his majesty's ministers could be fully investigated. It
was on that ground, and for that end, he would urge the
going into the question ; and he challenged those on the
other side to meet it fairly, openly, and without disguise
or subterfuge. For, in that discussion, the different mo
tives of the contending parties would appear ; and he
would say, with the utmost confidence and sincerity, that
it was a discussion for which he was anxious, as he
knew from the temper and principles of the house, that
the facts which would be substantiated, and the truths
which would be established, would make them reluctant,
indeed, to withhold the supplies, on which the harmony
and energy of government depended, and for which the
national faith was pledged.
" Many of the right honorable gentleman's arguments
had been addressed personally to him ; but with what
propriety, gentlemen of feeling and delicacy would judge.
There were points, he observed, in personal honor, which
no man of spirit could for any object whatever forego ;
and whatever were his connections or attachments, he
hoped never to forfeit feelings, without which he could
not retain consistently any opinion of himself. He would,
therefore, declare, once for all, that he considered his
personal honor deeply and inseparably concerned in the
situation which he at present held ; and that he would
not, on any account, or by any means, first resign, and
then stoop to negotiate : that would be, to leave his place
in order to make part of a new administration. What !
would he tell the world by such a step as this, that he
was capable of sacrificing every thing to the love of
power ? No; it did not become him to trifle in this man
ner, either with his own character, or with his majesty's
confidence. But he was told, that at present he was con
nected with persons who contaminated him. Would
this be anywhere else believed? And what was the
meaning of all these repealed personalities, but that he
should relinquish one set of men, in whom he trusted,
and knew he could trust with safety, for another ; that
he should begin to serve his country, by doing a private
injury to those, whom he could not but regard with es«-

221
teem ; that he should be obliged, for a paltry share in
office, to sacrifice his personal feelings ; and treat those,
with whom he had long lived in habits of intimacy and
confidence, with a neglect bordering on perfidy? He
was convinced, that the house, and the public, "those at
least who knew him, did not expect him to be capable
of purchasing the honor of office at so dear a rate. These
were his deliberate sentiments upon a subject, with which
he had been much pressed ; and he hoped they would
be considered as final." The debate was continued to
a late hour ; and, upon a division, the question for ad
journment was carried by a majority of only 12, the num
bers being 208 and 196 ; and thus the receiving of the
report of the ordnance estimates, was postponed.
I well remember, that the friends of Mr. Pitt congra
tulated each other upon this small majority, and that it
afforded to many, who had hitherto desponded, a ray of
hope, that he would ultimately triumph. The postpone
ment of the ordnance estimates instantly excited so much
alarm without doors, that several members, who had
voted for the adjournment, were induced publicly to de*
clare, the next day, that, by so doing, they had no inten
tion to refuse the supplies, but merely wished to allow
time for consideration ; and to give some color and sup
port to this assertion, Mr. Powys informed the house,
that he should, to-morrow, propose a motion, of the na
ture which he had mentioned yesterday, as a necessary
previous measure to the granting of the supplies; he pro
mised, that after his motion should be passed, he would
vote for the ordnance estimates. This anxiety in oppo
sition members to disclaim all idea of finally stopping
the supplies, arose from a conviction, that such an act
would not be endured in the country, and that it might
affect their re-election, in case of a dissolution ; and the
small majority, upon the proposal to defer one branch of
the supply, by no means the most important, only for a
single day, rendered it certain, that the house of com
mons would not consent to any strong motion upon that
subject. Even Mr. Fox said, that "he thought last
night, and thought still, that the supply ought not to be
withheld ; but he thought also, that it ought not to be

222
voted unconditionally. Some measure ought previously
to be taken, such, for instance, as that which had been
alluded to by the honorable gentleman who spoke last
but one (Mr. Powys). Upon the adoption of some mea
sure of that kind, he was ready to vote the supply, rely
ing with the utmost confidence, that his majesty would
attend to the voice of his faithful commons, and gratify
those wishes, with which their anxiety for the constitu
tion inspired them."
Mr. Pitt declared, " that he would not enter into any
compromise ; he would not stipulate any condition for
the passing of the supply. When any proposition should
be submitted to the house, it would be for the house to
dispose of it as they should think proper ; but he would
never make a compromise upon the subject." Mr. Fox
replied, that he wanted no compromise, and desired the
right honorable gentleman to remember that he (Mr.
Fox) was not pledged to vote for the supply ; he thought
it ought to be voted ; but, at the same time, he thought
the vote ought to be preceded by some other ; without
which, he was of opinion, the supply ought still to be
postponed a little longer ; and the more so, as this parti
cular supply was not in its nature very pressing. The
conversation continued for some time, but at last Mr.
Fox proposed, that the committee on the state of the na
tion should be deferred till Monday ; soon after which
the house adjourned.
On the next day, Mr. Powys, after a speech of some
length, moved the following resolution : " That this house,
impressed with the most dutiful sense of his majesty's
paternal regard for the welfare of his people, relies on his
majesty's royal wisdom, that he will take such measures as
may tend to give effect to the wishes of his faithful com
mons, which have been already most humbly represented
to his majesty." This resolution, in its present shape,
being considered by Mr. Fox's party, as not sufficiently
pointed to the object, which they had more immediately
in view, Mr. Eden moved, as an amendment, that after
the words " measures as," the following words should
be inserted, " by removing any obstacle to the formation
of such an administration as this house has declared to be

223
requisite, in the present critical and arduous situation of
public affairs." It being agreed, that this amendment,
which aimed at the dismissal of ministers, should form
part of the motion, a long debate ensued, in which Mr.
Pitt delivered the following speech, in reply to Mr. Fox,
who, in the course of his speech, had reprobated the nu
merous addresses lately presented to the king, in support
of ministers, and had said, that if ministers persevered in
their obstinacy, it wOuld be justifiable in the house to
withhold the supplies :
" The right honorable gentleman, Sir, has gone
through so vast an expanse of matter ; he has embarked
the house in so wide an ocean of politics, that it is im
possible for me to follow him through the whole course
of his speech. I beg leave, however, while both the
house and myself are fresh in the recollection of it, to
press upon them again, what the right honorable gentle
man himself, at the close of his speech, has this day,
at last, been driven to confess, though I had long labor
ed, and, as I began to fear, had labored in vain, to con
vince him of it, namely, that if the right honorable gen
tleman, and the noble lord in the blue ribbon, should
regain their situation, their restoration would not ensure
the restoration of peace, of happiness, and of content to
this distracted country. The right honorable gentleman
now confesses it ; and yet, sir, he ought also to confess,
and to know and feel, that his present measures do most
directly tend to the re-establishment of that coalition, to
the certain exclusion of his majesty's present ministers,
and to that very calamity, which he himself now begins
to dread, and with the dread of which I had so strenu
ously endeavoured to inspire the house. Procrastination
is now become his plan. I wish not to be understood
as calling out for violent measures ; but this I will say,
that merely to temporize, is no man's duty at the present
moment. If, therefore, every violence is intended
against this administration, let us not keep the country in
suspense, but let us advance, like men, to the issue of
this contest. The present question is weak and feeble,
compared with those which have gone before it ; and I
dare say, therefore, every gentleman must expect that it
will be- without effect:

224
" The right honorable gentleman, sir, has appeared
to-night in a character perfectly new to him, but which
he has supported (as, indeed, he supports every one of
his characters,) with wonderful dexterity ; he is, to-night,
the champion of the majority of this house, against the
voice of the people. * Imposture' was the word used by
his learned friend ; the right honorable gentleman im
proves upon the idea, arid tells you, that ' imposture^ was
a word used merely by way of civility. It is by way of
complimenting the people of England, that the right
honorable gentleman says, their opinions are founded in
imposture ; and then by way of libelling these addresses,
and of libelling this reign, he recals to your mind the ad
dresses offered in the infamous reign of king Charles the
second, affecting to furnish the house with a case some
what in point ; and warning them not to trust at all to the
most unanimous addresses of the people of England, by
summarily mentioning those which were offered to that
monarch, requesting the crown to take into its hands
and protection, the several charters of this country. Sir,
I beg these allusions may not pass off unexplained ; the
case was this : — after many cruel and scandalous deci
sions in the courts, against chartered companies, in a fit
of desperation, the several corporations offered their
charters to the crown, as the only protection against this
tyranny ; and shall I hear this cited by way of libelling
the addresses of the people at this time ? I believe, in
truth, sir, the right honorable gentleman is surprised and
exasperated at the manly spirit of the people in these
times, who will not wait till their charters are prostituted
to the purpose of ministers, and then seek relief by
yielding them to the crown ; but who boldly resist the
violation in the first instance, and who are as hardy in
their resistance, as the right honorable gentleman has
been in his attack.
" But, says the right honorable gentleman, how should
the people understand the India bill ? Do they know all
the abuses in India ? True, sir, the people mav not have
read all your voluminous reports ; neither, perhaps, have
one half of the members of this house read them ; but,
sir, they know that no correction of abuses in India, not

225
even the rescuing India from loss or annihilation, could
compensate for the ruin of this constitution. The plain
sense of this country could see that objection to the India
bill, which I could never persuade the right honorable
gentleman to advert to : they could see that it raised up
a new power in this constitution : that it stripped at
once the crown of its prerogative, and the people of their
chartered rights ; and that it created that right honorable
gentleman the dictator of his king and his country.
" But, sir, the right honorable gentleman ventures still
to deny, that the addresses have sufficiently marked what
is the opinion of the people ; and then he talks of battles
at Reading, of battles at Hackney, and battles at West
minster. At Reading, sir, I understand there was no
battle ; the county addressed unanimously, against the
opinion, and in the face of its members, although the
honorable member (major Hartley) assures you, how he
exerted his oratory to deprecate the address. As for
Hackney, I behold over against me a most valiant chief
tain (Mr. Byng*,) who is just returned from that field
of Mars ; whose brow, indeed, is not, as before, adorned
with the smile of victory, but from whose mouth, I
doubt not, we shall hear a faithful, although,; alas, sir, a
most lamentable history of that unfortunate flight and
defeat. Whether at Westminster, it is sufficient proof
of victory, to say, ' the people would not even hear me :'
whether that right honorable gentleman (Mr. Foxf ,) who
once could charm the multitude into dumb admiration of
his eloquence, and into silent gratitude for his exertions
in the cause of freedom, and of his country ; whether, he
the champion of the people, once emphatically named
the ' man of the people,' is now content with the exe
crations of those multitudes, who once, perhaps, too
much adored him ; whether, in short, sir, the sonorous
voice of my noble friendj, was a host itself, or whether
it might not have become a host, by being joined to the
voices of the host around him, all these are points I will
not decide ; but sure I am, that the right honorable gen-
• Mr. Byng was one of the members for Middlesex, and a partizan of Mr. Fox.
¦)• Mr. Fox was member for Westminster.
* Mr. Pitt alluded to lord Mahon.
Vol. I. F f

226
tleman will not persuade me, that the voice of the people
is with him, if Westminster is his only example. There
is one thing the right honorable gentleman proves, merely
by strong affirmations ; to which, therefore, I can only
oppose affirmations as strong, on my part. He says, his
late majorities have been composed of men the most in
dependent in their principles, respectable in their situa
tions, and honorable for their connexions : I can only af
firm, as roundly, in answer, that the minority is by no
means inferior to them, in point either of principles, of
respectability, or of independence. Having thus dis
posed of the people, and of the minority in the house of
commons, large as it certainly is, the right honorable
gentleman proceeds next to dispose of the majority in the
house of lords, and he denies that they were respectable.
Sir, if the right honorable gentleman will trouble himself
with this kind of calculation, I am not afraid to triatch the
majority there against the minority, either on the score of
independence, of property, of longr hereditary honors,
of knowledge of the law arid constitution, or on the score
of any thing that can give respect and dignity to peerage.
And, Mr. Speaker, when I lOok near me [looking at
Mr. Pratt,] when I see near whom I am now standing,
I am not afraid to place in the front 'of that battle (for at
that battle the noble peer, whom I allude to^ was not
afraid to buckle on his old armor, and march forth, as if
inspired with his youthful vigor, to the charge ;) I say,
sir, I am not afraid to place foremost, at the head, and in
the very front of that battle, that noble and' illustrious
peer (lord Camden,) venerable as he is for his 'years,
venerable for his abilities, adored arid venerated through
the country, on account of his attachment to this glo
rious constitution, high in rank arid honor, and possess
ing, as he does, in these tumultuous times, an equanimity
and dignity of mind, that render him infinitely superior
to that wretched party-spirit, with which the world may
fancy us to be infected.
" But, sir, I am carried away too far; rriy Warm adini-
ration of the subject has hurried me into expressions,
perhaps, not perfectly becoming the strictness of this de
bate. The point which I should particularly speak to,

227
and the great subject of contention between us, is, whe
ther J shajl resign, in order afterwards to return into
office; and the example of the noble lord in the blue
ribbon, is held out for my imitation ; for he, it is said, is
willing to sacrifice his personal pretensions for the sake
of unanimity. Good God ! Mr. Speaker, can any thing
that I have said, subject me to be branded with the im
putation of preferring my personal situation, to the public
happiness ? Sir, I have declared, again and again, only
prove to me, that there is any reasonable hope, shew me
but the most distant prospect, that my resignation will at
all contribute to restore peace and happiness to the coun
try, and I will instantly resign. But, sir, I declare, at
the same time, I will not be induced to resign as a pre
liminary to negotiation ; I will not abandon this situation,
|n order to throw myself upon the mercy of that right
honorable gentleman. He calls me now a mere nominal
v minister, the mere puppet of secret influence. Sir, it is
because I will not become a mere nominal minister of
his creation — it is because I disdain to become the pup
pet pf that right honorable gentleman, that I will not re
sign ; neither shall his contemptuous expressions provoke
me to resignation : my own honor and reputation, I never
will resign. That I am now standing on the rotten ground
of secret influence, I will not allow ; nor yet will I quit
this ground, in order to put myself, as the right honora
ble gentleman calls it, under his protection, in order to
accept of my nomination at his hands, and in order to be
come a poor, self-condemned, helpless, unprofitable mi
nister, in his train — a minister, perhaps, some way ser
viceable to that right honorable gentleman, but totally un
serviceable to my king and to my country. If I have, in
deed, submitted to become the puppet and minion of ihe
crown, why should that right honorable gentleman con
descend to receive me into his band ? It seems, how
ever, that I have too much of the personal confidence of
my sovereign ; and that I must resign, in order to return
into administration, having only an equal share of it
with others. But the right honorable gentleman knows
that my appointment would, in that case, be only as a
"piece of parchment." Admit, that I have more than

228
my share of the king's confidence, yet how is my being
out of office two days, to make any diminution of that
confidence ? The right honorable gentleman, therefore,
every moment, contradicts his own principles, and he
knows, that if I were first to resign, in the forlorn hope
of returning as an efficient minister into administration, I
shculd soon become the mere sport and ridicule of my
opponents : nay, and forfeit also the good opinion of
those, by whose independent support I am now honored;
for when I shall have sacrificed my reputation for that
support, which I am told shall arise to me, from that
right honorable gentleman's protection ; when I shall
have bartered my honor for his great connections,
what shall I become, but the slave of his connections,
the sport and tool of a party ? for a while, perhaps, the
minister appointed by that party, but no longer useful to
my country, or myself independent.
" The right honorable gentleman tells you, sir, that
he means not to stop the supplies again to-night, but that
he shall only postpone them occasionally. He has stop
ped them once, because the king did not listen to the
voice of his commons ; he now ceases to stop them,
though the same cause does not cease to exist. Now,
sir, what is all this, but a mere useless bravado ? — a bra
vado calculated to alarm the country, but totally ineffec
tual to the object for which 'it was intended. I grant,
indeed, with him, that if all the money destined to pay
the public creditors, is voted, one great part of the mis
chief is avoided. But, sir, let not this house think it a
small thing to stop the money for all public services ; let
us not think, that, while such prodigious sums of money
flow into the public coffers, without being suffered to flow-
out again, the circulation of wealth in the country will
not be stopped, nor the public credit affected. It has
been said, indeed, " How is it possible that parliament
should trust public money in the hands of those, in whom
they have expressly declared they cannot confide ?" Is
there any thing, then, in my character so flagitious ? Am
I, the chief minister of the treasury, so suspected of alien
ating the public money to my own, or to any other si
nister purpose,/ that I am not to be trusted with the ordi-

229

nary issues? [a cry of no, no !] Why, then, sir, if they
renounce the imputation, let them renounce the argu
ment. By what, I am now going to say, perhaps I may
subject myself to the invidious imputation of being the
minister and friend of prerogative ; but, sir, notwithstand
ing those terms of obloquy with which I am assailed, I
will not shrink from avowing myself the friend of the
king's just prerogative. Prerogative, sir, has been justly
called a part of the rights of the people ; and sure I am
it is a part of their rights, which the people were never
more disposed to defend, of which they never were more
jealous, than at this hour. Grant only this, that this
house has a negative in the appointment of ministers, and
you transplant the executive power into this house. Sir
I shall call upon gentlemen to speak out : let them not
come to resolution after resolution, without stating the
grounds on which they act ; for there is nothing more
dangerous among mixed powers, than that one branch
of the legislature should attack another, by means of
hints and auxiliary arguments, urged only in debate,
without daring to avow the direct grounds on which they
go ; and without stating, in plain terms, on the face of
their resolutions, what are their motives, and what are
their principles, which lead them to come to such reso
lutions. Above all, sir, let this house beware of suffer
ing any individual to involve his own cause, and to inter
weave his own interests, in the resolutions of the house of
commons. The dignity of the house is for ever appealed
to : let us beware, that it is not the dignity of one set of
men ; let us beware, that personal prejudices have no
share in deciding these great constitutional questions.
The right honorable gentleman is possessed of those en
chanting arts, whereby he can give grace to deformity ;
he holds before your eyes, a beautiful and delusive image
— he pushes it forward to your observation ; but as sure
as you embrace it, the pleasing vision will vanish, and
this lair phantom of liberty will be succeeded by anarchy,
confusion, and ruin to the constitution. For, in truth,
sir, if the constitutional independence of the crown is
thus reduced to the very verge of annihilation, where is
the boasted equipoise of the constitution? Where is

230
that balance among the three branches of the legislature,
which our ancestors have measured out to each, with so
much precision? Where is the independence — nay,
where is even the safety of any one prerogative of the
crown, or even of the crown itself, if its prerogative of
naming ministers, is to be usurped by this house ; or if
(which is precisely the same thing) its nomination of them,
is to be negatived by us, without stating any one ground
of distrust in the men, and without suffering ourselves to
have any experience of their measures ? Dreadful, there
fore, as the conflict is, my conscience, my duty, my fixed
regard for the constitution of our ancestors, maintain me
still in this arduous situation. It is not any proud con
tempt, or defiance of the constitutional resolutions of this
house ; it is no personal point of honor ; much less is it
any lust of power, that makes me still cling to office: the
situation of the times requires of me, and I will add, the
country calls aloud to me, that I should defend this cas
tle ; and I am determined, therefore, I will defend it."
Notwithstanding this spirited, eloquent, and forcible
speech, the motion, as amended by Mr. Eden, was car
ried by a majority of 197 to 177.
Mr. Fox having found, that the resolutions of the house,
even when communicated to the king in the usual man
ner, by privy counsellors, were entirely fruitless, deter
mined to advance still a step farther, and to try the effect
of an address solemnly presented to his majesty on the
throne, by the whole house ; and, therefore, he imme
diately moved an address to the king, founded upon the
above resolution, which, after another debate, was car
ried by 177 to 156. The address was as follows :
"We, your majesty's most faithful commons, impress
ed with the most dutiful sense of your majesty's paternal
regard for the welfare of your people, approach your
throne, to express our reliance on your majesty's royal
wisdom, that your majesty will take such measures, as,
by removing any obstacle to forming such an administra
tion as this house has declared to be requisite in the pre
sent critical and arduous situation of affairs, may tend to

231
give effect to the Wishes of your faithful commons, which
have already been most humbly represented to your ma-
jesty." Mr. Fox afterwards moved, that this address should be
presented to the king, by the whole house, which was
carried without a division.
The report of the ordnance estimates was then brought
up, which being agreed to without any debate, the house
adjourned between five and six in the morning.
The unanimous adoption of Mr. Grosvenor's motion,
by the house of commons, on the 2d of February, was
considered as an encouragement to the gentlemen who
met at the St. Alban's tavern, to renew their endeavors
to accornplish an Union Of parties. Several meetings were
held ; and some of the members, as a committee, had in
terviews with Mr. Pitt, and with Mr. Fox and the duke
of Portland, on the subject. But the same difficulty as
before, occurred, namely, that Mr. Pitt refused to resign,
for the purpose of negotiating ; and the duke of Portland
and Mr. Fox refused to negotiate till Mr. Pitt had resign
ed. On the 9th of February, the gentlemen appear to
have beeri convinced, that from their inability to surmount
mis difficulty, their exertions at present must be useless,
and they passed a resolution to that effect. They agreed,
however, to meet at least once a week, during the session
of parliament, for the purpose of availing themselves of
any opportunity which might present itself, of promoting
the great object which they deemed " absolutely neces
sary at that particular juncture."
What passed in the house of commons, on the 1 1th of
this month, in the irregular debate which took place upon
Mr. Eden's motion, again revived the hopes of these gen
tlemen ; and at a meeting two days afterwards, they una
nimously passed the two following resolutions : — " To
represent to the right honorable William Pitt and to the
right honorable Charles James Fox, the satisfaction we
have received from the manly, candid, and explicit avow
al they have respectively made of their public views ;
and to intimate to them, that, in consequence of this mu
tual explanation, we entertain a most assured hope, that

232
such an administration as the house of commons has un
animously declared to be requisite, may be obtained by
an union consistent with principle and honor :" and,
" That the thanks of this meeting be given to the right
honorable Frederick lord North, for the public and vo
luntary declaration he has made, of his sincere and earn
est desire to promote, as far as depends on him, a cor
dial and permanent union."
In consequence of the eagerness for an union of parties,
repeatedly expressed by these gentlemen, and also by
many others in the house of commons, Mr. Pitt, desirous
that no backwardness upon the subject should be impu
ted to him, thought it right, as the most probable means
of accomplishing the wishes of so many respectable men,
to advise the king to propose an interview between the
duke of Portland and himself (Mr. Pitt,) for the purpose
of endeavoring to form an administration including them
selves and their respective friends. This suggestion was
received by his majesty, with considerable surprise and
agitation ; and the next morning he wrote to Mr. Pitt the
following letter, dated Feb. 15th, 1784:
"Queen's House, 30m. past 10 a. m.
" Mr. Pitt is so well apprized of the mortification I
feel at any possibility of ever again seeing the heads of
opposition in public employments, and more particularly
Mr. Fox, whose conduct has not been more marked
against my station in the empire, than against my person,
that he must attribute my want of perspicuity in my con
versation last night, to that foundation, yet I should ima
gine it must be an ease to his mind, in conferring with
the other confidential ministers this morning, to have on
paper my sentiments, which are the result of unremitted
consideration, since he left me last night, and which he
has my consent to communicate, if he judges it right, to
the above respectable persons.
" My present situation is perhaps the most singular
that ever occurred, either in the annals of this or any
other country ; for the house of lords, by a not less ma
jority than near two to one, have declared in my favor ;
and my subjects at large, in a much more considerable
proportion, are not less decided ; to combat which, oppo-

233
sition have only a majority of twenty, or at most of thirty,
in the house of commons, who, I am sorry to add, seem
as yet willing to prevent the public supplies. Though I
certainly have never much valued popularity, yet I do
not think it is to be despised, when arising from a recti
tude of conduct, and when it is to be retained by follow
ing the same respectable path, which conviction makes
me esteem that of duty, as calculated to prevent one
branch of the legislature from annihilating the other two,
and seizing also the executive power, to which she has
no claim.
" I confess I have not yet seen the smallest appearance
of sincerity in the leaders of opposition, to come into the
only mode by which I could tolerate them in my service,
their giving up the idea of having the administration in
their hands, and coming in as a respectable part of one
on a broad basis ; and therefore I, with a jealous eye,
look on any words dropped by them, either in parlia
ment, or to the gentlemen of the St. Alban's tavern, as
meant only to gain those gentlemen, or, if carrying far
ther views, to draw Mr. Pitt, by a negotiation, into some
difficulty. " Should the ministers, after discussing this, still think
it adviseable, that an attempt should be made to try,
whether an administration can be formed on a real, not
a nominal, wide basis, and that Mr. Pitt, having repeat
edly, and as fruitlessly, found it impossible to get even
an interview on what opposition pretends to admit is a
necessary measure, I will, though reluctantly, go per
sonally so far as to authorize a message to be carried in
my name to the duke of Portland, expressing a desire
that he and Mr. Pitt may meet to confer on the means of
forming an administration, on a wide basis, as the only
means of entirely healing the divisions which stop the
business of the nation. The only person I can think,
from his office, as well as personal character, proper to
be sent by me, is lord Sydney ; but should the duke of
Portland, when required by me, refuse to meet Mr. Pitt,
more especially upon the strange plea he has as yet held
forth, I must here declare, that I shall not deem it right
for me ever to address myself again to him.
Vol. I. G g

234
"The message must be drawn on paper, as must
every thing in such a negotiation, as far as my name is
concerned ; and I trust, when I next see Mr. Pitt, if, un
der the present circumstances, the other ministers shall
agree with him in thinking such a proposition adviseable,
that he will bring a sketch of such a message, for my
inspection.
"George, R."
In consequence of this permission from the king,
which was evidently given with great reluctance, lord
Sydney, on the same day, wrote to the duke of Portland,
signifying, " his majesty's earnest desire, that his grace
should have a personal conference with Mr. Pitt, for the
purpose of forming a new adminstration, on a wide basis,
and on fair and equal terms." The duke of Portland
considered this message as tantamout to a virtual resig
nation on the part of ministers, and therefore as a removal
of the obstacle which had hitherto prevented an interview
between himself and Mr. Pitt. But no sooner was this
difficulty removed, than another was started by the duke
of Portland. The royal message spoke of " forming an
administration on fair and equal terms ;" his grace did
not object to the word " fair" — it was a general term,
and he and Mr. Pitt, in framing the arrangements, might
discuss what they considered to be fair : but the word
"equal" was more specific and limited; and as a necessa
ry preliminary, he required Mr. Pitt to inform him, what
he understood by the word " equal." Mr. Pitt said,
he thought the meaning of that word would be best
explained at a personal conference. The duke replied,
that he could not meet Mr. Pitt, till the word was ex
plained. Mr. Pitt declined explaining it ; and thus the
negotiation was finally broken off. Mr. Powys and Mr.
Marsham were the persons, through whom these com
munications, relative to the meaning of the word " equal,"
passed ; and the other gentlemen of the St. Alban's
tavern, finding from their statement, that recent endea
vors to : ccomplish an union of parties were as fruitless as
former caes ; that the " earnest desire" of the king had
no better effect than the unanimous resolution of the

235
house of commons ; and utterly despairing of suc
cess from any farther application, after various consulta
tions, at last came to this concluding resolution : —
" This meeting having heard with infinite concern, that
an interview between the duke of Portland and Mr. Pitt,
is prevented by a doubt respecting a single word, are
unanimously of opinion, that it would be no dishonorable
step in either of the gentlemen to give way, and might
be highly advantageous to the public welfare." No no
tice whatever was taken of this resolution, and the meet
ings were discontinued.
Without inquiring, whether this association, which, if
it had succeeded in its object, would, in reality, have
prescribed to the king, what persons his majesty ought
to take into his counsels, was strictly reconcileable to
the principles of our constitution, we may pronounce,
that the intention, with which it was formed, was truly
laudable and patriotic. It originated in a sincere desire,
upon public grounds, to see the great abilities of Mr.
Pitt and Mr. Fox united in the service of their country ;
and to accomplish that purpose, every exertion was
made. But, perhaps, it indicated no correct knowledge
of human nature, to expect that two such men, circum
stanced as they were, would co-operate cordially and
permanently. To compel persons to act together, with
the same common views, and to concur in promoting
the same common end, especially if the business be
complicated and arduous, is always but a hopeless un
dertaking ; and, in the present case, those who were
most acquainted with the characters of the individuals,
and best qualified to form a right judgment of the proba
ble result, looked upon the attempt, from the first, as
idle and unpromising : the little progress which was
made, justified that opinion. The negotiation was occa
sionally used as a pretence for deferring the proceedings
of the house of commons ; but at no one moment was
there reason to believe, that it would be brought to a
successful termination. Not even the preliminaries could
be adjusted. The men, who were to act with harmony
and mutual confidence, as members of the same admi
nistration, at the very outset of the treaty, betrayed symp-

236
toms of jealousy, suspicion, and distrust : Those who,
by candid and friendly communication, were to settle
the contending claims of the different candidates for
office, could not be prevailed upon so much as to meet
in the same room, though commanded by his majesty to
have a personal conference, and called upon to unite, by
the unanimous vote of the house of commons — those
who were to agree upon points of the utmost nicety and
importance, upon the general principles of government,
and all the intricate detail of foreign and domestic po
licy, could not rely upon each other's interpretation of
one of the commonest Words in the language.
The report from the committee on the receipt tax
bill was brought up on the 24th ; and, after Mr. Pitt
had declared his sentiments in favor of the measure, the
house divided upon the question of agreeing to the
amendments, which was carried by a majority of 39 ;
the numbers being 51 and 12. The bill passed without
any farther opposition. It does not appear, that Mr.
Pitt lost any part of his popularity, by giving his full and
uniform support to this obnoxious tax, either in the last
or in the present session ; and his manly and consistent
conduct certainly raised his credit in the house of com
mons. On the 25th, the house of commons presented the ad
dress, which had been voted on the 20th ; and his ma
jesty returned the following answer, in which he alluded
to the failure of his endeavours to effect an union of par
ties :
" I am deeply sensibly how highly it concerns the
honor of my crown, and the welfare of my people, which
is the object always nearest my heart, that the public
affairs should be conducted by a firm, efficient, united,
and extended administration, entitled to the confidence
of my people, and such as may have a tendency to put
an end to the unhappy divisions, and distractions of the
country. — Very recent endeavors have already been em
ployed on my part, to unite in the public service, on a
fair and equal footing, those whose joint efforts appear
to me most capable of producing that happy effect;

237
those endeavors have not had the success I wished. I
shall be always desirous of taking every step most con
ducive to such an object; but I cannot see that it would
in any degree be advanced by the dismission of those at
present in my service. — I observe, at the same time,
that there is no charge or complaint suggested against my
present ministers, nor is any one or more of them specifi
cally objected to ; and numbers of my subjects have ex^-
pressed to me, in the warmest manner, their satisfaction
in the late changes I have made in my councils*. Un
der these circumstances, I trust my faithful commons
will not wish, that the essential offices of executive go
vernment should be vacated, until I see a prospect, that
such a plan of union as I have called for, and they have
pointed out, may be carried into effect."
A motion successfully made by lord Beauchamp, on the
25th, to adjourn to the 27th, prevented the house meet
ing on the 26th. Mr. Pitt and his friends were not aware
of this manoeuvre ; the pretence for which was, to allow
time to consider what step ought to be taken, in conse
quence of his majesty's answer to the address, but its
real object was, to delay public business.
When the house met on the 27th, the speaker read
the king's answer, and lord Beauchamp immediately
moved, that the consideration of it be postponed to Mon
day. Mr. Pitt said, that he was then ready to discuss
the king's answer ; but if the gentlemen on the opposite
side wished the consideration of it to be deferred till
Monday, he did not object. He acknowledged that he
had advised the answer, and that he was responsible for
it. the motion, after some conversation, was agreed to,
without a division. Lord Beauchamp, then moved, that
the house do now adjourn to Monday ; evidently with a
design to postpone the navy estimates, which were to be
brought forward this day. Mr. Pitt objected to the mo
tion, upon the ground of its stopping public business,
which had already been very much interrupted. He
stated, that when it was expected the navy estimates
would have been brought forward on Wednesday last,
• Alluding to the numerous addresses to that effeet, from all parts of the country.

238
a noble lord moved to adjourn. This day, when the
same business was again expected, the same noble lord
has moved to adjourn ; and on Monday, the consideration
of the king's answer will be brought forward, still to put
off the business of the supply. Where will this end ?
Gentlemen are desirous of being thought ready to grant
the supply ; but that readiness is to be fourid only on
their lips, not in their actions. A short debate ensued,
in which Mr. Marsham and Mr. Powys said, they would
vote for postponing the supply, though they would not
ultimately refuse it, as they knew that it was the wish of
the people, that the supply should be granted. The
question of adjournment was carried, by a majority of
only seven; the numbers being 175, and 168. This was
the smallest majority by which Mr. Fox and his party
had hitherto carried any motion ; and they did not ven-
tute to make any attempt afterwards to obstruct the
supplies. It cannot have escaped the notice of the reader, that
Mr. Fox was by no means consistent, in what he said at
different times, relative to stopping the supplies. The
fact seems to have been, that he was himself ready to
proceed to that length ; but from the-first, he suspected,
that several members of independent character, and of
weight in the house, who had hitherto voted with him,
would not support him in so violent a measure. He
therefore thought it more prudent not to avow his senti
ments openly ; and in the progress of the business he
was convinced, that his suspicions were well founded,
which appeared, indeed, from the declaration of Mr.
Marsh tm and Mr. Powys, in this late debate upon the
subject. I must here interrupt the account of parliamentary
proceedings, for the purpose of noticing, briefly, a cir
cumstance, which ought not to be passed over entirely
in silence.
On the 10th of February, the lord mayor, aldermen,
and common council of the city of London, voted their
thanks to Mr. Pitt, " for his able, upright, and disinter
ested conduct as first lord of the treasury, and chancellor
of the exchequer, on the present alarming and critical

239
juncture of affairs ;" and they also, at the same time,
unanimously voted the freedom of the city of London to
be presented to him, in a gold box, of the value of one
hundred guineas, " as a mark of gratitude for, and appro
bation of, his zeal and assiduity in supporting the legal
prerogatives of the crown, and the constitutional rights of
the people." A committee' of the corporation was ap
pointed, to communicate these resolutions to Mr. Pitt ;
and on the 28th, they went in procession, preceded by
the city marshal, and accompanied by the sheriffs and
town clerk, for that purpose, to Berkeley-square, where
he then resided, with his brother, lord Chatham. Mr.
Pitt had been invited to dine on that day with the gro
cers' company, at their hall, in the Poultry, to which the
committee were to conduct him. Great crowds had
been assembled in Berkeley- square, from an early hour
in the morning, and a prodigious concourse of people
joined the procession, after it left lord Chatham's house.
From Temple-bar, the colors of the city, and of the gro
cers' company, were carried before the procession to
grocers' hall, in the midst of the loudest shouts and ac
clamations. After Mr. Pitt had taken the oath, adminis
tered to freemen upon their admission, the chamberlain
(Mr. Wilkes) addressed him, in the following excellent
speech :
" Sir,
" I give you joy, and I congratulate the city of Lon
don, on the important acquisition it has this day made.
I reckon it, sir, among the most fortunate events of .my
life, that I have the honor of being directed, by the
unanimous resolution of the lord mayor, aldermen, and
common council, to enrol your name in the archives of
this metropolis, among those princes and heroes, who
have been the benefactors of our country, and the friends
of mankind, with the glorious deliverer of this nation,
with the hero of Culloden, with the illustrious statesman
from whom you derive your descent. The city of Lon
don, sir, with pride and exultation, now behold revived
in the son, those solid virtues, shining talents, and pow
erful eloquence, which they long admired in the father,

240
but, above all, that generous love of our country, and its
divine constitution, superior to the groveling sordid views
of private interest or personal ambition. You have, sir,
thus early in your ministerial career, Commanded the es
teem and admiration of this city and nation, by a noble
act of disinterestedness in favor of the public, for which,
I believe, you could scarcely find a precedent, nor, I fear,
will you be imitated by any future minister.
" We look up, sir, to that superior ability, and purity
of public virtue, which distinguish you, for the reforma
tion of many abuses, as well as the steady protection of
our chartered rights, property, and freedom. The ad
ministration of your noble father gave us security at home,
Carried the glory of this nation to the utmost height
abroad, and extended the bounds of the empire to coun
tries, where the Roman eagle never flew. A late admin
istration undertook an unjust and wicked war, which dis
membered the empire, by depriving us of our most valu
able Colonies, and has brought us almost to the brink of
bankruptcy. To restore this kingdom to any degree of
prosperity and greatness, demands the utmost exertions
of virtue and ability, with every support both of the
erown, and the people at large. I hope you will meet
with both, and I know how high you stand in the confi
dence of the public. Much is to be done ; but you have
youth, capacity, and firmness. It is the characteristic of
a true patriot, never to despair ; and we have a well-
grounded hope of your making us again, a great, power
ful, happy, and united people, by a steady, uniform, wise,
and disinterested conduct. Your noble father, sir, anni
hilated party ; and I hope you will, in the end, bear down
and conquer the hydra of faction, which now rears its
hundred heads against you. I remember his saying,
That, for the -good of the people, he dared to look the
proudest connexions of this country in the face. I trust
that the same spirit animates his son ; and, as he has the
same support of the crown, and the people, I am firmly
persuaded, that the same success will follow."
To which Mr. Pitt replied :

241
" Sir,
" I beg to return you my best thanks, for your very
obliging expressions. Nothing can be more encouraging
to me, in the discharge of my public duty, than the coun
tenance of those, whom, from this day, I may have the
honor of calling my fellow citizens."
When Mr. Pitt returned at night, he was attended, a
considerable part of the way, by many respectable per
sons, besides an immense concourse of people. As the
populace were dragging the coach, in which were him
self, lord Chatham, and lord Mahon, up St. James's-
street, opposite to a club house, frequented by his politi
cal opponents, they were suddenly attacked by men, arm
ed with bludgeons and broken chair poles, among whom,
we distinguished several members of the club : some of
the mob made their way to the carriage, forced open the
door, and aimed several violent blows at Mr. Pitt, from
which lord Chatham, at his own risque, was very instru
mental in protecting him. At length Mr. Pitt and his
companions, with great difficulty, made their escape to a
neighbouring house, without any material personal injury
to themselves ; but their servants, and several persons
who came to their assistance, were much bruised, and the
carriage was nearly demolished.
We have seen, thatthe address, presented by the house
of commons to the king, on the 25th, requested his ma
jesty, in general terms, to remove any obstacle which
might stand in the way of forming such an administration
as the house had declared to be requisite, in the present
critical and alarming situation of affairs. This address
having failed to produce its desired effect, Mr. Fox de
termined to propose another address to the throne, direct
ly asserting the right of the house of commons to advise
his majesty upon the exercise of his prerogatives ; and, by
virtue of that right, specifically requesting him to dismiss
his present ministers. Accordingly, on the first of March,
after a very long speech, in which he repeated all the ar
guments he had used on former occasions, relative to the
state of political parties, he moved the following resolu
tion : " That an humble address be presented to his ma-
Vol. I. Hh

242
jesty, most humbly to represent to his majesty, the satis
faction his faithful commons derive from the late most
gracious assurances we have received, that his majesty
concurs with us in opinion, that it concerns the honor of
his crown, and the welfare of his people, that the public
affairs should be conducted by a firm, efficient, extended,
united administration, entitled to the confidence of his
people, and such as may have a tendency to put an end
to the unhappy divisions and distractions of this country :
To acknowledge his majesty's paternal goodness in his
late most gracious endeavors to give effect to the object
of our late dutiful representation to his majesty : To la
ment that the failure of these his majesty's most gracious
endeavors should be considered as a final bar to the ac
complishment of so salutary and desirable a purpose ;
and to express our concern and disappointment, that his
majesty has not been advised to take any farther step to
wards uniting, in the public service, those, whose joint ef
forts have recently appeared to his majesty, most capable
of producing so happy an effect. — That this house, with
all humility, claims it as its right, and on every proper
occasion, feels it to be their bounden duty, to advise his
majesty touching the exercise of any branch of his royal
prerogative : That we submit it to his majesty's royal
consideration, that the continuance of an administration,
which does not possess the confidence of the representa
tives of the people, must be injurious to the public ser
vice : That this house can have no interest distinct and
separate from that of their constituents ; and that they
therefore feel themselves called upon to repeat those loy
al and dutiful assurances they have already expressed, of
their reliance on his majesty's paternal regard for the wel
fare of his people ; that his majesty would graciously ena
ble them to execute those important trusts, which the con
stitution has vested in them, with honor to themselves
and advantage to the public, by the formation of a new
administration, appointed under circumstances which may
tend to conciliate the minds of his faithful commons, and
give energy and stability to his majesty's councils : That
as his majesty's faithful commons, upon the maturest
deliberations, cannot but consider the continuance of the

243
present ministers as an unsurmountable obstacle to his
majesty's gracious purpose, to comply with their wishes
in the formation of such an administration as his majes
ty, in concurrence with the unanimous resolutions of this
house, seems to think requisite in the present exigencies
of the country, they feel themselves bound to remain firm
in the wish expressed to his majesty, in their late humble
address, and do therefore find themselves obliged again
to beseech his majesty, that he would be graciously
pleased to lay the foundation of a strong and stable go
vernment, by the previous removal of his present min
isters." In the course of the debate which followed, Mr. Pitt
controverted two positions of Mr. Fox, namely, That the
house of commons had a power of giving a negative, in
the first instance, to the king's appointment of ministers ;
and that his majesty ought not, in any case, to dismiss
ministers who had the confidence of that house. He said,
he never would be afraid to avow himself the friend and
advocate of the just and constitutional prerogatives of the
crown ; that he would not consent to wrest the sceptre
out of the hand of the king, and place it in the hand of
that house ; and that he should not think it wise, to take
away the substance of the royal prerogative, and leave
merely the name, and the shadow. He challenged Mr.
Fox to produce any law or authority, in support of the
doctrines he had laid down ; and, till that was done, he
must consider them as gratuitous, unfounded assertions.
In answer to a charge, which had been urged against
him, by general Conway, of wishing to derogate from
the power and influence of the house of commons, he
asked, " Had he, in any part of his conduct, manifested
any peculiar predilection in favor of the monarchical part
of the government, or of the undue influence of the crown?
Had he, since he had the honor of a seat in that house,
wished to destroy, or to encroach on, the privileges of
parliament? The constitution, and the rights of the
house of commons, he had always been taught to vene
rate. He would therefore appeal to the candor of the
house, as well as to its recollection of his expressions on
that subject, whether he had not, on all occasions, and

244
under every description of circumstances, maintained its
privileges and its dignity. His own opinions, his par
tialities, and his views, favored those ideas ; and he must
have been deluded indeed, to have acted in opposition to
them. But while he expressed his warmest sentiments
for the honor and dignity of the house of commons, he
felt himself under an obligation, at the same time, to vin
dicate the doctrines of the honorable baronet (sir Wil
liam Dolben,) behind him, so far as they respected the
rights of the other branches of the legislature, so far as they
regarded the legal prerogatives of the sovereign. These*
the constitution had defined, with as much accuracy as
it had done those of the house of commons ; and it was,
surely, the duty of ministers, and of members of that
house, equally to support the rights of both. No man
was more zealous or more unreserved in admitting and
asserting the right of the house to advise the sovereign
in the exercise of his prerogatives, than he was. This
was a sentiment, which he had always avowed ; but, that
a declaration of the disapprobation of the house, of his
majesty's ministers, should, ipso facto, in every instance,
bind and compel the sovereign to dismiss his ministers,
or compel them to resign, was a point, which he never
had admitted, and never would allow. Such disappro
bation unquestionably placed ministers in an awkward
and unpleasant situation ; but that it should force them
to retire, he would maintain, was an unconstitutional doc
trine, hostile to the prerogative of the crown, and to that
balance of power, on which the excellency of the British
government depended. That was a point, therefore,
which hfe was always ready to maintain, and from sup
porting which, he hoped, he should never be diverted by
any false theories, or vague declamations, respecting the
dignity of that house."
Mr. Pitt afterwards noticed an assertion of Mr. Wil-
berforce, that a faction existed in the house of commons,
dangerous to the constitution. " How far," he said,
" that might be true, how far the conduct of the house
of commons, during its late procedure, justified that as
sertion, and how far the address under consideration, con
firmed its truth,, ought to be weighed, and ought to pro-

245
duCe Corresponding effects on the minds and votes of the
members, of the house. In deliberating, however, on
that point, he would caution gentlemen, not to be over
awed by unfounded alarms of an encroaching prerogative,
Or to be influenced by the ring and sound of dignity, so
incessantly poured into the ears of the house, ori the pre
sent and past occasions. But, though he was the oppo
nent of all capricious decision on the appointment of mi
nisters, he was as unfriendly to their continuance in office,
when disapproved of by the house of commons on pro
per grounds, as he should be, if disapproved of by either
of the other branches of the legislature. On that account,
he called upon the house to specify charges against ad
ministration, to prove those charges, and not unjustly con
demn men, who had in no instance whatever been found
guilty, and had, in fact, by an unaccountable obstinacy
and untowardness of circumstances, been deprived of an
opportunity Of displaying their prudence and their zeal in
the service of the public. When accusations should be
proved, when charges should be substantiated, it would
then be proper for ministers to resign ; and in such a case,
if he should afterwards continue in office, he would suffer
himself to be stigmatised as the illegal champion of pre
rogative, and the unconstitutional supporter of the usur
pations of the crown. But, till that period arrived, he
should consider it his duty to adhere to the principles of
the constitution, as delivered to us by our ancestors, to
defend them against innovation and encroachment, and
to maintain them with firmness." A division took place,
and the motion was carried, by a majority of 12 ; the
numbers being 201, and 189. An address, founded
upon this resolution, was then agreed to, and ordered to
be presented to his majesty, by the whole house.
The address was presented on the 4th ; to which his
majesty returned the following answer :
" I have already expressed to you, how sensible I am
of the advantages to be derived from such an adminis
tration as was pointed out in your unanimous resolution.
And I assured you, that I was desirous of taking every
step most conducive to such an object, — I remain in the

246.
same sentiments, but I continue equally convinced, that
it is an object not likely to be obtained by the dimission
of my present ministers.
" I must repeat, that no charge, or complaint, or any
specific objection, is yet made against any of them ; if
there were any such ground for their removal at present,
it ought to be equally a reason for not admitting them as
a part of that extended and united administration, which
you state to be requisite. — I did not consider the failure
of my recent endeavors, as a final bar to the accomplish
ment of the purpose which I had in view, if it could have
been obtained on those principles of fairness and equality,
without which, it can neither be honorable to those who
are concerned, nor lay the foundation of such a strong
and stable government, as may be of lasting advantage
to the country. — But I know of no farther steps which I
can take, that are likely to remove the difficulties which
obstruct that desirable end. I have never called in ques
tion the right of my faithful commons, to offer me their
advice upon every proper occasion, touching the exercise
of any branch of my prerogative. I shall be ready at all
times to receive it, and give it the most attentive consi
deration. They will ever find me disposed to shew every
regard to the true principles of the constitution, and to
take such measures, as may best conduce to the satisfac
tion and prosperity of my kingdom."
When the speaker, on his return to the house, had
read the king's answer, Mr. Fox immediately moved,
that it should be taken into consideration on the follow
ing Monday, which was unanimously agreed to. Ano
ther motion was then made, by Mr. Welbore Ellis, that
the house should adjourn to Monday, upon the ground,
" that it was not customary or proper, that any business
should be brought forward, until questions, which imme
diately concerned the dignity of the house, were disposed
of." Mr. Fox seconded the motion, saying, " that he
did it not with any view to delay public business, or to
withhold any supply ; and he intended that his conduct
should prove the sincerity of his professions. But sure
ly, when a matter of such moment, as the king's an-

247
swer, was to be discussed, and to be followed up with
some measure which ought to be final, twice twenty-
four hours could not be considered too long for delibera
tion." Mr. Pitt objected to this motion, observing, "that
Mr. Fox wished not to be thought desirous of stopping
public business ; but when he proposed delay from day
to day, it was very natural for people to doubt what were
his real intentions. He reminded the house, that the pre
sent mutiny bill would expire very soon, and that the
new mutiny bill stood for to-morrow ; and he hoped that
the house would not think it expedient to put off the con
sideration of that bill any longer. He, therefore, pro
posed, that as the house was then very thin, they should
adjourn till . to-morrow, when it might be determined,
whether all business should be postponed till Monday."
Mr. Fox said, that it was then only the 4th of March ;
and that if the new mutiny bill went into a committee on
Thuesday the 9th, it might pass the house of lords be
fore the 25th, on which day the present mutiny bill
would expire, " for he believed, that the new mutiny
bill differed in very few particulars from former mutiny
bills : it might indeed be necessary to make the new one
shorter in its duration ; and he hoped, that this one privi
lege was still left to the commons, that the mutiny bill,
providing quarters for the army, and consequently im
posing burdens on their constituents, could not be alter
ed by the lords, after it should be sent up to them by
the commons." Mr. Fox at last consented, that the
house should meet to-morrow, " provided it was under
stood, that the first question to be discussed should be,
whether the house should adjourn to Monday, or pro
ceed then to business." This being agreed to by Mr.
Pitt, the house adjourned.
Though Mr. Fox had been compelled to abandon the
idea of stopping the supplies, from the evident reluctance
of some of his supporters to go to that extreme length,
yet his failure in that attempt did not discourage him
from endeavoring to sound their sentiments respecting
a short mutiny bill ; well knowing that a mutiny bill
passed from month to month, would make a dissolution

248
of parliament impossible. Accordingly he took the first
opportunity in his power, as we have just seen, of men
tioning the subject, as it were incidentally ; and, on the
following day, when he moved an adjournment, as soon
as the house met, for the purpose of preventing the mu
tiny bill going into a committee till Tuesday, he more
openly avowed his opinion, that, under present circum
stances, the bill ought not to extend to the usual term of
a year. In support of his motion, he said, that he did
not think it proper, that so important a bill, as that for
punishing mutiny and desertion in the army, should be
debated until the house should have taken some step to
fill up and consummate the measures which had been
lately adopted. He admitted, " that a mutiny bill was
unquestionably necessary, and that the house could not
avoid passing it ; but though a mutiny bill must of ne
cessity pass, it by no means followed, that it must be,
in point of duration, equal to all those mutiny bills which
had preceded : a bill for a month or six weeks, would
keep the army together, without calling upon the house
to surrender a right, so very necessary, at that moment,
for the preservation of its privileges."
Mr. Pitt, fully aware of Mr. Fox's design, objected to
the motion, and again complained of the practice of put
ting off public business. He deprecated the idea of a
short mutiny bill ; and observed, that if a mutiny bill for
a month, or six weeks, only, should be sent up to the
lords, it would not appear very surprising to him, if the
lords should alter it so far, as to bring it back to the
standard of former mutiny bills, and make it co-extensive
with the duration of the army, the pay of which had been
voted for the usual term of a year. If then such an al
teration should be made by the lords, and the bill so
altered should be returned to the commons, what would
be the consequence, if the latter, adhering to their order
and the practice of their proceedings, should reject such
a bill*? If such an event were to take place, long before
* Mr. Pitt meant, on account of its being a money bill, as it directed the quar
tering of soldiers, which is a burden upon the people. All money bills must origi
nate in the house of|commons ; and if altered by the house of lords, they are al
ways, when returned, rejected by the house of commons.

