.€ -Wt W'illSiliSeBDn y* .:x..^7wrx.-e<.- ;- --^.;LS^^S^ as^j^^^^ ^^^^^^ab ^m BBpB^sStt^jiKaU ^^S' ISES K'-.-^:.'-=a,.'' "¦"; 3-.---r. . 314 W "I give tht/e Books fpr He Jay;nditi^ ef a. College, m, this Cohny" Bought with \ he income of the William C. Egleston Fund 1914. N^AZARETH AND THE BEGmNINGS OF CHEISTIANITY A NEW VIEW BASED UPON PHILOLOGICAL EVIDENCE WITH CRITICAL APPENDICES, INCLUDING UNNOTICED PRECANONICAL READINGS ; A DISCUSSION OF THE BIRTHPLACE OF JESUS; AND THE TEXT OF WHAT IS BELIEVED TO BE THE HITHERTO UNDISCOVERED SOURCE OF THE PRO PHECY, THAT THE MESSIAH 'SHOULD BE CALLED A NAZARENE* BY CHAMPLIN BURRAGE, B.Litt. LIBEARIAN OF MANCHESTER COLLEGE, OXFORD OXFORD PRINTED BY HORACE HART AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS LONDON : PUBLISHED BY HUMPHREY MILFORD 1914 ^14- V> EEEATA Page 7 (line 16), for Aramaic read late Hebrew. Page 8 (lines 9, lQ),for Aramaic or Syriac read late Hebrew. Page 12 (line 6), for whom read in whom. Page 19 (line 21), for Aramaic read late Hebrew. Page 20 (line 11), read '. . . Here, except in the Palestinian Syriac Lectionary, we do'; (line 19),/orthe Syriac read the earliest Syriac MSS; Page 27 (note 3), read '. . . is almost without exception transliterated as s. But Pliny's z can be satisfactorily explained by means of Levy's observation, that tsade in the Hebrew may become zain in the Aramaic (see E. A. Abbott, Fourfold Gospel, 1914, p. 324, note 1). This obser vation also helps to explain the zain in the Palestinian Syriac Lectionary, the zeta in the Greek, and z in the Latin New Testament.' Page 29 (line 25),/oj- Nazar6n [gen. plu.] read Nazara. Page 33 (line 16), for Syriac read late Hebrew. Page 49 (col. 2, line 1), for Jerome's Comment on Matt. reatZ Jerome. C. BuKEAGE : Nazareth, 1914. To face p. iii. PREFACE The publication of the following pages has been chiefly occasioned by the accidental discovery, during the prosecu tion of quite other philological investigations, of -what I consider to be the source of the prophecy that the Messiah ' should be called a Nazarene ' — the very passage wliich in my opinion the writer of the Gospel according to the Hebrews must have had before him when he originally wrote the words now embodied in our canonical Matthew, The quest for a passage or passages which would explain this obscure prophecy has been a long one. In Jerome's day, and probably even before, search for it had begun to be made. Says Jerome in a note relating to Isaiah xi. 1 : ^ * Illud quod in euangelio Matthsei omnes quserunt ecclesia- stici, & non inueniunt vbi scriptum sit : Quoniam Nazarseus vocabitur : eruditi Hebrseorum de hoc loco assumptum putant, , , ,' Indeed so baffling to all research has this problem proved, that it had become probable that the solu tion was only likely to be reached by accident. Through the encouragement of friends this identification has been followed up by other investigations, with the result that a brief article has been expanded into the form in which it is now presented. The results have been arranged as follows : The main discussion is devoted to an outline study of the development of early Christianity from a new point of view, while many details upon which the statements are based are reserved for a series of critical ^ See his Commentary on Isaiah. a2 4 PREFACE appendices. In the latter the reader may consult the general critical apparatus that forms the necessary founda tion of any such philological investigation, as well as various additional kindred points of interest. This latter section consists of hitherto unnoticed variant readings of portions of the canonical Gospels, &c,, valuable for purposes of criticism. In these researches it has been my privilege to make use of the works of various authorities, without which the con clusions offered here would have been far less easy to reach and far less complete even than they now are. Among the books consulted, I would name with a special sense of obligation Professor F. C. Burkitt's valuable paper entitled The Sy-riac Forms of New Testament Prefer Names (Proceedings of the British Academy, vol, v), London, 1913 ; and Dr. Edwin A. Abbott's learned Miscd- lanea Eva-ngdica (I), London and Edinburgh, 1913. Finally, I wish to thank my friends Col. Owen WiUiams, Professor Walter Scott, Dr. James Moffatt, and Dr. Henry Bradley for timely advice and encouragement. The views herein expressed are, however, my own, except as otherwise indicated, C. B. Oxford, February 6, 1914. NAZARETH AND THE BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY A NEW VIEW BASED UPON PHILOLOGICAL EVIDENCE At the beginning of the Christian era there were a number of Jewish sects which one can find enumerated and described in any book of reference relating to the subject. Among these are mentioned the Nazarites (Nazi- rites) or holy ones of God, ascetics who wore long hair, did not drink -wine or strong drink, &c. They appear to have closely resembled the Essenes of whom and of whose manner of life Pliny the Elder, who lived about A, d, 23- 79, has given the following graphic description, together with various geographical details of some interest in the present discussion. He says : ^ 15. lordanes amnis oritur e fonte Paniade, qui cognomen dedit Caesareae de qua dicemus, amnis amoenus et quatenus loeorum situs patitur ambitiosus adcolisque se praebens velut invitus Asphaltiten lacum dirum natura petit, a quo postremo ebibitur aquasque laudatas perdit pestilentibus mixtas . ergo ubi prima convallium fuit occasio, in lacum se fundit quem plures Genesaram vocant, . , . 17, Ab occidente litora Esseni fugiunt usque qua nocent, gens sola, et in toto orbe praeter ceteras mira, sine ulla femina, omni venere abdicata, sine pecunia, socia palmarum, in diem ex aequo convenarum turba renascitur large fre- quentantibus quos vita fessos ad mores eorum fortunae fluctibus agit. ita per seculorum milia (incredibile dictu) gens aetema est, in qua nemo nascitur, tam f ecunda illis aliorum vitae paenitentia est. Infra hos Engada oppidum fuit, secundum ab Hierosolymis fertilitate palmetorumque ' C. Plinii Secundi, Nat. Hist, v, 15 and 17 (ed, of LudoncuB Janus), Lipeiae, 1854. 6 NAZARETH AND THE nemoribus, nunc alterum bustum, inde Masada castellum in rupe et ipsum haut procul Asphaltite, Et hactenua ludaea est. From among such Essenes and Nazirites (holy men of God) and from the deserts it is easy for us to imagine John the Baptist, clothed with camel's hair and a leathern girdle, making his way to the Jordan, He wears long hair, eats locusts and wild honey, and is just such an ascetic as Phny has pictured.^ To him amongst others came Jesus, who also is described by Mark and Luke as a ' Holy One of God ' or Nazirite (DNniiX TiW), In fact, there seems to have been a definite tradition that Jesus was really a Nazirite, in fulfilment of prophecy — the prophecy recorded in Matthew ii. 23. At the same time, however, in the actual later life of Jesus, as depicted in Matthew and Luke, we find that he was a Nazirite of a very different type from John the Baptist or any other tj^ical Nazirite, for he was even accused by his enemies of being ' a gluttonous man, and a wine-bibber ', Of this characteristic, to be sure, Mark and John appear to know nothing, but we believe Matthew and Luke to be stating a fact when they thus point out that he was not himself an extrerne ascetic, whUe, on the other hand, the traditional picture of Jesus with long hair furnishes further evidence of the existence of an early tradition that he was a Nazirite, As a very exceptional Nazirite Jesus must have appeared during the greater part of his public life. He came from Galilee, that section known as Nazara (Nasara) 1 Dr. Moffatt has called my attention to the following passage from the Life of Josephua, section 2, wherein is vividly described the manner of life of the Essene Banus : ' when I was informed that one whose name was Banus, lived in the desert, who used no other clothing than grew upon trees, and had no other food than what grew of its own accord, and bathed himself in cold water frequently, both by night and by day, in order to preserve his chastity, I became a follower of him' (Whiston's Translation revised , . ., vol, i, London, 1900, pp, 2-8, Bohn's Standard Library), Here we have truly a likeness in duplicate of John the Baptist. BEGINNINGS OF' CHRISTIANITY 7 of Galilee, east of the Sea of Galilee, which had already come to be, or shortly after his death was sometimes employed as, a synonym for Galilee. He must, therefore, have been familiar with the habits of the Essenes and ascetics, even if he was not one himself. Towards the end of his life, however, when he had been identified as the promised Messiah, a new title was applied to him, — a popular name, which had been first used in Isaiah xi. 1, and originally meant branch, but which had come to be employed as a synonym of Messiah, "iX3 or "ivw, Netser (Neser) or Ndtser (N6ser). In the Greek this word became NaampaTos, and accompanied by the definite article and under the prophetic form Na^mpaTos is to be translated Messiah in Luke, John, and the Acts, After Jesus' death and resurrection his followers were first called in Aramaic N6sri NaarmpaTot (Messiah -(-ans). The word appears in the Greek New Testament in Acts as Na^copaToi, where the Jews accuse Paul of being the leader of the sect of the Na(paios occurs, and where the zeta was first used in the Greek New Testament in the spelling of Nao-upaior, we find tsade in Chapter I twice reproduced by sigma, viz. in verse 3, *aper (1i"lS, 1 Chron. ii, 5) and 'Eorpco/t (insn, 1 Chron. ii. 5), Nor were these words evidently reproduced from the Septuagint. The prophetic Na^apa'iog with zeta is therefore really a word of different origin (as will be seen in Appendix VIII), which for prophetic reasons haa been substituted for