ANNALS OF THE
SUSQUEHANNOCKS

AND OTHER

LANCASTER COUNTY, PA.
INDIANS 1500-1763

ESHLEMAN 1909

"Igpie thefe Bsoks.
Xftrlfhe. fajim&ng ef.a. t'eljii^i irC' thtf Colony'

« YAILIE«¥]MHVEI^SIir¥"

1911

Lancaster County Indians

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND OTHER INDIAN
TRIBES OF THE SUSQUEHANNA TERRITORY FROM
ABOUT THE YEAR i 500 TO 1 763. THE DATE
OF THEIR EXTINCTION

AN EXHAUSTIVE AND INTERESTING SERIES OF HISTORICAL PAPERS DESCRIPTIVE
OF LANCASTER COUNTY'S INDIANS PRIOR TO AND DURING
THE ADVENT OF THE PALEFACE

BY
H. FRANK ESHLEMAN, B.E.,M.E.,LL.B.
* > t
MEMBER OF THE LANCASTER BAR; MEMBER OF LANCASTER COUNTY HISTORICAL SOCIETY;
MEMBER OF PENNSYLVANIA HISTORICAL SOCIKTY OF PHILADELPHIA; MEMKER
OF PENNSYLVANIA HISTORY CLUB OF PHILADELPHIA '

1908
LANCASTER. PENNA

Copyright 1909
By H. Frank Eshleman, Esq.,
Lancaster, Penna.
550 Copies Issued

PRINTED BY THE
UXPRE.SS PRINTING CO.
LITITZ. PA.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND OTHER
LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS.
PART I.

Earliest Established Appearance of
Indians on Susquelianna — Where
They Came From.
Gordon in his history of Pennsyl
vania page 44 says, "After many ages,
the enterprising hunters of the Le-
nape crossed the Allegheny moun
tains, and discovered the great rivers,
Susquehanna and Delaware, and their
bays." They came from the west.
Nearly all writers agree that all the
Indians between Canada and Virginia
came from the Lenape and the Menqui
or Mengwe. Heckwelder says in his
"History, Manners and Customs of
the Indian nations," page 50: "Por a
long period of time, some say hun
dreds of years, the two Indian nations
Lenape and Mengwe resided peace
ably about the great Lakes and Alle
gheny, and they came down and
discovered first the Susquehanna and
then the Delaware." Gordon, page
43 says, (giving credit to Heckeweld-
er) that the Indians themselves, "re
late that many centuries past, their
ancestors dwelt in the far western I
wilds of the American continent" —
that after many years they arrived at j
the Mississippi, where they fell in
with the Mengwe, who were also on
this river nearer its source. The
spies of the Lenape, reported the
country on the east of the Mississippi

to be inhabited by a powerful nation
living in towns on the great rivers."
This people, tall and stout, some of
gigantic mould, were called AUegewi,
and their own towns were defended
by fortifications. The Lenape asked
permission to settle among them. This
was refused but they were allowed to
pass and go farther east. But while
they were passing there being so
many of them, the Allegewi stopped
them. Then the Lenape and the Men
gwe went together and whipped the
Allegewi and took all the country
east of the Mississippi and north of
Virginia, after a war of many years.
The Mengwe then took the northern
part of the conquered country and the
Lenape the southern. This is the
story the Lenape tell as related by
Gordon and Heckewelder.
These Lenape, according to their
own story then say after they be
came established in the east they di
vided themselves into three tribes —
the Turtle— the Turkey Tribe and the
Wolf Tribe. The first settled on the
coast from Hudson to Potomac Rivers.
The other, the Wolf tribe settled in
land on the Susquehanna, because
they were warlike and formed a bar
rier between the coast tribes of the
Lenape and the Mengwe on the west
who had become enemies of all Le
nape by this time. Gordon says, page

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

45, that the Wolf tribe of the Lenape
called by the English Minsi or Moncey
Indians, extended as far west as the
hills known as the Lehigh and Cone-
wago Hills in Pennsylvania, (p. 45).
This migration according to the au
thorities and the Indians' own story
extended over many centuries, so that
they reached and discovered the Sus
quehanna likely before the discovery
of America. The Susquehannocks,
Nanticokes, the Shackamaxons, the
Shawnese, and several other tribes,
Gordon says, came from this Wolf
tribe of the Lenape. (p. 56.)
The committee of archaeology of
the Dauphin Historical Society in a
pamphlet on the Lower Susquehanna
called "Contributions to Indian His
tory of the Lower Susquehanna Val
ley," in 1898 made a report to that
Society full of interesting matter on
the origin of our Indians, and in it,
page 39, they say, "Prior to 1600 but
how long before is not known, the
Susquehannocks were seated upon
that river, from which they have de
rived their name." The pamphlet al
so sets forth that before the Susque
hannocks settled on the river, "they
came into collision with the Mohawks
the most easterly of the Iroquois, and
in a war lasting ten years nearly ex
terminated them." The same pamphlet
says that John Smith found them in
war with the Mohawks when he met
them in 1608 (p. 39.) The Jesuit
Fathers, the minutes and records of
whose discoveries in America are
now collected and compiled into a
work of seventy-two volumes, called
the "Jesuit Relations," also give ac
counts of the wars these, now Sus
quehannocks, went through before
they settled on Susquehanna River
in the dim past. The Dauphin County
pamphlet also speaks of this (page
39,) but the exact quotations them
selves from the Jesuits will be given
later.

These earliest Susquehannock In
dians were cannibals to some extent.
Heckewelder tells us, page 55, "At'
one time they did eat human flesh.
And at one time they ate up a whole
body of the French King's soldiers;
and they said human flesh tastes like
bear's meat." They say the human
hand is bitter meat and not good to
eat, like the other parts of a person.
The Susquehannocks remained more
or less cannibal up to 1666, when Geo.
Alsop writes that at that date he
knew of them eating their enemies
whom they took in war.
Thus much for the earliest ac
counts of our Susquehanna country
Indians. This description is more or
less vague, from the misty knowledge
of them at this date; but all follow
ing discussions will be supported by
definite citation.
1600 — Ancient Indian Rock Pictures.
Very early in the history of the In
dians on the Susquehanna, perhaps
before the year 1600, or may be be
fore the discovery of America, the In
dians living on that river, cut a lot
of strange and grotesque pictures up
on the rocks in the river, near Safe
Harbor and also near Washington
borough. They seem to have been
cut, during the same age or epoch;
and all of them seem to represent the
same system of ideas. Some of them'
are much deeper than others, but that
seems to be because they have been
less exposed to wasting forces. The
lines of some are nearly a quarter of
an inch deep, while others are scarce
ly visible. The main rocks in the
river so decorated are "Bis Indian
Rock" and "Little Indian Rock," both
a few hundred yards below Safe
Harbor. There are many rocks so
carved however. The pictures chis-
seled in these rocks are birds with
elaborate wings, called the 'thunder
bird,' quadruped — animals, sinuous

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

snakes, rude outlines of trees, coiled
and star shaped representations, and
also individual men, some seated,
some standing, some thin and one or
two very fat. The thin and the fat men
are seated, but there are no masses or
groups of men, in military array, or
representations of battle that I re
member. Those pictures were there
before Penn's time, and the Indians
of Penn's time, seem not to have
any knowledge of their origin. All
antiquarians seem to be at a loss to
interpret these pictures, while those
on rocks in the central and western
states are to a great extent decipher
ed. However it has been supposed
that the jolly looking, fat and content
ed Indian, pictured sitting on the end
of the Indian rock nearest Lancaster
side, pointing up the valley of ]the
Conestoga, is meant to represent that
up that valley is a land of great
plenty, while the thin, starved and
bony savage pictured sitting on the
end of the rock nearest York
county toward which this Indian is
pointing, is meant to represent that
a very scant living is to be found
there. This of course is not fair to
York county today, with her hustling
city fast taking her place next to
Pittsburg, thus it is supposed the
purpose of the pictures was to be
guides and a system of information
to allied tribes, rather than the per
petuation of history.
The United States reports on Eth
nology for the year 1882 to 1883, page
47, tell us that these Lancaster county
Indian rock-pictures are of Algon
quin origin, and not Iroquois, and
therefore they may have been made
by Indians from the south, who per
haps were in this region and fled out
of it, when these hardy ancestors of
the Susquehannocks, of whom we
spoke in the preceding pages, came
pouring down from the Mississippi
and Lake Region and Northwest gen

erally. Powhatan's Indians we shall
see were Algonquins, in Virginia;
and Capt. Smith, as we shall notice
in later discussions says, they were
mortally afraid of the Susquehan
nocks, who were of the Iroquois
stock, and also received the white
men in entirely different fashion. The
best authority on these rock pictures
of Susquehanna whom I know, is Mr. ,
D. H. Landis, of Manor township, who
has given much study to the subject.
1600 — Earliest Known Trading of the
Susquehanna Indians.
In a phamphlet, called "Early In
dian History of Susquehanna," by
A. L. Guss, found in' the library of
the Historical Society at Philadelphia
the author says at page 12, "The
Susquehannocks were one of the
Minqua tribes, and they had treated
with the French about New York
Bay. A sale of Stpten, Island to the
Dutch contains the signature of one
of the Minqua Sachemachs (or chief
tains). 1603 — Susquehannock Trade on St.
Lawrence.
About 1603 the French were active
in the fur trade about St. Lawrence.
Further proving this early intercourse
and trade between the French and
Susquehannocks, Mr. Guss says on the
same page, "The iron hatchets which
Smith (in 1608) found in the posses-
! sion of the Tockwocks (that is Nan
ticokes) they informed him they had
received from the Susquehannocks;
and they in turn. Smith says, inform
ed him that 'from the French they
had their hatchets.' Thus some years
before 1608 the Susquehannocks were
in commercial intercourse with the
French." And again this same author
at the same page says, "The Sus
quehannocks were a ruling tribe and
forced trade privileges from other In
dian tribes. Powhatan gave this
fierce and mighty nation the name of
the Pocoughtronack Indians.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Therefore it seems clear from the
evidences now found that these
mighty Susquehannocks, were seated
or roaming about and between the
Susquehanna and Hudson rivers, and
indeed up to the St. Lawrence, sev
eral scores of years before the first
settlement at Jamestown; that they
some years before that settle
ment, were in trade relations with
the discoverers and explorers, the
French and others who were navigat
ing along these northern Atlantic
Coasts. These Susquehannocks also
mention the early Dutch and it is not
unlikely that they met and dealt with
those Dutch navigators, who as we
are told, page 1, of Hazard's Annals,
"first frequented the coast of New
Netherlands, situate in America, be
tween Virginia and New England, in
the year 1598." This will suffice to
show, upon definite historical proofs,
that over 300 years ago, the mighty
Susquehannocks dominated the coast
lands and inlands, from the Susque
hanna at least to the Hudson river;
that they were numerous and power
ful; and exerted both military and
commercial supremacy.
1607 — Captain John Smith's Histori
cal Works Touching Susquehanna.
John Smith wrote several histori
cal works, covering several parts of
America. The flrst was "A True Re
lation" (Narration) — then a "Map of
Virginia" — then a "Description of
New England" — then the "General
History of Virginia" — then " New
England Trials" — then "True Trav
els" and later several others. The
three which concern our Susque
hanna country are the True Rela
tion — the Map of Virginia and the
General History of Virginia.
"The True Relation of Occurrences."
The complete title of this book is
"A True Relation of such occurrences
and Accidents of Note as has Hap

pened in Virginia since the first
Planting of the Colony which is now
Resident in the South part Thereof."
A. L. Guss whom I have mentioned
before, in discussing this book says,
page 4, "The True Relation was
written and sent to England the very
day Smith set sail up the Chesapeake
on his trip. It contains no informa-'
tion of what was learned during the
two Chesapeake voyages; yet it con
tains passages of great interest re
lating to Susquehanna Indian affairs
as given by Powhatan the year pre
vious." Also page 9, he says the
same. Mr. Guss also says page 9,
"What Smith wrote in the True Re-i
lation was never incorporated into
Smith's later writings, though it is
the most reliable of all the historical
matter published over the name of
Smith." In this book the "True Relation"
Smith tells of a conference he had
with King Powhatan, and the King
asked Smith why he went so far with'
his boats; (Smith had gone up the
Potomac River without consent) and
Smith said those Monocan Indians,
had killed a relation of his (Smith's)
and he knew they were Powhatan's
enemies, and he was after them.
This he did to induce Powhatan to
tell him more about the various
tribes (True Relation p. 35).
This brought the result Smith de
sired, and in the same book he says,
"After great deliberation he began to
discourse and describe to me the
country beyond the Falls with many
of the rest not only what another In
dian before had told me but of a
country which he said some called it
five days, some six and some eight
where the waters dashed among many
stones and rocks which caused oft-
times ye head of ye river to be brack
ish. He also described upon the '
same sea or river a mighty nation

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY IDNIAN TRIBES

called Pacoughtronack (Susquehan
nocks, see p. 5), a fierce nation which
did eat men and warred with the
people of Moyaoncer and Patero-
merke nations upon the top or the
head of the bay under his territories
where the year before they had slain
an hundred. He signified ther crowns
were shaven, long hair in the neck,
tied in a knoe, (knot), with swords
like poll axes.
Guss page 11 of his pamphlet says
(and he is undoubtedly right) "this
last tribe was the Susquehannocks,
whom Smith at this time had not yet
met." Mr.Guss also says they were re
ported to be cannibals, which charge
is often made against them in com
mon with the Iroquois tribes. This
is about all there is in the True Re
lation, touching on the Susquehan
nocks. What Smith learned from
Powhatan was of more value tov him
than to historians of our day.
1608— The General Historie of
Yirginia.
I have copied from tMs work of
• Smith all that in any way bears upon
our Susquehanna Indians. And that
in the whole is only a few pages.
Therefore, I shall give it in full and
verbatim in these annals. Smith
made two journeys up the Chesa
peake and about Lower Susque
hanna to learn of this country and
its wild inhabitants. The general
history consists of two volumes.
Vol. 1, page 114 he says of this
Chesapeake and Susquehanna coun
try. "It has prerogative over the
most pleasant places known, for
large and pleasant navigable rivers
and heaven and earth never better
agreed to frame a place for man's
habitation. Prom the head of the
bay to the Northwest the land is
mountainous; at the head of the bay
the rocks are of a composition like
mill stones — some of marble,'' etc.
Then page 118 he says, "At the end

it is (\^x

of the bay where it is | ^^x or seven
miles in width it divides itself into
four branches, the best cometh noxth-
wesf, from among the mountains; but
though canoes may go a day or two
journey up it we could not get up it
two myles with our boat for rocks.
Upon it is seated the Susquehannocks "
— near it the north and by west run
neth a creek a mile and a half wide
— ^at the head whereof the ebbe (ebb)
left us on shore where we found
many trees cut with hatchets. The
next tyde, keeping the shore to seek
for some savages (for within 30
leagues sayling we saw not any
being a barren country) we went up
another small river — like a creek six
or seven myles. From thence return
ing we met 6 or 7 canoes of Massa-
wokes (Mohawks) with whom we had
signs. The next day we discovered the
small river and people of Tockwock
trending eastward."
Concerning this Tockwock country
page 120 he says, "On the east side
of the bay is the river Tockwock and
upon it a people that can make one
hundred men seated some seven my
les within the river where they have
a fort very well palisaded and man-
telled with bark of trees."
Also page 121 concernig his Mappe
of Virginia, of which we shall speak
later he says, "Observe that as far
as you see little crosses on the rivers,
mountains or other places have been
discovered; the rest was had by in
formation of the savages and are set
down according to their instruc
tions." 1608— Smith Stranded in the Susque
hanna.
Captain Smith, page 119 of Vol. 1,
General History, says, "Having lost
our grapnell among the rocks of Sus
quehanna, we were then two hundred
miles from home and our barge about
two tons, had in it about 12 men to
perform this discovery where in we

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lay about 12 weeks upon those great
waters. What I did with these small
means I leave to the reader to judge
and the map I made ot the country,
which is but a small matter in re
gard of the magnitude thereof.
"But to proceed, sixty of those
Susquehannocks came to visit us,
with bows, arrows, targets, beads,
swords and tobacco pipes for pre
sents. Such great and well propor
tioned men are seldom seen; they
seemed like giants to the English,
yea and to the neighbors; yet seem
ed ot an honest and simple disposi
tion, with much adieu restrained from
adoring us as gods. Those are the
strangest peoples of all those coun
tries, both in language and attire; for
their language may well beseem their
proportions, it sounding from them as
a voice in a vault. Their attire is the
skins of bears and wolves, some have
cassocks made of bear's head and
skin that a man's head goes through,
the skin's neck and ears of the bear
fastened to his shoulders and the
nose and teeth hanging down his
breast; another bear's face split be
hind him and at the end of the nose
hung a paw.
"The half sleeves coming to the el
bows, were the necks of bears; and
the arms through the mouth, with
paws hanging at their noses. One
had the head of a wolf hanging in
a chain for a jewel; his tobacco pipe
three-quarters of a yard long prettily
carved with a bird, a deer or some
such device, at a great end, sufficient
enough to beat out one's brains;
^with bows, arrows and clubs suit
able to their greatness. These are
scarce known to Powhatan."
Page 120 he says, "They can make
neare 600 able men and are pallisaded
in their towns to defend them from
the Massawomekes, their mortal
enemies. Five of their chief wero-

wances came aboard us and crossed
the bay in our barge. The picture
of the greatness of them is signified
on the map; the calves of whose legs
were three-quarters yard round and
all the rest of his limbs so ansewer-^
able to that proportion that he seem
ed the goodliest man we ever beheld.
His hair on the one side was long,'
the other shore close, with a ridge
over his crown like a cock's comb.
His arrows were five quarters yard-
long headed with splinters of a white
crystal-like stone in form of a heart
an inch broad and an inch and a
half or more long. These he wore
in wolves' skins at his back for his
quiver, his bow in one hand and his
club in the other as described in
the picture." (In G. Hills and Co.'s
book "Events in Indian History,"
published in Lancaster in 1841, page
82 tells us that "Werowance" is a
Powhatan term of the same signifi
cance as 'Sachem' or 'Chief of the
northern tribes)."
Page 129 Smith says of the Indian
tribes in this neighborhood, "The
land is not populous, for the men are
few. Within sixty miles of James
town, there are some 5,000 people,
but of able men fit for their warre
scarce 1,500. The people differ very
much in stature, some very great as
the Susquehannocks, others very lit
tle as the Wichcocomocoes. The In
dians are of a brown color when
they are of any age; but they are
born white. Their hair generally is
black; but very few have any beards.
The men wear half their heads
shaven, the other half long. For bar
bers they use their women, who with
two shells will grate away the hair
of any fashion they please. The
women's are cut in any fashion agree
able to them but ever some part re-
maineth long. In each ear they^
commonly have three great holes
whereat they hang chains, bracelets

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

or copper. Some of the men wear in
these holes a small green and yellow
colored snake, near half a yard in
length, which crawling and lapping
herself about his neck ofttimes would
familiarly kiss his lips. Others wear
a dead rat tied by the tail. Some
wear in their heads, the wings of a
bird, or the tail of a rattlesnake.
Some wear the hands of their enem
ies, dried. Their heads and should
ers are painted with roots mixed with
oil. (Page 130)."
As to those Massawomekes, who
were the dreaded enemies of the Sus-
hannocks. Smith gives us the best in
formation as to why they were and
where they lived. Page 134 he says,
"Beyond the mountains from where
is the head of the Potowmock, the
savages report, inhabit their most
mortal enemies the Massawomekes,
upon a great salt water which by
likelihood is either some part of
Canada, — some great lake of some
inlet of some sea, that falleth into
the South Sea ("South Sea" means
Pacific Ocean, which was its ancient
name. It must be remembered that
all people thought America only a
few hundred miles wide). These
Massawomekes are a great nation
and very populous, for the heads of
the rivers are all held by them, of
whose cruelty the Susquehannocks
and the Tockwocks generally com
plain; and very importunate they
were with me and my company
to free them from those tormentors;
to this purpose they offered food,
conduct and continual subjection,
which I concluded to effect. But
then the council would not think
fit to hazard 40 men in these un
known regions. So the opportuni
ty was lost. Seven boats full of
> these Massawomekes we encountered
at the head of the bay, whose targets,
baskets, swords, tobacco pipes, plat
ters, bows and everything showed,

they much exceeded them of our
parts. Against all these enemies the
Powahatans 'too are sometimes con
strained to fight." In Vol., 1, page
183, Smith says the "Susquehannocks
made us many descriptions of the
Massawomekes, and said they live on
a great water beyond the mountains,
which we understood to be Canada."
Thus it seems clear that the Mas
sawomekes were an Iroquois tribe —
the Mohawks. The Jesuit Relations
are full of descriptions of the Iro
quois incursions down the Susque
hanna River from its source. This
will be discussed later. Thus it
seems that the Evans and Ellis His
tory is mistaken in saying page 10
and 12, the Massawomekes lived on
Bush River.
1608 — Smith's Second Vovage Up to
Susquehanna.
At page 181, Vol. 1 of Smith's His.
torie of Virginia, Smith tells "What
happened on the second voyage in
discovering the Bay." The 24th of
July 1608, Capt. Smith set forward
to finish the discovery with 12 men,
He says he went "purposely" so he
informed King Powhatan to be re
venged of the Massawomekes ; the
King feasted us. We went to see the
bay divided into two heads, but arriv
ing we found it divided into four all
which were searched as far as we
could saile them. Two of them we
found inhabited but in crossing the
bay we encountered 7 or 8 canoes full
of Massawomekes; we seeing them
prepared to assult us left our canoes
and made way with our sayle (sail)
to encounter them. Yet were we but
5 that could stand. The rest were
sick. We put our hats upon sticks
at the barge's side and betwixt two
hats a man to make us seem many.
They fled. We landed; then two of
them came to us. We thought tcu
meet them next morning, but they
had left."

10

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Page 182 he says. "Entering the
river Tockwock (This is a little
stream flowing into the east side of
the Bay), the savages all armed, in
a fleet of boats, around invironed us;'
so it chanced one of them could
speak Powhatan, and soon all were
friendly. But when they saw us fur
nished with Massawomeke weapons,
and we faining we took them by
force, they conducted us to their pal
isaded town mantelled with bark of
tress. Their men, women and
children witlf dances and song wel
comed us. Many hatchets of iron,
knives and pieces of brass we saw
amongst 'them, which they reported
to have from the Susquehannocks, a
mighty people and the mortal ene
mies of the Massawomekes. The Sus
quehannocks inhabit upon the chief
springs of these four branches of the
bay's head, two days' journey higher
than our barge could pass for rocks.
Yet we prevailed with the interpreter
to take with him another interpreter
to persuade the Susquehannocks to
come and visit us for their language
is different. Three or four days we
expected their return then sixty of
those gyant people came down with
presents of venison, tobacco pipes
three-foot in length, baskets, targets,
bows and arrows. Five of their
chief werowances came boldly abroad
us to cross the bay for Tockwock,
leaving their men and canoes. The
wind being so high, they durst not
passe." Further on about the same page he
says, these "Susquehannocks held up
their hands to the sunne with a most
^ fearful song then embracing our cap
tain they began to adore him in like
manner though he rebuked them; yet
they proceeded till their song was
finished; which done with a most
strange furious action and a hellish

voyce, began an oration of their
loves. That ended, with a great
painted bear's skinne, they covered
him; then one ready with a great
chaine of white beads weighing at
least six or seven pounds hung it^
about his neck; the others had 18
mantels made of divers sort of skin-'
nes sewed together. All these with
many other toyes they laid at his
feet, stroking their ceremonious
hands about his neck for his creation
to be their governor and protector,
promising their aid, victuals or what
they had to be his if he would stay
with them to defend and revenge
them of the Massawomekes. Many
descriptions they made us of the Mas-
sowomekes, and said the Massawome
kes got heir hatchets from the French
and also other commodities of trade.
The highest mountains we saw north
ward we called Perigrines mount, and
a rocky river where the Massawome
kes went, up, Willowby's river in
honor of the town our captain was
born in. The Susquehannock's river
we called Smith's Palles." (See page
183)." This River Tockwock, is what is
now called Sassafras River, and it
forms the boundary between Cecil
and Kent counties in Maryland.
Page 183 Smith further says "Hav
ing thus sought all the rivers and
inlets worth noting, we returned to
discover the River Patuxuent."
Page 218 he says, "In the way be
tween, Werewoccamo and the Fort
near Jamestown, we met four or five
Dutchmen, confederates going to Pow
hatan the which to excuse these
gentlemen's suspicions of their run
ning to the savages returned to the
tort and remained there." And again
p. 223 he says "At this time the
Dutchmen remaining with Powhatan
(who kindly entertaining them to
instruct the savages in the use of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

11

our arms) and their consorts not fol
lowing them as they expected to know
the cause, they took Francis, their
companion, disguised like a savage
to the glasse house, a place in the
woods a mile from Jamestown.
Forty men they procured to lie in
ambush lor Capt. Smith who no soon
er heard ol this Dutchman than he
sent to apprehend him; but he es
caped." This last item I append (and only
parts of it are direct quotation) for
the purpose of showing that there
were Hollanders, at this time, in this
neghborhood, bearing out the truth
of the alleged Dutch document, in
Holland setting forth that in 1698
Dutch discoverers were about these
parts. It also shows that . they were
actively in communication with the
Indians. We are to notice also that
here we have direct evidence of these
Indians having iron and copper im-
plements long before Penn's time,
and indeed long before the Swede's
time. And this is all there is to be found
in Smith's History of Virginia touch
ing on our Susquehanna country In
dians. There is nothing on the sub
ject at all in Vol. 2.
In our next item we shall take up
and discuss, Smith's Mappe and fix
the location ol the different Indian
towns which he found here, some by'
actual observation, and the others by
information given by the Indians.
Fixing the location of the earliest
known homes of these mighty first
inhabitants of what is now our
county, should be full of genuine his-
torcal and patriotic interest.
1608 — Early Susquehannock Indian
Towns
" The only authority, upon the lo
cation of the Indian towns, on the
Susquehanna River as early as 1608,
is Capt. John Smith. Their dwelling

places at later dates are known by
many writers; but Smith is the only
person who at the beginning of the
century, says anything about their
location. Smith has not in the form
of descriptions told us particularly
anything about these towns, and all
that he has said we have already dis
cussed. But in his 'mappe' as he
calls it, he has given us ' while imit-
ed, very definite information. He is
moreover fair in his statements. Of
the irfap he says that as far as one
sees the line of little crosses placed
on mountains, houses, rivers and so
forth, he has actually discovered;
but all north of that he has set down
in the map from information given
him by the Indians. The point fur
thest north so marked by him is on the
Susquehanna River, on the west side,
and on the south slope of a hill. It
is about three-fourths the way from
the mouth of the river to the first
great branch of the river fiowing into
it from the west. That branch fiow
ing into it Irom the west is likely
Muddy Creek, York County, and it en
ters the river opposite Fife's Eddy,
which on the P. R. R. Map is (Fites
Eddy) 21 miles from the Bay
(Perryville). The spot marked by
Smith is thus about 15 miles from
the Bay, or less, and thus is just
about the Pennsylvania line, because
Haines station, the last station
in Pennsylvania is 15 miles by
railroad from Perryvile. Passing
eastward the farthest point north,
which Smith says he discovered per
sonally is marked by him on North
east River, the second branch of the
Bay. This is a few miles below the
Pennsylvania line. A little southeast
of this he marks Peregrin Mount,
which we spoke of in a former item.
This Mount, page 185, he says is "the
highest mountain we saw northward."
This point is north of the Elk River;
but in Maryland. West of the Sus-

12

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

quehanna the highest point as shown
by the .map which Smith saw is a
point about five miles from the mouth
of Gunpowder River about 20 or 25
miles south of the Pennsylvania line
a river forming the boundary be
tween Hartford and Baltimore coun
ties. Smith called it the Willoby. This
is the river which in a former item
Smith said he saw the "Massowome-
kes go up," on their departure. West
of this mark there are four other
crosses in an irregular southwest
line in the direction of the Shenan
doah Valley.
Now as to the towns, the A. L. Guss
work before referred to, page 4, says
"The principal town, Susquehannock,
is laid down 22 miles from the Bay
but the book speaks of them being
two days' journey higher than our
barge could pass for the rocks. Two
days' journey was more than 22 miles
and they waited 3 or 4 days for re
turn of interpreters — they probably
went 30 or 40 miles. It is claimed
the chief town was near the mouth
of Conestoga." This town Smith in
his map calls Susquehannough; and
places it on the east side of the
River, about 5 miles above the mouth
of Muddy Creek which creek mouth we
have said is opposite Fife's Eddy.
Fife's Eddy is marked 21 miles from
the Bay, and three miles above that
point would be McCall's Perry which
is marked 25 miles from the Bay — or
ten miles above the Pennsylvania
line. There are no marked indica
tions, such as arrow heads in great
quantity or blackened earth at the
McCall's or Fife's Eddy points on the
river indicating a town there as there
are in Manor township. It is likely
that Mr. Guss is right in saying the
chief town or the one on the east
side is marked " Susquehannough " by
Smith was higher up, and 40 miles as
he says, likely was the distance
would bring it about Washington

boro., a mile or two below, which are
strong marks of a village or town.
On the railroad maps Washington
boro., is marked 40 and % miles from
the Bay. It must be remembered
this location is fixed by Smith from
what the Indians told him; and that
he did not see Susquehannough him
self. It is by the map about 10 miles
farther up the river than the marks,
he personally explored.
Mr. Guss also says page 5. "There
was a Susquehanna 'New Town'
where some falls below hindered the
navigation about 1648; and that the
Susquehanna Fort of 1670 was on the
south side below 'the greatest Falls'
now known as Conewago." He also
says same page that "they also had
a fort at the mouth of Octoraro as
early as 1662, as it is impossible to
locate the town of Smith's descrip
tion. Smith learned of five other towns
from the Indians, located on the map,
These are:
ATTAOCK; and Guss tells us page
5. "It is at the head of a stream
emptying into Susquehanna on the
west side below the chief town." It
is really about the same latitude as
the chief town. This may be in the
neighborhood of York.
About 20 miles above the chief town
on the east side is QUODROQUE. This
is just below the river fork. Guss
says Quodroque is near Middletown.
According to the map it seems to be
on the Conewago.
TISINICH is another town on a
branch from the northwest; and says
Guss, it is about Lebanon.
UCHOWIG is a town on the other
branch coming from the west. Both
this town and Tisinich are about 60
miles from the Bay." (Guss p. 5.,)
It is opposite Harrisburg.
ATQUANACHUKE is a town mark
ed on the map as high up the river
as the last two named and seems by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