249
the ejmiration of the present mutiny bill, the conse
quences might not be dangerous ; but when, as at pre
sent, there was scarcely a single day to spare, even sup
posing the bill to be sent up to the lords in its customary
form, and passed by them without any opposition, or de
lay — but he would not for a moment suppose it possible
for the house to pass a short mutiny bill ; he did not
believe they would ; nay, he would almost venture to go
so far as to say, they would not. He was for going into
the bill that day, because there was not a moment to be
lost. If the adjournment, moved by the right honorable
member, should take place, he was certain, that the com
mittee on the mutiny bill could not possibly sit till Tues
day ; and as the consideration of the accompts from the
India house stood for that day, it might, perhaps, not
come on till Wednesday. Surely the house did not
wish to run the bill to a day, and to risque the mischief
which must necessarily follow, if it should, by any mis
fortune, happen to miscarry. In order, therefore, to
avert that mischief, as far as in him lay, he would oppose
the motion for adjournment, that the mutiny bill might
be immediately committed. This reasoning did not
prevent the motion being carried ; but the majority was
only nine, the numbers being 171 and 162 ; and the
manner in which the idea of a short mutiny bill was re
ceived on this and the preceding day, convinced Mr.
Fox, that the house would not consent to such a mea
sure, and all intention of proposing it was abandoned.
Mr. Fox having found the resolutions of the house of
commons, and the addresses to the throne, to be equally
ineffectual, and not venturing to hazard any direct mo
tion, for stopping the supplies, or shortening the mutiny
bill, became sensible, that no farther means remained of
carrying on the contest ; more especially, as the late di
visions had shewn that the number of his supporters was
considerably diminished. Under these circumstances he
had no alternative but to relinquish all active opposition,
and to wait for any opportunity of renewing the attack,
which the course, of events might afford. It appeared,
however, to him, desirable to place upon the journals of
the house, and also to lodge with his majesty, a summary
Vol. I. I i

250
of the principles he had maintained, and a statement of
the objects he had pursued ; and therefore, on the 8th of
March, after a speech, in which he accused Mr. Pitt of
insulting and unconstitutional conduct, he declared that
an union of parties was now impossible, and lamented
the disgrace and ruin brought upon the country by the
issue of this struggle, he moved*, as his last measure,
" that an humble representation be presented to his ma
jesty, most humbly to testify the surprise and affliction of
this house, on receiving the answer which his majesty's
ministers have advised to the dutiful and reasonable ad
dress of this house, concerning one of the most important
acts of his majesty's government. — To express our con
cern, that when his majesty's paternal goodness has gra
ciously inclined his majesty to be sensible of the advan
tage to be derived from such an administration as was
pointed out in our resolution, his majesty should still be
induced to prefer the opinions of individuals, to the re
peated advice of the lepresentatives of the people in par
liament assembled, with respect to the means of obtain
ing so desirable an end. — To represent to his majesty,
that a preference of this nature is as injurious to the true
interests of the crown, as it is wholly repugnant to the
spirit of our free constitution ; that systems founded on
such a preference are not, in truth, entirely new in this
country ; that they have been the characteristic features
of those unfortunate reigns, the maxims of which are
now justly and universally exploded; while his majesty,
and his royal progenitors, have been fixed in the hearts of
their people, and have commanded the respect and admi
ration of all the nations of the earth, by a constant and
uniform attention to the advice of their commons, how
ever adverse such advice may have been to the opinions
of the executive servants of the crown. — To assure his
rhajesty, that we neither have disputed, nor mean, in any
instance, to dispute, much less to deny, his majesty's
undoubted prerogative of appointing to the executive
offices of state, such persons as to his majesty's wisdom
* It being generally understood, that Mr. Fox intended, on this day, to make
his last motion on the pit .<ei it state of political affairs, such ;inxioU9 curiosiu was
excited, that the gullery of the ho ise of commons was full by eleven o'clock, five
or six hours before the debate nas expected to begin.

251
shall seem meet : but, at the same time, that we must,
with all humility, again submit to his majesty's royal
wisdom, that no administration, however legally ap
pointed, can serve his majesty, and the public, with effect,
which does not enjoy the confidence of this house. —
That in his majesty's present administration we cannot
confide ; the circumstances under which it was consti
tuted, and the grounds upon which it continues, have
created just suspicions in the breasts of his faithful com
mons; that principles are adopted, and views entertained,
unfriendly to the privilege of this house, and to the free
dom of our excellent constitution ; that we have made no
charge against any of them, because it is their removal,
and not their punishment, which we have desired ; and
that we humbly conceive, we are warranted, by the an
tient usage of this house, to desire such removal without
making any charge whatever; that confidence may be
prudently withheld, where no criminal process can be
properly instituted : that although we have made no cri
minal charge against any individual of his majesty's mi
nisters, yet, with all humility, w7e do conceive, that we
have stated to his majesty, very distinct objections, and
very forcible reasons, against their continuance. — That
with regard to the propriety of admitting either the pre
sent ministers, or any other persons, as a part of that ex
tended and united administration, which his majesty, in
concurrence with the sentiments of this house, considers
as requisite, it is a point upon which we are too well ac
quainted with the bounds of our duty, to presume to offer
any advice to his majesty; well knowing it to be the
undoubted prerogative of his majesty to appoint his mi
nisters, without any previous advice from either house of
parliament; and our duty humbly to offer to his majesty
our advice, when such appointments shall appear to us to
be prejudicial to the public service. — To acknowledge,
with gratitude, his majesty's goodness in not considering
the failure of his recent endeavors as a final bar to the
accomplishment of the gracious purpose which his ma
jesty has in view ; and to express the great concern and
mortification, with which we find ourselves obliged to
declare, that the consolation which we should naturally

252
have derived from his majesty's most gracious disposi
tion, is considerably abated by understanding, that his
majesty's advisers have not thought fit to suggest to his
majesty, any farther steps to remove the difficulties
which obstruct so desirable an end. — To recal to his
majesty's recollection, that his faithful commons have
already submitted to his majesty, most humbly, but
most distinctly, their opinion upon this subject ; that
they can have no interests but those of his majesty, and
of their constituents ; whereas it is needless to suggest
to his majesty's wisdom and discernment, that individual
advisers may be actuated by very different motives. — •
To express our most unfeigned gratitude for his majes
ty's royal assurances, that he does not call in question
the right of this house, to offer their advice to his ma
jesty on every proper occasion, touching the exercise of
any branch of his royal prerogative ; and of his majes
ty's readiness, at all times, to receive such advice, and to
give it the most attentive consideration. — To -declare
that we recognize in these gracious expressions, those
excellent and constitutional sentiments, which we have
ever been accustomed to hear from the throne, since the
glorious era of the revolution, and which have peculiarly
characterized his majesty, and the princes of his illustri
ous house ; but, to lament that these most gracious ex
pressions, while they inspire us with additional affection
and gratitude towards his majesty's royal person, do not
a little contribute to increase our suspicions of those men
who have advised his majesty, in direct contradiction to
these assurances, to neglect the advice of his commons,
and to retain in his service an administration, whose conti
nuance in office we have so repeatedly and so distinctly
condemned. — To represent to his majesty, that it has an-
tiently been the practice of this house to withhold supplies
until grievances were redressed ; and that if we were to fol
low this course in the present conjuncture, we should be
warranted in our proceeding, as well by the most appro
ved precedents, as by the spirit of the constitution itself;
but if, in consideration of the very peculiar exigencies
of the times, we should be induced to wave for the pre
sent the exercise, in this instance, of our undoubted legal

253
and constitutional mode of obtaining redress, that we
humbly implore his majesty not to impute our forbear
ance to any want of sincerity in our complaints, or dis
trust in the justice of our cause. — That we know, and
are sure, that the prosperity of his majesty's dominions
in former times, has been, under Divine Providence,
owing to the harmony which has for near a century pre
vailed uninteruptedly between the crown and this house.
— That we are convinced, that there is no way to ex
tricate this country from its present difficulties, but by
pursuing the same system, to which we have been indebt
ed at various periods of our history, for our successes
abroad, and which is at all times so necessary for our
tranquillity at home. — That we feel the continuance of
the present administration to be an innovation upon that
happy system. — That we cannot but expect, from their
existence under the displeasure of this house, every mis
fortune naturally incident to a weak and distracted gov
ernment ; that if we had concealed from his majesty,
our honest sentiments upon this important crisis, we
should have been in some degree responsible for the
mischiefs which are but too certain to ensue. — That we
have done our duty to his majesty and our constituents,
in pointing out the evil, and in humbly imploring re
dress : that the blame and responsibility must now be
wholly upon those who have presumed to advise his
majesty to act in contradiction to the uniform maxims
which have hitherto governed the conduct of his majesty,
as well as every other prince of his illustrious house ;
upon those who have disregarded the opinions, and
neglected the admonitions of the representatives of his
people, and who have thereby attempted to set up a new
system of executive administration, which, wanting the
confidence of this house, and acting in defiance to our
resolutions, must prove at once inadequate, by its ineffi
ciency, to the necessary objects of government, and dan
gerous by its example, to the liberties of the people*."
3 This motion, after a debate of considerable length,
• Whatever difference of opinion there may be upon the sentiments and princi
ples contained in this representation, every one must, I think, admire it as a com
position.

254
was carried by a majority of only one, the numbers being
191 and 190; and it was then ordered, without a division,
that the representation should be presented to his majes
ty, by such members as were privy counsellors.
Mr. Pitt sent to his majesty, at Windsor, an account
of what had passed this day in the house of commons,
and received the following answer : " Mr. Pitt's letter is,
undoubtedly, the most satisfactory I have received for
many months. An avowal on the outset, that the propo
sition held forth is not intended to go farther lengths than
a kind of manifesto ; and then carrying it by a majority
of only one, and the day concluded with an avowal, that
all negotiation is at an end, gives me every reason to
hope, that by a firm and proper conduct, this faction will,
by degrees, be deserted by many, and at length be for
got. I shall ever with pleasure consider, that by the
prudence, as well as rectitude, of one person, in the house
of commons, this great change has been effected ; and
that he will ever be able to reflect with satisfaction, that
in having supported me, he has saved the constitution,
the most perfect of human formation."
On the following day the house went into a committee
upon the mutiny bill ; and when the chairman came to
the clause which related to the duration of the bill, the
secretary at war moved, that the blank should be filled
up with the words, " from the 25th day of March 1784,
to the 25th day of March, 1785," in order that the bill
should be in force for the usual period of one year. Sir
Matthew White Ridley, who had constantly voted with
the majorities against Mr. Pitt, immediately said, " that
he and those with whom he had acted, would that day
prove, how false the reports were, that they intended to
stop the supplies, throw put the mutiny bill, and plunge
the nation into anarchy and confusion." He asserted the
purity of his motives, in the part which he had lately ta
ken ; he was now compelled to confess, he said, that the
house was defeated, and to acknowledge that the minis
ter had triumphed by means of the people, who had de
cidedly expressed their sentiments in his favor; and there
fore he was resolved to withdraw himself from his atten
dance in a house, which had been sacrificed by its con
stituents to the prerogative of the crown.

255
Mr. Powys, who in the beginning of the contest, had
voted with Mr. Pitt, but in the course of it had taken a
different line, followed sir Matthew White Ridley, and
"acknowledged with regret, that, notwithstanding the
manly stand made by the majority, of which he had the
honor to be one, Mr. Pitt had conquered the house of
commons, and that he held his situation in defiance of
their addresses : he gave him credit for his firmness ; he
had carried the point he had undertaken. The house
was, indeed, conquered ; for, though a vote of the com
mons could once bestow a crown*, it could not now pro
cure the dismission of a minister. As he had been often
charged with inconsistency, he would this day give some
force to that charge, by voting for a long mutiny bill, and
thereby putting it in the power of ministers to dissolve
parliament ; a measure, which, for some time past, he
had been endeavoring to prevent. He was willing to let
ministers run their mad career ; he was convinced, that a
dissolution would be ruinous ; but the commons were
conquered, and it would be in vain for him to oppose a
triumphant minister, full of confidence in the troops that
surrounded him. He had once, he said, given a descrip
tion of the forces that opposed the present administration ;
he would now, with the leave of the house, describe those
that were led by the right honorable gentleman on the
treasury bench. The first might be called his body
guard, composed of light young troops, who shot their
little arrows with amazing dexterity against those who
refused to swear allegiance to their chief. The second
might be called the corps of royal volunteers, staunch
champions for prerogative, ever ready to fall with deter
mined valor upon those who should dare to oppose pri
vilege to prerogative. The third was a legion composed
of deserters, attached to their leader by no other principle
than that of interest, and who, after having deserted to
him from that principle, would desert from him upon the
same grounds, when they saw their interest would suffer,
if they should stand by him. Such were the component
parts of the army, which had triumphed over the house
* Mr. Powys alluded to the revolution, but seemed to forget, that then the house
of commons and the people were of the same opinion.

256
of commons, and conquered the constitution." He then
gave an account of the unsuccessful attempts made to ef
fect an union of parties, in which he had taken an active
share. Mr. Pitt began his reply to this speech, by observing,
that, " as the mutiny bill was the suhject under conside
ration, he was ready to admit, that the military picture,
which Mr. Powys had been pleased to draw, was pecu
liarly proper for exhibition on that day. The honorable
gentleman, he said, had amused himself and the house,
by describing the different corps that supported adminis
tration. He was certainly much in the right to display
his talent at description, for which he was so well qualifi
ed ; for, having once described the opposite army, while
he opposed it, it was now fit that he should describe that
which he at present opposed, but which he formerly
fought with. He (Mr. Powys) was resolved to shew how
able he could appear on either side of the question ; and
with what powers of eloquence, he could, without any
visible cause, oppose an administration, which he had
once supported. The first corps, the house was told,
was composed of light archers, who shot their little ar
rows with great dexterity : probably the honorable gentle
man's armor had not been so strong as to be proof against
the darts of these archers ; for these little arrows, which
he affected so much to despise, seemed to have galled
him not a little. As to the prerogative volunteers, who
formed the second band, he was proud of their support,
because neither they nor he could be fond of the prero
gative without being fond of the constitution, for the pre
rogative was part of it : nor could he, for the same rea
son, be an enemy to the house of commons, which was
a part of the constitution ; and, consequently, to him an
object of veneration. He could not conceive why the
honorable gentleman should call the third band deserters,
merely because they did not think proper to go the lengths
to which others were hurrying the house. The honora
ble gentleman had an opportunity of knowing the secrets
of the enemy ; for, having served in both armies, and
having undertaken the task of negotiating, he was able
to do his friends signal service, by the information he

257
might collect as a spy, while he enjoyed the privileges
and immunities of an ambassador. The honorable gen
tleman had stated what he called the debtor and creditor
side of the account in the negotiation for an union. It
might, perhaps, suit his ideas to state the business as a
matter of barter; but as the only object he (Mr. Pitt) had
in the transaction, was the public good, he considered not
what men would give or gain, but what would promote the
prosperity of the country."
Mr. Powys appeared much annoyed by the sarcastic
severity of this speech, and, rising with great warmth,
desired to know, whether by applying the word spy to
him, Mr. Pitt meant to charge him with any dishonorable
conduct. Mr. Pitt assured him, that he did not ; his
only intention being to convey the idea, that as the ho
norable gentleman had served in both armies, he knew
the secrets of both, as well as any spy could. The words
proposed by the secretary at war, were adopted without
a division ; and no observation was made on the remain
ing parts of the bill.
It might have been expected, that in this momentous
struggle the people would have sided with Mr. Fox, who
was supported by a majority of their representatives, and
who professed to be contending for the power and influ
ence of that branch of the legislature, which was chosen
by the people themselves. But, in this instance, the na
tural jealousy in the public mind, respecting the conse
quence of the house of commons, gave way to more
powerful considerations. Lord North and Mr. Fox had,
by their coalition, brought upon themselves no small
degree of public odium; and the India bill, the first fruits
of that coalition, was, as soon as it was understood, uni
versally condemned. Every unprejudiced person now
saw, that, by the former, political sentiment and private
feeling were sacrificed to the gratification of ambition ;
and that, by the latter, the fundamental principles of the
constitution were violated, and the most valuable rights
of Englishmen threatened with destruction. The vio-
lence and animosity with which Mr. Fox and his parti-
zans acted, in the house of commons, after they were
dismissed from office, and their reiterated attempts to
Vol. I. Kk

258
compel their sovereign to reinstate them in power, in
contradiction to his acknowledged prerogative, added
greatly to their unpopularity, and afforded Mr. Pitt an
opportunity of displaying qualities which gradually raised
him to the highest pitch of estimation and confidence
with all ranks and descriptions of persons. Never was
there a period when the national opinion was more
strongly or more generally expressed. Almost every
county j city, and considerable corporation in the king
dom, not under the immediate influence of the adverse
interest, presented addresses to the throne, in which they
returned their warmest thanks to his majesty for dismiss
ing his late ministers from his service, and declared their
firm resolution to support him in the defence of the law
ful rights of his crown. Mr. Pitt also received numerous
addresses*, containing the most decided approbation of
his conduct, and urging him to persevere in maintaining
the true principles of the British constitution.
Thus had Mr. Pitt the satisfaction of seeing his own
predictions relative to Mr. Fox's India bill, its author,
and its supporters, completely fulfilled ; and, being con
vinced that the time was now arrived, when he might
appeal to the people with the greatest probability of a
favorable result, he determined to advise the dissolution
of parliament as soon as the state of public business
would permit.
The house continued to meet every day, and the usual
motions relative to the supplies, were suffered to pass
without any impediment or interruption. Nor was any
farther remark made upon the mutiny bill, in its remain
ing stages. Mr. Fox, and his party, perhaps hoped that
by acquiescing in the measures of government, they
might induce Mr. Pitt not to dissolve parliament ; or,
that the country might consider a dissolution, if it took
place after all opposition was withdrawn, as a needless
and improper exercise of the prerogative. But Mr. Pitt
was not to be diverted from his purpose : he was aware,
that though his adversaries now deemed it expedient to
be perfectly passive, they might, upon some future occa-
• In looking over Mr. Pitt's papers, I have found 36 of these addresses, and there
were many others which were not preserved.

259
sion, if the parliament continued, come forward with con
siderable force ; and it was obvious to all, that the present
disposition of the public mind afforded him too favorable
an opportunity of strengthening his administration to be
omitted with any degree of prudence.
On the 12th, Mr. Sawbridge moved for the appoint
ment of a committee, to inquire into the present state of
the representation ; and his motion was negatived by 141
to 93. Mr. Pitt voted in the minority.
Nothing afterwardsoccurred in the house of commons,
deserving of notice, till the 22d, when, upon the secretary
of war's moving the order of the day, for going into a
committee on the estimates of the extraordinaries of the
army, sir Grey Cooper mentioned the report and general
expectation, that parliament would soon be dissolved.
He said, that such a measure would be daring and un
warrantable, under present circumstances; that though
the army had been voted, it could not be legally paid,
until an appropriation act should have passed ; and that
if ministers did venture to dissolve parliament, and to
pay the army, without being authorized so to do, by an
act of the legislature, it would be an infraction of the bill
of rights, and a violation of the constitution, for which
they must have a bill of indemnity. Mr. Harrison said,
that there was now no pretence for a dissolution, as Mr.
Fox and his friends had desisted from opposing the
measures of administration. Mr. Hussey desired to
know, whether parliament was to be dissolved this week.
Mr. Pitt took no notice of these observations and ques
tions, and the supply was voted.
On the following day, when the question was put for
bringing up the report of the committee of supply, Mr.
Eden, lord North, and general Conway, successively
mentioned the expected dissolution of parliament, and
stated a variety of objections to it, of a public nature, re
lying principally on the want of an appropriation act. But
no notice being taken of these observations, lord North
rose again, and asked, if parliament should be dissolved,
upon what authority ministers would issue money for the
subsistence of the army, in the month of May ? Mr. Pitt
still remained silent ; and it being found impossible to

260
obtain any answer from him, the report was suffered to
be brought up. He had in fact previously and fully con
sidered all the difficulties and Objections urged against a
dissolution, on this and the preceding day, and was satis
fied that there was no difficulty which might not be ob
viated, nor any objection of sufficient weight to prevent a
measure, in other respects so highly desirable ; but he
did not think it necessary to enter into any explanation at
present. He was determined to take upon himself the
responsibility, both of the dissolution itself, and of issuing
money for the payment of the army, and for the discharge
of every other public service ; and he was prepared to
justify the whole of his conduct to the new parliament,
if it should be made the subject of inquiry, being him
self convinced that a bill of indemnity would not be ne
cessary. On the 24th, the king went to the house of lords ; and
after giving the royal assent to several bills, he deliver
ed the following speech from the throne :
" My lords, and gentlemen,
" On a full consideration of the present situation of af
fairs, and of the extraordinary circumstances which have
produced it, I am induced to put an end to this session
of parliament. I feel it a duty, which I owe to the con
stitution, and to the country, in such a situation, to recur
as speedily as possible, to the sense of my people, by
calling a new parliament. I trust that this measure will
tend to obviate the mischiefs arising from the unhappy
divisions and distractions which have lately subsisted :
and that the various important objects, which will require
consideration, may be afterwards proceeded upon with
less interruption, and with happier effect. I can have no
other object, but to preserve the true principles of our
free and happy constitution, and to employ the powers
intrusted to me by law, for the only end for which they
were given, the good of my people."
The .dissolution accordingly took place the next day,
the 25th of March, and the new parliament was summon
ed to meet on the 18th of May.

261
Thus ended a contest, which, at the same time that it
decided the great constitutional point at issue, may justly
be considered as the crisis of Mr. Pitt's political life. It
was his main struggle with Mr. Fox, for superiority. It
was to determine, which of the two should be the minis
ter of the country. This contest was so extraordinary
in it origin and nature, so highly interesting from the im
portance of the questions discussed, and the result which
it produced, and afforded so much insight into the cha
racter of Mr. Pitt, that 1 shall add a few observations to
the circumstantial detail already given, although it will
lead me to speak upon subjects of great delicacy, and
perhaps in some instances to repeat what has been al
ready said.
The rejection of Mr. Fox's India bill by the house of
lords, which was attributed to the intimation of his ma
jesty's sentiments, through lord Temple, laid the founda
tion of this memorable contest. It may be true, that,
according to the theory of our constitution, the different
branches of the legislature ought not to interfere with
each other ; and, as every law must have the consent of
all the three branches, this interference, where the re
jection of a legislative measure is concerned, is as unne
cessary, as, strictly speaking, it is unconstitutional. No
one, however, will deny, that an interference of this kind,
between individual members of the two houses of parlia
ment, has, in reality, always existed, a mutual influence,
or at least an influence of members of the house of lords
over members of the house of commons, being impossi
ble to be prevented ; and it also certain, that the wishes
of the king, whenever they have been made known, have
always influenced the votes of a certain number of peers,
particularly those employed about his person, which is
equally unavoidable. Practice therefore is, and must be,
in this instance, in direct opposition to the speculative
principles of our form of government. The interposi
tion in question, which was so loudly complained of, with
a view to catch popular prejudice, cannot surely be
thought unreasonable, when the long disuse of the royal
prerogative, in withholding assent to acts which have
passed the other two branches of the legislature, and the

262
objections there may be to its revival, are fairly consider
ed. If the king be neither to exercise his negative, nor
to express his opinion upon any measure depending in
parliament, his concurrence in making laws is a mere
form, and he becomes a cypher in the government of the
country ; or, in the emphatic words of Mr. Fox, he is
" a captive on his throne, and the first slave in his own
dominions*." Even if a measure be rejected by either
house of parliament through the influence of the king,
who sees reason to disapprove it, it can scarcely be said,
that the spirit of the constitution is violated, since every
act of tiie legislature is supposed to have his majesty's
free consent and real approbation. Peers have ever been
considered as hereditary counsellors to the king, and it
is universally admitted, that, both collectively and indivi
dually, they have a constitutional right to give advice to
their sovereign ; but where can be the wisdom or advan
tage of such a privilege, if his majesty has not the means
of following the advice which he may receive ? And what
other means can he have, especially where the advice re
lates to measures proposed by his ministers, and requiring
the sanction of the legislature, than the public exercise
of his negative, or the private declaration of his senti
ments ?
The sudden removal of Mr. Fox and his colleagues
from office, gave rise, as we have seen, to a variety of
imputations, concerning secret advisers of the king, as if
there were a set of men, in no responsible situations, to
whose advice his majesty was accustomed to listen, in
matters of state, and in conformity to which the ostensi
ble ministers were expected to act. The idea was first
mentioned in an early part of the late reign, when changes
in administration were frequent ; and seems to have ori
ginated with those, who were conscious of not enjoying
the royal favor, from a desire of exciting a popular cry
against their more fortunate rivals. It obtained a certain
degree of credit, and was resorted to, in some cases, with
considerable effect. There is, however, no reason to
think, that there were in reality any such persons. Lord
North, during this contest, acknowledged, that, while in
• * Parliamentary Register, vol. 12. p. 439.

263
his majesty's service, he never experienced any private
control or interference in the measures of government ;
and Mr. Pitt, not only during this contest, "but also to
wards the end of his life, made the same declaration.
And as the administrations of lord North and Mr. Pitt,
extended over a period of more than thirty years, it is
incredible, that any influence of the nature alluded to,
had it existed, should have escaped their notice. Short
possessors of power were the persons, who complained
of secret influence ; and they could not attribute their
dismissal from office, to a cause less wounding to their
pride. A king is not to be supposed destitute of human
affections, incapable of forming opinions, or insensible to
those motives, which govern the rest of mankind in their
intercourse with the world, or in the management of their
respective concerns. He may think well or ill of those
whose conduct he has had an opportunity of witnessing
or knowing : he may believe one man better qualified to
promote the welfare and happiness of his people, and to
raise the honor and glory of his kingdom, than another :
he may have noticed in an individual, highly gifted per
haps with natural talents, the avowal of such public prin
ciples, united with such licentiousness of private charac
ter, that he could not, with safety to the constitution, en
trust him with any considerable share of political power ;
and he may possibly have remarked in the same indivi
dual, such a readiness on all occasions to speak of his
sovereign with marked disrespect and personal asperity,
that he could not, feeling as a man, with comfort to him
self, admit him to his confidence : he may be convinced,
that, under existing circumstances, a particular system of
foreign politics ought to be pursued, that some material
alteration ought to be introduced in the management of
his distant dominions, or, that certain regulations respect
ing the internal government of the country, ought to be
adopted. — In any of these cases, or in promoting any of
these objects, he may be following his own deliberate
and dispassionate judgment, and acting from the purest
motives, and with the best intentions, in the appointment
or dismissal of ministers, or in the exercise of any other
acknowledged prerogative, while he is accused of yield-

264
ing to unconstitutional influence, private intrigue, or
groundless prejudice. Besides, if secret advisers did
exist in the late reign, who were they ? Persons of their
consequence could not long have remained unknown.
There must also have been a succession of them, in the
course of fifty years. The favorites of princes are soon
detected by the jealous eye of rival candidates, and are
drawn into notice by riches, or honors, or some public
mark of royal favor. Nothing of this kind occurred in
the long reign of his late majesty. We may, therefore,
consider secret influence as a " bugbear," as " the catch
word of a party, to amuse the credulous vulgar, and to
raise discontent against the sovereign and certain indivi
duals," and " as disbelieved even by those who were most
clamorous upon the subject*."
It was unequivocally admitted, in the course of this
contest, that the house of commons had a right to advise
the king respecting the exercise of any of his royal pre
rogatives ; but it was contended, on the other hand, that
his majesty, on his part, had a right to act or not to act, in
conformity to that advice. The word advice implies a
right in the party advised, to accept or reject the advice.
If there be not that right, instead of advice, it becomes
command. In every instance of advice, coming fr©m a
quarter authorised to offer it, the person, to whom it is
offered, is indeed bound to weigh and consider it impar
tially and dispassionately ; but he is supposed competent,
and at full liberty, after such deliberation, to judge and
decide, whether it ought to be followed or not. In most
cases it may be desirable, that the king should follow the
advice which he receives from the house of commons; but
to say, that in no possible case the king ought to act contra
ry to .the advice of the house of commons, is to place the
* Parliamentary Register, pages 514. 531, &c. The late lord Chatham, not
long before his death, having imputed to the secret influence of lord Bute, those
counsels which " had brought the king and kingdom to ruin," lord Mountstuart.
in the published letter already noticed, and dated October 23, 1778, speaking of
his father, lord Bute, writes thus: — " He does, therefore, authorise me to say, that
he declares, upon his solemn word of honor, he has not had the honor of waiting
on his majesty, hut at his levee or drtiwing room ; nor has he presumed to offer
any advice or opinion concerning the disposition of offices, or the conduct of mea
sures, either directly or indirectly, by hims< If or any other, from the time when
the late duke of Cumberland was consulted in the arrangement of a ministry in
1765, to the present hour."

265
king under the absolute controul and direction of that
house, to require him implicitly to do whatever it shall
dictate, to forbid the free exercise of the functions vested
in him by law, to annihilate all substantial authority in
one branch of the legislature, and to pass over a second,
as totally unworthy of any regard or consideration, as it
was voted to be in the republican days of the seventeenth
century. If the king were under an obligation to take
such ministers, as the house of commons, directly or in
directly, should choose to recommend, the appointment
of ministers would virtually be in the house of commons;
and the democratic part of our government would gain
an ascendency, which was never intended by its framers,
or recognised at any period of our history, as a genuine
principle of the British constitution. It seems, therefore,
clear, that the king had an undoubted legal right to re
ject the advice given him by the house of commons, in
this contest respecting the dismissal of his ministers; and
the only remaining question is, whether circumstances
were such as to justify his majesty in the rejection of that
advice ?
Upon this point it is first to be remarked, that Mr.
Pitt had been so .recently appointed to his office, that it
was literally impossible for him to have been guilty of
any misconduct as minister ; nor was any thing of that
kind imputed to him by the house of commons, in their re
solutions, or addresses to the king. His majesty noticed
this circumstance, in one of his answers ; and therefore
it being obvious, that the objection to Mr. Pitt proceeded
solely from the prevalence of party spirit, his majesty
saw no sufficient ground for the immediate reversal of
his own confessedly legal and constitutional act. Had
the king dismissed his ministers, upon the first appear
ance of a majority against them, he must again have ad
mitted into his counsels, lord North and Mr. Fox, whom
he had lately removed from his service, in consequence
of their having brought forward a bill for the government
of India, which, if it had passed into a law, would have
created a power unknown to the constitution, and would
materially have interfered with the acknowledged rights
of the sovereign. Subsequently to the failure of that
Vnr.T. LI

266
bill, Mr. Fox had repeatedly and eagerly defended its
principle, and had announced his intention, and indeed
obtained formal leave, to introduce another bill, similar
to it in all its fundamental and essential provisions. The
king, therefore, felt it to be a duty, which he owed to his
own station, and to the country, not to allow the return
of Mr. Fox and his friends, to the exclusive enjoyment
of power, which must have been followed by the passing
of this unconstitutional and dangerous measure. It clearly
appears indeed, from the king's letters to Mr. Pitt, that
throughout this struggle, his majesty considered himself
as defending his own just rights, and the vital principles
of the constitution, against what he himself called, " a
desperate and unprincipled faction*," — " an opposition
as unprincipled and mischievous as ever embroiled the
affairs of any country." He did, however, afterwards so
far comply with the wishes of the house of commons, as
to declare his readiness to admit the late ministers into
office jointly with Mr. Pitt ; but he refused, as a preli
minary step, to dismiss Mr. Pitt and his colleagues, not
thinking it right to leave the country without an admi
nistration, and justly observing, that if there were any
real ground for their removal, it should equally operate
as a reason for not admitting them again into office. His
majesty could not but be convinced, that if the late mi
nisters had been sincerely desirous of a junction with Mr.
Pitt, upon fair principles, and really disposed to act with
him cordially and zealously, the meeting for the purpose
of discussing a new arrangement, would not have been
prevented by the frivolous objections urged by the duke
of Portland and Mr. Fox.
It may be farther remarked, that in rejecting the ad
vice in question, his majesty was not only supported by
the declared sentiments of the house of lords, a branch
of the legislature co-ordinate with the house of commons,
but the warm expressions of gratitude in the addresses
presented to him from every part of the kingdom, for the
dismission of his late ministers, and of confidence in those
* In a letter, dated February the 18th, his majesty said to Mr. Pitt, " Mr. Pitt
may depend upon my being heartily ready to adopt vigorous measures, as I think
the struggle is really no less than my being called upon to stand forth in defence of
the constitution against a most desperate and unprincipled faction."

267
now in office, afforded him the strongest ground for be
lieving, that he was himself acting in perfect conformity
with the wishes of his subjects ; and that the representa
tives of the people were maintaining principles, and pur
suing a line of conduct, in direct contradiction' to the will
of the people themselves." Indeed without the approba
tion and concurrence of the public*, the king would
scarcely have thought it expedient to resist the repeated
applications of the house of commons. Nor would even
the joint support of the house of lords, and of the people,
have availed, unless Mr. Pitt had possessed, not only
very superior talents for debate, but a firmness and com-
posuref, which rendered ineffectual the most violent per
sonal attacks, and the most irritating language, ever re
membered in parliament, or indeed which can possibly
be conceived.
Though these attacks and this language were continu
ed through a series of eight weeks, it does not appear
that he was once off his guard ; or that, young as he was,
he gave his adversaries an opportunity of taking advan
tage of a single hasty, or inconsiderate expression.
With undaunted spirit and correct judgment he maintain
ed the lawful rights of the crown, without trenching upon
the constitutional privileges of parliament. He gained
the favor of the people, while he defended the prerogative
of the king. Loudly as his mode of coming into office
was complained of, and bitter as were the invectives
against him, no one ventured to assert, that any step
which he had taken, or any opinion which he had deliver
ed, rendered him unfit to serve the public. The utmost
rancor of party spirit could only require, that he should
share pohtical power with others ; and even the first de-
• The king, in writing to Mr. Pitt, on the 22d of February, and referring to the
answer which he was to give to the address of the house of commons, voted on the
20th, said, " I trust that while the answer is drawn up with civility, it will be a
clear support of my own rights, which the addresses from all parts of the king
dom, shew me the people feel essential to their liberties."
¦f Upon one occasion, his majesty wrote to Mr. Pitt, " I cannot conclude without
expressing my fullest approbation of the conduct of Mr. Pitt, on Monday ; in par
ticular his employing a razor against his antagonists, and never condescending to
run into that rudeness, which, though common in that house, certainly never be
comes a gentleman ; if he proceeds in this mode of oratory, he will bring debates
into a shape more creditable, and correct that, as well as I trust many other evils,
which time and temper can only effect."

268
partment in government was not denied him by his most
determined opponents. All the reproaches heaped upon
him, and all the accusations directed against him, were
resolvable into this simple fact, that he was not support
ed by a majority of the house of commons. And while
his enemies were thus unable to fix upon him any posi
tive charge of a serious nature, his abilities, his temper,
his discretion, his courage, and his principles, became
equally the objects of general praise and admiration. A
minister, retaining his situation against the declared sense
of the house of commons, was a new event in our parlia
mentary history, since the revolution ; and the astonish
ment, arising from the novelty and supposed impossibili
ty of the case, was greatly increased, by the considera
tion, that the person who was carrying on this unexam
pled struggle, had not yet completed his 25th year ; and
that he had, without the assistance of a single member of
the cabinet, to contend with many persons of great abili
ties and experience, and particularly with two men of
most distinguished talents, long accustomed to political
warfare, who, after being for many years at the head of
opposite parties, suddenly coalesced, for the purpose of
forcing themselves into power ; and who, being recently
dismissed from office, were now endeavoring, with united
strength, and by cordial co-operation, to seize the govern
ment a second time, against the will of their sovereign.
Mr. Fox took the more active part ; and it is impossi
ble for any one to read the debates, without admiring the
ability and dexterity, with which he conducted the con
test. He dwelt, with the most consummate art and in
genuity, upon topics calculated to procure himself favor
with the house of commons, and with the public, and to
excite odium against his opponents. He endeavored to
persuade the house, that he was struggling for their im
portance, for maintaining their just and constitutional
weight in the government of the country ; and that his
defeat would be followed by their loss of all real power.
He carried the house from step to step — from resolution
to resolution — and from address to address, each strong
er than the preceding. He made an attempt, in the most
cautious and least alarming manner, to withhold the sup-

269
plies ; and when that failed, he suggested, -with the same
wariness, the idea of a short mutiny bill. He failed
again ; but in both instances he contrived to hint at the
proposal, and to abandon it, without committing himself,
or alienating those, whose good opinion he most wished
to retain. He declaimed against secret influence, a sub
ject to which public feeling is generally alive ; and des
cribed himself as a victim to court intrigue and private
cabal in consequence of his known attachment to the cause
of the people. He intimated, that the continuance of
the present ministers in office, might lead to a repetition
of those troubles and calamities, which, in the preceding-
century, had originated in a dispute between the king and
his parliament, and had ended in a civil war, and the over
throw of the constitution. He tried the effect, both of
the keenest invective and of well-judged compliment,
upon Mr. Pitt : he even made concessions respecting his
favorite India bill, with the hope of gaining credit for a mo
derate and conciliatory spirit ; and that the whole blame
of the present unsettle'd state of affairs might be imputed
to Mr. Pitt, he professed a wish not to exclude him from
office, but declared himself ready to form, in conjunction
with him, such an administration, as the situation of the
country demanded. In publicly speaking of the gentle
men, who met at the St. Alban's tavern, and in his pri
vate communications with their committee, he managed
with so much address, that he attached to him several
persons, who previously had not been favorably disposed
to his principles or conduct. And when he had exhaust
ed all the means of direct attack and active opposition,
he suffered public business to proceed without impedi
ment or molestation, with a view to prevent a dissolution
of parliament, by exciting a belief that it was not neces
sary to have recourse to that measure.
Great, however, as was the skill with which Mr. Fox
acted throughout the contest, his exertions proved un-
cuccessful as to their main object ; and his situation, at
the end of the struggle, must have been truly mortifying
to an ambitious man. At an early period of his life, he
engaged, as has been mentioned, in an opposition to lord
North, after having held office under him. Every year

270
increased his weight and importance in the house of
commons. He became confessedly the most powerful
debater of his own party ; and at length succeeded in
driving lord North from the helm of government. In
less than a twelvemonth from that time, he prevailed
upon this noble lord, who had been prime minister for
twelve years, and had numerous adherents, to join his
standard, and to act a subordinate part to him, both in
the cabinet and in parliament. Mr. Fox, the foreign
secretary of state, was suffered to frame a plan, and bring
forward a bill, relative to our possessions in India, which,
according to established rule, belonged to the department
of lord North, the home secretary of state ; and in this,
and in every other buisiness, he acted as the first and
efficient minister. This measure, however objectionable,
was sanctioned by the most decided majorities in the
house of commons. Mr. Pitt's eloquence was exerted
in vain ; and Mr. Fox, after exposing the weakness of
his opponents, carried his bill, with unusual marks of
triumph, to the house of lords ; not doubting but it
would pass that house, with the same facility ; and anti
cipating, as we may suppose, that continuance of power,
which it was the object of the bill to secure. But, in the
midst of these apparently well-grounded hopes and ex
pectations, he met with a sudden and complete disap
pointment. The bill was rejected by the.house of lords,
and its author dismissed from his majesty's service. Still,
however, Mr. Fox commanded a majority in the house
of commons, with which immense advantage he openly
asserted, that his immediate return to office was certain
and inevitable; and he probably flattered himself, that he
should derive additional strength from the failure of the
attempt to exclude him from power. He might natu
rally imagine, that the youth and inexperience of Mr. ¦
Pitt, would not dare to resist a majority of the house of
commons, to which every other minister had instantly
yielded; and he might hope, that Mr. Pitt's acceptance
of office under such circumstances, and his compelled
relinquishment of it after so short a time — a consequence
which would then have been represented as obvious to
every one but himself — would fix upon him the impu-

271
tation of rashness and presumption, and operate in a
manner injurious to his character. Here Mr. Fox was
again disappointed. He prevailed, indeed, as far as a
majority was concerned, in every motion which he made
in the house of commons, for two successive months* ;
but the most hostile resolutions against ministers, and the
most importunate addresses to the throne, equally failed
of producing their desired effect. Mr. Pitt persevered,
boldly avowing his determination not to resign ; and his
majesty was no less firm in refusing to dismiss him. In
the mean time, the people gave the most unequivocal
proofs of their approbation of Mr. Pitt's conduct, and
as strongly condemned that of his opponents. Public
©pinion must ever affect the votes of the house of com
mons. Mr. Fox's majorities gradually decreased; and
the plain intimations, which he received from some of
his most respectable supporters, convinced him, that if
he proceeded to acts of greater violence, he should ex
perience and proclaim the loss of that confidence, which
had been his proudest boast, and the ground of all his
pretensions. Unable, therefore, to take any farther step,
without resource and without alternative, he felt himself
under the humiliating necessity of giving up the contest,
and of submitting to the rising fame and wonderful tal
ents of a man, whose opposition, at the beginning of the
struggle, he had considered as by no means formidable,
• Mr. Fox and his friends, during this contest, carried fourteen motions against
Mr. Pitt, upon which the house divided ; besides a great many other motions, upon
whicli there was no division. The dates of those divisions, and the numbers which
voted, were as follow :
January 12 - 232 to 193 -
— - 196 to 142 -
16 - 205 to 184 -
23. - 222 to 214 -
February 2 - 223 to 204 -
3 - 211 to 187 -
16 - 186 to 157 -
18 - 208 to 196 -
20 - 197 to 177 -
— 177 to 156 -
27 - 175 to 168 -
March - 1 - 201 to 189 -
5 - 171 to 162 -
8 - 191 to 190 -
Several of these debates were upon nearly the same question, and, in giving an
account of them, the same opinions and arguments may in some instances have
been repeated; but it was impossible, without noticing every motion and debate,
to convey an adequate idea of the nature of the contest, or of the difficulties which
Mr. Pitt had to encounter.

majority

-

-

39

- do.

-

-

54

- do.

-

.

-

21

- do.

.

.

.

8

- do.

_

-

.

19

- do.

.

•

24

- do.

.

¦

-

29

- do.

.

-

.

12

- do.

-

.

.

20

- do.

.

.

.

21

- do.

-

-

.

7

- do.

-

.

.

12

- do.

.

-

.

9

- do.

¦

-

-

1

272
and who was not only much younger than himself, but of
an age at which no one ever before attained either the same
weight in parliament, the same situation in government,
or the same popularity in the country. And to complete
Mr. Fox's mortification, he could not but foresee, that
the dissolution of parliament, which he had reason to ex
pect would soon take place, must, in the present state of
the public mind, still more diminish his own influence,
and confirm the power of his rival.
I am aware, that in the present and in the former
chapters, I have frequently mentioned Mr. Pitt's age ;
but as this is a peculiar and characteristic circumstance,
clearly pointing out his superiority to every other politi
cal man that ever existed, I shall, I trust, be pardoned
for the repetition. The most eminent statesmen, both
in ancient and in modern times, in this and in other na
tions, were scarcely known at the age of 25 ; and we
have seen what situations Mr. Pitt filled, what powers
he displayed, and what reputation he acquired, before he
arrived at that period of life. He was not only at once
the accomplished orator, but exhibited such maturity
of understanding and correctness of judgment, with so
perfect a knowledge of every subject, foreign and domes
tic, which came under consideration, and proved him
self so entirely competent to all the arduous duties of his
high station in the senate, in the cabinet, and in the de
tail of official business, without the preparation and ex
perience which other men had invariably required, that
his political opponent, lord North, pronounced him
" born a minister ;" and Mr. Gibbon declared, that " in
all his researches in antient and modern history, he
had no where met with his parallel, who, at so young
a period of life, had so important a trust reposed in him,
which he had discharged with so much credit to him
self, and with so much advantage to the kingdom."

273
CHAPTER THE FIFTH:
1784.
Mr. Pitt elected member for the University of Cambridge-
Westminster Election — Meeting of Parliament — Mr. Pitt's Fi
nance Measures — His India Bill — End of Session.
AT the election for the city of London, one of the first
which took place in consequence of the dissolution of
parliament, Mr. Pitt, without any previous communica
tion with him, was put in nomination, and the shew of
hands was declared to be in his favor ; but he declined
the poll. He was much importuned to stand for the city
of Bath, which his father had represented, and likewise
for several other cities and towns ; but all these invita
tions he also declined, having, immediately after the dis
solution, offered himself again for the university of Cam
bridge. He, and his friend lord Euston, prevailed against
Mr. John Townshend and Mr. Mansfield*, who had re
presented the university in the last parliament, and were
now supported by all the interest and exertions of oppo
sition. This was a great political triumph to Mr. Pitt ;
and it was highly gratifying to his feelings to be chosen
to represent the place of his education. Numerous ap
plications were made to him from different parts of the
kingdom, to recommend candidates ; and so many con
tests terminated in favor of his friends, that upwards of
160 persons, who had voted against him in the former
parliament, did not obtain seats in this ; among whom
w-ere several gentleman of the greatest influence, from
private character, family connexions, and extensive pro
perty. In most counties, and in most boroughs, where
the electors were independent, the pledge to support Mr.
Pitt, in the house of commons, was sufficient to secure
* Mr. Towshend had been a lord of the admiralty, and Mr. Mansfield solicitor
general, during the coalition administration, and both had opposed Mr. Pittjin the
late' struggle. Mr. Pitt had 334 votes, lord Euston 288, Mr. Townshend 207, and
Mr. Mansfield 181.
Vol. I. Mm

274
success against a competitor, known to be of opposite
principles. The result of this general election was, at
once a decisive proof of the weight possessed by the peo
ple, and of their loyalty to their sovereign ; and it was
afterwards urged as an argument against the necessity
for a reform in parliament.
The election for the city of Westminster attracted
particular attention, and was the cause of much and in
teresting discussion in the new parliament. The candi
dates were, lord Hood, sir Cecil Wray and Mr. Fox ; the
two former of whom were professedly attached to Mr. Pitt ;
and sir Cecil Wray and Mr. Fox had represented West
minster in the last parliament. The election began on the
1st of April, and lasted till the 17th of May, when it
was closed by the high bailiff, who conceived he had no
right to continue the poll beyond the day on which the
writs were made returnable. Lord Hood was at the
head of the poll, and Mr. Fox had a majority of 235
above sir Cecil Wray, the numbers being for lord Hood,
6,694 ; for Mr. Fox, 6,233 ; and for sir Cecil Wray,
5,998. There was strong reason to believe, that many
of Mr. Fox's votes were illegal, which induced sir Cecil
Wray to demand a scrutiny, and the high bailiff to grant
it. The high bailiff, therefore, unable to make a regu
lar return, only certified to the sheriffs the above circum
stances, with a declaration of his intention to proceed
upon the scrutiny with all practicable dispatch. In the
mean time, Mr. Fox took his seat for the Scotch boroughs
of Tain, Dingwall, Dornock, Wich, and Kirkwall, for
which he had been elected, through the interest ot sir
Thomas Dundas.
Parliament met on the 18th of May; and upon the
motion in the house of commons, for the choice of a
speaker, Mr. Fox took occasion to complain, that the
representation of the people was incomplete, from the
want of a return of two persons to serve for the city of
Westminster ; and he gave notice, that, on the earliest
possible day, the conduct of the high bailiff, which he
called, unwarrantable and criminal, would be brought
under the consideration of the house. Mr. Pitt in reply,
merely observed, that when the proper time should come

275
for the discussion of the question, he had no doubt but it
would receive the attention it deserved : in the mean
while he trusted,, that the harsh epithets of the right
honorable gentleman would not have any influence upon
the house, or excite any prejudice against the object of
them. On the 19th, his majesty, after approving Mr. Corn
wall, who had been unanimously chosen speaker, deli
vered the following speech from the throne :

ct

" My lords, and gentlemen,
I have the greatest satisfaction in meeting you in
parliament at this time, after recurring, in so important a
moment, to the sense of my people. I have a just and
confident reliance, that you are animated with the same
sentiments of loyalty, and the same attachment to our
excellent constitution, which I have had the happiness to
see so fully manifested in every part of the kingdom.
The happy effects of such a disposition will, I doubt not,
appear in the temper and wisdom of your deliberations,
and in the dispatch of the important objects of public
business, which demand your attention. It will afford
me peculiar pleasure to find, that the exercise of the
power intrusted to me by the constitution, has been
productive of consequences so beneficial to my subjects,
whose interests and welfare are always nearest my heart."
" Gentlemen of the house of Commons,
" I have ordered the estimates of the current year to
be laid before you, and I trust to your zeal and affection
to make such provisions for their farther supply, and for
the application of the sums granted in the last parliament,
as may appear to be necessary.
" I sincerely lament every addition to the burthens of
my people, but they will, I am persuaded, feel the neces
sity, after a long and expensive war, of effectually pro
viding for the maintenance of the national faith, and our
public credit, so essential to the power and prosperity of
the state."

276
" My lords and gentlemen,
" The alarming progress of frauds in the revenue, ac
companied in so many instances with violence, will not
fail on every account to excite your attention. I must,
at the same time, recommend to your most serious con
sideration, to frame such commercial regulations as may
appear immediately necessary, in the present moment.
The affairs of the East India company form an object of
deliberation, deeply connected with the general interests
of the country. While you feel a just anxiety to provide
for the good government of our possessions in that part
of the world, you will, I trust, never lose sight of the
effect which any measure, to be adopted for that purpose,
may have on our own constitution, and our dearest inter
ests at home. You will find me always desirous to con
cur with you, in such measures as may be of lasting
benefit to my people : I have no wish but to consult their
prosperity, by a constant attention to every object of na
tional concern, by a uniform adherence to the true princi
ples of our free constitution, and by supporting and
maintaining, in their just balance, the rights and privi
leges of every branch of the legislature."
Several days being required for swearing in the mem
bers, business did not begin in the house of commons till
the 24th, on which day Mr. Lee* called the attention of
the house to the Westminster election, before the motion
for an address to his majesty, usual at the opening of
every session : he contended, that the high bailiff had
acted contrary to law, in not returning those two persons
who had the majority of votes, when he finally closed the
poll on the 17th of May; and made a motion to that
effect. Sir Lloyd Kenyon, master of the rolls, objected
to the motion, as it censured the conduct of the high
bailiff, without giving him an opportunity of defending
himself. He maintained, that the high bailiff was justifi
ed in not making a return, and in granting a scrutiny,
there being no other means of ascertaining which of the
candidates had a majority of legal votes ; and therefore
* Mr. Lie hud been first solicitor general, and then attorney general, during tbe
coalition administration.

277
moved the previous question, which, after short speeches
from Mr. Pitt, Mr. Fox, lord North, and several other
members, was carried by a majority of 283 to 136. Mr.
Lee, having failed in obtaining an immediate return for
the city of Westminster, moved, that the high bailiff
should appear at the bar of the house of commons the
next day, to which no objection was made.
This point being settled, Mr. Hamilton* moved an
address to the king, in answer to the speech from the
throne, in which he proposed to return his majesty thanks
for the dissolution of parliament ; a measure, to which
his majesty had been graciously pleased to have recourse,
in compliance with the earnest wishes of the people, who
highly disapproved the conduct of the late house of com
mons. In moving this address, Mr. Hamilton spoke in
warm terms of commendation, both of the public and
private character of Mr. Pitt, " who at a most momen
tous crisis, had stood forward the successful champion
of the constitution, and in whom the fondest hopes of
the nation were justly reposed."
Lord Surry expressed his concern, that he could not
assent to the whole of the address, which had been mov
ed. He said, that it was far from his intention or desire
to find any fault with the panegyric, which the honorable
mover of the address had thought proper to pronounce
on the present minister. No man admired the talents of
that right honorable gentleman more than he did ; nor
was there a person within those walls who more sincere
ly wished him a fair opportunity of displaying his great
and distinguished abilities, with advantage to his country,
and honor to himself : of his integrity he was fully per
suaded ; and of his determination to preserve his high
character free from reproach and impeachment of every
kind, he had not the smallest doubt. After this candid
exordium, he proceeded to state objections to that part of
the address, which returned thanks to his majesty for the
late dissolution of parliament, and moved, by way of
amendment, that it should be omitted. Several mem
bers, in supporting the original address, spoke of Mr.
Pitt's popularity ; and acknowledged that they owed their
* Afterwards marquis of Abercorn.