Nao-iopalor. Throughout Matthew NaCapalos consistently signifies Nd(r<»paios in its secondary meaning of Nazarene. Prof. Burkitt's study, mentioned in my Preface, supports this conclusion. Further more, Nasara, from the same root, is 'the ordinary oriental word for " Christians " to-day' {Encyc, Brit., 11th ed., art. Nazareth), BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 9 those in attendance of the truth of their convictions, if opportunity oflfered. In Acts xxii, 3 Paul defends himself with the statement that he is a Jew ; and in Acts xxiii, 6 with the declaration that he is 'a Pharisee, a son of Pharisees ' ! We may therefore safely conclude that where- ever the early Jewish Christians found a synagogue to worship in and were granted the privilege, there they worshipped the same God whom the ordinary Jews wor shipped. The next point of interest concerning these early Jewish Christians is the tradition that vmder Christ's guidance, shortly before the fall of Jerusalem in A. D. 70, they migrated to the districts just beyond the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee, and in that neighbourhood (beyond the reach of Jewish persecution) settled down. These good people were those who were so blindly attacked at a later period as heretic Nazorseans {Na^mpaioi) and Ebionites by Epiphanius, Jerome, and other Fathers of the Church! Their chief centres of activity were Beroea, Pella, and the neighbouring regions of Decapolis, Batanaea, Bashan, &c. Here, according to Epiphanius, 'the impious Nazarenes,' inhabitants of Nazara, i, e. Nasara (construct form Nasarath or Nasareth), had their beginnings. In other words, the territory named Naa-apd means the Christian country, and the word Nazarenes (Nasarenes) means the inhabitants of Nasara, or Christians. Therefore Nasarene eventually became the equivalent of Naa-apaTos. With the writer of an article in the Je-wish Encyclopaedia I identify the Nazorseans and the Ebionites as the same group of people, the primitive Jewish Christians, and I add thereto a third body, Epiphanius' Natrapaioi, of whom likewise he evidently knew very little, A change in the pointing (i, e. in the vowels) here has no significance. We do not know whether the tradition that the Jewish Christians under the guidance of Jesus, just before the fall of Jerusalem, settled at Pella and in other parts of larger Galilee, which after the settlement became known as Nasara, had anything to do with the various statements in the IO NAZARETH AND THE Synoptic Gospels, that the disciples were to go into Galilee after the resurrection and there meet Jesus, but it does not appear to be impossible that the two traditions may in some way be related. In Gentile countries the situation of the early Christians was very different from that in Palestine, for synagogues were not to be found in every city, and if there had been, the Gentiles would not have been welcome, unless they first became Jewish proselytes. Hence, early Christian separa tist assemblies, if we may so call them, eventually arose in Gentile cities, and synagogues were formed by the Gentile Christians. These were termed ex/cXijo-tat, a Greek transla tion for synagogues. Thus a permanent separation ulti mately resulted between the Jews together with the Jewish Messiah -f ans or Christians and the Gentile Christians. At first the latter seem to have found comparatively little fault with the former for any peculiarities they may have manifested, no doubt because their customs at first were so similar. After the separation had increased, however, mis understandings were more liable to arise, and by the time of Justin a group of the Jewish Christians, known as Ebionites, had come to be regarded as heretics. Justin, Irenaeus, Hippolytus, Origen, TertuUian, and Eusebius^ all consider them as such, though it appears to me that even Eusebius knows very little about them. The most that could be said against them was that for a certain reason their views were thought to tend towards Arianism. This reason, however, is by no means convincing, and will be considered later, when the Ebionite Gospel is discussed. Thus far no complaint had been lodged by Western Christianity against the primitive Jewish Christians as a whole. But the time was rapidly approaching when their customs and views could no longer be understood. Fortu nately, a climax was not reached until the time of Epi phanius, who condemned all the Jewish Christians, ortho4ox and unorthodox (Nasorseans and Ebionites), as heretics; ' See a note on the Ebionites in McGiffert's edition oi Eusebi-us, BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY ii while the historian, Theodoret, it is said, went one step further, and declared them mere Jews ! The attitude of Epiphanius is so illuminating that it is worthy of examination. The views of these Jewish Chris tians are entirely beyond his comprehension, for they appear to him to be trying to be both Jews and Christians ! He finds fault because they are not known by the Western name of Christians, instead of by the Oriental word which means the same thing, N6sri (Naa-mpaToi) ! He notices that the Apostle Paul admits that he belongs to this heretical Je-wish sect, and therefore labels as Christian heretics a whole people of whom he has only the slightest know ledge. He says of the Nasorseans that they use an heretical Gospel, the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and that they use no other, although he admits the report that Aramaic translations of the Acts of the Apostles and of the Gospel of John are said to exist among them ; he completely forgets for the time being that their Gospel according to the Hebrews, which was written in their own oriental tongue, was naturally more highly prized by them than the later Western Gentile Gospels, whether expressed in Greek or translated into Aramaic ! Jerome follows in the foot steps of Epiphanius, and if we turn to his works we will find an equally remarkable description of these earliest eastern Christians in his day.^ His title of heretics we cite for the sake of exactness, but would not otherwise employ it : ' . , , What shall I say of the Ebionites, who pretend that they are Christians? Even to this day, through all the synagogues of the East among the Jews, there is a heresy ' Jerome's Letter to Augustine (Epistola Ixxxix, according to Marianus, Opera Omnia, vol. ii, Parisiis, 1578, foi., col, 529) : ' , , . Quid dicam de Hebionitis, qui Christianos esse se simulant ? Vsque hodie per totas oriewtis synagogas inter ludseos hseresis est, quse dicitur Mineorum, & a pharisseis nuMC vsque damnatur, quos vulgo Nazarseos [= Jiatrapatos] nuncupant, qui credunt in Christum, filium Dei, natom de virgine Maria; & eum dicunt esse, qui sub Pontio Pilato passus est, & resurrexit : in quem & nos credimus : sed dum volunt & ludsei esse, & Christiani, nee ludsei sunt, nee Christiani.' 12 NAZARETH AND THE which is even now condemned by the Pharisees and known as that of the Mineans (Minei), whom in the vulgar tongue they call Nazarseans [ = N aarcDpaloi^ who believe in Christ, the Son of God, bom of the Virgin Mary ;' and He they say it was who suffered under Pontius Pilate, and rose again : whom we also believe : but while they wish to be both Jews and Christians, they are neither Jews nor Christians [that is e-vidently because they continued to attend the Jewish Synagogues, just as the Apostles and the early Christians always did !],' The deplorable confusion in which learned Western eccle siastics found themselves regarding the primitive Jewish Christians, is shown perhaps even more clearly by the following passage from Jerome, in which he definitely shows that the Jews looked upon the ' impious Nazarenes ' as true Christians. Unfortunately, Western scholars could not accept their verdict : vt subaudiatur, in synagogis vestris, qui diebus ac noctibus blasphemant saluatorem : Et sub nomine, -vt ssepe dixi, Nazarenoruw, ter in die in Christianos comgerunt mali- dicta . , . {Comment, on Isaiah, lii). Having thus briefly outlined the general course of the history of primitive Christianity from the standpoint of Judaism and the Church, we may now with profit turn our attention for a moment to the expansion of Christianity in the Greek and Roman world. We observe first that the word Messiah, which in Hebrew might also be expressed by 1X3 or nsi3, when translated into Greek takes the form of Xpia-Tos, and if likewise translated into Latin would become Unctus, instead of its present form, Christus, derived from the Greek, It has been said that ' the Christians did not start with a ready-made label ', and that the ' title Christian , . , was a bitter nickname of Latin formation , . , invented by the wits or magistrates of Antioch . , , which may have been originally , , . and was still popularly mispronounced as BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 13 " Chrestian " as late as Tertullian ',* &c. In the light of recent investigations this statement can hardly be entirely acceptable. The term Christians or Messiah -H ans, what ever its form, was certainly an appropriate designation, and must have emanated originally from themselves. The Latin form of the name was not unnatural. Unctus mani festly could not be suitably employed, and Christus at that early period would probably have only appeared ridiculous to the Roman public^ Chrestus, however, could be very well understood and respected as a name.^ At a later period, when the Christian religion had been firmly established, and the name Christus had become familiar to the people of the whole Roman empire, the designation had ceased to appear absurd. Turning now from this sketch of the general develop ment of early Christianity, let us look for a moment at its earliest literature. We may appropriately begin with the ' Col. Owen Williams has kindly called my attention to this passage. I cite it in full : 'the Christians did not start with a ready-made label. The title Christian , . . was a bitter nickname of Latin formation . . . invented by the wits or magistrates of Antioch (inference from its Latin form), which may have been originally (Suet. Claud. 