13

location to be off in northeastern
Berks County.
CEPO"\VlG is away off to the west
at the head of Willowby's River and
is a town likely in Maryland, but it
may be barely over the line in Penn
sylvania; it is among the hills.
Thus it is not true, and so says
Guss also, that Smith's towns were
in Lancaster County as some writers
state. Not more than Susquehannough
and may be Quadroque were in our
county, at it now is limited. But the
uew late town at the 'Falls' perhaps
was in the county.
1608— Early War Customs of the
Susquehannocks.
We must notice here a few other
minor notes belore going on with
the thread of the series. Mombert
tells us that the early ancestors of
^our Indians left their club before any
one they killed so that any one who
discovered the dead might know what
tribe did it. (Page 11). This mighty
tribe therefore did not try to hide
their murders, but instead left their
name and token to warn inferior
tribes. 1608 — Early Wanderers Among the
Susquehannocks.
Jenkins, in his history of Pennsy
lvania, page 30, says "At the height
of the summer of 1608 the Susquehan
nocks, at their town within Lancaster
county, received a message that two
strangers had come in their boats to
see them." This was the Captain
Smith visit. He also says, page 47,
that about the same time "three white
men reached the head-waters of the
Susquehanna, fell into the hands of
the Susquehannocks and were after
wards found by Hendrickson on the
Delaware and ransomed, at or near
the place Wilmington- now stands."
1608— Dr. Shea on Susquehannock
Origin.
A note is found p. 117 of Alsop's

history of Maryland, and in it among
other things Dr. Shea says:
"From the Dutch, Virginians,
Swedes and French we can thus give
their history — When the region now
called Canada from Lake Superior
and the Mississippi to the mouth of
St. Lawrence and Chesapeake Bay was
discovered by Europeans, it was
found occupied by two tribes, Algon
quins and Huron Iroquois. The Al
gonquins included all the new Eng
land tribes, and many more; also
those south of the lakes and the An-
dastagoes or Susquehannocks.
"The Iroquois at first inferior to ^
the Algonquins were driven out of ^
the valleys of the St. Lawrence into
the Lake Region of New York where
by greater cultivation, valor and
union they became superior to the
Algonquins of Canada and New York
— as the Susquehannocks who settled
on the Susquehanna did over the
tribes in New Jersey, Maryland and
Virginia "And on this he cites Du-
Ponceau's Translation of Campanius
p. 158.
He proceeds, "Prior to 1600 the
Susquehannocks and the Mohawks,
the most eastern Iroquois tribe, came
into collision and the Susquehan
nocks nearly exterminated the Mo
hawks in a war which lasted ten
years." This he bases on the Jesuit"
Relations of 1659 and '60 p. 28. We
have noticed this before. However
it may not have been made clear that
this war began prior to 1600.
He then tells ol Captain Smithfs
meeting sixty ol these Susquehan
nocks and that they were at war with
the Massawomekes, which he calls
Mohawks and cites on this De Laet's
Novis Orbis p. 73. This we have lully
discussed.1608 — Susquehannocks' War with the
Mohawks.
Here is a subject which is very of
ten referred to, but there is very lit-

14

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tie history to be found about it. Cap
tain Smith refers to It many times
about years 1608 and later, and states
that the Susquehannocks were in
mortal dread of them. Dr. Shea, in
his "Identity of Andastes, Cones-
togas, Minquas and Susquehannocks"
found in Vol. 2 of Historical Maga
zine, pp. 294 to 297, says the Mohawk
war was in 1608; but Vol. 45, Jesuit
^ Relations, pp. 203 to 5, puts it as late
as 1629i This we have partly dis
cussed on page 6. But the Jesuit Re
lations are not very clear as to the
date, saying also, in page and book
just indicated, that the Mohawks have
¦^within sixty years been both at the
top and the bottom of the wheel.
Truly warlike they had to fight with
all their neighbors, with tribes on the
east and on the south with the An-
daste (Susquehannocks). Toward
the end of the last century they were
reduced so low that scarcely any ol
them were left; nevertheless, like a
noble germ they increasd in a few
yars and reduced the Algonquins in
turn; but this condition did not last
long, for the Andaste (Susquehan
nocks) waged such energetic war on
them during ten years that they were
overthrown for the second time and
their nation rendered almost extinct,
or at least so humiliated that the
name Algonquin made them tremble."
This account was written in 1659,
and referring to "the last century"
of course means before 1600; and the
"few years after" would bring the
Mohawk Susquehannock contest
about the first decade of the next
century or about 1608 or 1610; and
this conincides with Captain John
Smith. It is a pity that no history
is extant of the campaigns of this
war, or any knowledge of the size of
the savage armies, etc.; for the fact
of its lasting ten years, and the Sus
quehannocks being in those days so

mighty, point out that it was a royal
and strenuous warfre. It is notice
able that in after years whenever the
Susquehannocks wished to awe the
Mohawks they simply threatened to
resume the war against them. And
yet these Mohawks, fifty or more
years later, were the father nation of
the Five Nations, and the moving
tribe to effect the confederacy of the
Five Nations.
1608 — Susquehannocks at War With
All Tribes.
Campanius (who wrote in 1693 a
history of New Sweden, now Pennsy
lvania, whom we have belore quoted)
who says that much that he wrote
about, his grandfather told him, says
p. 137 of his book, that the Indians
of the province were often at war
with the Minquas (Susquehannocks)
and that these Minquas and others
"have skirmished with the English,
as Samuel Purchase's relates in his
9th Book, Chap. 6th." As Samuel-
Purchase's book was published in
1626, the time referred to by Cam
panius was prior to that date.
1609- Samuel Argoll Takes Possess
ion and Atturnment for Susque
hannock Kings.
At least one historian says that
contemporaneous with Smith certain
other Englishmen were interested in
the trade and lands ol the Susque
hannock Indians. This historian,
whoever he was, wrote about 1648, a
work called a "Descrption of New
Albion" which may be found in the
Historical Society Library at Phila
delphia, and also an extract of it in
Proud's History of Pennsylvania,page
111. This author says, tracing the
history of the Chesapeak country
back to the Cabots,that they (Cabots)
took possession o f the Chesapeak;
and that from him it afterward fell
to Baron Delaware, then governor of
Virginia, who through Sir Thomas

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

15

Dale and Samuel Argoll, 40 years
since, took possession and atturn
ment of the Indian kings. That is,
an arrangement was made between
these Susquehannock and Chesapeak
Indians on the one hand and the Eng
lish on the other about 1608.
1613 — Susquehannock Indian Trade to
Be Opened Into Delaware Bay
By a Canal.
At this date the Susquehannocks
were ol some commercial importance
to the English and for the purpose
of getting their furs and other com
modities more easily to the lower
Delaware settlement where some of
the Dutch lived, Samuel Argoll con
templated cutting a canal to connect
the Chesapeak and Delaware. Nicho
las Biddle in 1830 in an address at
the opening of the Chesapeak and
Delaware canal said, "More than two
centuries have passed since this work
was contemplated by the earliest ad
venturers to the Chesapeak, one of
whom Sir James (Samuel) ArgollN
wrote to England in 1613 that he
hoped to make a cut between Chesa
peak Bay and the Delaware." (4 Haz.
Reg. 270 and Acrelius History of Ne-wy
Sweden p. 19).
1615— Trading Posts.
Clayborn is usually given credit for
establishing the first trading posts
about 1625 below the mouth of the
Susquehanna, but Johnson in his
History of Maryland, page 7, gives
John Pory several years priority as
follows: "Kent Island, before Clay-
horne established there may have
been the seat of a trading post. The
letters of John Pory, secretary of the
Virginia Company extant in London,
are dated anterior to Clayborne's
time and inform the company ol a
discovery made by him and others
into the Great Bay northward where
we lelt settled very happily near a
hundred Englishmen with the hope ol
good trade in furs."

1615 — Earliest Known Whit* Man On
Susquehanna.
1615 to 1618: In a note page 291
of Vol. 5 of the Jesuit Relations, it
is set forth that Eitienne Brule, a na
tive of Champigny, France, came to
Quebec with Champlain in 1607 or 8;
that he was an Interpreter for the
Hurons during many years and lived
with the tribe.
In 1615 he went with Champlain to
the Huron country and was sent by
his commander to the Carantounais, •
allies of the Hurons and probably to
the Andastae (Susquehannocks) liv
ing on the Susquehanna' to hasten
the coming of warriors on the expe
dition against the Iroquois. Cham
plain saw no more of him till three
years later when he came down to
Quebec with the Hurons, trading. He
told Champlain that he had been ob
liged to remain among the Caran-^
tounals and had explored the coun
try southward to the sea (Slafter
says to Chesapeak Bay) and had been
captured, by the Iroquois and nar
rowly escaped death by torture, but
succeeded in making his way back
to the Hurons.
In this there is indeed a strong
likelihood that this Frenchman, Brule,
traversed the western parts of Lan
caster County between 1615 and 1618,
if Capt. Smith was not here before.
This is so because of his story of
going southward from the Upper Sus
quehannocks to the sea, and also
from the fact that the Hurons and
Susquehannocks were allies.
1617 — Delawares Become Women.
As the Delawares moved from the
Delaware and the Brandywine to the
Susquehanna. (Sec. 3, Col. Rec. 45),
we must treat them to some extent
as Indians of the Susquehanna Coun
try. In the year 1617 they were
made the peace makers by collusion,
they charge, on the part of the

16

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Dutch. Mombert tells us, page 12
after reciting that the women had
been the peacemakers and had not
been successful, or that a powerful
nation would be more effective in
this office, that the Mengui urged up
on the Delawares that as they were
a powerful tribe they should be the
peacemakers. Their pride was
touched says Mombert, "In a moment
of blind confidence in the sincerity
of the Iroquois they acceded to the
proposition and assumed the petti
coat. The ceremony of metamorpho
sis was performed with great rejoic
ing at Albany in 1617 in the pres-
cence of the Dutch whom the Lenape
(Delawares) charged with having
conspired with the Mengui (The Iro
quois) for their destruction." Then
Mombert goes on to tell us that hav
ing disarmed the Delawares they led
them into war with the Cherokees
and then suddenly deserted them un
armed to their destruction.
1621 — Indian Trade Becomes More
Profitable.
Samuel Argoll, not satisfied with the
profits he was making out of the
Susquehanna Indians in their own
country, now began making expedi
tions further up the coast where we
have seen the Susquehannocks also
had trade privileges. One of these
expeditions was intended for Hud
son river. Captain Mason, complain
ing to Secretary Cooke of this in 1632
says, "Sir Samuel Argoll, Knight,
with many English planters were pre
paring to go and sit down in a lot
of land on Monahata river at the
same when the Dutch intruders which
caused a demur in their proceedings
until King James and the said Samuel
Argoll and Captain Mason of ye
Dutch in an act of 1621 had ques
tioned the states of the low counties
of this matter." (See Sec. Pa. Arch.
Vol. 5, p. 27). And this year he says

that they have returned 15,000 beaver
skins besides other commodities. (P.
28).1623— The Dutch Furnish Fire Arms
to Susquehannocks.
We have before shown that as early
as 1608 Captain Smith found the Sus
quehannocks to have fire arms from '
the Dutch. Smith in his history of
New Jersey, however says, "The
Dutch are reported about the year
1623 to have furnished the Indians
with fire arms and to have taught
them to use them, that by their as
sistance they might expel the English
when they began to settle around
them." See same cited in Proud Vol.
1, p. 110.
There s plenty of evidence to this
day that these Susquehannocks d.d
have metal weapons. John M. Wit-
mer, formerly of Manor township, has
two iron axes, three copper darts,
one flat and two hollow cones and
several yards of beads found upon
the localities they inhabited in
southwestern Manor township.
1625— The Attack of Clayborne and
Kent Island.
While we have seen in former pages
the Kent island was occupied by
English earlier than 1625 according
to Proud (115 note) it was about that
year that the occupancy began to be
felt by the Indians. He after speak
ing of the Maryland Patent about
1634, says, "Now Kent Island with
many households of English by Capt.
C. Clayborne was seated." And John
son in his history of Maryland says
page 15, "Clayborne had not only
possession of Kent Island but estab
lished a trading post at Palmer's Is
land at the mouth of the Susquehan
na. This was several years before
1637 when Clayborne was attainted
for high treason on the part of Lord
Baltimore." And page 116 in Proud
citing the Description of New Albion

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

17

it is stated in Clayborne's words, "I
hold Kent Island, having lately but
20 men in it and the mill and fort
pulled down, and in war with all the
Indians near it, is not worth keep
ing." This seems to be about 1625,
and is the first mention of wars with
the Whites in which the Susquehan
nocks were interested.
1629 and Later: Susquehannock's
Wars With Other Indians.
The Jesuit Relations as we have
before stated, are a set of histories
(72 volumes in all) containing the
Narrations or relations of the Jesuit
fathers ol what they lound and saw
in early America. In Vol. 55, pp.
203-5 they say that the Mohawks
lought with the Andastas (their name
lor the Susquehanna) a people in
habiting the shores of Virginia and
that the Andastas waged such ener
getic war against them during ten
years that they were overthrown the
second time and their nation render
ed almost extinct. This was at the
time when the Dutch took possession
of the regions and conceived a fond
ness for the beavers of the natives,
some thirty years ago, and in order
to secure them in greater numbers
they furnished these people with fire
arms with which it was easy to con
quer their conquerors and that is
v/hat has rendered them formidable
' everywhere so that at the sound of
their guns they flee in terror." As
this narrative was written in 1659,
'thirty years' ago would make the
date 1629. These are the same war
like operations Lyle's history refers
to on page 18.
During this time, too, Clayborne
was trading with the Susquehannocks
as Mombert tells us page 22 and as
do other authors.
1680— Petty Wars.
About this time a body of English
men called Pilgrims bought Kent Is

land from the Yoacomacoes Indians''
who were constantly annoyed by the
Susquehannocks, who ravaged their
country; and Clayborne then instigat
ed the Susquehannocks to make war
on the settlers of the Island. But
Clayborne was not successful as the
owners of the Island drove him away
and he was arrested for treason. But
in 1642 he again captured the island,
Lyle 18. Prom this date (1630) until
1647 the Susquehannas appear not to
be in any considerable war. There
fore, we must now, to keep the
chronological order of these 'Annals'
set forth several matters concerning
these Indians which are not warlike.
About 1633 the Susquehannocks
seemed to have an' undisputed super
iority over all 'other tribes. This
was through them having had ¦ fire
arms from Dutch — Swedes and
French at different times trom 1608
to 1635. Johnson in the History ol
Maryland page 15, says "In 1634, the
Pilgrims lound the Indians Irom whom
they purchased the land for their
town (on Kent Island) in great dread
of the Susqiiehannocks." In the same
year Mombert, pp. 22, says the Sus
quehannocks sold to Maryland all
their lands up the Patuxent River,
But the Colonial Records (4 C. R.
704) would make the date 1654.
We must not forget to note that
from this date 1633 to 1644 the Sus
quehannocks did wage small but con
tinual war with the Yaowacoes, the
Piscataways and Patuxent Indians
and were so troublesome toward the
end of this period that Lord Calvert
declared them public enemies. See
'Indian History Lower Susquehanna'
a small volume issued by the Dauph
in County Historical Society, page 40.
This is the first evidence of the Sus
quehannocks, turning against the
whites, for whora up to this date they
had shown marked friendship. About

18

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

a dozen years later they became very
great enemies of the whites.
Various accounts have been given
of the furnishing arms to the Susque
hannocks as we have just said, but
Proud in Hist, of Pa. (notes) p. 110
says, in 1623 the Dutch furnished the
Indians fire-arms and taught them to
use them so they might help the
Dutch to expel the English when they
began to settle around them, and
page 111, (notes) he says apparently
about year 1637, 'the Swedes hired
out three of their soldiers to the Sus
quehannocks who taught them the
use of our arms and fights."
1633— DeVries Contact With the
Susqueliannocks.
DeVries in his history of his trav
els in America, published in 1655,
/tells of the doings of the Minquas
\(Susquehannas) which he learned of
in his flrst voyage as follows: "The
11th of Feb. fully fifty Indians came
over the river from the fort (Nas
sau, now New Castle, Delaware), up
on the ice with canoes directly to
our yacht so that they could step in
it from the shore and speak to us.
They were Minquas, who dwell
among the English. They came on a
warlike expedition and were 600
strong. They were friendly to us;
but it would not do to trust them
too far. I determined as the flood
tide began, that we should haul into
the mouth of the kill (river) so that
they could not come upon us in force
and master us." See Murphy's Trans
lation of DeVries p. 41.
1633 — DeVries Learns of Susquehan
nock Barbarities.
The same author, p. 43, says "Feb
ruary 13th, three Indians came, who
were of the tribe pursued by the Sus
quehannocks. They told us they
were fugitives; that the Minquas
(Susquehannocks) had killed some

of their people and they had escaped.
They had been plundered of all their^
corn; their houses had been burnt-
and they had escaped in great want
and had to flee and be content with
what they could find in the woods
and came to spy out in what way the
Minquas had gone away. They told
us also that the Minquas had killed
ninety men of the Loukiekens; that
they would come to us the next day
when the sun was in the southeast
as they were suffering great hunger;
and that the Minquas had left and
gone from us, back to their own
country." "DeVries in his voyages found the
Susquehannocks in 1633 at war with
the Armewamen and Sankiekans, Al
gonquins and other tribes on the
Delaware maintaing their supremacy
by butchery but they were friendly to
the Dutch." Murphy's Translation of
DeVries Voyages on p. 413.
In 1637 the Susquehannocks Conspire
yvith the Rebellious Inhabitants
of Kent Isle to Defy
the Power of
Maryland.
Vol. 3, page 64, of the Maryland
Archives sets forth, 'Feb. 12, 1637,
by the Governor and Council — The
Governor and Council taking into
consideration the many piracies, mu
tinies, insolencies and contempts of
this government by divers inhabitants
of Kent Isle, formerly committed and
warrants sent lately into the island
under the great seal of this province
for apprehension of malefactors, were
destroyed and the prisoners rescued
out of the oflScers' hands by force and
arms, and divers of them to protect
themselves in an unlawful rebellion,
did practice and conspire with the
Susquehannock and other Indians
against the inhabitants of this coun
ty, we have thought fit that the Gov-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

19

ernor should sail in this province to
the said island with sufficient soldiers
and establish martial law and for his
assistance have under order a captain
or commander to wit that Capt. Thos.
Cornwaleys should go with him to
aid and assist; and it is so com
manded." Kent Isle is a few miles
from the mouth of the Susquehanna
River, and the turbulent inhabitants
found the great Susquehannocks a
powerful allay, in their defiance of
Maryland. 1637 — The Susquehannocks Accused
of Spreading Smallpox to
Other Peoples.
"" In Vol. 14 of Jesuit Relations, p. 9,
the following occurs: "On the 20th
we learned a new opinion concerning
the malady, smallpox, that a report
was current that it had come from
the Andastes (Susquehannocks). This
tribe it is said had been infected
therewith by Alaentsic, whom they
hold to be the mother of him who
made the earth — that she had passed
through all the cabins of two valleys
and that at the second they asked her,
'Now after all why is it thou makest
us to die,' and that she answered,
'Because my grandson Souskeha is
angry at men, for they do nothing
but make war and kill one another
-and he is resolved to punjsh them."
Here we see something of the Sus
quehannock supersitition, and the su-
perstitition of other Indian tribes.
These mighty mysterious Susquehan
nocks were the frightful enemies of
other tribes, and the very commonly
attributed evils, misfortunes and
calamities to them, believing that
the Susquehannocks had some occult
association with the devil and super
natural powers of many kinds.
1637 — Sale of the Whole Susquehan
na River Valley to Clayborne.
I now set forth a very interesting

Indian sale of the lands forming a
great part of what is now Lancaster
county, and much other lands besides.
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p.
66, we find, "The petition of Capt.
Wm. Clayborne in behalf of himself
and his partners," addressed to the
King. This petition sets forth, "That by
a commission under your Majesty's
signature he "Clayborne" did discover
and plant an island in the Bay of
Chesapeake, called Kent Island.which
the petitioners bought of the Kings
of the country, where the same is
and transplanted people on it, etc.,
etc. — and your petitioner desires a
way by which the Crown may enjoy
an annual benefit and they offer your
Majesty 100 pounds per annum, viz.:
50 pounds for Isle of Kent, and 50
pounds for the plantations in the
Susquehannocks' country, in consid
eration they to have there twelve-
leagues of land, from the mouth of
said river on each side thereof down
to the Bay southeast to seaward and
so to the head of said river to the
great Lake of Canada, to be held in
fee from the Crown of England to
be paid yearly to his Majesty's Ex
chequer, and he has at the Indians'
desire on Susquehanna purchased
the same from them, and hopes to
draw the trade of beavers and furs
which the French now wholly have
and enjoy in the great lakes of Can
ada, to England."
As the English league is three stat
ute miles we readily see what a large
strip of Territory the enterprising
Clayborne bought from the Susque
hannocks — about 40 miles on each
side of the Susquehanna and from
the source to the mouth. This in
cluded all of Lancaster county ex
cept the northeast corner, besides
much other lands. It extended fully
to Gap, Christiana, Churchtown and

20

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Adamstown. It is historically impor
tant, too, to notice that the fur trade
of the Susquehanna Valley was going
northward instead of southward at
this time — north to the French. Yet
there is much history to show that
the Susquehannocks were trading
with the Swedes, or beginning to do
so just about this time. Prior to this
too, they traded with the Dutch. As
the Swedes came only in 1637, that
trade with the Susquehannocks which
Campanius talks about was just be
ginning. But it would seem natural
that the Susquehannocks traded with
the Marylanders on the south more
than with the French on the north.
This was likely one of Clayborne's
fabrications (to say the trade . was
going all to the French) in order to
induce King Charles I to grant his
request. Clayborne was a great law
breaker and government defier, as we
shall see later.
1637 — Clayborne Offers Witnesses to
Make Out His Case of Purchase.
In Vol. 5 of Maryland Archives, p.
231, Clayborne's evidence of his
title appears in the deposition of
Rob't Evelyn, whom we have hereto
fore seen, is quoted by Proud in Vol.
1, as the author of a description of
Pennsylvania written about 1646.
This deposition is as follows: "This
deponent having long lived with a na
tion of Indians called the Susquehan
nocks as an interpreter for Capt.
Clayborne, doth rememebr that the
people and King of the aforesaid na
tion of Indians did often invite said
Clayborne to come to them, which
Clayborne and his people did, and
plant upon Palmer's Island. In April
1637, the King of the Susquehannocks
did come with a great number of his
Great Men and with all their con
trives did give to Clayborne Palmer's
Island, with a great deal more land
each side of the river Susquehanna

and the bay, as is specified in a writ
ing then made and truly interpreted
by this deponent verbatim to the
King of the Susquehannocks, and he
in turn signed, and in token and con
firmation of said gift the King did
cut some trees on said land and did
cause his people to clear the ground
for said Clayborne to put corn in
that year, after which Clayborne did
build houses on Palmer's Island."
(More of this transaction and sale
of Susquehanna Valley will be dis
cussed later).
1638— Swedes Buy Land to Susque
hanna River from Indians.
When the Swedes in 1638 settled
on the Delaware, they renewed
the friendly intercouse begun by
the Dutch and purchased lands from
the ruling tribes. This we have al
ready noticed citing from Campanius
and Acrelius. But Dr. Shea cites Ha
zard's Annals p. 48. Turning to Ha
zard we find he says the Swedes pur
chased all the lands from Cape Hen-
lopen to Trenton Falls and set up
stakes and marks; that the original
deeds for these lands with the In
dian marks were sent to Sweden and
arc preserved at Stockholm where
they as well as a map were seen by
Israel Helm and copy made of the
map and brought over in 1697. He
says the Indians previously had sold
these lands to the Dutch. (In the
next item we will show that the lands
extended to the Susquehanna).
1638 — Swedes Contract with Susque
liannocks.
About this time the Swedes came in
to contact with our Indians. We
have just shown how they-encouraged
them in use of guns, etc. In Acrelius'
History of New Sweden, (which was
the Swedish name of Pennsylvania)
we are told p. 33 that Menewe's colony
reached Delaware River in 1638 and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

21

that land was bought from the In
dians from the mouth to the falls of
the river Delaware and inland as
far as their lands extended and that
posts were driven into the ground to
mark the lines; and page 47 it is
said that this land 'bought in Mene
we's time' extended westward to the
great falls in the river Susquehanna
near the mouth of the Conewago
Creek and that it was bought among
others from the Minquas or Minqua
Indians, whom the Jesuit Relations
Vol. 8 p. 301 tells us were called by
the Jesuits Andastas, by the Dutch
Minquas and by the English Susque-
"hannas, or Conestogas. And page 48
in Acrelius it is stated that the land
bought in Menewe's time 1638 extend
ed 93 miles in the interior, on the
Conestoga and Susquehanna. This
therefore will give a fair idea of
when the Swedes met our Indians.
1688 — Clayborne's Claims to Susque
hanna Valley and Kent Island
Held Sull and Void by
England.
In Vol. 3 of Maryland Archives, p.
71, we find it recorded. "Before the
Lords Commissioners of Plantations
atWhitehall,Eng.,"Whereas a petition
was presented by William Clayborne
on behalf of himself and his partners,
setting forth that he discovered cer
tain islands on Kent and Palmer and
bought certain lands from the Sus
quehannock Indians, and the petition
alleging great charges and expenses,
and they likewise having- settled the
other lands, aforesaid, upon the
mouth of a River at the bottom head
of the Bay in the Susquehannough
country and that said Lord Baltimore
agents sought to dispossess them and
him and did great injury to his.Clay-
borne's trade — and all parties attend
ing this day with counsel and it ap
pearing the same was partly in said
Lord Baltimore's patent and that

Clayborne's power and grant is only
to trade under the signet of Scot
land and it appearing this same con
troversy was up before this Board in
1633 and Lord Baltimore left to en
joy his patent rights, therefore it is
decided that the said Clayborne has
no title to the same and cannot be
redressed against the proceedings of
said Lord Baltimore." Therefore his
purchase from the Susquehannock
King and Great Man could not avail
him anything.
1638 — A Susquehannock Baptized.
The next item is of a far different
nature. Under the date of 1646, it is
set out in Vol. 30, p. 85, of the Jesuit
Relations, that "Eight years ago
(1638) we had here baptized an An
daste (Susquehannock), one of the
Huron language,who were in Virginia
where the English have their trade.
After that time this man having re
turned to his own country it was
supposed his faith was stifled in the
midst of the impiety which prevails
there. This year we learned from a
Huron who returned from that coun
try that the faith of the man is as
strong as ever, that he makes public
confession and continues in his duty
as much as if he lived among Chris
tian people."
This speaks well for the tenacity
of the Susquehannock to the religious
principles when they are taught to
him. Little items like these give us
an insight into the other side of the
character of these savage people of
ourygreat River 270 years ago.
1638 — Indian Patlis from Susque
hanna to Delaware.
I put this item under che date of
1638 because the subject of it likely
became a fact during the first years
that the Swedes entered into Pennsy
lvania, which was about liJSS In
Vol. 3 of Memoirs of Historical Society

22

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

part 2, page 131, found in the His
torical Society Library, Philadelphia,
under the head of "Indian Treaties
for Lands now the Site of Philadel
phia," by Watson, of Watson's An
nals, it is said that in 1638 a line and
diagram were made of an Indian
treaty, and that the line surveyed
"goes in a direct line from Philadel
phia to a spot on the Susquehanna
about three miles above the mouth of
the Conestoga Creek, near a spot
marked 'Fort Demolished ' The line
crosses two Indian paths running
each northwest, the first at 15 miles
from Philadelphia at 'Rocky Run,' the
other 38 miles distant near a 'rivu-
^'let two miles beyond Doe Run."
I quote this because it is the earli
est mention of the location of any
road or path in Pennsylvania; and
vthe path leads towards Susquehanna.
It also confirms the existence and the
location of the "Port" on the Susque
hanna, which is som.ewhat mooted. I
shall have occasion to insert a part
of this article again under a later
date for another purpose. I cite it un
der this date for the purpose of call
ing attention to the location of the
two Indian roads and likely of the
'Fort' at this date viz.: 1638. If
the foTt and the paths were facts at
that date, then too certain facts of
Susquehannock trade and war are al
so evidenced.
1638— Map of New Sweden at
This Time.
In the Maryland Building at the
Jamestown Exposition I saw a map
of "New Sweden 1638 to 1655." This
map shows the line marking the
northern line of the lands purchased
by the Swedes from the Susquehan
nocks and other Indians in 1638,
which line runs through the latitude
of the Philadelphia, or as it is mark
ed, through the mouth of the Schuyl
kill; then the line of the purchase ol

1642 is also marked many miles lar-
ther north, but also running east and
west, about the latitude of Easton.
This gives additional light upon the
claims and pretensions of the Susque
hannocks at this time. Both lines
extend to and over the Susquehanna,
from the Delaware.
1638 — Susquehannock Customs
About This Time.
I now jot down an item as to cer
tain Susquehannock customs found by
the Swedes when they came among
them in 1638. Campanius tells us of
this in his history of New Sweden, p.
121, and while what he relates there
of itself does not prove that he is
speaking of the Susquehannocks dis
tinguished from other Indians — other
parts of the text read with it show
it to be so. A little portion of this
I have written before but I set it
down more fully now. He says,"They.
make bread out of the maize or In
dian corn which they prepare in a
manner peculiar to themselves; they
crush the grain between two stones
or on a large piece of wood; they
moisten it with water and make it in
to small cakes which they wrap up
in corn leaves and bake them in the
ashes. They can fast for many days
when necessity compels them. When
the are traveling or lying in "wait for
their enemies they take with them a
kind of bread made of Indian corn
and tobacco juice which is very good
to allay hunger and. quench thirst
in case they have nothing else at
hand. When the Swedes first arrived
the Indians were in the habit of eat
ing human flesh and they generally
ate that of their enemies after boil
ing it, which can easily be proved.
My father related to me that Indians
once invited a Swede to go with him
to their habitation in the woods;
when they arrived they treated him
to the best in the house and pressed