278
elections to its being understood, that they were attached
to his cause. Lord North, Mr. Fox, and Mr. Adam,
supported the amendment, and argued for the omission
of the objectionable clause, that the address might be
voted unanimously.
Mr. Pitt, rising at the end of the debate, said, that he
was fully convinced of the importance of unanimity, and
extremely desirous of procuring it, if real unanimity could
be obtained ; but he was not for purchasing a hollow
unanimity, by blinking a great constitutional question,
and passing over the dissolution of the last parliament,
when it was so clear!-, established, that it had given the
most solid satisfaction throughout the kingdom. As, on
the one hand, he was not willing to blink that great ques
tion, for the sake of the unanimity of an hour ; so, on the
other, he was not afraid to state fairly, how far he did
conceive that the present address would pledge the house,
when they came hereafter to discuss the circumstances
of the dissolution. If it should appear, that, in the con
duct of the dissolution, there had been any trifling irre
gularity or error, he should think, that the present address
precluded any censure for such informality. " But God
forbid, that the address, or any thing else, should prevent
any capital criminality, if criminality of that sort be sus
pected in the dissolution, from being fairly brought out,
fully investigated, and, if proved, punished with due se
verity." Having said this, he mentioned, among the for
tunate events which had recently occurred, the final con
clusion of the definitive treaty of peace with the states
general. He next adverted to the various arguments
which had been used in the debate, and by collecting
them severally from lord North, Mr. Adam, and Mr.
Fox, and comparing the violences of the one with those
of the other, threw an air of ridicule upon the whole.
He took notice of Mr. Fox's having had the firmness
still to glory in his India bill, although he lost what he
risked, his power and situation by it. He said, that this
firmness was not to be sufficiently admired ; but, that
Mr. Fox's declaring himself willing to bear the respon
sibility, was a little ridiculous, because, in the next sen
tence, he declared the responsibility to amount to nothing,

279
as he could not be made personally liable to punishment,
for having tneroly proposed a bill to parliament. The
only responsibility the honorable gentleman was liable to,
was the responsibility of character, and responsibility at
the tribunal of the public. That sort of responsibility,
Mr. Pitt observed, had already been brought to the test.
Mr. Fox had been tried before the tribunal of the public,
who had almost unanimously found him guilty. He also
noticed what lord North had said of the last parliament,
and owned, that if any thing could be a justification of
that parliament, the noble lord had stated its single merit,
which would, indeed, serve to cover a multitude of sins,
namely, that it had the virtue to put an end to his admi
nistration, and to the calamitous and ruinous war, which
the noble lord had brought upon the country. He would
not, he said, at that late hour, attempt to argue the case ;
but leaving it under the broad shield which the noble
lord had thrown over it, he would proceed to take notice
of two or three observations, which had fallen from the
right honorable gentleman opposite to him (Mr. Fox,)
and from the right honorable gentleman's friend behind
him (Mr. Adam,) relative to the glorious check to the
career of ministers, as it was called, the Westminster
election. The ingenuity of the learned gentleman had
found Out, that the right honorable gentleman's (Mr.
Fox's) election was almost unanimous, although they
had that day been inquiring why no return had been
made, and had learnt, that many thousands voted for two
other candidates. But, said the learned gentleman, the
success was wonderful, considering that the right honor
able gentleman had to contend with the powers of public
office, with the powers of the East India company, and
with what the learned gentleman was pleased to term,
popular phrenzy. " The right honorable gentleman,"
said Mr. Pitt, " has to lament, that he had to contend
with the powers of public office, because he endeavored
to subvert government. He has to lament, that he had
to contend with the East India company, because he en
deavored to seize upon their property, and to violate their
most sacred rights, sanctioned by charters, and secured
to them by statutes. And he has to lament, that he had

280
to contend with what is termed popular phrenzy, because
the people at large have seen and condemned his conduct.
But what allies the right honorable gentleman had to fight
for him, is not noticed. The degree of influence used in
his favor, has not been observed upon ; nor any respect
paid to those charms*, which alone can supersede every
other consideration among us all, and command unani
mity, when nothing else could command it." Having
pursued this vein of mixed sarcasm and ridicule, Mr.
Pitt took notice of Mr. Fox's glories not being confined
to Westminster, but extended to the extremest corner of
the island, to which the right honorable gentleman's par
tialities had not formerly gone :
Via prima salutis,
Quod minine reris, graia patidetur ab urbe.
His success at Ross and Kirkwall ought not, he thought,
to be denied its share of praise ; it was well entitled to
" Pursue the triumph, and partake the gale."
Mr. Pitt concluded his speech, by declaring, that he could
not consent, either at the price of unanimity, or for any
other consideration, that any part of the address should
be altered. A division took place, in which 114 voted
for the amendment, and 282 against it ; after which, the
main question, for the address, was carried without a di
vision. This, and the former division upon the Westminster
election, sufficiently indicated Mr. Pitt's strength in the
new house of commons, fully justified the late dissolu
tion, and proved his judgment, in waiting so long before
he advised that measure. Had he, by yielding to 'die
desire, which he could not but feel, of being relieved
from a house of commons so hostile to him, and in com
pliance as well with the wishes of his friends, as the fear
of his enemies, all of which must be allowed to have
been powerful incitements, dissolved parliament at an
earlier period, he might indeed have gained a small ma
jority, but not that decided superiority of numbers which
he now obtained, and which he preserved, while he con-
* Mr. Pitt alluded to certain ladies, more distinguished for rank and beauty, than
delicacy aud propriety of conduct, who had canvassed for Mr. Fox during the
Westminster contest.

281
tinued in office ; his own character, both for talents and
principles, would not in that case, have been so com
pletely developed and established ; nor could he, which
is a *till more weighty consideration, have rendered those
important services to his country, which he was now
enabled to perform, by the confidence he had acquired,
both in and out of parliament. The present situation of
public affairs, and a succession of events which followed,
required a strong, able, and energetic administration, to
rescue the kingdom from the difficulties with which it
was now surrounded, and to avert the dangers with which
it was afterwards threatened.
The negative given to lord Surry's amendment, was
considered as so unequivocal an approbation of the dis
solution, that no direct question was brought forward
upon the subject by opposition, and it was scarcely men
tioned again during the session.
While Mr. Pitt was struggling [against majorities of
the house of commons, after the failure of his India bill,
it was impossible for him to bring forward any great
public measure. As soon, however, as the new parlia
ment met, having employed the intermediate time in
making preparations, he applied his utmost industry to
compensate for the delay, which the violence of party
had occasioned.
Two subjects pre-eminently demanded immediate at
tention, the revenue of the country, and the affairs of the
East India company.
A brief statement respecting the situation of the reve
nue, will incontrovertibly prove, what has been already
mentioned in general terms, that the national income did
not supply the means of supporting even a moderate
peace establishment. In the year ending January 5th,
1784, the permanent taxes produced very little more than
ten millions, which was nearly half a million less than the
interest of the public funded debt, the civil list, and the
appropriated duties for the payment of which they were
the only security. Besides these charges, the annual
expenses of army, navy, ordnance, and miscellaneous
services, estimated at four millions*, were to be defray-
* Thev in fact amounted to considerably more.
Vol. I. Nn

282
ed, for which there was no provision, except the land
and malt* taxes, voted every year, and producing only
about two millions and a half. From this comparison of
the actual income, and unavoidable expenditure ofj the
country, including only the funded part of the public
debt, it appears that there was a deficiency of almost
two millions a year in the revenue, which was principal
ly owing to the failure in the estimated produce of the
taxes, imposed by lord North, during the American war.
There was also an enormous unfunded debt, the precise
amount of which could not at present be ascertained, but
which must necessarily be funded, and the interest pro
vided for, so that the whole deficiency could not be con
sidered as less than three millions a year, without any
allowance for a sinking fund. To complete this melan
choly picture, it is to be added, that though peace had
been firmly established more than a twelvemonth, the
three per cents were between 56 and 57, scarcely higher
than at the most unfavorable period of the war, and much
lower than immediately after the signature of the prelimi
nary treaties.
Under these circumstances, it was a matter of the
most urgent necessity to improve the income of the
country, and to raise public credit, which could only be
effected by making existing taxes more productive, and
by imposing new ones.
Mr. Pitt was convinced, that nothing would tend more
directly to promote the former of those important objects,
than the suppression of smuggling, which at this time
prevailed to an alarming and almost incredible extent,
and seemed to be destroying the very vitals of the re
venue. It was the chief source of the frauds so long and
so loudly complained of ; and every endeavor to check
its growth, had hitherto proved completely ineffectual.
Forty thousand persons were supposed to be engaged,
by sea and by land, in the various branches of this con
traband trade, with large and connected capitals, from
which an immense profit was derived. Vessels of a
considerable size, some of 300 tons burden, lay out at
sea, and delivered their cargoes to colliers and other

283
Small vessels, which landed the different articles along
the coast, where armed men. were stationed to receive and
protect them, till they were disposed off to the retail dealers.
Thus did smugglers not only act contrary to law, but
they set the law at defiance ; and a more daring and des
perate set of people never perhaps infested any civilized
nation. They resisted any force sent against them ; and
both the -property, and the persons of magistrates and of
private individuals, who ventured to interrupt their illegal
practices, were exposed to every species of revenge and
injury. " Not merely the revenue," said captain Mac-
bride, " is affected by smuggling, though that would be
mischief enough ; but the agriculture and manufactures
of the island are in danger of being ruined. The farmers
near the coast have already changed their occupation ;
and instead of employing their horses in tilling the soil,
they use them for the more advantageous purpose of carry
ing smuggled goods to a. distance from the shore. The
manufacturers will catch the contagion, and the loom and
the anvil will be deserted. In former wars, the smug
glers had not conducted themselves as enemies to their
country ; but in the late war, they enticed away sailors
from the king's ships, concealed such as deserted, gave
intelligence to the enemy, and did every thing in their
power hostile to the interest of Great Britain."
To remedy this great and increasing evil, Mr. Pitt
thought it right, first' to introduce a bill, which should be
calculated to prevent smuggling in general, and then to
propose regulations respectively applicable to those arti
cles which were its principal support.
By the provisions of his general bill, the right of seiz
ing vessels of a certain description, and under certain
circumstances*, with their cargoes, was extended from
the distance of twof to four leagues from the coast ; all
* "Having on board any brandy or other spiritous liquors, in any vessel or cask,
which shall not contain 60 gallons at the least (excepting only for the use of the
seamen then belonging to, and on board, such ship or vessel, not exceeding two gal
lons for each seaman,) or having on board any wine in casks (provided such ship or
vessel having wine on board, shall not exceed sixty tons burden,) or having six
pounds weight of tea, or twenty pounds weight of coffee, or having on board any
goods whatsoever liable to forfeiture, by any act of parliament, upon being imported
into Great Britain." 24 Geo. 3. c. 47, sect. 1 .
f By the Hovering Act, as it was called, which passed four years before, vessels
might be seized within two leagues of the coast.

284
forfeited vessels, except such as might be fit for his ma
jesty's service, were directed to be destroyed, that they
might not fall again into the hands of smugglers ; the
building of vessels of certain dimensions and burden,
which it was known were solely or chiefly used in smug
gling, was prohibited ; armed vessels were not allowed
beyond a certain distance from the coast, without license
from the admiralty ; the rules respecting clearance were
made much stricter than they had hitherto been, to guard
against the practice of vessels sailing out of port in bal
last, and afterwards being employed in smuggling ; and
it was made a capital felony to shoot at or upon any ship,
vessel, or boat, belonging to his majesty's navy, or in the
service of the customs or excise, or to shoot at or wound
any officer of his majesty's navy, or revenue officer, or
persons assisting them in the execution of their duty. No
objection was made to the principle of this bill ; and in
the debates which took place upon some of its clauses,
the friends and the opponents of government shewed the
same disposition to make it as effectual as possible. It
passed both houses, without a single division, having
received considerable improvement by the suggestions
of different members of the house of commons.
In aid of this general bill, Mr. Pitt brought forward
two others, one of which was directed against the contra
band trade in tea, and the other in spirits ; the two arti
cles, in which smugglers dealt by much the most largely.
Tea, indeed, was called " the staple of smuggling ;"
and the following statement will shew, that it had a just
claim to "that appellation.
From the most correct estimate which could be made,
there was reason to think, that thirteen millions* of
pounds of tea were annually consumed in this kingdom ;
and it was certain, that not more than five millions and a
half were sold by the East India company : seven mil
lions and a half therefore were smuggled every year. So
systematic was this trade become, that tea companies
were formed in the commercial towns upon the conti
nent, for the purpose of supplying our smugglers ; and
* About 19 millions of pounds were exported every year from China to Europe ;
and consequently only 6 millions were consumed upon the whole continent; that if
hot half the quantity consumed in England.

285
the servants of our own East India company remitted to
Europe their private fortunes, acquired in India, by means
of tea sent in foreign vessels, consigned to foreign com
panies, and afterwards smuggled into this country. There
were supposed to be at this time, five millions of pounds
of tea at Hamburgh, and three millions at Ostend, besides
considerable quantities at other places, all destined for
the smuggling trade of England. It was generally
agreed, that while the present high duties upon tea, and
consequently the great profits to smugglers, continued, it
would be in vain to expect, that any law, however strict,
or any punishment, however severe, would materially
check this mischievous but lucrative trade. The great
difficulty was, to find that medium, which, while it de
feated the purposes of the smuggler, by leaving him no
inducement to go on with his fraudulent practices, should
not take from the revenue more than was absolutely ne
cessary to accomplish the object for which the duties
were to be diminished. These duties, partly custom
house, and partly excise, amounting together to fifty per
cent upon the value, and to two shillings and seven
pence, upon the average, for every pound of tea, produ
ced rather more than seven hundred thousand pounds a
year. To remove all .temptation to purchase smuggled
tea, and of course to destroy the trade, it was necessary
to enable the fair trader to sell at the same price the
smuggler could, which it was impossible to effect with
out reducing the duties, so as to leave them no more than
equal to the expense of smuggling, and that would cause
a much greater diminution in their produce, than the re
venue would bear, without a substitute. Mr. Pitt there
fore felt it incumbent upon him to put a stop to the
smuggling of tea, and, at the same time, not to injure the
revenue ; and his plan was this : — He proposed to repeal
all the present duties upon tea, and in future to make the
different sorts, according to their respective value, subject
to a custom house duty of only 12| per cent., which
would very considerably lower the price of tea, purchased
of the fair dealer. This small duty would produce about
170,000/. a year, and therefore the revenue would, in
this respect, suffer an annual loss of between 5 and

286
600,000/. To compensate for this defalcation, he farther
proposed to increase the tax upon windows ; and then
the effect of these two operations would be, that the peo
ple would experience a commutation of taxes. Instead
of the greater part of the present duties upon tea, they
would pay an additional duty upon windows ; so arrang
ed by Mr. Pitt, that every individual, who now bought
tea legally imported*, as well as the public revenue,
would gain by the change. All houses, in number about
200,000, which did not pay to church and poor, were to
be entirely exempted ; and consequently the inhabitants
of those houses, being of the poorest sort, would be re
lieved from almost the whole present tax upon tea, with
out being called upon to pay any other tax in its room.
This new tax upon windows, and the duty intended to be
retained upon tea, would together produce 900,000/. a
year, and therefore the revenue would annually gain
nearly 200,000/. without allowing for any increase in the
quantity of tea imported. Besides the prevention of
smuggling, the extention of the fair trade, the saving to
all honest householders, the improvement to the revenue,
and the exemption of tea-dealers from the visits of excise
men, the East India company, by selling a much larger
quantity of tea, would be materially benefited, which
might of itself be considered a public advantage ; more
especially, as the increased demand for tea, legally im
ported, would cause the company to employ twenty addi
tional ships, and two thousand additional seamen ; and
the whole profit of the tea trade would be confined to this
country, and to fair dealers, which was now shared, in a
large proportion, by foreign companies, and the subjects
of this kingdom, who enriched themselves by -defrauding
its revenue.
But, although his commutation tax, as it has since
been called, had all these recommendations, it met with
some opposition in the house of commons; and Mr. Fox,
in particular, objected to it, as being compulsory, that is,
* As an example, Mr. Pitt said, that the master of a house, with nine windows,
which would be rated at 10s. 6rf. might be supposed to consume annually in his fa
mily Beven pounds of tea ; the difference between the o|d and new duties upon which
would be, upon an average, U. 5s. lOd. ; and, consequently, such a family would
save 15s. id. by the commutation.

287
compelling^ people to pay for drinking tea, whether. they
drank it or not, because every householder must pay the
window-tax. This objection was not considered as hav
ing much weight; since, in point of fact, there was scarce
ly a family in the kingdom, rich or poor, in which tea
was not used ;' and it was admitted, that all who did not
buy smuggled tea, would gain by this substitute. It was
urged, as another objection, that it was rash and hazar
dous to meddle with a tax so productive as that of tea,
notwithstanding the acknowledged prevalence of smug
gling. To which it was replied, that it would be justi
fiable to run some risque, with the prospect of attaining
so much good ; but that, in truth, there was little or no
danger to the revenue, as the new tax upon windows, and
the reduced tax upon tea, could not fail to produce their
estimated amount ; the old taxes upon those articles, af
fording a certain ground for calculation. Mr. Fox, find
ing that these objections were of no avail, expressed a
wish that the business should be deferred to another year;
but to this, Mr. Pitt would not consent, as the evil, which
it was intended to' correct, was of a very serious nature ;
and the expectation of such a measure as the present,
would tend to increase illicit trade in the intermediate
time. The bill, therefore, proceeded, and passed the
house of commons, with only one division, upon a mo
tion for its re-commitment, which was negatived' by 143
to 40. It passed the house of lords, without any division,
and with only one short debate.
The same observation, which was made respecting the
high duties upon tea, was applicable to those upon spirits,
namely, that while they continued, it would be in vain to
expect any considerable diminuition in the smuggling of
spirits. Great frauds also were committed upon the
distillery of spirits at home ; to such a degree, indeed,
that the distillery from molasses, in the city of London,
produced to the revenue, 32,000/. in 1778, and only
1,098/. in 1783, which must have been owing to new
contrivances for evading the duties. Mr. Pitt, therefore,
brought forward a bill, by which the duties payable upon
British spirits were regulated and enforced, and those on

288
foreign spirits considerably reduced ; and it being expect
ed, that the revenue would be fully indemnified for this
reduction of duties, by the increased consumption of
spirits, legally imported, no substitute, as in the case of
tea, was thought necessary. The bill passed both houses,
with scarcely any discussion ; but being considered as an
experiment, it was to continue in force only two years.
These three bills, upon a subject which had for some
time excited alarm and complaint, both in parliament
and in the country, were received with very general satis
faction, except by those who were interested in the con
tinuance of the unlawful traffic, which they were intended
to destroy ; and it will hereafter appear, that they com
pletely answered their purpose, and had, in several res
pects, a most beneficial effect.
I now proceed to give an account of what is common
ly called the budget, which Mr. Pitt brought forward on
the 30th of June, and which of course included the con
sideration of new taxes. He began by observing, that
the necessities of the country rendered the business of
the day more heavy, and consequently more irksome,
than it had ever been to any minister, upon any former
occasion ; and he undertook it with a perfect sense how
unequal he was to the task, and how much he stood in
need of the indulgence of the house. He had, however,
the comfort of reflecting, that these necessities were not
created by him ; he found them in his office ; they were
entailed upon him by his predecessors ; and he felt him
self under the indispensable obligation of entering upon a
most important weight of finance and taxation, as he must
not suffer personal considerations to interfere with the
duties of his situation. He had confidence in the good
sense and patriotism of the people of England, that they
would cheerfully submit to those burdens, which, upon
winding up the accounts of the late unfortunate and
most expensive war, still remained to be imposed ; and
he assured the house, that his majesty's present ministers
had attended with the utmost assiduity to the reduction
of expense in every branch of the public service, the ef
fect of which, he trusted, would be hereafter felt. In the

289
mean time, he threw himself upon the generosity and
candor of the house, while he proceeded to state the
financial circumstances of the nation, and to provide for
its pressing exigencies.
The topics discussed by Mr. Pitt, in his speech, were,
the services of the current year, the ways and means of
raising the money for defraying the expenses of those
services, the loan, the funding a part of the unfunded
debt, and new taxes.
The services of the year consisted of the six following
articles ; the army, the navy, the ordnance, a debt due to
the bank, deficiencies in the grants and taxes of former
years, and miscellaneous services. The army estimates
amounted to upwards of four millions ; the navy, to rather
more than three millions ; the ordnance, to rather more
than 600,000/. ; the debt due to the bank of England,
was two millions, which had been lent to the public in
1781, without interest, for the renewal of their charter,
and which were now become due ; the deficiencies of
former years, amounted to more than a million and half;
and the miscellaneous services, which it is not necessary
to enumerate, amounted to nearly 300,000/. including
60,000/. for the arrears of the civil list. The total
amount of all these various services was about 12 mil
lions, exclusively of the exchequer bills in circulation,
not charged on any fund, for the payment of which, Mr.
Pitt proposed, that other exchequer bills should be issued.
The directors of the bank were willing that the debt,
due to them, should be postponed to another year ; and
thus the sum actually required was reduced from twelve
to ten millions ; towards which the land and malt taxes,
the sinking fund, certain surplusses, and savings from
army services of former years, would furnish four mil
lions, and consequently there remained six millions to be
procured by loan.
Former ministers* had made loans and lotteries the
source of patronage, and the means of gain to their
friends and supporters, at the expense of the nation. Mr.
Pitt determined to adopt a new mode of borrowing the
money, and of disposing of the lottery, which should
have no other object in view than the benefit of the
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290
public. Conformably to which determination, he gave
notice, through the governor and deputy governor of the
bank, to the monied men in the city, that he was ready
to contract for the loan, with those who would offer the
lowest terms, and that the lottery tickets should be dis
tributed among the persons who lent the money, in pro
portion to the sums lent. This produced, as was ex
pected, a competition. Two sets of bidders were formed,
who made proposals, sealed up, which were opened in
the presence of the governor and deputy governor of the
bank ; and Mr. Pitt accepted the terms which were the
lowest*. The gentlemen who offered those terms, had
the whole of the loan and lottery, except the usual re
serve for the public companies. Mr. Pitt had not the
disposal of a single shilling. By these means the inte
rest of the public was consulted, and all possibility of
private favor or influence precluded. The charge upon
the public, in consequence of this loan, amounted to
315,000/. a year, being rather more than five per cent.,
and certainly less than it would have been, if the loan
had been negotiated in the same manner as in former
years. The navy and victualling bills, and ordnance deben
tures, which formed a very considerable part of the un
funded debt, amounted together, at this time, to nearly
fourteen millions. Mr. Pitt was very desirous of fund
ing the whole of that sum in the present session; but
finding it necessary, when he was in treaty for the loan,
to explain his intention respecting the unfunded debt, the
money-lenders informed him, that so large a quantity of
stock, coming at once into the market, would materially
depress the price of the stocks, and cause both bargains,
for the loan and for the unfunded debt, to be made upon
worse terms. He decided therefore to fund only
6,600,000/. He gave way indeed to this suggestion of
the money-lenders, the more readily, as he hoped he
• These terms were, that each subscriber of 100Z. in money should have 100?.
3 per cents'., 501. 4 per cents., 5s. 6rf. long annuity, and 2-5ths of a lottery ticket.
The mode of bidding was this : Mr. Pitt informed the monied men, that 1001. in
the 3 per tents., 50(. in the 4 per cents, and 2-5ths of a lottery ticket were fixed ;
and that the offer of those who proposed the least long annuity should be accepted.
The long annuity was for 75 1-2 years, being to terminate with the existing long
annuities.

291
should be able to fund more advantageously in the next
year. Mr. Pitt, at this time, like many other persons,
had a predilection in favor of a fund at a high rate of in
terest, as it would create a less quantity of stock, and
facilitate the means of redemption; and if agreements
could be made in a high and in a low fund, upon the
same terms, there is no doubt but a high fund* would
be more advantageous to the public. But the monied
men and stockholders had a great dislike to a high fund ;
being persuaded, that from the very circumstance of its
being more easily redeemed, it would never bear an
equivalent price, compared with that of lower fundsf.
Mr. Pitt, however, contended, that in every financial
operation, redemption at a future time ought to be kept
in view ; and therefore he determined in funding these
navy and victualling bills, and ordnance debentures, to
try the experiment of a five per cent. fund. He wished
also to have made the loan in that fund, but he found the
objections of the money-lenders so strong against it, that
he thought it would be risquing too much, upon the first
attempt of this sort, to hazard the funding of so large a
sum, as the loan and unfunded debt would jointly amount
to, in opposition to the sentiments of those who* ought
to be competent judges upon the subject. According to
the present price of the existing funds, a five per cent.
fund ought to be at 95, but in his calculation he took it
only at 93$ ; and as a farther inducement to the holders
of the bills and debentures to subscribe to this new fund,
* Lord North, in a debate upon lord John Cavendish's budget in 1783, said, that
" the notions entertained about a 5 per cent, fund were erroneous. He had en
deavored to borrow upon such a fund, but had been unable to contract any benefi
cial bargain. It was an error to suppose, that the money lenders would lend at par.
It was also an error to suppose, that the five per cents, might be the soonest re
deemed : for persons lending upon this fund, stipulate invariably the condition, that
the annuity should be irredeemable for 15 years. The puhlic, being thus obliged
to pay the annuity for so great a number of years, would incur a greater loss by
this plan, than by borrowing upon a 3 per cent. fund. His information had come to
him, in the course of actual business, and might be depended upon. As to the
oretical ideas, they might appear very beautiful, and sound well in a debate, but the
moment they were applied to affairs, they would tumble to the ground, and become
baseless like the fabric of a vision."
f As the 4 per cents, were lower in proportion than the 3 per cents , they con
cluded that the 5 per cents, would be lower than the 4 per pents., which proved
to be the fact.
* The effect of this was, that the public paid about two shillings per cent, in
terest, more than they would have done on a 3 percent, fund, for the probability of
making the redemption hereafter upon better terms.

292
he made it irredeemable, and the interest irreducible, till
25 millions of the three or four per cents, should be re
deemed : The fund thus created, would require an in
terest of rather more than 315,000/. There would still
remain in the market, seven millions of these bills and
debentures, which would bear an interest of four per
cent., and for this interest, amounting to 280,000/. a
year, Mr. Pitt intended to provide ; the consequence of
which would be, that when these bills and debentures
should hereafter be funded, no interest would be wanted,
except the difference between four per cent, and the rate
at which they should be funded, which in any case must
be an inconsiderable sum. The whole, therefore, of the
interest now to be provided for, consisting of the interest
of the loan, and the two parts of the bills and debentures,
was 910,000/. a year; and Mr. Pitt, exhausted as the
country was, undertook to find taxes which should pro
duce that^enormous sum.
" This," he said, " was a task extremely difficult and
extremely painful; but, at the same time, it was very
important for public credit, which was at present in a
very depressed state, that provision should be made, as
early as circumstances would allow, for the whole of the
outstanding debt. The first consideration to which it
was incumbent upon him to attend, in the choice of ad
ditional taxes, was, to fix upon such as should be most
likely to be most productive, without being liable to any
fundamental and capital objection. It was impossible,
as every one must be convinced, that taxes should be
very productive, and not burthensome. Every tax must
be disliked by that class of men, on whom it operated
most sensibly ; ahd therefore their murmuring ought not
to defeat it, when all others were convinced of its utility
and propriety." The taxes proposed by him, were upon
hats, ribands, gauzes, coals at the pit's mouth, horses,
linens, and calicoes, candles, licenses to dealers in ex-
ciseable commodities, bricks and tiles, certificates for
killing game, paper, and hackney coaches. After a de
tailed explanation in what manner and to what degree he
designed to make the several articles in this long cata
logue subject to taxation, he added, " it would be vain

293
and idle to suppose all or any of these taxes unexception
able ; but the necessities of the public did hot leave it in
his option to deal otherwise than openly and fairly. The
wants of government were many ; the finances of the
country had been much reduced ; and it was proper, it
was indispensable, to look our real situation manfully in
the face. It had been his desire to do so ; and under
that impression, he produced the list of taxes, to which
he called the deliberation and assistance of the commit
tee. The whole would, he trusted, amount to somewhat
more than the sum which he had proposed to raise ; but
several deficiencies might occur, which could not either
be foreseen or prevented."
Towards the end of his speech, Mr. Pitt said, that if,
notwithstanding his endeavor to express himself clearly
and intelligibly, doubts should remain with any gentle
man upon any one of the great variety of subjects, upon
which he had been compelled to trouble them, he would
rise again, and be happy to give every satisfaction in his
power. He hoped that the committee, when they re
flected upon the business of the day, would be convinced
that he had done what his duty directed, without regard
to his own inclination or ease. He was not conscious of
having left any matter untouched, which it was important
for the house and for the public to be apprised of : on the
contrary, he had studied to do, what he held to be the
indispensable duty of every person honored with the high
office he held, namely, to disguise nothing from the pub
lic, which affected their real interest, but to bring forward
every particular of that nature ; and however great the
personal risk and inconvenience, however great the dan
ger of incurring popular odium, by imposing heavy bur
dens on the people, might be, not to shrink from that
painful act of duty, if such burdens were required by the
exigency of affairs.
The readiness and perspicuity, with which Mr. Pitt
went through this mass of financial detail and dry calcu
lation, his extensive and minute information upon every
point which he discussed, the manly spirit with which he
met the difficulties of the country, the exertions he made
to raise public credit and improve the revenue at the ha-

294
zard of losing the favor of the people, the judgment with
which he selected taxes, to a greater amount than had
ever been proposed on any one day before, his determi
nation to negotiate the loan in a manner most advan
tageous to the public, and his disinterestedness in fore
going all patronage, in the distribution both of the loan
and of the lottery, procured for him the commendation
of his most determined political opponents. Mr. Fox
acknowledged, that Mr. Pitt " had infinite merit in having
brought forward so much of the unfunded debt in the
course of the present session : too much praise could not
be given him, on that head." Mr. Dempster said, that
Mr. Pitt " had discharged his duty manfully and ably.
It was an arduous and invidious task to impose taxes
upon the people ; and when a chancellor of the exche
quer met the difficulties with becoming courage, he ought
to be supported ; and he should have his support."
The only tax, of which any material disapprobation
Was expressed, was that upon coals ; and such powerful
objections were afterwards urged against it, as being
likely to be injurious to several of our manufactures, as
well as oppressive to the poor, that Mr. Pitt was induced
to abandon it ; and he also relinquished his intention of
requiring the planters of hops, included in exciseable
commodities, to take out a license, as he understood,
that it would be very severely felt by those who grew
only small quantities of that article. In the room of these,
he substituted taxes upon gold and silver plate, upon
lead exported, upon ale licenses, race horses, and the
postage of letters, together with regulations relative to
franking, which were calculated to increase the revenue
of the post office ; and he changed the tax upon ribands
and gauzes, for one upon the importation of raw silk.
The day Mf. Pitt opened the budget, he moved 133
resolutions, and several others on following days, in con
sequence of the substitutes and alterations which have
been mentioned ; and all the numerous bills founded upon
them, passed with very little difficulty. They gave rise,
however, to several debates ; and the candor with which
Mr. Pitt listened -to every observation, the quickness
with which he availed himself of every useful suggestion,

295
the dexterity with which he obviated every real objection,
by modifications and provisions suited to each particular
case, and at the same time his acuteness in exposing
captious cavils, and his firmness in resisting all unfound
ed opposition, gained him universal admiration and ap
plause. Such were Mr. Pitt's measures in the present session,
upon the subject of finance. It may be proper to observe,
that the appropriation act of this year included the sup
plies which had been voted in the last session as well as
in the present ; no appropriation having taken place prior
to the dissolution, except that the charge of the militia
was to be defrayed out of the land-tax. The members,
who had objected to the dissolution on this ground, and
had threatened a serious inquiry into the subject in the
new parliament, suffered this appropriation act to pass in
its usual course, without a single remark. Nor was any
bill of indemnity passed, or even called for, by those who
had, in the old parliament, declared, that it would be ne
cessary in case of a dissolution. The truth was, that
it had always been customary, as has been noticed, to
apply the money to the respective services, before an ap
propriation act was passed, and Mr. Pitt did this after a
dissolution had taken place ; which, though never done
before, and forbidden by a resolution of the last parlia
ment, was no violation of any law ; and when calmly con
sidered, was not thought to involve any real difference of
principle. I AM.now to give an account of the bills which Mr. Pitt
introduced, relative to the East India company.
It must first be premised, that on the 23d of the pre
ceding January, Mr. Eden moved, that the directors of
the East India company should inform the house, what
mode and extent of parliamentary interference they con
sidered necessary to afford effectual relief to the com
pany, with respect to the payment of duties, and the ac
ceptance of bills, together with the accounts and esti
mates on which their opinions were founded. This mo
tion was agreed to ; and in obedience to it, the directors,
on the 16th of February, presented a report to the house
of commons, containing a detailed statement of the af-

296
fairs of the company, and of the assistance of which they
stood in need from parliament ; and they concluded with
asserting, that the company, notwithstanding its present
pecuniary embarrassment, was, " not only solvent, but
possessed of an immense property." On the llth of
March, Mr. Eden made some general strictures upon
this report, with several parts of which he expressed
himself dissatisfied ; and that so important a document
might undergo a complete and careful examination, and
its correctness or incorrectness be clearly ascertained, he
moved, that it should be referred to a select committee.
To this motion Mr. Pitt gave his assent ; and a com
mittee of 15 persons was accordingly appointed, of whom
Mr. Eden was chosen chairman ; but the dissolution of
parliament taking place soon afterwards, they were not
able to make any report, although they had been very
diligent in preparing materials for that purpose.
On the 26th of May, a few days after the meeting of
the new parliament, the East India company presented a
petition to the house of commons, stating their inability
to discharge at present the debt due to the public ; and
that under existing circumstances, they were incapaci
tated, by law, from accepting bills drawn in India, and
from making a dividend ; and praying for such relief as
to the house should seem meet. As soon as this pe
tition was laid upon the table, Mr. Pitt moved, that the
directors should communicate to the house, such infor
mation as they had received since they drew up their re
port of the 16th of February. In consequence of this
motion, the directors made another report to the house,
on the first of June ; and Mr. Pitt immediately moved,
that both reports should be referred to a select com
mittee. And that the materials already collected, might
be made useful, he farther proposed, that the committee
should consist of the same persons as had formed the
committee in the last parliament, with the exception of
four, three of whom were not members of the present par
liament, and one declined acting. In their room, four
others were substituted, one of whom, Mr. Dundas, was
chosen chairman. This committee made their report to
the house, on the 22d of June, and it was ordered to be
printed.

297
On the 24th, before the printed copies were delivered,
Mr. Pitt informed the house, that it had been his inten
tion not to bring forward any question relative to the
East India company, till gentlemen should have had lei
sure to consider attentively the report, which had been
presented to the house by their committee ; but he had
that day been reminded of a circumstance, which, though
mentioned in the company's petition, had escaped his re
collection, of so pressing a nature, that it was necessary
for him to trouble the house with a motion relative to it
immediately. By the regulating act of 1773, the com
pany was restrained from making a dividend, without the
authority of parliament, when its bond debt should ex
ceed a certain sum, which was the case at present ; and
according to established practice, any dividend intended
to be made on the 5th of July, should be declared before
the end of the month of June. There was therefore, he
said, a necessity for passing a bill, with all possible ex
pedition, to enable the company to make a dividend, as
he concluded all parties would agree, there ought to be
some dividend, whatever difference of opinion there
might be concerning its amount. For his part, consider
ing that the credit of the company, and perhaps of some
thing more than the company, was at stake, he should
wish the dividend to be four per cent., that is, at the rate
of eight per cent, per annum, the same which it had been
for some years ; but, at the same time, he admitted, that
there might appear reason, when the state of the com
pany's affairs should be more fully known, for reducing
it in future. Upon this ground, he moved for leave to
bring in a bill to empower the East India company to
make a dividend on the 5th of July. No opposition was
made to the introduction of the bill, although it was uni
versally felt to be a case of great awkwardness; as either
no dividend must take place, which would be inconve
nient to individual proprietors, and might be injurious
to the credit of the company, or the house must author
ize a certain dividend, without knowing that it was war
ranted by the state of the company's affairs. Mr. Fox;
Mr. Eden, and Mr. Anstruther, allowed the propriety of
authorizing some dividend, but objected to four per cent.,
Vol. I. P p

298
and contended, that it should be only three per cent.
Mr. Pitt replied, that to reduce the dividend from what
it had been of late years, would be to pass judgment
upon the affairs of the company, before the report was
examined ; and he farther urged, that the difference be
tween three and four per cent, for one half year, was of
very little consequence in the general concerns of the
company, when compared with the mischief, both public
and private, which might arise from a diminution of the
dividend. Mr. Pitt's proposal of four per cent, was
adopted ; and the bill went through all its stages in the
house of commons, on that and the following day, with
out any division ; and it passed the house of lords in two
days also, on the latter of which there was a division of
28 to 9 in its favor.
Very different and even opposite sentiments were en
tertained at this time upon the affairs of the East India
company. Some persons represented the company as
upon the verge of bankruptcy and ruin, and the stock
holders as in danger of losing a large proportion of their
capital : others, oh the contrary, maintained, that if the
whole property of the company were disposed of, and all
their debts discharged, there would be a considerable
surplus. Some thought, that the concerns of the com
pany were utterly irretrievable by any interposition of
government ; while others asserted, that a moderate and
temporary assistance would be sufficient to restore them
to a flourishing condition. Mr. Pitt, after a general and
impartial consideration of the various statements which
had been submitted to the house, as well in reports as in
speeches, and the most diligent inquiry he had been able
to make, was decidedly of opinion, that the company
might fairly be said to be solvent ; and that their present
embarrassments were by no means such, as to preclude
all hope of future affluence and prosperity. Through the
gloom, which now hung over the company, he saw, at no
great distance, a brighter prospect opening, in the con
tinuance of peace, in the increase of trade, and in econo
mical retrenchments, both at home and abroad ; and re
volving, in his penetrating and comprehensive mind? the
immense extent and value of the British possessions in

299
the east, he was convinced, not only that the company,
though now laboring under an accumulated load of evils
and distresses, and calling aloud upon the country for
support and relief, might, by timely interference, be res
cued from impending destruction ; but also, that by pro
per management, India might be made the source of in
finite benefit to the empire at large.
Under this impression, he determined in favor of grant
ing the company the requisite assistance ; and according
ly, printed copies of the report of the committee being
delivered on the 28th of June, he submitted, on the 2d of
July, the substance of a bill for that purpose, which inclu
ded three points.
In the first place, Mr. Pitt proposed, that the payment
of one half of the debt, due from the company to the pub
lic, for custom-house duties, should be postponed to the
middle, and of the other half, to the end of the following
year, which was^ in fact, a longer respite than the direc
tors themselves thought necessary. The? whole of this
debt amounted to nearly a million.
It has been already noticed, that by the regulation act
of 1773, the company could not accept bills drawn in
India, above 300,000/. Bills to a much larger amount
had already reached England, and others were expected,
which there was reasonable ground to believe the com
pany would be in circumstances to pay at the time they
became due ; but if in the mean while they remained un
accepted, they would not be negotiable, and the credit of
the company would suffer, which induced Mr. Pitt to
propose, secondly, that the directors should be authorized
to accept these bills.
Besides relief upon these two points, Mr. Pitt thought
it would be useful to fix the dividend upon East India
stock at a certain sum, and not to leave it, as it now was,
liable to variation. At first he intended to confine the
dividend to six per cent, till the debts of the company
should be discharged ; but finding, that above one-fourth
of the whole East India stock was in the hands of foreign
ers, and that there was great danger, if any diminution
shouid be made in the dividend, that they would take the
alarm, and immediately dispose of their stock, which

300
must have the effect of depressing its value, he proposed
that the dividend should be eight per cent, in future.
Mr. Pitt said, that the sanction of parliament to this divi
dend, would be of material service to the company's cre
dit ; and he assured the house, of his firm persuasion,
that if peace continued in India, of which there was a fair
probability, and proper economy should be observed in
the establishments of the different presidencies, which it
was the intention of government, to use all means of en
forcing, the company would be enabled to fulfil all its en
gagements ; more especially, as he had reason to hope,
that the trade to China, already its most lucrative concern,
would be increased and rendered still more profitable,
by regulations and measures now before the house, or
which he had in contemplation. He recommended the
adoption of these provisions in favor of the company ;
upon the ground of sound policy and general expediency,
not doubting but the public would, in various ways, here
after receive ample remuneration for their present indul
gence. Some objections, however, were made to this bill:
Mr. Dempster saw no reason why the payment of the
custom-house duties should be postponed, to the injury
of the national revenue; and moved, that the company
should pay an interest of five per cent, on the money due.
Mr. Pitt admitted, that in strictness the company ought
to pay such an interest ; but to require this, he said,
would be to destroy almost the whole of the favour ; and
as the interests of the company, and of the public, were
closely connected, and as he flattered himself that great
resources might still be derived from India, he did not
think it adviseable to charge the company five per cent.
upon their debt; preferring to relieve them handsomely
and liberally, by remitting the interest. Mr. Demp
ster's motion was negatived in the committee, by a
majority of 81 to 3, and by 85 to 27 upon the report.
In discussing the bill, it was asked, whether, in case
the East India company should not have it in their power
to discharge the bills drawn upon them, parliament hav
ing authorized their acceptance, would be bound to pay
them ? To this, Mr. Pitt answered, certainly hot ; and
Mr. Fox acknowledged, that parliament would be under

301
no legal obligation ; but he thought, that the public
would be bound in honor and equity to pay them, if the
company failed to do so. This Mr. Pitt would not ad
mit; contending, that parliament, by authorizing the
acceptance of these bills, only expressed an opinion, that
the company would be able, in due time, to discharge
them, but did not make itself responsible for their pay
ment, any more than it took upon itself the responsibility
of payment, when it authorized any other public or
trading company to enter into a pecuniary engagement.
This was frequently done ; and the only obligation upon
parliament, in such cases, was, to take care that there
was just groun4 for the transaction, and that it did not
make itself an accomplice in any error or deception.
The public were in no way affected by the authority
about to be given to the East India company ; for, what
was it, but an authority to make use of their own property
and credit ? In support of Mr. Pitt's opinion, Mr.
Dundas referred to the cause of the restriction. By the
act of 1773, the proprietors were, he said, permitted to
divide eight per cent, per annum, when the .aggregate
profits of the company amounted to that sum ; and when
they exceeded it, the public were to have three-fourths of
the surplus ; in order to secure which participation to
the public, the directors were restrained from accepting
bills, drawn in India, beyond a limited amount, lest by a
fraudulent or improper acceptance, they should deprive
the public of their right : this being the original ground
of the restriction, the legislature, by removing it, would
only give up, on the part of the public, their security
for a share of these contingent surplus profits, without
incurring any obligation, or giving any pledge, directly
or indirectly, respecting the payment of the bills. Mr.
Fox would not allow the force of this reasoning ; but it
appeared to be so generally satisfactory, that he did not
venture to divide the house.
It was also contended, that the different parts of the
bill could not be reconciled with each other : the neces
sity of respiting the payment of the duties, proved the
company to be in distress ; and the permission to divide
eight per cent., implied that it was affluent. This objec-

302
tion, which was more plausible than solid, was urged
with considerable warmth and eagerness in both houses,
but no division took place upon it in either. In truth, the
bill rested upon this twofold principle, that the pecuniary
embarrassment of the company, which was admitted on
all sides, was merely temporary, arising chiefly out of the
great expenses of the war, now at an end ; and that there
was just ground for believing, that within a short period
it would be in a flourishing condition. There was, there
fore, no real inconsistency in the different provisions of
the bill, which were adapted to the actual present dis
tress, and to the probable future prosperity, of the com
pany. The bill passed ; and in the course of the debates
which took place in its progress through the house of
commons, Mr. Pitt was called " a bold statesman ;" but
it was allowed, that his intrepidity was suited to the diffi
culties of the times ; and we shall hereafter see, that the
hopes and expectations, which induced him to afford this
relief to the East India company, with some inconve
nience and perhaps risque to the public, were well
founded. Mr. Pitt, having by these two bills extricated the East
India company from its present difficulties, and re-esta
blished its sinking credit, had still to encounter the more
arduous business of providing for the permanent regula
tion and future government of its various and extensive
affairs. The mixed concerns of policy, commerce, and
revenue, the blended interests of the company, and of
the empire at large, the vast distance of India, and the
consequent delay in communicating information, and
conveying orders, the great temptations to misconduct in
those rich and remote regions,* the effect which the pa
tronage of such immense territories might have upon the
liberties of this country — these, and many other inferior
consideration, all conspired to render it a task of extreme
difficulty, to digest a plan, which should confirm and
enlarge the advantages derived to Great Britain from its
connection with India, protect the native inhabitants from
acts of injustice and oppression, and at the same time
preserve inviolate the principles and spirit of our own

303
constitution. It was impossible, as has already been ob
served, to correct the abuses, which were acknowledged
to exist in India, and to be of a most alarming nature,
without some departure from the charter of the company:
if there were to be no interference with its present au
thorities and privileges, the evils must continue, and the
loss of India must follow.
In explaining the substance of the bill, which he was
about to introduce, Mr. Pitt said, he was aware, that
every measure, which could be devised for the govern
ment of India, must be imperfect, and liable to objec
tions ; and he could only submit to the house, what
appeared to him, after the maturest deliberation, best cal
culated to answer the important purposes in question, and
not endanger the blessings at present enjoyed by the sub
jects of this kingdom. He wished not to interfere with
' the commerce of the company ; and in what he had to
propose respecting its other concerns, it would be his en
deavor, not so much to create a new system, as to im
prove upon that which was already established. By
supplying what was deficient, correcting what was amiss,
and invigorating what was ineffective, he hoped to be
able, in no small degree, to consult the general interest of
the public, and to lay the foundation of future prosperity
to the company, and of happiness to the natives, without
violating the property of individuals, annihilating the
chartered rights of any body of men, or ^departing from
those maxims of government, which had for ages proved
the uninterrupted source of freedom and security to
Englishmen. He admitted, that no charter ought to be
suffered to stand in the way of a reform, which the exist-
tence or welfare of the country demanded ; but at the
same time he contended, that a charter ought never to be
infringed, except when the public safety called for an al
teration. Charters were sacred things : on them depend
ed private property and public franchises ; and wantonly
to invade them would be to unhinge the constitution, and
throw the state into anarchy and confusion. The situa
tion of the East India company was not such as to justify
a revocation of their charter; but it was such as absolutely
required both a change in the management of their affairs

304
at home, and in the government of their possessions
abroad. In attempting to remedy existing evils, he
should confine himself within the limits of the actual ne
cessity, and not make it a pretence for gratifying private
ambition, or subverting long established rights. It was
impossible to accomplish the objects in view, without
giving to some body of men an accession of power ;
but he would give no more than would be sufficient,
and he would place it where it would be least liable to
abuse. The institution, which was to produce the necessary
reform, must either be permanent and independent of the
executive government of the country, or connected with
and subordinate to it. A permanent and independent
institution would be inconsistent with the constitutional
prerogative of the king, and might lead to very mis
chievous consequences. If hostile to the administration
of the day, the ministers might not only be ignorant of
what was passing in the East Indies, but a different sys
tem might be pursued in India, and in the other parts of
the empire. Were one permanent board or commission
established, independent of the executive government,
it was impossible to say, to what extent the precedent
might be carried, or how often it might be multiplied.
All the different branches of the public service might be
separated and torn from the crown ; and put, one after
another, into so many independent and unconnected com
missions. These considerations were sufficient to prove
the impropriety of any permanent institution ; and there
fore he determined to propose, that the appointment and
removal of persons to be entrusted with new powers for
the government of India, should be vested in the king,
upon whom all the various departments of executive go
vernment had a natural and legitimate dependance.
He was satisfied that the patronage, inseparable from
the possession of these immense territories, might be
placed with greater safety in the directors, than in any
set of political men ; and he thought, that as small a part
as possible should be retained in England, the remainder
being intrusted to the company's superior servants in In
dia, Where executive powers, to a large extent, must un-

305
avoidably be lodged ; but even there he should subject
it to regulations and restrictions. The government ia
India ought to be so constituted, as to be active and vi
gorous, but at the same time not at liberty to pursue
schemes of conquest and aggrandisement. Care should
be taken to secure obedience to the general system of
measures dictated from England, with a discretionary
authority to act as any sudden event or emergency might
appear to render expedient ; but always under a strict
obligation to explain and account for every part of their
eonduct. Lastly, it was indispensable to provide some
more effectual mode for punishing wilful disobedience,
and every species of delinquency, in India, than at pre
sent existed.
Upon these general principles, Mr. Pitt formed his
India bill, which we may consider under three separate
heads — A new establishment at home, with powers ex
tending over the general concerns of the company — re
gulations to be applied in India — and the erection of a
court in England, for the trial of offences committed in
India. With respect to the new establishment at home, Mr.
Pitt proposed to place all the civil and military affairs,
and tbe revenues of the East India company, and the go
vernment of their territorial possessions, under the con
trol and superintendance of a board of commissioners to
be appointed by his majesty, consisting of six privy
counsellors, of whom one of the secretaries of state, and
the chancellor of the exchequer, were to be two ; and the
other four were to be persons who should hold offices of
considerable emolument under government, to which
little or no employment belonged, and who would there
fore have leisure, and might be expected, to discharge
the duties of their new situation, without any remunera
tion for that trouble. The secretary of state was to be
president of this board, and, in his absence, the chancel
lor of the exchequer ; but it being impossible, that either
of those ministers should be able to attend constantly,
though they might be present when points of great im
portance were discussed, the senior of the other four
privy counsellors, was, in the absence of the secretary of
VeL.I. Qq

306
state and the chancellor of the exchequer, to be president,
and it was intended that he should take the active part in
the general business of the board. If the members pre
sent should be equally divided upon any question, the
president was to have a casting vote. This board of
control was to have access to all papers and muniments
of the company, and to be furnished with such extracts
or copies of them, as they might from time to time de
sire. To this board the directors were to communicate
copies of all proceedings, both of their own court and of
the court of proprietors, relative to the civil, military, and
financial affairs of the company, copies of all dispatches
from their servants in India, and also of all dispatches
proposed to be sent by them to India. These intended
dispatches the board was to return to the directors within
fourteen days, with the written approbation of three com
missioners, or their reasons for disapproving them, toge
ther with instructions for alterations, if necessary, and the
directors were to send to India the dispatches so approved
or amended ; the court of proprietors was not to have the
power of rescinding or altering any resolution or act of
the directors, after it was approved by the board. The
board was also to have power to require the directors to
prepare dispatches upon any proposed subject, and if
such dispatches should not be sent within fourteen days
to the commissioners for their revisal, the board might
itself draw up the dispatches, and order the directors to
send them to India ; and in any case where secresy was
necessary, the board might send its orders to a committee
of three directors, to be appointed by the court of direc
tors for that purpose, who were to transmit them to India,
without disclosing the substance of them, and the an
swers were to be sent to the secret committee of direc
tors, by whom they were to be communicated to the
board of control. These powers were not to extend to
the commercial affairs of the company ; and if at any time
the commissioners should send orders or instructions to
the directors to be transmitted to India, in the opinion of
the latter not authorised by this bill, they might appeal
to the king in council, whose decision was to be final.
Similar powers had been given to the secretaries of state,

307
by former acts of parliament ; but they had never, or at
least very rarely, been exercised, these great officers hav
ing been too much occupied by the immediate duties of
their station. But this was to be an active, efficient, re
sponsible board, whose positive concurrence, expressed
by the signature of its members, was to be essential to
every dispatch sent to India. This board was not, how
ever, to have the appointment of a single servant, of the
company in Europe or in Asia. It was to be, strictly
speaking, a board of control and superintendance, inter
fering upon points only, of which his majesty's ministers,
and privy counsellors might be supposed to be more
competent judges than a company of merchants, how
ever respectable and intelligent in the concerns of trade,
the sole purpose for which their charter was originally
granted, and which were still to remain under their ex
clusive management. Thus did Mr. Pitt equally avoid
the inefficient character of lord North's plan, and the un
constitutional one of Mr. Fox's bill, by appointing a
board, expressly devoted to Indian affairs, furnished with
all the means of information, and with every requisite
power, without whose actual consent, the directors could
not take a single step, relative to the company's revenues
or territories, but at the same time dependent upon the
executive government of the country, and incapable of
political influence, its members possessing neither emo
lument nor patronage.
The following were the regulations to be applied in
India. Mr. Pitt proposed, that the government in each
of the three presidencies, should consist of a president
and three counsellors ; that the governor general of India
should be president of the government in Bengal ; and
that the commander in chief of all the company's forces
in India, should be one of the council, and next in rank
to the governor general ; that the commander in chief at
Madras and Bombay, should be members of the' council
in those presidencies, next in rank to the respective go
vernors ; but if the commander in chief of all the forces
in India should at any time be at Madras or Bombay, he
should be a member of the council there, and the com
mander if chief of the presidency should in that case con-

308
tinue to have a seat in the council, but have no vote ; if
the members of the council present in any of the presi
dencies, should be equally divided upon any question,
the governor or president should have a casting vote ;
and with a view of producing an unity, of system in the
different parts of our extensive Indian territories, the su
preme government in Bengal was to have an effectual
control over the other presidencies ; the governors and
councils of which were to be required to obey all orders
they might receive from the government in Bengal, unless
they were contrary to orders which they had previously
received from the directors, and of which the government
in Bengal was ignorant ; and in case of disobedience,
they were to be liable to suspension. The appointment
of the governors, of the commanders in chief, and of the
other members of the council, was to be in the directors;
but either the king, or the court of directors, might recal
the governor general, or any other person employed by
the company. If the directors should omit to fill up any
vacancy which might take place in the council, for two
months after it was regularly notified to* them, the king
might appoint to such vacancy, and the person so ap
pointed was not to be liable to recal by the directors.
All other appointments were to be in the governments of
the respective presidencies; and to prevent any corrupt
or improper use of this patronage, it was to be provided,
that all promotions in India, both civil and military, be
neath the degree of members of the councils, should be
made according to seniority, in a regular progressive
succession, unless for some very urgent cause ; in which
case, the reasons for such deviation from this general rule,
were to be entered at length upon the minutes of the
council, and copies of these entries transmitted by the
first opportunity to the directors, for their confirmation
or repeal of the appointment. The governors and coun
cils were to be empowered to apprehend all persons, in
their respective presidencies, suspected of carrying on
illicit correspondence, and to bring them to trial in India,
or to send them to England. To prevent all ambitious
projects for the extension of dominion, the governor and
council of Bengal were not to be permitted, Without the

309
express command of the directors, to enter into any offen
sive treaty, or to make war with any of the country pow
ers, unless they should actually have committed hostili
ties, or have given evident proof of such intention, against
the British nation in India, or against some country power
dependent upon the company, or whose territories they
were, by a subsisting treaty, bound to defend ; and the
governors and councils of the other presidencies were to
be prohibited from commencing hostilities, or concluding
any treaty whatever with the country powers, without ex
press orders from the governor general and council, or from
the directors, unless some imminent danger or sudden
emergency should render it unsafe to postpone such hos
tilities or treaty ; and every treaty so concluded, was, if
possible, to contain a clause, subjecting it to the ratifica
tion or rejection of the governor general and council.
The governors and councils of the other presidencies
were to transmit to the governor general and council,
copies of all their proceedings, and of all material occur
rences in their respective presidencies. Provision was
to be made for the investigation of the claims of British
subjects on the nabob of Arcot, and for settling disputes
between that prince and the rajah of Tanjore ; and also
for redressing, according to the respective circumstances
fjf each particular case, all complaints of injustice and
oppression from zemindars and other native landholders,
who had been dispossessed of their lands, or subjected to
exorbitant rents or heavy contributions ; and in future,
payments from tributary princes and renters of land were
to be definite and moderate: all practicable retrenchments
were to be made in the different establishments. The
ages at which writers and cadets should be appointed,
were to be regulated ; and no greater number* was to be
sent out than would be necessary to keep up the proper
complement : the acceptance of presents from the natives
was to be forbidden, under the penalty of forfeiture and
punishment, as extortion : it was to be made a misde-
* A regulation upon this subject was very necessary. In a letter to the direc
tors, written from India in 1782, Mr. Hastings said, that " he had about him at that
time 250 persons, the younger sons of the first families in Britain, all gaping for
lacks, and scrambling for patronage." Notwithstanding this remonstrance 36 new
writers were sent out in 1783, when sir Henry Fletcher, who was to have been one
of Mr. Fox's commissioners, was chairman of the company.