25, " Chresto impulsore "), and was still popularly mispronounced as "Chrestian" as late as Tertullian. Cf. Justin I. Apol, 4, " We are accused of being Christians, yet to hate what is Chrestian (excellent) is unjust." , , , The name at flrst was resented and ignored by the Christians {e,g. Acts xxvi 29) while to the Jews the Christians were Na^apatoi, , , , The name had however caught on among the mob of Rome by 64 (Tac. I.e.) and was accepted by Gentile Christians by the time of Ignatius . , ., though the Christian Jews still called themselves Nazarenes, even after their retreat to Pella, and possibly still survive under that name at Bussorah (Encyc. Brit. s. v. " Mandsean ") , , ,' (H. B. Workman's Persecution in the Early Church, London [? 1906], p. 58, note.) ' This view has been suggested to me by Dr. Henry Bradley. It seems to suit the case exactly, and no doubt offers the best explanation of the early Latin forms that has yet been given. ' Christus ' would probably have meant to the Romans, ' rubbed with oil,' as an athlete might be prepared for a contest, but of such an anointing as was prevalent among the Jews they knew nothing. ' Chrestus ' would signify ' useful ' or ' excellent ', 14 NAZARETH AND THE Gospel according to the Hebrews, which a good tradition reports to be the oldest of the Gospels, and the substance of which is believed to be preserved in our canonical Gospel according to Matthew, I would suggest that this Mest Gospel is also in reality that long-sought document, the Logia or Q, of which the critics have written so much in recent years. This point, it appears to me, may be clearly inferred by combining the testimony of the three following passages from early writers. The first statement to be considered is that of Papias ^ : MaT&aios p.\v ovv 'E^paiSi SiaXiKTcp ret \6-yia a-vue-ypd- ¦\lraTO, -fip/x^veva-e S' avrh, m fjSvvaTO €Kaa-TO?, (Matthew accordingly brought together and wrote out in [the] Hebrew language the words [of Jesus], and each one [? of the four canonical Evangelists] made use of (literally, interpreted) them as he was able.) The second citation is from Jerome's Commentary on Matthew, xii. IB': In euangelio, quo utuntur Nazaraeni [Naa-aprjvoi^Naa-oa- paToi] et Ebionitae, quod nuper in Graecum de Hebraeo sermone transtulimus, et quod uocatur a plerisque Matthaei authenticum, , , . (In the Gospel used by the Nazarenes and Ebionites, which I have lately translated into Greek from the Hebrew, and which by many is called the original of Matthew, , , .) The third testimony is likewise from Jerome, Contra Pelagianos, iii, 2 * : In euangelio luxta Hebraeos, quod Chaldaico quidem Syroque sermone, sed Hebraicis Uteris scriptum est, quo utuntur usque hodie Nazaraeni [Navap-qvoC = NatratpaioL'], secundum apostolos siue, ut plerique autumant, iuxta Matthaeum, quod et in Caesariensi habetur bibliotheca, , , , (In the Gospel according to the Hebrews (according to the Apostles or according to Matthew, as many affirm), wliich is written indeed in the Aramaic and Syriac language but with Hebrew letters ; which the Nazarenes [the primitive Jewish Christians] use even to this day ; and [a copy of] which is kept in tne library at Caesarea, , . ,) ' As cited in Dr. E. Preuschen'g Antilegomena, Giessen, 1901, p. 57. " Ibid., p. 5. ' Ibid., p. 4. BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 15 From these three passages it may reasonably be concluded that Papias and Jerome are here referring to the same work written in Aramaic, but with Hebrew characters, for the use of the Jewish Christians, and that each one of the four canonical Gospels is based more or less upon it, — a tradi tion, to the truth of which present evidence seems strongly to point. As Jerome has preserved for us various important non- canonical passages from the Gospel according to the Hebrews, so Epiphanius has fortunately stored away in his Panaria a number of fairly extended citations from the Ebionite Gospel, wliich he considers a mutilated as weU as curtailed recension of the Gospel according to the Hebrews. To him this was a work of Arian tendency, whereas it must rather have tended to support an Adoptionist view of Jesus as the Son of God. Epiphanius appears to have nothing to say against the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and, in fact, in one place cites an extended passage from it which we reproduce elsewhere. Most of the selections from the Ebionite Gospel are given here in an Appendix, and may also be found in Preuschen and Klostermann, As we examine these excerpts carefully we quickly notice that the Ebionite Gospel is evidently not merely a mutilated Gospel according to the Hebrews, for some features in it do not appear in that work, while they are found in Luke, Furthermore, it becomes evident that the Gospel of the so-called Ebionites shows no more tendency toward Arianism than the canonical Gospel according to Mark, of which Epiphanius, in quite another part of his bulky book, speaks in very different terms. In fact, we cannot do better than to designate the Ebionite Gospel, the original Mark, In the characteristic citations from this work given by Epiphanius, while we indeed find marked differences from the text of the canonical Gospel, we also find as remarkable resemblances. It should be noted here that the Ebionites, whom Epiphanius especially condemns because they used the Ebionite Gospel, are stated by him to live, among other i6 NAZARETH AND THE places, in a -village east of the Jordan called Cochabe, Now Eusebius tells us that relatives of Jesus ' according to the flesh ' lived there (Cochaba).^ These relatives surely were not Christian heretics, but they probably were Ebionites, that is, primitive Jewish Christians. May there not, too, perhaps, be some significance in the fact that the Ebionite Gospel was employed in Cochabe or its neighbourhood^ namely, because some Christians who had had a fuller know ledge of the life of Jesus, doubted the strict historicity of the story of his birth as given in the Gospel according to the Hebrews (Matthew), and for this reason had prepared another curtailed and improved recension for use in that district ? If we turn now to the citations from the Gospel accord ing to the Hebrews or the original of Matthew, of which some of the more extended citations not found in our present Matthew are given in an Appendix, and of which others may be found in Preuschen * and Klostermann,* we will quickly see, even from the comparatively few non- canonical passages at present known to us, that the Gospels of Luke and John as well as Matthew (and Mark) have benefited therefrom, while Paul himself, as indicated by his first letter to the Corinthians, was evidently acquainted ¦with it, or at least with the tradition upon which it is based. -Some citations, on the other hand, do not appear to be represented in any form at all in the Greek canonical Gospels, no doubt on account of a somewhat apocryphal tone to be noticed in them, while others have as manifestly been modified to suit the tastes of Gentile readers, a fact which makes it evident that a selective process has indeed been used to some extent by the canonical writers, as Papias appears to me to suggest. Even the introductory chapters of Luke, as we now know, are based in part upon one of the sources of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, namely ' Eusebius, Church History, I, vii. 14 (ed. McGiffert). ' Antilegomena, Giessen, 1901, pp. 3-8. ' Apocrypha II Evangelien, 2d ed. (Hans Lietzmann's Eleine Texte), Bonn, 1910, pp. 4-12. BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 17 Judges xiii, with various marked alterations and improve ments. From the time when the primitive Jewish Christians came to be looked upon as heretics, the value of the litera ture used by them naturally began to depreciate in the West, That this changed attitude was a mistake, however, is rapidly becoming manifest, as the great value of the Gospel according to the Hebrews and of the Ebionite Gospel is coming to be better appreciated. Surely Jerome would never have cited the peculiar features of the Gospel according to the Hebrews in his Commentaries, and would never have translated it into both Greek and Latin as he did, without entertaining a high sense of its worth. The value of these Gospels becomes further apparent, now that we have reason for thinking that the so-called Sect of the ' Nazarenes ' (including therewith the Ebionites) was no Christian Sect at all ; that the name Nazorseans (Naso- raeans) was simply the Jewish term for Christians or Messiahans, the orthodox Jewish Christians of whom tbe Apostle Paul was one ; and that the Gospel according to the Hebrews, or the tradition upon which it is based, was familiar to Paul (evidence, Jesus' appearance to James the Just which is only mentioned in the New Testament by Paul), a convincing e-vidence of its great age. Surely such a work ought indeed to rank with us, as with the ancients, as the earliest Christian book of which we have any record. Nor need we be puzzled because in the complete Gospel to the Hebrews there were passages which to the Western mind have a manifestly apocryphal ring. The Gospel as a whole was evidently so like our present Gospel according to Matthew, that only some of its more outstanding character istics are mentioned by Jerome, Of the features common to both Gospels he naturally needs to make no mention. Having thus seen that the Gospel according to Matthew must have been practically a reproduction of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, let