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

23

him to eat, which he did. Their en
tertainment was sumptuous. There
was broiled and boiled and even hash
ed meat; but it seems it did not
agree with his stomach. Afterwards
they lelt him know that he had eat
en of the flesh of an Indian of a
neighboring tribe with whom they
were at war. Their drink before the
Christians came was only fresh
water; but now they are fond of
strong liquors. Both men and women
smoke tobacco, which grows in great
abundance in their country."
1638— Trouble With the Indians-
More Light Upon Clay-
borne's Proceed
ings.
1638 — 9 Act to put Maryland in
state of defense against the Susque
hannocks and other northern Indiaijis.
(Act for Military discipline).
Be it enacted, etc., that every house
keeper within this province shall
have ready continually upon all oc
casions within his, her or their
houses lor him or themselves and
for every person within his or their
house able to bear arms one service
able fixed gunne, ol bastard musket
bore — one pair bandaleers or shott
bag, one pound of good powder — four
pounds ol pistol or musket shott and
a sufficient quantity of match for
matchlocks and of flint for firelocks
and before Christmas next shall also
find a sword and belt for every such
person aforesaid; that it shall be
lor the Captain ol St. Mary's of the
Isle of Kent once in every month to
demand of every dwelling house a
sight or view of said arms and ammu
nition and to certify default to the
commander who shall amerce the
parties in such paine as the default
deserves not to exceed 30 pounds of
tobacco for one default; and the cap
tain shall lorthwith supply the part
ies deficient with all necessary arms

and ammunition as aforesaid ap
pointed. And upon any alarm every house
holder having three or more in the
house able to bear arms shall send
one man armed for every such three;
and two men for every five to such
place as shall be appointed; and all
householders delaying to send the
men aforesaid shall be fined, etc.
Here we see in what terror those
Susquehannocks were held. Vol. 1,
Maryland Archives pp. 77 and 78.
1639 — Susquehannocks Angered at
Maryland.
Bozman in his history of Maryland
page 161, says "The Susquehannocks
who have been represented as the
boldest and most warlike of all the
Indians now engaged in hostilities
against our colonies. This warfare
with them was brought on our colon
ists by their endeavors to stay the
incursions of the Susquehannocks
against the peaceful and friendly
tribes of Piscataway and Patuxent
and others with whom the Susque
hannocks never ceased to wage unin
terrupted war ever since the flrst
settlement of Maryland."
1639 — Maryland Sends Armed
Force Against the Sus
quehannocks.
It now became necessary for Mary
land to send the first armed force
against the Susquehannocks. This
effort is set forth in Bozman's Mary
land, pp. 162 and 3 as follows: "By
the Lieutenant Governor and Council
May 28, 1639 — Whereas it is necessary
forthwith to make an expedition, up
on the Indians of the East shore, at
the public charge of the Province, it
is thought fit to send a shallop, and
to provide twenty corslets or suits
of light armor — a barrel of powder —
four roundlets of shot per man — a
barrel of oatmeal — three firkins of

24

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

butter^ — four cases of hot waters
(whiskey) — and necessary provisions
to be made for the men and a pinnacle
be pressed to go to Kent victualled
and manned and it be provided with
four hogsheads of meal; and a pin
nacle be sent against the Susquehan
nocks, sufficiently victualled and
manned, and thirty or more good
shott (marksmen) with gunn or pis
tols, with necessary officers be press
ed out of the Province and that each
of the shott (marksmen) be allowed
at the rate of 100 pounds ol tobacco
per month or another man in his
room at home to attend to his plan
tation ; and two sergeants double said
rate and that victuals and other nec
essary accomodations for said soldiers
and all others which shall go as vol
unteers be made and provided and
two pinnacles and a skiff be pressed
and fitted for transporting and land
ing of said companies and that good
laboring hands be pressed to supply
the place of planters, gone on the
expedition." At the same time a law was passed
to put Maryland in a state of de
fense, see laws of 1638, Chap. 2, Sec.
8, where the same may be found. Al
so refer to first and second para
graph above.
Evans in his history ol Lancaster
County, page 11, says of this expe
dition: "The Susquehannocks having
continued to give the Pilgrim settlers
of St. Mary's a great deal of trouble
the Council resolved to invade that
country in 1639, namely the east
ern shore of the Bay. An expedition
was planned against them but was
abandoned upon receipt of intelli
gence that the Susquehannocks were
supplied with firearms. The Indians
of that tribe continued to harass the
settlers and we are not aware a suc
cessful resistance was made against
them or their country along the

Susquehanna by the Marylanders;
but the fire in the rear from the Iro
quois became so hot that the Susque
hannocks concluded to form an al
liance with the whites."
1640— Another Witness for Clay
borne's Title.
The records of this year give us
more light upon Clayborne's proceed
ings in the Susquehanna Valley and
at the mouth ol the river. In Vol. 5,
Maryland Archives, p. 188, something
is told us about the trial ol Clay
borne's title to these lands. A wit
ness soon after Clayborne's departure
for England, persuaded the governor
of Maryland to go to Susquehanna,
and that there the said Evelyn did
lend or give out of the fort at the
Isle of Kent to the governor a small
piece of ordinance to go against the
Island of Palmer where Clayborne
had planted and the governor going
there did displant the houses at Pal
mer's Island and carry away all the
men, cattle and hogs into Maryland
and that thereby by Clayborne has
lost 1000 pounds sterling." And in
the same book, p. 184, it is set out
that "said Evelyn delivered 'to the
governor of Maryland two pieces of
Dutch cloth and other stuffe and
powder and beavers with which the
governor went up to the Susquehan
nocks and bought corn therewith,
but would not deliver to Evelyn any
of the corn, the planters standing in
great need thereof." And also, page
234, under the same year (in same
book) we find a witness says, "In the
summer of 1637 this deponent, a ser
vant of Clayborne, was appointed by
Clayborne with other men to plant
Palmer's Island in the territory of
the Susquehannocks, which island
with other lands adjacent thereto the
Kings of the Susquehannocks had
granted to Clayborne, and that the
governor of Maryland sent men and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

25

took it and the cattle, hogs and men."
The force of all this is, that the
governor of Maryland, found it expe
dient to try to disaffect the Susque
hannock Indians from Clayborne be-
for trying to disposses him from the
Susquehanna River mouth and its is
lands. They were friends of Clay
borne, and the governor lelt that the
inlant province was not strong
enough to overthrow the combina
tion. So he even used some ol Clay
borne's goods to take to the Susque
hannocks and biiy then off — he bought
corn Irom them which they were
used to sell to Clayborne's planters,
and in need ol which they sorely
stood so that he might weaken them
by cutting off their source ol prov
isions. This Palmer's island is a very
interesting point today, Irom its his
torical associations — the seat ol one
ol the earliest English settlements
in this part ol America, nearly as
early as Plymouth — and but little
over a score ol years later than
Jamestown, and only about fifteen
miles from the southern boundary of
Lancaster county.
1640 And Later — The Susquehannock
Rights and Possessions at
This Time.
We have seen on the authority of
Acrelius and Campanius that about
1638 the Swedes brought the lands
stretching from Delaware River to
Susquehanna up to Conewago falls.
Lewis Evans, who wrote in 1755 and
earlier in his "Analysis of General
Map ol the Middle British Colonies in
America" (printed by Franklin), also
tells us about this purchase. Page
11 and 12 he says, "All Irom the sea
to the falls at Trenton they had con
veyed to Peter Menevet, Commandant
under Christina, Queen of Sweden.
The boundary extended thence west
ward to the Great Falls of Susque
hanna, near the mouth of Conewago

Creek." Evans also gives a more de
finite description ol the bounds of
the Susquehannocks' country than
others. He says, at same page "The
Susquehannocks had abandoned the
Western Shore of Maryland before
their conquest, and the English found
it mostly derelict; the Confederates
(Five Nations) confine their claim to
the northward of a line drawn from
Conewago Falls to the North Moun
tain where it crosses Potomac and
thence by that chain of mountains to
the James River " This explains
why Smith found them pretty well
up the Susquehanna River and a va
cant territory between them and the
Powhatan Indians. But they (Susque
hannocks) did sally down into Mary
land and give them much trouble so
that in May 1639 the Maryland gov
ernment resolved to invade their
country (Johnson's History of Cecil
Co., p. 16). The Confederates (Five'
Nations) claimed all the country
east of the Susquehanna north of a
line drawn from Trenton on the Dela
ware to mouth ol Conewago Creek on
Susquehanna they having whipped the
the Lenape and such ol the Susque
hannocks as were in that country
and driven them south ol that line
— Evans' Analysis, p. 12. That is why f
the Swedes never succeeded in buy
ing lands farther north than that line,'
from these Indians. The purchase did
not extend farther west than Susque
hanna because that was derelict. In
later days of course the Five Nations
conquered all the Susquehanna lands
and we shall ^ee that Penn was com
pelled to deal with these savages of
the north, for this section of Pennsyl
vania, for Ihat reason. Thus at the
period of which we are writing, about
1640, the Susquehanna country In
dians had the Swedes to the east on
the lower Delaware, from New Castle
and Wilmington sites to the latitudes
of Philadelphia, and between them

26

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

some scattered Delawares — on the
south the Marylanders and Powhatan
Indians — on the west open country
(neutral) and on the north the Five
Nations. They (the Susquehannocks)
at this time traded with both the
' English on the south and the Swedes
on the east. Clayborne had cheated
and defrauded them most shamefully
at the head of the Bay; and they
turned to their new neighbors, the
Swedes, on the east, for trade quite
gladly, and were great friends with
them. 1640— Swedish Trade With Susque
hannocks at This Time.
Campanius gives us the clearest ac
count of the trade between the Sus
quehannocks and the Swedes at this
time. In his description of New
Sweden, page 157, he says, "These
Indians live a distance of 93 Eng
lish miles from New Sweden where
they daily come to trade with us. The
way to their lands is very bad, being
stony, full ol sharp gray stones with
hills and morasses so that the Swedes
when they went to them, which hap
pened once or twice a year, had to
walk in the water up to their arm
pits. Thither they went with cloth,
^ kettles, axes, hatchets, knives and
mirrors and coral beads which they
sold to them for beaver and other
valuable skins and also for black
foxes and fisher's skins, which is a
kind of skin that looks like sable, but
with longer and silvery hair, like
some of the best sables, with beaver,
velvet-black squirrel skins, etc. These
precious furs are the principal ar
ticles which they have for sale. They
live on a high mountain, very steep,
and difficult to climb; but they
, have a fort or square building sur
rounded with palisades which they
reside in, as shown on page 123.
There they have guns and small iron
cannon which they shoot and defensj

themselves with when they go to
war." Acrelius, page 47, tells us al
so of this trade with the Swedes says
these Indians that they live and ex
tend miles from New Sweden on the
Susquehanna and Conestoga. And
he also says that the roughness of
the "road" by which they traded can
still be seen by those who travel be
tween New Castle and Lancaster.
Thus there is no mistake that this
Swedish trade was with our Susque
hanna River Indians.
Some of the commodities playing a
part in the trade Campanius forgets
to mention. In a note page 148, Vol.
1, of Proud's History, quoting from
Smith's History, who gives Thos.
Budd as his authority, a speech of
one of the Indian kings is given as
follows, "The strong liquor was first '
sold to us by the Dutch; and they
are blind; they had no eyes; they did
not see that it was for our hurt. The ¦
next people that came among us v.'ere
the Swedes, who continued the sale
of these strong liquors to us; they
were also blind; they had no eyes,
they did not see it to be hurtful to
give us drink; although we know it
to be hurtful to us to drink it; but if
people will sell it to us we are so in
love with it that we cannot forbear
it. When we drink it, it makes us-
mad ; we do not know what we do ; we
then abuse one another ; we throw '
each other into the fire. Seven score
of our people have been killed by rea
son of the drinking," etc. This is a
sad commentary on the beginning of
American civilization, and a shame
that the first pitiable protest should
come from the savages. Acrelius'
mention of the road is the earliest
notice of a 'road' in Pennsylvania of
which I have any knowledge. It likely
lay through the northern Delaware
swamps and then up along the east
side of the Susquehanna River
That this boom in the Swedish trade

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27

began about this time is shown also
in Vol. 5, Sec. 2, Pa. Arch., p. 78,
where it is said, "The population did
not experience any special impulse
until the year 1639 when the fur
trade with the Indians which had pre
viously been reserved to the company
was thrown free to everybody; at
which time the colonists spread them
selves far and wide," also "they sep
arated themselves from one another
and settled far into the interior of
the country the better to trade with
the Indians." Do. p. 78. The Com
pany here referred to was Dutch.
1642 — The Susquehannocks' Numeri
cal Strength — Their Progress
in the Arts of War.
Scharf in his history of Maryland
p. 140 gives the incident of Susque
hanna cruelty, which he fixes as hap
pening in 1642. He says, "A certain
man, a Christian, while he was mak
ing his way with others through the
woods, fell behind his companions a
little when the savages of the tribe
of Susquehannocks atacked him sud
denly from an ambuscade, and with
, a strong and light spear of locust
wood from which they make their
bows, with an iron point oblong at
.the sides pierced him through the
right side to the left at a hand's
breath below the arm pit near the
heart itself with a wound of two fin
gers broad at each side. From the ef
fects of this when the man had fallen
his enemies fled with the utmost pre
cipitation; but his friends who had
gone before recalled by the sudden
noise and shout returned and carried
the man from the land to the boat
which was not far distant and thence
to his home in Piscataway and left
him speechless out of his sense." This
is the verbatim description of this
cruelty which Scharf gives, he himself
quoting from Father White, a Jesuit
who knows ol it personally.

Susquehannocks Declared Public
Enemies.
1642. "These are to declare and
publish that the Susquehanpocks,
Wicomeses and Nantocokes Indians
are enemies of this province and as
such are to be treated and proceeded
against by all persons — Given at St.
Mary's Sept., 13, 1642." Vol. 3 Md.
Arch. p. 116.
Accordingly the same year Mary
land made up another expedition to
go against the Susquehannocks. This
is detailed as follows: "It shall be
lawful for the Lieutenant General or
Captain by him to make an expedition
against the Susquehannocks or other
Indians having committeed the late
outrages against English, at such
time and manner as he thinks fit and
to take out of every county or hun
dred within the province the third
man able to bear arms, such as he
thinks fit and to go on the exepdi-
tion, and every of which men shall be
at the charge of the county, furnish
ed and provided with one fixed gunne,
2 lbs. powder, 8 lbs. pistol or bullet
shott, 1 sword and 2 months provi
sions of victuals and shall be trans
ported to and from the expedition
with vessels and all necessarys at
like charge. And the expenses of the
same shall be raised by a levy on the
province lor the charge ol the men,
vessels, ammcunition and provisions
and all perquisites arising Irom the
levy shall be lor the benefit of the
province.'' Vol. 1, Maryland Archives
p. 196.
1642— Extent of Swedish Land Pur
chased from the Susquehannocks.
The Swedes in a representation
dated 1642 page 767 Vol. 5 of 2nd
series Penna. Arch, set /forth "This
district may be in length about 30
German miles (which is over 100
English miles) but as to the width
in the interior ol the country it has

28

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

been stipulated and decreed in the
contracts that the subjects of her ma
jesty may take as much as they
wish;" and on page 781 that all sub
jects of Sweden shall have "Liberty
of Trading upon the river of the
South (Delaware) and the interior cf
the country as well with the savages
as with the Christians, without any
condition, etc."
Thus it is plain from the above
that the Swedes had by far the lion's
share of the trade with the Minquas
or Susquehanna country Indians and
as well with the various other tribes
on the Delaware. I have thought
this necessary to give a true history
of the relations of these Minquas with
the Europeans on the Delaware, lest
it might be inferred that because of
their distance inland they did not
come nto constant contact with the
civilization on Delaware, which of
of course they did constantly. It
will be noticed that as above describ-
, ed the Minqua Creek was so named
not because the Minquas lived on it,
but beyond it, as stated it extends up
towards their lands. Along the Min
qua was their chief highway to go
to the Delaware. They lived about
the Susquehanna 20 miles or more
from the head waters of the little
Minqua — or as Acrelius puts it 93
miles from the Delaware. It is plain
also that besides this route to the
Delaware these Susquehannas some
time went by way ol Schuylkill, 10
to 20 miles from the mouth of the
same they had a trading station with
the Swedes. It is also plain that they
were beaver trappers along the
Schuylkill and the other streams of
that locality. The amount ol com
plaining ol the Dutch too shows the
trade was very profitable. Accord
ing to the speech ol Cannassetego in
Lancaster Court House, June 25th,
1744, the Indians of whom he spoke,
cordially welcomed the Dutch when

they came among them over 100 years
before to trade. 4 Col. Rec. 704.
1642- Second Expedition Against the
Susquehannocks — Proclamation
by the Lieutenant General.
"Whereas the English were author
ized to kill any Indians about Patux
ent that should be met on etiher
land or water, and certain expeditions
were therein mentioned, I, now by
reason of some accidents since hap
pening, wholly repeal and reverse the
proclamation and prohibit upon pain
of death that no English in the coun
ty of St. Mary's or any other part
of the province do kill or shoot any
Indians, other than such as shall be
known to the Susquehannocks or
Wicomeses, unless first assaulted or
put in bodily fear of life by the In
dians. I also revoke the proclamation
making Naulacogues enemies and de
clare a treaty of peace with them."
This is found in Vol. 3, Maryland
Archives p. 129, and it amply illus
trates the feeling in Maryland at this
time against the Susquehannocks.
1642 — Some Projected Expedition
Against the Susquehan
nocks Abandoned.
In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
130, this further proclamation hy the
Lieutenant General is set forth:
"Whereas by a proclamation dated
January 31, on certain hopes then
presumed upon of means to go on a
march upon the Susquehannocks, I
did declare to the province there
would be an expedition set forth at
his lordship's charge, which means
being not yet lound to answer my
hopes, I think fit to advise lurther ol
the said expedition and therelore do
annul the said proclamation and ob
ligations undertaken and all powers
concerning the expedition, this 8th
day of April."
We see by this item that while the
government ol the province ol Marv-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

29

land were determined to war on the
Susquehannocks, the people gener
ally did not relish at all the idea ol
measuring arms with them.
1642— Serious Charge Against Lieu
tenant General Brent for Giving
up the Expedition Against
the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p.
128, under date of October 17, we
have the following information against
Giles Brent: "John Lewger, attorney
for Lord Baltimore, informs the
Court against Giles Brent that he hav
ing moved and propounded an enter
prise upon the Susquehannocks, the
said Lieutenant General together with
him, Mr. Brent, did resolve and con
clude upon the manner and means
of it and that Brent should have
a commission and raise men at Kent
and all other necessaries for service
and that it should be done at the
county's charge, all of which Brent
seems to think approve and accord
ingly undertook the moving of the
men upon Kent and leading them
out upon the service and he knew
well what charge it would be
and how important the honor and
safety of the province was con
cerned in the managing and suc
cess of it and what a notable oppor
tunity was presented to the disadvan
tage of the enemy and disabling him
to ever assault again, not to be hoped
for at any other time, he. Brent, on
arriving at Kent, under authority of
a commission granted to Mr. Brenth-
wait for command of that Island and
taking disgust thereat or for disaffec
tion did not use or execute the mis
sion, but devising how to make the
commission and design ineffectual
with impunity and to give people oc
casion for refusing atid disobeying
it, did leave it to their consideration
whether they were willing to be
pressed or not and used words to

signify that they would not be urged
and pretending there were illegalities
in his commission, yet later issued
warrants for 20 soldiers, who came
with arms and were ready, but re
ceiving some impression and expres
sion of their unwillingness he admit
ted thereof and of his own head dis
missed them and so let the whole en
terprise fail and fall to the ground,
to the ill example and great damage
and danger of all and it is prayed he
may be compelled to answer for it,"
Divested of all the legal verbiage
in which this complaint is coudhed
it means that Giles Brent, who was
sent on the expedition against the
Susquehannocks, when he reached
Kent Island encouraged people
to oppose it instead of trying to get
them to join his forces and enlist, so
that it cost the province much money
and was a flat failure. The people it
seems were afraid of the Susquehan
nock and would not hazard a fight
with them.
1642— Failures of the Expedition
Against the Susquehannocks —
Witnesses Against Brent
and His Action.
In Vol. 4 Md. Arch. p. 138, we find
the following: "Wm. Sudd says that
in March he was appointed by Mr.
Pulton to go in his pinnacle as skip
per and trader to the Susquehannas
and by him appointed to have men at
the lead of Kent for a voyage, and
that he would write to Mr. Brent to
assist him in it, and that at his com
ing to Kent with the knowledge and
consent of Brent he hired John Petti-
man to go upon the voyage and hired
him lor 200 pounds ol tobacco a
month, and accordingly Pettiman was
out on the voyage two months and by
that means and that by his means
and pinnacle and the presence ol the
men, they were saved Irom destruc
tion by the Susquehannocks, which

30

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

destruction Brent would have al
lowed." Against the Susquehannocks.
On Nov. 25, Giles Brent made an
swer to the inf ormation • against him
that it was not sufficient in law and
also that he is not guilty of the
charge laid against him therein;
and the same time the Attorney Gen
eral files a criminal bill against him
shirking his duty in not going upon
the Susquehannocks and destroying
them according to the command In
his commission. See Vol. 4, Md. Arch.
151. In the end nothing came of the
suit in court and council; and the
net result of it all was the unexplain
ed failure to take the Susquehan
nocks. 1643— A Third Expedition Planned
Against the Susquehannocks.
Another expedition planned against
Susquehannocks, Capt. Cornwaleys to
lead. In Vol. 3 Md. Arch. 131, we
find the following commission; "Re
lying on your experience in martial
affairs I appoint and authorize you
to make an expidition against the
Susquehannocks or other Indians who
committed the outrages and took
the three men, and you are au
thorized to take every third man fit
to bear arms in the province and re
quire the counties to furnish them
and to have them ready at such ren-
dezous as you shall appoint and every
such volunteer to command with cap
tains and with them a warre to make
upon the Indians aforesaid (Susque
hannocks) in such manner and with
such power and authority whatso
ever for the doing, commanding, ap
point of anything toward the expedi
tion or for vanquishing or spoiling
the enemy or anything touching the
said warre to have use and exercise
the same in as ample a manner and
effect as may be vested in a captain
general in time of warre, and we re
quire all soldiers to obey you, Thomas

Cornwaleys under punishment. April
17, 1643, per Giles Brent, Lieut. Gen."
1643— Expedition Against the Susque
hannocks — Powers Given
to Captain Cornwaleys.
In this year the following
powers were granted by Maryland to
Cornwaleys — Vol. 3, Maryland Arch
ives, p. 133. — "Charles Cecelius. Rex,
greeting, to Thomas Cornwaleys, Esq.
Whereas we are informed of your
proposition and propenseness to go
on a march upon the Susquehannocks
and that several to a considerable
number are willing and desirous to
be led out by you, on such a march,
upon certain conditions treated and
agreed between you and them, we ap
prove very well of sych your and
their forwardness for the vindica
tion of the honor of God and the
Christians, and the English name, up
on those barbarians and inhuman pa
gans — do hereby authorize you to
levy such men as shall be willing to
go, upon said march and to lead and
conduct them against the Susquehan
nocks or other Indian enemies of this
province in such time and manner as
you think fit and to do all things
for the training of the soldiers, fur
nishing of sustenance and other sup
plies, and to demand obedience and
order the affairs, and provide officers
as against martial enemies and dis
posing of the spoyle and all other
things and matters whatsoever to the
said expedition appurtaining in the
manner and power as the captain
general of any army can or may do
in the time of warre."
Thus here we have another evi
dence of the continued trouble which
the Susquehannocks were infiicting
on the Marylanders. All this we have
seen origihated, because the whites
of Maryland took sides with a few
small tribes of Indians who were
hereditary enemies of the Susquehan-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

nocks. Whether this expedition was
taken or not history dos not inform
us. If it was there was evidently not
any great punishment Inflicted upon
the Susquehannocks; and it is likely
that the project was affected in a
manner similar to the expedition of
1639, as Mr. Samuel Evans tells us
in his History of Lancaster County,
that is, that the Marylanders were
faint of heart in the project. At any
rate the following year an opportun
ity for concluding a possible peace
presenting itself, the Marylanders
very gladly tried to avail themselves
of it. We shall now speak of it.
1644— Effort to Make Peace with the
Susquehannocks.
Bozman, p. 275, introduces this sub
ject as follows: "Some proceedings
now took place relative to a treaty
expected to be held with the Susque
hannocks at the English fort or gar
rison at Piscataway. It seems they
were begun in the absence of the
governor. The Susquehannocks
were expected at Piscataway either
with serious intentions to enter into
a cessation of hostilities, or sinister
designs to inveigle the friendly Pisca
taways, and a commission was grant
ed to Henry Pleete." This action, in
the alisence of the governor, we shall
see, altrwards led to disputes in
Maryland and the revocation ol pow
ers granted, etc.
This commission to Pleete was as
lollows: "Cecelius, etc., to Captain
Henry Pleete, greeting. — Whereas by
certain intelligence Irom the Pisca
taways I understand that there was
some number ol our enemies, the
Susquehannock Indians, expected
about this time at Piscataway under
color to treat and conclude a peace
with them and us, but perhaps to
conlederate and unite all the Indians
ol these parts in some general league
or plot for cutting off the English

in Maryland, as they have most sav
agely attempted in Virginia (this
must refer to the massacre planned
and partly executed by Opechanca-
nough in 1639. See Bozman, p. 275) ;
and because it concerns the honor and
safety of the colony to have some
English there to be present at the
treaty and other proceedings, to direct
and overrule it if need be, to counsel
and strengthen our friendship, and
friends that yet remain and terrify
the others and to proceed with the
Susquehannock agents either in hos-
tiliy or peace as there shall be most
cause and reason for — I relying upon
your skill in the language, and long
conversation and experience in Indian
affairs and your prudent and provi
dent circumspection otherwise, have
made choice of you and do hereby
will and require you to false with you
a convenient strength of English well
armed and provided to the number of
twenty at least and with them repair
to Piscataway and there proceed with
the Indians, both friends and enemies,
to such instructions as shall be de
livered to you by my secretary bear
ing date herewith, and to lead, order
and command in chief all the said
company as shall go with you, yea
even to the inflicting ol death upon
mutinous persons, as a captain gen
eral may do by martial law. St.
Mary's, June 18, 1644, per Giles Brent
Esq." Sec. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
148, and Bozman, p. 275.
At the same time the lollowing in
structions were given by John Lew
ger. Brent's secretary to Pleete: "You
are to go with your company to Pisca
taway and there conler and consider
by the best means yau may, what
hope there is ol a real and firm
peace or truce with the Susquehan
nocks, whether it will be more to
the honor and safety of the English
to have a warre or a truce with them
at present.