310
meanor in the company's servants to disobey the orders
or instructions oi the directors, to neglect the duties of
any trust or employment, or to make a corrupt bargain
or contract relative to any office : no person removed from
any situation by the sentence of a court of law, could be
again employed by the company : all the servants of the
company, who should return to England after the 1st of
January, 1787, were to be required, within two months
after their arrival, to deliver upon oath to the court of ex
chequer, two copies of an inventory of all their property,
specifying what part was not acquired in India ; one of
which was to be kept in the exchequer, and the other
sent to the India-house; and the board of control, the
court of directors, or any ten proprietors possessing con
junctively stock to the amount of 10,000/. might, at any
time within three years, make a complaint to the court
of exchequer, that such inventory was incorrect ; and the
court was to be authorised to examine the party accused
upon oath, and to take other means for ascertaining the
truth ; and if any one should omit to deliver these inven
tories, refuse to answer the interrogatories of the court of
exchequer, or be found guilty of any concealment or mis
representation to the amount of 2,000/. his whole property
was to be forfeited.
The last part of the bill related to the erection of a
court of judicature in England, for the trial of offences
committed in India. It was proposed, that any person
might move the court of king's bench against any ser
vant of the company, within three years after his return
from India, or his delivery of the inventory of his pro
perty ; and the court was to decide, whether there was
sufficient ground for granting an information. In case of
its being granted, the court was to have power, if it
should appear necessary, to issue commissions to the
courts of justice in India, for the purpose of taking de
positions, and of collecting such information upon the
spot, as might best serve to throw light upon the sub
ject-matter of accusation. These depositions and infor
mation, properly authenticated, together with such other
written documents, as might be furnished, by the direc
tors, from their dispatches to and from India, or from any

311
other source, were to be admitted as evidence. After
the whole of this evidence should be procured, the court
was to be formed for the trial of the accused person, and
was to consist of three judges, one to be nominated by
each of the three courts in Westminster- hall, four peers,
and six members of the house of commons, to be chosen
in the manner to be described in the bill : This court,
of which no person holding any office under the crown
during pleasure, or who had ever been in the service
of the East India company, could be a member,' was to
be judge both of the law and of the fact, without the
intervention of a jury : it might inflict the punishment of
fine and imprisonment, and pronounce the person con
victed incapable of serving the company again ; and from.
its sentence there, was to be no appeal.
This bill gave rise to several debates ; and objections
were urged against it with great warmth and personality.
¦ It was asserted, that the division of power between
the board of commissioners and the court of directors,
would render the government of India weak and ineffi
cient ; but it was replied, that this was not a necessary
consequence of a divided power, since, in the English
constitution, the supreme power is divided into three
branches, designed to be a control upon each other, and
producing the happiest and most perfect form of political
government known in antient or modern times.
Mr. Fox insisted,, that this bill was as much a viola
tion of the East India charter as his own ; but, in reality,
there was in this, as well as in other respects, a wide dif
ference between the two bills. Mr. Pitt's bill left the
commerce in the hands of the company : Mr. Fox's
took it entirely away. Mr. Pitt's bill left the directors
and their servants in possession of the whole patronage ;
Mr. Fox's bill abolished the court of directors, and de
prived the company of every appointment, civil, military,
and commercial, both at home and in India ; vesting the
whole patronage in the commissioners. Mr. Pitt's bill
was, of necessity, a partial deviation from the company's
charter ; making such changes only as the present critical
situation of their affairs, and the public interest, absolute
ly demanded : Mr. Fox's bill, going far beyond any ac-

312
tual necessity, was a total abrogation of all their rights,
and a violent confiscation of all their property. Mr.
Pitt's bill secured to the constitutional executive power
of these realms, the superintendance over the whole em
pire, byjgiving to the crown the same sway over its Indian,
which it had over its other dependencies, and by insur
ing to it a regular, systematic, and supreme control over
all the political affairs of those immense territories : Mr.
Fox's bill erected an imperium in imperio, the commis
sioners Of his board not having any dependence upon, or
communication with, his majesty's ministers, and pos
sessing an influence of "the most dangerous nature to the
established authorities, with the means of involving this
country in war with any of the European states con
nected wilh India, without even the knowledge of his
majesty's government. These fundamental and essen
tial differences between the two bills, were so palpable,
and so important, that they were very generally felt and
acknowledged, both in parliament and in the country.
The compelling all persons to swear to the value of
their property, upon their return from India, was repre
sented as harsh and rigorous ; but in defence of that pro
vision, it was said, that there was no other effectual mode
of putting an end to the peculation and extortion, which
had so long prevailed in India : and, as a further de
fence, it was urged, that as this oath was not to be re
quired till 1787, those who were already in India, and
might be affected by it retrospectively, would have an
opportunity of avoiding its operation, by returning to
England befo-e that time ; and those who should go
out subsequently to the passing of this act, would know
to what test they would be subject, when they returned.
It was contended, by the enemies of the bill, that the
provisions relative to the zemindars, to the debts of the
nabob of Arcot, and to the acceptance of presents, would
not answer their intended purposes : But it was replied,
that the proposed regulations upon these points, were the
best which the respective cases admitted ; and that every
exertion would be used to give them effect.
The new court of judicature was strongly objected to,
especially as not allowing Indian delinquents a trial by a

313
jury of their peers, which was represented as the birth
right of every Englishman. To which it was answered,
that many persons in this country are convicted and
punished without a jury, particularly that numerous and
valuable set of men, the officers and privates of our ar
my and navy. As the ordinary law of England was not
suited to the enforcement of military discipline, so it had
been found inadequate to the prevention of the grossest
misconduct in India : the same principle, of public uti
lity and general expediency, would therefore equally jus
tify another mode of trial in both cases. The courts of
Westminster Hall, and even the power of parliament,
had been proved, by experience, to be incompetent to
the punishment of offences committed in the distant re
gions of the east, which rendered it necessary to have
recourse to a new species of judicature, not confined to
the common rules of evidence ; and when it was con
sidered, from what classes of life the members of the
proposed court were to be taken, and that every possible
precaution was to be used for excluding from the office
of judge, all persons who could be supposed to have any
bias upon their minds, it might safely be said, that no
assemblage of persons could be found better qualified to
investigate truth, or more likely to decide with candor
and justice.
The chief debate upon the principle of this bill, took
place on the day fixed for its going into a committee,
when the motion for the speaker's leaving the chair, was
opposed, but at length carried, at a very late hour, by a
majority of 271, to 60. Upon communicating to his
majesty, the result of this debate, Mr. Pitt received the
following answer :
" It is with infinite pleasure I have received Mr. Pitt's
note, containing the agreeable account of the committee
on the East India bill having been opened by the divi
sion of so very decided a majority. I trust this will pre
vent much trouble being given in its farther progress, and
that this measure may lay a foundation for, by degrees,
correcting those shocking enormities in India, which dis
grace human nature; and if not put a stop to, threaten
the expulsion of the company out of that wealthy region.
Vol. I. Rr

314
I have the more confidence of success, from knowing
Mr. Pitt's good sense, which will make him not expect,
that the present experiment shall at once prove perfect ;
but that by an attentive eye, and an inclination to do only
what is right, he will, as occasions arise, be willing to
make such improvements as may, by degrees, bring this
arduous work to some degree of perfection."
The large majority upon this occasion prevented any
other division in the house of commons, except two,
upon clauses in the committee, in which the numbers
were very small*, and both in favor of Mr* Pitt. The
only division in the house of lords, was upon a motion of
lord Carlisle's, in a very thin house, for altering the day
fixed for the second reading, in which ministers prevailed,
by a majority of 11 to 4.
Besides these bills, which were brought forward by
Mr. Pitt himself, there was a variety of other business in
the present session, in which he took a leading part.
The first subject to be mentioned, is the Westminster
election, some proceedings in which have been already
related ; and which is deserving of farther notice, as it
involved a question respecting the constitutional rights of
the house of commons.
Mr. Lee having failed in the resolution, which he
moved on the 24th of May, for censuring the conduct of
the high bailiff, in granting a scrutiny, Mr. Fox, on the
following day, presented a petition from himself to the
house of commons, praying, that the house would order
the high bailiff to make " a proper and perfect return"
for the city of Westminster, meaning, as he said, that the
petition should be referred to a committee under Mr.
Grenville's act. To this, Mr. Pitt, among others, ob
jected, as that act was applicable to sitting members only,
and no persons had been returned for Westminster. Mr.
Fox admitted, that the petition did not come within the
letter of the act, and, after a short debate, it was with
drawn. In a subsequent part of the day, it was presented
again, for the purpose of the petitioner being heard by
his counsel, at the bar of the house : it was then received,
• Ninety-two, and seven, on one of these clauses j and one hundred and ten, and
thirty-nine, on the other.

315
and an order made accordingly. On the 31st, a petition
was presented from certain electors of Westminster, to
the same effect as that from Mr. Fox ; and two days af
terwards, a petition of an opposite nature was presented
from certain other electors, praying, that the scrutiny,
granted by the high bailiff, might be allowed to proceed,
as being the only means of ascertaining, which of the
candidates had a majority of legal votes. The hearing
of counsel, and examination of witnesses upon these se
veral petitions, occupied four days*, upon every one of
which the house sat very late ; and on the 8th of June, a
motion was made to direct the high bailiff to make an
immediate return of members to serve for the city of
Westminster. This motion occasioned a very long and
warm debate ; and it was evident that Mr. Pitt and Mr.
Fox waited, as they frequently did, to reply to each other.
At length Mr. Fox rose, and made a most intemperate
and violent speech. I shall transcribe Mr. Pirt's answer,
as it displays great spirit, eloquence, and power of reason
ing, and gives a very clear idea of a question, which ex
cited considerable interest at the time.
" Sir, if the right honorable gentleman's reason for
being so desirous of securing to himself the last hearing
in this debate, has been, in order that his mad and violent
assertions might pass without opportunity of being con
tradicted, I must acknowledge, indeed, the prudence and
policy of his conduct in endeavoring to prevent a reply ;
but I must rejoice, however, when charges are brought
against administration, as gross as they are unfounded,
that I have the opportunity of rising to refute the accusa
tions, to contradict the assertions, to defy that right
honorable gentleman to proof, and to affirm, with equal
hardiness, and I trust, with more than equal truth, that,
in no respect, has administration exercised any undue in
fluence — in no respect have they been so profligate as to
furnish those means which have been hinted at— in no in
stances have they suborned witnesses to swear away
men's lives — in no respect whatever h we they been ac
cessary to those violences, murders, perjuries, and that
• There were two divisions, both in favor of government, one of 212 to 77, and
the other of 180 to 81.

316
black catalogue of offences, which the right honorable gen
tleman calls up, by way of auxiliary matter, to embellish
his speech, and to assist the house in the decision of that
grave, dry, constitutional question, which is all we have
this night to determine. Sir, if the right honorable gen
tleman has his charge to bring forward, the courts of this
country are open to him : I hope, and trust, administra
tion is not so strong as to be able to resist any just accu
sation, that he can bring against them. I hope, on the
other hand, administration is not so weak, as to give way
and yield to vehement assertions, utterly unsupported,
and evidently malicious : I should have hoped, opposi
tion was not so strong, that no faction in this country
could have been so strong, so bold, so mad with despera
tion and disappointment, as to throw out great and crimi
nal charges against administration, without having either
the intention, or the means, or the shadow of any means,
to support the accusations which they venture so round
ly to make.
" I am not surprised, indeed, that the right honorable
gentleman should attempt to represent himself as the
marked object of ministerial persecution. With respect,
sir, to the very cruel hardship, that he has just complain
ed of, namely, that he has not been allowed to have the
last word in the debate, I would only beg leave to remind
both him and the house, that so far from having, from his
present situation, an indisputable right to the last word,
it is contrary, I believe, to a standing order of your house,
that he is allowed to speak at all, or even to be present in
the house ; for one of your standing orders says, " that if
any thing shall come in question touching the return or
election of any member, he is to withdraw during the
time the matter is in debate." Such, then, is the cruel
persecution carrying on against the right honorable gen
tleman, that instead of being forced to be silent, and to
withdraw, he is allowed to speak often ten times a day
on the same question ; sometimes, sir, for three hours at
a time, filling his speech with every thing that is perso
nal, invidious, and inflammatory. I say, nevertheless, I
am not surprised, if he should pretend to be the butt of
ministerial persecution, and if, by striving to excite the

317
public compassion, he should seek to reinstate himself in
that popularity, which he once enjoyed, but which he so
unhappily has forfeited. For it is the best and most or
dinary resource of these political apostates, to court and
to offer themselves to persecution, for the sake of the
popular predilection and pity, which usually fall upon
persecuted men ; it becomes worth their while to suffer,
for a time, political martyrdom, for the sake of the can
onization that awaits the suffering martyr ; and I make
no doubt, the right honorable gentleman has so much
penetration, and at the same time so much passive virtue
about him, that he would be glad, not only to seem a
poor, injured, persecuted man, but that he would gladly
seek an opportunity of really suffering a little persecution,
if it be possible to find such opportunity.
" Upon the same ground, sir, it would unquestionably
be my interest, and no less, I am sure, my wish, to ab
stain from every thing, that has even the appearance of
persecution, much more that is in reality persecution ;
but yet, when great constitutional questions are involved,
it then becomes a minister to forego every other conside
ration, and so far, perhaps, to gratify his adversary, as to
furnish him with the pretence of being the object of min
isterial persecution ; steadfastly determining, at all hazards,
and contrary, perhaps, to his own convenience, to main
tain the true spirit of the constitution.
" I wish to meet the right honorable gentleman on the
two grounds which he has laid down, and to decide upon
the issue of them : First, the propriety and expediency
of granting a scrutiny : and, secondly, the legality of it,
under all the circumstances of the case. And here, sir,
let me first touch a little on the hardship which the right
honorable gentleman is said to labor under. Now I do
insist, that if his single object be (as he says it is) to bring
the dispute to the decision of Mr. Grenville's committee,
a scrutiny will not delay that decision one moment ; nay,
it will even forward it : for, suppose the return, according
to the motion before the house, to be made immediately,
still the petition before Mr. Grenville's committee could
not be gone through this year ; it must, therefore, begin
again, de novo, in the next session, the latter end of which

318
would arrive before the question could be decided. On
the other hand, if a scrutiny be now instituted preparatory
to the petition, it will be finished, in all human probabili
ty, before the beginning of the next session ; and the pe
titioner, whoever he may be, will come prepared, having
his business cut short by these means, so that the petition
must be finally decided in the early part of the next ses
sion ; or, perhaps, the consequence of a scrutiny may be,
that there will come no petition at all.
" But the right honorable gentleman wishes even that
there might be a new writ, and a new election, rather
than a scrutiny. Now, let us see how this would expe
dite the business. Why, sir, if a new writ were issued
while the parliament is sitting, as this would be, all sides
are agreed, that the bailiff would have a perfect right to
prosecute a scrutiny, whenever the poll is over ; it being
universally allowed, that scrutinies are lawful, in the case
of elections, during the sitting of parliament. If you grant,
therefore, the right honorable gentleman this curious wish
of his, the consequence will simply be, that after another
forty days' poll, forty days' riot, and forty days' confusion,
he will find himself just where he is at this moment, ex
cept, indeed, that he will then be constrained to own
(from the precedent of Vandeput and Trentham, which
will become precisely in point,) that the high bailiff, if he
pleases, will then have an undoubted right to go on with
the scrutiny.
" Now, to say the truth, the arguments of the right
honorable gentleman, if they prove any thing, must ne
cessarily prove what I have just stated, namely, that
there must be a new writ ; for he tells you, that, after the
18th of May, the bailiff became functus officio; that all
the virtue of his writ expired, and that the high bailiff,
after that day, was no longer, in this respect, high bailiff,
but was turned into a private person, and had no more
right to institute a scrutiny than any one of us ; and yet,
sir, by the resolution before you, this bailiff is ordered to
do an act, which no bailiff, functus officio, can possibly
do ; namely, to return the writ. The hand you order to
sign the writ, is a dead man's hand. Why surely, sir,
if the bailiff, ever since the 18th of May, has been like

319
one of ourselves, you may as well order one of us to
make the return, as order the high bailiff to do it. So
far, therefore, as the hardship of the case is considered,
it is clear, that to let the scrutiny proceed, is a mitigation
of trouble and expense ; since a new writ is the conse
quence of the honorable gentleman's argument, and a
new writ, as I said before, would, forty days hence, ex
actly bring us to that point where we are now arrived.
" I must beg the house, then, to consider coolly and
distinctly, what the motion before you tends to : it does
not, indeed, command the high bailiff to return lord Hood
and Mr. Fox, as the honorable gentleman first intended,
and as his petition prayed ; that is now found out to be
too monstrous, as it would be no less than to make this
house the electors of its own members ; usurping at once
the office of returning officer and the right of electing the
representatives of the people. That ground, I say, sir is
shifted ; and to what does the resolution now go ? It
orders the high bailiff to return two members ; it orders
this deceased returning officer back again to life, in order
to make a return of the writ ; this officer, I say, sir, whose
existence irrevocably ceased on the 18th of May ; for,
on the single argument of his perfect nonentity since that
day, rests the whole of that conclusion which is so ear
nestly contended for, that he is not in the capacity to
prosecute the scrutiny. Now, sir, the resolution also
orders the high bailiff to return those two candidates, who
have, in his judgment, the majority of legal votes* though
the bailiff told you yesterday, he could form no judg
ment, who had the legal majority, and though he ex
plained, by substantial evidence, for what reasons it was
impossible to form such judgment. Sir, I will not weary
the house, with entering into all the detail of evidence ;
but I ask any man of honor, of candor, and of plain
sense, whether the high bailiff of Westminster had not
sufficient reason to wish for a scrutiny, in order to satisfy
his own judgment and conscience, provided a scrutiny
could be legally prosecuted, under all the circumstances
of the case ? The legality of it, is what I shall certainly
have to prove. His evidence, in three words, was this :
that there have polled at this election, above 4,000 more

320
men than there are legal votes in Westminster, upon any
calculation that can be formed ; that there have some
times been 1,800 suffered to poll in a day, under the idea
that the votes were to be revised at a scrutiny ; that he has
received information of many hundred bad votes for Mr.
Fox, in two particular parishes ; that he has had intelligence
sufficiently certain to warrant a suspicion, that bad prac
tices had been used for the purpose of procuring a num
ber of illegal votes ; and that he was terrified, by violent
threats, into an admission of many votes extremely doubt
ful, which, however, he set down at the moment, with
the determination to inquire into them afterwards : upon
these grounds, let any man deny if he can, the expe
diency and propriety of a scrutiny, provided it be be law
ful. We are told, indeed, of Mr. Grenville's committee,
and that it is there alone an effectual scrutiny can be had :
but, sir, the high bailiff is not to take Mr. Grenville's bill
into his consideration ; he is sworn to return those who
have the majority of legal votes, according to his judg
ment ; and he is bound, therefore, to do every thing that
is legal, in order sufficiently to inform his judgment.
Besides, give me leave to say, the possession even of the
seat ought not to depend on the very loose discretion of
the returning officer. The law and the constitution con
sider it to be a matter of some moment, who shall be put
to the trouble of petitioning ; and it is expected of the
returning officer, that he should give the intermediate
possession of the seat to those candidates alone, who
have pretty strong prima facie evidence of their right.
" With respect, sir, to the legality of the scrutiny, un
der all the present circumstances, which appears to me
the hinge on which every thing is now to turn, I am cer
tainly forced to acknowledge, that there exists no prece
dent precisely in point, though the case of Vandeput and
Trentham, in this same city of Westminster, appears to
me nearly in point as to the meaning and spirit of it ; but
there is certainly this accidental difference, that that was
an election during the existence of parliament, the pre
sent is an election following a dissolution. What I mean,
however, to prove, and what I say must be proved, (un
less we issue a new writ) is this ; that the high bailiff was

321
not"1 so completely functus officio on the 18th of May,
but that, sufficient explanation having been given why he
could not return the writ on the day when it was returna
ble, the law and the constitution do allow, that this house
should leave the returning officer to prosecute and com
plete the election, which he has begun, without issuing a
new writ.
" The case of Coventry has been quoted, in order to
prove the returning officer, functus officio ; but I deny
that this is a case in point. There, the election was in
terrupted by riots, the poll books destroyed, and the re
turning officer therefore made (as in the present case,) a
special return, certifying to the house, the reasons why he
could not return two members ; whereupon the house
issued a new writ. But, sir, between that case and the
present, there is a striking difference. Here the bailiff
reports to us, that the election is begun, but is not yet
complete, for certain reasons. In the case of Coventry,
the returning officer certified, that the whole election had
been defeated ; not that he had not had time to decide
whom he should return, but that he had all to begin
again, which rendered a new writ most undoubtedly
proper. The act of parliament, on which gentlemen lay
their great stress, and which the bailiff is said to have
broken, is, as I understand, the 10th and llth of king
William ; an act, as I must insist, applicable only to she
riffs, who were grown at that time extremely negligent in
forwarding their writs, which are the aggregate of the
precepts, received by them, for the several returning offi
cers within their respective counties. It applies to she
riffs, merely as executive, not as judicial officers, enjoin
ing them to make up with diligence the precepts they had
received, and to send them to the crown office within a
limited time, under the penalty of 500/. ; a moiety of
which is payable to the person suing for it. Now, sir,
as the right honorable gentleman has confessed, upon
better information, that he should stand no chance of re
covering the penalty on a popular action, since he has
declined this species of revenge upon the bailiff, which
he at first threatened, he has saved me the trouble of
contesting that question ; and it is indisputably clear, that
Vol. I. S s

322
the present case can by no means come under that act.
That act relates, I say, to the executive conduct of the
sheriff; the present question respects the judicial conduct
of the bailiff, who, in order to make up his judgment, has
thought proper, under certain extraordinary circumstan
ces, to institute a scrutiny. I am far from thinking, that
a bailiff has any right to protract his election beyond the
day when the writ is returnable, unless from very parti
cular circumstances. The argument, therefore, that
bailiffs, at this rate, may protract the meeting of parlia
ment to what period they please, must fall entirely to the
ground. The house must judge of his reasons, must
hear them, must examine them ; and if they are insuffi
cient, must correct and punish him, if he be worthy of
punishment : but if proof be given, that, owing to pecu
liar circumstances, it was impossible for him to fulfil his
oath, and to judge who had the majority of legal votes, I
say, then the law and the constitution permit, that he
should prosecute what he has begun without a new writ,
and take those measures, which are alsolutely necessary
to form his judgment.
" In order to examine more particularly what is the
law of the case, we can only ask ourselves, how it stands
when similar circumstances occur in the execution of
other writs. In the nature of writs, it is agreed, there is
no difference. Let us examine, then, the analogy of law
upon the subject, and I hope, sir, I shall not be thought
pedantic, if I should allude somewhat technically to a
profession, to which I once had the honor of belonging,
in order to prove distinctly, what is the law upon this
point. A very learned gentleman near me, (the master
of the rolls) has told you, that in many instances the
court allows an extension of time, in cases where some
proceedings have been had upon the writ, but where
every thing is not perfected by the day when the writ is
returnable. Now, sir, to bring this point of law more
directly into the cognizance of the house, I will state a
case : — A writ is issued to the sheriff, (in an action of
debt) called a capias ad satisfaciendum, ordering him to
seize the goods of A, and this is followed by another,
called a venditioni exponas, and is returnable by a cer-

323
tain day ; the sheriff, in prosecution of his writ, seizes
the goods, in order to put them up to sale. But we will
suppose, that in taking these goods of A, as he is com
manded by the writ, the sheriff, through mistake and
confusion, lays hold of some goods of B, which are ;nix-
ed with them, and he has riot time to separate the goods
of A, which are all he is authorized to take, and to put
them up to sale before the writ is returnable. What
does the sheriff do in this case ? Why, sir, he reports the
particular circumstances which prevent his returning the
writ, to the court, and the court then allows him to go
and examine into the goods, or, in other words, they
grant a scrutiny upon the circumstances laid before them,
not issuing any new writ, but allowing only an extension
of the old one. Now, sir, let the house alter the word
sheriff to bailiff, and for dead goods read living, and this
is the very case before you.
" But if this, which I have stated, be true ; if it be
law, if it be the fact in the courts below, arguing as I
have a right to argue, upon the analogy of the law in
every new case, I do implore the house to consider the
absolute illegality of our interfering in the office of bailiff,
and directing him either to return lord Hood and Mr.
Fox, as was once desired of us, or the illegality even of
forcing him to return any two members, before those
measures are taken, which it is absolutely necessary to
take, and which the law therefore enjoins him to take, in
order to make his return.
" Some gentlemen have talked of the peculiar jealousy
of our constituents, on matters of election ; but, sir, their's
has never been a jealousy lest this house should be su
pine in watching its own privileges. The jealousy of
the people has always justly been, lest this house should
assume privileges of electing members, or of directing
their election, which is not for us to do. What was the
case of the Middlesex election ? Was it not that the
house of commons determined, by their own authority, to
impose on the people a representative, who was not the ob
ject of their choice ? God forbid that this housp should
again impose on the people any man, who is not the object
of their choice ! Let elections without doors ta'ce their
legal course. It is our office to punish corrupt or par-

324
tial returning officers ; it is our office to issue new writs ;
it is our office ultimately to decide election contests ; but
it is not within the scope of our privileges to direct the
bailiffs whom to return, or to order them, as if they were
servants or officers of our's,4to make returns in what
manner, and at what time, we please. The right honora
ble gentleman, indeed, might, with some degree of con
sistency, propose to the house, the assumption of new
privileges in matters of elections, for, in the case of the
Middlesex election, we know that he was the champion
of this house, against the rights of the people ; and it is
singular enough, that the only two points in which the
right honorable gentleman and the noble lord (lord North)
for a series of years agreed, were in the decision of the
Middlesex election, which is now so deservedly exe
crated, and in their execration of Mr. Grenville's bill,
which is now so deservedly applauded.
" Sir, it has been hinted to the house, that some new
law to regulate Westminster elections will be proposed,
and the right honorable gentleman, with a degree of in
genuity that is characteristic, immediately exclaims, that
we find it necessary to introduce a new law, in order to
prevent future parliaments from adopting>me bad prece
dent we have set them. That a new law is wanted on
the subject of elections in Westminster, is surely what
nobody can deny ; but my opinion is, that until a new
law is introduced, it is better to decide according to the
laws existing, than to anticipate new laws, or to pass the
bounds of our privileges. I am aware of the difficulties
we are all reduced to, in so unheard of a case as the pre
sent. For this house to order a bailiff whom to return,
is impossible ; neither is it possible for us to forbid him
from doing that which is absolutely necessary to the
forming a reasonable judgment upon a point, which is
not contrary to law, and in which the analogies of law,
when the circumstances are compared, completely justify
him." A division took place, in 'which 117 voted for the
question, and 195 against it. A motion was then made,
directing the high bailiff to proceed in the scrutiny with
all practicable dispatch, which, after a short debate, was
carried by a majority of 178 to 90 ; and thus the legality

325
of the scrutiny, for which Mr. Pitt so earnestly contend
ed, was fully established. The house did not adjourn till
after six o'clock next morning.
In the early part of the session, there were several con
versations respecting the necessity of a reform in parlia
ment, and Mr. Pitt was requested by Mr. Sawbridge, to
bring the subject before the house of commons. But
Mr. Pitt declared, that although he continued a decided
friend to the measure, he had not leisure to attend to the
arrangement of so complicated and important a busi
ness ; and thinking the present an unfavourable time for
discussing the question, he wished it to be deferred to
the next session, when he pledged himself to bring it for
ward, and to give it every assistance in his power. Many
other persons concurred in Mr. Pitt's wish, but Mr. Saw-
bridge would not consent to the postponement ; and on
the 16th of June, he moved for the appointment of a
committee, " to inquire into the state of the representation
of the commons of Great Britain in parliament." Mr.
Pitt supported the motion, which was lost by a majority
of 191 to 125.
The only remaining business of this session, of suffi
cient importance to be noticed, is a motion of Mr.
Dundas, on the 2d of August, relative to the estates for
feited to the crown, in consequence of the rebellion in
Scotland in 1745. A number of persons, he said, in that
part of the united kingdom, had the misfortune to engage
in that rebellion, and had paid the forfeit, some of their
lives and fortunes, others of their fortunes only. It was
then judged necessary, in order to strike a terror into
that part of the nation, that its inhabitants should be put
under a kind of proscription, and be thereby disqualified
from serving the state in any capacity. He did not mean
to give an opinion as to the policy or impolicy of such a
measure ; but so it was, that the highlanders continued
proscribed till towards the close of the war immediately
preceding the last. At that time they were called forth
from their state of humiliation by an illustrious statesman,
who, finding that the southern parts of the kingdom,
exhausted of men by the war, could no longer furnish
the necessary recruits for the fleets and armies, saw that

326
the highlands of Scotland were able to supply great
numbers of men ; and resolved, like a man above the
level of illiberal and unwise prejudices, to put an end to
a proscription so injurious to the community at large.
He raised regiments of highlanders, and sent them to
fight the battles of their country in every quarter of the
world. They served with fidelity ; they fought with
valor : and with their blood they purchased glory to
themselves, and victory to Great Britain. The states
man, to whom he alluded, was the late earl of Chatham,
whose expressions respecting that transaction he had now
on paper in his hand, and would read them to the house,
as infinitely better adapted to the subject, than any thing
he could say, " I am above all local prejudices," said
that great man, <l and care not whether a man has been
rocked in a cradle on this, or on the other side of the
Tweed ; I sought only for merit, and I found it in the
mountains of the north. I there found a hardy race of
men, able to do their country service, but laboring under
a proscription. I called them forth to her aid, and sent
them to fight her battles. They did not disappoint my
expectations : for their fidelity could only be equalled by
their valor, which signalized their own and their coun
try's renown all over the world." Mr. Dundas, having
read this extract, proceeded : It was an auspicious omen,
he said, that the first blow had been given to this pro
scription, by the earl of Chatham, and might well jus
tify a hope, that the remains of the system would be en
tirely annihilated under the administration of his son, who
would thus complete the good work which his great father
had begun. The conduct of the earl of Chatham, in
taking off the proscription, under which the families, en
gaged in the late rebellion, had labored for a long time,
afforded them an opportunity to atone for the crimes of
their ancestors ; and there was not one of all these fami
lies, in which some person had not spilt his blood in his
country's cause ; and he would be bold to assert, that all
remains of that spirit which had rendered the inhabitants
of the highlands disaffected to the present government,
had long since disappeared ; and that the king had not
at this moment, a set of more loyal subjects in his do-

327
minions. It would be generous then in parliament, to
forget the offences of the ancestors ; it would be mag
nanimity to treat their worthy descendants like trusty and
faithful subjects ; and by a restoration of the estates,
cancel even the remembrance of the acts, by which they
had been forfeited. He proposed, that these estates, on
being restored, should descend to those heirs, whether
male or female, to whom they would have gone in a re
gular and legal course of descent, in case no act of rebel
lion had been committed by their ancestors ; subject,
however, to the same charges, to which they were liable,
when they fell into the hands of government. He repre
sented this restoration as likely to have a very happy
effect upon the minds of the tenantry of those estates, by
bringing back to them their old landlords, to whom they
might hereafter look for patronage and protection ; and
as peculiarly calculated to check that spirit of emigration,
which had prevailed t© a great degree, some years since,
and seemed to be now reviving.
Both Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox expressed their warm ap
probation of this proposal, and the bill passed the house
of commons with scarcely any opposition. In the house
of peers, the lord chancellor complained that the bill was
introduced at so late a period of the session ; and though
he desired to be considered as not delivering any opinion
upon its principle, it was evident from his speech upon
the second reading, thathe was by no means favorable to
the measure. Upon the third reading, he made a motion
to postpone the business to the next session, which was
negatived by a majority of 7 to 4 ; and the bill was
passed. On the 20th of August, his majesty put an end to the
session by a speech from the throne, in which he return
ed thanks to the two houses, for their diligent and zealous
attention to the public service ; and especially, for the pro
vision which they had made for the better government of
India, and for the protection and improvement of the re
venue ; and he informed them, that many important ob
jects, with respect to trade and commerce, would require
their consideration after the recess.
The ability and knowledge displayed by Mr. Pitt, in

328
the course of this session, in which more important busi
ness was carried through parliament, than in any former
period of the same length, completely put an end to the
objections, which were before continually made to his
youth and inexperience. No one now ventured to re
proach him with engaging in an undertaking to which he
was unequal ; while all allowed, that no political man had
ever such a weight to sustain. The superiority of his
eloquence, and the energy and firmness of his mind, it
had before been impossible to deny ; and now it appear
ed, that his talents were of that practical nature, which ena
bled him to devise measures, suited to the public exigen
cies, and calculated to rescue the country from the press
ing and complicated difficulties with which it was sur
rounded. He came prepared upon every subject, which
admitted of previous consideration, and was never at a
loss, when any question unexpectedly arose, or any ob
jection was suddenly started by his adversaries. Though
the whole business of the nation rested upon him, as the
sole minister in the house of commons, it would be injus
tice not to mention, that he had a most able adviser and
supporter in Mr. Dundas, who had been accustomed to
take an active part in parliament during lord North's ad
ministration, and who now exerted his vigorous under
standing and manly powers of debate, in a manner highly
useful to Mr. Pitt. On him he could always rely as
ready to argue judiciously, and with effect, any point
which might be brought into discussion ; and the parti
cular attention which Mr. Dundas had for many years
given to the affairs of India, enabled him to render Mr.
Pitt the most essential service, in arranging and carrying
through parliament his plan for the future government of
that important part of the British empire.
Mr. Pitt passed the remainder of the year in London
and its immediate neighborhood, preparing and maturing
the plans which he intended to submit to parliament in
the ensuing session ; and enjoying the satisfaction of
learning, that his measures for the improvement of the
revenue, were succeeding to the utmost of his expecta
tion.

329

CHAPTER THE SIXTH :
1784.
Continental Affairs — Meeting of Parliament — Westminster Scru
tiny — Finance Measures — Parliamentary Reform — Commer
cial Intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland — Proro
gation of Parliament.
THE situation of affairs upon the continent was at this
time such, that it would not be justifiable to pass them
over entirely in silence ; especially, as they were consi
dered of sufficient interest to this country to be noticed
in the speech from the throne, at the opening of the next
session of parliament.
The emperor of Germany, taking advantage of the
weak and disordered state to which Holland was reduced
by the war with Great Britain, and by internal dissensions,
demanded the cession of Maestricht and the contiguous
territory, which were detached from the rest of the Dutch
possessions ; and urged, as sovereign of the Netherlands,
a great variety of other claims in succession, the last and
by far the most important of which was, the free naviga
tion of the Scheldt ; this would have been a fatal blow to
the commerce and naval power of Holland, and might
have endangered the independence and very existence
of the republic. The emperor's immediate object was,
to open the port of Antwerp, once the emporium of Eu
rope, with the hope of restoring that city to some share,
at least, of its former riches and splendor; and of acquir
ing to his dominions those benefits which arise from fo
reign trade. The states general defended what they con
ceived to be their unquestionable rights, in moderate and
conciliatory language, but, at the same time, with a be
coming degree of firmness ; and, in particular, they stated,
that the exclusive navigation of the Scheldt had been se
cured to them by the treaty of Munster, in 1648, and
confirmed by several subsequent treaties ; that, in fact, it
Vol. I. T t

330
rested upon the same authority as the possession of the
Netherlands, by the house of Austria, whose right to any
part of the Low Countries would never have been ac
knowledged, if the sovereignty of the Scheldt had not
been ceded to the United Provinces. The high and pe
remptory tone in v\hich these claims were made and sup
ported, and the little disposition manifested by the em
peror, to pay any regard, either to existing treaties, to
which his ancestors had been parties, or to long and un
interrupted enjoyment, excited great alarm throughout
the territories of the states general. These were the na
tural effects of conscious superiority on the one side, and
of utter incompetency on the other, to resist the demands
of so powerful a claimant.
After numerous unavailing memorials and representa
tions, the states general, still earnestly desirous of settling
all points of difference, by an amicable adjustment, sent,
in the month of April, 1784, with the consent of the em
peror, two plenipotentiaries to confer personally for that
purpose, with his minister at the court of Brussells. But,
on the very night of their arrival in that city, a detach
ment of Austrian soldiers, with four field pieces, seized
the dismantled fort of Old Lillo, which was acknowledged
to be situated within the Dutch limits ; and about a week
afterwards, when the negotiations were actually com
menced, another detachment of Austrian soldiers seized
a second place, belonging to the states general, called
Hartog Eyk, near Heerle, where they pulled down the
Dutch flag from the custom-house, and, with severe
threats commanded the collector, in the name of the em
peror of Germany, to exact no more toll or duty, and to
obey no orders of the Dutch government under whose
authority he had hitherto acted.
Notwithstanding these open invasions of territorial
right, the negotiations continued through the summer,
but with a temper on the part of the Austrian ministers,
which precluded all hope of accommodation. In the au
tumn, the emperor, who had not been able to prevail
upon the Dutch to surrender their right to the exclusive
navigation of the Scheldt, determined to make trial, whe
ther they would venture to enforce it against his ships; and

331
with that view, he prepared two brigs, one of which was
to attempt to sail from Antwerp to the sea, and the other
from the sea to Antwerp. He commanded the captains
to submit, in the course of their respective voyages, to
no detention or examination from any of the ships be
longing to the states general, and in no manner whatever
to acknowledge their authority at any of the custom
houses or forts upon the river ; and he formally an
nounced, that he should consider any insult or interrup
tion offered to either of these vessels, as an act of hosti
lity, and a declaration of war on the part of the republic
of Holland. The brigs sailed early in October, and were
stopped by armed cutters, in the service of the states
general ; and the captains of the brigs, in obedience to
the emperor's orders, refusing to comply with what was
required of them, the Dutch officers took possession of
both. Information of these events was conveyed to the
emperor, then in Hungary, who immediately ordered his
ambassador to leave the Hague, and his minister at Brus
sells, to put an end to the negotiations. Both the em
peror and the states general, wrote to the different courts
in Europe, to explain and justify their respective proceed
ings ; and they called upon those powers, with whom
they Were in alliance, to furnish the assistance stipulated
by treaty. On the 7th of November, the garrisons of
Lillo, Frederick Henry, and Cruikshanks, fearing a sud
den attack from the Austrians, which they were not in a
state to repel, cut their dykes, opened their sluices, and
laid all the neighboring country, a considerable portion
of which belonged to Austrians, unftler water; and in
consequence of the alarm at first caused by this unex
pected and mischievous measure, some shots were ex
changed between the advanced posts of the Austrians
and one of the Dutch garrisons. No farther act of hos
tility was committed ; but preparations for war were
made by both parties, with as much activity as the sea
son of the year would permit ; and there was reason to
believe that other powers would be involved in the con
test. Under this expectation of approaching warfare in the
immediate neighborhood of Great Britain, parliament met

332
on the 25th of January 1785; and the king, in his speech
from the throne, alluding to the circumstances which
have been just related, informed the houses, that not
withstanding any appearance of differences upon the con
tinent, he continued " uniformly to receive from all fo
reign powers, the strongest assurances of their good dis
position towards this country :" he mentioned the success
which had attended the measures taken in the last session,
for the suppression of smuggling, and for the improve
ment of the revenue, as an encouragement to parlia
ment to apply itself with renewed assiduity to those im
portant objects ; he recommended to its consideration
the adjustment of such points in the commercial inter
course between Great Britain and Ireland, as were not
yet finally arranged; and such farther regulations as might
appear to be necessary in the different offices in the king
dom, conformably to the suggestions in the reports of the
commissioners of public accounts. The addresses were
carried in both houses without any division. In the
house of commons, Mr. Pitt was the only speaker on the
side of government. He replied, in two speeches, to lord
Surry, Mr. Burke, lord North, and Mr. Fox. Nothing
material occurred in the debate, except an acknowledg
ment from Mr. Fox, that " the measures lately pursued
for the prevention of smuggling, had been effectual;"
and assurances from Mr. Pitt, that the commutation tax,
which was censured by Mr. Fox, had been proved by
the test of experience, to be a wise, efficacious, and be
neficial measure ; and that the board of control, which
Mr. Fox asserted, had increased peculation and corrup
tion, had laid the foundation for checking those very evils,
while in other respects it had already produced the most
salutary effects. ¦
The first business brought before the house of com
mons, was, the Westminster scrutiny. On the 1st of
February, Mr. Welbore Ellis moved, that the high bailiff
should attend on the 4th, " to give an account of what he
had done" in the scrutiny; and on the following day,
colonel Fitzpatrick presented a petition from certain elec
tors of Westminster, in which they complained, that the
eity of Westminster continued unrepresented ; and pray-

333
ing, " that the house would immediately take such mea
sures as would restore it to its undoubted right of having
representatives in parliament." Mr. Fox being unable,
on account of indisposition, to attend the house on the
4th, nothing was done till the 8th. On that day, the
high bailiff, and Mr. Hargrave and Mr. Murphy, who
had been successively his assessors, underwent a long
examination ; from which it appeared, that the scrutiny
had continued for eight months ; that in the parish of St.
Anne, 25 votes had been struck from thp poll of Mr.
Fox, and 27 from that of sir Cecil Wray ; that in the
parish of St. Martin, 80 had been struck from the poll of
Mr. Fox, and 60 from that of sir Cecil Wray ; and that
the inquiry into sir Cecil Wray's supposed bad votes in
that parish, was unfinished ; that the high bailiff was not
yet enabled to make a return satisfactory to himself; that
the proceedings of the scrutiny had been studiously de
layed by the long examination of witnesses, and the long
speeches of counsel ; that it would probably last two
years longer; that the high bailiff had long since proposed
to enter upon the parishes of St. John and St. Margaret,
in which the greatest number of bad votes was suspect
ed, but that Mr. Fox objected ; that the high bailiff had
no power to administer an oath, to compel the attendance
of witnesses, or to punish them for prevarication or false
hood ; and that from want of sufficient authority, he had
been treated with contempt, while presiding in the court
of scrutiny. These examinations, and the conversations
to which they gave rise, occupied so much time, that it
was necessary to adjourn the business to the following
day, when Mr. Ellis submitted to the house the same
motion, which he had made in the beginning of the for
mer session, requiring the high bailiff to make an imme
diate return of two persons to serve in parliament for the
city of Westminster.
Lord Mulgrave opposed this motion ; maintaining, that
there was no law which enjoined the high bailiff to make
a return immediately upon the meeting of a new parlia
ment ; that it had always been an established maxim,
founded on justice and equity, that upon the demand of
a scrutiny by any party, the returning officer should sa-

334
tisfy his own conscience, and either grant or refuse a
scrutiny, as he thought most conformable to the tenor of
his oath ; that in the present case, exercising the discre
tionary power vested in him by the constitution, he had
granted a scrutiny, and that he ought not to be compelled
by the house to stop it: he therefore moved, as an amend
ment, that the whole of the motion, except the first word,
" that" should be omitted, and that the following words
should be substituted, " the speaker do acquaint the
high bailiff, fisst, that he is not precluded by the resolu
tion of this house, communicated to him on the 8th of
June last, from making a return, whenever he shall be
satisfied in his own judgment that he can so do : and
secondly, that this house is not satisfied, that the scrutiny
has been proceeded in as expeditiously as it might have
been ; that it is his duty to adopt and enforce such just
and reasonable regulations, as shall appear to him most
likely to prevent unnecessary delay in future ; that he is
not precluded from so doing by want of consent in either
party ; and that he may be assured of the support of this
house, in the discharge of his duty." A long debate en
sued, in which Mr. Pitt, in arguing against the original
motion, contended, that the legality of the scrutiny had
been solemnly decided by the house of commons in the
last session ; that the only point now to be considered,
was, whether any circumstances had since arisen, which
should induce the house to think it no longer expedient,
that the scrutiny should be continued ; that it was origi
nally granted on the principle of such a number of bad
votes having polled, that it was doubtful, who had the
legal superiority, and also for the satisfaction of the con
science pf the high bailiff; that many bad votes had al
ready been discovered ; that only about a fourth part of
the votes had yet been examined ; that the little progress
made in the scrutiny was to be ascribed to the spirit of
procrastination in Mr. Fox and his friends, and their re
fusal to enter upon those parishes, where the greatest
number of bad votes was suspected, and to the unfitness
of Mr. Hargrave for the office of assessor ; that it would
be easy to establish rules, which would cause greater
expedition in future, under the new assessor, Mr. Mur-

335
phy ; that the high bailiff was still equally unable to as
certain, which of the candidates had a majority of legal
votes ; and therefore, that he ought to be left at liberty
to proceed with the scrutiny.
The house having greatly applauded this speech, Mr.
Fox began his reply to it, by saying, that he would not
dispute Mr. Pitt's splendid abilities ; he never had done
it; he never would do it; indeed it would be absurd in
him to dispute, what he himself had always acknowledged;
what the whole house admired. After a variety of ex
traneous matter relative to Mr. Pitt's India bill, and the
conduct of the board of control, he argued at considera
ble length against the legality of the scrutiny, endeavor
ing to shew that it was the duty of the high bailiff, before
the first meeting of the new parliament, to have returned
the two candidates, who had the greatest number of
votes ; that to leave the large and populous city of West
minster unrepresented, was a gross and shameful breach
of the constitution, which filled him and all its true friends
with the most serious alarm and uneasiness ; and that the
representation of the commons ought to have been full
and complete, before the house proceeded to the enact
ment of laws. Towards the end of his speech, he ex
pressed his firm conviction, that the only object which
the minister had in view, by supporting the continuance
of the scrutiny, was, to harass and persecute an indivi
dual, whom he had honored by distinguishing him from
a number of others, to make the victim of his resentment.
He had always wished to stand well with the right ho
norable gentleman. He remembered the day, on which
he had first congratulated the house upon the acquisition
of his abilities : it had been his pride to fight, side by
side with him, the battles of the constitution ; little think
ing that he would one day desert his principles, and lend
himself to be the instrument of that secret influence,
which they had both combated so successfully. He was
prepared to find a formidable rival in the right honorable
gentleman ; a rival, who would leave him far behind in
the pursuit of 'glory ; but he never expected, that this rival
would become his persecutor. " I fancied, I saw," said
Mr. Fox, " so much generosity of soul, so much eleva-

336
tion of mind, that so low and groveling a passion could
not have found an asylum in his breast. If he thinks,
that it is merely for a seat in parliament that I am con
tending, he knows me not ; but I was willing to take the
hard task of stemming the tide of misrepresentation,
which had been studiously and artfully disseminated
through the kingdom. I was desirous, that the citizens
of Westminster, to whom my public measures were best
known, who knew even my private foibles, as I was bred
and had always lived among them, should pass judgment
on my political conduct ; and proud I am of the issue,
which has taught the more distant parts of the kingdom,
that they were misled." He concluded with declaring,
that if, to his astonishment, the house should be so far in
fatuated by party, as to forget that night what was due to
the rights of election, and the purity of representation, the
question should not sleep. He assured them, it should
be brought forward in one shape or another, again and
again ; and he had no doubt of seeing them come, ulti
mately if not immediately, to a determination favorable
to the people.
As soon as Mr. Fox sat down, Mr. Dundas rose, and
spoke to the following effect :
" The right honorable gentleman over the way must
excuse me, if I forbear from entering into all the sub
jects which he has introduced, into his speech. Situated
as I am, it is necessary, however, that I should say thus
much to him, in answer to his vehement declamations
against the India board ; that when the proper day comes,
I shall not be afraid to measure swords with him on that
subject ; but until then, I shall take the liberty to consi
der, and I am sure this house will also consider, these
daily declamations against that board, as mere wanton,
coarse obloquy, which the right honorable gentleman has
got such a habit of introducing upon all possible sub
jects, that even the Westminster scrutiny, however re
mote from the subject of India, is not to be excepted.
" With respect, sir, to the character which he has
drawn of the right honorable gentleman near me, the
best answer I can give him, is, by reducing all his high-
flown language upon that subject into common sense and