us turn our attention for a moment to the introductory portions of these two Gospels B i8 NAZARETH AND THE of whose remarkably close resemblance we have definite evidence,^ For convenience we will use Matthew's more com plete text. In the first place, we notice that the first two chap ters are based, as it were, upon a groundwork of prophecies. Chapter i begins with Jesus' Genealogy (verses 1-17). In verses 22-23 occurs the first prophecy which is definitely mentioned. The second appears in chapter ii. 5-6, the third in verse 15, the fourth in verses 17-18, the fifth in verse 23, and finally, the sixth in chapter iii. 3, Now Matthew makes occasional use of prophecy in other chapters, but not with such frequency as we find here. One seems to gain the impression that the parentage, boyhood, and early man hood of Jesus either had never been known in detail, or had been forgotten, for the most part, when this Gospel was written. In such a case how could an unfortunate gap be better supplied than by searching for the prophecies concem ing the Messiah which were believed to have been fulfilled, and by employing the evidence obtained as a solid founda tion of fact ? In this way, it is true, the names of Jesus' mother and father could not be supplied, as well as some further details, but those might be otherwise procured. With some such plan in mind we can imagine this Oriental writer taking up his work. It should be remem bered that his view-point is decidedly different from that of his Western readers of to-day, that he is writing chiefly for his countrymen of his own time, who will for the most part find little or nothing strained or unnatural in his inter pretations. Let us then scrutinize more carefully his prophecy preserved in Matt, ii. 15, ' Out of Egypt did I call my son.' This is taken from Hosea xi. 1, ' When Israel was a child then I loved him, and called my son out of Egypt.' Even as written in the Hebrew the application of the prophecy to Jesus seems forced to our minds, but in the Greek of the Septuagint, which was for the most part read by the early Gentile Christians, the passage presented such difficulties that it was not identified in the West, if I remember correctly, until about the time of Jerome, ^ See Appendices. BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 19 We can be almost certain, however, that the original oriental author was quite oblivious of any strained inter pretation, for in Matt, ii, 23, a few verses further on, occurs a stUl more baffling prophecy, which we are only now beginning to understand. Here the writer's procedure seems to have been as follows. He knows that the Chris tians are li-ving, at the time he is writing, in a district of larger Galilee beyond the Jordan and the Sea of Galilee, which perhaps before, certainly after, the time of the migration from Jerusalem had come to be known as Naa-apd (Nasara ; construct form Nasareth or Nasaret), the Chris tian Land, or Country of the Messiah, He seems to know further that Jesus himself had lived in this district, and probably thinks of it as thus named during Jesus' own life time. Accordingly, the writer mentions Nasara as Jesus' home after the return from Egypt, a point in itself of such doubtful value in his narrative as to require the support of some prophecy to show that the Messiah was indeed to live there. But could such a prophecy be found ? No, no clear one, for the word "iXJn or IVlJn (ha-N6sri in Aramaic, d Naa-otpatos in the Greek) meant the Messiah, Without the article, however, it seems to have acquired also the secondary meaning of Nasarene (an inhabitant of Nasara), a term which likewise came in time to acquire the secondary connotation of Christian, the equivalent of Naa-copaTos without the article. For the use both of Nasarene and of *1V3 (Naa-a>pa?os), however, as has been said, he could find no prophecy that would suit his purpose. His only course was either to omit the prophecy, or again to strain a point. He chooses the latter, employs the word ¦T'tJ (Na^ipaTos) in Judges xiii. 5, or 7 (' the child shall be a Nazirite unto God from the womb to the day of his death ') to stand for "IXJ (NacrmpaTos) in its secondary sense of Naaaprfvos (Nazarene), and, as usual, does not state his source. When the word IVJ (Nazir) was translated into Greek, the scribe, who was apparently acquainted with the expression 'IVJ (NaacopaTos), intentionally or unintentionally read vaw {a>) for yod (t), and thus produced the puzzling b2 20 NAZARETH AND THE designation Na^oopaTos, a word which, supported by an undiscovered prophecy, has had such an influence upon succeeding scribes of the Greek New Testament, as even tually to cause all instances of the words Naa-copaTos, Naa-apd (Naa-apiO, Naaaper), and Naaaprjvos to be spelled with a zeta, and thus probably to give rise to the tradition that Jesus was a Nazirite, or Holy One of God, In the Syriac versions, on the other hand, though the earliest manuscripts are at present supposed to be later than our earhest Greek manuscripts, a better knowledge of the Semitic word has fortunately been preserved. Here we do not find the Semitic letter zain at all represented in the words standing for Nasara (Nasareth, Nasaret), Nasarene, and Nasorsean (Na,aa>paios), but always the letter tsade, which should almost invariably be translated by ts or s.^ In this case, the scribes probably thought that some mistake had been made in inserting this undiscovered prophecy in Matt, ii. 23, and accordingly altered the spelhng from "CfJ to N''1XJ. Thus in the Syriac we have a comparatively accurate and unforced reading, but no prophecy (strictly speaking) upon which to base it, while in the Greek we find a forced prophecy, a forced reading, and misspelled words. Thus in part were written the introductory chapters of the Gospel according to the Hebrews, and of the canonical Gospel according to Matthew, and on this account perhaps it seemed desirable to some of the primitive Jewish Chris tians (called Ebionites) and to the Gentile Christians to prepare other Gospels, The most acceptable explanation of the fact that the four canonical Gospels are so divergent in form and content, is that they were written individually to suit some party within the Church, and perhaps at the same time to combat the influence of some enemy without. This, at any rate, appears to have been the ultimate cause of the production ^ See Prof. Burkitt's article to which reference is made in the Preface. BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 21 of the Gospels according to Mark, Luke, and John, while our Matthew, which, on the whole, must have closely re sembled the Gospel according to the Hebrews, was evidently prepared in order to preserve and make known the chief facts of Jesus' life, which still survived in tradition. As far as the Gospel according to the Hebrews is con cerned, since the first Christians were Jews, the first Gospel was naturally written by them and for their use. When Gentiles, however, began to be converted to Christianity, it was as natural that a Greek translation should be required by them for use in their churches. This fact resulted in the preparation of our canonical Gospel of Matthew, wherein some features of the Aramaic Gospel were omitted as not appearing quite credible or acceptable to the Western mind. The Ebionite Gospel, the original Gospel of Mark, like-wise was prepared in Palestine, and was later translated and modified into approximately its canonical form. The Gospel according to Luke was evidently written because its author was not satisfied with the canonical Gospel of Matthew, or with the canonical Gospel of Mark, or with their prototypes. This he practically says in the few introductory words to his Gospel, and we now know that that statement is true beyond our previous under standing, as we have noticed the radically different use he has made of Judges xiii, John's Gospel, also, manifests a lack of satisfaction with Luke's Gospel as well as with the earlier ones. The introductions to Matthew and Luke were neither of them perfectly acceptable, since they did not appear to agree with each other, and consequently manifested a genuine difficulty in obtaining entirely satis factory information relating to Jesus' birth, childhood, and early manhood. On the other hand, neither did it seem desirable to introduce Jesus, the God-man, to readers as one who only became divine at His baptism, and without any further introduction, even though in Mark's pages He indeed appeared almost to follow the order of the Priesthood of Melchizedek, 'without father , , , without genealogy,' To the writer of the fourth Gospel Jesus was 22 NAZARETH AND THE a divine being in a somewhat different sense from that presented in the pages of Matthew, Mark, and Luke, John, accordingly, in order to make his view perfectly clear — a -view which no doubt he beKeved was true, and would at the same time be acceptable to the Western world — wrote the matchless Prologue to his Gospel, This work appears to me to have been certainly the latest of the canonical Gospels, as is generally believed to be the case. In fact, it was probably intended to supersede them all. Such supreme success, however, did not result, for all of these documents rightly came to be so highly prized by the Church, or by some section or sections of it, that in later times when the Canon became settled, all four Gospels were admitted, and accordingly have been preserved, no doubt with some minor alterations, for all time, in spite of very evident divergencies both in general tone and detail. This was a providential occurrence, for we are thus enabled to sift out the truth behind the divergencies, and to bring that truth into such a form as to be acceptable to the inquiring modem mind — a result which might not have been possible had only one Gospel