32

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

2. If you find the best reasons to
persuade them to peace you may en
ter into a treaty of peace with them
and undertake to them in our names
a truce or cessation of all acts of
hostility on our part until such time
as you shall agree upon, for expecta
tion of performance of conditions on
their part, and of the governor's as
sent to peace, and give hostages or
exchanges as you shall be willing.
John Lewger, Secretary." This may
be found in Vol. 3, Maryland Arch
ives, p. 149, and Bozman, p. 277.
At the same time passports to the
Susquehannocks were given, to in
duce them freely to come and treat
as follows: "Cecelius, etc., greeting —
To all the inhabitants of the province
known that I have promised and un
dertaken to the Indian bearer or
bearers hereof of the Susquehannock
Nation not exceding three, to repair
in a good manner from the Susque
hannocks' forte and to my lieutenant
general or some of my council at
Kent or St. Mary's upon any public
treaty message, sale and free passage
to and fro through my province with
out any harm or molestation of any
of the English, and therefore I re
quire all of every one of you upon
sight hereof not to do anything to
the violating of the public faith given
unto them, upon the utmost peril of
such punishment as by martial law
may be inflicted upon the contemners
or violators hereof. Given St. Mary's
June 18, 1644." (See the same in Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 150, and
Bozman, p. 279.)
The token which was given these
Susquehannock Indians, as safe con
duct, was a medal of copper, with a
black and yellow ribbon attached.
And we shall see later that the Mary
land troops, in a dastardly way,
thirty years later, broke the faith
signified by the medals, and shot
down five defenseless Susquehannock

chiefs, who came to treat with the
medals in their hands.
1644- Robert Evelyn's Estimates of
of the Susquehannocks at
This Time.
During four years, (about 1642 to
1646) Robert Evelyn lived among the'
Swedes and Dutch about Delaware,
and with the English in Maryland
and Virginia. About the latter year
he wrote a letter, supposed to be to
the Queen of Sweden, describing the
Susquhannocks at this time and their
country and ways. The letter is in
corporated into the "Description of
New Albion" written about 1646,which
we have referred to before. In this
letter he says "On the Delaware I
have resided several years. I do ac
count all the Indians to be about 800,
and are in several factions and war
against the Susquehannocks, and are
all extreme fearful of a gun and are
naked and unarmed against our shot,
swords and pikes, and since my re
turn 18 Swedes are settled there and
46 Dutchmen in a boat trade without
fear of them. From the Indians you
may have two thousand bushels ol
corn at 12 pence a bushel. This let
ter may be seen in first Vol. Proud.
p. 1 12. The description ol New Albion,
found in same place in Proud, then
goes on and supplements what Eve
lyn said. The author says besides
the 800 Indians mentioned by Evelyn
there are 23 Kings in that section.
Then it says, "The Susquehannas are
not now of the naturals left above
one hundred and ten, though with
their forced auxiliaries the Ihon-a-
Does and the Wycomeses they can
make two hundred and fifty. These
together are counted valiant and ter
rible to other cowardly dull Indians,
which they beat with the fight of
guns only. These last named tribes
the Susquehannas recently conquer-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

33

ed, which fact we have noted in prior
articles. It seems that the Susque
hannocks had their 'New Town' about
Conewaga on Susquehanna River be
fore 1648 (which by some writers is
said to have been built later), for the
last named authority says, "The Sus
quehannocks' new town is also a
rare, healthy and rich place, with it
a crystal broad river; but some falls
below, hinder navigation."
Evidently the strength of the Sus
quehannocks varied exceedingly
rapidly because Indian authorities
(notably the Committee on Archaeol
ogy of the Dauphin Historical Society
in their pamphlet 'Ind. Hist, of Low
er Susquehanna) say that about this
time or in 1647, the Susquehannocks
had 1300 able bodied men. See last
named work p. 40. f Smallpox") had
made disastrous ravages upon them
about this time. That may explain
it. The above ref ernece to their wars
recalls to our minds what says Cam
panius of them when going to and
in war, that they make bread made
¦ of Indian corn and tobacco juice,
which is very good to allay hunger
and quench thirst in case they have
nothing else at hand p. 122 and p.
137 he says "These Indians are of
ten at war and they are fearless of
their enemies."
I omitted to mention above that
Robert Evelyn mentions in his letter
that, "I went to Chicocoen the north
ern part ol Virginia on the Potomac
and I lound the heathen ol Virginia
were at war with the Susquehan
nocks and all the eastern bay Indians.
* We lound 14 canoes and 140 Susque
hannocks reduced by three Swedes in
to a half moon with intent to en
compass the first sail boat before the
second could reach the former; and
at the first volley of 10 shots and the
loss of one Indian, they all ran
away." Appropo of the mischief and de

predations of these Indians we have
an early description of theni by the
Dutch deputies about this time. In Vol.
5 2nd Series of the Penna. Archives
p. 130 it is stated, "The natives are '
generally well limbed, slender around
the waist and broad shouldered; all
having black hair and brown eyes,
they are swift and nimble, dirty and
slovenly and make light of all sorts
of hardships. The men have very .
little beard and pluck out what they
do have. As soldiers they are not
honorable; but accomplish their
success by perfidy and treachery.
They make little of death when it is
inevitable, despise torture at the
stake, generally singing until they
are dead. They use duffels, deer
skin leather, skins of raccoons, wild
cats, wolves, dogs, fishers, squirrels
and beavers for garments Some have
shoes of corn husks and head gear
of turkey feathers. Since Christians
are among them some now wear bon
nets or caps. They wear wampum
in ther ears and around their necks.
They have long deer's hair dyed red
of which they make ringlets to en
circle their heads. All of them can
swim. Their marriages are without -
ceremony, and men and women fre
quently trade spouses. They know
little of God. They are in dread ofthe
devils, but their devils they say will
have nothing to do with the Dutch."
1644 — Susquehannock Annex Their
Lands to New York's Government.
About this time also (1644) there
were important changes in the rela
tions of the Susquehannocks to the
lands of this section. Page 755 of
the book last mentioned (Pa. Arch.)
there is a report of Gov. Dongan, of
New York, dated 1684, and in it he
says, "Those Indians about 40 years
ago did annex their land to this gov
ernment and have ever since con
stantly renewed the same. Endeavors

34

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

have been used but to no purpose to
persuade our traders to go and live
on the Susquehanna River." This
annexation to New York however was
done by the Five Nations, and not
by the Susquehannocks, as the Five
Nations even at this time began to
claim authority over the Susquehan
nocks. The true date was about 1648
when this occurred; but as we shall
see in next paper, the Five Nations
were very much mistaken in think
ing the Susquehannocks would sub
mit to them.
1644 — Rivalry Between the Swedes
and the Dutch to Secure the
Susquehanna and Sur
rounding Indian
Trade.
So that we shall keep in mind that
when the Dutch and the Swedes
speak ol the Minquas, they mean the
Susquehtmnas I again refer to Vol.
8 p. 301 of the Jesuit Relations where
it is stated that the Andastes are
"called Minquas by the Dutch and
Susquehannas or Conestogas by the
English." In tracing up this contest by the
Swedes and the Dutch to get the best
of the Susquehanna trade each from
the other, we must not forget that
the Swedes were more tactful than
the Dutch in the affair, and also were
more friendly received by the In
dians. They were the favorites.
They were never hostile to the In
dians and they dealt more fairly with
them. The Dutch complained sorely
against the Swedes. In a remons
trance by Andreas Fudde, for the
Dutch dated Nov. 1, 1645 p. 103 of
5 Vol. 5 of 2nd Series Pa. Arch., he
states, "Further up the river (Dela
ware) on the west shore on a creek
called Minquas Creek, so named as
it runs pretty near the Minquas land
is a fort named Christiana  the
first fort built by the Swedes." He

goes on, "In regards to this Schuyl
kill, these are lands purchased by the
Company (the Dutch). The company's
carpenter constructed a fort there.
This fort cannot in any manner ob
tain control over the river; but it
has command over the whole creek,
while this creek is the only remain
ing ai^enue for trade with the Min
quas, and without this trade the
river is of little value. A little dis
tance from this fort was a creek to
the farthest distant wood, which
place is named Kinsessing by the
savages, which was before a certain
and invariable resort for trade with
the Minquas, but which is now op
posed by the Swedes having there
built a strong house. Half a mile
further in the woods Printz con
structed a mill of a creek which runs
into the sea and on this creek a strong
building just by the path which leads
to the Minquas; so that no access to
the Menqueas is left open ; and he too
controls nearly all the trade of the
savages on the river, as the greatest
part of them go hunting in the neigh
borhood which they are not able to
do without passing by his residence.
I therefore gave orders to go to the
Schuylkill and wait there for the
Minquas." In another remonstrance
dated about 1649 the Dutch say, page
139 of the same book, "As relates to
the trade with the Indians on the
South River the English and Swedes
are making great efforts to secure it
as we shall show." This is the trade
that came down from the Susque
hanna country, as Campanius des
cribed it 93 miles from New Sweden
on to Conestoga. The Dutch also
complain that the Indians themselves
are not fair with them for they say
they (the Dutch) bought lands from
them, and thus expect their favor. P.
235. And especially as to the Sus
quehannock trading center on the
' Schuyikill where as already mention-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

35

ed Fort Beversrede stands was pur
chased from the right owners and
principal Indians in 1633 by the
Company's servant which conveyance
the Indian chiels in 1648 did renew.
Notwithstanding the Swedes have
erected a fort on these grounds and
built a house in front of the gate at
the Company's fortress for trading
where our people are wholly shut out
from the sight of the road to deprive
the Company (Dutch) of the beaver
trade and they have ruined the
trade." On page 333 the Dutch fur
ther set forth their title to all the
province from the South (Delaware)
river westward "into the west as far
and much farther than our line of
limits are yet extended and seated,
having legally bought them from the
Indians the native proprietors." And
as to the extent of the trade the
Dutch say page 235, "Thousands of
beavers can be bought here and
around the Schuylkill or Beaver's
Rede which was brought down in
great abundance by the southern In
dians called Minquas and the Black
Indians so that this river has always
been held in great repute on account
ol its fitness and great convenience
for both trade and agriculture." As
to the Black Indians, Clarke in his
Early Cayuga History page 36, in a
note says, "The Black Minquas wer^
considered an offshot of the Mo-/
hawks."1645 — Maryland's Governor Disowns
Certain Interference With the
Susquehannocks, Which
His Council Set
On Foot.
In a former item we saw that John
Lewger, a member of Council and an
attorney for the Government, and al
so secretary to the Lieutenant Gen
eral, gave certain instructions to Col
onel Fleet, how to proceed with the
Susquehannocks, and make war or

peace v/ith them as he saw fit. This
was done in the absence ol the Gov
ernor and the result was what now
lollows: "Now whereas John Lewger,
Esq., one of his Lordship's Council
of this Province, without orders or
authority from the Proprietor or
Lieutenant General, pursuant to his
own head, to counterfeit and deliver
unto Henry Fleete a commission lor
a treaty ol peace with the enemies
of the Province, the Susquehannocks
and likewise for the making said
Fleete a captain or general to make
war against them or against other
Indians and to bear authority over
his company and the inhabitants of
this Province, and to do acts accord
ing to the tenor of the said commis
sion, he has presumed to affix and
count his Lordship's seal and his
Lieutenant General's hand, which acts
being a high misdeameanor and of
fense and as such requires serious
animadversion. — These are therefore
to suspend the said John Lewger from
the office or dignity of Council, from
all other offices and dignities depend
ing thereon, and I do further revoke
all other commissions at any time
granted unto him, said John Lewger,
by me as Lieutenant General. Sign
ed Giles Brent." See Vol. 3, Maryland
Archives, p. 151.
It is evident that the government
of Maryland at this time thought
dealing with the Susquehannocks was
too serious a matter for subordinates
to take upon themselves, without
consulting v.'ith ther superiors. Boz
man in his history speaking of ihis
date, 1644, says the Susquehannocks
were now the most formidable In
dians the Marylanders had to en
counter, and they were in the habit
of using firearms, having secured
them from the Dutch and the Swedes
and the Governor made a proclama
tion prohibiting any one from carry
ing powder or selling guns or shot

36

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

without a license, which assistance
some ol the colonists were in the
habit ol giving them. See Bozman,
Vol. 2, p. 273.
1646— Susquehannocks' Cruelty and
Customs— Progress in the Art
of War.
Campanius Holm in his History ol
New Sweden (Pennsylvania) says p.
137: "In 1646 the Indians had taken
one of the Mingoes (Susquehannocks)
in war and bound him to a tree; then
they made a large fire around him
and when he was as well as half
roasted they let him loose, giving
him a fire brand in each hand and
taking one In each hand themselves
then challenging him to fight; and
when at last he could no longer
stand and fell down one of them
sprang upon him and with his nails
cut the skin ol his forehead open and
tore off his scalp, which they carried
with them as a trophy of war." This
was simply retaliation upon the
Susquehannocks, because that was
the exact form of cruelty the Sus
quehannocks practiced on their vic
tims regularly. Campanius also says
at same page: "The Indians were of
ten at war with the surrounding
tribes, especially the Mingoes; but
they dare not engage with the Chris
tians, since they have discovered
they are superior to them in the mil
itary art; they were mightly afraid
of our guns; when they first heard a
report of a firearm they would not
remain while the firing continued.
They wear on their heads a red tur
key feather as a sign they are going
to shed blood; and on one of their
arms they have a shield of bark or
skin of an elk. After they have car
ried their wives and children to an
island or place of safety they proceed
on their way in a certain order, and
when they meet their enemy they at
tack them with great outcries. They

think thy have a great battle when
ten or twelve are dead on the field."
1646— Location and Trade of the Sus
quehannocks When Found by
the Swedes.
Campanius says, p. 157: "There
were lound when the Swedes came to
this country, within 93 miles, ten or
twelve other tribes. Among these
were the Mingoes or Minikus (Sus
quehannocks), the principal tribe,
and renowned lor their warlike char
acter. They live at a distance ol_^
twelve Swedish miles Irom New Swe
den (93 English miles), where they
daily came to trade with us. The
way to their land is very bad, being
stony and lull ol sharp gray stones."
What this trade consisted ol we
have shown in a lormer item. He
also tells us the Indian lort ol the
Susquehannocks "had small cannon
placed upon it." He also says ol
them: "They are vigorous, young
and old, are a tall people but not
frightful. When they are fighting
they do not attempt to fiy but all
stand like a wall as long as there is
one remaining. They force the other
Indians to be afraid of them and
make them pay tribute, so that they
dare not stir, much less go to wai
against them. But their numbers
are diminished by war and sickness."
In later items we will deal with the
Susquehannocks' relations with the
Five Nations, showing a most mar
velous intercourse with the New York
Confederacy. 1646 — Fort Built or Improved on the
Susquehanna by the Christians.
The forts on the Susquehanna are
a very interesting subject of histori
cal investigation. There was an In
dian fort (may be several of them)
on lower Susquehanna, when in 1608
Captain John Smith was near the
Pennsylvania line, because p. 120, ol

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

37

Vol. 1, ol his History of Virginia,
which we have cited at another place,
he says, "They make near 600 men
'and are palisaded in their towns to
defend them," in speaking of the Sus
quehannocks. But John Watson says
the earliest whites built a fort there
too. In a paper on Indian lands in
Vol. 3, Memoirs of the Historical
Society at Philadelphia, part 2, p.
131, "It will be observed that before
Penn's day there had been, a fort con
structed by some Christian people
upon the shores of that(Susquehanna)
river." And to prove there was such
a fort he says in a large folio in the
land office at Harrisburg, in book 14,
entitled "Old Surveys and Registry
of Land Warrants," there is a dia
gram showing the 'walking purchase'
back to the Susquehanna, one line of
which goes to a point on the Susque
hanna, 3 miles above the mouth of
the Conestoga, marked 'fort demol
ished.' This then he concluded was
a fort built by the Christians. Clay
borne may have had a hand in it; but
we do not know. He was in that
neighborhood in 1637 and later. The
Swedes were there trading in 1640 to
1646; the Dutch were there also. In
1664 the Iroquois, who came down
upon the Susquehannocks, found not
only iron muskets in the hands of
4.he Susquehannocks, but iron cannon
mounted on the fort. So whether the
Christians originally built the fort
that Watson refers to, or whether
they simply Improved a fort flrst
built by the Susquehannocks (as
found by Smith), we cannot tell, and
we leave the matter in the plight in
which Watson placed it — viz., that the
Christians had something to do with
it. I make the date 1646 because
that Is about the time that the Chris
tians had some voice and directions
in the doings of the Susquehannocks
at that place.

1646— Approach of War Between Iro
quois and Hurons— Susquehan
nocks Offer to Help the
Hurons.
The overture of the Susquehan
nocks to the Hurons to help the Hu
rons in their struggle with the Iro
quois, we have before touched on
where we cited the Dauphin County
Indian History Pamphlet as authority;
but as that is not first hand informa
tion I prefer now to cite an original
authority, viz.: Vol. 30, Jesuit Rela
tions, p. 253, where the Jesuits write
in 1646 from Onondago and say: "Our
fathers with the Hurons say that the
savages of Andaste (Susquehan
nocks) whom we believe to be neigh
bors to Virginia and who had former
ly close alliance with the Hurons in
somuch that there are still found in
the Huron country people from their
dialects,' have conveyed these
few words to the Hurons, viz:
'We have learned that you have
enemies, and you have only to say to
us "Lift the axe" and we assure you
either they will make peace or we
shall make war on them.' The Hu
rons were very joyful at these fine
offers and have sent an embassy to
those people. The chief of the em
bassy was a worthy Christian, accom
panied by eight persons, four of
whom have embraced the faith of
Jesus Christ," We shall later cite
Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, p. 129,
showing that under date of 1647 an
other offer was made to help the
Hurons by the Susquehannocks and
that the Hurons sent a representa
tive on to confer with the Susque
hannocks. All this goes to show the
position and strength of the Susque
hannocks at this time, who at this
time had 1300 warriors. This is the
greatest number of warriors they had
in all their known history. Never
afterwards did they have so many
and never belore. Captain Smith
said in his time, 1608,. they had 600.

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Thus about 1650 they were in the
greatest power. This is also evi
denced by the manner in which the
government of Maryland regarded
them at this date.
1647— Susquehannocks Attempt to
Intervene in Iroquois-Huron War.
The description of the attempt to
intervene by the Susquehannocks, in
the Huron-Iroquois war in 1647 is
given in Vol. 33 p. 127 of the Jesuit
Relations as follows: "The Andaste
is a country beyond the neutral na
tion, distant from the Huron coun
try, about 150 leagues (450 miles) in
a straight line to the southeast, a
quarter south, from the Huron coun
try, that is southeast a little toward
the east, but the distance because of
the detours in the route is 200 leagues.
They are very warlike , and in
a single village they count 1300 men
capable of bearing arms. They speak
the Huron language, and have always
been allies of the Hurons.
"At the beginning of the year 1647
two men of that nation came here,
deputed by their captains, to tell our
Hurons that if they lost courage and
felt too weak to contend against our
enemies, they should inform them
(the two Andaste delegates) and send
an embassy to Andaste for that ob
ject. The Hurons did not miss the
opportunity. Charlas Andasiondrout
an excellent Christian of long stand
ing, was deputed as the head of the
embassy and he was accompanied by
four other Christians and four In
fields. They left here (Canada) on
the 13th of April and reached An
daste only at the beginning of June.
The harrangue delivered by Charles on
his arrival was not long. He told of
the wars and that the land was cov
ered with blood and the cabins with
corpses. The reply of the Andaste
was to deplore the calamaties, and
added that tears and regrets were

not the remedy for the wars and
evils; but that their misfortunes must
be arrested as soon as possible. Al-/
ter a number ol councils, they de
puted ambassadors to the enemies of
our Hurons to beg them to lay down
their arms to think of lasting peace
which would not hinder the trade of
all these countries with one another.
The ambassadors went and had not
returned by the 15th ol August. The
Andastes insisted on peace and de
terminated to renew the war which
they waged a few years ago with the
Agnieronnous (that is the Mohawks),
who are brethren of the Iroquois, il
they refused to enter into peace.
When Charles Andasiondrout was at
Andaste, he went to see the Euro
peans, their allies who were at a dis
tance of three days' journey from
that place. They received him with
kindness. Charles did not fail to
tell them that he was a Christian and
requested them to take him to their
church, that he might perform his
devotions, lor he thought it was like
those in our French settlements.
They replied that they had no place
set apart lor prayers, and the good
Charles observed some acts of levity
that were not very modest on the
part of some young men, towards
two of their Savage women who had
come from Andaste. The captain of
the settlement apologized lor it and
said he was not obeyed by his people
lor purity ol morals. We think the
people ol that European settlement
are mostly Dutch and English, who
lor some special reason have placed
themselves under the protection of
the King of Sweden, and have call
ed the country New Sweden. We
had formerly thought it a part , of
Virginia." This account was written
only a few years after the events
happened. This accurate account
differs from the account given

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

39

by the Dauphin County pamphlet, in
that it puts the Interview ol the Sus
quehannocks with the Hurons first,
whereas the Dauphin County pam
phlet puts the embassy ol the Sus
quehannocks to the Iroquois flrst,
and with the Hurons, second. We
notice here, too, that the Susque
hannas had wars with the Mohawks
(Agnieronnous) some years before
this time, and we will speak of it
again. The settlement "three days
distant" from Andaste (Susquehanna)
was the Swedish settlement on the
Delaware, near where Wilmington
and New Castle now stand.
The Five Nations (or Iroquois) and
the Susquehannocks by this time
both had won military glory; both
had gotten guns and had learned to
use them. The Susquehannocks from
1634 to 1644 reduced the Piscataways,
Patuxents and the Waocacoes tribes,
in a ten years' war and the Iroquois
had reduced the Hurons, as we have
seen before. The Susquehannocks
had finished their conflicts with the
smaller tribes, which not only includ
ed the reduction of the three tribes
just named but also the twelve small
tribes which Robert Evelyn says in
his letter (hereafter to be cited) lived
on the Delaware and were whipped
by the Susquhannocks. The Iroquois
had not destroyed the Hurons, but
simply weakened them. They were,
now, however, bent upon exterminat
ing them. The Susquehannocks de
termined to stop hostilities.
The Dauphin County pamphlet, ber
loie mentioned gives this account
of this effort on the part of the Sus
quehannocks — see page 40. "When
the Hurons in Upper Canada in 1647
began to sink under the fearful blows
dealt them by the Five Nations, the
Susquehannocks sent an embassy to
Onondago (the headquarters ol the
Five Nations) to urge the cantons to
peace. The Iroquois relused. The

Susquehannocks then sent an em
bassy to the Hurons, to offer them
aid against the common enemy. Nor
was this offer ol little value. The
Susquehannocks could put in the
field 1300 warriors trained to the use
of fire-arms and European methods
of warfare, having been instructed by
three Swedish soldiers; but the Hu
rons sank into apathy and took no
active steps to secure the aid of the
friendly Susquehannocks.''
This interesting offer to interpose
is graphically told in the Jesuit Re
lations by narrators who got the in
formation first hand from those in
terested in the affair. In this work
as we have often said the Susque
hannocks are called the Andaste.
The Jesuit Fathers in Vol. 8, p. 301
call them (Susquehannocks) "allies
of our Hurons and who talk like
them," and in Clark's Early Cayuga
History, found in a note p. 36 of the
same volume (i. e. 8) he says, "An
daste is a term used generally by the
French and applied to several dis
tinct Indian Tribes located south of
the Five Nations in the present ter
ritory and Pennsylvania. One of the
most southerly tribes was located at
the great falls between Columbia and
Harrisburg in the vicinity of the lat
ter place occupying five towns and
by Smith were called the Susquehan
nocks." 1647 — Cost of Watching the Susque
hannocks.
In Vol. 4, Maryland Archives, p.
231, it is stated under this date that
the following charge was preferred
before the Assembly and allowed: "To
Walter Watertson for bringing intelli
gence touching the Susquehannocks,
eighty pounds." From this it is evi
dent that the Maryland government
was compelled to keep scouts and
runners employed to give the whites
news at all times concerning the

40

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

movements and supposed plans of the
Susquehannocks. This is in line with
what we have noticed in former
items — namely, that the government
of Maryland compelled all the inha
bitants to be ready with powder and
shot and firearms at all times, either
to defend against the Susquehannocks
or to march against them. The pow
er and prominent place of this tribe
among the savage nations of America
at this time are well established.
1648 — Susquehannocks' Influence on
the Onondagoes.
Under this date in Vol. 33, Jesuit
Relations, p. 123, it is stated; "The
Andaste tribes (Susquehannocks) al
lied to the Hurons contribute in a
great measure, it is said, toward the
matter of peace, either because the
Onondagoes fear to have them as
enemies or because they desire their
alliance." This is to be sure only a
brief note; but it is a statement writ
ten at the time the situation existed
and Is worth more than a page of
historical speculation written from
inferences formed a hundred years
later. It is in short another asser
tion of the pre-eminence of the
mighty Susquehannocks. It will be
noticed nothing like this is ever said
of the other tribes of Maryland or
of the Delaware, nor of the tribes
of Powhatan.
1648 — More Particulars of the Huron
Embassy to Susquehanna.
In Vol. 33, p. 73, of the Jesuit Re
lations under date of 1648, there is
the following statement concerning
the Huron embassy to the Susque
hanna the year prior: "Our Hurons
have sent an embassy to Andaste
(Susquehanna) , people of New Sweden
their former allies, to solicit them to
enter into a full peace with them or
resume the war they waged but a
few years ago against the Annierou-

nons (Mohawk-Iroquois.) Consider
able assistance is expected from
this as well as a great relief for the
country. The Annierounons - Iro
quois are near Quebec." To those
not acquainted with Indian history of
these times, it may be explained that
this statement means, the Hurons
sent an agent to the Susquehannocks
to ask them to help them, or to re
new their (the Susquehannocks')
war with the Mohawks, called the
Annierounons. This Susquehannock-
Mohawk war we remember raged
about 1607 to 1620 at least, and so
demoralized were the Mohawks and
their allies by the onslaughts of the
Susquehannocks that the very name
of Andaste made them tremble; and
this fear continued up to 1640 at
least. So says the Jesuit Relations,-^
Vol. 45, pp. 203 and 205. In a prior
item we have discussed the fear
which the Susquehannocks threw
over the Mohawks during and after
the Mohawk war. The journey and
speech of the agent the Hurons sent
to the Susquehannocks we have fully
set forth also earlier. As tO the lo
cation of this wonderful Andaste, p.
135, of Vol. 33, Jesuit Relations, says
Andaste is seven days' journey from
the Iroquois.
1650 and Onward — Iroquois' Retalia
tion Upon the Susquehannas-Open-
ing of the Conflict— Minor Move
ments and Doings of the Susque
hannas— First Campaigns of the
Iroquois— Susquehanna War.
We are now briefiy to notice a
various series of events, simply for
the sake of the chronolgy (chronolo- 1
gical arrangement being the only |
rule or system of these annals).
The Dauphin County Committee on
Archaeology in their pamphlet before
cited, p. 40, says that "Four years
later (1651) the Iroquois, grown in
solent by their successes in almost

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

41

annihilating their kindred tribes
north and south of Lake Erie, provok
ed a war with the Susquehannas."
This is all we shall note ol this war
at present. It will be discussed un
der a later date.
Other events as above stated must
now claim attention, some ol which
are as lollows: "During the year 1650
ithe terrible scourge ol small-pox
broke out among the Susquehannas.
(Do. p. 40).
1650 — Susquehannock Hunters Roam
About Lake Ontario.
About this time (as likely perhaps
many years belore) the Susquehan
nock hunters in their hunting wan
dered as far as Lake Ontario, where
they came into contact with the Iro
quois and were plundered. This
shows the great width and extent
over which these Susquehannocks
were accustomed to roam. (Do. p.
40).1651 — The Great Susqnehannock-Iro-
qnois War of Several Tears
Begins.
We have quoted above an author
who says the war between the Sus
quehannocks aud Iroquois began in
1651. While this may be so, it seems
that the 'War' was simply desultory
several years.
I find that Proud says nothing
about this war. In his History of
Penn.sylvania he omits to mention any
events from 1632 to 1654 (See pp. 117
and 118) ; and when he does resume
the discussion it is about Swedes' af
fairs. He mentions a Swedish Treaty
with the Indians in 1655; but makes
no other Indian references until 1664,
whdn mention is made of Albany In
dian affairs. Mombert's History, p.
23, quoting from Col. Rec. (no doubt)
admits the war was in progress in
1654, but that the Susquehannocks
were still superior at that time. The
Dauphin County archaeologists, in

their pamphlet before quoted, pp. 40
and 41, say of the period, about 1655,
I suppose: "War had now begun in
earnest with the Five Nations (Iro
quois) and though the Susquehan
nocks had some of their people killed
near their towns they in turn pressed
the Cayugas so hard that some ol
them retired across the lakes into
Canada. They also kept the Senecas
in check that they no longer ventur
ed to carry their peltry to New York
except under heavy guarding. Smart
ing under constant defeat the Five
Nations solicited French aid." Lyle'g
History of Lancaster County would
lead us to infer that this war was
declared or begun only about 1660
(P. 19) but it was earlier; because
in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Relations, p.
76, a communication written in 1662
says that , the war "broke out some
years ago." And finally the speech
of the Indian orator in the Lancaster
Court House June 26, 1744, 4 Col. Rec.
708, shows that the serious conse
quences of the war occurred some
time after 1654. From all the evi
dences we gather it that the real
brunt of the war came on about 1660.
This we will treat fully later.
1651 — The Mohawks and Other Iro
quois Jfow Combine Against
the Susquehannocks.
From 1646 or 1647 to 1651 the Iro
quois Confederacy were warring on
the weaker Hurons, during which time
we have seen the Hurons sent to the
Susquehannocks for help and the
Susquehannocks freely offered to
give aid. But strange to say the help .
never was given. The cause of this
I cannot find; nor can I find the true
cause of the war by the Iroquois up
on the Hurons, except while they
were neighbors of the Iroquois, they
were cousins of the Susquehannocks
or at least former allies, and the Iro
quois Confederacy were jealous and

42

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

fearful of a confederacy between the
Susquehannocks and Hurons. The
rich Susquehanna valley also was in
some measure the prize at stake; and
this stake was about 1675 won by the
Iroquois from the Susquehannocks,
they being forced into Maryland.
Thus by 1651, no help coming to them
from the Susquehannocks, the Hu
rons were almost annihilated by the
Iroquois. And now the Iroquois.and
especially the Mohawk tribe of them,
having grown insolent because of
their victories over the Hurons, re
membered their old insults from the
wars with the Susquehannocks, and
led a renewal of hostilities against
them, thus starting the Iroquois-Sus-
quehannock war of many years, in
1651. The very beginning of this
war is told in Vol. 37, p. 97, Jesuit
Relations, in 1651, as follows: "Dur
ing this winter the Annierounons
(Mohawks) went to war toward the
Andaste (Susquehannocks), the re
sult of which is not yet known." Thus
in 1651 the war began.
1651 — First Stages of the Susque-
hannock-Iroquois War
In our last item we cited the first
going out of the Iroquois against the
Susquehannocks. The Jesuits called
them Mohawks; but Senecas, Cayu
gas, Mohawks and other tribes are
by these writers all called indiffer
ently, Iroquois. Later in this year,
1651, further accounts of the war are
told us, viz.: "A fugitive brought
back news that the Iroquois having
gone during the winter in full force
against the Andaste (Susquehann-
nocks) had the worst of it." Vol.
37, Jesuit Relations, p. 105. And lat
er the same year these Jesuits write
"As for news of the enemy the cap
tain of the Atia'kewae (the Andaste
or Susquehannocks — Vol. 36, Jesuit
Relations, pp. 247-8), who was cap
tured by. the Iroquois nation, says

that 1,000 of the Andaste have beeUf
captured; or at least they carried off
500 or 600 Andaste, chiefly men. Andj
the Mohawks lost in this expedition'
only eleven men." See Jesuit Rela
tions, Vol. 37, p. 111. This great ^
boast of the Iroquois all turned out
untrue, as we shall show later.
A good deal of what I write now
has been discussed but as it was at
that time taken second hand from
other phamphleteers, I do not consid
er it first hand, and for that reason
I now set it down from the original
sources. As to this Susquehannock-Iroquois
war I beg to stop long enough here
to remark that the war lasted in a de
sultory fashion about twenty-four"
years, reaching its height about 1665.''
The combined Iroquois subdued the
Susquehannocks and gradually forc
ed them from the Susquehanna into
Maryland along the Potomac. The
backbone of the Susquehannock pow
er was broken by 1670, and the con
tempt in which the Iroquois held the
Susquehannocks is testified to by the
Jesuits as follows: "Since the Son-
nonhourais (the Huron name for
Iroquois) have utterly defeated the
Andaste (Susquehannocks), their an
cient and most redoubtable foe, their
insolence knows no bounds ; they talk
of nothing but renewing the war
against our allies and even against
the French, and of beginning by the
destruction of fort Colorokoui." Vol. ¦'
59, Jesuit Relations, p. 251. The ef
fect of the success over the Susque
hannocks by the Iroquois was much
like the effect of the victory over Na-
polean upon the Duke of Wellington.
The Iroquois felt they could now con
quer the worthiest foe in all the
world, and that now they could over
come the French themselves. Chrono
logically this last paragraph is out
of order; but I use it here simply

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

43

again to illustrate the prowess of the
Susquehannocks, which is plainly
shown in that the Iroquois consid
ered their subjugation an event of
first magnitude.
1652 — The Haughty Susquehannocks
Jfow Beg An Alliance with the
Government of Maryland — A
Treaty Formed.
In the very opening stages of the
combined Iroquois onslaught upon
them the eyes of the Susquehannocks
were opened; and their haughty pride
was humbled. They had found a foe-
man worthy of their arms. While it
was not true that 1000 of them were
taken as the item under 1651 sets
forth; it was true that many of them
were killed by the barbarians of the
north in these first encounters. The
Susquehannocks knew they could
not single-handed contend with the
combined Iroquois forces, and so
they proposed alliance with Mary
land. Therefore they entered into the fol
lowing treaty with Maryland: "Ar
ticles of Peace and Friendship Treat
ed and Agreed upon this 5th day of
July, 1652, between the English of
Maryland of one part and the Susque
hannock Indian Nation on the other
part followeth:
1. That the English nation shall
hold and occupy to them and their
heirs and assigns forever all the
lands lying north of Patuxent river
to Palmer's Island and to the west
ern side of the Bay of Chesapeake
and from Choptank river to the North
East Branch to the northeast of Elk
river on the northeast with all is
lands, creeks, fish, fouls, deer, elk,
and whatsoever else belongs except
the islands of Kent and Palmer's
which belong to Clayborne, but it
shall be lawful for both the English
and the Indians to build houses or
forts for trade on Palmer's sland.
2. "If there is any damage done

on either side at any time hereafter
by the English or the Indians afore
said or any other conlederated tribe
or servants ol them, that report be
made and satislaction be given Irom
each other Irom time to time as the
case requires and as in reason
should be done between those that
are Iriends and desire to continue so.
3. "That 11 any people or servants
that belong to the English or to the
Indians shall go away dr run away
Irom either side they shall not be
concealed or kept away Irom each
other; but with all constant speed be
returned and brought home and sat
islaction to be made in reasonable
way lor transport of them by land or
by water.
4. "That on any occasion of busi
ness to the English or any message,
or the like, the Indians, shall come
by water and not by land that there
shall not be above eight or ten at
any one time, and that they bring
with them the tokens given them by
the English for that purpose b.
which they may be known and enter
tained. And also the English on their
parts when they send to the Indians
any message shall carry the token
vvhich we have received from them.
5. "And lastly that these articles
and every particular of them, shall
be really and inviolably observed,
kept and performed by the two na
tions before named and by the people
to tham or that are in amity with
them forever, to the end of the
world; and that all former injuries
being buried and forgotten, from
henceforth they do promise and
agree to walk together and carry one
towards another in all things as
friends, and to assist one another ac
cordingly. But if it so hereafter at
any time happen that either party is
weary of peace and intends war, then
the same shall be signified and made
known each to the other by sending