337
plain English, and I would then ask any man in the
house, whether the sum and substance of all his decla
mations on this head, be more or less than this — that
when first he discovered the right honorable gentleman's
rising abilities in this house, he was earnestly desirous
of connecting him with his party ; he was anxious to
take him under his protection and tuition : But as soon
as ever he found the right honorable gentleman unwilling
to submit to his trammels, and determined to think for
himself, from that time he had resolved to set him down,
for the most haughty, corrupt, unconstitutional, and dan
gerous man and minister that ever this country had pro
duced. It is just thus, indeed, that the right honorable
gentleman over the way, has at all times thought proper to
monopolize all patriotism, all public principles, all love
of liberty, to his own single self. — " I am the palladium
of the liberties of the country, I am the champion of the
constitution, I am the only man of the people, I am the
single Atlas of this free state." — This, sir, is the lan
guage, and these are the precise arguments, which the
right honorable gentleman applies now, and always has
applied, to all debates, at all times, upon all subjects,
against all ministers, in all the exigencies of his case.
He accuses my right honorable friend of presumption ;
but I appeal to any man, whether the panegyric which
the right honorable gentleman has this day made on him
self, did not consist of praises so profi ise and extravagant,
and of flattery so gross, that I am sure there is not one of
his friends, who would have had the indecency to load
him, before his face, with half the praises, which, in this
moment of boasted modesty, he has thought it so be
coming to heap upon himself.
If, therefore, I shoul feel a little insensible, both to the
praises which the right honorable gentleman heaps upon
himself, and to the abuse which he pours upon us, (of
which certainly I have the honor to receive no small
share) I hope, sir, I have explained what it is that has
rendered me thus callous. The time was, when his in
vectives fell, with some sensible force and efficacy, on
the ministerial band, whom he was opposing ; but when
I see him pouring forth alternate praises and execrations
Vol. I. Uu

338
on the same men, according as they are his political
friends or foes, he must excuse my telling him, that all
his violence, all his sarcasms, and all his insults, are not
capable of irritating any one single passion in my breast ;
and I may hope even, that in the vicissitudes of political
affairs, the time, perhaps, may come, when I may be re
compensed for all the grossness of these declamations,
by the most unbounded panegyrics on my virtues, my
talents, and my political character. In the mean time,
my mind is at perfect ease, because I know, and all the
world knows with me, that the right honorable gentleman
considers the actions and characters of public men as
things entirely subservient to his own political views,
nay, and to his views at the mere moment when he is
speaking. " Having said thus much on the subject of the India
biff, and on the respective characters of the two right
honorable gentlemen, which I have been so necessarily
led to do, I shall confine myself now to the true ques
tion before the house ; and, in the first place, since the
right honorable gentleman is for ever exclaiming, how
the constitution is violated, I must beg and insist on a
plain answer to this plain question — Whether, in the
election of Vandeput and Trentham, the constitution
was not just as much broken as now ? That scrutiny, sir,
lasted for fifteen months, and this has lasted eight months.
Where were then the violated rights of the electors of
Westminster ? Where was then this ruin to the consti
tution ? Was not Westminster just as much unrepresent
ed as now ? Were not taxes laid on the inhabitants of
Westminster, without their consent, just as now ? Was
not every evil, every inconvenience, every outrage on the
constitution, as flagrant in that case as in the present ?
And yet, sir, if we look into the debates in those times,
we find not one syllable was ever uttered about the dan
ger to the constitution, not one syllable of all that lan
guage, which is so familiar in the mouth of the right
honorable gentleman on this and on every question. It
is said always, that that was an election in the case of a
vacancy by death, and this on a general election; but
what difference does that make to the constitution ? Sir,

339
4
I do maintain, therefore, that the constitution is likely to
go on as well after this scrutiny in the city of Westmin
ster, as it did after that of Vandeput and Trentham ; and
when the right honorable gentleman tells us, that in his
capacity of champion of the constitution, he cannot sit
silent, he cannot rest, he cannot sleep, until the vote of
the house is rescinded, and the outrage is repaired, I shall
ask him, how he has slept since the year 1750 ; for it is
ridiculous to contend, that the circumstance of its hav
ing been then a vacancy by death, and not by general
election, can be any salvo to the rights of the Westmin
ster electors, or any safeguard to the constitution.
" Why, sir, suppose this election had happened in
either of those two cases, when Westminster became va
cant by the right honorable gentleman's becoming a secre
tary of state, Westminster might then have suffered pre
cisely the same disfranchisement, and the constitution
have had the same wound which it has received, and
yet all would have been exactly according to law, and
according to precedent ; and in truth, sir, if we examine
the respective histories of the times, we shall find a great
resemblance in the two cases, and in the two elections.
There were then the same exertions, the same contentions
of the aristocracy, the same intrigues as now. Both the
great men and the great women of the country were seen
to use the same condescension in both cases ; and I will
add, that there were the same affected delays in both
cases ; in point of delay, however, there has been this
difference ; that in the year 1750, above 1,400 votes
were scrutinized in five months ; and in the present case,
not 200 have been gone through, even in the enormous
time of eight months. Will any man then deny, what
one of the resolutions in the amendment takes notice of?
that this house is not satisfied that there has been no un
necessary delay in the scrutiny ? and, sir, I appeal to
any man, whether it has not been proved at your bar,
that it has been the wish, the design of Mr. Fox, to pro
crastinate the decision of the scrutiny.
" The high bailiff has told you, sir, that he all along
understood St. Margaret's and St. John's to be the par
ishes where the chief suspicion lay ; and I maintain, that

340
he had a perfect right, without the consent of either of the
parties, to have proceeded first to those parishes : but
Mr. Fox, he tells you, insisted that this would be a par
tial arrangement, and it was agreed to ballot whicn parish
should come first, lt is known, that the parishes in
question come next in turn ; and I would appeal, there
fore, to the common sense of the house, whether it is not
reasonable, natural, and by all means expedient, that the
high bailiff should be permitted to pursue his scrutiny, at
least into those parishes, being informed at the same
time, that as soon as ever he is capable of satisfying his
judgment, he is at perfect liberty to make his return.
" The house has already gone the length of determin
ing a scrutiny to be legal, even after the return of the
writ, should the circumstance of the case demand it ; and
truly, sir, how much more dangerous would it be to the
constitution, if it should become a settled point, that all
scrutinies are unlawful, and that if a sufficient number of
men are found, who will take their oath at the hustings,
every writ must be instantly made up, however notori
ous the invalidity of votes may be, and must be thrown
upon the table of this house ? The truth is, that the right
of voting in Westminster, is not sufficiently ascertained,
and a bill is wanted, therefore, for this purpose : but,
sir, we must not decide against the law of the land ; we
must not contradict the analogies of law in these cases ;
we must permit scrutinies, when the necessity of them, in
order to form a right judgment, is clear; and if any thing is
wanted to expedite and facilitate such cases in future, a
new law must be made for the purpose."
The house divided at six o'clock in the morning, and
the original motion was negatived by a majority of 174
to 135. The amended motion was then carried without
any division, and afterwards read to the high bailiff, by
the speaker from the chair.
The comparatively small majority by which Mr. Ellis's
motion was lost, proved that the means used to excite
dissatisfaction and odium against the scrutiny, had not
been ineffectual, and was a sufficient encouragement to
Mr. Fox and his friends, to bring the subject again be
fore the house, as Mr. Fox had threatened. According-

341
ly, on the 18th of February, colonel Fitzpatrick presented
a petition from certain electors of Westminster, stating,
that they had reason to believe, that the evidence given
to the house, was defective and incomplete, and that far
ther evidence might be produced ; and therefore praying,
that they might be permitted to lay such evidence before"
the house, and to be heard by their counsel. Some
doubts were expressed, whether this petition ought to be
received. It was agreed on all sides, that if it were in
substance the same as that which had been presented a
little time since, and already decided upon, it could not
be received consistently with the rules of the house ; but
it being urged, that the present petition professedly related
to new facts recently discovered, it was admitted : after
which an order was made, that the petitioners should be
heard, by their counsel, on the following Monday ; and
that the high bailiff, and the counsel of the three candi
dates, should attend.
On that day, as soon as it was proposed, that the coun
sel of the petitioners should be called in, lord Frederick
Campbell observed, that the proceedings would extend
to an immeasurable length, if the counsel should be at
liberty to range at large into the merits of the election,
and that it would be inconsistent with the dignity of the
house to allow them to argue against the legality of the
scrutiny, which was decided in the last session, and con-
' firmed in the present, after due re-consideration ; and
therefore he moved, that these words should be added to
the motion just made : — " And that the counsel be re
strained from going into any matters, but such as tend to
prove the evidence offered at the bar of the house, on
Wednesday the 9th of this instant February, defective
and incomplete ; or such other matters as may have been
discovered since the order of this house of the same date."
After a long debate, lord Frederick Campbell's amend
ment, which was supported by Mr. Pitt, was carried by
a majority of 203 to 145 ; and when the counsel, Mr.
Erskine and Mr. Pigott, were called in, and heard the
motion read, they informed the house, that, as they could
not submit to the restraint thus imposed upon them,
without departing from the positive instructions of their

342
clients, the electors of Westminster, they must beg leave
to withdraw themselves from the bar.
The high bailiff then underwent a short examination ;
the object of which was to prove, in contradiction to
what he had said on former days, that Mr. Fox's coun
sel had, as early as last July, proposed immediately to
examine the votes in the parishes of St. John and St.
Margaret, and that the offer was rejected by sir Cecil
Wray's counsel. This point was now mentioned to the
house for the first time, and it was by no means establish
ed by any satisfactory evidence. Had, indeed, this pro
posal been actually made in a regular manner, it is scarce
ly credible, that so important a fact would have been
omitted in the former debate, especially as Mr. Fox's
party were accused of a marked reluctance to inquire into
the votes of those parishes ; and Mr. Fox himself had de
clared, in the house of commons, that he should have
been " an idiot," if he had acceded to the very same
proposal, when made to him by the high bailiff. After
the examination was ended, colonel Fitzpatrick made a
motion similar to that of Mr. Ellis, and it was rejected
by a majority of only nine ; the numbers being 145, and
136. On the 3d of March, lord Muncaster presented a pe
tition to the house of commons, from sir Cecil Wray's
committee for conducting the scrutiny, stating, that they
had carefully investigated the votes in the parishes of St.
Margaret and St. John, and had discovered, that 400 per
sons had voted, as inhabitants of those parishes, not one
of whom could be found to exist ; and praying, that the
scrutiny might be allowed to proceed. It was ordered
that the petition should lie upon the table ; and Mr. Saw-
bridge immediately rose, for the purpose of making a mo
tion to put an end to the scrutiny, in words nearly the
same as the motions of Mr. Ellis and colonel Fitzpatrick,
upon the ground, that it had now lasted nearly, nine
months, and sir Cecil Wray had gained only two votes.
Mr. Pitt moved an immediate adjournment, which, after
a short debate, was negatived by a majority of 38, the
numbers being 162, and 124. Mr. Sawbridge's motion
was then carried, without a division ; and the following
day, the high bailiff returned lord Hood and Mr. Fox.

343
On the 9th of March, Mr. Francis made a motion, for
expunging from the journals, the resolution of the 8th of
June of the preceding year, authorising the scrutiny,
which, after a long debate, was negatived, by a majority
of 242, to 137.
It must be acknowledged, that the Westminster scruti
ny proved to be a business of a most unpleasant and dis
tressing nature to Mr. Pitt. He was induced to engage
in it, from a persuasion, that, within a reasonable time, a
decided majority of legal votes would be substantiated
in favor of Sir Cecil Wray. It was unfortunately begun
in parishes to which the principal part of Mr. Fox's bad
votes did not belong ; and the contrivances used by him
and his committee, to protract and impede the proceed
ings, and to confine them as long as possible to those
parishes, seemed to indicate a consciousness, that his
cause would not bear a general investigation. The slow
progress, the immense trouble and expense, the circum
stance of so large a city remaining so long unrepresented,
the pretended danger of delaying the return beyond the
meeting of parliament, the idea of persecution, imputed
to government, and the small advantage gained by sir
Cecil Wray, all concurred to cause a change of sentiment
in members of parliament, and, in some degree, made an
unfavorable impression upon the public mind — too com
mon a consequence, when an undertaking, however high-,
ly and justly approved at first, fails of the expected suc
cess. Mr. Pitt, now in the plenitude of power and popu
larity upon every other question, had upon this, the mor
tification of finding some of his most respectable friends,
both private and political, either voting against him, ab
senting themselves from the house, or affording a reluc
tant support ; and at last, after a long and painful struggle,
and many acrimonious debates, he was compelled to
yield to a majority, not more than 123 persons voting
with him for the continuance of the scrutiny, although, a
few days afterwards, very nearly double that number
voted against rescinding the resolution, by which it was
originally authorised. While, therefore, they condemn
ed the measure, as inexpedient, they maintained its le
gality ; while they thought, that to proceed in it, would

344
answer no good purpose, they pronounced it consistent
with the principles of the constitution, and the practice
of parliament. There seemed, indeed, to be an increas
ed anxiety in members, in consequence of what had pass
ed, to testify their conviction, that the scrutiny was in it
self legal and constitutional, as in June 1784, only 178
voted for the motion, directing the high bailiff to enter
upon the scrutiny ; and in March 1785, 242 voted, that
the motion should remain upon the journals, as a record
ed proof of the deliberate opinion of the house, that a re
turning officer is at liberty to grant a scrutiny, even after
his writ is returnable, if he conscientiously believes, that
he cannot otherwise make a just and proper return, con
formably to the oath which he has taken.
The business brought before the house of commons,
in the present session, by Mr. Pitt, may be comprehend
ed under three heads, — finance, parliamentary reform,
and a commercial intercourse between Great Britain and
Ireland — of these I proceed to give some account.
The first subject relative to finance, which Mr. Pitt
submitted to the consideration of the house, was, the re
ports of the commissioners of public accounts. After
paying high compliments to the ability and diligence of
the commissioners, he said, that their reports, twelve in
number, threw great light upon a variety of matters, hi
therto involved in the most impenetrable obscurity ; that
in consequence of the suggestions contained in them,
¦some important regulations in the payment of the land-
tax, in the post-office, and in the army pay-office, had
already been adopted ; and that the information which
they furnished, might be made the foundation of still far
ther advantage to the public. He then adverted to seve
ral points, connected with these reports, which required
the authority of parliament. He first stated, that the
manner in which the accounts were kept in the navy-
office, was extremely complicated and perplexed; and
that the treasurers of the navy had very large sums in
their hands, which they were suffered to retain, even after
they were out of office, in some cases, for no less a pe
riod than forty years ; and that at the present moment,
there were four distinct accounts of as many treasurers

345
of the navy, open at the pay-office. As a remedy to
these evils, he proposed, that the mode of keeping the
accounts should be simplified, particularly with respect
to the sub-accountants, according to a plan, which he had
arranged, with the assistance of the present treasurer of
the navy (Mr. Dundas); the principal provisions of which
were, that the money, when issued at the exchequer, for
the service of the navy, should be placed in the custody
of the bank, from whence the treasurer should only take
a sum sufficient to answer small contingent demands, all
large bills being to be paid by draughts upon the bank,
for naval services only ; that the treasurer should close
his accounts every year ; and that, when he quitted office,
he should transfer the balance in his hands to his suc
cessor. To effect these purposes, he proposed to intro
duce, " a bill for better regulating the office of the trea
surer of his majesty's navy*."
He next reminded the house, that it was proved, by a
book produced at the end of the session of 1783, in con
sequence of a motion made by him, that upwards of forty
millions of money, which had been issued for the public
services, were then unaccounted for ; and he now men
tioned, that the inquiry since instituted, respecting the
accounts of persons to whom this immense sum had been
advanced, would cause 257,000/. to be paid immediately
into the exchequer, which might be applied to the service
of the present year, and that farther sums would be re
covered, when other accounts had been examined. It*
had also appeared, from the sixth report of the commis
sioners of public accounts, that in 1782, the accounts of.
four treasurers of the navy, and three paymasters of the
army, besides those then in office, remained unsettled.
To prevent the recurrence of the same delay, inconve
nience, and loss to the public, he said, it was his earnest
wish to make an entire change in the system of passing
the different public accounts at the exchequer, which
however proper it might have been when originally esta
blished, was infinitely too intricate and dilatory for the
present enlarged expenditure of the country. He ob-
• It was at first intended that the bill should extend to the ordnance offioe, bat it
was afterwards thought better to confine it to the navy offiee
Vol. I. X x

346
served, that the office of the two auditors of imprest, was
a mere sinecure, for which each had, in some years- of
war, received 16,000/.; that the whole duty was perform
ed by their deputies and clerks, who looked no farther
than to the arithmetical correctness of the accounts, con
sidering it sufficient, if the vouchers, such as they were,
tallied with the charges ; that they had no power to make
an useful inquiry, as they could not examine the account
ants upon oath ; and that, in fact, the whole plan of au
diting the accounts, was, from change of circumstances,
and most inexplicable and culpable neglect, become ab
solutely nugatory, affording no check or control whatever
upon the expenditure of the money, and open to collusion
and fraud of every description. He therefore thought it
j-ight, that the office of auditors of imprest should be abo
lished, a suitable allowance being made to the present
auditors, who held their patents for life ; and that in their
stead, a board of five commissioners should be substi
tuted, with ample- powers, who should strictly investigate
and audit the public accounts of every department $ and
as a security for the effectual discharge of their extensive
and important duty, they were to hold their offices quam-
diu se bene gesserint. Upon these grounds, and with
this view, he proposed to introduce, " a bill for the bet
ter examining, and auditing the public accounts of this
kingdom." He lastly called to the recollection of the house, that
in the year 1783, he introduced a bill for the regulation
of the fees taken in the public offices, which passed the
house of commons, but, through the influence of the then
administration, was rejected by the house of lords: he
said, that he was still convinced^ that this was a subject
deserving the interposition of the legislature, without
which the existing abuses could not be corrected ; and
therefore he proposed to introduce " a bill for appoint
ing commissioners to inquire into the fees, gratuities, per
quisites, and emoluments, which are, or have been lately,
received in the several public offices to be therein men
tioned, and to examine into any abuses which may exist
in the same, and t© report such observations as shall oc- ,
cur to them, for the better conducting and managing the
business transacted in the said offices."

347
Mr. Pitt moved fgr these three bills on the same day,
as arising out of the reports of the commissioners before
mentioned, and calculated to carry into effect economical
reform and improvement in expediting public business,
which the facts collected proved to be highly important
to the national interest. The three bills passed both
houses, with scarcely any opposition : the only division
which took place, was in the house of commons, upon
the third reading of the bill for auditing the public ac
counts, which was carried by a majority of 74 to 15.
In this session, it was proved by evidence at the bar
of the house of commons, that the tax, imposed last year
upon plain cotton stuffs, had been attended with injurious
consequences to the manufacturer; and therefore Mr.
Pitt introduced a bill for its repeal, which passed without
any opposition.
The first regular discussion, which took place relative
to the general state of the finances of the country, was
upon the llth of April, when Mr. Pitt moved for an ac
count of the nett produce of the taxes, in the quarters
ending January 5th and April 5th, in the years 1784 and
1785. He took that opportunity of informing the house,
that the bills, which were passed in the last session, for
the prevention of smuggling, and the regulations which
had been adopted in the collection and management of
the different branches of the revenue, together with the
extention of trade, consequent upon the return of peace,
had already caused so great an increase in the produce
of the taxes, as to justify a confident hope, that by the
next year, the income of the country would not only be
equal to the expenditure, but would afford a considera
ble surplus, which might be applied to the gradual liqui
dation of the national debt. Upon this and other occa
sions, when Mr. Pitt had incidentally expressed the same
sentiments, Mr. Fox, Mr. Eden, and Mr. Sheridan ac
cused him of being inaccurate in his statements, and too
sanguine in his expectations ; but, on the other hand,
Mr. Pitt contended, that no error had been proved, either
in his principles, or in his calculations ; and he complain
ed, that his opponents were inclined to take a gloomy and
desponding view of the national finance. He said, that

348
those, who for party purposes, wilfully misstate facts to
the public, and exhibit false and melancholy pictures of
the revenue, are the worst of traitors to their country :
and to convince the house, that there was just ground for
the opinions he had delivered on this and on preceding
days, he himself moved for a great variety of accounts,
and supported the motions of other members for papers,
calculated to throw light upon any of the difficult and
intricate points, which were contested. Mr. Fox, how
ever, and several other gentlemen who acted with him,
notwithstanding their opinions and statements relative to
the revenue, and their constant lamentations over the
heavy burdens under which the people groaned, urged
Mr. Pitt to lose no time in establishing a sinking fund,
and imposing the necessary additional taxes ; disclaiming
at the same time all factious motives, or any desire to in
volve ministers in unpopular measures. To which Mr.
Pitt replied, that it was his intention, that this fund should
not commence till the next year ; because as there was
such a flattering prospect of increasing prosperity, he
thought it better to defer it for a twelvemonth, as any
ideas, now formed upon the subject, would probably be
materially affected by the favorable turn, which, by that
time, it was hoped affairs would take ; conceiving, that
the whole of the business might be more easily reduced
to a system, after it should be seen, how far the revenue
would, by means of its expected improvements, answer
the purpose in view.
On the 9th of May, Mr. Pitt opened the budget, and
observed, that the effects of the late calamitous war were
felt in the expenses of the current year, as it was neces
sary to fulfil contracts, which had been entered into pre
vious to the signature of the preliminaries of peace, and
as some of our ships had not yet returned from the distant
parts of the world. The supplies which had been voted,
amounted to 9,737,868/., and the ways and means fell
short of that sum, about a million : this deficiency was to
be provided for. The present low state of the funds*,
and the probability of their rise before the next session,
induced him not to borrow the money, and create addi-
* The 3 per cent consols were about 58.

349
tional stock in the ordinary way, but to obtain it from the
bank upon exchequer bills, at five per cent., by which
means not only the rate of interest would be rather less,
but the bank would lend the money as it might be want
ed, and only charge interest upon the different sums from
the time they should be advanced. He stated, that the
navy and ordnance debts, calculated to the 5th of the
following July, amounted to rather more than ten mil
lions ; and as the large quantity of navy bills and ord
nance debentures, now in circulation, was the principal
cause of the depression of the funds, he considered it his
indispensable duty, immediately to fund the whole of
these bills and debentures. He preferred a five per cent.
fund for this purpose*, because it afforded a more easy
and expeditious mode of redemption ; and he mentioned,
that in funding ten millions, upon the terms stipulated
with the bill holders, stock would be created to the
amount of 11,140,000/. the interest of which, and ex
penses of management, would be about 563,000/. He
reminded the house, that an interest of four per cent, upon
six millions, amounting to 240,000/. had been provided
in the last sessionf ; and consequently, on this account,
there remained only 323,000/. to be now raised. To this
sum were to be added 50,000/. as interest upon the mil
lion to be borrowed of the bank, and 40,000/. on account
of the repeal of the tax upon cotton stuffs : the whole sum
therefore to be raised, was 413,000/. for which purpose
he proposed an additional tax upon male servants, in
creasing in a higher proportion than the number kept,
and upon post horses ; and also taxes upon female ser
vants, shops, pawnbrokers, and gloves ; and a diminu
tion in the allowance made on salt carried coastwise,
which would increase the produce of the tax upon that
article. Mr. Fox, who, in the previous debates upon finance,,
had promised to support and assist Mr. Pitt in imposing
" The interest in a 5 per cent, fund was about six shillings per cent more than it
would have been in'a 3 per cent, fund ; that is, 30,000i. a year upon 10 millions. Mr.
Pitt estimated that three millions would be saved, when the debt should be paid off.
¦j- In opening the budget last year, Mr. Pitt considered himself as proposing taxes
which would produce 280,0001. a year, being the interest of i per sent, upon seven
millions of navy bills and ordnance debentures,

350
any new taxes, which might be deemed necessary, and
had declared a readiness to take a share of any odiym
they might occasion, when he found that the tax unan
shops, and that upon female servants, were disapproved
both in the house and in the country, strenuously joined
in the opposition to them ; and endeavoured by all those
arts, of which he was so fully master, to add to their un
popularity. The bills, however, enacting these taxes,
passed both houses of parliament, after several divisions,
in which the majorities were by no means great ; but
the modifications introduced by Mr. Pitt, in order to ob
viate some of the principal objections to them, were
likely to render the duties less productive than had been
originally expected. To make up for this deficiency,
he proposed taxes upon attornies, and upon warrants of
arrest. The tax also upon game certificates was in
creased ; and coachmakers were required to take out an
annual license, and to pay a small tax upon every car
riage they made. Mr. Pitt estimated the annual produce
of all these various taxes, at rather more than 413,000/.
the sum wanted ; and he observed, that the collec
tion of them would be attended with very little expense,
and that there would be no necessity for the appointment
of a single new officer.
Mr. Pitt did not forget his engagement, to bring be
fore the house, in the present session, the business of
parliamentary reform. This was indeed a favorite object
with him, to which he devoted much time and thought ;
and he sought every opportunity of explaining in private,
his sentiments and views respecting it, to those mem
bers who had hitherto opposed every motion upon this
subject. It is natural to suppose, that his present offi
cial situation would give great weight to his arguments ;
and that the persons who were in general supporters of
his administration, would feel a desire to concur with
him upon a question, in which his opinion was so de
cided, and his wishes so strong. He prevailed with
some ; but the objections 6f others he was unable to
overcome. He thought it his duty, also, to communicate his plan

351
to the king, whose private sentiments he knew to be un
friendly to any change in the construction of the house of
commons ; and he received the following answer from
his majesty, dated March 20 :
" I have received Mr. Pitt's paper, containing the
heads of his plan, for a parliamentary reform, which I
look on as a mark of attention. ¦ I should have delayed
acknowledging the receipt of it till I saw him on Mon
day, had not* his letter expressed, that there is but one
issue of the business he could look upon as fatal, that is,
the possibility of the measure being rejected by the
weight" of those who are supposed to be connected with
government. Mr. Pitt must recollect, that though I
have ever thought it unfortunate, that he had early en
gaged himself in this measure, yet that I have ever said,
that as he was clear of the propriety of the measure, he
ought to lay his thoughts before the house; that out of
personal regard to him, I would avoid giving any opinion
to any one, on the opening of the door to parliamentary
reform, except to him ; therefore, I am certain, Mr. Pitt
cannot suspect my having influenced any one on the oc
casion. If others choose, for base ends, to impute such
a conduct to me, I must bear it as former false sugges
tions. Indeed, on a question of such magnitude, I should
think very ill of any man, who took a part on either side,
without the maturest consideration, and who would suf
fer his civility to" any one, to make him vote contrary
to his own opinion. The conduct of some of Mr. Pitt's
most intimate friends on the Westminster scrutiny,
shews, there are questions, men will not, by friendship,
be biassed to adopt."
In 1782, Mr. Pitt had moved for the appointment of a
committee, to consider the state of the representation in
the house of commons ; and in ' the following year, he
brought forward several resolutions, as the basis of the
plan which he then wished to be adopted. Having
failed in both those instances, he determined, upon the
present occasion, to submit to the house, a ptecise and
explicit proposition, and at once to apply for leave to

352
bring in a bill, which should contain the result of his
full consideration upon this important subject, and be in
itself complete and final. By this mode of proceeding,
he hoped to quiet the alarm of those, who were fearful
of touching the constitution, in any one point, lest the
alteration should, under the mask of reform, be progress
ively carried to a dangerous length.
He again reprobated the wild and impracticable no
tion, of universal suffrage, and said, that, in his judgment,
the just description of the popular branch of our legis
lature, at this day, ought to be, " an assembly freely
elected, between whom and the mass of the people, there
was the closest union and most perfect sympathy." Such
an house of commons, it was the purpose of the framers
of our constitution to erect ; and he had no other wish,
than to restore the house of commons to that its original
state and character, instead of the corrupt and inade
quate system into which it had unfortunately degene
rated. Those who went farther — those who were advo
cates for individual representation, deluded themselves
with impossibilities ; and diverted the public from that
plain and practicable path, in which they might travel
with safety and ease, to launch them into an unbounded
sea, where they had no pilot to direct, no star to guide
them. He expressed an earnest desire to convince the
house, that what he was about to suggest, was not an in
novation, but perfectly conformable to the practice of our
ancestors in the purest days. To prove that it was an
indisputable doctrine of antiquity, that the state of re
presentation was to be changed with the change of cir
cumstances, he stated, that from the reign of Edward
the first, the earliest period in which distinct descriptions
of men could be traced in the representation, to that of
Charles the second, there were few reigns in which the
representation was not varied. The successive kings ex
ercised a power of summoning, or not summoning, as
they pleased ; acting always upon this principle, that the
places should have such a population, as entitled them to
send, or rather subject them to the duty of sending,
members to parliament. As one borough decayed, and
another arose, the one was abolished, and the other in-

o5o
vested with the right of choosing members, not however
in such a manner, that the house of commons always
consisted of the same exact number : for upon that point,
there was no antient law or custom, — nothing, in fact,
even in these times, preventing the executive branch of
the legislature from adding to, or diminishing, the pre
sent number, but the act of union. So great, indeed,
had been the variation, that in the seventeenth century,
the crown had ceased to call upon seventy-two boroughs
to send burgesses to the house of commons; thirty-six
of which, after the restoration, petitioned to be reinstated
in the enjoyment of their ancient franchises. Their pe
tition was granted ; but the other thirty- six remained
disfranchised. It was therefore evident, that change was
perfectly congenial to the original principle of representa
tion, and consistent with the practice of former times.
The excellence of the British constitution- was the fruit
of gradual improvement; — and had a resistance to all
reform, from apprehension of the bad consequences
which might possibly ensue, prevailed in former times,
Englishmen would never have enjoyed their present
boasted privileges and blessings. Upon these authori
ties, and upon these grounds, he felt himself warranted
in proposing, that thirty-six decayed boroughs, each
electing two members, should no longer send burgesses
to parliament; and that in their room, the different coun
ties and the metropolis should elect seventy-two addi
tional members, which would constitute a just proportion
between county and borough representatives, without in
creasing the number of the house of commons ; and he
farther proposed, that copyholders should vote for coun
ties as well as freeholders ; the difference of tenure not
justifying, in these days, the distinction in respect of
voting, which at presesent subsisted. In the lapse of
time, and fluctuation of human affairs, other boroughs
might become decayed, the members for which were to
be transferred to populous and flourishing towns, previ
ously sending no members to parliament ; and to prevent
any doubt, a definite number of houses was to be the
criterion of a decayed borough. Disavowing, however,
all idea of compulsion, he proposed that no old borough
Vol. I. V v

354
should be disfranchised, and no new place authorized to
elect members, except upon its own spontaneous appli
cation. Boroughs being, in many instances, a species of
valuable inheritance, and of private property, a voluntary
surrender of their rights was not to be expected, without
an adequate consideration ; and therefore he proposed the
establishment of a fund for the purpose of purchasing
these franchises, which, being; of different descriptions,
the consideration-money would of course vary.
Such, he said, was the general outline of his plan, the
operation of which would be gradual. The provisions
of the act would be called into action from time to time,
as cases arose. A clear and permanent rule for perpetual
improvement in the representation, Would be established,
equally applicable to the present and all future periods,
but giving no sanction or countenance to vague and chi
merical schemes of reformation^ He conceived it, in
deed, to be free from all serious objection, and at the
same time, calculated to create that union and sympathy
between the constituent and representative, which was
the surest foundation of liberty to individuals, and of
strength and glory to the nation, and the best means, as
far as human foresight could extend, for rendering the
British constitution immortal. Leaving the detail of the
execution to be hereafter discussed, he concluded with
moving, "That leave be given to bring in a bill to amend
the representation of the people of England in parlia
ment." Mr. Pitt had the mortification of finding himself de
feated a third time, his motion, after a long debate, being
negatived by 248 to 174. This was his last attempt to
obtain a reform in parliament. Having upon this occa
sion made every effort, and exerted all the influence in
his power, both publicly and privately, and failed by so
considerable a majority, he was convinced that any farther
trial in the present house of commons, must be ineffec
tual, and therefore he desisted ; and we shall see, that
soon after the next general election, he thought it his duty,
on account of a most material change in the situation of
the country, to oppose a motion upon the subject, brought
forward by another person.

355
It now remains that I give an account of the plan,
which Mr. Pitt submitted to the house of commons in
this session, relative to a commercial intercourse between
Great Britain and Ireland ; but it will be necessary pre
viously to take a short retrospect of the affairs of Ireland,
that a judgment may be formed of the difficulties, which
he had to encounter in that part of the empire.
Though Ireland had, from a very early period, laws of
its own, and a parliament similarly constituted to that of
England, the English parliament, for several centuries
prior to the present reign, exercised the right of making
laws binding upon Ireland. Besides this mark of depen
dence, the English privy council exercised the right of
altering or suppressing any acts, which had passed the
Irish parliament ; and the courts of law in England exer
cised an appellant jurisdiction over thepcpurts in Ireland.
Before the restoration, Ireland enjoyed every commercial
benefit and privilege in common with England ; an&the
navigation act, which passed immediately after that great
event, and regulated the conveyance of the articles of
trade by sea, placed the two kingdoms, in that respect,
upon precisely the same footing. But from a subsequent
part of the reign of Charles the second, to that of his pre
sent majesty, the English parliament, with a view of pro
moting the trade and manufactures of its own country,
from time to time imposed a great variety of restrictions
Upon the commerce of Ireland, without consulting the
parliament of that kingdom. These restrictions operated
in a manner highly injurious to the industry and exertions
of the Irish, who felt their oppressive effect the more
acutely, from observing their English neighbors and fel
low subjects rising into wealth and importance, by means
of that very trade, of which they considered themselves
unjustly deprived. The unequal terms of connexion,
which England, as the seat of empire, and possessing
superior power, thus authoritatively prescribed to Ireland,
had, since more enlightened maxims of policy began to
prevail, been the source of no small degree of jealousy
and dissatisfaction among all ranks of the Irish people ;
and especially among those who were engaged in trade
and manufactures : But they acquiesced in silent forbear-

356
ance, till the American war, while it increased their bur
dens, reduced their commerce to still narrower limits.
As their distress became greater, their complaints grew
fouder ; and at length resolutions were entered into by
the inhabitants of the trading towns, to prevent the impor
tation and consumption of British manufactures; and
those, who ventured to refuse compliance with these un
authorised mandates, were treated with every species of
violence and outrage. But even under these circumstan
ces of suffering and discontent, their zeal in defence of
their country against the common enemy, broke forth in
a manner, remarkable in itself, and which led to very im
portant consequences.
The disasters in America having made it necessary
for our government to withdraw a large proportion of the
regiments from Ireland, that kingdom, at the commence
ment of the war between Great Britain and France, con
tained but a very small military force. In the summer
of 1778, the French were known to be collecting a con
siderable army upon their coast, and it was generally
believed, that they intended to make a descent upon
Ireland, in its present weak and unprotected state.
Under this apprehension, the Irish gentry, yeomen, tra
ders, and other persons, resident in the most exposed
districts of the country, began to form themselves into
volunteer companies ; which patriotic spirit spread so
rapidly, and was so well directed, that, in a short time,
the volunteers exceeded 40,000 in number, the greater
part of whom were as well disciplined as regular troops.
This immense force, raised, trained, and commanded by
officers, elected by their respective corps, without any
pay or authority from the king, but with the avowed
assistance and active co-operation of several persons of
high rank and large property, was a most extraordinary,
if not an unexampled, establishment; and it was not to be
expected, that so numerous a body of men, not acting
under any legal control, or even holding any communi
cation with the executive power, with arms in their
hands, and many national grounds of complaint, would
confine themselves to the original object of their associa
tion. Their military character necessarily caused them

357
to assemble frequently ; and in deliberating about the
means of averting evils threatened by a foreign enemy,
they not unnaturally digressed to the internal grievances
under which they were actually laboring from the British
government. The degrading and pernicious restrictions
upon their trade and manufactures, which were more
severely and more extensively felt. than any other of their
hardships, first occupied their attention ; and conscious,
as they must have been, of their own strength, and well
knowing the want of vigor and capacity in administration,
it is by no means surprizing, that in dwelling upon the
long-endured oppression, and in referring to the primary
cause of the present distress of their country, they made
use of aggravating and inflammatory language. These
speeches, circulated into every part of the kingdom,
could not fail to produce a considerable ferment in the
minds of men, already prepared to receive any unfavora
ble impression ; especially as two recent attempts* in the
British house of commons, to obtain relief for the trade of
Ireland, had, in consequence of the most determined
opposition, both from the manufacturers and ministers,
almost entirely failed.
It was, however, very generally acknowledged in Eng
land, that a removal of some of the prohibitions, to which
the trade of Ireland was subject, was, under present cir
cumstances, indispensable ; but no step being taken by
administration, and no notice being given of their intention
to propose any measure upon the subject, the house of
lords, on the llth of May 1779, in consequence of a
motion from lord Rockingham, unanimously voted an
address to the king, in which they submitted to his ma
jesty's consideration, the distressed and impoverished
state of his subjects in Ireland, and besought him to or
der, that there should be " prepared and laid before par
liament, such particulars relative to the trade and manu
factures of Great Britain and Ireland, as would enable
the national wisdom to pursue effectual measures for pro
moting the common strength, wealth, and commerce of
his majesty's subjects in both kingdoms." On the 26th
of the same month, the house of commons, with the
same unanimity, voted a similar address, upon the rao-
• In 1777 and 1778.

358
tion of lord Beauchamp, who was at that time a lord of
the treasury. To these addresses, his majesty replied,
that he would give directions accordingly; but ministers
remaining still inactive, it was moved by lord Shelburne,
in the house of lords, on the 2d of June, that another
address should be presented to his majesty, requesting
that he would be pleased to allow the British parliament
to continue to sit ; and also, that he would forthwith is
sue his proclamation for calling together the parliament
of Ireland, that the just complaints of his subjects in
that kingdom, might be fully considered, and remedied
without delay. This motion, being resisted by admini
stration, was negatived : and the prorogation of parlia
ment taking place soon after, nothing was done, during
the recess, for the relief and defence of Ireland, except
by sending a small quantity of arms for the use of the
volunteers, which was an acknowledgment of their le
gality and usefulness, and, of course, increased the power
of that already important body of men, who were now
in a condition either to repel the attacks of a foreign ene
my, or to awe the government of their own country.
Their numbers and discipline seem to have caused
France to abandon all idea of invasion, if it were in re
ality ever entertained ; and their attention being therefore
wholly directed to domestic concerns, their influence soon
became apparent in the proceedings of the parliaments of
both kingdoms.
The parliament of Ireland met on the 12th of October
1779, and both houses voted addresses to the king, in
which they explicitly declared, that nothing but the grant
of a free trade could save Ireland from ruin ; and thanks
were voted to the volunteers, unanimously in the house
of commons, and with only one dissentient voice in the
house of lords. But these addresses and votes of thanks
did not quiet the minds of the people, or inspire them
with confidence in the sincerity and perseverance of par
liament. A numerous and daring mob soon after assem
bled before the house of commons in Dublin, and re
quired the members, as they entered, to swear, that they
would vote for a free trade ; and, as the means of com
pelling England to grant it, that they would also vote for

359
a short money bill. The members were intimidated ;
and two money bills were passed, contrary to all former
custom, for only six months. Nor was this the only al
teration which now took place : The mutiny bill, passed
annually by the British parliament, had hitherto been
considered as binding upon the army in Ireland ; but that
point being called in question by some of the modem
innovators, the Irish parliament, at their suggestion, now,
for the first time, passed a mutiny bill for the army in
Ireland. The British parliament met on the 25th of November,
and the king, in his speech from the throne, informed the
two houses, that " in consequence of their addresses,
presented to him in the last session, relative to the trade
and manufactures of Ireland, he had ordered such papers
to be collected and laid before them, as might assist their
deliberations in this important business ; and he recom
mended to them, to consider what farther benefits and
advantages might be extended to that kingdom, by such
regulations, and such methods, as might most effectually
promote the common strength, wealth, and interests of all
his dominions."
At length, on the 13th of December 1779, lord North
submitted to the house of commons, three propositions
for the relief of the trade of Ireland. The first was, the
repeal of those laws, which prohibited the exportation of
Irish woollen manufactures from Ireland* : the second
was, the repeal of that part of the Act of 19 Geo. 2,
which prohibited the exportation of glass from Irelandf ;
and the third was, a permission to Ireland to trade to and
from the British colonies in America, the West Indies"]:,
and the British settlements on the coast of Africa, under
the same duties and regulations as those to which the
English merchants were subject. Separate bills were
• The 10th and llth of William and Mary, by imposing a heavy export duty
upon woollens, amounting in fact to a prohibition, had put an end to that manufac
ture in Ireland : this produced a contraband exportation of wool to France, where
it was manufactured.
t Previously to this act of Geo. 2, the Irish might export glass of their own ma
nufacture, and import glass from every country, as well as from England.
, + The Irish had not been permitted to import any articles directly from the
West Indies. AU the West Indian produce consumed iu Ireland, passed through
England.

360
introduced for these purposes, which passed without any
difficulty. It was only observed, in a debate upon the
last of them, by one of the members for the trading and
manufacturing county of Lancaster, who, at the request
of his constituents, had been active in opposing similar
propositions in the two preceding sessions, " that for
merly, when questions of commerce respecting Ireland
had been in agitation, the several manufacturing towns of
England had applied to parliament, and urged their situ
ation, as an objection to the matters then under discussion;
pleading, that in reliance on the good faith of parliament,
they had put themselves into that situation, and that
therefore it would be unjust to grant to Ireland, what
must essentially affect their interest. The case now, he
said, was much altered : it was no longer a question of
commerce, but a question of great national importance ;
for. which reason, the several places in England, likely to
be affected by the present measures in favor of Ireland,
had thought it decent and dutiful to remain silent, and to
trust altogether to the wisdom and justice of parliament."
This acquiescence of the English manufacturers was a
decisive proof of the general impression which prevailed,
relative to the distressed and critical state of Ireland.
The Irish parliament received these propositions of
lord North, with strong expressions of gratitude; and
passed bills with a view to give them full effect, as well as
several other bills for the farther encouragement of their
trade and manufactures.
In a subsequent part of this session, a bill passed the
British parliament, for repealing the acts which prohibited
the exportation of coin from England to Ireland, and the
importation of foreign hops into Ireland, and which took
off the drawback upon hops exported "from great Britain
to Ireland ; and this bill gave also to his majesty's sub
jects resident in Ireland, the privilege of being admitted
into the Turkey company. Though these concessions
were acknowledgd as great benefits by the parliament of
Ireland, they were not followed by any material improve
ment in the trade of that country. They were not per
haps calculated to be of immediate and general benefit ;
and the exertions of the Irish themselves were wanting

361
to give them even that partially good effect, which they
might, with care, and in time, have produced. " It should
seem," says a contemporary writer, " as if the manufac
turers of Ireland had conceived an opinion, that the resti
tution of commercial freedom would operate like a charm,
and diffuse, in an instant, that general prosperity over the
nation, which could only be the effect of a long course of
frugal, attentive, and persevering industry. The fallacy
of these sanguine expectations was soon apparent ; and
the evil, if not partly caused, was greatly aggravated, by
the idleness of the lowest class of the people, and that
neglect of the proper occupations of the better sort, which
was the consequence of the general disposition to politi
cal speculations*." The distress of the manufacturing
and laboring part of the community continued, and, gra
dually increasing, became so great in 1783, as to occa
sion considerable disturbances in Dublin ; and a very li
beral subscription was raised for those who could obtain
no employment. But this being merely a temporary re
medy, the Irish house of commons, on the 21st of Oc
tober, in that year, upon the motion of Mr. Gardiner, ap
pointed a committee to take into consideration the state
of the manufactures of the kingdom. The deliberations
of this committee lasted several months ; and the result
will be noticed hereafter.
Soon after the volunteers had succeeded in removing
some of the legal obstacles and impediments, by which
Irish commerce had long been fettered, they began to
aim at a redress of what they considered as political
grievances. They declared, at their public assemblies,
that the authority exercised by Great Britain over Ire
land, was a gross usurpation — that the British parliament
had no right to bind Ireland, in any case whatever — and
that the appeals from the Irish courts of law to those in
England, was an humiliating confession of superiority,
which ought no longer to be endured. Meetings, at the
instigation of the volunteers, were held in counties and
corporate towns, at which resolutions to the same effect
were passed; and every endeavor was used to excite
•Oodsley's Annual Register for 1786, supposed to have been written by Mr.
Burke.
Vol. I. Z z

362
jealousy and discontent among the people, who were
taught to believe, that Ireland would never be happy and
prosperous, till it was emancipated from its dependence
upon England. These claims, asserted by 40,000 arm
ed men, and supported by the general voice of the coun
try, it was dot thought prudent to resist ; and accordingly
in the years 1782 and 1783, acts were passed, as we
have seen, by the British parliament, in which they re
nounced all legislative authority over Ireland; and all
appeals from the courts of law in Ireland to those in
England, were prohibited in future. It may be remark
ed, that these acts, which made so great a change in the
relative situation of England and Ireland, were supported
by contending parties, who agreed upon scarcely any
other important political point, by lord Rockingham, lord
Shelburne, the duke of Portland, lord North, Mr. Pitt, and
Mr Fox. The events which had lately taken place, and
the general disposition of the people in Ireland, were in
deed such, as to force conviction upon the mind of every
one, that it was impossible for England any longer to
maintain that species of sovereignty, which she had hi
therto exercised over her sister kingdom ; and all the
enlightened statesmen of the age, not only admitted the
necessity of these measures, but also concurred in opinion
that the two counties might be placed upon an equal foot
ing, with respect to legislation and the administration of
justice, without any injury or danger to the general in
terests of the empire. It was, on the part of England,
the renunciation of a proud superiority, and not the loss
of a national benefit ; it was the relinquishment of an un
important distinction, and not the surrender of a valuable
privilege. Acts were passed by the Irish parliament, to
give full effect to those which had been passed in Eng
land ; and also other acts, to limit the mutiny hill (which
was perpetual) to two years, and to render the judges in
dependent of the crown.
But even this establishment of complete political inde
pendence, did not restore contentment or tranquillity to
Ireland ; nor did the conclusion of peace induce the vo-
luntees to disband. They continued their meetings ;
and the success which had hitherto attended their exer-

363
lions, emboldened them to urge new claims, in the most
exceptionable way, and to be more factious and violent
in their speeches and resolutions. Their efforts were
now principally directed to obtain a reform of parliament.
The first public and direct mention of this subject seems
to have been on the first of July 1783, at a meeting of
the delegates of 45 volunteer corps at Lisburne, at which
it was agreed to invite the concurrence of other corps ;
and a committee was appointed to correspond with the
most distinguished persons in England, who were known
to be friendly to parliamentary reform. Among others,
a letter was addressed to Mr. Pitt, to which he re
turned no answer. On the 8th of September, a meet
ing of delegates from the volunteer corps of the whole
province of Ulster, was held at Dungannon ; and af
ter a long consultation, it was proposed, that delegates
from all the volunteer corps of all the four provin
ces, should assemble at Dublin, on the 10th of No
vember, for the purpose of considering the best means
of promoting a reform in the parliamentary representa
tion. This proposal was generally approved by the vo
lunteers of the other provinces ; and in consequence,
what might justly be denominated a national convention
of military delegates, a deliberative assembly of armed
political reformers, took place in the metropolis, under
the eye of the executive government. After the election
of a president, the appointment of a committee, to pre
pare a plan of reform and a variety of discussions, several
resolutions were passed, on the 28th of November, in
which it vvas declared, that the right of voting for mem
bers of parliament, ought to be extended in a certain
specified manner, and that the duration of parliaments
ought to be limited to three instead of seven years. Mr.
Flood was selected as the fittest person to bring this bu
siness before the Irish house of commons ; and on the
following day, without any previous explanation, he
moved, to bring in " a bill for the more equal represen
tation of the people in parliament." This motion was.
received with evident marks of disapprobation ; and Mr.
Yelverton, the attorney general, who had himself origi
nally belonged to a corps of volunteers, but was now,
with many other respectable persons, convinced, that

364
their proceedings were tending to the subversion of all
order and government, and that it was become absolutely
necessary to resist them, immediately rose, and said,
" That the question did not deserve to be discusssd, but
that it ought to be regarded as an insult to the house. If
the bill originated, as it was notorious it did, with a body
of armed men, they should decidedly set their faces
against receiving it. They did not sit there to receive
propositions at the point of the bayonet. He entertained
an extreme reverence for the volunteers, -^ho had confer
red the most essential services upon their country. But
when they formed themselves into a political body, to
discuss the modes of reforming parliament, and to regu
late the affairs of the nation ; when by the rude employ
ment of arms, they would probe the wounds of the con
stitution, he would set himself against them at once. The
question now was, whether the national convention, or
the parliament of Ireland, wrere to legislate for that coun
try. What was it they had so lately seen ? Armed men
drawn up in files in the streets, in order to open a path
for other armed men, repairing, in fastidious parade, to a
general assembly, and displaying all the ostentation of a
real parliament. Would they submit to this ? Was it
decent for parliament to enter into a sort of compromise
with this congress ? Were the members of that house
free in their deliberations, while this military congress
was sitting? No; it was necessary they should say to
the volunteers, You have obtained constitution and com
merce ; and now, instead of dictating to the legislature of
the kingdom, go to your own homes, change your attire,
and turn your swords into instruments of agriculture."
These spirited and patriotic sentiments were warmly ap
plauded ; and, after a long debate, the motion was nega
tived by 157 to 77. The house, to mark more strongly
their disapprobation of the manner in which this attempt
was made, and to assert their own dignity and authority,
immediately passed a resolution, moved by Mr. Yelver-
ton, and carried by a great majority, "That it was now
necessary to declare, that this house will support the rights
and privileges of parliament against all encroachments."
Nor did they stop here : Mr. Conolly, who had also
formerly been a member of a corps of volunteers, moved.