survived. In closing, it should be noted that, as is weU known, the texts of the canonical Gospels have been considerably altered in places since they were first written, by the addition of marginal glosses, &c. Such additions or altera tions apparently were chiefly or wholly made before the time in which our earliest surviving manuscripts were written, so that almost our only hope of discovering earlier readings is from the citations of Church Fathers who lived at least as early as 400 A,D., and who did not realize what valuable critical material they were preserving in the pre- canonical citations they incorporated in their ponderous volumes, Epiphanius, among these Fathers, was a most painstaking copyist of the manuscripts used by him, what ever may be said against his work in other respects. Thus in his Panaria are contained some very interesting variant readings from our canonical Gospels, which so well illus trate the alterations that have taken place, that a number BEGINNINGS OF CHRISTIANITY 23 of the most important have been here reproduced in an Appendix, The great mistake which the Church made with regard to its early literature was to allow both of the origiaal Aramaic Gospels, together with the painstaking translations of the first into Greek and Latin by Jerome, to be utterly lost. If the so-called heretics who used them, and whom we have sought to prove were the orthodox primitive Jewish Christians of Palestine, still have descendants in the East as is reported, may we not hope that some enter prising Western scholar will try to find among them com plete copies of these long lost original texts of Matthew and Mark? APPENDIX I THE MEANING OF THE WORDS CHRIST AND CHRISTIANS The word Christians manifestly means not followers of Jesus, but followers of [Jesus, as] the Messiah (the Anointed One) of the Jews,^ As is well-known, in translating, Messiah, being a Hebrew word, might either be taken over bodily and transliterated into the Greek, or a Greek word meaning the same thing might be substituted for it. As a matter of fact, the two chief Hebrew expressions for Messiah were both thus transliterated, while a third Greek form XpwTos was more often employed along with occasional uses of the other two. For Christians we likewise find, beside Xpto-Tiavot (Christi -(- ans), the word Nao-Mpaioi (Na^opatoi), which is also formed of Messiah (Christ[i])-l-ans, and of course means the same thing. Further, it is natural that the word Christians (Xpiortavot) should originate at Antioch and not in Jewish territory, since Greek and not Aramaic was evidently the predominant lan guage at Antioch, The term Nao-copaios in the sense of Christian naturally arose only after Christ's resurrection. Preceded by the article it means the Messiah or Christ, but this expression as is well known, was only applied to him a few times before his death, and then in general towards the end of his life. Accordingly, we find the word chiefly employed in the Acts, Before considering various instances of its use let us examine a little more closely the Hebrew term IXJ (Noser) from which it is derived. The word literally means branch, but was so prominently used in Isaiah xi, 1, in connexion with one of the great Messianic prophecies, that, apparently, it soon became a popular synonym for Messiah, This point is made evident ' Hence a contributor to Foundations well may ask the question : ' Had the theories of certain modem theolo^ans been well-grounded, should we not have expected the early disciples to be known at Antioch not as Christians but rather as Jesuits ? ' (p. 157, note 3). THE WORDS CHRIST AND CHRISTIANS 25 by the fact that the Targum,' and this is Jewish comment, paraphrases 1X3 as Messiah : ' " And there shall go forth a king [ = Messiah] from the sons of Jesse and a Messiah from his sons' sons , , , " ' It should also be added here that as at that period Hebrew words were unpointed (i. e., without vowels), they might be variously transliterated into Greek as far as the vowels were concerned. In a Hebrew name it is the consonants that are important. Prom 1X3 (Noser), it seems, was derived the Greek word Nao-wpatos, but Nao-opaios or Noo-opatos would also have been intelligible. The e-vidence on which we base our statement that o NacrtopaTos (=0 No^wpatos, as has been shown elsewhere and under what circumstances) means Messiah, may be given in a few passages as follows : Luke, John, and the Acts employ 5 Na^oipatos for 6 Nao-ajpatos to signify the Messiah or Christ. First of all and most con vincing are the words in John xix. 19, 'Iijo-oSs o Nafajpaios [Noo-mpaios] 6 Boo-iXeiis tSiv 'louSatwi', which certainly must mean ' Jesus the Messiah (or Christ), the King of the Jews ', a title definite, instructive, and impressive. As Dr, E, A, Abbott '^ has pointed out -without quite guessing the meaning, o Na^ojpaios must be an explanatory title of at least as great dignity as that of king, since it can appropriately have no other value. Furthermore, Jesus was manifestly put to death, not because he claimed to be the earthly King of the Jews, but because he claimed to be the Messiah, a title which indeed meant King of the Jews, but which also had an additional significance with which the Greeks and Romans may not then have been veiy familiar. In John xviii. 4-5, and in Luke x-viii, 37, o Na^topatos should also be rendered the Christ or the Messiah, while in Acts xxu, 8, we obtain a much more effective reading if we translate, 'I am Jesus the Messiah (or the Christ) whom thou persecutest ', and especially as Paul at the time was speaking in Aramaic to the Jews, Attention should also be called here to one passage (Acts iv, 10) where occur the words 'hjo-ov Xpurrov tov Na^wpaiou, the only instance, it is beUeved, of such a redun- ' Dr, E. A, Abbott's Miscellanea Evangelica (I), 1913, p, 7, ' Compare Dr, Abbott's Miscellanea Evangelica (I), 1913, p, 13, He there almost advocates the view here maintained. 26 THE WORDS CHRIST AND CHRISTIANS dant expression in the whole New Testament, wherein a probable marginal gloss Xpia-rov or toC Na^wpatbu has crept into the text, excusable only as long as the meaning toS 'NaZ.iopaiov was not understood. The redundancy of the expression ' Jesus Christ the Messiah ' would be noticed at once by an educated Hellenistic Jew, but in the West the words Jesus Christ have incorrectly come to be looked upon as little more than a mere name. Finally, we may note that in Matthew No^upatos ( = Nao-upatos) is evidently used only in its secondary meaning of Nazarene or Galilaean, one who lives in Nasara of Galilee (cf. Mat. xxvi, 69 and 71, and Mark xiv, 67), In Mark in place, so to speak, of Matthew's Nafupaios we find only Na^api7vos (=Nao-api7vds) which Matthew ought to have employed, but did not ; while Na^mpaios here is like-wise entirely wanting, No^apj/vos in Mark i, 24 has the evident sense of Nazarene, an inhabitant of Nasara, In the second case (Mark xvi, 6) it appears to stand for Nao-ojpatos, Mark i. 24 has been borrowed by Luke (ui. 24). He retains the form Na^opiyvos and its Markan significance of Nazarene, APPENDIX II JEROME'S IMPORTANT COMMENT ON MAT, ii, 23 » f , , , Si fixum de scripturis posuisset exemplum, loseph. 17. an- numquam diceret, quod dictum est per prophetas, ^' '"^' sed simpliciter quod dictum est per prophetam : nunc autejM pluraliter prophetas vocans, ostendit se non verba de scripturis sumpsisse, sed sewsum, Nazarseus [Nazirs6us]sanctusinterpretatur, Sane- 1*1? tum autem dominum futurum, omnis seriptura ^"'"- ®' "• commemorat. Possumus & aliter dicere, quod etiam eisdem verbis iuxta Hebraicam veritatem in Esaia scriptum sit: Exiet virga de radice Jesse, & Nazarseus [Nasorseus] de radice eius Esa, 11, a, conscendet, ^¦ ¦ Marianus Victorius : ' Divi Hieronymi Stridoniensis Operum Tomvs VI . . ,', Parisiis, 1579, foi. 27 APPENDIX III THE MEANING OP NAZARETH Nazaeeth, we incline to believe, is not a -village, town, or city, but a section of Palestine east of the Jordan river and the Sea of Galilee, Accordingly it formed a large section of the Tetrarchy of Galilee, and is correctly spoken of as Nno-apa t^s raXiXatas, as in Mat. xxi, 11 (OStos Icrnv b -7rpoi^5 'IijcroDs o a-Tro Nafape^ T^S PaXiXaias) and in Mark i, 9 ('Iijo-ols airo ^a^aper [more correctly Na, irpiv ^ orvveXOelvavTOVS evpiOr/ iv yaxTTpl E^ouo-a eK ¦nvfvfiaTO^ ayCov. lo)- o"^(^ 8e o dvijp avrrj^, StKatos o)V Kat n.r] OeXuiv avTr]v Seiy/xaTLcrai, ipovXifjOri Xd$pq. d^TroXvcrai avrffV. TatJra 8e auroC ivOv/xriOivTog, l8ov ayyeXo't Kvptou Kar ovap i(l>avr] avTM Xcytov I vtos AavietS, p,ij ^o^rjO-^ irapaXa^av '^M.apiav T^v yuvatxa aov, to yap iv avT^rj ¦* Dindorfius has Kal 'icraaK. Epiphanius, Panarion Ii. 5. 5. . . . Kal ovTO'S /xkv ovv 6 MaT^atos EySpa'tKots ypa/A/iao-t ypdeL TO EvayyeXiov, Kal Krj- pvTTeC Kat dp)(STaL ovk aTT dp^rji, dXXa StijyeiTat p.£v ttjv ¦ycvcoA.o- yiav OTTO tov A^pad/x, A/Bpad/ji,, Kal Maptas. Kat dir dp)(^s TaTTet, Xiyoiv jSt/3- \os yev£0"ea)s Ii^o-oS XptcrTOi! vlov Aaj3iS, etTci , Trplv rj [D. 