44

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and delivering up this writing, before
any act of hostility or enmity be
done or attempted and that 20 days'
warning thereof be given before
hand. "These several articles were sol
emnly and mutuaUy declared and
concluded at the river Severn, in
Province of Maryland by Richard
Benett et al, for the Governor and
Council and by Savahegah, Aieroh-
toregh, Scarluhadigh, Ruthchoque
and Natheldrruh, War Captains and
Counsellors of the Susquehannoughs
Commissioners appointed and sent by
said province and the Susquehan
noughs and were fully interpreted,
done and confirmed by several pres
ents, gifts and tokens of friendship,
mutually given and received." See
this treaty Vol. 3, Md. Arch. p. 276-
7 and Bozman's Md. p. 682. (We shall
see at a later date how treacherously
the Marylanders \iolated the sancity
of the tokens or medals spoken of
here, and slaughtered the holders of
them.) Speaking on this same treaty Scharf
and Johnson both say in 1652 the
differences between the Susquehan
nocks and Maryland were again com
posed, and a treaty was made be
tween them. The Susquehannocks
began to see the unwisdom of war
with the whites and with the Iro
quois at the same time. Scharf's
History of Maryland, p. 212, Geo.
Johnson, in his History of Cecil
County, has the following to say upon
that treaty of 1652: "A treaty was
made between Maryland and the
Susquehannocks, being the first
treaty of which any record is pro-
served. This was done where Annap
olis now stands, (p. 17). The treaty
provided inter alia, "That the English
shall have all the land from Patuxent
River to Palmer's Island on the west
side of Chesapeake and from Chop-

tank to northeast Branch or Creek
lying to the northward of Elk River
on the east side." (p. 17) This
treaty was asserted by the Governor
of Maryland, in our first Court House
in Centre Square in Lancaster City,
then a Borough, June 25, 1744, when
and where the said Governor, speak
ing to the representatives of the Five
Nations then assembled at the Treaty
of 1744 said: "The Susquehanna In
dians by a treaty above ninety years
since, which is on the table and will
be interpreted to you, gave to the
English Nation and their heirs and
assigns forever, the lands we possess
from Patuxent River," etc. (4 Col.
Rec. 704). And the Indian orator
replying the next day said: "We ac
knowledge that the Conestoga or
Susquehanna Indians had a right to
sell those lands unto you for they
were theirs, but since then we have
conquered them." (Do. p. 708). This
would also make this treaty about
1652, and it also asserts the fact of
its existence, and its import.
1652— Hurons Not Able to Help the
Susquehannocks iu the War.
As we have stated in the last paper
the combined Iroquois were too pow
erful for the Susqyehannocks, and
they looked to Maryland in treaty
to help them. That they made the
overtures to the whites is evident
from the introduction to the treaty,
viz.: "Whereas this court is inform
ed that the Susquehannocks have a
long time desired and much pressed
for peace with this province, etc."
Bozman, pp. 450 and 451.
Neither could the Huron cousins of
the Susquehannocks help them; be
cause beside, subjugated five years be
fore, their geographical position was
not favorable to co-operation. In Vol.
38, Jesuit Relations, p. 235, it is said
"The country of the Hurons is a part
of New Prance. Southward a little

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

45

to the west comes the neutral nation,
whose first villages were not more
than 100 miles distant from' the Hu
rons, the territory of this nation ex
tending 150 miles; thence moving
from the neutrals a little toward the
east one reaches New Sweden, where
dwell the Andaste (Susquehannocks),
who are allied to our Hurons and
speak a language not very different
from them. They are distant from
us about 500 miles."
1654 — Indians Except Susquehan
nocks to be Deprived of their Guns.
Amity with the Susquehannocks
seems now to have been firmly estab
lished by the Maryland government;
Maryland passed the following act
for their benefit; "It shall be lawful
for any person to take away from
any Indian that shall come within
the liberties and bounds of St. Mary's
and Potomac, their guns, powder and
shott; and that none shall entertain
Indians in their houses except they
come On public treaty, which is meant
only of the Susquehannocks and the
Emperor of the Piscataways; and
that as far as possble the Indians
have notice ol this Act." Vol. 1,
Maryland Archives p. 348.
1654 — An Extensive Beaver Trade
Carried on by Susquehannocks.
We now turn for a moment again
to the situation, environments and
trade of the Susquehannocks at
this time before going into their
war with the Iroquois.
In Gerrett Van Sweeringen's Ac
count of the Settling of the Dutch
and Swedes at Delaware found p.
746, in Vol. 5 of Ser. Pa. Arch. (p.
748) he says: "In the year 1654 the
head of the Chesapeake Bay in Mary
land was not at that time seated and
so the Marylanders did not take much
notice of the Dutch or Swedes. The
Swedes sailed up hiding themselves
in a creek called the Schuylkill — in

English "Hiding Creek." (Do.) And
in the same volume p. 235 it is said
"Thousands of beavers can be bought
around the Schuylkill or Bever's
Rede, which are brought down in
great abundance by the Minquas and
the Black Indians." Wm. Penn also
in a paper dated 1690 mentions that
the Indians of the Susquehanna came
to Philadelphia by way of the Schuyl
kill and its branches — their old and
unusual course. (I Haz. Reg. 400).
Thus from all this we see that while
the Susquehannocks' wars were in
progress their trade was going on
also.1656 — The Susquehannocks Still Hunt
.About Lake Ontario.
Some fathers of the Jesuits this
year with other Frenchmen journey
to the Upper Iroquois and tell of one
of the experiences as follows: "To
wards evening some hunters perceiv
ed us (at the end of Lake Ontario) ;
Vol. 43, Jesuit Relations, p. 141 — and
on seeing so many canoes in our
company they fied, leaving behind
them some booty for our people, who
seized their weapons and beaver
skins and all their baggage; but cap
turing one of those hunters we found
that he belonged to the tribe of An-
dastogue (Susquehannocks), with
whom we are not at war. Our French
therefore gave back to them that
which they had plundered; this how
ever did not induce our savages to
display the same courtesy." Vol. 43,
Jesuit Relations, p. 143.
Two historical facts are worthy of
notice here: (1) that the Susquehan
nocks continued to make hunting par
ties to the northward the same as
in the days when they were not at
war with the Iroquois, and (2) that
though the French were the friends
of the Iroquois, the 'fathers' say they
are not at war with the Susquehan
nocks.

46

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1660— The Piscataways Complain of I
the Effects of War.
In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp.
402 and 403, it is reported that the
Emperor of the Piscataways came to
the English and complained as fol
lows: "A long time ago there came
a king from • the eastern shore who
commanded over all the Indians now
inhabiting within the bounds of this
province of Maryland (naming every
town severally), and also over the
Powtomacks and Susquehannocks,
whom, because he di'' embrace and
cover all of them, he called Wafoin-
gassenew. This man dying without
issue made his brother, Quakon-as-
slam king after him; after whom
succeeded his other brothers. Alter
his brothers they took a sister's son,
and so from brother to brother. Af
ter this they were in danger of the
Senecas, who are a potent nation,
and had lately killed five of their
men and threatened their fort for
being friends with us and the Sus
quehannocks, who are at war with
the said Senecas. Therefore they
(the Piscataways) desire for pay
they might have four English to help
them make their lort." To this the
authorities ol Maryland explained the
council would be called together and
come to the Potomac and give them
(the Piscataways) an answer." See
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, pp. 402
403. Thus this old Piscataway Emper
or, after tracing the line of powerful
kings who at one time held a con
federacy ol Indian nations about the
Potomac, similar to the Five Nations,
now in New York, ends by saying
that the Piscataway friendship for the
whites and Susquehannocks has
brought about a hereditary hatred to
the Piscataways on the part of the
descendants of the original powers of
the confederacy.

1661— Maryland Again Declares War
Against the Susquehannocks.
Just about the time the Susque
hannocks were in the midst of the
war with the Iroquois, their bad faith
toward Maryland and their outrages
upon the whites, caused Maryland to
declare war upon them too. John
son in his History of Cecil County,
page 51, says that in 1661 the "Coun
cil of Maryland met at Susquehanna
Point, just below Perryville, and de
clared war on the Susquehannocks.
But two years later, viz. 1663, says the
same author, page 61, "Notice was
sent to the Susquehannocks to come
to Maryland to treat with the Com
missioners of Baltimore County; and
that at this time the Senecas had
begun to intimidate the Susquehan
nocks." This treaty is also noticed
by Scharff in his History of Maryland
page 290. We remember also that
Maryland and the Susquehannocks
made a treaty in 1652, mainly for
land; but partly also of amity. This
presupposes a state of hostility pre
cedent. Both of which treaties of
1652 and 1663, between Maryland and
the Susquehannocks point out that
they were warring on the whites and
the Iroquois at the same time. Later
we will show how the Iroquois fear
ed the Susquehannas after the fatal
expedition; and .also enter upon the
Seneca-Susquehannock War.
1661 — Fortunes of War Hard Against
the Susquehannocks.
The Susquehannock-Iroquois wari
has now been going on about ten'
years, and the Susquehannocks are
losing ground rapidly. Mai-yland
passed a law to assist them, the ver
batim transcript of which may be
seen in a prior item. To carry out
the benefits intended by the Act a
commission was issued by Maryland
to John Odber as follows:
"We, Cecelius to John Odber, greet-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

47

ing: Appoint you Captain of 50
soldiers to be raised in the province
of Maryland, and them to have use
and command with provisions, vic
tuals and ammunition and to set
forth with them in a march to the
Susquehanna fort to the resistance
of all enemies declared and to be de
clared and to defend the said fort
against all attempts from any ene
mies of the Susquehannocks or of the
province according' to such instruc
tions as you shall receive from us,
or our lieutenant general from time
to time, and them to vanquish and
put to death, and all or any other
things, acts and powers to use and
do concerning said expedition, till
the return of the soldiers into this
province again, as to the captain of
an army or governor of a fort by the
laws and use of warre doth or may
belong. Given under our lesser seal
of said province 18th May, 1661.
Philip Calvert." Vol. 1, Maryland
Archives, p. 417.
Thus the Susquehannock fort was
evidently again in danger. In fact
the Senecas were pressing on from
the northward that the Susquehan
nocks were about being driven out
of the fort on toward the Potomac,
to which point about ten years later
the Senecas did drive them, and at
which latter place they made their
famous last stand, as we shall see
later. Evans' and Ellis' history calls at
tention, page 11, to the fact that at
this same time there was a fort on
\ the Susquehanna near the mouth of
the Octorara; and that it was pro
tected by a small stockade to har
bor hunting parties. But as the main
fort, as we have shown, was farther
up the river, three miles above the
mouth of Conestoga Creek."
According to Hazard's Annals, p.
346, at this time the Susquehannocks

were greatly reduced, as well by .
smallpox as by war.
The character and progress of the
war will claim our attention later.
Act or Law Passed by Maryland in
1661 to Help the Susquehannas.
Through the goodness of that most
competent archivest, Hon. L. R. Kel-
ker at Harrisburg; and the able and
obliging Assistant Librarian of the
Pennsylvania Historical Society
at Philadelphia, Mr. Ernst Spofford,
two of my especially valued friends
and co-workers, I am able to send
forth the context of the Act of Assem
bly of Maryland passed May 1, 1661,
in that Colony to help our Susque
hannocks. Both these gentlemen
sent me copies of the Act.
The Act, which is found in Acts of
Assembly 1637 to 1664 Vol. 1 (Balti
more) Maryland Historical Society,
1883, p. 406 and 7; also Archives of
Maryland, is as follows:
"Thursday, second of May, 1661,
present as before. Then was reade
the Act concerning the Burgesses
tyme and charge which was voted by
the whole house to passe. Acts
made at a General Assembly held at
St. Johns in St. Mary's country, begin
ning April the seventeenth, 1661."
"An Acte impowering the Gover
nor and Council to rayse forces and
mayntayne a warre without the pro
vince and to ayde the Susquehan
nough Indians.
"Whereas it doth appeare to this
present General Assembly that this
Province Is in imminent danger by a
warre begun in itt by some foreign
Indians as it hath been made to ap
peare by credible information given
of a person lately killed and of others
that are probably cut off by these
foreign Indians, and that in humane
probability our neighbor Indians, the

48

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehannocks are a bullwarke and
Security of the Northern parts of the
Province and that by former treaties
with that nation they have very
much assured us of their affections
and friendship. And that they ex
pected the like from us. And by their
treaties it was agreed Assistance
should be granted to each other in
tyme of danger. And upon their sev
eral late applications to us to that
purpose Ayde hath been promis (ed)
them accordingly.
"It is enacted and be it enacted
(by) the Lord Proprietary of this
Province by and with the advice and
consent of the Upper and Lower
House of this present General As
sembly that the governor with the
advice and consent of the council
have power to leavy and rayse by
presse or otherwise fifty able men
with armes and Provisions and all
things necessary for them to be sent
to the Susquehannough Forte for the
ends aforesaid. And the proportion
of the said soldiers to be raysed out
of the several countyes followeth —
vizt: Out of the County of St. Mary's
11; out of Calvert county, 15; out of
Charles county, 7; out of Anne Arun
del, 11; out ol Kent, 3, with one in
terpreter, a Captaine and Chirurgeon,
and lor the paye of the officers and
souldiers aforesaid to be proportioned
as followeth until the souldiers re-
turne — to the Commander in Chief
600 pounds of tobacco in caske per
month; to the interpreter 600 pounds
per month; to the lieutenant 400
pounds per month, to the sergeant,
300 pounds per month and to the
Chirurgeon foure hundred per month
and to every private souldier 250
pounds per month.
"And be it further enacted by the
authority aforesaid lor the defray
ing of the charges of said warre and
all charges incident to with; That

the Governor and Council are hereby
impowered to leavy by way of as
sessment per pole according to the
usual custome of this Province.
"And in the interval of Assemblys
to rayse what forces they in their
discretion shall think necessary
against the Seneca nation of Indians
or any other Indians that shall be
found to have killed any of the in
habitants of this Province or that
have or shall disturb the peace there
of. And the charges to be defrayed
as aforesaid.
"This Acte to continue and be in
force for two years or the next Gen-
erall Assembly which shall first hap
pen." "The Upper House Have Assented
— Will Bretton, clerk.
"The Lower House Have Assented
— John Gittings, clerk.
I cite this Act not alone for the
provision it makes for support of the
Susquehannocks; but also for the
many facts of history it sets out in
the first paragraphs explaining the
cause of the Act, viz.: the repeated
applications made by them for help,
showing the trouble they had with
the northern tribes — the setting forth
of the reciprocal arrangement the
Whites and the Susquehannocks had
— the fact that the treaties made
with the savages were not merely
playthings, and gala day meetings,
but were of sufficient solemnity to
require statutes to be passed to
carry them out, and finally the hon
orable way in which the whites look
ed upon these Susquehannocks.
1661 — Instructions to Captain Obder.
Prior we gave a copy of the com
mission to Obder, constituting him
an officer to assist the Susquehan
nocks, in resisting the Five Nations.
We now give their instructions
which the government of Maryland

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

49

gave to him, directing him how to
proceed, copied from Vol. 4, Mary
land Archives, pp. 417 and 418. They
are as follows:
"1. You are to choose some fit
place either within or without the
Forte (Susquehanna Forf> which you
are to fortify for your own se
curity and to demand the assistance
of the Susquehannocks to fetch tim
ber and other necessaries for the
fortifications according to the article
now concluded between us and fur
ther to cause some spurs or fiankers
to be laid out for the defense of the
Indian fort, whom you are upon all
occasions to assist against the as
saults of their enemies.
"2. On arrival at the fort imme
diately press them to appoint some
one or more of their great men to
whom you shall make your applica
tions on all occasions, that is, either
of demanding assistance to help for
tify or for provisions or upon any or
der received from us.
"3. Procure that certain persons
be appointed who are to be messen
gers between you and us according
to the articles and be sure to advise
us of every accident ol importance
that shall befall you or the Susque
hannocks and of the proceedings of
the affairs.
"4. You are carefully to inform
yourself of the progress of the warre
between the Susquehannock and
Seneca Indians and if you find them
lacking in it to press them discreet
ly to a vigorous prosecution of it.
5. "You are to avoid quarrels with
the Susquehannocks and not to allow
soldiers to sit or drink with them.
"6. Make diligent inquiries touch
ing the numbers of the women in Pat-
apsco River, and of the motion of
the companies of them.
"7. You are to have a very wary
eye on all the Dutch that come to
the Forte (Susquehannock Fort) ob

serving their actions and treaties
with the Indians but show not any
animosity against them; if you find
any close contrivances to our pre
judice give it notice."
Thus from this we see that Mary
land was suspicious of the Dutch who
were now the owners of a good deal
of southeastern Pennsylvania, till
1644, when the English divested them
of title. It is also noticeable that
great care was always observed by
Maryland that the Susquehannocks
should not become suspicious of the
help of the White Brethren of Mary
land.
1661 — Various Fortunes of War Ifow
Occupy Both Nations.
The Jesuit Fathers speaking of the
scouting parties of the Susquehan
nocks say Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations,
p. 71: "On Lake Ontario (The Great
Lake of the Iroquois) we met three
canoes from Onneirout, on their way
to fight against the Nez Pierjce In
dians. They told us that the Susque
hannocks (dwelling near New Swe
den) had recently killed on their
fields three of the Orocouenhonnous
(a tribe of the Five Nations)."
1661- The Jesuits are Pleased That
Susquehannocks Hold Iroquois
in Check.
The Jesuits appreciate very much
the vigor of the Susquehannocks, as
it is taking the pride out of the Iro
quois, who about this time because
they had grown haughty over their
victory over the Hurons and other
tribes, had designs to fall upon the
French themselves. The Jesuits in
Vol. 47, Jesuit Relations, p. 107, say:
"We doubt not it is a stroke of Hea
ven that has very seasonable caused
a division of forces and aroused up
in our behalf the Andaste (Susque
hannocks) savages of warlike spirit
and ever held in dread by the Upper
Iroquois, against whom war is kind-

50

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ling in such strength that we have
now against us only the Agnieron
nous (Mohawks) and Onneirounhon-
nos, who form but a small part of
the Iroquois."
We can find much original histori
cal matter in this last paragraph. It
tells us that the Susquehannocks
were regarded "of warlike spirit" by
the Indians and the whites of the
north — that the Upper Iroquois "ever
held them in dread" — that they were
pressing the war with such vigor that
they made the whole Five Nations
unable to attend to any other affairs,
or to give attention to any other
enemies than the Susquehannocks;
and caused a division of the Iroquois
forces. 1661 — Susquehannocks Have Broken
Up Seneca Fur Trade With
New York.
The Susquehannocks single handed
so harassed the Iroquois and so
planted themselves between them and
New York that the peltry trade of
the Sencas, one of the Five Nation
or Iroquois tribes, was nearly cut
off at the same time they were pro
secuting the war. The French work
entitled "Relations de la Neuville
France" for 1661, p. 40, says: "The
Susquehannocks also kept the Sene
cas in such alarm that they no longer
ventured to carry their peltry to
New York except in caravans escort
ed by 600 men who even took a cir
cuitous route." This is another
proof of what the Susquehannock's
were made of. About this time it
seems the Iroquo:s had the worst of
the contest, as the Relations de la
Neuville Prance for 1662 p. 11 say,
"Smarting under constant defeat the
Five Nations now solicited French
aid." The same work for the year
1661 p. 39 says "In 1661 small pox
broke out sweeping off many. War
had now begun in earnest with

the Five Nations: and though the
Susquehannocks had some of their
people killed near their town (on
Susquehanna) they in turn pressed
the Cayugas so hard that some of
them retreated across Lake Ontario
to Canada."
1661 — Susquehannocks Ungrateful
to Maryland.
In spite of the fact that Maryland
tried to befriend the Susquehannocks
it would seem they did not greatly
appreciate it. In the midst of their
war, they found time to harass and
kill whites surreptitiously. Vol. 3
Md. Arch. 413 gives us this account
of this. "An information touching
the death ol four Englishmen killed
in passage between Delaware Bay and
Chesapeake by Indians — John Taylor
says, one Easter Eve two Indians
came to his house but he did not un
derstand their language, told them to
go, he knowing of a murder commit
ted on Robt. Gorsuch's wife. So they
left. Next day they came with seven
more and one woman who coming
near his landing shot off a gun to give
notice. They asked him for tobacco
and hs gave it to them and on sight
of another canoe of Indians he told
them to be gone. The Indians shot
another man and plundered his house
and tobacco house of 1000 pounds to
bacco. They also killed eleven head
ol cattle and twenty hogs. Meeting
certain other Indans he asked who
the others were and they said they
were all Susquehannocks.
Nevertheless the heaviest cam
paigns of the Susquehannock — Iro
quois War were yet to come, and for
mutual help the Maryland and the
Susquehannocks entered into a new
treaty of peace.
1661— A New Treaty of Amity Be
tween the Susquehannocks and
Maryland.
The rough surgery which the Five

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

51

Nations were practicing on the Sus
quehannocks made them again turn
to Maryland, though single handed
up to this time they held their own
against the confederated savages of
the north. A treaty was made ac
cordingly May 16, 1661, by the Sus
quehannocks with Maryland as fol
lows: 1. It is mutually agreed that we
shall according to our former agree
ments mutually assist one the other
against the enemies of either nation
upon timely notice given to each by
the other.
2. That such Indian men who are
prisoners and shall happen to be ta
ken in war shall be delivered to the
English, as well such as have been
killed as others.
3. That the English shall send up
to Susquehanna Fort fifty men to help
defend the fort.
4. That the Susquehannocks shall
permit the captain of the English sol
diers to choose a place either within
or without the fort to fortify himself
in, and that the Susquehannocks
shall help him to fetch logs or other
materials or timber for the fortifica
tion. 5. That the Susquehannocks shall
find the English soldiers with suffi
cient fish and flesh and bread ready
beaten. 6. That there shall be six Indians
appointed by the Susquehannocks to
be ready to carry letters between the
captain of the English at the Fort
and Colonel Utyes' house, and from
thence to the Fort, to which end two
of them shall always be upon Pal
mer's Island.
7. That to prevent mischiefs and
misunderstandings and not distin
guishing the Susquehannock Indians
the Susquehannocks shall not come
ordinarily to any other house but to
the house of Captain Thomas Stockett

or Jacob Clauson, from whence they
shall have tickets if they have occa
sion to come freely among the Eng
lish plantations; and if by enemies
they be driven among the English
they shall be found to halloo before
they come near any English house,
and upon the appearance of the Eng
lish they shall immedately lay down
their arms, to be in the English pos
session till they depart.
8. That the Susquehannocks shall
send all runaways of the English
down to Captain Thomas Stockett im
mediately after arrival at the Fort.
9. That the English having now
declared that they will demand satis
faction of the Possegouke (northern)
Indians for the death of John Nordon
and his companions slayn (slain) by
the aforesaid Indians, and upon de
cision to prosecute a war with them
the Susquehannocks shall upon fur
ther notice given be ready to assist
in the said war with necessary force,
which the said English will prose
cute upon the said northern Indians."
This treaty may be found in Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 420, and is
signed by the English emissaries,
and by the following Susquehannock
Indian chiefs: Dahadaghesa, Sara-
wgarora, Andra-Souque, Waskanec-
qua, Saraquendelt, Karagarago and
Wadonbago, dated May 21, 1661, the
day it was concluded, the conference
having lasted five days.
This treaty was made pursuant to
the Act of Assembly May 2, 1661, to
which we have called attention as
well as have set out a verbatim copy
thereof; and under and by virtue of
both Colonel Obder was given the
commission and instructions we have
noted before. But while they were
in sore need of help from the Whites
the Susquehannocks seemed not to
appreciate it; or at least were too
haughty to do the menial work the
English soldiers required of them in

52

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

helping to build the fortifications to
strengthen the Susquehanna Port.
1661- The Susquehannocks do not
Appreciate English Help in War.
Captain Obder gives this account of
his attempt to help the Susquehan
nocks under the provisions of the
above Act of Assembly and Treaty.
"November 27 Captain Obder came
to give account of this expedition to
the Susquehannock Port and was
asked why he came down from the
Port without order from the Gover
nor. He said that the Susquehan
nocks came to him and told him that
they could not compel their men to
furnish the soldiers with provisions
according to the article; and there
fore bid them provide themselves and
be gone tomorrow in the canoes that
were provided to carry the ammuni
tion to them. He said he had left all
the arms with Mr. Lloyd except one
gun at Jacob's, and the arms ol every
soldier were carried home to be de
livered to the owners thereol from
whom they received them. This an
swer not having satisfied the informa
tion of the Lieutenant Governor, he
was ordered to give account in writ
ing of his proceedings with the Sus
quehannocks by next council. See
Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 434.
Nov. 28 Captain Obder was called
to give account in writing according
to the former order but he appeared
not. Then was called John Everett
to answer his contempt in running
away from his colors when pressed
to go to the Susquehanna Port, and
he pleads that he cannot bear arms
for his conscience sake; and it is or
dered that he be tried at the next
court. Vol. 3, Maryland Archives,
p. 441.
The reasons for the drawing the
Act to aid the Susquehannocks and
who drew it and the necessity for a
treaty are set forth in Vol. 1, Mary
land Archives, p. 400. as follows:

"Ordered that Messrs.Ed. Lloyd, John
Bateman, Col. Wm. Evans et al draw
up an Act empowering the Governor
and Council in the interval between
this and next Assembly to raise forces
they find necessary to ayde the Sus
quehannocks against the Senecas,
that have lately killed some English
men in Patapsco River, and that the
expense be raised by an assessment,
and in Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
411, it is said that on consideration
of the Act passed to ayde the Sus
quehannocks it was decided to send
John Obder with an army of fifty
men.'' Thus this expedition and design to
help the Susquehannocks in their
great war, though they desired a
treaty on the subject, was the same
as several lormer efforts by the
Whites to help them, and to deal
with them, a failure. In following
items we shall notice further efforts
and also take up the weary progress
of the war.
1662 — Susquehannocks Blockaded in
Their Fort.
Page 347, Hazard Ann.als. is set forth
one of Alricks papers, "When I arrived
on May 31st at New Amstel (1662)
I perceived there a great change; all
were jointly engaged to repair the
Fort as the Minquas were blocked in
their Fort by the Senecas being about
800 strong. When the Senecas ap
proached three or four men were dis
patched to the Fort with the offer of
peace while their force remained at
a distance; but a Minqua returning
from hunting discovered the Senecas
so that next day, they from the Port
concluded to meet them with 20 or
30 men when the Minquas at the
same time with their force made an
attack drove the Senecas to flight
and pursued them for two days re-
takiug 10 persons and 10 men killed
if we can depend on two Minquas

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

who arrived at New Amstel on the
2nd, inst." This is verbatim from the
Alrick papers dated June 2, 1663.
1662 — The Great Susquehannock-Iro
quois War — Iroquois Expedition
Down Susquehanna River.
Formerly we showed how this war
began in 1652, and progressed in a
desultory way on toward 1660
The principal campaign of the War
was in 1662 ; and indeed it is the only
campaign of which historians tell us
anything definitely. The best ac
count of its chief event, and to my
mind the most reliable one, is that
set forth in Vol. 48 of the Jesuit Re
lations p. 75 written practically con
temporaneous with the event. The
description is dated 1662 and is set
forth as follows: "Last year two
tribes of the Iroquois formed an ex
pedition to go and lie in ambush for
the upper Algonquins. For this pur
pose they set out early in 1662. But
the Iroquois, who had never learned
to run away, would have been glad
to do so at any time, for shafts were
leveled upon them in every direction.
The other Iroquois nations had no
better success in an expedition un
dertaken by them against the Andaste
(Susquehannas) savages of New Swe
den, with whom War broke out some
years ago (p. 77). Raising accordingly
an army of 800 men they embarked
on Lake Ontario toward the begin
ning of April last, and directed their
course toward the extremity of the
beautiful lake to a great river very
much like our St. Lawrence, leading
without rapids and without falls to
the very gates of the village of An
daste or Andastogue. There our
warriors arrived alter journeying
more than one hundred leagues on
that beautilul river. Camping in the
most advantageous position they pre
pared to make a general assault plan
ning, as is their wont, to sack the

whole village and return home at the
earliest moment loaded with glory
and with captives.
But they saw that this village was
defended on one side by the stream
on whose banks it was situated, and
on the opposite by a double curtain
of large trees flanked by bastions, ¦
erected on the European manner, and
being supplied with some pieces of ar
tillery. Surprised at finding defenses
so well planned the Iroquois abandon
ed the projected assult, and after
some light skirmishing resorted to
their customary subtility, in order to
gain by trickery what they could not
accomplish by force. Making thin
overtures for a parley they offered to
enter the besieged town to the num
ber ^ twenty-five, partly to treat for
peace, aa they declared, and partly to
buy provisions for their return jour
ney. The gates were opened for
them and they went in; but were im
mediately seized, and without further
delay made to mount a scaffold or
scaffolds, where in sight of their own
army they were burned alive. The
Andaste by this declaring war more
hotly than ever gave the Iroquois to
understand that this was merely the
prelude to what they were going to
do in the latter's country, and that
the Iroquos had only to go back
home as speedily as possible and
prepare for siege or at least make
ready to see their fields laid waste.
The Iroquois, more humiliated by
this insult than can be imagined, dis
banded and prepared to adopt the de
fensive. They had hitherto borne
their arms in victory through all
these regions. But what are they to
do now? And besides small pox — an
American pest — had wrought sad ha
voc in their villages."
The Dauphin County Archaelogo-
ists, in their pamphlet cited before,
tell of this expedition, which they