365
" That an address should be presented to his majesty, to
express the happiness they enjoyed under the established
government; and to assure him of their determination to
support the present constitution, with ther lives and for
tunes." To give this address the greater weight, the
concurrence of the house of lords was requested, which
was granted on the first of December.
This brief narrative shews the distressed and unquiet
situation of Ireland, when Mr. Pitt entered into office ;
and events which soon afterwards took place, rendered
that situation still more formidable and alarming. The
unequivocal condemnation by the house of commons, at
the end of November 1783, of the principles upon which
the volunteers were then acting, did not induce them to
desist. The convention, indeed, adjourned soon after ;
but the delegates, before they separated, engaged to
exert themselves individually in their respective neigh
borhoods, to procure petitions to the house of commons,
in favor of a parliamentary reform. About thirty were
presented, and afforded Mr. Flood a pretence for renew
ing his motion on the 13th of the following March. The
bill was allowed to be brought in ; but it was rejected
upon the second reading, by a majority of 159 to 85.
On the 31st of March Mr. Gardiner, in consequence
of the report from the committee appointed upon his
motion, in the preceding October, stated, that the im
portation of foreign (meaning English) articles, by pre
venting the consumption of their own manufactures, was
the cause of the distress of the Irish manufacturers. — As
a radical cure to this evil, he proposed, that all such for
eign articles should be subjected to a heavy duty upon
importation ; and as the first step in his system, he
moved, that a duty of 2*. 6d. per yard should be imposed
upon all drapery imported into that kingdom. — It was
contended, on the other hand, that it would be very un
wise to act upon this principle of protecting duties, as
they were called ; since, in that case, it must be expect
ed, that the British legislature would retaliate, by laying
a tax upon Irish linens, which were at present annually
imported into England, to the value of 1,500,000/. This
immense trade would, therefore, be endangered for the

366
sake of promoting the woollen manufactures, the value
of which did not exceed 50,000/. a year. — Mr. Gardiner's
motion was on this ground rejected by 116 to 36, which
so incensed the populace, who had for some time been
clamorous for these protecting duties, that five days af
terwards, a large body of riotous persons forced their
way into the gallery and body of the house of ccmmons,
while it was sitting, and insulted the members in the
grossest manner, reproaching them with having sold
themselves to Great Britain, and calling upon them to
distribute among the distressed manufacturers, a part of
the hire of their iniquity. The guards were sent for,
and two of the ringleaders were committed to prison.
The house afterwards passed a censure upon Mr.
Thomas Green, the lord mayor, for not having taken any
step to prevent the tumults, though he had received
sufficient notice for that purpose ; and for not acting with
the caution and prudence that became a chief magistrate.
Meetings of the inhabitants of Dublin were held, at
which the most factious and mischievous resolutions
were passed ; and government received intelligence of a
conspiracy to murder no less than seven members of the
house of commons. The press was resorted to by the
discontented and disaffected, as the means of inflaming
the minds of the common people ; and the " Volunteer's
Journal," in particular, teemed with exhortations and in
citements to assassination. In consequence of this daring
licentiousness in the newspapers, a bill was introduced
by Mr. Foster, in April 1784, " for securing the liberty
of the press, by preventing the publication of libels."
By this bill, which passed without any difficulty, the
real printer and proprietor of every newspaper was com
pelled to make an affidavit of his name and place of re
sidence, to be lodged in the stamp-office, — which ena
bled government to know, and bring to justice, the pub
lisher of every seditious and libellous paragraph; and the
vendors of unstamped papers were compelled to declare
from whom they received them. Such was the disturb
ed state of Dublin, arising from the distress of the manu
facturers, the proceedings of the reformers, and the plots
Of assassins, that though the garrison consisted of three

367
thousand infantry, and a regiment of horse, it was deem>
ed necessary to detain three regiments, which haci been
ordered to the East Indies, and to send for additional
troops from England.
The duke of Rutland was appointed lord lieutenant,
in February ; and, from the moment of his arrival in
Ireland, at the end of that month, no important step was
taken without Mr. Pitt's advice and direction. Though
Mr. Pitt had the satisfaction of learning, that the firm
and vigorous conduct of the Irish ministers, adopted by
his suggestion and encouragement, and the precautions
which he had recommended, had, for the present, in
some degree, checked the spirit of innovation and turbu
lence, which threatened the most immediate and most
ruinous consequences ; yet he was aware, that nothing
but a fundamental change in the commercial relation be
tween the two kingdoms, could afford effectual relief,
and render Ireland permanently tranquil and prosperous.
Strong, however, as this impression was upon his mind,
and critical as he believed the situation of that country
to be, it was absolutely impossible for him, while the
British parliament was sitting, to find leisure for the ar
rangement of so complicated and difficult a business.
But soon after the prorogation took place, two gentlemen
in high stations in Ireland*, who were well acquainted
with its trade and manufactures, came over to England;
and a considerable part of Mr. Pitt's time, in the summer
and autumn, was occupied in deliberating with them,
and with the most intelligent persons of the same de
scription in this country, upon a new plan of commercial
intercourse between the two kingdoms. Notice was af
terwards given to every trading and manufacturing town,
that such a plan was in contemplation ; and a committee
of privy counsellors was appointed to receive information
and suggestions from merchants and manufacturers, rela
tive to the different branches in which they were them
selves engaged, with whom Mr. Pitt had also frequent
private conferences, as the best means of obtaining a mi
nute and practical knowledge of every article of com-
• Mr. Foster, chancellor of the exchequer, and Mr. Beresford, first commissioner
of the revenue.

368
merce, foreign and domestic ; and their astonishment was
greatly excited by the acuteness and intelligence of his
inquiries and observations.
The result of these consultations was brought before the
Irish house of commons, by Mr. Orde, secretary to the
lord lieutenant, on the 7th of February 1785 ; and four
days afterwards, eleven resolutions were passed as the
basis of the proposed system. The hoiise of lords, in
that kingdom, concurred in these resolutions on the 16th,
and they were immediately transmitted to his majesty,
with a joint address*. On the 22d, Mr. Pitt, by the
king's command, presented them to the British house of
commons; and, after they were read, he observed, that
he was persuaded, there was not a man in the house, of
whatever party or description, however attached or con
nected, who would not agree, that the settling of the
commercial intercourse between the two countries, upon
a firm, liberal, and permanent basis, by which an end
might be for ever put to jealousies and clamor, by which
all future pretexts to discontent might be removed, and
by which the surest foundations of future opulence and
energy might be laid, was one of the most important
topics which could be agitated in parliament, and one
of the most desirable objects they could accomplish. It
was not his present intention, he said, to enter into the
detail of the resolutions^ which the house had just heard,
and which he acknowledged he had been concerned in
preparing ; but to confine himself to an exposition of the
general principles, on which they were founded ; nor
should he call upon the house to come to any decision,
till sufficient time had been allowed for the examination
of all the papers,, which had been already, or which might
hereafter be, laid on the table.
He desired to recal to the attention of the house, what
had been, and what was, the relative situation of the two
countries. It would be recollected, that from the revo
lution, to a period within the memory of every man who
* In the house of commons there were three divisions : the first npon a question
of delay, in which the numbers were 156 and S3; the second upon an amendment
moved by Mr.,Gardiher, which was negatived by a majority of 178 to 33 j and the
third was upon the address to the king, in which the minority consisted of only two.
Ih the house of lords there waB no division.

369
heard him, the system had been that of debarring Ireland
from the enjoyment and use of her own resources ; and
to make her completely subservient to the interests and
opulence of this country, without suffering her to share
in the bounties of nature, or profit by the skill of her
citizens, and without enabling her to contribute to the
common welfare and strength of the empire. Ireland
was excluded from every species of commerce — she was
not allowed to send the produce of her own soil to for
eign markets ; and all correspondence with the British
colonies had been prohibited to her, so that she could
not obtain their commodities, but through the medium of
Britain. This cruel and abominable restraint was as
impolitic, as it was unjust and oppressive ; for however
instrumental it might be to the partial benefit of certain
districts in this island, it promoted not the general pros
perity and actual wealth of the British dominions, collec
tively considered. It counteracted the kindness of Provi
dence, and suspended the industry and enterprize of man.
Such was the system which had prevailed, and such the
state of thraldom, in which Ireland had been kept for a
period little short of a hundred years. A slight relaxa
tion, indeed, took place in an early part of the present
century ; something more of the restrictive laws was
abated in the reign of Geo. 2 ; but it was not until a time
nearer to our own day, that the system was entirely ex
ploded. It was not to be expected, but that when Ireland, by
the more enlarged policy of the present age, had acquired
an independent legislature, she would instantly export
her produce and manufactures to all the markets in the
world. She did so ; and this was not all. England,
without any compact or bargain, generously admitted her
to a share in the trade to her colonies. She gave her
liberty to import directly, and to export to all the world,
except to Britain, every species of colonial produce.
Thus much was done some years ago ; but to this mo
ment, the intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland
themselves, remained upon the old footing. New regu
lations had indeed been made, in some trivial points ; but
no considerable alteration had taken place, either in the
Vol. I. 3 A

370
exportation of British manufactures to Ireland, or in the
importation of Irish manufactures into Britain. That,
therefore, which had been done, was still viewed by the
people of Ireland as insufficient ; and clamors were ex
cited, and suggestions circulated in Dublin and else
where, of putting duties on our produce and manufac
tures, for the purpose of preventing their importation,
under the name of " protecting duties."
Having thus far abandoned the commercial domination,
in which we had so long persevered ; having so wisely
and justly put the Irish into a state, in which they might
cultivate, and profit from, the gifts of nature ; and having
secured to them the advantage of their skill and industry
— having, in these respects, abolished one system, and
established another ; surely no one could wish the im
mediate communication between the two countries, in
matters of trade, to continue exactly as it was. There
were, he said, but two possible systems for countries
situated in relation to one another, like Britain and Ire
land. The one was, that of having the smaller com
pletely subservient and subordinate to the greater — to
make the smaller, as it were, an instrument of advantage
to the greater, and to cause all her efforts to operate and
conduce solely to that purpose. This system had been
tried by Britain in regard to Ireland. The other was, a
participation and community of benefits, upon a principle
of equality and fairness, which, without tending to ag
grandise the one, or depress the other, should seek the
aggregate interests of the empire. Such a system of
commercial equality, in which there was to be a com
munity of benefits, demanded also a community of bur
dens ; and it was this situation, in which he was anx
ious to place Great Britain and Ireland.
Mr. Pitt then proceeded to explain his plan for effect
ing this desirable and important purpose, as contained in
the resolutions transmitted from Ireland, and which con
sisted of three general heads ; First, it was proposed, that
all foreign articles, which were now importable directly
from other countries into Great Britain, should hereafter
also be importable, under suitable provisions, into Great
Britain, through the medium of Ireland. Secondly, that

371
all articles, the produce or manufacture of Great Britain
or Ireland, should be mutually importable into each other,
under a proper regulation of countervailing duties, draw
backs, and bounties ; thus would a complete participation
of all the commercial and manufacturing advantages and
privileges of every kind and description, enjoyed by Eng
land, be conceded .to Ireland; and a perfect equality and
reciprocity between the two kingdoms, be fully and final
ly established. Thirdly, it being considered reasona
ble, that Ireland, when admitted to this entire participa
tion and community of benefits, should contribute to the
expense of maintaining the colonies, and protecting the
commerce of the empire; and that her contribution should
be of such a nature as to keep pace with the gain derived
from the new system, it was proposed, that the surplus
of the hereditary revenue, above its present produce,
should be appropriated towards the support of the naval
force of the empire, in whatever manner the parliament
of that kingdom should direct. The hereditary revenue,
which now amounted to 656,000/. a year, almost totally
depended upon the trade and population of the country ;
and consequently, in whatever degree the trade and po
pulation of Ireland should be increased, she would pay a
sum in proportion to that increase.
Having given this outline of the Irish propositions, as
they were called, Mr. Pitt concluded, by moving the
following preliminary resolution, " That it is the opinion
of this house, that it is highly important to the general
interests of the empire, that the commercial intercourse
between Great Britain and Ireland should be finally ad
justed ; and that Ireland should be admitted to a perma
nent and irrevocable participation of the commercial ad
vantages of this country, when the parliament of Ireland
shall permanently and irrevocably secure an aid out of
the surplus of the hereditary revenue of that kingdom,
towards defraying the expense of protecting the general
commerce of the empire in time of peace." Mr. Pitt
proposed, that the consideration of this resolution should
be deferred for a week, to give time to receive accounts
and estimates ; and he added, that if there should then
appear any reason for farther delay, he should willingly
consent to it

372
It may be observed, that in all former commercial con
cessions to Ireland, no stipulation had been made for any
return — there had uniformly been a gratuitous surrender
of advantages, without providing for the slightest com
pensation. In this respect, Mr. Pitt's system differed
from those of his predecessors. In fact, it could scarcely
be said, that there was any system in what had hitherto
been done for Ireland. Nothing had been granted upon
the ground of substantial justice, and sound policy.
Concessions were extorted, one after another, from the
British government, and were nothing more than tempo
rary expedients, to obviate pressing difficulties, or to si
lence present complaints. No attempt had been made,
by a fair, liberal, and comprehensive adjustment of com
mercial interests, to cut off all cause of discontent in
Ireland ; and, by establishing lasting harmony between
the two countries, to unite and consolidate their efforts for
the promotion of the prosperity and welfare of the empire
at large. AU former ministers had shrunk from the un
dertaking, as involving unsurmountable obstacles.
It was scarcely to be expected, that a plan, which open
ed the British market to the Irish, for every article of
trade and manufactures, both foreign and domestic, should
not excite apprehension and jealousy in the commercial
part of the community in Great Britain ; more especially,
as the most active endeavors were used by the opponents
and enemies of government, both in and out of parlia
ment, to persuade the public, that the 'mercantile and
manufacturing interests of Great Britain would be sacri
ficed to those of Ireland, by the proposed arrangement. The
alarm became very general, almost every one fancying,
that his own branch of trade would be ruined ; and in
consequence, numerous petitions against the measure,
were presented to the house of commons. Two months
were occupied in hearing counsel and examining witness
es ; among whom were some of the principal merchants
and manufacturers from every part of the kingdom ; and
the commissioners of customs and excise were also heard,
as to the probable effect which the intended alterations
would have upon the revenue. The most minute details
were -entered into; and all possible pains taken to asc^r-

373
tain, in what manner every branch of trade, every species
of manufacture, and every article of taxation, woulcl be af
fected ; and likewise, by what regulations any difficulty
might be obviated, or any mischief, which was apprehen
ded, might be prevented. Desultory conversations fre
quently arose in the course of the examinations ; and those
members, on both sides of the house, who had applied
their thoughts to trade and manufactures, delivered their
sentiments upon the points under immediate considera
tion. Never was subject more completely investigated
— no part of it was left unexplored — a prodigious mass of
evidence was collected, and a great variety of information
obtained. Mr. Pitt, after the fullest and most impartial attention
to all the facts which had been stated, and to all the argu
ments which had been advanced, was convinced, that he
might safely persevere in his plan, without danger to the
commerce or revenue of this country. But though he
was confirmed in the opinion that the principles, upon
which the arrangement was founded, were just and wise,
he perceived, that the inquiries which had been instituted,
and the discussions which had taken place, had thrown
new light upon several points, which would enable him to
render his plan more complete, and better suited to the ac
complishment of its object. He willingly availed himself
of this information and assistance ; and, on the 12th of
May, he submitted to the house, the whole system, ma
tured and improved, in twenty resolutions, including the
eleven transmitted from Ireland, into which he introduced
various modifications and restrictions. Of the additional
resolutions, some were only explanatory of, and supple
mental to, the original ones ; but the others related to sub
jects entirely new. These latter, contained provisions,
that all the navigation laws, which were then, or might
hereafter be, in force in Great Britain, should be enacted
by the legislature of Ireland ; that no West Indian mer
chandizes, except the produce of our own colonies, should
be imported into Ireland ; and that Ireland should not be
allowed to trade to the E ist Indies, so long as the char
ter of the English East India company should continue.
There were also regulations respecting patents, the copy-

374
right in books, and the right of fishing upon the coasts of
the British dominions. He explained the nature and ten
dency of the whole series of resolutions ; and particularly
dwelt upon those, which were now, for the first time,
brought under the consideration of the house. He prov
ed himself accurately acquainted with every branch of the
trade and manufactures of both kingdoms, and at the
same time displayed the most enlarged and comprehen
sive views of the general principles of commerce, and of
the means by which it might be encouraged and extend
ed, under the relative circumstances of England and Ire
land. Towards the end of his speech, he addressed the
house, in the most earnest manner, intreating them to re-.
fleet upon the momentous nature of the business then be
fore them ; — that its object was to conciliate a difference
between this and our sister kingdom, which, though at
present confined to secret repinings and disgusts, to jea
lousies, and to a war of interests and of passions, might
perhaps, in time, proceed to a length, which he shudder
ed to think of, and could not venture to express ; that it
tended to enrich one part of the empire, without impover
ishing the other, while it gave strength to both ; that, like
Mercy, the favorite attribute of Heaven,
" It is twice blessed ;
" It blesseth him that gives, and him that takes j"
that after the severe calamities, under which this country
had so long labored, that after the heavy loss which she
had sustained from the recent division of her dominions,
there ought to be no object more impressive on the feel
ings of the house, than to endeavor to preserve from far
ther dismemberment and diminution, what yet remained
of our reduced and shattered empire, and to unite and
connect Great Britain and Ireland, now the only con
siderable members left, in the bond of mutual affection,
mutual kindness, and reciprocity of interests. He called
upon those gentlemen, who had enjoyed a share at differ
ent periods in the government of Ireland, to declare, from
their local knowledge, whether the time was not now past,
when temporary expedients, when lenitives calculated
merely for the purpose of deadening the immediate sense
of pain, without even approaching the seat of the distem-

375
per, could be administered with safety? Whether such
measures could silence the demands, which the Irish,
with a loud united voice, were at this moment making on
the justice, the wisdom, and the humanity of the nation ?
He apologized for having troubled the house so long
upon a subject which had already occupied much of their
attention ; declaring, that, among all the objects of his
political life, this was, in his opinion, the most important
he had ever engaged in ; nor did he imagine he should
ever meet another, which would call forth all his public
exertions, and rouse every feeling of his heart, in so for
cible a manner, as the present had done — a question, in
which, he verily believed, was involved every prospect
which still remained to this country, of again lifting' up
her head to that height and eminence, which she once
possessed among nations ; and of giving to her commerce,
her public credit and her resources, that spring and vi
vacity, which she experienced at the conclusion of the
war before the last ; which was now so obviously return
ing, and which, he trusted, she would never be found to
want, so long as liberality, public spirit, and disinterested
ness held their place in that house. He concluded, by
moving the first resolution.
A very long debate ensued, in which lord North moved
for an immediate adjournment, asserting, that more time
was required for the consideration of this extensive and
important business. The question of adjournment was
lost by a majority of 281 to 155, and the first resolution
was passed. To the second resolution, Mr. Pelham
moved an amendment, which* was rejected, by a majo
rity of 249 to 125 ; and the resolution, as proposed by
Mr. Pitt, was passed, at six o'clock in the morning, after
which the house adjourned.
In this, and in the other debates which took place
upon the remaining resolutions, numerous objections
were urged : It was stated, that the system must neces
sarily be detrimental to the commerce and manufactures
of Great Britain, as the comparatively low price of labor
in Ireland, would enable the Irish to sell the same articles
at a less price than that at which the English could afford
them ; that many foreign articles would be smuggled into
Ireland, and from thence imported into Great BritaiD,

376
Which would be injurious to the revenue ; that the re
quiring the parliament of Ireland to adopt the present and
all future navigation laws, which might be in force in
Great Britain, was inconsistent with the legislative inde
pendence of Ireland, and a resumption of that authority,
which had been formally renounced ; and that Great Bri
tain would derive no pecuniary benefit from this plan, as
it was highly improbable, that the hereditary revenue of
Ireland should produce any surplus above the stipulated
sum. These objections, however, were considered either
as unfounded, or as of very little weight, when put in
competition with the great and important advantages ex
pected from the plan.
All the resolutions, most of which were warmly de
bated, passed the house of commons, by large majorities;
and on the 31st of May, they were carried up to the
house of lords. There, also, counsel were heard, and
witnesses examined, in consequence of petitions ; but
after several debates, the resolutions were passed by a
great majority, with some immaterial amendments. The
resolutions, thus amended, were sent back to the house
of commons ; and Mr. Pitt moved, that they should be
laid before his majesty, for the purpose of being trans
mitted to Ireland, with an address, which he then pro
posed. To this the house agreed, at the end of a long
debate ; and the concurrence of the house of lords was
obtained a few days afterwards, in both cases, without
any division. The following was the joint address of the
two houses, which was presented to his majesty on the
29th of July, and which Gcontained a clear and accurate
statement of the whole system, as it then stood :
" Most gracious Sovereign,
" We your majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects,
the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons, of Great
Britain, in parliament assembled, have taken into our most
serious consideration, the important subject of the com
mercial intercourse between Great Britain and Ireland,
recommended in vour majesty's speech at the opening of
the present session, and the resolutions of the two houses
of the parliament in Ireland, which were laid before us,
by your majesty's command, on the 22d of February last.

377
" After a long and careful investigation of the various
questions necessarily arising out of this comprehensive
subject, we have come to the several resolutions, which
we now humbly present to your majesty, and which, we
trust, will form the basis of an advantageous and perma
nent commercial settlement between your majesty's king
doms of Great Britain and Ireland.
" We have proceeded on the foundation of the reso
lutions of the parliament of Ireland ; but in considering
so extensive an arrangement, we have found it necessary
to introduce some modifications and exceptions ; and we
have added such regulations and conditions as appeared
to us indispensably necessary for establishing the pro
posed agreement on just and equitable principles, and
for securing to both countries, those commercial advan
tages, to an equal enjoyment of which they are in future
to be entitled.
" Y our majesty's subjects in Ireland, being secured, in
a full and lasting participation of the trade with the Bri
tish colonies, must, we are persuaded, acknowledge the
justice of their continuing to enjoy it on the same terms
with your majesty's subjects in Great Britain.
" And it is, we conceive, equally manifest, that as the
ships and mariners of Ireland are to continue, in all time
to come, to enjoy the same privileges with those of Great
Britain, the same provision should be adopted in Ireland,
as may be found necessary in this country, for securing
those advantages exclusively to the subjects of the em
pire. This object is essentially connected with the ma
ritime strength of your majesty's dominions, and conse
quently with the safety and prosperity both of Great Bri
tain and Ireland.
" We therefore deem it indispensable, that these points
should be secured, as conditions necessary to the exist
ence and duration of the agreement between the two
countries ; they can only be carried into effect by laws to
be passed in the parliament of Ireland ; which is alone
competent to bind your majesty's subjects in that king
dom, and whose legislative rights we shall ever hold as
sacred as our own.
" It remains for the parliament of Ireland to judge,
Vol. I. 3 B

378
according to their wisdom and discretion, of these con
ditions, as well as of every other part of the settlement
proposed to be established by mutual consent.
" Our purpose in these resolutions, is, to promote alike
the commercial interests of your majesty's subjects in
both countries ; and we are persuaded, that the common
prosperity of the two kingdoms will be thereby greatly
advanced ; the subjects of each will in future apply them
selves to those branches of commerce, which they can
exercise with most advantage ; and the wealth so dif
fused through every part, will operate as a general benefit
to the whole.
" We have thus far performed our part in this import
ant business ; and we trust, that in the whole of its pro
gress, reciprocal interests and mutual affection will ensure
that spirit of union, so essentially necessary to the great
end which the two countries have equally in view.
" In this persuasion, we look forward with confidence
to the final completion of a measure, which, while it tends
to perpetuate harmony and friendship between the two
kingdoms, must, by augmenting their resources, uniting
their efforts, and consolidating their strength, afford your
majesty the surest means of establishing on a lasting
foundation, the safety, prosperity, and glory of the em
pire." On the 2d of August, Mr. Pitt presented to the house,
a bill founded upon these resolutions, " for finally regu
lating the intercourse and commerce between Great Bri
tain and Ireland, on permanent and equitable principles,
for the mutual benefit of both kingdoms." It was or
dered to be printed; and the house, by his majesty's com
mand, then adjourned to the 27th of October, by which
time it was hoped, that the Irish parliament would have
passed a bill, for carrying, on their part, the proposed
system into effect.
This hope, however, was disappointed. The eleven
original resolutions had passed both houses of the Irish
parliament almost unanimously, and they were very ge
nerally approved in the country ; but through the exer
tions of party-spirit, and the arts of designing men, so

379
strong a prejudice was excited in Ireland, against the al
terations and additions made by the British Parliament,
that even before the twenty resolutions reached that king
dom, numerous petitions were presented against them to
the house of commons, and several members declared
their determination to oppose them. The provision re
specting the navigation laws, was considered in Ireland
still more strongly than in England, as an infringement of its
legislative independence, although it was impossible that
Great Britain should not stipulate for the preservation of
laws, which were the source both of her commercial opu
lence and of her naval power ; and although it had been
unequivocally acknowledged in the debates of the Eng
lish parliament, and was expressly asserted in the address
to the king, that " the parliament of Ireland was alone
competent to make laws binding upon his majesty's sub
jects in that kingdom." The appropriation of the sur
plus of the hereditary revenue, and the prohibition of
trade to the East Indies, were reprobated, as reducing
the country to little less than a state of slavery : although
that surplus, granted in return for the most substantial
advantages, was to be applied to the support of the naval
force of the empire, under the direction of the Irish par
liament itself; and the prohibition of trade to the East
Indies, only placed the Irish in precisely the same state,
in which all the English were, except the East India
company, and was indispensably necessary for the pre
servation of public faith and chartered rights. It is to be
observed too, that Mr. Pitt had declared it to be his in
tention to empower the company to take such part of
their outward bound cargo as they might find convenient,
in the ports of Ireland ; and likewise to import directly
into Ireland, from the East Indies, such articles of the
produce of that country, as they might think proper ;
which would have been important provisions in favor of
Ireland, and ought to have prevented any dissatisfaction
on the ground of the East Indian trade. But unfortu
nately, the Irish at this moment were taught to consider
every thing which originated in England as an object of
jealousy and mistrust, and as concealing hostile intentions
under the guise and semblance of friendship. It is also

380
to be remembered, that there always existed in Ireland,
a large body of men, who, from various causes, but
chiefly from hostility to the protestant ascendancy, were
anxious to produce a separation between the two king
doms, and who never failed to encourage and foment any
discontent which might arise with respect to the conduct
of Great Britain.
On the 12th of August, Mr. Orde brought the plan
before the Irish house of commons ; and after a speech
explanatory of the grounds upon which the parliament in
England had altered, and added to, the original resolu
tions, he moved for a bill similar to that which Mr. Pitt
had introduced into the British house of commons. The
motion, after a long and violent debate, which lasted till
nine o'clock in the morning, was carried by only 128 to
107 ; which small majority induced Mr. Orde, a few days
afterwards, when he presented the bill, and obtained
leave to have it printed, to inform the house, that it was
not his intention to proceed any farther with the business
in the present session. He was, he said, desirous of giv
ing leisure, both to parliament and to the public, to exa
mine and to understand the plan ; and he trusted, that
when the present ferment should have subsided, and the
system should be calmly and dispassionately considered,
free from the errors of misrepresented facts, and the de
lusion of sophistical reasoning, it would be found emi
nently calculated to promote the prosperity of Ireland,
and in no degree violating the privileges she now enjoy
ed : he added, that when he should have reason to think,
that such a conviction had taken place, he should again
call the attention of the house to the subject.
The failure of this plan was a most severe mortifica
tion to Mr. Pitt. He had laboured unremittingly for
nearly twelve months, to make it as perfect and as unex
ceptionable as its extensive and complicated nature would
allow ; and he was satisfied that it would have proved
highly conducive to the most important interests of Ire
land, as well as to the general welfare of the empire. He
thought it, however, wise in the Irish government to
yield to the present clamor, and to wait for a change of

381
sentiment, to which he looked forward, at no distant pe
riod, with the utmost confidence*.
There being now no occasion for the British parlia
ment to meet on the 27th of October, it was prorogued
by commission, without a speech from the throne.
During the progress of this unsuccessful attempt to
improve the trade and manufactures of Ireland, the vo
lunteers were exerting all their influence to excite in the
nation, a spirit of disaffection and hostility to Great Bri
tain, which must have contributed, in no small degree, to
render the commercial propositions unpopular, the ob
vious tendency of which was to establish a more intimate
and beneficial connection between the two kingdoms. A
reform of parliament continued to be their professed ob
ject ; and after the rejection of Mr. Flood's bill, they had
recourse to a most unconstitutional and dangerous expe
dient. On the 7th of June 1784, they called a general
meeting of the citizens of Dublin, who passed a variety
of resolutions ; in which, among other things, they as
serted, that the people had an unalienable right to correct
any abuses which had crept into the representation, and
that the existing house of commons was notoriously ve
nal and corrupt : they farther agreed, that an address
should be circulated throughout the kingdom, for the
purpose of stimulating the body of the people to a gene
ral and zealous co-operation to accomplish a reform in
the representation ; and also, that a petition should be
presented to his majesty, praying for the dissolution of
the present parliament. This address to the people, con
tained a detailed account of the various hardships, under
which the Irish had long labored, and attributed them to
the defects of their representation in parliament : it stated,
that all the endeavors, which had hitherto been exerted
to obtain a reform, had failed; and therefore, they called
upon their fellow-subjects to unite with them, in adopting
some more efficacious mode of application; and with that
• Some communication passed in the summer of 1787, between Mr. Pitt and the
Irish government, relative to the revival of this plan, with such alterations as might
be thought expedient, but it was determined not to make the attempt. It may be
a question, whether the adoption of this plan would not have prevented the conti
nuance and increase of that discontent, and of those distresses, which at length pro
duced open rebellion in Ireland.

382
view they proposed, " that five persons should be elected
from each county, city, and considerable town, to meet
in Dublin, on the 25th of October, in national congress,
to deliberate, digest, and determine on such measures, as
may seem to them most conducive to re-establish the
constitution on a pure and permanent basis, and secure
to the inhabitants of this kingdom, peace, liberty, and
safety." This address was farther remarkable for re
commending, that the roman catholics should be admit
ted to vote at the election of members of parliament.
The petition to the king, after complaining of the inade
quate state of representation, the long duration of parlia
ments, the unconstitutional conduct of administration,
and the arbitrary proceedings of the house of commons,
in rejecting the petitions of the people, concluded with a
request, that his majesty would be pleased to dissolve
parliament. They applied to the lord lieutenant (the
duke of Rutland,) to convey this petition to the king; and
his excellency informed them, that though it was his duty
to convey their petition to his majesty, he should be
under the necessity of accompanying it with expressions
of his entire disapprobation, as " it contained unjust and
indecent reflections upon the laws and parliament of Ire
land, and tended to foment fatal dissensions among the
people." In the following month, a petition of nearly the same
tenor was sent by the inhabitants of Belfast to Mr. Pitt,
which they requested him to present to his majesty ; and
in their letter, they alluded to his sentiments and exer
tions in favor of parliamentary reform. Mr. Pitt, in his
answer, informed them, " That he had undoubtedly been,
and still continued, a zealous friend to a reform in parlia
ment ; but that he must beg leave to say, that he had
been so on grounds very different from those adopted in
their petition : that what was there proposed, he consi
dered as tending to produce still greater evils than any
of those, which the friends of reform were desirous to
remedy." The sheriffs for the city of Dublin had, by public ad
vertisement, summoned a meeting of the inhabitants on
the 20th of September, for the election of five delegates

383
to represent them in a national congress. A few days
before the meeting was to take place, the attorney gene
ral informed the sheriffs, that by this act they had been
guilty of a violation of the laws ; and that, if they perse
vered, it was his intention to prosecute them in the king's
bench. On the appointed day, one of the sheriffs read
the attorney general's letter, and in consequence of it,
dissolved the meeting, without allowing them to elect
any delegates. Application was afterwards made to the
new sheriffs, who entered upon their office on the 29th of
September, to call a meeting on the llth of October, for
the election of delegates ; but they declined all interfe
rence, and a meeting took place without their authority.
This meeting, besides electing delegates, passed several
strong resolutions, declaratory of their " sacred and im
prescriptible right to assemble themselves for the redress
of grievances ;" and affirming, that " all attempts to in
terrupt these constitutional meetings, were to be regarded
as an alarming encroachment upon the liberties of the
people, and a direct violation of magna charta and the
bill of rights ;" and announcing their determination to
" animate and protect, by every effort in their power,
those of their countrymen, who, in these disastrous
conjunctures, might become the victims of ministerial
persecution, for having vindicated and supported, by
constitutional means, the privileges of the nation."
On the other hand, a meeting, legally summoned, of
the lord mayor, sheriffs, and freemen of Dublin, was held
on the 16th of October, at which they voted an address
to the lord lieutenant, expressive of their " extreme grief,
for the violence which had long reigned among the peo
ple, and of their lasting gratitude for the exertions that
had repressed the disorders, by which the kingdom was
disgraced. They referred themselves entirely to his
good offices with the sovereign, to procure to Ireland a
more equal representation of the people ; and the per
manent establishment of a commerce productive of ad
vantages to the two kingdoms, and strengthening the
links by which Ireland was united to Great Britain. Full
of the most unshaken attachment to the principles of the
constitution, they warmly approved the conduct, which

384
his excellency had opposed to dangerous innovations )
and they engaged to defend, with their whole power,
and by every constitutional method, the protestant esta
blishment against any attacks, by which it might be as
sailed." And a few months afterwards, they voted an
address to the king, in which they said, that "they might
justly be deemed insensible to the blessings they had de
rived under his majesty's auspices, if they omitted that
seasonable occasion of declaring their rooted abhorrence
of every attempt to create unjust and dangerous discon
tents, tending to subvert the constitution, in church and
state ; they rejected, with indignation, the interference of
any body of men, unknown to the constitution ; and they
were resolved to suffer no assumed authority to dictate
to the legislature of the land." This address was signed
by 21 peers, and 1,121 commoners.
In the mean time, the attorney general proceeded by
attachment against Mr. Reilly, high sheriff of the county
of Dublin, who had called a meeting of freeholders for
the election of delegates, presided at it, and signed the
resolutions ; and the court of king's bench, having pro
nounced both the meeting and the resolutions illegal,
punished Mr. Reilly, by a fine of five marks, and impri
sonment for one week. Similar punishments were in
flicted upon other magistrates, who were guilty of the
same offence, and also upon the printers and publishers
of newspapers, in which these illegal resolutions were
inserted. The congress met on the 25th of October, but very
few delegates being present*, after sitting three days,
and passing some resolutions, they adjourned to the 20th
of the following January, when the delegates from twen
ty-seven counties, and from several cities and towns,
assembled to the number of about two hundred. After
sitting till the 4th of February, they adjourned to the
20th of April, on which day they declared their then
meeting to be final. They came to several resolutions,
relative to the necessity of a more equal representation in
* Mr. Orde informed Mr. Pitt, that only 36 attended, of whom Mr. Flood was
one, most of the others being persons of no importance, and of infamous cha
racter.

385
parliament, and to the propriety of another application to
the house of commons ; and their last act was, the publi
cation of a brief address to the people of Ireland ; in
which they observed, "that if the abuse of former parlia
ments did not inspire a distrust of those which were to
come ; if the venerable opinion of those illustrious men,
who were now no more, and the assistance of those whose
present labours co-operated with them in the same pur
suit, had no influence to awaken their fears, to animate
their efforts, and to invigorate their hopes ; this, and
every other endeavor must fall into oblivion ; and they
would shortly repose in indolent acquiescence, under
such a representation, as would gall themselves and their
posterity with increasing taxation and oppression."
The small attendance of delegates, the short sittings of
congress, and its speedy dissolution, were caused by the
late spirited exertions of government; and the desponding
language in the final address of congress, is to be ascribed
to the general reprobation, by all sober-minded persons,
of the recent proceedings of the advocates for parliamen
tary reform; and to the difference of opinion which had
arisen among themselves, and created considerable dis
union, relative to the important point of admitting roman
catholics to the right of suffrage. Lord Charlemont, who
was at the head of the volunteers, and an avowed friend
of reform, declaring against the grant of that right, for
which he received the thanks of the corporation of Dub
lin, in October 1784.
It was determined, that Mr. Flood should not intro
duce his bill a second time, till the fate of Mr. Pitt's
motion upon the same subject in the British house of
commons, should be known. We have seen that Mr.
Pitt's motion was negatived, on the 18th of April ; and
on the 12th of May, Mr. Flood's bill, which had been
introduced a few days before, was rejected, upon the se
cond reading, by a majority of 1 12 to 60. Thus ended,
for the present, the attempt in Ireland to obtain a parlia
mentary reform ; but there still remained a discontented
and turbulent spirit in the country, which in time, as we
shall hereafter see, broke forth in disorders of the most
serious nature.
Vol. L 3 C

386

CHAPTER THE SEVENTH:
1786.
Continental Affairs — Meeting of Parliament — The Duke of
Richmond's Plan of Fortifications — Mr. Pitt's Plan for the
Redemption of the National Debt — His other Finance Mea
sures — Amendment of Mr. Pitt's India Bill — Commencement
of Proceedings against Mr. Hastings — Prorogation of Parlia
ment. The prospect, in the beginning of the year 1785, of
the immediate commencement of hostilities between
Austria and the United States of Holland, was mentioned
in the preceding chapter. This expected rupture, how
ever, did not take place. The emperor, perceiving from
the decisive language held by the court of Versailles,
and the actual assembling of troops near Luxembourg,
that if he prosecuted his claims by force of arms, the
French would support the Dutch with all their power,
thought it more prudent to settle the points in dispute, by
means of negotiation. He required, indeed, as a previous
step, that a formal apology should be made for the insult
offered to his flag, by the seizure of the brigs upon the
Scheldt : and the states, not hesitating to gratify his pride
in this instance, sent two of their nobles to Vienna for
that purpose, in the month of July. This matter being
adjusted, conferences were immediately opened between
the Austrian and Dutch ambassadors, at Paris ; and so
really desirous were both parties of an amicable arrange
ment, that the preliminaries were signed on the 12th of
September, and the definitive treaty on the 8th of Novem
ber, through the mediation, and under the guarantee, of
the king of France.
By this treaty it was agreed, that the emperor should
enjoy the sovereignty of the Scheldt from Antwerp to
the county of Softin.en ; and that the sovereignty of the
rest of the river from thence to the sea, together with the

387
canals of the Sas, the Swin, and the mouths of the neigh
boring rivers, should continue to belong exclusiveh to
the states general ; that the states should demolish the
forts of Kriuschans and Frederick Henry, and cede the
territories to the emperor ; and that they should also cede
to him the forts of Lillo and Lickinshock, with their for
tifications, having the liberty of previously withdrawing
their artillery and ammunition ; that the states general
should pay to the emperor, 9| millions of florins, in con
sideration of his renouncing all pretensions to Maestricht,
and its territory ; and half a million of florins, as an indem
nification for the damages which his subjects had sustain
ed by the inundations. There were also several articles
relative to local rights and internal regulations, and one
by which the contracting parties mutually renounced all
farther claims upon each other. The emperor was un
questionably a gainer by this treaty ; but throughout the
transaction he gave proofs of that want of steadiness and
decision, by which his character was strongly marked.
Mr. Pitt watched with attention the whole of these
proceedings, but they never assumed a shape to make it
necessary for the court of London to interfere. After
the arrangement was settled, he received private intelli
gence, that of the ten millions of florins, paid by the
Dutch to the emperor, four millions and a half were ad
vanced by France, which his informant mentioned as a
proof of the desire of the court of Versailles to preserve
the peace of Europe ; but, perhaps, it ought rather to be
considered as the price of that ascendancy, which France
wa,s from this time allowed to exercise over the counsels
of the states general ; and which we may conclude, she
was most anxious to obtain, as her finances were at this
time by no means in a flourishing condition. Two days
indeed after the conclusion of the treaty between Austria
and Holland, a defensive and offensive treaty between
France and Holland was signed, by which those two
countries entered into the closest alliance ; each engae ng
to support and assist the other, with a certain specified
number of men and ships, in case of attack by any third
power ; and an article being inserted, that any other
power might be invited to join in the treaty, which was

388
known to have reference to Spain, it was evident that
France intended to make Holland a party in the family
compact, and to pledge her to co-operate in promoting
all the views of the house of Bourbon. This treaty, so
contrary to the system pursued by the states general from
the period of their first establishment, and so obviously
dangerous to their independence and best interests, was
a decisive proof of the great influence, already acquired
by France over the states, to which the pecuniary ac
commodation just mentioned must have contributed, and
was sufficient to awaken jealous apprehensions in the other
powers of Europe. It appears, from the correspondence
of our minister at the Hague, that one ofthe great objects
which France had in view from this alliance, was, to in
duce Holland to increase her naval force in the East In
dies, for the purpose of molesting our trade, and to be
prepared to assist our enemies, and to attack our pos
sessions, in that distant quarter of the world, if any op
portunity should present itself; and accordingly, Mr. Pitt
afterwards received intelligence, that in the course of the
following summer, five Dutch frigates were sent to be
stationed in different parts of the Indian seas.
It is very singular, that while the emperor was urging
his claims with so much earnestness to the free naviga
tion of the Scheldt, he was carrying on a secret negotia
tion, which, if it had succeeded, would have deprived
him of all immediate interest in every thing connected
with that river. The object of the negotiation alluded
to, was, the exchange of the Netherlands for the electo
rate of Bavaria. This exchange would have been highly
advantageous to the emperor, as it would have rendered
his dominions contiguous, and have ensured to him a
still greater preponderance in Germany, than he had
hitherto enjoyed. But it is difficult to say, what could
have been the inducement to the elector of Bavaria, who
was at this time far advanced in age, infirm, and without
children ; unless, as was generally believed, he was
tempted by the promise of raising the Netherlands into a
kingdom, and of giving him the title of king of Austrasia.
Such progress, however, was made in the treaty, that the
empress of Russia, who was closely connected with the

389
emperor, and probably acquainted with the proceedings
from the first, requested the consent of the duke of
Deux Ponts, the presumptive heir* of the electorate,
which the duke refused to give ; and applied to the king
of Prussia for his protection and assistance, to prevent
an agreement inconsistent with the provisions ofthe treaty
of Teschen, of which he was guarantee. To this appli
cation, the king gave a favorable reply ; being desirous
of opposing any plan, which might tend to the aggran
dizement of the house of Austria.
The negotiation now became generally known, and
excited great alarm among the German states, who could
not but consider the proposed consolidation and increase
of the Austrian power as highly dangerous to their own
independence. To give effect and encouragement to this
general impression, the king of Prussia, the king of Great
Britain, as elector of Hanover, and the elector of Saxony,
in avowed reference to the pending negotiation, entered
into a treaty of union and confederation, by which they
bound themselves to maintain the indivisibility of the
empire, the general rights of the Germanic body, and
those of its individual members. To this treaty the duke
of Deux Ponts, the margrave of Anspach, and other
princes, afterwards acceded. The .emperor, being thus
convinced, that the exchange could not be accomplished,
without the most determined resistance of all the Ger
man states, with his usual versatility, abandoned his de-.
sign, and even denied that it had ever been in contempla
tion ; asserting, that the negotiation between himself and
the elector of Bavaria, had no farther object than the ad
justment of the limits of their respective dominions*
The empress of Russia was extremely displeased with
this league of the German states, thinking it might im
pede her views with respect to herself and Austria : and
went so far as to authorize count Woronzow, her minis
ter at our court, to represent, that if the king of Great
Britain did not relinquish his alliance with Prussia and
Saxony, she would enter into treaties which would not
be agreeable to him. To this threat, no regard was
paid * He was nephew to the present elector.

390
It was not the practice of the king to consult his En
glish ministers, relative to the affairs of his German do
minions ; and he entered into this league, which could
not but be offensive to the emperor, without any commu
nication with Mr. Pitt upon the subject. The acquisi
tion of Bavaria, would have caused great accession of
strength to the emperor, which might have proved fatal
to the smaller states of Germany, but was perhaps desi
rable for England, in the present state of European poli
tics, as it would have better enabled him to resist any
ambitious project of France : upon this point, therefore,
the interests of Great Britain and of Hanover seem to have
been different. The conduct of France, during the dis
pute concerning the opening of the Scheldt, plainly shew
ed, that she considered any addition to the power of the
house of Austria, as contrary to her interests ; but it ap
pears, from intelligence privately received by Mr. Pitt,
that it had been in contemplation to endeavor to gain her
assent to the proposed exchange of Bavaria for the Ne
therlands, by the offer of Namur and Luxembourg. She
might also have been tempted to acquiesce in this ar
rangement, by another consideration, that the king of
Au'strasia, having no other dominions but the Nether
lands, must have been, comparatively, a weak power,
and, consequently, very much dependent upon France.
Parliament met on the 24th of January 1786 ; and
the king, in his speech from the throne, informed the two
houses, that the dispute, which, at the beginning of the
last year, threatened an interruption to the tranquillity of
Europe, had been brought to an amicable conclusion ;
and that he continued to receive from foreign powers,
the strongest assurances of their friendly disposition to
wards Great Britain. His majesty also informed them,
that the resolutions which they had laid before him, as
the basis of an adjustment of the commercial intercourse
between this country and Ireland, had been communi
cated to the parliament of that kingdom ; but that no ef
fectual step had hitherto been taken thereupon, which
would enable them to make any farther progress in that
salutary work. After mentioning the growing blessings
of peace, experienced by his subjects, in the extension of

391
trade, the improvemement of the revenue, and the in
crease of public credit, and his own earnest wish to en
force economy in every department, he recommended to
the house of commons, the establishment of a fixed plan
for the reduction of the national debt ; a measure, which,
he trusted, the flourishing state of the revenue would ena
ble them to effect, with little addition to the public bur
dens ; and he concluded with saying, that the vigor and
resources of the country, so fully manifested in its pre
sent situation, would encourage parliament in continuing
to give their utmost attention to every subject of national
concern, particularly to the consideration of such mea
sures as might be necessary, in order to give farther
security to the revenue, and to promote and extend, as
far as possible, the trade and general industry of his
subjects. After the address had been moved and seconded in the
usual form, a*nd lord Surry had said a few words, Mr.
Fox observed, that of all the speeches at the opening of
a session of parliament, he had ever heard, or read of in
history, he did not remember one, which was so cau
tiously worded, or which afforded so little ground of ob
jection, as that which had just been delivered by his ma
jesty. He rose, therefore, to speak to what was out of
it, rather than to what was in it, to that which, perhaps,
ought to have been there, rather than to what was there.
He said, that the extension of trade, the flourishing state
of the revenue, and the increase of public credit, were
circumstances, in which every one must rejoice : he as
serted, that he had always expected there would be some
surplus, and he would not be so uncandid, as not to ac
knowledge, that the surplus, whatever it might prove to
be, was in part owing to the success of some of the
measures of the present administration. He then de
sired to know, as he could not collect it from the speech,
whether the resolutions, designed as a basis of commer
cial intercourse with Ireland, were entirely abandoned, or
whether they were to be revived at some future period :
he reminded the house, that Mr. Pitt, when the subject
was first started, in some of the most vehement strains of
his all-powerful eloquence, had condemned lord North

392
for his temporizing concessions to Ireland, and for not
having made an equitable and final settlement : he (Mr.
Pitt) had then declared, that it was impossible for mat
ters to remain as they were ; and now the king's speech
seemed to intimate, that they must remain as they were :
it was, therefore, necessary, that the parliament and the
public should clearly know what was really intended.
He advised Mr. Pitt never again to attempt to carry a
measure, so " detestable in the eyes of the manufacturers
of Great Britain and Ireland ;'' and he dwelt for a consi
derable time upon the mischiefs, which, as he said, the
agitation of the question had already produced in both
countries, and upon the hardships and oppressions under
which Ireland was groaning. He complained, that the
speech confined itself to general and vague expressions
respecting the tranquillity of Europe, and the disposition
of foreign powers ; at the same time he was aware, that
not being a minister, he was at liberty to ''speak of the
political transactions of the continent, in a manner in
which it would be highly imprudent for his majesty's
ministers to express themselves. He represented the
treaty between France and Holland, though he believed
it to be impolitic on the part of Holland, as unfavorable
to this country ; inasmuch as it combined three* of the
most powerful maritime states of Europe in a confede
racy against Great Britain : and after censuring ministers
for not exerting themselves to prevent it, he recommend
ed to them, with a view to counteract its mischievous
tendency and effect, a close and intimate alliance with
the court of Petersburghf . He expressed great satis
faction at having understood, that we were likely to re
new a treaty of commerce with Russia, as commercial
treaties between two countries had always a great degree
of influence upon their politics. He said, that the em
peror of Germany, the only power France could fear by
land in case of war, was offended, and his feelings ren
dered adverse to Great Britain, by the treaty which the
elector of Hanover had entered into with the German
• Mr. Fox considered it certain, that Spain would accede to this treaty : Spain,
however, did not accede to it.
f Mr. Fox knew that at this moment ministers were endeavoring to form an alli
ance with the empress of Russia.