's text] o-vveXOelv avTovi, ivpidi] iv yatrTpl t^ova^a iK Hvev/iaTos dytou. Kat Iwcrrjcfi ^ Dindorfius has rivp46rj. 48 CITATIONS FROM THE GOSPEL ACCORDING Epiphanius. StKatos 2)V, e^^ei ctTroXvo-at^ av- T7)V Xddpa. Kal iSov AyyeXos K.vpiov idvr] avria Kar ovap, Xeytov fJ.r] airoXvo-r;s ttjv yuvatKa crov TO yap iv avTg ^ iK Ilvev- p.aTos eo-Tiv dytoi;.' iSov yap yev- vijcrei vloy, Kal KaXeo-ets to ovo/xa avTov lir](70vv ovtos o-(uo-et tov Xaov avTOv aTTo afw,pTia>v. Kal TOVTO, cfrrjal, yeyovev, tva ¦jrXrj- piad'rj TO prjOev ¦vtto Kvpiov Sta TOV Tipocjii^TOV, XeyovTos- tSovi ¦}/ irapBevo's iv yao'Tpl efet, Kot Tct ef^S. Kat eyep^cts, T/jarlv, dirb TOV VTTVOV, iTTOLtJCreV OVTiO'S 6 '1(1)- ai^(f), Kal TrapeXaySe ttjv ywatxa avToS, Kat OVK eytvoXTKev avT^v, ea)S ov treKe tov vlov avr^s tov TTpiOTOTOKOV, Kol £K(lXe(Te TO OVOfJUX avTOV 'Irjcrovv. tov Se Iijo-ov yev- vridevTO'S, r]a^l,* iv BTj^Xeep. t^s lovSaias, ev ¦tjp.ipai^ 'Hp(j)8ov tov y8a(rtXea)S, tSov Mctyot aTro dvaro- XSv TrapeyivovTo ets 'lepovo-aX^/i, XeyovTes- ttov ccttiv 6 Te^^ets Paxri- Xevs tSv Iov8ai(i)v ; etSojiiev yap TOV do'Tepa avrov iv Trj dvaroX^, Kal ^X6ofi€v 7rpo(j'Kvv5crat avTio. . . . Jerome, Liber de Viris lUustribus, MATTH^VS, qui & Leui, ex publicano apostolus, primus in ludsea propter eos, qui ex circumcisione credi- derant, Evangelium Christi Hebraicis litteris verbisque cowposuit. quod quis postea in Graecum transtulerit, non satis certum est. Porro ipsum Hebraicum habetur vsque hodie in Csesariewsi biblio theca, qua»w Pamphilus mar tyr studiosissime cowfecit. ' Dindorfius has airo\vaai. ^ At this point Dindorfius has yevvij^ev. ' Dindorfius reads aylov iarlv, * Dindorfius omits r]ai. Matthew. yewrjOiv eK irvtijixaTo^ i(TTiv ayCov' TefeTat Se vtov Kat KaXecrets to ovo/jLa avTov Irjo-ovv, avTos yap cr(0(ret tov Xaov avTov diro tZv dp,apTtSv avriv. Tovto Se oXov yeyovev tva ¦7rXr]p(o6y to prjOev VTTO Kvptov Sta TOV irpoi^i^Tov Xe- yovTos' . . . 'Eyep^ets Se [6] 'I(i)(r^(^ citto TOV vTTvov iTToi-ijO'ev (US TpocreTaf ev avTftl o ayyeXos Kvptov Kat irape- XaySevT^v yvvatKa avrov" koI ovk iyiviiMTKev avTqv £(os [ov] ercKiv vlov' Kat eKciXeo-ev to ovojota avTov 'Iijcrovv. Tov Se 'It/ctov yiwt]6e.vTOT^a^m aiiTti ; lojs eirT(XKts; Xeyet avTol o 'Iijtrovs Ov Xey(0 (rot etas eTTTciKis dXXa £0)S £;88op.TJKOVT({KtS eWTtl. Jerome's Comment on Matt. mihi quoqwe a Nazargis, qui in Beroea, vrbe Syriae, hoc volu mine vtuntur, describendi fa- eultas fuit. In quo anun- aduertewdum, quod vbicumque euawgelista, siue ex persona sua, siue ex persona Domini saluatoris, veteris scripturae testimoniis vtitur, non sequa- tur Septuaginta trawslatoruwt auctoritatew, sed Hebraica»», e quibus ilia duo sunt : Ex jEgypto vocaui filium meum. Et : Quoniam Nazaraeus voca bitur. Jerome. Dialog, adver. Pela gianos liber tertius. ... In euangelio iuxta Hebraeos, quod Chaldaico qui dem Syroque sermone, sed Hebraicis litteris scriptum est, quo vtuntur vsque hodie Naza- reni, secundum apostolos, siue, vt plerique autumant, iuxta Matthaeum, quod & in Caesa riensi habetur bibliotheca, nar- rat historia : Ecce mater Domi ni, & fratres eius dicebant ei : loannesBaptista baptizat in re- missionem peccatorum ; earn us, & baptizemur ab eo. Dixit autem eis : Quid peccaui, vt vadam, & baptizer ab eo ? Nisi forte hoc ipsum, quod dixi, ignorantia est. Et in eodem volumine : Si peccauerit, in- quit, frater tuus in verbo, & satis tibi fecerit, septies in die suscipe eum. Dixit illi Simon discipulus eius: Septies in die? Respowdit Dominus, & dixit ei : Etiam ego dice tibi, vsque septuagies septies. Etenim in prophetis quoque, postquam vncti sunt Spiritu sancto, in- uentu? est sermo peccatL 50 CITATIONS FROM THE GOSPEL ACCORDING Matt. xxvi. 26-9 (Westcott and Hort). . . . XajSiiv 6 1-rj- (rovs apTOv Kat . . . Sovs TOts fiaOrp^ak ctTrev Adhere ^dyere, . . . Kat XajSwv TTOTjy- ptov , , , eS(j}Kev av- TOts . . . Xeyft) Se vp.tv, ov fji.r] TTto) dir ctpTt eK TOVTOu TOV yev^p.aTOS T^s dp.7reXov eojs T^S Tj/iepas eKeiVTjs OTav avTo irivio fx-eO vpSv Katvov ev t^ PatriXeia TOV TraTpoi p.ov. Luke xxii, 15-18 (Westcott and Hort). , . . "ETTt^vjotta iveBv- IJ,i)(Ta TOVTO TO ¦jratrxa dyTl(TaTe p,e Kat tSeTe, OTt TrvevjMi adpKa Kat dcrrea ovk ep^et Kadcus i/ie OetopeiTe e)(0VTa, , , . "Ert Se dirKTTOvvTtov avrfiv diro r^s X°-P°'^^ ""*' Oav/xa^oVTrnv. . . . SELECTED CITATIONS FROM THE EBIONITE GOSPEL WITH PARALLELS Epiphanius on the Gospel of Epiphanius, Panarion xxx. Mark, <&c. Panarion Ii. 6. 13-14. Ev^vs 8e p.£Ta. TOV MaT^atov E7r(ivetp,t Se ttjv KaTO. 'Ey8i(i)vos oKoXov^os yevo/xevos o McipKos irotov/icvos dKoXovOiav. Sta yap t5 dyt(j) UeTpta iv P(i)p.27, eirt- to KaTo, MaT^atov EvayyeXtov Tpeirerai to EvayyeXtov iKOea-Oai' irpo'iiav 6 Xoyos t^v aKoXov^tav' Kat ypdij/as diro(rreXXeTat viro tov t^s 'ets i^pas iXOovoTjs -yvwaeios dyiov UeTpov ets T^v row Atyv- irapaOea^Bai -^vdyKocrev. iv T(S TTTitov ^(opav. OVTOS Se ets iTuy- yovv irap' avTOts Tjva-yyeXim koto. ^avev eK Toiv e^Sop.^KOVTa Svo M.arOa'iov 6vo[iiAxt,oix,evio, ov)( 0X10 Tuiv Aiaa^KOp^jna^OevTwv eirt t6ev Xeywv^ TTjv yewrjo-iv' dXXcl, (^Tjtrtv, eV t5 'lopSciVTj KttT^X^e^TO TTvevixa eir' avTov, Kat vrj, ovtos OTTtv 0 vtos" o dyair7jTos, e^ ov ifj^vSoKTjaa. Panarion xxx. 'Opa Se TTjv Trap' avTOts irapa- TreTrovqfi,evqv TravTa)(o6ev oioaxTKa- XCav," irols iroiVTa X'^Xa, Xofa, Kat ovSep,i'av opOoTTjTa e)(OVTa. o p.ev yap K7;ptv^os Kat KapiroKpos Tw avTU )(pixevoi, S^6ev Trap avTOts EvayyeXio) diro t^s dpx^s tov KaTO, MaT^atov EvayyeXtov, Sta T^S yeveaXoytas ^oijXovTai irap- KTTav iK cnreppaTOS I(i)(r7)<)!) Kat Maptas etvat tov Xpicrrov. ovTot Se dXXot Ttva ' Stavoovrat. irapa- Kotj/aVTes yap Tas irapa TW MaT- 0ai(O yeveaXoytas, ap^ovrat ttjv "¦PXW Troieiudai, (us irpoetirov,' XeyovTes' , . , The beginning of the Ebion ite Gospel was evidently re lated closely to Luke : Luke i. 5 EyeveTO ev Tats rjp,epais 'Hp(i)8ov j8a(rtXe(i)s ttjs 'lovSatas lepevs Tts ovofxaTi Zaxa- ptos . . . Kat yvv^ avTM iK twv Ovyaripiav Aapiltv, Kal to ovopa avT^S 'EXeto-oi;8eT. Luke iii. 2 eirt dp^iepiias Avva Kal K.aid(f>a, lyeveTO p^pa 6eov eirt 'Iwdv/jv tov Za-)(apiov ... 8 Kat Sect, xui, , , , ^ oe ap^TJ TOV irap' avTots EvayyeXtov e;^et. OTt eyeveTO ev Tats fjixepais 'HptoSov TOV Ba- (rtXetos T^S lov Satas, rjXOev I(1)({WTJS /SaiTTt- Sect. xiv. , , , OTt eyeve TO <^i)(Tiv, iv Tats ijpepats 'HpooSov ySacTt- Xetos TTJS lov- Saiots eirt ' Ap^^ie- pe(i)S Kat(i(^a, ^X^e Tts 'ItodtwTjs ovopaTt ^aTTTL- ^ Dindorfius reads aKornxris. " Dindorfius omits Xeyav, ^ Dindorfius adds pov, ' Dindorfius reads 8iSa(rKaXiav TravraxiiSev, ' Dindorfius reads aWa nva. ' Dindorfius adds koi, * Dindorfius reads xar^X^ev, Dindorfius has irpoeiVopev. EBIONITE GOSPEL WITH PARALLELS 53 Luke, Sect, xiii. Sect. xiv. rjXOev ets irao-av ireptj^oipov tov ^v fidTTTUTfia *IopS(£vov KTjpva-a^tov /8dirTio-p,a pe- peTavoias ev to! [xeravoias ev tw Tavot'as ... 21 'EyeveTO Se ev t5 IopSctv7j7roTap.£, Trorafxia lop- ^aTmaOrjvai diravTa tov Xaov . . . os eXeyeTO etvat Savrj, . . . 6K yevovs Aa- pwv TOV lepeuis, irats Za^^aptov Kttt EXto-d/8eT, Kat i^pxpvTO irpos avTov irttvTes. Matthew iii. 18-17 (Westcott and Hort). ToTe irapaytveTat 6 lTj(rovs diro T^S FaXiXatas eirt tov 'lophdvrjv irpos TOV Xiadvriv tov /8airTt(r6^vat vir' avTov. 6 8e SteKoUXvev avTOV Xeytov Eyu) xpeiav ej^o) viro (tov PaTTTKrOrfvai, Kat mvrj e$ ovpavov irpos avT()v. ovt()S eo-Ttv 6 vtos p.ov 6 dyainjTos, e^' ov 7jvSoK7j(j-a. Kat T()Te, ^7jcrtv, o Ia)ctW7js irpocrirecrajv avT(3 ?Xeye' 8eop.at (TOV Kvpte, o-v p.e ^dTrrurov. 6 Se eK(i)Xvev avTw," X€y(i)v, a^es, OTt ovT(«s eoTTt irpcirov irXijptu^^vot ' Dindorfius reads ra 'lopSdvrj woTapa. ' Dindorfius has et8cv. ' Dindorfius omits tov eeoC. * Dindorfius has (fyr/aiv. ° Dindorfius reads eKaXvaev atnev. ' None of the canonical Gospels quite reproduce this passage, but Matthew's text perhaps resembles it most. 54 SELECTED CITATIONS FROM THE Matt. iii. 4-7 (West cott and Hort). AvTOS Se 6 Itodvqs ei\ev TO evSvfxa avTov diro Tpu)(S>v Kap.T^Xov /cat ^fovrjv Sep/xaTLvrjv irept TTjv o(r<^vv avrov, fj Se Tporj r/v avrov d- Kpt'Ses Kat p.eXt dyptov. ToTe i^eTTopevero irpos avTov lepoo-oXvpa Kat iratra 17 lovSai'a Kat ira(ra ij Trepixu>pos TOV lopBdvov, Kal i^aTrri^ovTO ev TiS 'lopSdvy iroTapw vir' avTov . . . iSw Se iroXXovs tSv $apt- (rauav . . . ip^o/xevovs eirt TO )8(iirrt(rpa , . , Mark i. 5-6 (West cott and Hort). ... 5 Kat efeiro- peijeTO Trpos avTov ira(ra ^ 'lovSata X'^P'"' Kal OL 'lepooroXvpetTat ircivTes, Kat eySaiTTt- ^OVTO vir avTOv ev tm lopSctvij TTOTa/XlS , . . Kal Tjv o Iu)(iv7js evSe- Sv/xevos Tplxas Kajx-q- Xov Kal ^divrjv Sepfxa- nvrjv irept t^v 6(t(J>vv avTov, Kat ecrduiv aKpt- 8as Kttt p,eXt dyptov. Epiphanius, Pan arion xxx. 13, Kat eyeveTO Io)(xvv7js ^aTrTL^iOV, Kal i^XBov Trpos avTOV ^apicraioi, Kal e^aiTTtV^Tjcrav, Kat irSo-a lepoa^oXvfxa. Kal etT^ev o louavvTjs evov- p.a diro TptT^Sv Kap,7j- Xov, Kat t,u)vr]v Seppa- Ttv7jv irept T^v ocrcfyvv avTOv. Kat TO ^pwfxa avTOv, -f)0^l, jxeXi d- yptov, ov 17 yevcrts ^v TOV Mctvva, (US eyKpts ev eXai(j>" tva S^^ev p.eTatrTpei/f(i)(rt tovt^s dXrjOeias ^ Xoyov ets ij/evSos, Kal dvrl aKpt- S(ov irotTjcroJcrtv eyKpt- 8as ev fxeXiTi. [Cf. Matt. X. 2-4 ; Mark ui. 14-19 ; Luke vi. 14-16 ; and Acts i. 18.] Epiphanius's Luke iii. 23 Epiphanius, Panarion xxx. 13. Text of Luke (Westcott and . . . iyiy„6 ^s dvrjp 6v6p.an 111. iio. ilort). Itjo-ovs, Kat avTOs &s eTolv Tptti- OTt TJV avTos o Kat avTos tjv kovto, os i^eXe^aro ¦^/xds. koX 'Iijo-ovs dpxdjxe- Itjo-ovs dpxd/xe- iXOuiv eis K.aapvaovfx eur^XOev vos (US ctSv Tptdi- vos (U(ret eTtuv ets ttjv otKiav Stptuvos tov eirtKXij- KOVTa . . . TpidKOVTa, . . . BevTOs TLerpov, Kat dvoi^as to (TTOfxa avTOV eiTre Trapepxofxevos irapa t^v Xtfivriv TtySeptdSos efe- Xeidixijv 'I(UCiW7jv Kat 'ldK(uy8ov, vtovs Ze^eSaiov, Kal ^tjucova Kat Avopeav Kal OoSSaiov Kat Stpwva TOV f TjXtUT^V Kat 'lojjSav TOV 'ItTKa- pKDTTjv, Kttt (re TOV MaT^atov KaBe- ^o/xevov eirt tov TcX(uvtov iKdXeo'a, Kai ¦^KoXovBrjo-ds /xoi. Vfxds ovv /3oijXo/xai etvat SeKaSvo' dirocrro- Xovs ets jxapTvpLov tov 'I(7pa7jX.' ' Dindorfius has ttjs aKj)6ilas tov in place of rhv r^s , . . ^ It should be noticed that this word is not 8oi fxov os ^ot ; Kat iKreivas eirt tovs fxaBrj- T av irotTjcnj to BeXrj/xa [Margin : Tcts T^v x^'pa/ e^ii?