54

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

mistakenly fix as 1663, instead of the
correct year, 1662, page 41, as fol
lows: "In April, 1663, the western
cantons raised an army of 800 men
to invest and storm the Susquehanna
fort. This fort was erected about 20
miles from the mouth of the River,
the enemy embarking on Lake On
tario, according to the French ac
count, and then went overland to the
Susquehannocks. On reaching the
fort however they found it well de
fended on the river side and on the
land side with two bastions in Euro
pean style, with cannon mounted,
connected by a double guard of large
trees. After some skirmishing the
Iroquois resorted to strategy. They
sent a party in to ask for peace and
the Susquehannocks burned them be
fore their eyes. The force of the Iro
quois was about 1600 while. the Sus
quehannocks had in their fort only
100 men. On the retreat of the Iro
quois the Susquehannocks pursued
them with considerable slaughter."
1662— The Susquehannocks Now Con
tend Against War and Small Pox.
On the 20th Feb., 1662, Beekman
writes: "The Senecas and Minquas
¦ are still at war. The savages on the
river too are in, this winter as they
did not go on hunting as usual which
causes nearly a stagnation in trade."
(Haz. Annals, p. 330). A month or
two before the last writing the same
writer wrote: "Many of the Minquas
(Susquehannocks) died lately by the
small pox. They are nearly besieged
by the Senecas, which caused a de
cline in our trade with them. I was
informed that the Senecas killed an
other savage not far from that place
but a little above it where the Swe
dish concentration is made". Haz.
Annals, p. 329. Nov. 27, 1662, Beek^
man writes to Governor Stuyvesant:
"On the 3rd arrived three Susque
hannock chiefs with their suite. Sup

posing that they had something to
communicate respecting the late
murders, we requested the presence ol
the Swedish commissary. The chiels
bitterly complained that on our in-
lormation and complaints they dis
covered the murders were committed
by a young Seneca residing among
them. And these Susquehannock
chiels further say that as long as
the Christians have resided here it
can never be proved that any of the
Susquehannocks have in any manner
injured or offended them; on the con
trary they have showed them every
mark of friendship and were always
willing and cheerfully employed In
reconciling differences between them
and the other savages. They said
about three years ago one of their
nation was murdered by the Chris
tians near New Amstel (now New
Castle; see p. 206), which they did
not resent. These Susquehannock
chiefs also expected ere long to their
assistance about 800 Swedish Min
quas (Pennsylvania Susquehannocks)
of whom about 200 had arrived, so
that next spring they were resolved
to make war with the Senecas and
go and visit the forest, whereof they
solicited the Christians to provide
them with ammunition of war when
ever they paid for it." (Haz. Annals,
pp. 341 and 342). This last state
ment about the Susquehannocks go
ing to make war on the Senecas
simply means that the Susquehan- •
nocks had now determined to take
the offensive, so heretofore they were
mainly on the defensive.
1662- Maryland Again Favors an Act
of Assembly Helping Susque
hannocks.
In Vol. 1 of Maryland Archives, p.
428, it is set out that in 1662, "Up
on reading the Act empowering the
Government to aid the Susquehan
nocks to maintain a war, now expir-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

55

ed it was put to question whether it
was fit to move the lower house to
consent to a new Act empowering
the Governor and Council to raise
forces to maintain a war without the
province for some determinate time,
and it was resolved that the lower
house do agree with the upper house
in such an Act and that an Act be
passed to encourage soldiers by pen
sion who shall volunteer and adven
ture in defense of their country."
1663— The Tide of War is Now Favor-
able to the Susquehannocks.
The campaign of 1662 in the Sus
quehannock-Iroquois war was on the
whole favorable to the Susquehan
nocks. Especially were the Iroquois
disheartened by the late of their ex
pedition down the Susquehanna ol
800 warriors, ol whom 25 were burn
ed alive in the Susquehannocks' fort.
Thus one large "branch of the Iro
quois (the Sonnadauchonnoas) the
farthest nation frbm the east, ask for
jieace with the French in order to
make head against the Susquehan
nocks, those savages of New Sweden
who are very warlike and better
than any other to exterminate the
Iroquois. In order to secure them
selves against so remarkable an
enemy they ask the French to come
in large numbers and settle among
them, the Iroquois. They also ask
for black gowns, so as to appear
\ peaceful, etc." See Vol. 49, Jesuit
Relations, p. 141.
1663— Jesuits Have No Faith in Iro-
quois Plea for Peace with Thera
and the Susquehannocks.
These overtures for peace made by
the Iroquois to the French and Jes
uits were looked upon by the latter
with suspicion as is set forth in Vol. 49,
Jesuit Relations, p. 147, as follows:
"Some small Iroquois tribes, and in
deed the great body of them do not
love us (the Jesuits) and they have
a deadly hatred for the Algonquins.
Thus when we see them so unmis

takably urgent for peace we doubt
their sincerity. And so seeing them
selves within two fingers' breadths
of total destruction— famine and dis
ease having begun it, the Susquehan
nocks, Algonquins and other savages
having advanced it, the French inter
ested in completing it — they pretend
to wish for peace."
1663— The Iroquois Tribes Make New
Expeditions ou Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 49, Jesuit Relations, p. 153,
as shown from a letter written at -
Quebec Sept. 22 "the northern tribes
repeat their southern marches." It
is stated that the "Anniehoronnous (a
tribe of Mohawks), the Sonnontoueh- '
uonnores (the Huron name for the
Iroquois), are now all situated along
the Great Lake of the Iroquois, call
ed Ontario, from 20 to 30 leagues in
land. They are in villages and till
the soil, raising Turkish and Indian
corn and wheat. Beyond them far-^
ther southward they have savage eiie-
mies for some time past have been
making vigorous war on them — the
nation of the wolves, the aborigines/
allied with New England and the An
daste (Susquehannocks) with New
Sweden." In to this latter nation
they have been sending war parties
for ten years and more. These ex
peditions are further explained in the
extracts which now follow from Haz.
Annals, pp. 346 and 347.
1663 — Attack of Susquehannock Fort.
"Hazard sets forth the attack on
Susquehannock Fort in 1663 by the
Iroquois from the writings of A.
Hudde as follows (Haz. Ann. 346) :
"Inforrnation was received by one
Harman Reiders residing in the col
ony of New Amstel, of the English,
which he received with request to
communicate to us that the Sencas
being 1600 strong with wives and
children were on the march to the
Minquas; that they were yet two

56

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

days' journey from the Forte of the
Minquas. The Minquas have about
30 men, who were not yet in besides
a hundred of the savages from the
River who are in the Forte. The
English requested some of the Min
quas which they declined, and now
the English seem to favor the Senecas
so that it is said they had resolved
to send some of the men to meet the
Senecas and conclude with them a
treaty of peace and as the savages on
the river will not always remain at
the fort this may occasion disturb
ance on the river during the summer.
This was intended for Wm. Beekman
to communicate with him news of
these parts. "A. Hudde."
1663 — Maryland Again Helps the Sus
quehannocks with Powder and
Supplies.
In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
486, under date July 28, it is set out:
These are in the name of the Hon.
Proprietary of Maryland to will and
require you to go to the house of
Jacob Clawson and Symon Carpenter,
and there see delivered to Capt. Civ
ility and the rest of the Susquehan
nock Indians 2 barrels of powder — 2
hundred weight lead; and after you
are to go to the' house of Nathaniel
Ufley along with said Indians and
there press any one of the three guns
and let it be delivered to sa-id Indians
of which guns said Indians are to have
the choice — all which particular
being for public use, and this your
authority." In Vol. 1, p. 505, Mary
land Archives, it is said: "The assess
ment to pay diet for the expedition
to Susquehannocks was 6,380 pounds
tobacco." And in Vol. 1, Maryland
Archives, pp. 471 and 472, five Sus
quehannock chiefs being asked say
their enemies in all the forts are
about 1,460 men; and that they, the
Susquehannocks, are now about 700
fighting men.

1663— Maryland. Shows Further Inter
est in the Susquehannocks.
Finally Maryland shows lurther her
alliance with the Susquehannocks
by sending for them to treat again
which is set forth in Vol. 3 Md. Arch.
487 as follows: "At a council held at
Gold-smith's for pursuing any foreign
enemy. Instructions, etc: You are
forthwith to send to the Susquehan
nock Indians, to give them notice that
they immediately come down to treat
with you and the rest of the commis
sioners about the articles of peace
lately confirmed by the Governor to
gether with their consent and ex
pectation strictly to insist upon the
article namely that they shall not
approach any English plantation but
according to the tenor of the said
Article of Peace, by stopping a cer
tain distance away and helloeing."
Later we will notice certain small
victories by the Susquehannocks
against the Mohawks and the Sen
ecas, etc.
1663— Fatal Susquehannock Fort Ex
pedition Humbles the Iroquois.
The result of the Susquehannocks'
slaughter of the Iroquois in 1662 had
a very pacifying effect on them for

,\

a time. This is told in Vol. 49 of
the Jesuit Relations p. 137 as follows:
"This year a great embassy of Iro
quois met the Jesuit fathers, — the
Algonquins and Hurons, the greatest
ever known especially since the War
which was now in progress between
the Iroquois, the Hurons, etc. The
Iroquois proclaimed that they wished
to unite all the nations of the earth
and hurl the hatchet so far into the
depth of the earth that it will never
again be seen in the future. They
wished to place an entirely new sun-
in the heavens, level all the mountains
and remove all the falls in the rivers

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

57

and wished peace. They declared
they are coming, men women and
children to deliver themselves into
the hands of the French. But the Iro
quois as we know from 5 years' ex
perience are haughty and crafty and
they never ask peace unless they
Jiave a scheme.
It seems that they ask this so that
the French will live among them (p.
141) and surround their villages with
palisades as they fear the Andastes or
Susquehannocks, the savages of New
¦ Sweden who are better able than any
other to exterminate the Iroquois and
they (the Iroquois dare not longer
go and ask munitions of war from the
Dutch. They even begged for black
gowns to go and convert the Hurons.
Then they came with a white fiag la
ter, but we were not deceived."
1664 — The Seneca - Susquehannock
War Opens.
The Iroquois having been badly
frightened by the Susquehannocks,
as we have already shown, in the ex
pedition of 1662, the Senecas now
sallied forth to retaliate upon theSus-
quehannocks. The Senecas were al
lied with the Iroquois. They prac-
r ticed a guerilla warfare. It began
' about 1664 and continued until 1675.
We shall here treat only of the be
ginning of it. Its later stages ten
years onward brought on Col. Ninian
Baell's expedition against them from
Maryland in 1675. In Johnson's His.
of Cecil Co., p. 61, under date of 1664
he says, "Notice was sent to the Sus
quehannocks to come and treat with
the commissioners of Baltimore
County, because at this time the Sus
quehannocks were greatly intimidat
ed by the Senecas." This was Mary
land's first offer, to help the Susque
hannocks against the Senecas. In
Lyle's History of Lancaster County,
it is stated p. 19, that the Senecas
crossed the Susquehanna many miles

above the fort of the Susquehannocks
and robbed and killed some of the
whites. In June, 1664 one of the
Senecas was captured and 40 of the
Susquehannocks who were present at
his trial wanted him burned as a
punishment for his cruelty. In the
same year 100 Seneca warriors came
to the Chesapeake and killed several
Maryland settlers and some Susque
hannocks they caught hunting. And
in the summer of that year Maryland
declared war on the Senecas; and the
Senecas the next year went out on the
warpath in full force against the
Susquehannocks. This was in 1665,
Lyle' p. 19. About this time the
Marylanders and Susquehannocks
combined and made several expedi
tions against the Senecas ; as the Sen
ecas now determined to eterminate
both the Susquehannocks and the
Marylanders. At this point we will
leave the Seneca War for the present
and take it up again at its crucial
stage several years later, in chrono
logical order. Before leaving the
subject of the Seneca's invasion into
the Susquehanna country we must
note two more matters. The first is
Robert Carr's account dated October
13, 1664 in a letter to Col. Nichols, on
the subject of the Senecas coming
down to southeastern Pennsylvania
in Vol. 5 sec. ser. of Pa. Arch., p.
549. He says p. 550, among other
things, "The cause of my not send
ing all this time to give notice of
our success (He is writing from the
Delaware) was the falling off of ye In
dians from their former civility, they
abusing messengers that travel by
land since our travel here though no
ways incensed by us, but exasperated
by the Dutch and their own inclina
tions that 80 of them came from the
other side (near Susquehanna) where
they inhabit and are so strong that
no Christian yet dare venture to
plant on that side which belongs to

58

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Duke of York. They stayed 3
nights and pretended they came to set
tle. We beg your endeavors to assist
us in reconciling the Senecas, they
coming and doing violence to ye hea
then and Christians and leave these
Indians to be blamed for it. In less
than 6 weeks several murders have
been committed and one by these
people (Senecas) upon ye Dutch and
Swedes. This shows the incursions
of the Senecas.
Mombert says p. 123 that in 1664
New Netherlands fell under the Duke
of York and the English now having
authority over the Dutch a firm al
liance was formed between the In
dians and the English. And now
freely supplied with ammunition by
the English in New York, the five
nations make vigorous war against
the Susquehannocks and the tribes on
the south generally.
1664 — The Susquehannocks' Other
Fort at Octararo.
Minor Matters. About this time
says A. L. Guss in his work on In
dian History of the lower Susque
hanna, the Susquehannocks had a
fort at the mouth of the Octararo as
some of the towns located by Smith
on his map cannot be located where
he places them (p. 5). Mr. Guss also
states that they (Susquehannocks)
had a town on the Bolus river which
is now the Patapsco entering the Bay
at Baltimore. Also p. 5. He also
says page 11, that the Susquehannock
tribes warred on the Delawares too.
Scharf in his History of Maryland,
page 94 tells of the fierceness of the
Susquehannocks at this time, but
most of it we have had from other
writers more nearly first hand.
Under practically this same date, a
glowing description of southeastern
Pennsylvania is set forth in Vol. 5,
Second series of Pa. Arch., p. 447. It
sets forth how every growing crop

surpasses everything grown iu "
Europe and especially says that furs
of all sorts may be had of the natives
very reasonably and great profit to
be derived from traffic with them who
are naturally a mild people and cap
able of being drawn out ol blind
ignorance to the saving light of
Jesus Christ. Alsop's description of
Susquehannocks we will take up in a
future item.
1664 — Progress of the Seneca-Susque
hannock War.
Lyle's History p. 9 says, "The Sus
quehannocks were now at War with
the Senecas, one of the Six Nations,
who opposed the Susquehannas and
robbed and killed some of the white
settlers. In June, 1664, one of the
Senecas was captured; and forty Sus
quehannocks who were present at his
trial wanted him burned as a punish-
men for his cruelty. In June, 1664,
about 100 Senecas came to the Chesa
peak and killed several Marylanders
and some Susquehannocks whom they
caught hunting. In June of that
year the Maryland colony declared
war on the Senecas, who went on the
war path against the Susquehannocks
the next year. The Marylanders as
allies ot the Susquehannocks sent
several expeditions against the Sen
ecas, who threatened to exterminate
both the Susquehannocks and the
Marylanders."1664 — Incidents ol the Susquehannock
Iroquois War.
In June 1664, a Seneca was cap
tured by the Susquehannocks and
the whites, and on the 7th he was
examined before Council. The same
is reported as follows in Vol. 3,
Maryland Archives, p. 498: "Exami
nation of an Indian prisoner, a
Seneca. — Yesterday when the prison
er was here there were forty of the
Susquehannocks and two ol Civility's

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

59

uncles (Civility was a chiel ol the
Susquehannocks) who made show ol
much joy at his being taken, lor they
very well knew him and were sen
sible of his warlike exploits and would
have persuaded us to have burnt him
but we certified it was not our man
ner to torture prisoners; but that
happily he might be sent home to his
country for the good of us all. But
we cannot find that the prisoner al
leged anything In his behalf and we
suggest he take a present to his own
country. Verily too if such a thing
were done Civility, In the behalf of
the Susquehannocks, would also go
and that thereby a peace might be
procured. And if Civility go with Claw-
son to the Seneca country the Sus
quehannocks, we know, would will
ingly embrace the opportunity of a
treaty." This is from a letter signed
by Theo. Stockett, Sam'l Goldsmith
and Franc Wright.
This Seneca gave the following nar
ration, viz.: "That he came to the
house of Mr. G. M. Ball, not with in
tent to kill any Christians, but had
brought a present for the Christians
of forty beavers and several belts of
peace for the Susquehannocks; that
they desire peace and friendship (the
Senecas) and that the boy taken and
the men killed at the mill it was the
Cinneka Indians, that did both. He
says if he had been taken by the
Susquehannocks he should not have
been put to death by them, and that
all the joints of his body and bones
are belts of peace. He was asked
how many troop the Senecas had
coming out and he said 200; and ask
ed why so many were come if for
peace, and he said nothing but that
their fort did not desire war with the
Christians, and the troops were come
for revenge of the death of his son
and five Indians more that were
burnt by the Susquehannocks. When
they came to Ball's plantation thej

gave the sign and word and left their
guns behind in the field." See Vol.
3, Maryland Archives, p. 499.
Evans and Ellis' history tells about
this same incident and other related
matter, p. 12, as follows: "At this
period the Susquehannocks were at
war with the Senecas, who crossed
the river many miles above the Fort
and penetrated to the head of the
Bay, where they robbed settlers.
Several inhabitants were killed and
in June, 1664, one of the Senecas was
captured and at his trial forty of the
Susquehannocks were present, among
whom were two of Captain Civility's
uncles. They wanted the Seneca
burned as they kenw his bloodthirsty
character." 1664 — A Report that the Susquehan
nocks Have Defeated the Mohawks.
I find it set forth in Vol. 50, Jesuit <^
Relations, p. 205, that "The Mohawks
took flight on hearing the noise of
guns and drums. They learned from
some old men who had remained be
hind that quite recently news had
come that the army of the Annieronta
(Indian Governor) had been defeated
by the Andastae (Susquehannocks).
Thus we see that the Susquehannocks
though they had many reverses up to
this time (1664) were yet a terror
to other tribes. Both their terrible
name and reputation of yore and
their exquisite cruelty to their cap
tives helped them to continue to be
dreaded. 1664 — Maryland Again Co-Operates
with the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p.
511, we find, "The Upper House show-
eth to the Lieutenant General that
Francis White is by ye order of ye
House gone on special service for
the province to the Susquehannock
Fort, that your honors may hear the
more true and certain intelligence of
Jie enemies, whereon upon considera-

60

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tion had of the results of the defense
of the Province against the incursion
of the Indians, it is ordered that the
original articles of treaty with the
Susquehannocks be brought into the
House and considered tomorrow."
From this we see that not only the
Susquehannocks but also the whites
were in immediate fear of the incur
sion of the Five Nations into Mary
land and southern Pennsylvania. The
Susquehannocks were considered the
barrier between the whites and the
savages from the north. In spite of
all. a few years later the hordes of
the north did come down and force
the Susquehannocks into Maryland
even to the Potomac; and Penn found
when he came that the Susquehan
nocks were tenants only, and that he
had to deal for land with the Five
nations of New York who by that
time owned all the Susquehanna
country. Evans and Ellis in their
history of Lancaster county, p. 12,
tell of the movements which made it
necessary for Maryland to act as
above as follows: "In 1664 the Sen
ecas again came to Chesapeake and
killed several settlers and some Sus
quehannocks whom they caught
hunting. There were 100 warriors in
this raid. In June of the same year
the Marylanders declared war against
the Senecas and put Colonel Lewis
Stockett in command.
1664. In September of this year the
Assembly of Maryland took into con
sideration the Articles of Peace with
the Susquehannock Indians of July
5, 1652, and also the Articles of May
24, 1661, and both were ordered to
be communicated to the other branch
es of the government for renewal,
etc." Vol. 1, Maryland Archives, p.
522. 1664 — Maryland Makes a New Treaty
of Peace with the Susquehannocks
and Formally Declares War with the
Senecas of the Five Nations.

"Act to perpetuate certain articles
made with the Susquehannocks — To
the end that peace and amity with the
Susquehannock Indians according to
certain articles made with that nation
may be kept and continued — be it
enacted by his Lordship proprietor
and the assent of the General Assem
bly, that the Governor and the Coun
cil of the province have full power
to lay a tax not exceeding 6,000
pounds of tobacco per month to be
employed for hyring (hiring) such
and so many volunteers as can be
got upon any emerging occasion as
the Governor and Council should
think fit toward the ayding (aiding)
and assisting the Susquehannock In
dians when desired by them, for con
tinuing the said articles and preserv
ing peace and amity with them afor^e-
said. And further that 6,000 pounds
per month of tobacco shall be levied
or raysed when the volunteers be up
on the service.
And further be it enacted by the au
thority aforesaid that the Lieutenant
Governor of the province be empow
ered by virtue of this Act to purchase
so many good fixed muskets, ammu
nition, swords and belts for the use
of the public as soon as he can pro
cure them, for which he shall be al
lowed this present year out of the
general levy by public assessment
4,000 pounds of tobacco and caske.
And further be it enacted by the
authority aforesaid that in the inter
im — that is to say till the swords and
muskets be purchased and bought, if
necessity require — the Lieutenant
General shall have power to press so
many muskets and swords as shall
be necessary in any part of the prov
ince for the intents, uses and pur
poses of Act; and that those musk
ets, swords and belts first mentioned
be kept as part of the magazine of
this province. This Act to continue

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

61

for three years or to the end of the
next General Assembly." See Mary
land Archives, Vol. 1, p. 539.
1664- Maryland Again Stands by the
Susquehannocks Against the
Senecas.
About the same time Maryland
passed the following Act: "At a
council held June 27th, 1664, the
Council taking into consideration the
protection of the province against the
Senecas who lately killed some Eng
lish in Ann Arundel county and en
tered St. Mary's and ordered war
there. Now war is to be proclaimed
against the Senecas and a reward of
a hundred arm's length of Roan Oke
to be given to any one who kills a
Seneca. That all the Kings of Friend
Indians be sent word and all to get
ready to go against the Senecas — that
all officers are to send intelligence
Jrom time to time to the Governor
and Council that they keep in corres
pondence; and whereas there is a
Seneca prisoner in Patapsco who al-
Iges he came to seek peace and
brought a present intended for us
and the Susquehannocks — It is or
dered that the Indian be sent down
to St. Mary's and kept in irons and
a letter be written to Stuyvesant to
give notice to the Senecas trading at
Fort Orange that we have such a
prisoner, whom we shall keep alive
till we see if they want peace or war
and if they do not desire peace we
will put him to death; and that Col
Clawson gave notice to the Susque
hannocks of our intentions and to
ask them if they will join us or not."
Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p. 502.
Stuyvesant was Governor of New
York at this time.
1664 — Oueidas Co-Operate with the
Senecas.
Maryland Archives, Vol. 3, p. 501,
says: "It was claimed sixty Oneidas
were come for war on the north side

of the Potomac to kill the English
and Indians. There were 100 more
gone to the head of Chesapeake bay
to kill the English and Susquehan
nocks, and so they tortured two of
those Susquehannocks."
1666 — Susquehannocks Kill Iroquois
and Carry Grief to Their Nation.
The tears and grief caused by Sus
quehannock prowess is told in Vol. 51,
Jesuit Relations, p. 243, to this pur
port. Presents were given by the
ambassador from the Iroquois of On-
nontae, accompanied by the following
speech: "I boast of having ransomed
twenty-six captives for the French
from those who would have burned
them. But you have done more for
us. I hope in the clemency of the
French. I hope also to wipe from
your faces the tears that Father Gar
ner told us had been shed by you in
consequence of the death of our
people who were killed by the An
daste (Susquhannocks)."
To understand this speech you
must remember that the Five Nations
(called by that name sometimes, and
sometimes called the Iroquois, be
cause the Iroquois were the strongest
of the five constituent nations) were
composed of five different tribes or
nations of which the great head was
the Iroquois tribe proper, and the
great chief of the Iroquois was the
Emperor of the whole and from him
the ambassador who made the above
speech came to console the subordi
nate tribes who had suffered loss of
men from the ravages of the Susque
hannocks in the great war. DePon-
ceau in his translation of Campan
ius gives this interesting statement
of the rise of the two leading forces
of the Susquehannock-Iroquois War,
that is, the Iroquois and the Susque
hannocks — "The Iroquois, at first in- ~
ferior to the Algonquins, were driven
out of the valley of the St. Lawrence

62

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

into the lake region of New York,
where by greater cultivation, valor
and union they became superior to
the Algonquins of Canada and New
York as the Susquehannocks did over
the tribes in New Jersey, Maryland
and Virginia." See DePenceau's
Camp., p. 158.
1666— Susquehannocks Presented to
the King of France.
In Vol. 51, Jesuit Relations, p. 173,
one of the Jesuit Fathers writes:
"Monsieur De Salieres, colonel of a
French regiment, who after growing
gray in the armies of France, where
he made himself very well known,
came over here to take part in the
glory of subjecting the Iroquois. Of
those savages he has taken with him
five of each different tribe and even
from that of the Andastae (Susque
hannocks) to present them to the
King." George Alsop's Account of the Sus
quehannocks, about 1666.
Scharf, in Vol. 1, p. 86, of his His
tory of Maryland, quotes Alsop as
saying: "Those Indians that I have
conversed with, here in this province
of Maryland and Pennsylvania, are
called Susquehannocks being a people
looked upon by the Christian inhabi
tants as the most noble and heroic
nation of Indians that dwell upon the
continent of America; also are so al
lowed and looked upon by the rest
of the Indians, by a submissive and
tributary acknowledgment; being a
- people cast into a mold of a most
large and warlike deportment, the
men being for the most part seven
feet in latitude and in magnitude and
bulk suitable to so high a pitch — their
voyce large and hollow as ascending
out of a cave — their gait and behavior
straight, stately and majestic, tread
ing on the earth with as much pride,
contempt and disdain to so sordid a
center as can be imagined from a

centure drawn from the same mould
of earth.
These Susquehannock Indians are
for the most part great warriors arfd
seldom sleep one summer in the quiet
arms of a peaceable rest, but will
keep, by their present power, as well
as by their former conquests, the_
several nations of Indians around
them in a peaceable obedience and
subjection. "When they desire to go on a de^
sign that will and does require con
sideration some six of them get into
a corner and sit in Juncto; and if
thought fit, their business is made
popular and immediately put into ac
tion; if not, they make a lull stop^
to It and are silently reserved.
"The warlike equipage they put
themselves in when they prepare lor
Belona's march is with their laces,\^
arms and breasts conlusedly paint
ed, their hair greased with bear's
oyl, and stuck thick with swan lea
thers, with a wreath or diadem ol
black and white beads a small hat-.^
chet instead ol a scimiter stuck in ^
their girt behind them, and either /-
with a gun or bow and arrows. In
this posture and dress they march
out from their fort or dwelling to
the number of forty in a troop, sing
ing or rather howling out the decades
or warlike exploits of their ances
tors ranging the wide woods, until
their fury has met with an enemy
worthy of their revenge. What pris
oners fall into their hands by the des
tiny of war they treat very civilly-
while they remain with them abroad;
but when the once return homewards
they then begin to dress them in the
habit of death, putting on their heads'
and arms wreaths of beads, grasp
ing their hair with fat — some going
before and the, rest behind, at equal
distance from the prisoner, bellowing
in a strange and confused manner,
which is a true presage of destruc-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

63

tion to their then conquered enemy.
"In this manner they continued until
they have brought them to their Ber-
ken city where they deliver them to
their tormentors, who in cruelty will
execute them without judgment of
law or benefit of clergy. The com
mon and usual death of their pris
oners is to bind them to stakes, mak
ing a fire some distance from them —
then one with a sharp knife or flint
cuts the cutus or outside skin of the
brow so deep until their nails or tal
ons can fasten themselves firm and
secure, and then with a rigid jerk
disrobe the head of skin and hair at
one pull, leaving the skull bare, and
immediately apply hot embers on the
skull. "While they are at this several
others are preparing pieces of iron
and barrels of old guns which they
make red hot to sear each part and
lineament of their bodies which they
perform and act in a most cruel
V manner. And others will cut off
flesh of the victim and eat it raw be
fore his eyes. And yet this never
makes them bring the victim to re
pent. "Now after this cruelty has brought
the life to an end they immediately
fall to butchering them into many
parts and distribute it among the
sons of war to entomb their de
ceased victims in no other sepulchre
than their bodies.
jL When any depart this life they set
/him upright upon his breech, in a
hole dug 5 feet long and 3% feet deep
and cover it with the bark of trees
archwise, his face due west, leaving
a hole a half foot square open. They
dress him as a warrior, and give
him some bows and arrows and tar
gets, a kettle of broth and corn be
lore him. His relations follow him
to the grave clad in bear skins with
the tail on the ground. They bury
all within the wall or pallisado. Their

houses are low and long, built with ^
bark. They are situated at and above the
head of Chesapeak on a river called
by their own name Susquehannock.
where they remain most of the sum
mer. About November they go to
remote places in the woods to kill
deer, bear and elk. There they build
cottages they call wigwams and stay
three months to get food.
"The women are the butchers, the -
cooks and the tillers of soil. The men
think this below their honor. The men
kill the beasts and the women are
the pack horses to fetch it on their
backs; and they dress the kids and
get them ready for market.
"I have never observed the women ^
to taunt or boss the men. The wives
and men b.oth are constant to their
marriage. Their marriages are short
and authentic. When resolved upon*
the women send the intended husband
a kettle of boiled venison or bear
meat; and he returns in lieu beaver
or otter skins and the nuptial is con
cluded without other ceremony."
"They paint upon their faces one
stroke of red, another of green, an
other of white and another of black
so that when they have accomplished
the equippage of their countenance
in this trim, they are the only hiero
glyphics and representatives of fur
ies. Their skins are naturally white ^^
but altered from their original by
the several dyeings of roots and
barks they prepare to metamorphise
their hides into a dark cinnamon
brown. Their hair is long black and
harsh, but they pull it up by the /
root. Several of them wear divers
impressions on their breasts and
arms, as the picture of the devil,
bears, tigers and panthers which are
imprinted on their several lineaments
with much difficulty and pain, with
an irrevocable purpose of its abiding
there. And this they count a badge