393
princes, for the purpose of defeating the emperor's wishes
respecting Bavaria ; and contended, that the measures
relative to his majesty's continental dominions, ought to
be under the control of his English ministers. He com
plained also, that no mention was made of India in the
speech ; and after repeating some of his old arguments
against Mr. Pitt's India bill, he affirmed, that it had not
produced a single good effect ; and that the provision,
which required the servants of the company to give an
account of their fortunes on oath, was extremely dis
liked in India.
Mr. Pitt began his reply, by declaring, that he did not
mean to depart from that caution, which, it was acknow
ledged, ministers ought, from a sense of duty, to observe
in speaking of foreign courts. He made no remark upon
what Mr. Fox had said concerning the treaty between
France and Holland ; and declined entering into any de
tailed account of the disposition of the continental powers
towards Great Britain, or towards each other, considering
the general declaration in the king's speech as sufficient.
Nor did he give any answer to Mr. Fox's question re
specting the Irish resolutions ; but severely censured
him for the unguarded and inflammatory language, in
which he had spoken upon that delicate subject. He
was glad that Mr. Fox had changed his sentiments rela
tive to the finances ; as in the last session he had main
tained, that there would be a considerable deficiency ;
and now he admitted, that there would be a surplus.
Through what means this surplus had accrued, and
whether the honor resulting from it belonged to his ma
jesty's ministers, were questions which he found himself
very little inclined to discuss, because it was enough
for him, that the surplus did exist : and the satisfaction
which he felt at the comfortable prospect afforded by it
to his country, was sufficient to absorb and overpower
every idea of a personal nature, to which it could possi
bly give occasion. He informed the house, that the
treaty with the empress of Russia was in a state of great
forwardness ; and he had every ground to hope, that it
would give general satisfaction. As to the German con
federacy, to which his majesty, in his capacity of elector
VpL. I. 3D

394
of Hanover, had acceded, he said, that he and his col
leagues had no concern, either in the merit or demerit of
that measure. Accident had indeed placed the sover
eignty of that country, and of this, in the same hands :
but it by no means followed, that the interests of each
must necessarily be the same ; though he admitted, that
it might perhaps promote their mutual advantage to make
their interests as reconcileable, as the different circum
stances and situations of the two countries would allow.
He desired to have it understood, that Great Britain was
by no means committed or bound by any league lately
entered into by the elector of Hanover ; nor did he look
upon it as incumbent upon the ministers of this kingdom,
to lay before parliament, except in cases of necessity, such
arrangements as may have been made for Hanover, by
the advice of the ministers of that electorate. He no
ticed the inconsistency of Mr. Fox's apprehension of our
being involved in difficulties, through the means of his
majesty's German territories, and yet his expectation that
the administration of those territories should be subordi
nate to the government, and regulated by the ministers,
of Great Britain, as if that very circumstanne would not
of itself render it absolutely necessary, that this country
should, on all occasions, consider itself bound to protect
and assist the electorate ; whereas the only way for Great
Britain to avoid embroiling herself in quarrels on account
of Hanover, was, by the British administration standing,
as much as possible, independent of Hanoverian politics.
He said, that India was omitted in the speech, because
parliament having passed a bill for the government of
our eastern possessions, there was no longer any reason
to mention that subject. He defended the bill ; and ob
served, that as the part referred to by Mr. Fox was of a
restrictive nature, there was no reason to expect that it
would be received with any sanguine marks of approba
tion, by those on whom the restriction was to operate.
The address was voted without a division.
Th e first question of importance brought before the
house of commons, in the present session, was, a plan of
the duke of Richmond, master general of the ordnance,
for fortifying the dock-yards of Portsmouth and Ply

395
mouth. This plan, in a general view, had undergone
some discussion in- the preceding session, and was
strongly objected to by several members, who were not
in the habit of opposing the measures of government. It
was, however, admitted on all sides, that it was a sub
ject which demanded full investigation ; but at the same
time that it was very unfit to be examined in detail be
fore the house, as it might make known, in what places,
and by what means, our ports and dock-yards were most
exposed to the attacks of the enemy ; and therefore, Mr. •
Pitt, in consequence of a suggestion from colonel Barre,
proposed, that the farther consideration of the business
should be postponed, and that the plan should be imme
diately referred to a certain number of professional men
for their opinions, which might enable the house to come
to a satisfactory decision at a future time. This idea
was approved ; and accordingly, on the 13th of April
1785, a board of the most distinguished officers, both in
the army and navy, with the duke of Richmond as presi
dent, was appointed by the king, who were required to
report their sentiments upon the proposed plan, under
separate heads, prepared and arranged for that purpose ;
and six data or hypotheses were annexed, stating the
circumstances, under which the enemy might be sup
posed to make an attack upon the dock-yards. These
officers, after attentively considering this important sub
ject, and minutely examining every part of the plan upon
the spot, resolved unanimously, " That it is perfectly
right, necessary, and wise, effectually to provide in time
of peace, for the security of the dock-yards at Ports
mouth and Plymouth, by fortifications capable of resist
ing such an attack, as an enemy may be able to make
upon them during the absence ofthe fleet, or whilst from
other causes the fleet may be prevented from affording
its protection to the dock-yards ;" and all the land offi
cers, except two, declared, that the works recommended
appeared to them to be calculated upon the most econo
mical principles, and to require the smallest number of
troops possible to answer the purpose of effectually se
curing the dock-yards at Portsmouth and Plymouth ;
they conceived, that such numbers could be spared for

396
this purpose ; and they considered such protection to be
an essential object for the safety of the state, and inti
mately connected with the general defence of the king
dom. The plan was afterwards referred to a committee
of engineers, who estimated the expense of carrying it
into execution at 760,097/.
This estimate, and such parts of the instructions of
the board of naval and military officers, and of their re
port, as might with safety be made public, together with
a variety of other papers, were laid before the house, in
the middle of February 1786 ; and, after several previous
conversations, from which it was evident, that the plan,
even with its present sanction, would meet with very
serious opposition, Mr. Pitt, on the 27th of that month,
brought the business forward for final determination.
He began, by observing, that the system of fortification
had been dragged forth to public notice, as deserving the
severest censures, which could be thrown on any measure
of government ; that there had been attempts to excite
against it, the feelings, the passions, and even the most
estimable prejudices of the nation. It was represented
as novel in its principle, as unconstitutional in its ten
dency to increase the standing army, and as calculated
to divert into either an useless or a dangerous channel,
those resources, which ought rather to be applied to that
great foundation of our strength, of our glory, and of our
characteristic superiority over the rest of the nations of
Europe, our navy. Such having been the endeavors to
give an unfavorable impression of the system — and he
was aware, not entirely without effect — he was deter
mined to submit to the house, a proposition, which
would embrace all the principles, upon which the ques
tion, in his judgment, rested ; and at the same time afford
him an opportunity of answering the objections, which
had been so vehemently urged, and so industriously
circulated. He then read the following resolution, which
it was his intention to move, before he sat down, " That
it appears to this house, that to provide effectually for
securing his majesty's dock-yards at Portsmouth and
Plymouth, by a permanent system of fortification, foun
ded on the most economical principles, and requiring

397
the smallest number of troops possible to answer the
purpose of such security, is an essential object for the
safety of the state, intimately connected with the general
defence of the kingdom, and necessary for enabling the
fleet to act with full vigor and effect, for the protection
of commerce, the support of our distant possessions, and
the prosecution of offensive operations in any war, in
which the nation may hereafter be engaged."
The first branch of the question which he discussed,
was, the necessity of the fortifications for the security of
the national defence ; and that the house might judge
upon this point, he called to their recollection, the unfor
tunate and calamitous situation of the country in the late
war, which was, in a great degree, owing to the want of
such fortifications, as it was the aim of the present plan
to provide. A considerable part of our fleet was than
confined to our ports, in order to protect our dock-yards ;
and the consequence was, that we were compelled to do,
what Great Britain had never done before, to carry on a
mere defensive war — a war, in which we wasted our
resources, and impaired our strength, without any pros
pect of benefiting ourselves. Was the house ready to
stand responsible to posterity, for a repetition of such
disgraces and misfortunes? Were they willing to take
upon themselves the hazard of transmitting to the next
generation, those dangers and those consequent calami
ties which they had themselves so bitterly experienced?
The board of land and sea officers, which had been ap
pointed, and which consisted of every thing that was
great and respectable in the two professions, had given
the subject a fuller consideration, and a more minute re
search, than had ever been known on such an occasion,
in any other age or country. The report made by that
board, was so direct and so conclusive, as to the neces
sity of the measure, that it ought of itself completely to
determine the question. It declared, that neither a naval,
nor a military, force, nor even both united, could afford a
sufficient security for the nation to rely upon ; that fortifi
cations were absolutely necessary ; and that, of all modes
of fortification, that, suggested by the master general of
the ordnance, was the most eligible, as being the most ade-

398
quate to the defence proposed, capable of being manned
by the smallest force, requiring the least expense to erect,
and particularly as yielding an increasing degree of secu
rity in the course of erection. It would, therefore, be
the grossest inconsistency, were the house, after having
referred the various branches of the detail of the inquiry
to the board of officers, to re-assume that duty, which it
had already declined, as being out of its reach, and act in
opposition to their report.
To that part of the report, which asserted the neces
sity of these fortifications, two provisos were indeed an
nexed ; first, that we should be able to bear the expense
of erecting them ; secondly, that we should be able to
furnish a force sufficient to man them, when erected.
With regard to the expense of building the works, he
flattered himself, that his sentiments and ideas on the sub
ject of the finances of the country, formed a prominent
part of his political character. He hoped, that he had
not shewn himself remiss in any endeavors, which would
probably tend to raise the revenue from that deplorable
state to which it was depressed, by the melancholy pro
cess of the late war. It was too well known, how much
his feelings were engaged, not only by the duty of his
station, and by attachment to his country, but by consi
derations of his own reputation, which was deeply com
mitted in the question, to exert every nerve, to arm all
his vigilance, and to concenter all his efforts towards that
great object, by which alone the present generation could
have a prospect of transmitting . to their posterity, that
ease and comfort, which they themselves had felt the
want of — an efficient sinking fund, for the liquidation of
the national debt ; to accomplish which, was the first
wish of his heart, and that, as well by every means of
prudent, well-regulated economy, as by a rigid collection
of the revenue. But was he to be seduced by the plau
sible and popular name of economy — he would not only
say plausible and popular, he would rather say, the sa
cred name of economy — to forego the reality ; and, for
the sake of adding a few hundred thousand pounds more
to the sinking fund, perhaps render for ever abortive the
sinking fund itself? Every saving, which could, con-

399
sistently with the national safety, be made, he pledged
himself to make ; but he would never consent to starve
the public service, or to withhold those supplies, without
which the nation must be endangered. The relieving*
by all such means as his duty would suffer him to adopt,
the burdens of the people, and removing that load of
debt by which they were oppressed, was the grand and
ultimate end of his desire ; it was the pedestal on which
he would wish to raise a column, which should support
whatever pretensions he might have to reputation and
popularity ; but let it be well considered, how far the ob
jects of necessary defence and of public economy could
be reconciled ; and let the bounds which divide them not
be transgressed. Let it be well weighed, what a strong
security for a lasting peace there was in a powerful and
defensible situation ; and how likely weakness and impro
vidence were to be the forerunners of war. But, should
a war happen, where would be economy? What would
become of the sinking fund ? The very expenses of one
year's loan would amount to more than the whole of
those fortifications which might have secured us peace,
because they would have destroyed, or at least materially
diminished, all hope of success in an attack. In this
point of view, as the means of preventing war, he should
conceive, that the first million which should be applied
as the foundation of the sinking fund, would not be bet
ter applied than a million of money for the fortifications ;
not that a million would prove necessary, but he chose
to state the expense as high as any other gentleman, let
his talents for exaggeration be what they might, could
possibly carry it.
With regard to our being able to man the fortifications
when erected, that point was decided by papers laid upon
the table, in consequence of motions made by the ene
mies of the measure. It appeared from those authentic
documents, that in 1779 there were 16,000 men, and in
1782 by a progressive increase 21,500, stationed in can
tonments within reach of Portsmouth and Plymouth ; and
as our then extensive dominions were now much dimi
nished, and of course there would hereafter be less occa
sion for sending soldiers out of Great Britain, there could

400
be no difficulty, in case of invasion in a future war, in
furnishing sufficient garrisons for the proposed works.
It was indeed scarcely possible to imagine, that the coun
try could not supply 22,000 troops, the number stated to
be necessary, for so important a service as the defence of
our principal dock yards.
A few dissents of the board of officers, had been enter
ed to particular parts of the report ; but only one officer,
a captain in the navy*, had expressed an opinion that no
new fortifications were necessary, and his opinion was
confined to Plymouth. Mr. Pitt examined the grounds
and substance of those dissents, and shewed that they de
served no weight, as far as the general expediency of the
plan was concerned.
It had been objected, that the instructions given to the
board of officers, were such as confined them to the ne
cessity of coming to one certain result, by means of the
data proposed for their consideration, as being all merely
hypothetical, and affording them no latitude for the exer
cise of their own judgment : to this Mr. Pitt replied, that
it was impossible to suppose that such men were duped
and deluded unanimously to give an opinion contrary to
their own conviction ; and that, in fact, the board, accord
ing to the discretionary power allowed them, had substi
tuted two new data, instead of the first two, and consi
derably altered two of the others, for the purpose of ren
dering them a better foundation for their ultimate deci
sion. Mr. Pitt combated the position, that the whole system
of fortifications was new and unprecedented in this coun
try, by referring to the most incontestable records of his
tory, which proved, that they always made a part of the
general defence of England. Even during the reign of
king Henry the eighth, there was a provision made by
statute for fortifying certain parts of the coast. The same
policy was observed by queen Elizabeth, and formed a
considerable part of the defence provided by that great
and glorious princess against the expected attack of the
armada. In the less prosperous reigns of the Stewarts,
the same system was occasionally continued ; and again
* Captain Macbride.

401
adopted by our illustrious deliverer, William the third.
During the reign of queen Anne, at the time when the
victories of the British arms were forming an era in the
history of Europe at which England looks back with
pride, and other nations with amazement, did our ances
tors think it incompatible with their fame, with their liber
ty, or with the constitution, to fortify the most vulnerable
parts of their coasts, as it was now proposed to do ? On
the contrary, there was a resolution of the commons, not
even at the desire of the crown, laying down the necessi
ty of fortifying the dock-yards against any possible inva
sion ; and the sum then voted for the execution of plans
made in the time of king William, was greater than that
now required, allowance being made for the difference in
the value of money. To come down to a later period, a
period to which it might be supposed he was somewhat
partial, the last war — the last war ! would to heaven he
could call it the last war — not indeed the last, but the last
on Which Britons could reflect without either a sigh or a
blush — the war of contrast with the last — the war, in
which the name of Britain was exalted above the highest
and the proudest of nations, by successes as stupendous,
and conquests as glorious, as our late miscarriages and
defeats had been Calamitous and disgraceful. What was
the policy of the administration of that day ? That it
was exactly similar to what was now recommended, he
proved by reading extracts from laws then passed for that
purpose. " Thus," continued he, " it appears, that in
the very best days of this country, the system of fortifica
tions was uniformly practised and encouraged. But even
m a much later period, during the administration of the
right honorable gentleman opposite, (Mr. Fox) the very
identical system of fortifications now under discussion,
was considered, and an estimate for carrying it into ef
fect, actually presented to the house. I suppose the right
honorable gentleman will be prepared to give his reasons
for that change of opinion, which, it is to be feared, he in
tends on the present occasion to avow."
As to the necessity suggested, as likely to ensue from
this measure, of augmenting the standing army, nothing
could, he said, be more void of foundation. It had been
Vol. I. 3 E

402
unanimously reported by the board of officers, that the
plan of fortifications proposed, was the best calculated for
the defence of the dock-yards, which could be devised,
and that it required but a moderate force. Would any
person then contend, that a certain number of troops, in
dependent of fortifications, would be able to defend a
place better than the same number assisted with the best
possible fortifications ? Such an idea was too absurd to
be argued against ; and yet, in fact, it was the only idea
on which that ground of opposition could be maintained.
Should we, in case of invasion, trust solely to our stand
ing army, there would then indeed be a necessity of aug
menting, to a most enormous degree, that army, on which
the whole safety of the kingdom was to rest. Was this
the way to vindicate and secure our liberties ? If we did
not keep up such an army, we should be under the ne
cessity of recurring to foreign assistance — perhaps to the
protection of mercenaries, bribed by our money, and who,
when we had no longer occasion for their services, would
prove ready to turn their arms against ourselves. Was
it less desirable for us to be defended by the walls of
Portsmouth and Plymouth garrisoned by our own militia,
than to purchase the protection of Hessian hirelings ?
There was also another part of the subject, which
ought to have the greatest weight of all, and that was,
that these fortifications, being calculated to afford com
plete security to the dock-yards, would enable our whole
fleet to go upon remote services, and carry on the opera
tions of war at a distance, without exposing the materials
for future navies, to the danger of destruction by the in
vasion of an enemy. It had been insinuated, that the se
cond datum in his majesty's instructions, had been in
serted to draw forth an acquiescence from the board of
officers, upon an unreasonable supposition of the fleet be
ing absent for an improbable time. He believed, there
were few gentlemen, who could forget, that at no very
distant period, even since he had the honor of a place in
his majesty's councils, the fleet had been absent for a
time nearly equal to that supposed in the datum, upon a
service, which this country could not have dispensed
with, without sacrificing the most brilliant success, which

403
attended us in the lata war ; a success of such lustre, as
to spread an irradiation over the more gloomy scenes in
which we had been involved. Had we been then in fear
of an attack upon our coasts, which, from reasons not
proper to be mentioned, we happened not to be, Gibral
tar, and the renown of defending it, must have been for
ever lost. But it was not only by foreign expeditions
that we might be deprived of the aid of our fleet in case
of an invasion, it might so happen, that our fleet, though
in the Channel, might be prevented by contrary winds,
tides, or other contingencies, from arriving to the assist
ance and relief of our dock-yards. What would then
prove the situation of this country ? The enemy might
in one day*, in one hour, do an irreparable injury, and
give a mortal stab to the very spring and vital principle
of our national vigor ; might effectually destroy the seeds
of that navy, from which alone we had to hope for com
merce, for safety, and for glory. On the whole, he really
thought the present rather a question to be considered as
connected with our naval establishment, than with that
of either our army or ordnance ; as it was calculated to
give liberty to our fleet, which had hitherto been confined
occasionally to our coasts, and, as it were, to the defence
of our dock-yards. Were it to be asked, why the sum
required for these fortifications had not been demanded for
strengthening the navy, he should answer fairly, that he
thought the same sum, laid out upon the fleet, would by
no means afford a strength equal to that which would be
derived from the fortifications. The money, which would
be sufficient to accomplish these works, would not build
so many ships as would answer for the defence of those
invaluable harbors of Portsmouth and Plymouth. There
was, besides, a certain degree, beyond which the navy of
this country could not go ; there was a certain number of
ships, beyond which they could neither build nor man
* Towards the close of the American war, our two great naval arsenals were in
a state so entirely unprotected, when the combined fleets of France and Spain were
in the mouth of the channel, that the commissioner at Plymouth wrote to the ad
miralty, that if any force should be landed, the dock-yard must infallibly be burnt;
and at Portsmouth, the panic was so great, that an immense chain was provided at
the sally port, ready to be drawn across the mouth of the harbour, to the block
house, on the Gosport side; the marks for entering the harbour were thrown down;
and the buoys placed over the sands were taken away.

404
any more : what that limit was, he could not, nor would
it be proper for him to, point out ; yet, necessarily, such
a limit must exist, in the nature of things : but there
never could be any line drawn to limit the security, which
we ought to provide for our dock-yards.
In this manner did Mr. Pitt show, upon the authority
of eminent professional men, that fortifications were ab
solutely necessary for the preservation and security of
our dock-yards; that the proposed plan was the best
which could be devised for accomplishing this desirable
object ; that its execution would not be attended with any
unreasonable expense, when compared with its import
ance ; that in its principle* it was consistent with the prac
tice of former times ; that it would tend to diminish ra
ther than to increase our standing army; and that it would
leave our fleet at liberty to carry on offensive war at a
distance from our own coast.
But these arguments, though enforced with all his
powers of eloquence, were not sufficient to overcome the
prejudices conceived against fortifications. It was still
maintained, that the plan was of a dangerous and uncon
stitutional tendency, , without being effectual, and that
Englishmen ought to look to their navy for safety and
protection ; and Mr. Sheridan, whose speech upon this
occasion was greatly admired for its ingenuity, contended,
that these unassailable fortresses might, in the hands of
an ambitious and ill-advised king, be made the engines
for subverting the liberties of the people ; and that sol
diers, detached from their fellow-subjects, and shut up
in garrisons and forts, would be more likely to support
such an attempt, than if they had been living scattered
and entangled in all the common duties and connexions
of their countrymen, and thus preserving the character of
¦ citizens. Upon a division, the numbers were precisely
equal, 169 on each side ; and the speaker (Mr. Cornwall)
gave his casting vote against the resolution, which put
an end to the business. Mr. Pitt greatly lamented this
failure, being decidedly of opinion, that the fortifications
might, in the event of war, have proved of essential ser
vice to the nation.
The next subject to which I am to call the attention
of my readers, is, Mr. Pitt's plan for the redemption of the

405
national debt, the greatest and most important measure
of finance ever adopted in this or in any other country ;
which alone would be sufficient to immortalise the name
of its wise and provident author, and entitle him to the
warmest gratitude of the present and all succeeding ge
nerations. Prior to the revolution, the public debts were consi
dered as the personal obligations of the sovereign ; but
they were sometimes discharged by grants^ made by par
liament. The earliest instance of this kind, which oc
curs in our history, was in the reign of Hen. 3. The
kings of England frequently borrowed money, for public
purposes, upon their private security, both from their own
subjects, and from foreigners ; and in many cases, they
discharged the debts of their predecessors, though they
were not bound so to do. Hen. 3, Edw. 3, and Hen. 5,
were all in such pecuniary distress, that they were under
the necessity of pawning the royal jewels, and even the
crown itself. The first attempt to raise money upon par
liamentary security, was in the reign of Ric. 2 ; and it
failed, though the sum required was only 60,000/. intend
ed to be employed in the invasion of France. In subse
quent reigns, money was borrowed upon the security of
subsidies granted by parliament, which was repaid when
the subsidies were received.
The practice of funding, that is, of borrowing money
upon national credit and creating transferrable stock,
bearing a certain annual interest, arose out of the pecu
liar manners and circumstances of modern Europe, and
was first resorted to by some of the minor states upon
the continent. It was introduced into England very soon
after the revolution, and has since been progressively car
ried by our government, to a most astonishing extent.
The annuities granted, when money was borrowed, were
at first for a limited number of years, or for lives, and
consequently the interest was at a high Tate ; but it soon
happened, that these temporary annuities were made per
petual, upon the creditors or stockholders advancing ad
ditional sums; which led to the grant at once of per
petual annuities, the first instance of which was in 1695*.
" The first exchequer bills were issued in 1696, during the re-coinagje, on account
rff the bad state of the silver coin.

406
In the same manner the taxes, imposed as a security for
the payment of the annuities belonging to these respec
tive loans, were at first temporary, and afterwards per
petual. A distinct account was kept of each loan, and
of its taxes ; and when the taxes produced more than
was sufficient for the payment of the interest of the loan*
the overplus was generally, though not invariably, em
ployed in reducing the principal of that particular loan.
As loans and taxes multiplied, these separate funds were
found extremely inconvenient ; and in the beginning of
the reign of Geo. 1, they were all combined into three;
called the aggregate fund, the general fund, and the South
Sea fund. To these respective funds the produce of cer
tain taxes and duties was to be carried, and from them the
interest of certain parts of the debt, and other specified
charges, were to be paid. In 1716, the year in which
the two last of the above funds were established, a fourth
fund was formed, consisting of the surplusses of those
three funds, after satisfying all the demands upon them;
and it was called the sinking fund, because it was appro
priated to the discharge of the principal of the national
debt, incurred before the 25th of December 1716 ; and
as the act expressed, " to and for none other use, intent,
or purpose whatsoever." Similar words were used in an
act upon the same subject, in 1718; and the improve
ment and inviolable application of this fund were not on
ly recommended in several of the king's speeches in sub
sequent years, and promised in the addresses of the house
of commons, but money was actually borrowed several
times for the public service upon new taxes, rather than
that any encroachment should be made upon the sinking
fund. Unfortunately this scrupulous attention did not
Continue. It is a most remarkable fact, that, notwith
standing all the pledges and engagements which have
been mentioned, the sinking fund was afterwards repeat
edly diverted from its original destination, even in time
of peace as well as of war, by the very minister* who
established it, both by charging it with the interest of
new loans, and by taking from it large sums for the an-
* Sir Kobert Walpole.

407
nual public expenditure. The first instance of this kind
was in 1728-9, when this fund was charged with the pay
ment of the interest of 1,250,000/. raised for the service
of the current year. The second, was of a similar na
ture, in 1731 ; and the third, was by taking 500,000/.
from it for the service of 1733, that the land-tax might
be kept at 1 s. in the pound, to conciliate the country gen
tlemen. This example of Sir Robert Walpole was fol
lowed by his successors in office, and gradually carried
farther and farther, so that at last it became the constant
practice to apply the whole of the sinking fund, as part
of the ways and means of tlye year : the consequence of
which was, that, when Mr. Pitt was placed at the head
of the treasury, there was not only no efficient sinking
fund for the reduction of the national debt, then grown
to an enormous amount ; but the whole produce of the
permanent taxes was considerably less than the interest of
the debt and other fixed charges upon the revenue, ex
clusive of all the necessary annual expenses, amounting
to several millions, for which there was only the vety in
adequate provision of the land and malt taxes. This
alienation of the sinking fund was the more to be la
mented, because, though at first it amounted to only
about half a million, it was, soon after its establishment,
and again at subsequent periods, greatly increased, in
consequence of the progressive reduction of the interest
of the national debt. In 1717, this interest was reduced
from 6 to 5 per cent. ; in 1727, from 5 to 4 per cent. ; in
1750, from 4 to 3§ per cent. ; and in 1755 and 1757,
from 3| to S per cent., since which time there has been
no reduction. These successive reductions of the in
terest of the national debt proportionally diminished the
charge upon the three funds, and of course increased
those surplusses, which constituted the nominal sinking
fund of that day. Had that fund, thus augmented, been
really applied to the gradual liquidation of the debt, its
operation must have been effectual, and highly advanta
geous to the country.
At the peace of Ryswick in 1697, the national debt
amounted to 21 § millions, of which 5 millions were
paid off in the four following years of peace ; and con-

408
sequently, when the succession war broke out in 1701,
the debt was about 16| millions. That war increased the
debt to 54| millions ; and in the long period between
1713 and 1740, in which there were only three years of
war, there was a reduction of only 7| millions. At the
peace of Aix-la-Chapelle in 1748, the national debt
amounted to 78 millions, of which only 3| millions had
been discharged when the seven years war began in 1755.
At the end of that war in 1762, the national debt
amounted to 146| millions, of which 10| millions had
been discharged, when the American war commenced in
1776. At the beginning of 1786, after all the expenses
of the American war were funded, the national debt
amounted to 239 millions, exclusive of two millions of
loyalists' debentures.
From this summary statement it appears, that the in
crease of the national debt was very rapid in time of war,
and its diminution very slow in time of peace, 200 mil
lions of debt having been incurred in 25 years of war,
and less than 22 millions paid off in 45 years of peace,
from the first establishment of the sinking fund in 1716
to 1786. Its enormous amount at the end of the Ame
rican war, was the subject of great anxiety and alarm.
"The national debt," said the commissioners of public
accounts, " is swelled to a magnitude that requires the
united efforts of the ablest heads, and the purest hearts,
to suggest the proper and effectual means of reduction.
A plan must be formed for the reduction of this debt,
and that without dely. Now is the favorable moment of
peace. The evil does not admit of procrastination, pal
liation, or expedients. It presses on, and must be met
with force and firmness : what can be done, the support
of public credit, the preservation of national honor, and
the justice due to the public creditor, demand, should be
done. It must be done, or serious consequences will
ensue !" The general impression was, that the funding
system could not be carried beyond a certain point ; and
many persons were apprehensive, that we had already
approached very near to that limit, the transgression of
which threatened the nation with all the untried evils of
public bankruptcy. How soon another war might call

for new loans, no one could foresee ; but all were aware,
that to suffer the debt to remain in its present state, would
be to invite aggression. It was therefore universally
agreed, that the immediate establishment of some plan
for its gradual reduction was essential to the peace and
welfare of the country ; and the means by which that de
sirable purpose might be best accomplished, had long
occupied the thoughts of speculative men.
Mr. Pitt having announced his design of submitting to
parliament a proposal upon this subject, received an al
most incredible number of schemes and projects, most of
which were so visionary as" not to deserve a moment's
consideration ; but others were of a nature, and came
from quarters, which entitled them to serious attention.
In a few instances, the principles upon which they were
founded, at first appeared specious and plausible ; but
upon a closer examination it was discovered, that they
were impracticable, or, if carried into execution, would
probably lead to disappointment and mischief: they pro
mised advantage, but rested upon hypothetical cases,
which, in the judgment of practical experienced men,
could not be expected really to exist. After weighing
every suggestion of others, to which any regard was due,
and maturely and anxiously reflecting upon every idea
which occurred to his own fertile mind, he was convinc
ed, that no mode would be so effectual, or so little liable
to danger or objection, as the simple plan of purchasing
stock at the market price on behalf ofthe public, accom
panied with the strongest provisions and guards which
could be devised, to render the fund so applied un
alienable, and to secure its increase at compound in
terest*. • Among other fanciful schemes of theoretical men, Mr. Pitt rejected the spe
cious but delusive projects, of converting low into high stocks. It is easy for a spe
culative man, sitting in his closet, to invent a plan of this sort, which would ' be
advantageous to the public ; but he forgets, that the stockholder will never consent
to it— a fatal blow to his ingenuity and patriotism ; and such a man is apt enough to
complain, that his plan has not been adopted. In Mr. Pitt's plan, the consent of
the stockholder is not required any farther than as he wishes to sell his stock ; and
it is well known, that there are always large quantities of stock in the market for
sale. It should be remembered, that the guards and provisions, by which the fund
was rendered unalienable, and its increase at compound interest secured, constitute
the peculiar and valuable part of Mr Pitt's system, and were never before attempt
ed by any minister. His grand merit, however, with respect to the point now under
consideration, was, first, the having raised the income of the country to such a
Vol. I. 3 F

410
Having come to this determination, as a preparatory
step, and with a view to give full and complete satisfac
tion both to parliament and to the nation, upon a point of
such great and general concern, he laid before the house
a variety of accounts, and then moved that they should
be referred to the consideration of a select committee,
who were to examine them, and to report to the house,
what might be expected to be the amount of the future
annual income and expenditure of the country. Mr.
Fox approved this mode of proceeding, and observed,
that whenever papers, complicated and various as those
in question must necessarilybe, required investigation
and arrangement, before they could be applied to any
practical use, it was always proper to refer them to a
select committee. The motion was unanimously agreed
to ; and the committee thus appointed, consisted of nine
persons, of whom Mr. W. Grenville was chosen chair
man. They made their report on the 21st of March;
and on the 29th Mr. Pitt brought the business forward
in a luminous and comprehensive speech, in which he
not only explained his plan for the redemption of the na
tional debt, but proposed the additional taxes necessary
to raise the national income to the required amount ; and
also stated the supplies, and ways and means of the pre
sent year, subjects which could not indeed be well se
parated. " The object," said Mr. Pitt on that day, " which I
have to refer to this committee, is, to consider of the
means of decreasing the national debt. To attempt to
recommend this purpose by any words, would surely be
superfluous. The situation of this country, loaded with
an enormous debt, to pay the interest of which, every
nerve has been stretched, and every resourse nearly
drained, carries with it a stronger recommendation
than any arguments I could possibly adduce. That
something should be done to relieve the nation from
height, as to leave a surplus of a million for the reduction of its debt ; and secondly,
his inviolable adherence to the application of that sum, with all its accruing addi
tions, during the unexampled pressure of a long and expensive war, in which our
very existence as an independent nation was at stake ; a conduct directly contrary
to that of all his predecessors in office, since the establishment of the former sink
ing fund, and which probably saved this country from becoming a province of
France.

411
the pressure of so heavy a load, is indeed very generally
acknowledged, and I trust, that in this house there is
only one feeling on the subject. To you do the people
turn their eyes, justly expecting, that from the trust you
hold, you will think it your duty, to make the most serious
efforts, in order to afford them the long wished for pros
pect, of being relieved from an endless accumulation of
taxes, under the burden of which they are ready to sink.
Upon the deliberations of this day do they place all their
hopes of a full return of prosperity, and that public secu
rity, which will give confidence and vigor to those exer
tions in trade and commerce, upon which the flourishing
state of the country de.pends. Not only this house, and
the public, but other nations look to the business of this
day ; for by the establishment of what is now proposed,
our rank will be decided among the powers of Europe.
To behold this country emerging from a most unfortu
nate war, which added such an accumulation to a debt
before immense, that it was the belief of surrounding na
tions, and of many among ourselves, that our powers
must fail us, and that we should not be able to bear up
under it — to behold this nation, instead of despairing at
its alarming condition, looking its situation boldly in the
face, and establishing upon a spirited and permanent plan,
the means of relieving itself from all its incumbrances,
must give such an idea of our resources and of our spirit
of exertion, as will astonish the nations around us, and
enable us to regain that pre-eminence, to which we are,
on many accounts, so justly entitled. The propriety and
necessity of adopting a plan for this purpose, are not only
universally allowed, but it is also admitted, that immedi
ate steps ought to be taken in this important business.
And I am persuaded, that whatever difference of opinion
we may have in this house, upon political points, all par
ties will concur in thinking, that effectual provision should
this day be made to reduce the debt of the nation.
" The chief object then before the house, is, not whe
ther the recommendation in his majesty's speech, should
be complied with ; nor even is it a matter of dispute,
what sum ought to be allotted for this purpose : for it
seems agreed, by common consent of all, that one million

412
annually ought to be appropriated to the gradual liquida
tion of the national debt.
" The great points which we have to consider, are,
in the first place, what measures ought to be taken to
acquire this million ; and, secondly, what is the way of
applying it.
" I must here congratulate the nation upon the arrival
of the day, when all despondency and gloomy fear may
be laid aside, and our prospects are brightened with joy
and hope. With how much pleasure am I able to an
nounce, that a million can be obtained, without laying any
new heavy burdens upon the people ! This is beyond the
hopes of any man, and is indeed a subject of the greatest
rejoicing to every friend of his country.
" In order to be acquainted with our real situation, and
to see what we have and what we want, I mean to state
the annual income and the annual expenditure of the na
tion, as the ground upon which we are to proceed with
regard to the object before us."
Mr. Pitt then informed the house, that the income of
the country, as calculated by the select committee, for
the year ending at the preceding Michaelmas, amounted
to 15,379,182/. and for the year ending at Christmas, to
15,397,471/. the difference between which sums was less
than 20,000/. ; and after enumerating the particulars of
which tbe public income consisted, he proceeded thus :
" From the reasoning contained in the report, we have
ground to conclude, that this flourishing condition of our
revenue will continue. It is more than would have been
thought possible, that within a single year such an im
provement should take place. The improvement, how
ever, has not been confined to one year ; it has been uni
form, ever since the happy era of the restoration of peace.
The increase was slow at first, but constant ; and the
more rapid progress of the last year, shows from most
satisfactory experience, that we have no reason to fear its
being stationary, or becoming retrograde.
" A great part of the prosperous appearance which
commerce has put on, and the great influx into the ex
chequer, have been owing to the regulations adopted for
crushing clandestine traffic, although at present they have

413
not had their full operation ; because, as large capitals
were employed in smuggling, the occupation will subsist
for a time, even after it is become a losing trade. The
success of the late measures, incontrovertibly proved by
the increased produce of the customs, gives room to hope,
that farther great and essential advantages may arise from
wholesome regulations with regard to other articles of il
licit traffic, which will open permanent sources of income,
by making trade return into its natural channel. The
frauds still committed upon the revenue, are more numer
ous and more detrimental than any one, not conversant
in subjects of this kind, can imagine ; and I have it in
contemplation to submit to parliament, plans for the cor
rection of those evils in the different branches of trade and
commerce, particularly in wines, spirits, tobacco, and
salt. It is also my intention, in the next session, to pro
pose the consolidation of the customs, which cannot fail
to be beneficial to the revenue.
" Having thus represented every thing in the fairest
and most correct manner in my power, to enable you to
form a just view of the real and probable sources of our
national income, I shall now act upon the idea, that this
is a true statement of the revenue, which has been laid
upon your table by the committee ; and that we may ex
pect, with as much certainty as can attend any thing of
this kind, that we shall enjoy an increasing revenue of
15,397,000/. per annum.
" The next subject of our discussion is, what may be
expected to be the annual expenditure of the nation.
This the committee have also calculated, and it amounts
to 14,478,000/. : deducting therefore the annual expendi
ture from the annual income, there is left a surplus of
about 900,000/.
" This then is the sum which remains to be applied to
the diminution of the national debt : but as the fund for
that purpose ought to be a million annually, I shall move
in this committee such taxes as will produce 100,000/. a
year ; and I am happy to repeat, that this sum may be
raised without any material pressure upon the public."
He then informed the committee, that he should propose
f.n additional duty upon spirits, a modification of the ex-

414
isting tax upon foreign timber*, which would make it
more productive, and taxes upon perfumery and hair
powder. These taxes, whichxould not be oppressive to
any description of persons, would complete the required
million ; to which he intended to add such temporary an
nuities, both for years and lives, as should fall in from
time to time.
" It ought to be observed," he proceeded to state,
" that though 14,478,000/. is calculated to be the annual
expenditure, some time must intervene, before the ex
penditure can be reduced to that sum. We are to re
member, that we have only just emerged from the most
ruinous and expensive war, in which this country was
ever engaged. Many of the heavy burdens we incurred
during that war, did not end with the conclusion of it,
but still continue, and must be expected to continue to
hang upon us some time longer. It would, however, be
unfair and unwise to consider them as forming part of
our annual expenditure, as they must cease altogether in
a short time." He here entered into a detail of the ex
traordinary expenses he alluded^ to, which were princi
pally the completion of ships already begun to be built,
arrears on account of the army, and compensation to
American sufferers ; and stated them as likely to amount
to three millions in the next four years : but he said, that
it would not be necessary to make any provision for
these expenses, because extraordinary resources, such as
lotteries, army savings, and balance from the East India
company, would arise in the same period, fully sufficient
to answer the expected demand. If, however, those
resources should fail, and it should prove hereafter neces-
* This modification as at first intended, gave offence in Russia, from whence a
considerable quantity of timber was imported into this kingdom, and a complaint
was made in a dispatch from Petersburgh to Count Woronzow, the Russian minis
ter at our court, with some severe reflections upon Mr. Pitt, for proposing a measure
affecting the trade with Russia, while a commercial treaty between the two coun
tries was depending. Count Woronzow, in his reply, said, " Permettez moi de de-
fendre Mr. Pitt que vous accusez d 'avoir ete danscette affaire rien qu'un financier
impolitique : II a ete. induit en erreur par Ia nomination de ces marchandises qui
s'appellent ici par le nom general de planches, poutres, et battens de Norvege j
mais des qu 'il a vu que cela affectoit le commerce de Russie, il a d'abord remedie
a la chose, quoque elle fut deja presentee et approuvee par la chambre des com
munes. Vous voyez done qu'il a et6 plus politique et homme d'etat, que simple
financier : 11 a agi dans cette affaire, comrae dans tout ce qu'il fait, avec une fran
chise et une celerite qui lui est propre. Je ne puis assez me louer de ce ministre-
Je le vois peu, parce qu'il est accable d'affaires, et je ne connois pas comment il
peut y suffire."

415
sary to fund the whole of the three millions, there" could
be no doubt but the income of the country, improved, as
he trusted it would be, by the farther prevention of frauds,
would be able to bear the additional charge without any
new taxes.
" I may therefore," continued he, " be justified in
considering the revenue, as hereafter affording a surplus
of a million a year. But before I enter upon that part of
the discussion which relates to the particular mode of
applying this annual sum, it will be proper to consider
the effect it will have. If this million, to be so applied,
be laid out, with its growing interest, it will amount to a
very great sum in a period, which is not very long in the
life of an individual, and but an hour in the existence of
a great nation. In a period of 28 years, the sum of a
million, annually improved at compound interest, would
amount to four millions per annum*. But care must be
taken that this fund be not broken in upon : this has
hitherto been the bane of this country ; for if the original
sinking fundf had been properly preserved, it is easy to
be proved, that our debts at this moment would not have
been very burdensome : this has hitherto been in vain
endeavoured to be prevented by acts of parliament : the
minister has uniformly, when it suited his convenience,
gotten hold of this sum, which ought to have been re
garded as most sacred. What then is the way of pre
venting this ? The plan I mean to propose is, that this
sum be vested in certain commissioners, to be by them
applied quarterly to buy up stock, by which means no
great sum will ever lie ready to be seized upon on any
occasion, and the fund will go on without interruption,
till it becomes four millions a year, by which time it will
have liquidated 100 millions of three per cents. ; and I
propose, that the parliament of that day should decide,
whether the fund should still continue to increase at
compound interest. Long, very long, has this country
• This supposed interest at 5 per cent.
¦)• The original sinking fund was not a definite sum : but supposing that it had been
only half a million a year, and that it had been uninterruptedly employed in the
purchase of 3 per cents, at 75, in 70 years, that is, from its first establishment in
1716 to 1786, the time Mr. Pitt was speaking, it would have redeemed 242 mil
lions; and, if the 3 per cents, had been at par, it would have redeemed 115 mil
lions.

416
struggled under its heavy load, without any prospect of
relief; but it may now look forward to an object, upon
which its very existence depends : it is, therefore, proper
it should be fortified as much as possible against aliena
tion. By this mannerjof paying the money quarterly into
the hands of commissioners, who will be required to lay
out an equal sum on every transfer day in the quarter, it
will be impossible to take it by stealth ; and the advan
tage will be too fully experienced ever to suffer a public
act for that purpose. A minister could not have the
confidence to come to this house, and desire the repeal
of so beneficial a law, tending directly to relieve the peo
ple from their burdens.
" The persons appointed to the trust should be of rank
and distinction, to secure them from suspicion ; and to
give, as far as character can go, a belief of their discharg
ing it with faithfulness. I therefore think it right, that
the respectable commoner, whoever he may be, who fills
the chair of this house, should be the first commissioner.
Parliament, in instituting a commission of so much im
portance towards the support of national credit and pros
perity, could not more solemnly, or more pointedly, pro
mulgate its high sense ofthe duty to which that commis
sion is bound, than by appointing the first member of
this house to be at the head of it. I think also, without
ascribing any thing to myself, that the person who holds
an office so intimately connected with finance as the
chancellor of the exchequer, ought to have a place in this
commission. There is another person, who, from his
high rank, as well as from his virtues and reputation, I
think ought to have a share in this business, and he is
also, at present, a member of this house : I mean the
master of the rolls. The governor and deputy governor
of the bank of England ought, I think, also to be of the
number. And lastly, the accountant general of the high
court of chancery, who, by virtue of his office, is already
employed in managing the money of all suitors and wards
in the funds, and increasing the capital by the accumula
tion of compound interest, ought to be a member of this
commission. I am very far from attributing any merit to myself in

<<

417
suggesting this scheme ; but, I cannot but think myself
peculiarly happy in having a task to perform so very
different from any of my predecessors ; and that, instead
of expending the money ofthe public, I should have the
great good fortune to be able to propose the diminution
of our burdens. This plan, which I have now the honor
to bring forward, has long been the wish and hope of all
men ; and I am proud to flatter myself, that my name
may be inscribed upon that firm column now about to be
raised to national faith and national prosperity. I shall
detain the house very little longer, because I am per
suaded, they must be already tired by the tedious detail,
into which I have been under the necessity of entering.
The time, when the operation of this fund is to begin,
should, I think, be the fifth of next July ; on that day,
let 250,000/. be paid into the hands ofthe commissioners
for this purpose, and afterwards continued quarterly :
this will make 750,000/. to be expended in the three re
maining quarters of the present year ; and I shall just
mention upon what I found the expectation of a surplus
to that amount."
Mr. Pitt then stated the particulars of the supplies,
and of the ways and means, of the present year : the for
mer amounted to 12,477,085/. and the latter, to
13,362,480/. leaving a surplus of 885,395/. from which
might be taken 750,000/. for the new sinking fund ; and
there would then remain in the exchequer 135,395/. ap
plicable to the services of the succeeding year.
Mr. Pitt concluded by moving a resolution, directing
the issue of a million per annum, to be vested in com
missioners, and by them applied to the reduction of the
national debt.
Mr. Fox observed, that Mr. Pitt's elaborate and far-
extended speech*, while it reminded him, how much
* Mr. Pitt passed the morning of this day, in providing the calculations which he
had to state, and in examining the resolutions which he had to move; and at last
he saia that he would go and take a short walk by himself, that he might arrange
in his mind what he had to say in the house. He returned in a quarter of an hour,
and told me he believed he was prepared. After dressing himself, he ordered din
ner to be sent up j and learning at that moment that his sister, (who was then living
in the house with him,) and a lady with her, were going to dine at the same early
hour, he desired t'i ¦'. iheir dinner might be sent up with his, and that they might
dine together, lis passed nearly an hour with these ladies, and several friends
who called in their way to the house, talking with his usual liveliness and gaiety as
Vol. I, 3 G

418
time had elapsed, suggested also the conviction of the
impropriety of his trespassing, at the present advanced
hour, too long upon the attention of the committee. But,
in the outset of what he had to say, he begged leave, to
declare, that no man in existence, was, or ever had been,
a greater friend to the principle of a sinking fund, than
he was, and had ever shewn himself, from the first mo
ment of his political life ; and that he agreed most per
fectly with Mr. Pitt, in his general ideas of the necessity
of such a measure. After asserting, that Mr. Pitt ought
to have founded his calculations upon the average pro
duce of the revenue for several years, and not upon the
produce of the last year only, he said, that there were
two parts of the plan, which he disapproved : the one,
making the sum appropriated unalienable in time of war ;
the other, making the obligation to pay off the debt, ge
neral, and not pledging or binding it closer. He pointed
out various disadvantages, which, in his opinion, might
result from tying up the sum in time of war ; and con
tended, that, as the commission, and the object of its in
stitution, were not bound down to any specific point, both
were liable to be annihilated by a future parliament. He
reminded the house of the mode of the original establish
ment of a plan for paying off part of the national debt,
which had been by a subscription of individuals, to
whom the faith of parliament was pledged to pay off cer
tain specific portions at stated periods. He dwelt on the
difference between the two modes ; observing, that when
the nation, or when parliament, stood bound to indivi
duals, the pledge was held as sacred as the pledge to pay
the interest of the national debt at present, or the annui
ties now payable ; and undoubtedly, nothing short of a
national bankruptcy would prevent the payment of the
sums engaged to be paid to individual subscribers ;
whereas, upon the conditions on which the proposed
commission would stand, what should hinder a future
minister, in a future war, when the exigency of affairs
might require additional burdens to be imposed on the
if having nothing upon his mind : he then went immediately to the house of com
mons, and made this " elaborate and far-extended speech," as Mr. Fox called it,
without one omission or error.

419
subject, from coming down to that house, and proposing
a bill to repeal the act authorizing the institution of the
commission, and to enable government to apply all the
money and stock in their hands to the public service ?
What should hinder the house from agreeing to the pro
position ? or was it at all likely, that, under the exigency
of the moment, they would not immediately agree to it,
when so much money could be easily got at, and
when they could so readily avoid the odious and unplea
sant task of imposing new taxes on themselves and their
constituents ? From the various guards, which the right
honorable gentleman intended to purupon the commis
sion, it was obvious, that he saw the suspicions and dan
gers to which it would be liable ; and therefore Mr. Fox
declared, the more guards put upon it the better.
Mr. Pitt replied, that the numerous taxes which had
been lately imposed, and the recent regulations which
had been adopted for the improvement of the revenue,
would make it very improper to have recourse to an
average produce of several years ; and that he had
every reason to believe that the principles, upon which
the select committee and himself had estimated the
future annual income of the country, would not dis
appoint the expectations they had formed. He hoped,
the right honorable gentleman would not consider it as
any offence, if he declared, that the idea of paying • off
a part of the debt by a subscription of individuals,
had been suggested to him by many others, and that he
himself approved the principle, but declined adopting
it on account of certain inconveniencies, to which it was
liable. With regard to preserving the fund unalienable,
it was the essence of the plan to keep it sacred, and un
touched, and most particularly so, in time of war. He '
must contend, that to suffer the fund at any time, or on
any pretence, to be diverted from its proper object, would
be to defeat, overturn, and ruin the whole of his plan.
He trusted, therefore, that when the bill, which he should
introduce, should have passed into a law, the house
would hold itself solemnly pledged, not to listen to a pro
posal for its repeal, or for any alteration in its material
provisions, on any ground whatever. It was, however,

420,
absolutely impossible, he acknowledged, for the present
parliament to pass an act upon this or upon any other
subject, which should not be liable to repeal or alteration
by a future parliament.
In the course of his speech, Mr. Fox had remarked,
that however difficult the house might think the subject,
and therefore be loth to listen to him*, nothing was more
easy ; there was not the smallest conjuration in it ; and
he that ran, might read. This was undesigned praise,
and strictly applicable to Mr. Pitt's plan, the great merit
of which consistedfljp being plain, simple, intelligible, and
easily carried into execution. It was, moreover, fully
competent to the accomplishment of its purpose ; it re
quired not, like the sinking fund of 1716, the interposi
tion of parliament from time to time ; its execution de
pended not upon the will, or the vigilance, of the minister
of the day, but would proceed uniformly and regularly,
without amr fresh authority, or any interference of gov
ernment ; the money was to be issued out of the exche
quer every quarter, before any other payment was made,
except the interest of the national debt ; the commis
sioners were persons on whom the most perfect reliance
might be placed, and they were to have as little discre
tionary power as possible ; the beneficial consequences of
the plan must necessarily be known and felt by the pub
lic, and the mischiefs of departing from it, when once
established, could not be concealed or palliated : these
were the best securities, and most effectual precautions,
which the nature of the thing admitted, and afforded the
strongest ground for confidence, that no future chancellor
ofthe exchequer, or member, whether in or out of office,
would ever venture to make a direct proposal to parlia
ment, for the repeal of so salutary a law ; and an indirect
diversion of the fund, by any evasive means, was tender
ed utterly impracticable.
These qualities were such obvious and powerful
recommendations of the plan, the object of which was
universally acknowledged to be of the highest national
* The house had been extremely attentive during the whole of Mr. Pitt's speech,
occasionally shewing the strongest marks of approbation ; but became very impa
tient immediately after he sat down, and continued so even while Mr. Fox was
speaking.

421
importance, that no serious opposition was made to the
resolution, or afterwards to the bill for carrying it into
effect, in any part of its progress through the two houses.
On the day fixed for its commitment, Mr. Sheridan
moved a variety of resolutions, with the design of shew
ing, that there was at present no surplus whatever in the
income of the country ; but Mr. William Grenville point
ed out the fallacy of his reasoning; and the resolutions,
which were not supported by any one member, were
negatived without a division. Never was the admiration
of any public measure more warm and general, and
never was there fuller confidence in the soundness of
the principles upon which it was founded.
Mr. Fox indeed, on the day Mr. Pitt opened his plan,
was so far from indicating a disposition to afford it any
support or assistance, that besides expressing his disap
probation of it, in the manner which has been mentioned,
he pledged himself to produce a plan on a future day,
which should have a preferable claim to the concurrence
of the house : this was probably said without much
consideration, as he never mentioned the subject again.
On the contrary, perceiving the popularity of Mr. Pitt's
plan, both in and out of parliament, or convinced, upon
reflection, that it was better calculated to be beneficial
to the country than any thing he could propose, he soon
ceased to throw any obstacle in it sway, and at length
became so reconciled to it, as to acknowledge, in a late
stage of the bill, that his principal objection to the plan,
namely, its making the sinking fund unalienable in time
of war, would be obviated by a clause, which he then
rose to move, empowering the commissioners to accept
as much of any new loan, as they should have money in
their hands to pay for*. He informed the house, that
he had shewn this clause to Mr. Pitt, who approved it ;
and he added, with great good humour and liberality,
that he hoped this agreement between Mr. Pitt and
himself, " would be a good precept and example to
posterity to follow."
* Sir John Sinclair, in the third edition of his work upon the Public Revenue,
says, " that in the tint edition, published in the preceding year, he had recom
mended a provision similar to this clause of Mr. Pox.

422
Mr. Pitt declared, that he felt a singular degree of
satisfaction in rising to express his hearty concurrence in
the motion of the right honorable gentleman ; and he
declined, he said, at present entering into any discussion
of what might have been the grounds of former differ
ences of opinion respecting the bill, while it remained a
matter of speculation : it was enough for him, that in
carrying the measure into practice, they agreed. He
was peculiarly happy to find a motion of this nature come
from the right honorable gentleman,, because it proved to
him, that the idea he had entertained of the right honor
able gentlemen's opinion on the subject, was an erro
neous one. He had, he confessed, imagined, that the
right honorable gentleman objected to the principle of
making the fund unalienable, on grounds much less
liberal and politic, than those on which it now appeared
his opinion rested. He joined with the right honorable
gentleman in hoping, that posterity would take an ex
ample from the present moment, and persevere in bring
ing to perfection what was now begun ; and he thought
it no inauspicious omen for the ultimate success of the
plan, that its propriety and necessity had been so obvi
ous, as to overcome the spirit and prejudice of party, and
to create an unanimity and concurrence of sentiment in
persons, who, he was sure, more from accident than in
clination, were in general of different opinions ; and what
was still farther remarkable was, that this unanimity was
chiefly conspicuous in a part of the business, which, in
his judgment, seemed principally calculated to secure
permanence and stability to this great and most desirable
institution. The agreement between Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox upon
this occasion, appears to have been highly gratifying to
both, and the manner in which they expressed themselves
certainly did them great honor ; but it is not a little
singular, that the clause, which one of these great men
suggested, for the purpose of removing by its operation
his chief practical objection to the plan, and the other
accepted and applauded as tending to give the plan
stability, was, in fact, never acted upon, in any one of
the numerous and immensely large loans negotiated by
different ministers during the war ; and that it was first

423
resorted to in 1819*, at the time of settled peace — an
application of the provision in question, which seems
never to have entered into the contemplation of Mr. Fox,
or of Mr. Pitt.
Mr. Pulteney also proposed a clause, to which Mr.
Pitt readily consented, empowering the commissioners
to purchase stock when it should be at or above par, un
less they should be otherwise directed by parliament.
This case has not at present occurred.
Mr. Dempster, who, though in general an opponent of
Mr. Pitt, was a warm friend to this bill, proposed a
clause, which he thought, would make the plan more
effective, and give the public creditor additional security.
Mr. Pitt was of a different opinion, and the clause was
negatived by 109 to 5 : this was the only division in
either house. Mr. Dempster proposed two other clau
ses, both of which Mr. Pitt disapproved, and they were
rejected. The bill having passed both houses of parliament
without a single dissentient voice, the king, on the 26th
of May, went to the house of peers to give the royal
assent to it in personf, when the speaker of the house of
commons, upon presenting the bill, made the following
speech :
" Most gracious sovereign,
" Your faithful commons have passed a bill, intituled,
" An Act for vesting certain sums in commissioners, at
the end of every quarter of a year, to be by them applied
to the reduction of the national debt ;" by which they
have manifested their attention to your majesty's recom
mendation, at the opening of this session, for establishing
a fixed plan for the reduction of the national debt.
" By the unanimity which attended the last and most
important stage of this bill, they have given the most de
cisive proof, that they have but one heart and one voice,
in the maintenance of the public credit, and prosperity of
their country.
* This was done under a sort of compulsion, the bank having refused to make
the usual advances in favor of the subscribers to the loan.
•j- This was not usual in the middle of a session, and was caused by the import
ance of the bill.