- ov Tot eto-tv Ta ^eX^p.aTa] tov Beov, ... ot dSeX^ol /xov, Kal 77 p,7jT7jp,' ot irotovvTcs TO, BeX-qixara tov iraTpoS pov. Matt, xii, 46—50 (Westcott and Hort) in some respects agrees more closely. . . . iSov T] jxrqfj-rip Kat ot dSeX^ot avTOv t(rT7jKetcrav eftu . . . Tts iuTiv 77 Ix^ifTTip fXov, Kal Ttves elayeiv /xeB' vfxSsv. avTol Se eirtypcci/cavTes to Kpeas eavTovs eirXttvij- aye2v /xeB' ¦v/xZv; , . ,* [Cf. Mark xii. 38.] Epiphanius, Panarion xxx. 16. . , . (US TO irap avTots evayyeXtov KaXovfxevov irepte^ei, oTt ^X^ev Ka- TaXv(rat Tots Bvtrias, Kai eav fXTj Trava-qtrBe tov Bveiv, ov iraiJcreTat d(ji' vfxiov 17 opyij. , , ." ^ Dindorfius omits this second iiov. ' Dindorfius places rffv x^^pa before ejri. ' Dindorfius reads 01 d8eX . (t)vXaKr]v /8X7J- Birja-rj- d/xrjv Xeyto croi, ov pTj e^eX- Bys eKeWev ecus av diroSSs tov etr^aTov KoSpdvTTjv. rBi StK . . . t(rt7t ewo(uv T(u avTtotKtu (TOV, ev (1) Tjs ' ev T^ oSfcl fxer avTov, Kai Sos epyacrtav dirijAAct^^at dir' avTOV, p.7j irtus 6 dvTtStKOS irapaSw (re Ttt) KptT^, Koi o KpLTrjs tS vmj- peTTj, Kai 6 -VTTiriperrjs ^aXig ae ets 'v ecrrtv T(uv iroSoiv av Tov- p.'^e ets Iepocr(jXvp.a, OTt irdXts IcTTtv TOV fxeydXov y8a(rtX€(us" fxilJTe iv Ty KetjioX-^ crov ofxocrgs, oti ov h^vvacrai ptov Tptp^a XevKijv irot^crat r) peXotvav. "^ eorcu ^ Se o Xdyos vpSwai vat, ov ov- to Se Trepurirov TOVTtuv Ik tov irovTjpov ecTTtv. ^ Dindorfius reads t^v yvvaiKti o-ov xai to iratStov, " This text probably follows closely that of the Gospel to the Hebrews from which Epiphanius has given an extended citation. ' Dindorfius reads et. * Dindorfius omits the first dpxiv. "- Dindorfius has opvvvai. ^ Dindorfius has eTep6v nva. ' Dindorfius reads to yap irtpurabv, ' Dindorfius has e'oriv. PRECANONICAL READINGS FROM MATTHEW 57 Matt, vui, 28-33 (Westcott and Hort), , . , Kat eXSovTOS avTov ets to Trepav ets rrfv x'^P"-^ ™'' PaSapTj- V(uv vir^vTTjcrav avria Svo Sai/xovi- fopevot Ik tSv pvjjpettuv e^epxo- jxevoi, x'l^s'roi Xt'av ma-re jxt] urxveiv Ttva TrapeXBeiv Sta r^s 6S0V eKetvTjs. Kat tSov tKpa^av XeyovTes Tt ^ptv Kai (rot, vte tov Beov ; TiXBes tuSe irpo Koxpov /Jao-a- viVat -rip,ds; Hv Se fxaKpdv dx avTtuv dyeXr) xotp<»v ttoXXSiv |8o- (TKopevTj. ot 8e Sai/xoves irapeKa- Xovv avToi* XeyovTes Et lKy8(£XXets ^p.as, dirooreiXov '^pas ets ttjv dyeXijv t5v x°V'^^- '^"¦'^ ^'"-ev ovTots 'YirciyeTe, ot Se l^eX6(JVTes dir^Xflav ets tovs xo'/oo^S' Kat tSov wp/XTjaev Trd(Ta ¦^ dyeXij KaTci tov Kprj/xvov ets t^v ^ctXacrcrav, Kat dire^avov ev Tots vSatrtv, Ot Se P6(TK0VTes ec^vyov, Kai direX6(5VTes ets T^v ir(jXtv dir^yyetXav irdvTa Kat TO. tSv 8atp«vt^op,ev(uv, Matt, xiii, 24-80, and 37-41 (Westcott and Hort). . . , 'QfxouaBri ¦^ |SacrtXeta tSv ovpavtuv dvBputTru) cnreipavTi KaXov cnrepfxa iv tw dypS avrov, iv Se Tfc) Ka6ei58etv tovs dv^p(oirovs ^X^ev OVTOV o ixBpos Kal eireo-iretpev Z[t- ^ctvta dva /xeaov tov crtTOv Kat dir^X^ev. OTe Se i^Xda-rrja-ev 6 XOpTOS Kal Kaprrov lirotTjorev, TOTe irj, vat, ir()6ev ovv to, ^t^ci- vta; o Se dTroKpivdp.evos etirev, ixBpos avBpioTTOS TOVTO lirotTjtrev. ot Se SovXot irpos avTov etirov, de'Xets ovv direX^(3VTes iKpit,mTiit- fxev TO. ^t^civta; o 8e irpos avTOvs e^Tj, ov, p.Tj ircus eKpi^ovVTes Ta ^t^dvta iKpL^wcrrjTe koI tov crtTOv. dXX' deTe ecus Katpov tov 6ept- p. 56, ' Cf. Mark i. 24. his quotation marks omitted. 58 PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS Matthew. iroTe o-vXXeyovTes to. ^i^oivto cKpt- ^(uo-7jTe dpo avTots tov crtTov dcfyere ovvav^dveaBai dp.apt(ratoi virOKptTOt, OTt diroSeKO- TOVTe TO ¦^Svoa^/xov Kal to dvrjBov Kal TO KVfxivov, Kai d^^KOTe to PapvTepa tov vopov, ttjv Kpia^iv KoX TO eXeos Kal ttjv ttio^tiv' tovto Se eSet irot^o-ot KOKetvo /xrj d(^etvot. oSijyot TV(j>Xoi, StvXt'^ovTes tov K(uv(oira TTjv Se KctpTjXov KOToiri- Epiphanius, (rp.ov, Kal Ipu) TOts BeptcrTais, crvX- Xe^are to. ^t^civta, Koi SijtroTe Secrpas . . .,' tov Se oriTOV dir()- ^eo-^e Iv Tj dTroB^rjKrj, Kot eroifxa- oroTe TO ^t^ctvio ets TO KOTaKO^VOt irvpi da-fiearm. , , . o to KaXov anrepfxa criretpas IcrTiv o Peos, o Se dypos icrnv 6 Koajxos, to. ^ifco- vtct ItTTtv ot iroVTjpoi dvPptuirot, o ixBpos dvBpiOTTOS IcTTtv 6 Stdt/SoXos, ot BepixTTox etcrtv ot dyyeXot, o pe- picrpos icTTiv ¦rj crvvTeXeta tov at(u- vos,o trtT(JS ItTTtvotKoXoidvppoDirot, Epiphanius, Panarion xxiu, 5, . . . OTt eirot'7j(rev 6 ©eos Tov dvBputTTOv, dpcrev Kai ^-^Xv lirotijtrev OVTOVS. Koi iroiXtv p,eB erepa, OTt eveKev toijtov KaraXeixj/ei dvBpuyjros TOV Trarepa koX ttjv /xryrepa ovtov, Koi TrpocTKoXXyjB^rjcreTai T'TJ ywoiKt OVTOV, Kat ecrovTot ot Svo ets crdpKa ptov. Kai ev^vs TrpocreBrjKe Xey(uv' ovs^ o ©eos crvve^evfev, dvBpom-os p,r] ^(upt^e'Tto. Epiphanius, Panarion x-vi. 4, ovai vp.tv[,] Tpap./xaTeis Kai $apt(ratot vTroKpiral, otl KOToXe- XotiroTe Tct ySapea tov vop.ov, tt/v KpicTiv Kal TOV eXeov, Kal diroSeKo- TOVTe TO dvTjBov, Kal TO ¦^Svocrp.ov, Kat TO ir^ovov, Kot KaBapi^ere to Iktos tov irOTTjpiov Koi TOV irtvo- Kos, TO Se evT(JS 60-Ti p.ecrTov dKo- Bapcrias Kal dKpacrias. Kal SoKi/xd- ' Dindorfius repeats Seapds, ' Dindorfius reads 6 ovv as the canonical text. ovr is the reading of the B text. See Dindorfius' note;. FROM MATTHEW 59 Matthew, VOVTCS. Ovat vpZv, ypop.p.oTets Koi $opi(ratoi virOKptTot, OTt KaBapi- ^ere to e^wBev tov ironjptov Koi T^s irapoi/rtSos, ecrtoBev Se yepovo-tv 6^ dpiroy^S Koi aKpacrias. #aptcrate Tvc^Xe, KaBdpicrov TrpSirov to Ivtos TOV ironjptov [Kai t^s irapoi/ft'Sos], tvo yevTjTai Kal to Iktos ovtov Ka^ap()v. xxiii. 18-22 Kot "Os &v o/xooig Iv TU BvcnacTTrjpita, ovSev icTTiv, OS 8' dv o/xocrr] iv tm 8(up(u T(3 lir(iv(u OVTOV d^etXet' . , . 6 ovv 6p(j(ras Iv tS ^vo-tacmjpt'(u dpwet Iv ovtS Kot ev irdtrt TOts iTravoi OVTOV* , , , Koi o d/x(j(ras Iv t5 ov- povu ofxvvei iv T(u Bp6v(o tov Beov KOX ev TeXrjB'!js, Kot' ovKeri p.TJ Tifx^qcrei* TOV iroTepa, Kot ¦fiBeTT^frare ttjv IvToX'^v TOV ©eov, Sta t^s tuv irpecr/3vTep(uv vp.Gv irapoS()cre(us, Kot KVKXeveTe 6(iXao'crav Koi frjpav irot^crat eva irpotrTjXvTov, Kat otov ycvTjTot, irotetre ovtov StirXoTepov vpSv vtov yeewTjs." Mark vu. 11-13 vp,ets Se XeyeTe 'Edv eiiTTj dvBpuiTros tieTe avrov ovSev irot^crot tco xoTpi ¦^ rg fxip-pi, dKvpovvres tov Xoyov TOV Beov T'TJ iropoSocret vfiS>v' y iropeSajKOTe" "^ Dindorfius, Xe'Xvrat, ' Dindorfius omits koi. ^ Dindorfius, iiravto, * Dindorfius reads rip^crg. " Dindorfius reads ovtov viov yeevvrjs bnrXoTepov vpmv. 6o PRECANONICAL READINGS FROM MATTHEW Matt, xxiii. 85-6 (Westcott and Hort). . . . oir(us eX^Tj 1^' vp,as irov atp.a StKotov lK;^vw(jp.evov lirt rrjs yrjS diro TOV atp,OT0S "A/SeX tov StKOt'ov e(us TOV aijxaTos Zaxapcov vlov Bapop^tov, ov ioveva-aTe p.eTa.$v TOV voov Koi tov Bvcria- (TTTJpt'oV. Epiphanius, Panarion Ixvi. 77.1 . . . (uctotJtcus o Kvptos Xeycf ^YjTrjBi^creTai diro T^s yeveas TOV- TTjs irav oTpo StKOt'ov iKxvvop.evav iirl TTJs yijs, diro atp.aTos ApeX TOV StKOt'ov, fxexpis otpttTOS Zo^i^a- pt'ov TOV iKKexyp,evov dvd piecrov TOV voov Kai TOV BvcriacTTrjpiov. PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS FROM MARK The Beginning of Chap, in of Matthew's Gospel (Westcott and Hort). Ev Se Tots ¦fip.epais cKetvots iropoytveTot Icu- ctVTjs . . . Ovtos ydp IcTTtv 6 pij- Bels Stct 'Hcraiov TOV irpo(^7jTov XeyovTos tj^mvy j8o(UVTOS Iv T^ ip^p,r]Ty cfxavrj /Souvtos ev -ry ip-ijixa. ApX"] TOV ev ayyeXtov Irjcrov XptOTOV. Ko^tus ye'ypaiTTot Iv t^ 'Hcroto TU irpo- ^TjTTj ISov diro- iTTeXXto TOV dy- yeXdv pov Trpo TrpotTiarrov crov, OS KaTacrKev(i(ret TTjv 6S()V crov ^uyvy ^omiTos hi ry ip^^p.(a, , . , ' Section 78 in Dindorfius, p. 107. * Dindorfius reads Beoc^aveiav for rrapovcriav. PRECANONICAL READINGS FROM MARK 6i Ebionite Gos pel as given by Epiphanius (Panarion xxx, 13), ... TO irveiJpa Tim ©eov 1 TO dyiov iv eiSei ire- pKTTcpas KOTeX- Bovanjs Kal ettreX- Bovcrtjs ets avrov, Kat iav7i eyeveTO Ik TOV ovpavov, Xeyovo-o- cr-u p,ov et o Vtos o oyo- 7r7jTos, Iv croi TfiSoKr/CTa, . . . KOX TrdXiv . , , OVTOS icTTlV 6 vtos /XOV 6 dya- mjTos, , . . Mark i. 10-11 (Westcott and Hort), , , . TO TTvev/xa us ireptorepdv Kara^atvov ets OVTOV Kai U)VT] [lyeveTo] eK tS>v ovpovuv 2,v et o vtos p,ov 6 dyo- TrrjTOS, iv crot ev- SoKTjcra, Epiphanius, Panarion Ii. 6 (end). XeyovTuv ovtuv, OTt iSov ^ Sev repov EvayyeXtov irepi Xpta^Tov CTrjpMtvov, Kal ovSapov dvwBev Xe- ytiiv TT)v yevv7jo-tv dXXd, (^Tjo-iv, iv tZ 'lopSdvy KaryXBe ' to irvevpo eir avTov, Kat uivrj, ovtos lo-Ttv o vtos* o dyainjTos, 1^' ov TpiSoKrjcra? Mark v. 1-14 (Westcott and Hort). Kot TjXBov eis TO Trepav rrjs Ba- Xocrcnjs ets ttjv p^cupov Tuv Tepa- (Djvuv. Kot i^eXBovTos aiiTov iK TOV irXoiov [ev^vs] vinjvTijcrev ovtu iK TUV p.V7jpetuv dv^puiros ev irveij- poTt dKaBdpTia, os tt/v KOTOtKijcrtv et;^ev ev TOts ixvqp,acrtv, Kal ovSe dXvcret ovkcti ovSeis ISvvoto ovtov S^crot Sto to avrov iroXXoKts ire- Sats Koi dXvcrccn SeSecrBai koX Ste- cnracrBai vir avrov tos ctXvtrets Koi TOS ireSos crvvTeTpiBat, Kal ovSeis tcrxyev avrov Sa/td(rat" Koi Stct iravTos WKTos Koi ^pepos Iv Tots /xvY/fxaa^tv Kal iv Tots opecrtv ^v Kpo^UV KOt KOTOKOITTUV COVTOV Epiphanius, Panarion Ixvi. 38.' O Se MdipKos KOt T^v dKpipetav TOV dpiBp,ov TUV xotpwv St7jy7jcraT0 etiruv, OTt ^X^e Se ets to p^epr/ rrjs Tepyea-rjvluv, koI dir^vTTjcrev ovt(3 Sot/.tovt^(3/*evos, OS lSe(rpetTO ctXr'- (recrt criSijpots, Kai Stecriro to Secr/xd, Kat iv TOts pvTjpetots St^ye, Kat eKpa^ev' ea, Tt ^p,tv Kot croi 'l7jcrov Yte TOV ©eov; ^X^cs irpo Katpov /Soo-ovtcrot ' i7pas. Koi yjpurrqcrev avrov 6 'Iijcrovs, Tt crot ovofxd icTTi; Kal etirev oTt Xeyeuv, OTt iroXXd Satp.ovta eto-^X^ev ets ovT(>v. Koi irapeKciXovv ovtov, p.Tj diro- OToXTjvat efu t^s \upas, dXXct eto-eX^etv ets tovs ^(Otpovs. ^v 1 Dindorfius omits toO Geoi}. ^ Dindorfius adds Kai. ' Dindorfius has Kar^X^ev. * Dindorfius adds pov. ° Strange to say Epiphanius himself (Panarion xxx. 13) gives this text evidently from a Gospel which he has previously called that of the Ebionites. ° In Dindorfius' edition, section 35, p. 56. ' Dindorfius reads ^acravla-ai. 62 PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS Mark, XtBots. Koi iSuv TOV 'Iijtrovv diro fxaKpoBev eSpap,ev Kal TrpocreKvvy- crev avrov, Koi Kpdfas cfxavy p.e- -ydXy Xeyet Tt Ipoi Koi crot, 'Ir/a^ov vie Tov Beov tov ¦Inj/icTTOv ; opKt^w ere TOV Beov, p7j pe jSacrovt'cnjs. eXeycv ydp ovtu 'Ef eX^e to irvev- p.a TO aKaBaprov iK tov dvBpw- irov. Kai iTrypwTa a^vTOv Tt ovop,d crot ; Kcu Xeyet avrw Aeytuv ovofxd plot , OTI iroXXot icrpiev' Kal TrapeKdXei ovtov iroXXd tvo pt^ avTa dirocTTetXij ?fu t^s J^cupos. Hv Se Ixet Trpos tu opet dyeXt] XOipo)v p,eydXy] )So(rKopevTj' KOt iropeKaXecrov ovtov XeyovTes Hep.