64

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of heroic valor and the only orna
ment due to their heroes.
"All that I could ever observe in
them as to their government is that
he tbat is most cruelly valorous is
accounted the most noble. There is
very seldom any creeping into court
ly gallantry. He that fights best car
ries it here.
"As for their religion, together with
their rights and ceremonies, they are
so absurd and ridiculous, that it is
almost a sin to name them. They
own not other Deity than the Devil
(solid or profound) but with a kind
of wild imagery and imaginary con
jecture, they suppose from their
groundless conceits that the world
had a Maker, but where he is that
made it, or whether he be living to
this day they know not. The Devil,
is all the God they own or worship;
and that more out of a slavish fear
than any real reverence to his in
ternal or diabolical greatness, he
forcing them to their obedience by
his rough and rigid dealing with
them often appearng visibly among
them to their terror, bastinadoeing
them, with cruel menaces even unto
death and burning their fields of corn
and houses that the relation there
of makes them tremble themselves
when they tell of it.
"Once in four years they sacrifice
a child to him in an acknowledgment
of their firm obedience to all his de
vilish powers and his hellish com
mands. The priests to whom they
apply themselves in matters of im
portance and greatest distress are
like those that attend upon the Or
acle at Delphos who by their magic
spells could command a pro or con
from the Devil when they pleased.
These Indians oftimes raise great
tempests when they have any
weighty matter or design in hand
and by blustering storms inquire of
their infernal God — the Devil — how

matters shall go with them either
in public or private.
"They are situated a hundred miles
and odd from the Christian planta
tions of Maryland, at the head of the
river that runs into the Bay of
Chesapeake called by their own
name (Susquehannock) where they
inhabit most of the summer time,
and seldom remove far from it un
less it be to subdue any foreign re
bellion. The skins they catch are
brought down to the English (in
Maryland) several times in the year,
to truck and dispose ol them lor
coarse blankets, guns, powder, and
lead, beads, small looking glasses,
knives and razors. The women never
by look or action predominate over
the men. Did they not alter their
bodies by their dyeings, paintings
and cutting theselves, marring those
excellencies that nature bestowed up
on them, there would be as amiable
beauties amongst them as any Alex
andria could afford when Mark An
tony and Cleopatra dwelt there to
gether. "Their bodies are clothed with no
armor to delend them Irom the nip
ping Irost of a benumbing winter or
the penetrating and scorching in
fluence of the sun in a hot summer
than what nature gave them, when
they were born. They go, men, wo
men and children all naked, except
occasionally." This is the history
given by. Alsop.
In Dr. Shea's notes to the treatise
p. 117 to p. 124 inclusive he gives
much valuable history (aside from
the text) relative to the Susquehan
nocks. In note 46 he speaks of the names
by which the Susquehannocks are
known and says, "The French in
Canada — Champlain and the Jesuit
Relations, Gendron's Particularites
du Pays des Hurons p. 7 makes fre
quent allusions to the Gandastogues

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

65

(more briefly Andastes) a tribe
friendly to their allies, the Hurons,
and sturdy enemies to the Iroquois.
/!My researches led me to identify the
Susquehannocks, Minquas, Andastes
or Gandastogues and Conestogoes as
\ being all the same tribe — the first
name being given them by Virginia —
the second by the Algonquins on De
laware; while Gandastogues as the
French or Conestoga as the English
wrote it meaning it was their own
tribal name meaning cabin-pole (na-
tio perticarum) from Andaste, a
' cabin-pole." ¦
Dr. Shea also says in note 53, page
123 that Alsop's view of the religion
of the Susquehannocks is wrong —
¦^ that they believed In a good Deity.
The above is a new derivation of
"Conestoga" to me, and the method of
tracing it makes it a very early one.
It seems a very probable one. We all
know, however, of a quite different
meaning being attached to our River
Conestoga. Which is the parent de
rivation others must decide.
Alsop was in Maryland from about
1659 to 1655, and he wrote the his
tory as soon as he went back to Eng
land. 1666 — Susquehannocks Make Over
tures — Peace with Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 3, Maryland Archives, p.
549, we find the following: "At a
Council held at St. John's on the 29th
June, 1666, came Wastahanda, Hari-
gnera and Gosweing-Werackqua, the
warre captains of the Sufequehannock
Indians and desired continuance of
their league with the right honorable
proprietor and protesting that they
were always ready to have delivered
Wanahodena up to the justice of his
lordship for murdering the men at
the mill in Baltimore county and de
siring that the villiany of one man
may not be imputed to the whole
nation and requesting assistance of

the government, now at this time
having lost considerable number of
men in ranging at the head of Pat
apsco and the other rivers so to
secure the English plantations from
the Senecas; and remonstrating that
the Senecas are resolved to storm
the Susquehannocks' Fort in August
next; and that afterwards the Sene
cas intend to fall upon the English
in the province.
Whereupon was begun a further
treaty of peace with the Susquehan
nocks, which was concluded as fol
loweth :
Articles of peace and amity con
cluded upon by the Hon. Charles
Calvert, Esq., governor of the pro
vince of Maryland, on behalf of the
honorable proprietor of said province
on one part, and Wastahanda, Hari-
gnera and Gosweing - Werakqua.
war Captains of the Susquehan
nock nations, this 29th day of June,
1666, of the other party:
That the Susquehanna Indians
shall deliver Wanahodena, that kill
ed the Englishman at the mill if
ever he return out of captivity from
the Senecas, and for the future that
they. shall apprehend, secure and de
liver up to the governor of this pro
vince for the time being any Indian
whatsoever that shall kill any
Englishman, and that as soon as
they shall come to know of it, and
be it within their power to appre
hend and that without demand made
by the English.
Secondly: That every Indian that
shall hereafter kill any hogg and
cattle of the English, and shall there
of be convicted shall pay for every
hog 50 fathoms of peake and for
every head of any other cattle 100
fathoms of peake for satisfaction to
the owners of every such beast.
Thirdly: That all former crimes
committed by any Indians of the Su-

66

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHNNOCKS AND

quehannock nation shall be forgot
and buried in oblivion, except mur
der of any English not yet discov
ered. Fourthly: That the King ol Poto
mac and his two sons be by some ol
the Susquehannock Indians deliver
ed up prisoners to Major Samuel
Goldsmith with all convenient speed.
In witness whereol the hands and
seals are set 29th June, 1666."
No comment need be offered upon
this except to say that the Senecas
are now pressing so hard upon the
Susquehannocks that they turn to
Maryland for help. They report to
the government the impending fate to
the old Susquehannock Fort. The
treaty is the result.
1667 — The Susquehannocks Beg Fur
ther Help from Maryland.
At a council at St. Mary's August
24, 1667, of Baltimore County, being
sent by the Susquehannocks to the
governor and council was called in,
who declared that the said Indians
did request assistance and ammuni
tion from the council sufficient to
go against any Indian enemies and
likewise declared enemies of the in
habitants of this province according
to one of the Articles of Agreement
made between the Susquehannock
Indians and the English of Mary
land: —
It was ordered that so many men
be pressed as the Susquehannocks
shall require to their aide and assist
ance and that they be sent up forth
with. Also that a quantity of powder
be delivered unto Mr. Francis
Wright and the said Indians to be
supplied out of the same as the
said Wright shall see requisite and
convenient. The governor and council both fur
ther determined to go up into Balti
more County and there to give the
Susquehannocks a meeting about the

15th of September next to wit, with
the said Indians about the peace and
safety of this province how to pro
ceed with the Susquehannock assist
ance against any Indians now held
and declared enemies to this pro
vince. Commission issued to captain Lieu
tenant Smith dated Sept. 7, 1667 and
to Daniel Jenifer. See Vol. 5, Mary
land Archives, p. 13.
1667 — Method of Raising Men to
Help Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p.
21, we find, "At a council February
6, at Matapenny, was taken into con
sideration the speedy rising of a
certain and considerable number of
men to make a march agaihst the
Indian enemies with all expedition
possible, for which end it is order
ed, that every tenth person in every
respective county be raised to go
on the present march namely, in all
410 men out of which number of
men particular warrants issue to Col.
William Evans to raise out of his
company twenty-three men; Col. John
Zarboe to raise out of his company
twenty-three men; Daniel Jenifer to
raise out of his company twenty-
three men; Major Thomas Brook to
raise out of Patuxent River province
forty-nine men and from the Cliffs
forty men; Capt. Wm. Boreman to
raise out of his company fifty-three
men; Wm. Burges to raise 62 men;
Maj. Thomas Ingram out of Kent
14 men; in all 287 men specially
raised. Evans & Ellis History, p.
12, tells about this same project and
concludes by saying, "When Mary
land agreed to send some troops up
to assist the Susquehannocks as
usual they did not go but left the
Susquehannocks to carry on the war
single handed. Matters grew worse
and worse until the Marylanders be
came greatly alarmed for their own
safety and they renewed the effort

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

67

to raise troops and go and help the
Susquehannocks."1667 — The Susquehannocks Keep the
French and Iroquois in Alarm.
f In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 155,
under date of 1667, we read from
the writings of the Jesuit Fathers of
Canada: "We are in the midst of
'' continual alarm that the tipups and
the Andaste (Susquehannocks)
cause." This again attests the fact
that the Susquehannocks carried
with them an unusual amount of
fear-producing quality.
1667 — The Onondagoes Also Fear the
Mighty Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relati6ns, p. 155,
it is said: "In the country of Onon
dago, or nation of mainland, one day
there was held a notable council on
the dream of a sick old man. He had
seen in his sleep in dream a man
only one cubit in height and that
this being showed him some drops ol
blood, falling fom the sky and some
fell from men who had fingers and
noses cut. Finally he said the little
man told him that the people were
treated that way in heaven and that
all those who should go there would
- fall into the hands of the Andastae
(Susquehannocks). In this they evi
dently unintentionally pay one com
pliment to the Susquehannocks they
did not intend to — that is, they seem
ed to think they were all in heaven,
which is a much better opinion than
we usually have of our dead enemies.
The main thing about the strange
superstition that the Onondagoes
seem to think the Susquehannocks
' will be as warlike and predominat
ing in the next world as in the pre
sent one.
1667 — The Iroquois Pray to Their
Gods to Help Them in War
Against the Susquehannocks.
From Vol. 52 of Jesuit Relations p.

197, I quote the following: "A
branch of the Iroquois nation most
remote from the French, called the
Upper Iroquois, live here. They
pray to their Gods and also to the
real God on the subject of war, but
the French missionaries are preach
ing peace to them; and peace will
be strengthened betwen the Iroquois
and Outaoucs; the more so at this
time, when the Iroquois have the na
tion of the Loups and that of the
Susquehannocks on their hands and
fear more than ever the arms of
France. These Loups are the Wolf •
tribe of the Algonquins." So it
seems by this that these savages
counted prayers to their gods all-
sufficient, except on the great Iro-
quois-Susquehannock war. for which
they prayed for help from the Great
Spirit alone.
1667 — The Iroquois-Snsquehannock
War Makes an Opening to Bring
the Gospel to the Iroquois.
In Vol. 52, Jesuit Relations, p. 203,
is stated: "Never did the Gospel have
a more auspicious opening in this
country, and the only thing lacking
is workers. The Iroquois will be de
lighted to continue peace with the
Outaoucs, having on their hands the '
war with the Loups and that with
the Susquehannocks."
1668— Some Susquehannocks Go to
the Jesuit Fathers for Religious
Instruction.
The Jesuit Fathers say in Vol. 63
of Jesuit Fathers, p. 153, under date
of 1668: The wars of the French and
Iroquois having passed we now see
fulfilled the prophecies of Isaiah. The
savages are becoming Christians. A
mission was erected — a shed of
boards. They come every year to
worship, like what happened at Jeru
salem when the church was formed.
In the companies of savages there
were men of different languages — one

68

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of the Chat nation, one of the Hu
rons, some were Iroquois, and some
of the Andastogoe (Susquehannocks)
even from their far country." There
were likely not many of the Susque
hannocks, however, as that nation
was still at war with the Iroquois.
1669- Cruel Torture of Two Susque-
hnunocks bv Onondagoes and
and Others.
The following cruelty is set forth
as having been committed the year
1669: "Nov. 27th two elders from
Onnontago bring news of the return
of the warriors with nine Andasto
gue (Susquehannock) captives that
were surprised while hunting. Two
of them were given to Onnierout (the
Indian Governor) — a young man of 20
and a woman. This woman was bap
tized at Onnondague by Father Millet.
The 30th they began to burn her
over a slow fire and prolonged her
torture for the space of two days and
two nights because he for whom she
was given in exchange was burned
at Andastogue (Susquehanna) for
that length of time. Feb. 1st the
priest instructed the young man who
was taken prisoner, and he listen
ed willingly as he was condemned
to be burned. He baptized him. On
the following morning says the
priest, I went back and found him
very well prepared for God. They
finished burning him and I saw him
render up his soul to God. I was
told that he called for me the pre
vious evening in the midst of the
flames; but he was refused the con
solation I might have given him."
See Vol. 53, Jesuit Relations, pp. 253
and 255. These tales of cruelty seem
incredible at this time. Another
striking thing is that the civilized
people — the Jesuits who were among
the Iroquois and Onondagoes —
should have allowed this torture to
be inflicted.

1669— The Susquehannocks Still the
Terror of the Iroquois Tribes.
To show what a specter the Sus
quehannocks were to other tribes
and how the supersition of the other
tribes was centered upon real and
imaginary horrors connected with
the Susquehannocks I cite the follow
ing under date of 1669.: "A girl of'^
sixteen (Indian girl of the northern
tribes, Iroquois, etc.) having gone in
to the woods and spent two nights
there, her relations were in anxiety.
The jugglers were called to learn/
from them what had become of her.
They put sorcery into operation to
learn news of her. The first thing
they did was to leap and dance and
shake their limbs and get full of
perspiration. Then they beat witti)
(sticks a tortoise drum, they sing and
shout and consult and question their
demon who never answers. Then
they boldly declare that she had been
killed by three Susquehannocks who
had scalped her, cutting the scalp the
size of a small circle, which they
traced with their fingers on a piece
of bark, and that she had died pre
cisely at sunrise. Her relations and
all the village became filled with
weeping. But scarcely had the jug- ,'
glers left the cabin when the girl
came in well and alive." This is
taken from Vol. 53, of the Jesuit Re- ,
lations, pp. 291 and 293, and shows
well how the Susquehannocks were
regarded by the savages of the north.
1669 — Susquehannocks Borrow Eng
lish Boats.
In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, pp.
196, and 197, it is stated that "The
Kings of the Eastern shore ask per
mission and a boat to go up to the
Susquehannocks, because canoes are
so dangerous and the same is allow
ed by council."
1670 — Piscataway Emperor Visits the
Susquehannocks.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

69

In Vol. 5, Maryland Archives, p.
65, it is stated, "The Piscataways by
petition desire to revive the peace
between the Piscataways and the Eng
lish and they state that their emperor
is now with the Susquehannocks
making advancements toward peace
also."1670 — More Sorcery Involving the
Susquehannocks.
From the Mission at St. Francis
Xavier at Onnierout, which is the
second nation ol Iroquois as you go
toward their great lake, Ontario. Jan.
10, 1670, the Fathers write: "The
Devil, seeing the Iruits of our ins
tructions and spiritual teachings, has
=^ incited a woman of this viUage (Iro
quois) to interrupt them. It ap
pears that she has seen the great
god of the Iroquois, who has reveal
ed to her, she says, that the Susque
hannocks will come to beseige this
village in the spring and that one
of their most powerful enemies, Hoch-
\itagete (The Susquehannock Great
Chief), will be captured and burned
by the Oniedas (allied with the Iro
quois). She asserts that the voice
of that Susquehannock was heard;
that from the bottom of a kettle he
uttered wailing cries, like the cries
ol those who are being burned. This
"-woman, mad or possessed, is believ
ed in all she says. Every day there
is a gathering at her house, where
there is nothing but dancing, singing
and leasting." See this in Vol. 53,
Jesuit Relations, p. 253.
1670 — Susquehannocks Go to the Jes
uits for Religious Instruction.
In Vol. 55, ol the Jesuit' Relations,
p. 33, may be found the following:
"Xavier des Praiz had a residence
sixty leagues from Quebec, and near
Montreal. This is a resting place for
missionaries both from the Iroquois
and the Upper Algonquins. The
savages resort hither from all sec

tions for the sacraments. I notice
an admirable respect lor the pas
tors; and among these savages a
charity and union exceeding all lor
mer conception, especially in view of
the fact that they are all people gath
ered from different countries — Hu
rons, members from the neutral na
tion, Iroquois, people from the Andas
togue (Susquehannocks), from New
Sweden, etc., and all of the different
Iroquois nations, either natives of
that country or dwellers there as
prisoners of war." The activity of
the Jesuits thus is amply attested,
and their influence widespread, since
it was able to reach our Indians on
the Susquehanna river.
1670 — Susquehanna Fort and Its
Locality at This Date — Mary
land Map.
A map dated 1670 in the Maryland
Building at the Jamestown Exposi
tion gives the following: "The great
Susquehanna runs up northerly 200
miles to the Senecas with divers
branches on both sides — to the east
and to the west — full of falls and
isles until about ten or twelve miles
above the Susquehanna Port, and
then it runs clear. Downwards It is
not navigable but with great danger.
But it is navigable with Indian
canoes. The present Indian Fort is
on the west side opposite the mouth
of a creek called Oustego, (which is
now the Conestoga) ; the next creek
below that on the east is named
Oquandry (Pequea), the next Ork-
tara, and the next Northeast creek.
1671 — Treaty Between the English
and Indians of Southeastern
Pennsylvania.
Pages 390 to 392 of Hazard's An
nals of Pennsylvania, will be found
a treaty between Deputy Governor
Lovelace and the southeastern In
dians of Pennsylvania in which it is
set out concerning the Susquehan-

70

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCK AND

nocks at p. 392 as follows: "That the
officers and magistrates at Delaware
be hereby empowered and authorized
to treat with the neighbor Indians
of the Susquehanna or others to join
together against the murderers of
this section and such as shall harbor
them or take their part if occasion
shall require and to promise such
reward as they shall think fit pro
vided it be done with great privacy
and caution so that no sudden jea
lousies be given to the persons in
tended to be presented to their con
federates." 1671 — Map of Pennsylvania and the
Susquehannocks at This Date.
In the History Building at the Ex
position under date of 1671 there was
a map of southeastern Pennsylvania
including Chesapeake bay and Sus
quehanna river, and on it Smith's
Falls are marked about ten miles
from the mouth of the river; and
next above it on the east side a
short distance above the mouth of
Conestoga creek "Susquehannough"
town, and on the west the town of
Attock; and about fifty miles up the
" river the town marked "Minquas,"
^ and 200 miles farther the Senecas.
1671 — The Susquehannock Boys
Fight and Defeat a Party of
Cayugas.
In Vol. 56, Jesuit Relations, p. 57,
/ this account is given: "On Ascension
Day this year twenty Tsonnontouans
(Senecas) and forty of the haughtiest
of the Cayuga young men set out
from this (Cayuga) village to go and
strike a blow in the fields of the An
dastogue (Susquehannocks), 4 days'
journey from hence. They v,'ere attack
ed by sixty Andastogue (Susquehan
nock) boys, 15 or 16 years old, and
put to flight with the loss of two of
their number. These young victors,
learning that the band had gone by
canoe, promptly took canoes and

pursued them with such speed that
they overtook and routed them, eight
of our men being killed in their '
canoes, while 15 cr 16 returned bad
ly wounded by arrows and knives or'
half killed by hachet strokes. The
battle field remained in possession of
the Andastogue (Susquehannock) boys
with a loss, it is said, of 15 or 16 of
them. God preserves the Andastogue
(Susquehannocks), who count but
300 warriors; and favors their arms'^
in order to humble the Iroquois and
maintain the peace of ouv mission."
A similar account of this is also
found in "Relations de la Neuville
France" for the year 1672, p. 24, a''
French work which account says
that the forty Cayugas went by water
and the twenty Senecas by land to
attack the Susquehannocks; and that
the oldest of the sixty Susquehannock
boys who met and defeated them was
not over sixteen years.
This interesting note throws much
light upon the warlike nature of the
Susquehannocks, and shows how
early their boys were proficient with'
all the weapons of war. The flrst
attack must have occurred in Manor
township, and the second attack on
the river itself in canoes perhaps
near Harrisburg. There can be no
doubt of who won the victory, be
cause the Jesuit Fathers believed in
the prowess of the Iroquois tribes.
An interesting fact is that the Sus
quehannock men were not about
their grounds. They were likely off
fighting the Iroquois in the general
war.1671- A Tax to Furnish the Susque
hannocks Powder.
In Vol. 2, Maryland Archives, p.
339, it is stated that, "Five Thousand
pounds ol tobacco be levied lor the
purpose ol lurnishlng and providing
powder for the use of the Susquehan
nocks for their defense.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

71

All these items show that at this
time the Marylanders and the Sus
quehannocks were firm Iriends, and
were mutually interested in resisting
the Senecas. How sadly the situation
changed in three years we shall soon
see.1672— The Iroquois Try to Gain Al
lies to Help Fight Susqueliannocks.
In Vol. 57, Jesuit Relations, pp. 23
and 25, it is stated Irom a letter from
Father Brugas to the Governor from
the largest Mohawk village that "The
Seneca Iroquois have brought twenty
peace presents to the savages of that
neighborhood. The Iroquois obey
the Governor as their common father
and they say they have only gifts of
peace. There is no doubt that they
are only using the bait either for the
sake of their commerce at the solici
tation of the Dutch or to beguile the
Ottawas into a renewal of war if they
succeed with the Susquehannocks,
who are the only enemy that the Iro
quois now have on hand." Thus it
is evident the Iroquois-Susquehan-
nock war was still going on as this
account says it was.
1672 — Three Susquehannocks Captur
ed in War and Burned to Death.
I From Vol. 58, Jesuit Relations, p.
1227, it is stated: "Three Andastae
(Susquehannocks) were captured in
war. The Jesuit Father instructed
them before they were burned. Sev
eral from the same country escaped
after some months of captivity; and
they told of the great charity that
those who wore the black gowns had
for them as well as for the Iroquois
and for all the people." The great
; Iroquois-Susquehannock war is now
! nearing its close, having been waged
since about 1652. Three years more
will see the Susquehannocks entire
ly defeated and driven to their new
home on the Potomac, more than a
hundred miles from their old one on

Susquehanna river. What we have al
ready written shows the amount of
cruelty, butchery, slaughter and hor
rid retaliation which characterized
the warfare of these savages, a great
deal of which occurred right here in
what is now our county.
1672 — More Susquehannocks Tortured
— Cruelty of Indian Torture.
The Jesuit Fathers tell us, "Two
Andastogues (Susquehannocks) were
captured by the Iroquois. They re
ceived baptism immediately before
the red hot irons were applied to
them. One of them who was burned
during the night in the cabin from
his feet to his knees prayed again to
God with me on the following day
while tied to the stake. The patience
of these poor victims is admirable;
but one cannot contemplate without/
a feeling of horror the sight of their
roasting flesh and of men who de- '
vour it like famished dogs. One day
when I was passing near the spot
where the body of one of these roast
ed victims was being cut to pieces I
could not help drawing near and in
veighing against such brutality. I saw
one of these cannibals who asked for
knife wherewith to cut off an arm.
I opposed him and threatened him
that God would punish him. He re
lated as his reason for doing so that
he was invited to a feast commanded''
by a dream at which they were to
eat nothing but human flesh to be
brought by those who wanted to eat
it. Two days afterwards God per
mitted that his wife should fall into
the hands of the Andastogue (Sus- '
quehannocks) who revenged them
selves upon her person for the cruel
ty of her husband. See Vol. 57, Jes.
Rel. pp. 169 and 171.
1672 — Iroquois Fear a Susquehannock
Invasion and Invoke Their Jugglers.
One of the Jesuit Fathers gives us-
this relation: "I had the affliction to

72

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

see a noted juggler die in his in
fidelity; but his presumption and
pride rendered him unworthy of
grace and baptism. He was held in
unusual veneration among the Iro
quois and so his shade still seems
baleful to Christianity. An elder re
cently convoked the tribe and an
nounced to it that this juggler had
appeared to him in a dream and re
garding him with a terrible expres
sion had bidden him to bear word to
the elders that they were irredeem
ably lost; and that the Susquehan
nocks would come the next spring
without fail to beseige the village
and burn and slay all who resisted
them. If however they wished to
avoid these disasters they must be-
imove the dead juggler's body from
the spot where it was buried and
carry it out along the road leading
to the Susquehannock country. He
said that then there would be no fur
ther cause for alarm, since as he
(the dead juggler) had overcome the
common enemy of the nations during
his lifetime, he was still pursuing
him after death, and his body on
being transferred to the place desig
nated would not fail to inspire terror
in the hearts of all who should ven
ture to approach the village.
Though the ground was covered
with snow they failed not to execute
to the letter the order they had re
ceived, bearing the dead body out
along the road to Gandastogue (Sus
quehannock country) and there erect
ing to it the finest mausoleum to be
seen among these barbarians. After
all as this knave was found out to be
a liar while alive, he proved no less
untrustworthy after his death, two
women having recently been brained
by those very Susquehannocks with
in fifty paces of the palisades
surrounding the village." See Jes.
Rel., Vol. 56, p. 35. The same story

is told though somewhat briefer in
Relations de la Neuville France for
1672 p. 20, as follows, "A famous me- '
dicine man of Oneida appeared after!
death to order his body to be taken
up and to be interred on the trail to
the Susquehannocks as the only
means of saving that canton from
ruin." See also .Dr. Shea's note No.
46 to Alsop's Maryland.
1672— The Great SusquehannockChief
Planned to be Captured.
In Relations de la Neuville France,
1672, p. 47, says that at this time
the great Susquehannock War Chief
Hotchitagete or Barefoot was much
feared by the Iroquois and a raving
woman and a crafty medicine man
deluded the Iroquois with promises
to capture him and execute him at
the stake." See also year 1670, p.
47.
1673 — The Susquehannocks Giving
Way Before the Blows of the
Iroquois.
In Vol. 59, of the Jes. Rel. p. 251
we find, "Since the Sonnonlouaies
(Huron name for Iroquois) have ut-'
terly defeated the Andaste (Susque
hannocks) their ancient and most re
doubtable foe their insolence knows
no bounds, and they talk of nothing
but renewing the War against our
allies and even against the French
and of beginning by the destruction of
Port Colarokoui." I do not know what
place is meant by the name last given.
From this item it seems pretty cer
tain that the Iroquois completed the
subjugation of the Susquehannocks
about the year 1672. However not
content with defeating them, one of
the tribes of the Iroquois confeder
acy, namely, the Senecas, kept on
driving the Susquehannocks south
ward until about 1674 or 1675 they
had driven them entirely off the Sus
quehanna River, down to the Poto-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

73

mac where they were located when
the deplorable and unjustifiable
slaughter of five of their chiefs took
place in an expedition led by Col.
John Washington, grandfather ol
George Washington, and Major Tru
man, which we shall notice at large
in its turn.
1678— The Final Stages of Conquest
Near Susquehanna River.
Lewis Evans in his "Analysis" in
his historical and political essays
printed by Ben. Branklin 1755 page
14, says "the Susquehannocks alter a
great deleat by the Marylanders were
easily exterminated by the Conleder-
ates (Iroquois conlederacy). So those
nations which are now on Sus-
quehana are only such as the con-
lederates allotted that river, lor, viz.
the Nanticokes Irom the eastern
Shore ol Maryland, — Tuteloes Irom
the Meherin River in Virginia, and
the Delawares under which we in
clude the Minnesinks and the Mandes
or Salem Indians." Thus the In
dians who came to the Susquehanna
River alter the ancient Susquehan
nocks were driven out were ol sev
eral tribes and have been called beg
gar Indians. Many ol the Senecas
and indeed several Indians ol two or
three more ol the Five Nations' tribes
came to the Susquehanna — and the
general mixture became the Cones
togas later. However quite a lew ol
the Susquehannocks got back too,
later. Lewis Evans, p. 12, also tells us
that "though they (the Five Nations)
gave the finishing stroke to the ex
termination of the Susquehannocks,
Bell in the service of Maryland at the
Port whose remains are still stand
ing on the east side of the Susque
hanna about three miles below
Wright's Ferry, by the defeat of
many hundreds gave them a blow
they (The Five Nations) never re

covered of." It is strange the Mary
land Archives make no notice of this
great feat by Col. Bell. I believe it
was exaggerated.
1674 — Maryland Acknowledges the
Five Nations (Senecas) Have Sus-
jugated the Susquehannocks — Makes
Peace with the Senecas and Fears
as a Result War with the Susque
hannocks. In Vol. 2, ol Maryland Archives, p.
378, under the date of 1674, it is set
out: "In pursuance of a vote for
peace with the Cynicas (Senecas)
passed at a conference of both
Houses which this government made
with said Senecas; and for as much
as the said peace may bring on a war
I with the Susquehannocks, — this
House, for the security of the pro
vince, do vote that an Act of Assem
bly be drawn up to empower the gov
ernor and council to make a war (up
on the Susquehannocks if necessary)
by an equal assessment upon the
persons and estate of the said pro
vince." We shall see that a desultory war
between Maryland and Susquehan
nocks did soon begin, and was kept
up three or four years, as the Sus
quehannocks felt very bitter toward
Maryland for recognizing the Senecas
as victors. The friendship of the
Susquehannocks was now turned to
hatred, and they retaliated by way
ol murders and depredations.
1675 — Attitude of Susquehannocks
and Iroquois Now.
Something of the situation at this
time is shown in a letter dated Oct.
21, 1675, by Gov. Ed. Andros to the
Governor of Maryland found in Vol.
5, second series, Pennsylvania Arch.
p. 676, in which he says among other
things: "I now give you an account
of my engaging the Macques and Se
necas not anyways to injure any of
the Christians to the eastward, and

74

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCK AND

particularly in parts southward, your
parts, in their warres with the Sus
quehannocks; but others apprehend it
will be difficult to restrain especially
the young men. I endeavored to be
informed relating to that war, and
found the Susquehannocks being re
ported by the Macques,that they might
be brought to some peace again,
though, I still find the Senecas to be
wholly averse to it, desiring their
extermination. But hearing now of
Indian troubles which has occasion
ed raising forces in your parts I send
you an express; and if the trouble
be by the Macques or Senecas, I of
fer you my services. If you think
good I would desire some from the
Susquehannocks to come to me so
that I may order matters accord
ingly." According to this the Susquehan
nocks, now being beaten in war, the
Senecas wish to exterminate them.
The trouble the New York Governor
refers to is that of the depredations
now going on about the Susquehanna
river, done no doubt by both the Sen
ecas who now hold the country, and
also by the Susquehannocks, who
now live further south, but maraude
into their old country (many murders
being committed, and each of these
two Indian tribes blaming all the
murders on the other).
To this letter the governor ol
Maryland replied; and Dec. 10 of the
same year the New York governor
wrote another letter to the Maryland
governor, among other things saying:
"I am sorry the Susquehannocks
were concerned (in the depredations)
having always had the repute of
being perfect friends to the Chris
tians, particularly Maryland, and
being offspring of the Macques.though
by the Senecas engaged in war, and
the Indians to the eastward. All In
dians are now enemies of us. There

only remains firm the Macques, and
by them the Senecas." Vol. 5, sec
ond series, Penna. Archives, p. 678.
This letter sets out the reputation
of the Susquehannocks of being
friends of the Christians. While
they were warlike and revengful,
their honor, it seems, was to be de
pended on. A new thought as to them
is thrown out in the statment that
they are offsprings of the Macques.
This brings to our minds for compari
son what we said in the opening
chapter of these "Annals," quoting
from Gordon, that the Susquehan-^-
nocks came from the Wolf tribe of^-
the Lenape.
1675 — Susquehannocks Driven From
the Susquehanna River.
This subject I have noticed above
and simply set it down again for the
sake of making it prominent, as it
ushers in the final stand of the Sus
quehannocks. See Scharf's History
of Marylanc"., p. 189, and Lyle's His
tory of Lancaster County, p. 19. At
this disastrous period also the Sus
quehannocks joined themselves to
the Piscataways, a. weak tribe which
twenty years before they looked up
on with contempt. See Indian His
tory of Lower Susquehanna by Dau
phin County Historical Society, p. 42.
1675— The Effect of the Fall of the
Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 60, Jesuit Relations, p. 173,
the- following is given as the result
ot the defeat of the Susquehannocks,
upon the Iroquois: "Since the Iro
quois have at last succeeded in ex
terminating the Andaste (Susquehan
nocks), who had held out against
them for over twenty years, they
have become so insolent that they,
talk only of breakng the missionaries'
heads by way of beginning hostilities.
Drunkenness, which prevails amongst
them to a horrible extent, adds to it

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

75

and makes them brazen enough to
attempt anything."
1675 — The Susquehannocks' New
Home on the Potomac.
'', The Iroquois, assisted by the other
tribes of the Five Nations, having
about 1652 begun the great war on
the Susquehannocks and carried it
along about fifteen years or less, un
til about 1664 they were dishearten
ed by their unsuccessful attempts on
Susquehannock Fort, with the disas
trous results before noticed; and
they about that date being supersed
ed in command by the Senecas as
leaders of the Five Nations, which
Senecas, carrying on the war, assist
ed by the other tribes of the Five
Nations until 1675, utterly defeated
them (the Susquehannocks) ; they
were now driven from the Susque
hanna river to a deserted fort on the
Potomac,gradually having been press
ed and driven southward, and their
numbers having dwindled down to
300 by war and small-pox. This fate
was sad enough, but as we shall show
in later items a worse fate awaited
the remnant that were left. So much
murdering of whites now occurred in
Maryland and the victorious Senecas
so well succeeded in making the
people believe -the Susquehannocks
were doing all of it (while in truth it
was done by the crafty Senecas, and
blamed on the Susquehannocks for
political effect) , that Maryland decreed
the Susquehannocks must move
up to the head of the Potomac, about
100 miles farther back into the coun
try; and before the poor savages had
time to do that Maryland and Vir
ginia combined and made a cowardly
attack upon them, precipitating a
campaign of war and siege which
ended in about two years in dissipat
ing them so that those who were not
killed were divided into small parties
and were absorbed in other tribes.