424
" The public credit of the nation, which is the result
of just and honorable dealing, is now guarded by an ad
ditional security. And the future prosperity of this coun
try will effectually be provided for, when it is considered,
that, for the purpose of pleading the cause of the continu
ance of this measure most powerfully with posterity, your
faithful commons have, to the justice and good policy of
it, added the authority of their own example ; — Qui facit,
ille jubet. — They have not been discouraged, by the bur
thens imposed during the last ten years, from submitting
in the present time, and in the hour of peace, to new,
and the possibility of other, burthens ; their object being
to attain a situation for their country, more favorable
to her defence and glory, in the event of future emer
gencies. " A plan so honorable in its principle, and so condu
cive to the future happiness and safety of the kingdom,
must be, in the highest degree, acceptable to the father
of his people. — Under that confidence, in the name of all
the commons of Great Britain, I tender this bill to your
majesty : to which, with all humility, your faithful com
mons desire your majesty's royal assent."
Thus did Mr. Pitt, who found an annual deficiency of
several millions in the revenue, in two years not only raise
the income of the country to be equal to its expenditure,
but to afford a surplus of a million a year, which he ap
plied, by a plan equally remarkable for its simplicity and
efficacy, to the gradual reduction of the national debt ; a
measure of such acknowledged importance and merit,
that it extinguished all party animosity, and extorted
the approbation and concurrence of the most inveterate
opponents of his administration : but, wise and salutary
as it was considered at the time, it has been productive
of infinitely greater and more extensive benefits, than
could possibly have been anticipated by human foresight.
We have seen that Mr. Pitt, in opening his plan for
the redemption of the national debt, mentioned the great
frauds committed upon the revenue in the article of wine,
which paid only a custom-house duty ; and signified his
intention of very soon submitting to parliament, a propo-

425
sal upon that subject. On a following day, he stated to
the house, that for some time there had been a considera
ble diminution in the quantity of wine legally imported*,
although it was certain, that the quantity actually con
sumed was increased ; but, admitting it to be only equal
to what it was 36 years since, the revenue suffered an
annual loss of 280,000/. This defalcation he attributed
to two causes, the importation of large quantities of fo
reign wine without paying the duty, and the sale of a
spurious liquor, in which there was little or no genuine
wine ; the latter of which he looked upon as the principal
cause. To remedy these abuses, he proposed to transfer
the greater part of the duty upon wines from the cus
toms to the excise ; and to make the duty, upon what
were called sweets, which were the chief ingredient used
in the adulteration of wine, equal to that upon wine.
These regulations would be attended with an expense
to the public of not more than 12 or 13 thousand pounds
a year, a sum not to be put in competition with the bene
fit expected from them ; and they would also occasion an
addition of 167 excisemen throughout the kingdom, the
appointment of whom, as they would be disqualified from
voting at the election of members of parliament, and as
their salaries would be very small, could not be com
plained of as a material increase of the influence of the
crown. He observed, that it would not be necessary to
make the houses of the wholesale dealers in wine liable
to the visits of the excise officers, but only their cellars
and warehouses ; and the retail dealers were already un
der the excise laws, as they almost universally sold spi-
ritous liquors.
Mr. Pitt trusted, that in endeavoring to augment the
income of the country, he should have the support of
those who considered it as falling short of the expendi
ture ; and in alluding to the clamors formerly produced,
by attempts to extend the excise system, he expressed a
hope that no gentleman would take advantage of obnox
ious names, or worn-out prejudices, to create aversion
and excite resistance to a measure, which afforded a
• In the last 15 years, the quantity annually imported had been diminished si<
or seven thousand tons.
Vol. I. 3 H

426
prospect of such signal advantage, and for which the si
tuation of the country particularly and powerfully called.
He added, that the excise was found by experience to be
the most effectual and least expensive method of collect
ing those parts of the revenue, to which it could with
propriety be applied; and that, by increasing the con
sumption of foreign wines, the demand for British manu
factures in exchange would also be increased.
Mr. Fox opposed the bill, exerting all the means in his
power to render it unpopular ; and the wine merchants in
London not only presented a petition against it, to the
house of commons*, which was heard by counsel, but
they entered into a correspondence with their brethren of
the trade in the country, for the purpose of obtaining si
milar petitions from every part of the kingdom ; in which,
however, they did not succeed. The objections rested
upon two grounds, the difficulty of applying the excise
laws to wine, and the impolicy and danger of extending
those laws beyond their present limits. The former ob
jection was entirely without foundation, as was then as
serted, and afterwards proved by experience ; and the
latter made no impression either upon the public or upon
parliament ; there being a general conviction, that the
state of the revenue required the adoption of every plan
which might tend to its improvement ; and the principles
of taxation and commerce being better understood than
they were in the days of Sir Robert Walpole, who in
1733 proposed to put wine and tobacco under the excise
laws, but was compelled to abandon his design by the
clamor and opposition it excited. After several debates,
and no less than six divisions, in which the minority ne
ver exceeded 38, the bill passed the house of commons ;
and in the house of lords, there was only one short de
bate, and no division. In that debate it was affirmed, that
both Mr. Pelham and Mr. Grenville, when at the head
of the treasury, had it in contemplation to subject wine
to the excise laws; and that, after full consideration, they
relinquished the idea, from apprehension of the difficulty
and odium which would attend the carrying it into exe-
* They also offered a petition to the house of lords, but it was rejected, upon the
ground, that ho precedent could be found of that house having received a petition,
against a tax bill.

427
cution. In this instance, therefore, Mr. Pitt with great
ease succeeded in a measure, in which one of his prede
cessors, perhaps the ablest of all who had gone before
him, entirely failed, and which two others had been afraid
to propose, though they were convinced of its expediency.
The next measure proposed by Mr. Pitt, for the pre
vention of frauds upon the revenue, was, a bill, since
known by the name of the manifest act. False accounts
of imported goods were frequently given at the custom
house; and it was also very common, for vessels to sail
out of harbour with goods, for which bounties and
drawbacks had been obtained, under pretence of their
being destined for a foreign market, and to re-land them
clandestinely upon some part of the coast of England.
To prevent these injurious practices, this bill, among
other regulations, ordered, that no goods whatever should
be imported into Great Britain, till the master of the ves
sel had delivered to the proper custom-house officer, a
manifest, stating the place where the goods were laden,
and containing a full and correct account and description
of every part of the cargo, verified upon oath ; that no
vessel should be allowed to sail from any British port,
till the master had given bond of 200/. that no part of
the cargo should be illegally re-landed in Great Britain;
and that no goods, entitled to bounty or drawback, should
be put on board any vessel for exportation, except by
persons duly licensed for that purpose, who should de
liver them to the revenue officer, stationed on board the
vessel. The bill passed both houses, without any diffi
culty, and produced a most beneficial effect.
Towards the end of the session, Mr. Pitt brought a
bill into the house of commons, for appointing commis
sioners to inquire into the state and condition of the
woods, forests, and land revenue, belonging to the crown,
and to sell or alienate fee-farm and other unimprovable
rents. The object of this bill was, to ascertain whether
the crown lands, which at present afforded very little in
come, could not be rendered more productive, or be dis
posed of with advantage to the crown, and to the public.
It met with scarcely any resistance in the house of com
mons ; but in the house of lords it was opposed, princi-

428
pally upon the ground of the power given to the com
missioners ; it was, however, carried by a majority of 28
to 18.
The sale of tea at the India-house, had, in conse
quence of the commutation tax, and the different mea
sures taken for the suppression of smuggling, increased
from 5§ to 14 millions of pounds, which, with other cir
cumstances, rendered an application to parliament indis
pensably necessary for an addition to the funds of the
company, to enable them to carry on this enlarged trade.
A petition for that purpose was presented to the house of
commons, on the 25th of May ; and it appearing upon
inquiry, that the sum wanted was two millions, Mr. Pitt
proposed, that it should be raised in the following man
ner: that the company should be enabled to add 800,000/.
to the capital of their stock*, which, at the present price,
would produce 1,200,000/. ; and also to sell a surplus of
36,000/; a year, received from the exchequer, over and
above the annuities they paid to their creditors, which
would produce 800,000/. The bill, giving these powers
to the company, caused several debates in both houses ;
but the only division was in the house of" lords, of 14 to
6, in favor of the measure.
It appeared from what Mr. Pitt said in the debate
upon the king's speech, that he did not then intend to
bring forward any measure in the present session, rela
tive to India ; but intelligence and observations soon af
terwards received from thence, and a more mature consi
deration of the subject, suggested several improvements,
which might be made in the plan adopted two years be-
rfore ; and therefore a bill for that purpose was prepared
and introduced into the house of commons, by Mr. Dun
das, president of the board of control, in the middle of
March. By the bill of 1784, all measures discussed in
council were to be decided by a majority of votes ; the
governor general, when the members were equally di
vided, having a casting vote : it was now proposed to
authorize the governor general, " in cases of high im
portance," to act according to his own judgment, al-
• The present stock of the company was 3,200,0QW. and consequently, with this
addition, it would be four millions.

429
though the other three members of the council should
differ from him ; and it was farther proposed, to enable
the directors, whenever they should think it expedient,
to unite the offices of governor general and commander
in chief in the same person : the object of which regu
lation was, to prevent the bad effect of divisions in the
council, and to give greater energy, vigor, and dispatch
to the government in India, by increasing the power of
the governor general. By the bill of 1784, the com
mander in chief was ex officio a member of the council :
it was now proposed to leave it to the directors to appoint
the commander in chief, when different from the gover
nor general, a member of the council or not, as they
should think proper; since a person might be fit to com
mand an army, without having the necessary qualifica
tions for a member of the council : similar regulations
were to take place with respect to Madras and Bombay.
— The bill of 1784, directed, that the members of the
councils, in the different presidencies, should be appointed
from the servants of the company then in India : it was
now proposed, that the former or present servants of the
company, whether then in India or not, should also be
capable of being appointed to seats in the respective
councils ; and that the governors of the presidencies, in
case of a vacancy, by death or otherwise, in their coun
cils, should be empowered to nominate a temporary suc
cessor, who should continue till the vacancy should be
duly supplied by the directors, instead of the oldest per
son in the service, as directed by the bill of 1784, suc
ceeding as matter of course, who might or might not be
qualified for the situation ; but no person was to be ap
pointed, either permanently or for a time, who had not
been 12 years resident in India in the company's service.
— By the bill of 1784, the servants of the company were
necessarily to rise, in regular gradation, which might ob
viously, in some cases, be attended with inconvenience :
and therefore it was now proposed, that any of the com-
pany's servants might be appointed to vacant offices, pro
vided they had been in the service of the company iii
India a certain number of years, according to the value
ofthe respective offices. — Those parts of the bill of 1784,

430
which required from the servants of the company return
ing from India, a disclosure of all their property upon
oath, being extremely disliked and loudly complained of,
the repeal of all the clauses relating to that subject was
now proposed ; and lastly, it was proposed to make se
veral alterations in the court of judicature, and in the
mode of trial of persons charged with the commission of
crimes and misdemeanors in India.
This bill was strongly objected to by Mr. Fox and
Mr. Burke ; and at the suggestion of Mr. Sheridan, it
was divided into two bills, with a view that the provisions,
which related to the government in India, and those
which related to the court of judicature and mode of trial
in England, subjects distinct and not necessarily depen
dent upon each other, might be separately considered.
Upon the first point it was contended, that to authorize
the governor general to act without the concurrence of a
single member of his council, would be to establish an
arbitrary government in our Indian possessions : to which
Mr. Dundas replied, that it behoved those, who main
tained that opinion, to prove, that arbitrary government
depended more upon one person governing, than two ; a
position, which, he believed, it would not be easy to make
out. He had ever considered the governing by known
laws, as the preservation and security of all the rights and
franchises of subjects ; and trial, in all cases of property,
by the established judicature of the country, and the free
exercise of public and private opinion, moral, political,
and religious, as the invariable and undoubted proof of
freedom. While these remained, the liberties of the
people would surely be as perfectly enjoyed as ever they
had been, or were likely to be : this was the real situation
of the case in India. The person, entrusted with the ad
ministration of the country, was indeed invested with
more power ; but he had, therefore, the greater responsi
bility. Though in cases of great emergency, he was al
lowed to act without the concurrence of his council, yet
he had still his council to advise with, and they were
always about him, as checks and controls upon his con
duct. In fact, the governor could do no more under "he
proposed clause, than he could have done before, with the

431
concurrence of one member of his council. On this oc*
casion he should beg leave to remind the committee, of
the essential difference between a cabinet council and a
popular legislative assembly of debate ; in the latter, par
ty difference produced variety of opinion and variety of
discussion ; all of which tended to elucidate what was
obscure, to ascertain what was doubtful, and to digest and
mature what was crude and unformed. Hence, in pro
portion as that house debated a question, it became more
thoroughly understood ; and they all, let them be of what
party they might, were better prepared to decide upon it
ultimately. The case was widely otherwise in respect to
a council of executive government : in such an assem
bly, the fewer the voices, the less the party feeling ; and
the greater the unanimity, the better the decision, the
more vigorous the execution of the measure decided
upon, and the more probable its success. All the mis
chiefs, and all the misfortunes, which had for years ta
ken place in India, he was satisfied in his own mind,
after long and attentive inquiry into the affairs of that
country, arose entirely from the party principles of the
members ofthe different councils, and the factious scenes,
which those councils had almost uniformly presented.
The proposed alterations were, therefore, justified upon
the grounds of policy and necessity ; and he trusted the
house would lay out of their minds all prejudice and
false coloring, and look at the real question. This being
examined, with cool impartiality, all ideas must be re
jected of what had been so ingeniously described as a
ministerial design to establish a despotic government in
the East Indies.
Mr. Pitt, in arguing upon the same principles, said,
that the responsibility was made more broad and compre
hensive, on the part of the governor general, by the fresh
powers given him in the bill ; and in fact, the very insti
tution of those powers created the additional degree of
responsibility, and made it more strongly attach upon his
conduct ; for it was not an arbitrary power put into his
hands, subject to no check or control, which was the true
meaning of the term arbitrary power : it was only a dis
cretionary power, to be exercised in cases of great and

432
urgent importance, and that under the most forcible res
traints, and the strongest guards which could be imagin
ed. In the first place, all the consultations on the sub
ject, whatever it might be, on which the governor was to
exercise his new authority, were to be recorded ; and his
reasons for differing in opinion from his council, were also
to be entered on the minutes, together with an account of
the circumstances, confirmed and sanctioned with the so
lemnity of an oath, which made him think it necessary to
take such a step ; and with those were to be contrasted
the arguments of each of the dissenting members of the
council, which they were required to enter by way of
protest, for their own justification ; and the whole was to
be sent home and to be laid before the court of directors.
With respect to the doctrines advanced on the subject of
arbitrary power ; he felt himself fully justified in Contend
ing, that oppression and tyranny did not arise from the
number of the persons to whom power was entrusted,
but from want of a proper check and control, to which
those persons should be liable in the exercise of their
authority. To illustrate this, he instanced the British
constitution, in which the number of 5Q0 persons in that
house, and a considerable number of peers in the other,
would not be a sufficient security for the liberties of the
people, were it not, that the individuals, who composed
those assemblies, were a part of that people, and the mo
ment they passed any law> became themselves bound by
it, in common with the rest of their fellow-subjects.
That house, in particular, was restrained from the exer
cise of such a power, by the nature of its constitution,
being in a great measure, though not so much as he and
every other friend to the liberties of the country must
wish, elected by the people. But take away those cir
cumstances of representation, however imperfect, in one
house, and a community of interest with the rest of the
nation in both, and their numbers would afford no securi
ty whatever against the exercise of despotic and arbitrary
government. Nay, in large bodies there was greater
danger to be apprehended of such strides of despotism,
because in them the responsibility would prove less bind
ing, by being divided among so many persons ; whereas,

433
in the present case, being confined to one, it was made
an unsurmountable barrier and restraint.
In replying to that part of Mr. Fox's speech, in which
he had reproached him with having changed his senti
ments upon the subject of the powers, which ought to be
vested in the governor genera], Mr. Pitt observed, that it
was his singular misfortune, as the views of his oppo
nents made it most instrumental to their purposes, to labor
alternately under opposite and contradictory charges : at
one time he was accused of a presumptuous and obstinate
adherence to his own opinions and proposals, and at
another, of a too ready departure from them : ofthe two
faults, the latter was that of which he should the more
willingly acknowledge himself to be guilty ; for, to sa
crifice the interests of his country to the pride of perse
vering in his own opinions, would indeed be a most
flagrant breach of his duty to the public ; but to change
them, when experience or argument, or a more close in
vestigation, had shewn them to be wrong, was, he should
humbly conceive, rather a source of commendation than
of censure. In this instance, however, he had not de
parted from any of his principles, but had, on the con
trary, given them a greater force and efficacy in the bill
then before the house. He had always entertained an
opinion, that the authority of the governor general ought
to be put on a different footing from what it had been, as
many evils resulted from the parity of power between
him and the rest of the council. In the former bill,
therefore, his power had been enlarged, by diminishing
the number of his council*, that so the concurrence of
one of its members would prove sufficient to give him
a majority, and his casting vote would be more frequently
exercised with effect ; and in the present bill, the same
principle was still adhered to, and farther followed up,
by giving him a power, in extraordinary emergencies,
but with numberless checks added, to prevent a wanton
and corrupt exercise of that power, of superseding, by his
single authority, the votes ofthe rest of the board. Gen-
* By lord North's bill of 1773, the supreme council of Bengal consisted of the
governor general, and four other members ; and the governor general, to carry any
point, must have the concurrence of two other members of the council.
Vol. I. 3 I

434
tlemen had pretended to treat with ridicule, the idea of
imposing an oath on the governor general, whenever he
should think proper to avail himself of this new-created
power. But did such gentlemen really think, or did they
feel, that an oath was no restraint ; or did they, when they
were complaining of the power itself, seriously object to
circumscribing it with restraints and limits ? It was surely
good policy, to guard, as much as possible, against the
misconduct of persons entrusted with power, to provide
as many restraints as the nature of the service would ad
mit, and to render the wilful commission of any crime or
error as difficult as possible.
Though the provisions of the other bill were not spe
cifically objected to, the members in opposition took this
opportunity of repeating their invectives and complaints
against depriving persons, accused of misconduct in
India, of a trial by jury, " the unalineable birthright of
every English subject ;" but their present endeavors to
excite dissatisfaction upon this point, were as ineffectual
as upon the former occasion. The two bills, after several
debates and divisions, in which the majorities were very
large, passed both houses of parliament.
The preparatory steps relative to the impeachment of
Mr. Hastings, a proceeding in which Mr. Pitt took so
active a part, that it will be necessary to notice it in some
detail, constitute the only business which remains to be
mentioned in the present session. Mr. Hastings, who,
at an early period of life, went out to India, as a writer*,
and afterwards filled several important stations in the
service ofthe company, was appointed governor general
of India, by the act of parliament, which passed in 1773,
when lord North was at the head of the treasury, for re
gulating the government of the British territories in the
east. In May 1776, the court of directors of the East
India company, in consequence of complaints received
from India, and at the suggestion of Lord North, voted
that he should be removed from his government ; but
* Mr. Hastings was appointed a writer in 1749. He returned to England in
1765 with a moderate fortune, and remained here till 1769. In that year he went
again to India as second in council at Madras ; and in 1772 he was placed at the
head ofthe government of Bengal under the old system, having no jurisdiction over
the other British settlements.

435
this vote was overruled by a majority of the eourt of pro
prietors ; and no farther step was then taken. Not long
afterwards, Mr. Grant and Mr. Macleane came from
India, and asserted, that they were authorized to offer
Mr. Hastings's resignation to the court of directors, which
was accepted ; and Mr. Wheeler was appointed to suc
ceed him ; but, upon the return of those gentlemen to
Calcutta, Mr. Hastings denied that he had given them
any such authority ; and, refusing to resign, continued in
his government, to which he was re-appointed, by act of
parliament, no less than three times during lord North's
administration, namely, in 1779, 1780, and 1781*. Se
veral of the resolutions! proposed by Mr. Dundas, as
chairman of the secret committee, in 1782, conveyed
a strong censure upon Mr. Hastings ; and onej of them
declared, that " Warren Hastings, esquire, governor ge
neral of Bengal, having, in sundry instances, acted in a
manner repugnant to the honor and policy of this nation,
and thereby brought great calamities on India, and
enormous expenses on the East India company, it is the
duty of the directors of the said company, to pursue all
legal and effectual means for the removal of the said go
vernor general from his office, and to recal him to Great
Britain." The directors accordingly voted the removal
and recal of Mr. Hastings^ ; but the proprietors again in
terposed their authority, in opposition || to the vote ofthe
directors ; and parliament taking no farther step, he re
mained governor general till February 1785, when, with
out any previous notice to the company, he embarked for
England. On his arrival in this country, in the follow
ing June, the directors voted him their thanks for his
longlf and meritorious services, although they had fre
quently and loudly complained of his conduct in India,
and of his utter diregard to their orders. And Mr. Dun-
* In 1773 Mr. Hastings was appointed for five years, in 1779 and 1780 for one
year, and in 1781 for ten years.
f The 18th, 35th, 39th, 40th, 42d, and 44th.
* The 45th.
§ By a majority of 1 3 to 10.
|| The majority in the court of proprietors in favor of Mr Hastings, was very
large, the numbers being 428 and 75 : this voting took place November Ist 1782.
If Mr. Hastings had been twelve years governor general in India, and more than
thirty in the service of the company.

436
das, who, besides moving the resolutions which have
been mentioned, said in 1782, that " Mr. Hastings
scarcely ever left the walls of Calcutta, that his steps
were not followed by the deposition of some prince, the
desertion of some ally, or the depopulation of some coun
try," now declared, in the house of commons, " that if
he had been a director, he would undoubtedly have con
curred in that vote; and he expressed his satisfaction and
joy, that the resolution, which he had himself moved, for
the recal of Mr. Hastings, had not been carried into
effect ; because, in that case, he should have been the
means of depriving the company of a most valuable and
useful servant, and the public of a governor general in
India distinguished by the most uncommon ardor, abili
ties, and capacity." These favorable testimonies, from
parties formerly adverse to him, must have highly gra
tified Mr. Hastings upon his return to his native coun
try : from another quarter he met with a very different
reception. In the numerous debates, which took place in the
house of commons upon the state of the British territories
in the East, Mr. Burke, who had been a very diligent
member of the select committee, and had for many years
bestowed great attention upon the transactions in India,
seized every opportunity to reprobate and condemn the
measures of Mr. Hastings, in terms, which scarcely any
degree of criminality would have justified ; imputing to
his mismanagement all the difficulties and distresses in
our Indian concerns ; accusing him of peculation, cruelty,
and tyranny ; and denominating him " a delinquent of
the first magnitude." In every session subsequent to
the reports of the two committees, he assured the house,
that he would bring him to justice for his various and
heinous offences : and particularly, a few days after Mr.
Hastings's arrival in England, he pledged himself to
commence a criminal prosecution against him early in
the next session.
On the 24th of January 1786, the day on which parlia
ment met, Major Scott, who had been a confidential
agent of Mr.. Hastings in India, and was now a member
of the house of commons, reminded Mr. Burke of his

437
engagement, and called upon him to produce his pro
mised accusation of the late governor general of Bengal.
Major Scott was probably induced to throw out this
challenge, by inferring, from the language held by Mr.
Dundas, that Mr. Hastings, if attacked, would have the
support of administration ; and by thinking, that this bold
step was likely to make an impression upon the house
favorable to Mr. Hastings, as proceeding from his con
sciousness of innocence. Mr. Fox immediately observ
ed, that if Mr. Burke should so far forget his duty as not
to fulfil his promise, Major Scott might assure himself,
that other members would institute an inquiry into the
conduct of Mr. Hastings ; which declaration sufficiently
indicated, that the prosecution, if undertaken, would be
supported by the whole power of opposition. Mr.
Burke, on this day, entered into no explanation of his
intention ; but on Monday the 13th of February he gave
notice, that he should, on the Friday following, move
for the production of certain papers, which he conceived
to be necessary to substantiate a charge he had long had
in contemplation, and which he had been challenged to
bring forward, by a gentleman, closely connected with
the party to be accused. " He looked upon the busi
ness, he said, as the greatest and most important criminal
prosecution, that ever had engaged the attentien of any
human tribunal."
It has been mentioned, that Mr. Pitt was not a mem
ber either ofthe select or secret committee, and that he
took no part in the debates immediately caused by their
reports. Nor had he delivered an opinion upon any of
the measures of Mr. Hastings's government, which had
been frequently the subject of discussion in the house of
commons, in the course of the last four years. His mind
was perfectly free from all bias and prejudice ; and
though he observed, that his political opponents were en
tering upon the prosecution with great warmth and ea
gerness, and he knew that some of his own friends were
zealous admirers of Mr. Hastings, he determined to act
with that candor and impartiality, which are peculiarly
due to every question of a judicial nature, and with a just
regard to the honor of the country, which could not but

438
be involved in the decision of parliament upon the con
duct of a person, who had filled the important station of
governor general of India, for so long a period as twelve
years, and against whom such numerous and heavy ac
cusations were so confidently urged. He lamented, in
deed, that the situation he enjoyed, and his duty to the
public, would not allow him to be neuter ; but finding,
that the inquiry must lead to the consideration of many
points of great national concern, he made himself master
of Indian history and politics ; and in every part of the
proceeding, displayed his accustomed ability and dis
cernment. On the 17th of February the day appointed, Mr.
Burke, after acquainting the house, that the mode, by
which he proposed to bring Mr. Hastings to trial, would
be by impeachment at the bar of the house of lords,
moved for certain papers as the ground of his intended
accusation. Mr. Pitt, in giving his assent to this mo
tion, said, he hoped Mr. Burke would, as early as possi
ble, state explicitly the nature and extent of his charges
against Mr. Hastings ; and apprised him, that if he should
move for any papers not mentioned in the reports of the
select or secret committee, he should expect him to ex
plain the substance of them, and the purposes for which
they were desired. Mr. Pitt assented to several other
motions of Mr. Burke, of a similar nature ; but, at last,
he moved for papers, to the production of which, Mr.
Pitt declared, that he could not agree ; the sudden illness,
however, of the speaker, made it necessary to adjourn,
without coming to any decision.
On the following day, Mr. Burke withdrew the motion,
to which Mr. Pitt had objected ; and made sixteen other
motions for papers, all of which were granted. The next
day, he moved for letters, and a variety of papers, relative
to the treaty of peace with the Mahrattas, in 1783, to
the production of which, Mr. Dundas objected, upon the
ground, that their contents, if made public, would occasion
transactions to be known, which ought, from motives of
the soundest policy, to remain secret ; and he was the
more determined to resist these motions, as the peace,
to which they referred, had never been the subject of

439
eomplaint, but had merited, and received, every man's*
applause. The benefits arising from it were, he said,
great : it was, in fact, " the salvation of the British em
pire in Asia." Mr. Fox supported Mr. Burke, with his
usual warmth ; but Mr. Pitt, concurring with Mr. Dun
das, observed, that disposed as he was to act through the
whole business with the utmost impartiality, he could see
nothing in the conduct of Mr. Hastings, respecting the
Mahratta peace, which did not deserve the highest com
mendation. He had, indeed, effected it, by dissolving a
league of the most powerful Indian princes, who had en
tered into a confederacy for our destruction ; and he was
astonished, that any one, conversant with such subjects,
could think of censuring so successful and glorious an
achievement. Mr. Hastings made peace, at a time, when
the continuance of war would have proved absolute and
inevitable ruin to the affairs of the company; and he
completed it, with an address and ingenuity, which did
him immortal honor. How far other charges might be
substantiated against him, remained to be determined. If
the papers now called for, were granted, there would en
sue various discoveries, which might be injurious to our
interests, and fatal to our officers, in India. There were
certainly means used to detach the different princes from
each other; but to reveal those means, and to make
known the persons through whom they operated, would
destroy the confidence of the native powers in British
politics, and weaken their faith in negotiation, which it
was essential to the prosperity of this country, to preserve
inviolate : it might be a bar to all future attempts of this
kind, and affect the situations of persons, who were in
strumental in bringing about the great object in question.
One, however, of Mr. Burke's motions, he should be
ready to support, because, in that case, there was suffi
cient ground for inquiry ; he meant that respecting the
Ranna of Gohud. In whatever degree he might differ
from him, as to the propriety of excluding the Ranna
from the peace, he certainly thought that exclusion a fit
subject for investigation. This man, he understood, pre
viously to the Mahratta peace, had entered into a sepa
rate negotiation with Moodhajee Scindia, without the

440
concurrence or knowledge of the governor general of
Bengal. '-After being detected in this act of infidelity, it
was no wonder, that he should not be admitted to the be
nefit of a peace, which was meant to serve the friends,
and not the foes, of Great Britain. But though he be
lieved this fact to be true, he should make no opposition
to the motion for papers upon the subject, because they
might be granted without any private injury, or public
danger. Mr. Burke's first motion was rejected by a ma
jority of 87 to 44 ; his second motion was withdrawn ; his
third was rejected by a majority of 76 to 34 ; his fourth,
relating to the Ranna of Gohud, passed unanimously;
and upon his making a fifth, relative to negotiations with
the great Mogul of Delhi, upon the subject of the same
peace, the order of the day was moved, which was car
ried unanimously ; and, soon after, the house adjourned.
On the 6th of March, Mr. Burke repeated his motion
for the Delhi papers ; and upon Mr. Pitt's again object
ing to it, as tending to affect the policy of India, by
revealing the secrets of negotiations, which the peace and
tranquillity of Indostan rendered absolutely necessary
should remain undivulged, it was rejected by a majority
of 88 to 34. Several motions were made for other papers,
most of which were granted ; but some few were refused,
upon the principle already mentioned.
A third attempt was made by Mr. Fox, to obtain the
production of the Delhi papers ; and in the debate which
followed, Mr. Pitt once more assured the house, that the
disclosure of these papers would operate in a manner in
jurious to our interests, by exposing the objects and con
siderations by which the princes of India had been re
spectively governed in their arrangements with us ; at the
same time, as these papers, instead of furnishing matter
of accusation against Mr. Hastings, would place, in a con
spicuous point of view, the most meritorious and brilliant
part of his administration, he could not avoid, from mo
tives of compassion and justice, lamenting, that in com
pliance with his duty, he must persevere in objecting to
their production : the motion was rejected by 140 to 73.
After several discussions relative to the order of pro
ceeding, it was determined, contrary to the wishes of Mr.

441
Burke and Mr. Fox, that the charges should be produced,
and Mr. Hastings heard in his defence, previously to the
receiving any parole evidence. Upon these points there
was only one division, in which Mr. Pitt voted in a ma
jority of 140 to 80. On four different days in April, Mr.
Burke delivered to the house, 21 articles*, charging Mr.
Hastings with sundry high crimes and misdemeanors ;
and on the 1st and 2d of May, Mr. Hastings, who had
been furnished with copies of these articles, as they were
produced, read his answers to them at the bar of the
house, which were afterwards laid upon the table. On
the 5th of May, Mr. Burke produced his 22d and last
charge, to which Mr. Hastings made his reply a few days
afterwards. The examination of witnesses lasted three
weeks ; towards the end of which time, Mr. Burke de
clared his intention to adopt the suggestion of Mr. Pitt,
and take the sense of the house upon each charge sepa
rately, whether it contained sufficient ground for im
peachment, or not ?
Accordingly on the 1st of June, Mr. Burke brought
forward his first charge, which related to the Rohilla
war ; in the commencement and conduct of which, he
asserted, that Mr. Hastings had been " guilty of gross,
enormous, and flagitious crimes." At a late hour the
debate was adjourned to the next day ; and after another
long debate, the motion was negatived by a majority of
119 to 67. Mr. Pitt did not speak on either day, except
to propose an amendment in the words of the motionf,
which was adopted. He voted in the majority, coincid
ing in opinion with Mr. Dundas and Mr. William Gren
ville, who contended that the war with the Rohillas, as
far as Mr. Hastings was concerned, was both just and
politic ; just, inasmuch as it originated on the part of the
Rohillas, in the violation of a treaty subsisting between
them and Sujah Dowlah the nabob vizier of Oude, to
which our East India company was guarantee ; and poli-
* These charges were drawn up in so diffuse a manner, that they fill nearly 100
folio pages in the journals.
t The motion when amended was as follows, " That the committee having con
sidered the said article, and •xarained evidence on the same, are of opinion, that
there are grounds sufficient to charge Warren Hastings, esq. with high crimes and
misdemeanors upon the matter ofthe said article."
Vol. I. 3 K

442
tic, inasmuch as it conduced to our interests in India, to
strengthen and support the vizier, whose dominions u ere
a barrier against the Mahrattas, a neighboring and pow
erful state, unfavorably disposed to the English: and they
farther maintained, that the expulsion of the Rohillas, a
faithless and dangerous people, from the country which
they had occupied only about 40 years, was justifiable,
and could not be considered as an extirpation, a term
which had been applied to it by the accusers of Mr. Hast
ings ; that Mr. Hastings was not responsible for any act
of cruelty, of which Sujah Dowlah might be guilty in
the prosecution of the war ; that it was unfair to call a
person to account for transactions, which had taken place
at the distance of 13 years; and that, in truth, Mr. Hast
ings had, by implication at least, been acquitted of any
blame respecting the Rohilla war, by having been three
times re-appointed governor general of Bengal by par
liament since its conclusion*: this Mr. Pitt, upon another
occasion, called " the highest certificate of legislative ap
probation." On the 13th of June, Mr. Fox brought forward the
charge relative to Cheyt Sing, the rajah of Benares,
which stood third in the list ; and in his speech, he ac
cused Mr. Hastings of having made unjust demands of
money and troops from the rajah ; of his having imposed
upon him, a most exorbitant fine, in consequence of his
hesitation to comply with those demands; and of his hav
ing arrested him in his own palace, and treated him with
the greatest indignity and cruelty. He concluded an
able, but violent, speech, by moving that, " this commit
tee are of opinion, that having examined the third charge,
and heard evidence thereupon, there is matter of im
peachment against Warren Hastings, esq. contained in
it." After Mr. Francis had seconded the motion, and Mr.
Nicholls had spoken against it, Mr. Pitt began a long ar
gumentative speech, by assuring the house, that he had
listened with the most fixed and anxious attention, to what
had been asserted by those who had preceded him in the
r * The Rohilla peace was signed October 6, 1774. Lord North, who introduced
these acts, voted lor this motion.

443
debate, not only because he looked upon the subject as
of the utmost magnitude, from its involving, in a great
degree, both the honor and dignity of the British house
of commons, and also the general cause of justice and
humanity ; but, because he had heard upon both sides of
the question, many arguments and doctrines, to which
he could not subscribe, and from which, he found him
self indispensably bound to express his dissent. He felt
the greatest difficulty and uneasiness, in being obliged to
determine on judicial questions, the merits of which were
so closely connected with Indian notions and habits, and
that with the insurmountable impression of sentiments and
principles imbibed and matured under the British consti
tution. In proportion, however, to this difficulty, had
been his endeavor to make himself perfectly master of
the whole of the case ; and although from his other avo
cations, he was, perhaps, less at liberty to dedicate a con
siderable portion of his time to the study of it, than most
other gentlemen in that house, yet, he could venture to
say, he had, by a most laborious investigation, been able
to form such a final and settled opinion concerning it, as
had completely satisfied him, with respect to the vote,
which, in conscience, he was bound to give. He should
state to the committee, in as plain and concise a manner as
he possibly could, the whole of the premises which ope
rated on his mind, in forming his conclusion ; and this
he should do without any restraint from the apprehension,
that his arguments might be used or perverted to a re
sult different from that which he intended: for he thought,
that if there was any one subject, in which a member of
that house was bound to use less disguise, and to speak
out more plainly, than on another, it was on such a sub
ject as that then under discussion, where there ought to
be no object in view, but the honor of parliament, and
the ends of substantial justice, as necessarily and insepa
rably connected in the question. He should, therefore,
take care to avoid entering into the business with that
sort of temper and spirit, by which some gentlemen seem
ed to be influenced, and should particularly guard against
any impression similar to that, which the right honorable
gentleman (Mr. Fox) had been so desirous of making

444
upon the house, in a manner, which, he thought, of all
others, the most unfair and most inconsistent with every
principle of law and justice, by torturing the words and
arguments of a man standing on his defence, and draw
ing from them inferences of motives and of principles cal
culated to fix upon him, in many instances, a degree of
guilt, which even the charges themselves did not impute.
He should not suffer such means to bias him in voting a
censure, where he did not think censure was merited ;
nor should he, on the other hand, suffer his indignation,
at such unjustifiable conduct, so far to prevail, as to make
him refuse such a vote, where he thought he was con
scientiously bound to give it.
He should begin, by stating to the house, his general
opinion as to the situation of the zerhindars of India, and
the degree of subjection under which they lie to their su
perior lords. He had made every research in his power,
into this part of the subject ; and, as far as it was possible
to ascertain in England, a question of Indian politics, lia
ble even there to great uncertainty, and variety of inter
pretation, he hoped that he had been successful.
Mr. Pitt then went into the general doctrine of subor
dinate principalities, pointing out the nature and extent of
their subjection to the superior state, and the necessary
dependence to which they must, in all cases, be liable.
Many different opinions, he said, had been entertained
concerning the tenure, under which the zemindars of the
empire of Indostan held their possessions; some had sup
posed them the real proprietors of the soil, while others
looked upon them, as mere trustees for the superior lord,
and entitled to no part of the produce or value of the
lands, except such as were allotted to them, for their sub
sistence. Some had conceived them to be possessed of
a life estate only, and to be the mere channels or vehi
cles of the revenue ; while others contended, that their
interest was hereditary. It was, however, of very little
consequence to the conclusion, which he meant to draw,
what was the precise character of their tenure. It was
enough for him, that it must in the nature of things, and
from a number of special circumstances, become liable
to demands for certain extraordinary aids, in case of ex-

445
traordinary emergencies. It was impossible to suppose
the existence of any state, which had no provision made
for extraordinary resources, in case of extraordinary dan
gers. The most common, because the most obvious,
mode of procuring this extraordinary resource, had, in
the earliest periods of the feudal institutions, been, by
calling on the several vassals of the state for their perso
nal service in arms. This right was a fundamental max
im in every government, and one to which no individual
could possibly object, because it was by the joint power
of the whole aggregate body alone, that the person and
property of the individual could be protected ; and it
would be a treason against itself, in any state, to exclude
a principle, so obviously necessary to its very existence.
Those personal services of the tenants of land, became,
in time, almost universally commutable for money, which
was found better to answer both the exigencies of go
vernment, and the convenience of individuals ; and from
hence the principle, which had formerly applied to the
persons, was extended to the property of the people, and
each was considered as bound to contribute, in proportion
to the benefits which he derived from his political capa
city, as a member of a regular community, that is, in pro
portion to the possessions he held under it. He instanced
this from the policy of the original feudal institutions of
Europe, and particularly, of England, in the case of sud
den danger, when, over and above the stated rents and
services reserved to the crown, there was a right to call
upon the tenants for particular and extraordinary service,
either of a personal or pecuniary nature ; and from such
demands, even the counties palatine were not exempted,
although the proprietors had the exercise of every species
of internal jurisdiction within them, in as ample a manner
as any of the Indian zemindars. He then applied his
argument more particularly to the empire of Hindostan,
where, he said, the same policy had been adopted and
practised ; and, after referring to several undoubted facts,
and quoting written grants to zemindars, he declared it
to be his firm conviction, that the zemindars of India
were bound, on all occasions of great emergency to con
tribute, in a proportion suitable to their own ability, and
the exigency of the public.

446
The next question then to be considered, was, whether
any particular stipulations had been made in favor of
Cheyt Sing which ought to exempt him from the general
duty incumbent upon all the other tributaries to the Indian
sovereigns. Mr. Pitt pursued this inquiry, by shewing,
that the zemindary of Benares had been acquired by
Bulwant Sing from the nabob of Oude, to whom, by the
original appointment, an annual rent was reserved ; be
sides which,' extraordinary aids had been furnished to
him, as lord paramount, on extraordinary occasions.
Upon the death of Bulwant Sing, his son, Cheyt Sing,
was, by the mediation of the company, admitted to the
succession ; with an addition, however, of two lacks of
rupees to his annual tribute, and a fine of several lacks,
paid at the time ; and this very Cheyt Sing had himself
contributed to his superior, the nabob, a considerable as
sistance, both in men and money, towards the Rohilla
expedition. Afterwards, the sovereignty of Benares was
surrendered to the company, who, by such surrender,
became possessed of every right which the nabob had
hitherto enjoyed in the country, and of every degree of
authority which he had possessed over the zemindar.
Among those rights and authorities, was that of calling,
in case of emergency, for assistance over and above the
amount of the stipulated and regular annual payments.
This right had always been exercised and acquiesced in,
and was indisputably transferred, with other rights, to the
company. Mr. Pitt then stated, that several patents had been
granted by the English government in Bengal, by which
certain powers and immunities were conveyed to Cheyt
Sing : but so far were they from rendering him indepen
dent, that it was expressly determined, upon the sugges
tion of Mr. Francis, when he was a member of the su
preme council, and Mr. Hastings governor general, that
the rajah should still be kept in a state of vassalage or
dependence upon the company. In none of these patents
was there any mention of that, which was too essential
and indispensable a right of sovereignty to be either con
strued away by implication, or defeated by any thing
short of the most explicit renunciation — the right of de-

447
manding aid in case of war, or upon any other great
emergency ; but, on the contrary, this very right was, in
a great measure, recognized by the terms of the grant ;
for it expressly conveyed the country to the zemindar,
on the condition, that, if he yielded a fit obedience to the
authority of the company, his superiors and sovereigns,
then he should hold the territory for the annual sum men
tioned in the deed. The real situation, therefore, of
Cheyt Sing was this ; that he stood insured from any in
crease of his jummah, or annual tribute, but continued
liable, according to his ability, to demands for the ser
vice of the company, his sovereigns, on any pressing
emergency. Having established these two points respecting zemin
dars in general, and Cheyt Sing in particular, Mr. Pitt
said, that the third thing to be considered, was, whether
the situation of the affairs of the company in India, consti
tuted an emergency sufficient to justify the exercise of
that right of sovereignty, which Mr. Hastings exercised
in making the extraordinary demand on the rajah ? To
this he should say but few words, because the adversa
ries of Mr. Hastings seemed industriously anxious to im
press the public with an idea of the magnitude of the
danger, to which our eastern government was at that
time exposed. They all represented, that, superadded
to the war, which broke out with France, there were
sufficient grounds for the most alarming apprehensions,
from the animosities and resentments of the adjacent
country powers.
A fourth consideration was, whether admitting the
right of calling for extraordinary aid, to meet extraordi
nary emergencies, and that the then situation of the com
pany constituted such an emergency, the sum demanded
from Cheyt Sing was greater than he could with ease and
convenience have paid ? He should not take upon him
self to say, whether the governor general and council
had formed their calculation of the ability of the rajah, on
proper information ; but from the event it was evident,
that the sum demanded from him* was greatly within his
power to have paid : for in the castle of Bridgigor were
* The sum demanded was five lacks of rupees.

448
found, besides what possibly had been conveyed away
privately, at least 23 lacks of rupees in specie and jewels,
and other moveables, to the value of a crore and half of
rupees, which was a million and half of our money.
And that the demand of a thousand or even fifteen hun
dred cavalry was not enormous, or beyond the power
of the rajah to comply with, was evident from the cir
cumstances which took place afterwards on the insur
rection in Benares ; from whence it appeared, that Cheyt
Sing had a force fully sufficient to enable him to spare
the number required on behalf of his sovereigns and-
benefactors. Thus, he trusted, he had fairly made it out on grounds
perfectly just and reasonable, that there was a right in
the council of Bengal to make a demand on Cheyt Sing,
for assistance and aid towards the defence of the compa
ny's interests in Bengal, threatened as they were with a
most dangerous combination of enemies ; and also, that
the aid demanded was by no means extravagant, when
compared with the well-known ability of Cheyt Sing to
pay it. He should, therefore, leave those points as prov-
ved and admitted, and proceed to the other circumstan
ces, which constituted the remainder, and, in his opinion,
the best founded parts of the charge.
He repeated, that he perceived himself under a very
disagreeable necessity of adapting in some degree, his
sentiments on the subject of government, to the princi
ples of Indian politics. Those principles were certainly
not conformable to European ideas, but they were in a
great measure the only ones on which an European could
take upon himself to judge ofthe transactions and conduct
of an Indian governor. They were the principles of ar
bitrary power and despotism. But though the constitu
tion of our eastern possessions was arbitrary and despotic,
still it was the duty of every administration in that coun
try, to conduct itself by the rules of justice and modera
tion, as far as it was possible to reconcile them to the
established government. He did not care whether the
laws of Tamerlane, or of any other Indian emperor, had
laid down such a doctrine : it was enforced by a higher
authority. And it was upon that ground that he felt it

449
impossible to acquit Mr. Hastings of the whole of the
charge brought against him; for he felt in his conscience,
that he (Mr. Hastings) had pushed the exercise of that
arbitrary discretion, which, from the nature of the eastern
government, was intrusted to him, to a greater length
than he was warranted to do by the necessity of the ser
vice. He was firmly persuaded, that Mr. Hastings had
been influenced through the whole of his government, by
the warmest zeal for the interest of his employers ; but
that zeal, however commendable in itself, lost its merit,
when exerted in a manner repugnant to principles, which
ought not to give way to any motives of interest or policy
whatsoever*. The council of Bengal, having made a demand,
which they had a right to make, and that demand having
been contumaciously resisted, they were certainly justi
fiable in inflicting a punishment on the delinquent party ;
for to give the right of demanding, without the power of
punishing the refusal, would be absurd and nugatory in
the extreme. But then it was their duty to apportion the
punishment to the degree of guilt ; this, he was sorry to
say, Mr. Hastings, in his opinion, had not done. The
conduct of Mr. Hastings, subsequent to the demand of
troops and money from Cheyt Sing, was censurable, in
asmuch as the fine, which he determined to levy, was
beyond all proportion exorbitant, unjust, and tyrannical.
In fining the rajah 500,000/. for a mere deky to pay
50,000// which 50,000/. he had actually paid, Mr. Hast
ings had acted in an arbitrary manner, and was not guid
ed by any principle of justice and reason. This proceed
ing destroyed all relation and connection between the de
grees of guilt and punishment ; it was grinding, it was
over-bearing. He should therefore, certainly, in the pre
sent charge, agree to the motion which had been made ;
not considering himself as being thereby committed to a
final vote of impeachment, but only meaning to be un
derstood, that if, upon the whole of the charges, it should
be his opinion, that an impeachment ought to be prefer
red against Mr. Hastings, then this act of oppression was
• In no instanoe did Mr. Pitt, either in his own conduct, or in judging of that of
others lose sight ofthe strict rules of justice and morality.
Vol. I. " 3 L

450
such, as ought to be made one of the articles of that im
peachment, being in his judgment a high crime and mis
demeanor. In all this he meant to confine himself ex
pressly to the exorbitancy of the fine, and not to include
the subsequent revolution of Benares, an event, which,
under all the circumstances, could not possibly have been
avoided : for Cheyt Sing, having reluctantly obeyed in
one instance (the payment of the money) the orders of
the council, after making false and contumacious excu
ses, his pretence of inability being certainly of that des
cription, and having actually disobeyed another part of
their commands (the furnishing of a certain number of
troops) the governor was unquestionably at liberty, not
only to impose a fine upon him, but to march into his
country, in order to enforce it ; and the rajah, not being
acquainted from any overt act, that the fine intended to
be levied, was exorbitant (the only unjust part of the
transaction,) his taking up arms, in order to escape from
an arrest, to which he had subjected himself by his own
fault, and exciting an insurrection among his men to
massacre the British forces, and afterwards withdrawing
himself and going into open rebellion, which could not
be excused by any consideration of that with which he
was not acquainted, the exorbitancy of the fine — all these
circumstances considered, Mr. Hastings's deposition of
the rajah was just and indispensably necessary, and natu
rally followed from what had preceded it. As to Mr.
Hastings's encouraging the troops to commit ravage and
devastation, that could not have been the consequence of
the letter, to which it was imputed ; for, that letter was
only calculated for the private perusal of the council ; and
it was a well-known fact, and sufficiently authenticated
by evidence, that he had taken every precaution for issu
ing the necessary orders to prevent any avoidable licen
tiousness of the soldiery ; and that the cruelties commit
ted, were only by a party of disobedient and mutinous
followers of the camp.
To the subsequent part of the charge, the second and
third revolution of Benares, he should say but a few
words, as they had not been much relied upon, except
as matter of aggravation. On the head of the last-men-

451
tioned articles, the right honorable gentleman (Mr. Fox)
had attempted to point out a condradiction between the
different parts of Mr. Hastings's conduct, in having first
deposed Cheyt Sing for not paying a certain sura of
money, and afterwards deposing Jagher Deo Sheo for
using rigorous modes of collection,' in order to enable
himself to comply with a similar demand. In both cases
Mr. Hastings was strictly right in his principles ; for one
rajah deserved to be punished for not paying what he
was able and bound in duty to pay ; and the other was
equally culpable in not making a proper collection of the
revenue, but laying it on in a partial and unfair manner.
The only remaining subject was, the restoration of
Cheyt Sing to his possessions ; upon which he should
forbear to deliver any opinion, as it could not then pro
perly come under consideration. Not one of the persons
who were adverse to Mr. Hastings, attempted to answer
any of those parts of Mr. Pitt's speech, in which he vin
dicated the conduct of that gentleman, or to controvert
any of the general principles he had advanced respect
ing Indian politics, or their application to the present
question ; but Mr. Dempster, Mr. W. Grenville, lord
Mulgrave, and the attorney general, the last three of
whom were intimately connected with Mr. Pitt, all de
clared, that they could not agree with him in thinking,
that the charge contained sufficient matter to be included
in any articles of impeachment. On the other hand,
Mr. Powys expressed his satisfaction at having heard
so honorable and manly an argument from the chancel
lor of the exchequer : a more able and convincing one,
he said, had scarcely ever been delivered within those
walls. He could not, however, but lament, that the
right honorable gentleman was left alone, that he was
deserted by his friends ; and that two of the ministers
for India* had argued against the resolution, and em
braced sentiments so repugnant to those professed by
the right honorable gentleman. Mr. Powys said, that
the two ministers for India had virtually avowed, that
political expediency sanctified injustice — a maxim to
which he could not accede.
* Lord Mulgrave and Mr. W. Grenville were members ofthe board of control.

452
Lord Mulgrave declared, that Mr. Pitt would not be
fit to be minister of the country for a single day, if upon
a question of that nature, when the house was sitting as
judges, he was to expect his friends to sacrifice their
opinions. Mr. Pitt regretted, that there should be any
difference of opinion between himself and his friends ; but
it was an honorable difference, not a difference about a
principle, but about the application of a principle : he
thought fifty lacks a most exorbitant fine, and his ho
norable and noble friends did not. The majority of the
house concured with Mr. Pitt ; the motion being carried
by 119 to 79.
It being found imposible to go through all the charges
in the present session, the farther consideration of them
was deferred to the next meeting of parliament.
The prorogation took place on the llth of July, when
the king, in his speech from the throne, thanked the two
houses for their diligent attention to the public business ;
and particularly, for the measures they had adopted for
improving the resources ofthe country, and reducing the
national debt : he informed them of the prospect of the
continuance of general tranquillity ; and assured them,
that nothing should be wanting on his part, to confirm
the advantages already derived from peace ; and to en
courage the manufactures of the kingdom and the in
dustry of his"people.

END OF VOL. I.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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