- i/fov i7pas ets tovs ;!^otpovs, tvo ets OVTOVS elaeXBrn/xev. Kal irrerpe- ij/ev ovTOts. Koi i^eXBovTa to. TTvev/xara to. aKdBapra eiaijXBov ets TOVS xotpovs, Koi uppijcrev ^7 dyeXij KOTO tov Kprjfxvov ets ttjv 6({Xacr(rav, (us Stcr^^tXtot, Koi lirvt- yovTO Iv t^ BaXdo'cry. Kot ot PdcTKOVTes OVTOVS ecfivyov Kat dir^yyetXov ets t^v ir()Xtv Koi ets TOVS dypoTJS" . . . Epiphanius. yap iKet dycXij ^otpuv ^ocrKOfxevt], Kal iireTpeij/ev ovTots cicrcX^eiv ets TOVS xoipovs, Kal wpfxycrev f] dyeXy Kara tov Kpmjp.vov eis ttjv BdXacr crav. Tjcrav ydp (us StcrxtXtot, Koi iTrvtyycrav iv ry BaXdcrcry. Kal ol ySocTKovTes OVTOVS e(^vyov, Koi dvTjyyetXav Iv r-rj 1r()Xe^ Matt. xxvi. 17- 19 (Westcott and Hort). Ttj Se irp(UT7j TUV d^ijp.(DV irpo- crijX^ov ot piaBirj- TOt TU Iijcrov Xe yovTes Hov Be- Xets eTotp.dcru- p.e'v crot (^oyetv TO irdcr^a; o Se etirev 'YirdyeTe ets Tyv iroXtv irpos TOV Setva Kai etiroTe ovtu 'O StSdcTKoXos Xeyet 'O Katpos Luke xxii, 7- 18 (Westcott and Hort), 'HX6ev Se ^ ijpepo tS)V d^v- p.uv, TJ eSet 6ve- crBai TO Trdcrxa- Kal direcTTetXev HeTpov Koi lud- VTjv etircuv Ho- pevBevTes CTOt- [xdcrare ¦fjpxv to Trdcrxa tva cj>d- yio/xev. ol Se et irov OVTU Hov fleXets eTotpcicru- pev ; 0 Se etirev Mark xiv. 12- 16 (Westcott and Hort). . . , Xeyovcrtv OVTU 01 po^TjToi OVTOV Hov Be- Xets direX6()VTes Totfxdcrtapiev tvo (fid-yys TO Trd crxa ; Kal diro- (TTeXXet Svo TUiv /xaByrlov avrov Kai Xeyet ovrois 'YirdyeTC ets ttjv iroXtv, KOt dirov- TTjcret vpxv dv Bpunros Kepdp,tov Epiphanius, Panarion xxx, 22,1 . , . (US KOt oi [xaByral ovtu Xeyovcrt irov Be- Xeis CTOtpdtrcu- fxev crot to Hd- cr;^a cjiayetv ; Kal avros o Kvpios Xeyet direX^eTe ets TTJV ir()Xiv, KOt evprjcreTe dv- BpuiTTOv paxrrd- 40VTO Kepdp,tov vSoTos, Koi OKO- Xov6Tj(raTe ovtu 1 Text of Dindorfius without his quotation marks. FROM MARK 63 Matthew, p,ov iy-fvs icrnv irpos ere irotu to Trdcrxa /xerd tZv fxaByr&v pov. Kat lirotTjtrov ot fxaByral &s crvv- eTofev ovTots o Itjo-ovs, Koi ijTot- fxaxrav to ircitrp^o. Luke. )ov eio-- eXBovTmv v[xZv ets TTjv TroXtv crvvavTycrei vjxZv dvBpunros Kepd- fxiov vSoTos )8o- crTdt,uiv OKoXov- B^ycraTe ovtu ets TTJV otKt'ov eis TJV eto-iropevcTai. Koi epeire tu ot- KoSecnrcjTTj t^s oiKt'os T Aeyet (rot o StSdcTKo- XoS Hov IcTTtV TO KardXvpia ottov TO Trdcrxa /xerd T&v /xaByTSyv jxcyv cftdyo) ; Kdneivos « -. ^ If- » / vp.iv oetfet ovo- yotov peyo I- crrpu>p,£vov iKei eTotpAcraTe. dir- eX^dvTes Se ev- pov KoSus etpTj- K€t avTots, Koi rfToiixaxrav to Trdcrxa, Mark. vSoTOS Pacrrd- tfi>v aKoXovBy- crare ovtu, Koi oirov Idv eicreX- By etiroTe rZ ol- KoSeCTTroTy oTt 'O StSdcTKoXoS Xeyet Hov IcrTiv TO KOTaXvpd p.ov OTrov TO Trdcrxa p,eTd TUV jxaBy- tZv pov (fidyoy ; Kat OVTOS vp.tv Set'fet dvdyotov p.eya icrTpu)p.e- vov erotpov Koi iKet eToip.dcraTe Tjplv. KOt ef^X- 60V Ot fxaByral Epiphanius. oirov virayet, Kai etiroTe t^ oiko- SetriroTTj, ¦Trov icrri TO kotoiXv- /xa, oirov irotTjcru TO Tldcrxa /.teTo TUV jxaByrZv p.ov ; Kal Setf et vp,tv virepuov e- crTpup.evov, iKet eTotp,dcroTe. PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS FROM LUKE Luke i. 26-36 (Westcott and Hort), 'Ev Se TU fiyvl TU Iktco dire- crrdXy 6 dyyeXos PoySptijX diro tov Beov ets TroXtv rys PaXiXatos tj 3vopa No^opcT irpos TrapBevov lpv7j(rTevpev7jv dvSpi St ovop.a ^luHrrjcji If otKov Aovei'S, Kat to avopjx TTJS TrapBevov Maptdp.. Kot etcreX^uv irpos ovt^v etirev X.aipe, Epiphanius, Panarion Isix. 40, . . . dXXd, ycrl,^ (US o Evoy- yeXtcrT^s' Iv Se tcu eKT(U p.7jvi dire- ordXy 6 AyycXos Fa^piyX els TroXtv TTJs PoXtXat'os, Trpos Hap- Bevov pep.v7jo-TCvp.ev7jv dvSpt, p,evy, o Kvptos p.eTd (rov, Koi Ta Xotird 1 Dindorfius has (^ijo-iv. Nazareth is not mentioned here, nor is the Virgin's name given. Perhaps Mary's name may have been omitted by Epiphanius because she has already been referred to in his text a sentence or two before this citation. 64 PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS Luke, KexaptTupt€V7j, 6 K^vpios p-erd crov. ^ y Se liri tu Xcjyco SterapdxBy koi SieXoyi^ero iroroiros etij 6 dcnro- crpos OVTOS. Kat etirev o dyyeXos ovTJj M^ ipoPov, Maptdp., evpes ydp X'^P"' Trapa Tev vtov Iv y^pet OVT^S, Koi OVTOS p.'^V eKTOS IcTTtV avry ry KoXovpievy crreipcx' , . . Epiphanius, T^S OKOXov^tOS. (US OVV ^ ITOp- Bevos liri tu dcrTracrpiw irapdcrcrero, ey Trpbs avryv' tSov crvXX^yifry iv yacrrpl, koI Tefjj vtov, Koi KaXe crets TO 0V0p.O OVTOV Itjctovv. Koi iSov ¦y cTvyyevqs crov 'EXto-o/SeT (rvvetX7j(^vra vtov ev ycipa avrys, Kai OVTOS p.7JV eKTOS ItTTiv OVTTJ Ty KaXovp,evy crTeipa. Luke u. 89 (Westcott and Hort). Kot (US CTeXecrov irdvro to koto, TOV vop.ov Kvptov, eTrecTTpeifrav ets TTJv PoXtXat'ov eis 7r(>Xtv eovTuv No^opeT. Epiphanius, Panarion Ii. 8 (end). . . . OTt (^Tjcriv ev ttj Tecrcro- paKOcrry ¦yp.epa dvTjveyKov ovtov ets Iepov(roX7Jp, KaKeiBev ' ets Na^opeT.'' [Cf, Luke iii. 23-38 (West cott and Hort), which has become much confused on ac count of various apparent re duplications,] Epiphanius, Panarion IsLs, 22. , , , dXXd Koi 6 AovKas dpxe- TOt drro tuv kotu Kai eyyvTOTU, OTt TJV OVTOS 6 lycrovs dpx6p,evos (US ItuV TptOKOVTO, UV VtOS (OS ivop.it,eTO TOV 'Iuo-^(^, tov 'HXi, ' Dindorfius reads KaKtlBev. " This verse I believe to have been altered to its present form on account of what Epiphanius said about its text as it existed in his time. FROM LUKE 65 Luke viii. 31-3 (Westcott and Hort). KOt irapeKdtXovv ovtov tva p,y lirtTofij ovTots ets ttjv ajSvcrcrov direXSetv, '^Hv Se eKet dyeXy xot puv tKovuv r |8oo-Kopev7j Iv T(U opet' Koi iropeKctXecrav ovtov tvo iTTiTpeijry ovTots ets iKet'vovs cicreX- ^etV Koi lireTpei/fev avTots. efeX- BovTa Se TO Saipiovux dTrb tov dv- Bpunrov elxrrjXBov ets Toiis xo'P°^s> Koi &pp.ycrev ¦y dyeXy koto tov Kpr)p,vov ets T^v Xi'/iV7jv Koi dire- Trvtyy. . . . Epiphanius, TOV MarBdv,^ tov Nd^ov, tov Ao/SiS, TOV 'IoijSo, tov 'Ioku^, tov 'A^padp,, rov Noxup, tov Nue, TOV Adp.ex, TOV 'Evux, tov S'^^, TOV 'ASdp., TOV ©eov, Epiphanius, Panarion Ixvi, 33,= KOt iropeKoXovv ovtov ot Aot- p.oves XeyovTes, p,y Trep.xjrys ¦yp.ds ets T^v d^vcrcrov, dXX' eiriTpeij/ov yplv tva eicreXBu>p,ev ets tovs x°'" povs, Koi iTrerpeij/ev ovTOts. Kot If^X^ov ot Aotp.oves, Koi eicr^XSov' ets TOVS XO'P"^** '"'^ (upp7jo-ev 7j dyeXy tuv xotpuv koto tov Kpyp,vov ets T^v 6(iXacro-av, Kat dirciXovTO Iv TOts vSoKTtv,* PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS FROM JOHN John i, 1-23 (Westcott and Hort). EN APXH ^v 6 Xoyos, Koi 0 Xoyos yv Trpbs tov Beov, Kal Bebs yv 6 Xoyos. Ovtos ^v Iv dpxjj Trpbs TOV Beov. irdvTO St' ovtov lyeceTO, Koi xfav OVTOV, . . . ] 6 'EyeveTO dv- Bpunros aTrecTTaXp.ei'os Trapa Beov, Epiphanius, Panarion Ii. 12-13, dXXd, iv dpxTj yv 6 A(jyos, TrdvTa St' OVTOV iyevero, Kat X'^P'S avrov iyevero ovSe ev, o yeyove, KOt TO cf^s. Koi o Aoyos crdpf iyevero, Kal icTK-yvmcrev iv ypxv, KOX eiSofxev avrov. etTO, iyevero dv- BputTros dire(rTaXp,€vos iropct ©eov, ovo/xa avT(U 'ludwijs. ovtos ^X^ev ets puxpTvpiav, tvo pap/rvp-qcret^ irept TOV cfimrbs, tva irdvTes irto-Teij- ^ In Eusebius' Church History (McGiffert's edition) I. vii. 6 occur the words, ' For Joseph was the son of Eli, the son of Melchi ', taken from the text of Jesus' Genealogy in Luke before Eusebius. The Genealogy here given from Luke by Epiphanius seems to differ from all other known texts. Only the principal names are given, = In Dindorfius' edition this is section 35,' p. 57. ° Dindorfius omits /cat eiV^Xflov, * This is incorrectly stated in the margin to be a reading of Mark V. 13. ^ Dindorfius reads paprvpria^g. 66 PRECANONICAL VARIANT READINGS John. ovopa OVTU 1u(fv7js' ovtos ^X^ev ets paprvptav, iva p,aprvpiQcry irept tov (^(utos , , . eSuKev avTots Ifov- criav T£Kva Beov yevecrBai, Tots irtcTTevovcrtv ets to ovo/xa avrov, ot OVK If atp.dTuv ovSe iK BeX-fj- p.oTos crapKbs ovSc Ik SeX^paros dvSpos dXX' Ik 6eov iyevvrjBycrav. [14] Koi o Xoyos crdpf iyevero KOt lo-KTjvuo-ev Iv ^/ttv, Koi l^eo- crdjxeBa ryv S(jfav ovtov, So^av (us p,ovoyevovs iropd Trarpos, TrXypys xdptTos Koi dX7j6et'os* ('Iudv7js /xapTvpet irepi avTov Kai KeKpayev Aeyuv — OVTOS ¦fjv o etiruv — U dirt'cru p.ov epxdp.evos ep,TrpocrBev fxaru yeyovev, ort irpuTcjs p.ov ^v') OTt iK TOV irXypu>p,aTos ovtov i7p.ers irdvTes iXdPop.ev, Kot x^-P'-^ °-^''''- XdptTos' OTI b vo/xos Sto Muvcrcus eSoBy, ¦y X^P" ""'' 'J dX7jfeo Std l7jcrovXptcrTOv iyevero. Beov ovSets ecupoKev ir(o7roTe' '^p.ovoyev^s 6e6s o UV ets TOV KoXirov tov iroTpos iKetvos i^yyycrdro. Koi aur7j icrnv y /xaprvpia tov luctvov ore direcTTetXov irpos ovtov ot lovSatot If IcpocroXi;p.uv tepets KOt AevetTos tvo ipun-ycruicrtv avrov 2v Tts et; Kat &p,oX6yycrev Kat OVK ypvfjcraTO, Kal (upoXoy7j(rcv OTt Eyu OVK eip,l 6 Xptcrros. Kal ypuyrycrav avrov It ow ; [o-vj 'HXet'os et; Koi Xe'yet Ovk etp.i'. 'O Trpocftf/Tys et crv; Kot drreKpiBy V. etirov OVV ovtu Its et; tvo aTroKptcrtv Sup,ev to ts irept/rocrtv ¦yp,ds' Tl Xeyets irepi creovTov ; €(^7j 'Eyu (j!>uv^ ^oZvTos iv TJj ifrypto Ev^vvoTe T^v oSov Kvptov, koSus etirev 'Hercuos 6 irpo(^7jnjs. Epiphanius. (ruo-t Sl' OVTOV, OVK ^v eKetvoB TO (/>us, dXX' tvo piXxpTvprjcry irepi TOV ^WTOS. yv TO (f)Zs TO dXy- Btvbv, o ^uyrit,et irdvTO dvBpunrov epxopevov eis tov Koarpm', ev Ttu Kocrpuo yv, Kot o Kocrpios St ovtov iyevero, Kal 6 Kotrptos avTov ovk eyvu' eis to tSto yXBe, Kat ot tStoi OVTOV ov iropeXo/Sov, oo-oi Se eXajSov OVTOV, eSuKev ovrots Ifov- crt'av Te/cvo ©eoS yevecrBai' o't ovk If otpoTUV KOt cropKOS, dXX Ik ©eov iyewyBycrav, Kot o Aoyos crdpf lyevcTO, cftycrl,^ Kal KOTe- CTK-qvwcrev iv ¦yp.tv. ^ Iuowtjs p.op- Tvpet, Koi KeKpaye Xeyuv" ovtos ^v, ov etirov vp.tv' Kot OTt Ik tov irXijpcupoTOB OVTOV 77ptets irdvres' iXd^op,ev, Kal Xeyet, ovk etpti eyu o Xpicrros, dXXd vy /Souvtos Iv Tg ip^yp.