We shall now proceed to this sad
chapter.
1675 — The Susquehannocks Seek
Peace and Protection in Their New
Home — Action of the Government
of Maryland.
The Susquehannocks, being over
come by the Senecas and their north
ern allies, are now further torment
ed and harassed by marauding part
ies of their enemies, and in their des
peration they turn to Maryland for
a place to live under the protection
of that government. Their old home
and lands are infested w-ith the vic
tors. Volume 2 of Maryland Archives
p. 428 sets out: "Some of the great
men of Susquehannough were this
day admitted (Feb. 19) to the Upper
House and asked what part of the
province should be allotted for them
to live upon; but before this House
answers, they desire to know the
opinion of the Lower House."
In the Lower House, "The opinion
of this House is that should the Sus
quehannock Indians be permitted to
live among the respective tribes of
friendly Indians this year it may
be of dangerous consequence to the
province: (1) That their being among them
may corrupt our Indians and mould
them so to their own future designs,
as will prove detrimental to this pro
vince. (2) This House hath reason to
suspect that the design of the Sus
quehannocks coming among the Eng
lish and claiming protection may be
out ol a design purposely to discover
the strength ol the province and the
advantage they may take lor the fut
ure and will be dangerous.
(3) We have reason to suspect
that the Susquehannocks and Senecas
have private correspondence together
notwithstanding the seeming war be-

76

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

tv/een them which may be dangerous
to the province should they be per
mitted among our neighbor Indians.
(4) If they are absolute enemies
cf the Senecas yet it will so exaspe
rate the Senecas for us to entertain
them that should a war this ensuing
year happen between the Senecas and
them, the whole province must in
general suffer, and therefore this
House is of the opinion it will not be
safe for the government to appoint a
place for them above the falls of
Potomac there being time enough to
clean ground enough to plant corn
this year, which is the only thing
they seem to desire to live among
the neighbor Indians for."
And page 429 it is stated "The
same day the Upper House ordered
that Harignera, the Great Man of
the Susquehannocks, should be in
formed that when he was at Mata-
paine with the governor he told him
he would be content if the English
would let him and the Susquehan
nocks live at the falls of the Poto
mac — that the governor has moved
the Assembly to let them live above
the falls, and the governor was wil
ling they should move above the falls.
but not to plant corn any nearer the
English as they and the English
might fall out and fight. In answer
after some tedious debate the Sus
quehannocks signify to the governor
that they would be willing to condes
cend to move to the head of the Po
tomac." This serves to show in what an
attitude the Marylanders, especially
the Assembly held themselves toward
the Susquehannocks. All these steps
tended tow-ard one goal — that is to
ward war on the Susquehannocks by
Maryland.This soon was the ripe fruit
that the condition bore, as is shown
by the following extract from the
proceedings of the Maryland Assem

bly, page 462, ol the same volume of
Maryland Archives. "An act for rays-
ing a supply for the governor and
captain general to defray the charges
of making peace with the Senecas
and war with the Susquehannocks."
Truly the Susquehannocks were
now in a pitiable plight. They were
whipped by the Senecas and other
northern confederates of the Five
Nations; they were harassed and
driven by them on toward the Poto
mac; they were suspected by the
Marylanders, and not allowed to in
habit among other tribes of friendly
Indians, lor tear of stirring them up
against the government; they were
blamed for all the murders commit
ted by the Senecas and finally they
were ordered by the government to
go up the Potomac, away from the
English.1675 — The Act of Assembly Declaring
War on the Susquehannocks.
The above cited Act is as follows:
"An acte for Raysing a Supply to
defray Charges of Making Peace with
the Cynegoes (Senecas) and Making
War with the Susquehannocks and
Their Confederates if Occasion Re
quires." "The two Houses of Assembly hav
ing received certain credible in
formation of the many outrages and
murders committed upon the persons
and states of divers good people of
this province in Baltimore county by
the Susquehannock Indians and other
their confederates by them counte
nanced and protected contrary to
the articles of peace of your Lord
ship's council have agreed and con
cluded upon certain measures, upon
which a war is likely to ensue and
it being also concluded that it may
be of great benefit and advantage to
the interests of the province to make
peace with the Cynegoes (Senecas)
I for the defraying of the expenses ot

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

77

such warre or peace if it shall seem
necessary to the captain general and
councU to make such warre or peace
do pray it may be enacted:
And be it enacted, etc., that there
be levied and raysed this present
year the sum of fifty thousand pounds
ol tobacco by an equal assessment
upon the persons and estates ol the
inhabitants ol the province to be
paid to his excellency, Charles Cal
vert, Esq., captain general of this
province to be by him disposed of as
he and his council think meet, for
and towards the defraying of all
such charges and expenses as shall
be laid out and expended in and
about the carrying on or making any
warre or peace with the SusQuehan-
nocks or any of their confederates
or with the Senecas if the council
and governor think expedient to
make such warre or peace this pre
sent year." See same, 2 Md. Arch.
pp. 462 and 463.
1675 — The Maryland Government
Opens Hostilities Upon the Susque
hannocks. In Vol. 15, p. 48 of the Maryland
Archives, it is set out, "It is ordered
that a regiment of horse consisting
offive troops of fifty men in troop be
forthwith raysed and fitted with suf
ficient horse and arms and ammuni-
tition for the expeditions march
against the barbarous enemy and to
assist the Virginia forces now pre
paring to pursue their enemies the
Susquehannock Indians, and demand
ing dellverj' of those Indians which
lately committed the murders on his
Majesty's subjects in Virginia; and
It is further ordered that the said
Susquehannock Indians be lorthwith
forced ofi' Irom the place where they
now are to remove themselves to
the place they assured the last as
sembly they would go and seat them
selves.

Accordingly Thos. Dent is dispatch
ed away to Colonel Washington and
Major Allerton with the following
letter: "You are to march to the north side
of Piscataway Creek, where you shall
advise upon the ways and means to
prosecute the war against the Doegs
and the Susquehannock Indians till
the murderers are delivered and all
passible satisfaction obtained for
damages done." (At this time there
were 6,610 taxables in Maryland).
See same book and page.
About the same time an additional
force was raised to go against the
Susquehannocks, which is set forth
p. 56 of the same book. "It is or
dered that a party of 30 men be rais
ed — 15 out of St. Mary's and 15 out
of St. Charles under Capt. Douglass
and Sly to range the woods about
Piscataway and the Susquehannock
Fort to take up all such horses as
they shall find were lost by the sol
diers in the late expedition against
the Susquehannock Indians." And
page 58 it is stated: "The governor
and council have taken into consid
eration the disbursements for pro
visions and other charges relating
to the late Indian war with the Sus
quehannocks that the same be levied
this year and be taken into considera
tion." Thus from these items we see there
was an expedition against the Sus
quehannocks by Maryland, and that
in it many horses were lost of the
250 that set out and the expense of
the late war was now a subject of
governmental concern for Maryland.
The particulars of this expedition
and the disreputable action of the
whites in the same against the de
fenseless chiefs of the Susquehan
nocks, and the impeachment proceed
ings against the leaders of the expe
dition by the Maryland authorities

78

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

we will next take up and in doing so
reveal a disgraceful page in colonial
Indian policy.
167,5 — Virginia Asks Maryland to Join
Her in An Expedition Against
the Susquehannocks.
On Sept. 6, 1675 Col. John Washing
ton, a great grandfather of George
Washington,together with Isaac Aller
ton sends a letter to Maryland stating,
that on Sunday the 5th inst. orders
were received from the governor of
Virginia to summon the militia on
the north side of the Rappahannock
and south of the Potomac, to make
an inquisition into the murders and
spoyl done by the Indians and ascer
tain by what nations done and to de
mand satisfaction and proceed to war
if needed.
Wherefore the regiment of 5 troops
of 50 men each as stated in the last
item, were ordered raised. See 15
Md. Arch. 48.
1675— Maryland Sends Instructions
to Co-Operate With Washington
Accordingly Thos. Dent was sent to
Col. Washington with these instruct
ions: "Gent. According to the promise
made Capt. Lee and Maj. Youell we
have this day taken your letter into
consideration and for answer return
you that we have ordered 250 horses
and dragoon to rendezvous upon
Thursday which will be the 23rd in
stant at the head of the Choptico Bay
from whence they shall continue their
march to the north side of the mouth
of the Piscataway where they shall
await your arrival and join with you
where your commanders shall advise
with you upon the ways and means
to prosecute the war against the
Doages and the Susquehannock In
dians till the murderers are delivered
and all possible satisfaction obtain
ed from them for damages done his

majesty's subjects. Ordered that Maj.
Thomas Truman be commander of
the expedition." See 15 Md. Arch. 49.
1675— The Mattawomen Indians Join
the Expedition and Help Maryland
and Virginia Against Sus
quehannocks.
This is set forth in 15 Md. Arch. 57
as follows, "The Council, taking into
consideration the merits of the King
of the Mattawomen, namely that he
came first unto Major Truman volun
tarily and offered all his men to
serve us against the Susquehannocks
and his women and children as
hostages and that he continued all
the time of the War with the Eng
lish and in pursuit of the enemy, do
humbly desire the government con
currence to an order that the said
King may be presented with 12 match
coats as a mark of gratitude and
have of value 100 arms length Roan
oke namely foijr match coats for
every prisoner df the Susquehannocks
that they have taken and delivered —
the said match coats to be paid to
the Indian that took the prisoner."
Prom this we see that this tribe
of Indians through their King first of
fered his warriors to assist the Mary
landers and Virginians in whipping
the Susquehannocks, and to give as
surance that he would not dessert in
battle and go over to the Susquehan
nocks, he gave the women and chil
dren of hi's tribe as hostages into the
charge of the English, who could
have been enslaved or even slaugh
tered if the soldiers proved recre
ant. The above also states that he
did remain loyal.
1675— The Great, Shameful Expediton
of Slaughter and Dishonor.
The expedition against the Susque
hannocks, who were huddled in a
fort on the Potomac, about 200 strong

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

79

Including women and children, began
about the middle of September, and
continued n a siege of about 6 weeks
ending the beginning of November. In
addition to the march on the Fort,
as we have above seen the whites
hired other Indians to sally through
the woods and capture Susquehan
nocks. The white soldiers also rang
ed the woods for the same purpose.
At any rate about the beginning of
November the Indians left their fort
one night and struck southwestwardly
into Virginia and were the leading
instigators of the Bacon Rebellion
all of which we shall show later.
None of the government archives
of Maryland state anything of the
general result of the expedition, per
haps because there was so much dis
graceful about it. Neither do any other
public records tell the particulars of
the struggle. However inferentially
several things are plain. First that
the war was of considerable expense
to Maryland, and that her people con
tributed of their private means to its
maintenance. In Vol. 15 Md. Arch.
56 under date of Oct. 13 it is "Ordered
that proclamation be made by the
several sheriffs of each respective
county that all persons that have
been at any charge or expense
for provisions or ammunition
about the late expedition against
the Susquehannocks shall come to the
next provincial court and deliver their
claims to the sheriffs." This is his
torical testimony that the expedition
was taken, and that it was ended by
Oct 13 or nearly so. Secondly in the
same book p. 58 it is set out "Where
as the King of the Mattawomen de
sires to inform himself for the securi
ty ol himself and his people against
the Susquehannocks, who are now his
enemies only because he hath es
poused our quarrel against them, the
council do request that it be ordered

that he have liberty to 'inlort' him
seU and his people upon any place
the governor shall see fit." Thus
though the Susquehannocks as we
shall see were driven out ol their
fort on the Potomac, and voluntarily
went into Virginia, they still feared,
because from their Virginia base
they continually sent parties into
their old country. This request of
the Mattawomen king is dated 1675.
Thirdly in the same year as shown
in 15 Md. Arch. 59, something of the
cost of the expedition is given us. It
is stated "The governor and Council
having taken into consideration that
the disbursements lor provisions and
other charges relating to the late war
with the Susquehannocks and that
the same may be levied this year and
having seen several papers and ac
counts thereto relating, but not the
whole accounts, do appoint to meet
Monday; and it is ordered that on
Monday all the people exhibit their
accounts or be debarred. It is also
ordered that 85 pounds ol tobacco per
poll be levied as tax and be added
to the lormer levy so that this year
there be levied in the whole 165
pounds ol tobacco per poll." We
have seen in a former item that
there were 6610 taxables in Mary
land at this time and a tax of 165
pounds of tobacco per head would be
about 1090650 pounds, of if it were
worth 10 cents per pound it was equi
valent to $109,065.00. So the six
weeks' war was very costly, even if
the whites did win.
Elaborate particulars of the war
are however, told by a master hand,
whose graphic description of it, we
shall tell in the following several
items, under the general title of "The
Fall of the Susquehannocks."
1675 — The Fall of the Susquehannocks
Chapter I (First Attack).
What I shall now give is verbatim
S. P. Streeter, Esqr's account of the

80

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

last days of the Susquehannocks as
an independent and powerful tribe.
The account was given in 1857 and
may be found in Vol. 1, of the his
torical Magazine, p. 65, found in the
Historical Society, at Philadelphia.
As I have said in an earlier item, the
public records of the Maryland Arch
ives give only the making up of the
expedition which resulted so fatal
ly for the Susquehannocks, and the
march, and then are silent as to the
character of the battle. But that
there was a battle is evident from
the discussions in Council and As
sembly concerning the cost, the loss
ol horses, and the impeachment ol
Col. Truman, lor despicable conduct
in the flight.
Streeter says, "The brave but un-
lortunate Susquehannocks, driven
from their original seat (on Susque
hanna) by the conquering Senecas in
the attempt to find a place of refuge
became unwillingly embroiled by a
series of untoward circumstances
with the people of Maryland and of
Virginia, and in the extremity of
their despair rushed into a confiict
which though brief, gave the finish
ing blow to their power and com
pelled the few survivors of this for
merly dreaded tribe to seek a resting
place in the wilds of the west or to
incorporate themselves with the por
tions of the Powhatan Confederacy.
"The events connected with this
struggle between the two races pos
sess for us a double interest. First,
they relate to a trying period in our
own colonial history; and secondly,
as they were closely connected with
the occurrences in Virginia.which ar
rayed Nathaniel Bacon against the
established government and aroused
a spirit of resistance to Sir William
Berkley, that ceased only with the
death of the unfortunate leader and
the expatriation or execution of many
of his supporters, some of whom

were among the most talented and
infiuential men of the province.
"On a Sabbath morning in the
summer of the year 1675 as the
people of Stafford, at that time the
most northerly county in Virginia, on
the Potomac, were on their way to
church they found a herdsman nam
ed Robert Henn lying across the
threshold of his house and an Indian
without the door, both terribly gash
ed and mutilated. The Indian was
quite dead; but Henn lived long
enough to declare that the 'Doegs'
were the murderers. A boy was also
discovered hidden under a bed from
whom it was gathered that the In
dians had made their attack and
committed the murder about day
break. "Col. Mason and Capt. Brent, com
manders ol the militia of that county,
on hearing of the bloody dead im
mediately collected a force of about
30 men and followed on trail of the
retreating Indians. After a pursuit
of about 20 miles up the Potomac
they crossed the river into Maryland.
Landing at daybreak they discovered
two narrow paths, one of which was
followed by Mason with a part of
the men; and the other by Brent with
the remainder. After advancing a
short distance each party discovered
in its front an Indian wigwam, which
was silently surrounded.
"Having stationed his men Capt.
Brent advanced to the wigwam and
in a loud voice, in the Indian tongue,
demanded a council with the occu
pants. A chiel came lorward appar
ently much alarmed, and would have
fied, but Brent, seizing him by the
scalp, told him he had come lor the
murderers ol Henn. The chiel plead
ed ignorance of the whole matter, and
managed to escape from the grasp of
his captor; but as he turned to flee
fell dead by a pistol shot from the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

81

hand of Brent. This was the signal
for action on both sides. The In
dians within delivered their fire from
the hut, and under its frail cover
stood for a short time the volleys of
the Virginians, but finally attempted
to save themselves by flight from
their murderous effects. As they
thronged out of the door in a body,
however, the unerring rifle did
prompt execution and ten of their
number were slain. A lad of eight
years of age, the son of the chief
killed by Capt. Brent, was the only
one taken prisoner. The Indians so
severely handled in this encounter
belonged to tjie tribe of 'Doages' or
'Doegs.' Meanwhile Col. Mason's
party had also been actively engaged.
Scarcely had his men been arranged
when they were startled by the din
of the other assault, while the sud
denly awakened and panic stricken
occupants of the wigwam, in their
extremity, without waiting for sum
mons or attack, rushed to the door
to make their escape. As they pour
ed out they were met by the deadly
fire of the Virginians, who supposed
from the noise and the firing that
Brent's men were warmly engaged
with a hostile party, and fourteen of
the Indians had already fallen, when
one of them rushed up to Col. Mason
through the heaviest of the fire and
seized his arm and exclaimed "Sus
quehannocks netoughs" that is, "Sus
quehannocks friends," and imme
diately fied. Col. Mason at once
caused his men to cease firing, since
those who were the objects of their
attack proved to belong to a tribe
recognized as friends of Virginia.
"This tribe which had formerly oc
cupied a considerable territory on
the Susquehanna and at the head of
Chesapeake Bay, and which__was
spreading terror among the tribes of
the Patuxent and the eastern shore

of the Potomac at the time of the ar
rival of the Maryland Pilgrims, had
in its turn been made to feel the hand
of the conqueror. The Seneca In
dians, one of the most numerous and
powerful of the Confederacy of the
Five Nations, through whose terri
tory in western New York the upper
waters of the Susquehannocks flow
ed (as the governor and council of
New York in an address to his Ma
jesty, Aug. 6, 1691, say: the Susque
hanna river. Is situate in the middle
of the Seneca country) had pushed
their war parties down that river
(Susquehanna), reducing the tribes
on its borders to submission, or
compelling them to seek new places
of abode in more defensible positions
with other tribes or within the
sweep of the strong and protecting
arms of the white men.
"The Susquehannocks, too proud, it
would seem, to yield to those with
whom they had long been contested
as equals, and by holding the land
of their fathers by suffrage, to ac
knowledge themselves reduced; yet
too weak to withstand the victorious
and domineering Senecas, had been
compelled to forsake the river bear
ing their name and the head of the
Bay; and had taken up a position
near the western borders of Mary
land below the territory of the Pis
cataway Indians."
(This is the end of Chapter I. The
next item will take up Chapt- II and
will be devoted to the new location
of the Susquehannock Indians and of
their weak neighboring and confed
erated tribes.
1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks.
Chapter II (The New Fort).
"This tribe (Susquehannocks) orig
inally occupied lands lower down the
river (Potomac) about the Piscata
way; but the year 1673 a tract at
the head of the Potomac was assign-

82

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ed them by the Assembly, somewhat
above the former location, and every
possible effort was made to establish
themselves permanently at that
place. Implements of husbandry
were presented to them and a supply
of provisions for three years guaran
teed to free them from all apprehen
sion on the care of subsistence and
afford them full time to make these
lands sufficiently productive for their
own support. This spot was near
where Washington now stands (An
nals of Annapolis, p. 64). F'rom this
legislation it is evident that the
policy of the province was to remove
the Indians toward the western
borders of its territory and thus at
the same time to preserve for them
a home. — to make room for the
pioneers of civilization already press
ing upon that quarter and to dimin
ish as far as possible the chances of
collision between the two races. The
Piscataways however,were an unwar-
like inoffensive people and were re
garded as firm friends to both Mary
land and Virginia.
"The Doegs" as they are styled in
the Maryland records, occupied a
portion of the territory between the
Piscataway river on the north and
the great bend on the Potomac on the
south now forming the western part
of Charles and perhaps a small por
tion of Prince George county. The
tongue of land formed by Mattawo
men Run as it flows into the Poto-
mas still retains the name 'Indian
Point' and may have been the spot on
which the bloody scene which has
been described was enacted. The
lands of the Doegs extended to the
Piscataway. "The Susquehannocks had lately
established themselves on the north
side of that (Piscataway) river.
There would seem therefore to have
been no ground of suspicion either.

in the mere fact that parties from
both tribes were found occupying
wigwams a short distance below the
river and near to each other, as was
the case with those attacked by
Mason and Brent.
But murders had been committed
in Virginia; tho pursuers had as
they believed tracked the murderers
until they had suddenly lallen upon
these parties. Had they found In
dian families in the wigwams it
would have been different — but they
found armed warriors; and this in
connection with the recent startling
raids and evils were surely enough
to excite suspicion. According to
the dying testimony of one of the vic
tims the murderers were Doeg, and
therefore of the same tribe with
those which Capt. Brent's party sur
prised on the Maryland side of the
river; and this fact in their appre
hensions afforded a good reason for
the assault. There is no evidence
that the Susquehannocks were the
abbettors or ever the associates of
the Doegs, or chargeable with any
other fact or fault than that of un
fortunately occupying quarters in
the neighborhood.
"That Capt. Brent's party knew
whom they were assaulting is likely
from his parley with the chief before
firing began; but that the attack of
Mason's men thus precipitated by the
noise of the other engagement, and
that they were not aware of whom
they assailed is evident from the fact
that Col. Mason the moment he as
certained they were Susquehannocks,
recognized them as friends and ceas
ed hostilities.
"The truth is the Virginians were
hot with passion and eager of pur
suit. Their friends had been mur
dered and by Indians; they knew
the perpetrators and started in pur
suit; they came up with two bands

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY , INDIAN TRIBES

83

in junctos with the very tribe charg
ed with the crime and in the direct
line of their retreat; and concluding at
once that these were the assassins,
without pausing to deliberate, hasten
ed to avenge the slaughter of their
friends. In one of these cases at
least the assailants were sadly pre
cipitated. "The murderous assault of Mason's
party was entirely unprovoked, if
we accept the assertion of the Sus
quehannocks, who charged the mur
ders upon the marauding parties of
the Senecas (and this is by no means
improbable.) "The Senecas' war par
ties might at that time have penetrat
ed Maryland and Virginia as they are
known to have done within a very
few years after, when they committed
various murders, might naturally be
expected to arouse their savage pas
sions, and stimulate them to seek
revenge, particularly as no attempt
was made by the Virginians to ex
plain the cause of the attack or to
make preparation for the grievous in
jury inflicted. It may be the savage
retribution and subsequent conflicts
followed too closely upon this en
counter to allow an opportunity for
explanation. Several murders were
soon afterwards committed in Mary
land, and though guard boats were
equipped to prevent interruptions
and invasions across the Potomac one
or two persons were also murdered
in Stafford county, Virginia. The
perpetrators of these cruel acts were
not certainly known; but under the
circumstances suspicion naturally
fell upon the Susquehannocks.
"The presence of this tribe
on their western borders had al
ready exacted dissatisfaction among
the people of Maryland, especially
those whose plantations were situat
ed near the Piscataway; and efforts
had been made (the Indians being re

solutely bent not to forsake their
Fort (Ann Cotton's Account 1676, p. 1)
to induce them to leave the position
they had taken. This was on the
north side of the Piscataway, in ¦ a
strong Fort which had either origin
ally belonged to the Piscataways or
was built by the province years pre
vious (In 1644 an act was passed to
enable the Governor to establish and
support a garrison at Piscataway (see
Bacon's Laws) for the protection of
the frontier settlements, and perhaps
Maryland has left it unoccupied dur
ing the time of peace, which had
preceded these occurrences. From
its strength and construction the
latter supposition seems most pro
bable. 'The walls of the fort were high
banks of earth having flankers well
provided with loop holes and encom
passed by a ditch. Without this was
a row of tall trees from 5 to 8 inches
in diameter set three feet in the earth
and six inches apart and wattled in
such a manner as at the same time
to protect those within and afford
holes for shooting through. These
defenses were ingenious and strong
and enabled the occupants to set at
defiance any ordinary beseiging party
unless provided with cannon or pre
pared to starve its defenders into a
surrender. Jlere the Susquehannocks
to the number of 100 with their old
men, women and children established
themselves, — here they were deter
mined to remain.
"Remembering not only the deeds
of violence that had been borne and
taking counsel of their apprehensions
forgetful as it would seem, of the
outrages which had stung the sav
ages into revengeful mood, the Mary
landers determined to organize an
expedition against them, and drive
them from the province." All this
is from Streeter's account as first
stated.

84

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1675— Fall of the Susquehannocks—
(Chapt. IIL The March).
" Doubting, however, the ability to
carry out promptly and effectively
their designs, and aware that the Vir
ginians, like themselves, had of late
suffered from midnight attacks and
murders which from their share in
the recent unfortunate assault on
the Susquehannocks they were dis
posed to distribute to them as acts
of revenge there was proposed to the
Virginian's a union of forces and a
joint expedition for the purpose of
subduing their common enemy.
"The proposition was readily ac
cepted and the two provinces raised
a force ol a thousand men to march
against the Susquehannocks. The
Virginia troops were under command
of Col. John Washington, the great
grandfather of General George Wash
ington; those of Maryland under
Major Thorr:as Truman. On the
morning of Sunday the 26th
of September the Maryland forces
appeared before the Port, and
the Virginiiins probably a little
later. In the obedience to instruc
tions from the government to settle
matters with the Susquehannocks by
negotiations if feasible. Major Tru
man sent to the Port two messengers
one of whom was well acquainted
with the English language, to in
vite Harignera, one of the municipal
chiefs, to a conference. Having as-
ertained that Harignera was dead,
they requested that the other chiefs
might be sent in his stead, where
upon six of 'heir leaders came forth
and met the commander of Maryland in
the presence of his principal officers
and several Indians belonging to
neighboring tribes. Upon their de
manding the reason of all that hostile
array Major "Truman informed them
through the interpreters, that grave
outrages had been committed both

in Maryland and in Virginia, and that
he had come to ascertain who had
committed them. They replied it
was the Senecas. The Major then in
quired if they would furnish some
of their young men as guides in pur
suit, as several of the other tribes
had already done; but they replied
the Sencas had come four days and
by that time must be near the head
of the Tataysco. To this it was an
swered that the horses of the white
men were flee' and the Indian runners
swift and boin ought easily to over
take the Senecas. They then consent
ed to furnish the guides. During the
conference Col. Washington, Col. Ma
son and Maj. Adderton came over
from the Virginia encampement and
charged the chiels with the murders
that had been committed on the south
side ol the Potomac ; but they positive
ly denied that any ol their tribe were
guilty. The Virginians, however lar
Irom being convinced by this denial,
insisted that three of the Susquehan
nocks had been positively identified
as participants in the outrages
which had taken place.
"The chiefs then presented to Ma
jor Truman a paper and a silver
medal with a black and yellow rib
bon attached.which they said had been
given to them by former governors
of Maryland; this medal is exceedingly
rare now; it is of silver, about the
size and half the thickness of a
crown piece, with a knob on the end
for the insertion of a cord, so it may
be hanged about the neck) as a.
pledge of protection and' friendship
as long as the sun and moon shall
endure. These tokens were received
by Major Truman with assurances
that he was i^atisfied the Senecas had
been the aggressors in the late out
rages and that they need have no
apprehension for the safety of them
selves or their wives and children.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

85

The officers, as it was near evening,
then retired to their respective en
campments and the Indians went
back to the Fort."
"Early the next morning Capt. John
Allen, a well known leader of rang
ers in Maryland service, was ordered
to proceed with a file of men to the
house of Randolph Hansom, one of
the victims of the recent outrages, to
ascertain if it had been plundered
by the Indians and to bring any am
munition that may have been left on
the premises. Capt. Allen promptly
discharged this duty and returned
with him the bodies of those murder
ed at Hansom's house."
"During his absence the Susquehan
nock chiefs had come out of the Fort
probably by appointment on the pro
ceeding evening for the purpose of
renewing their conference with the
Maryland and Virginia officers. They
were again charged by the latter more
vehemently than before -with having
been concerned in the outrages in
Virginia; but the allegation was
again met with an absolute and in
dignant denial. Upon this the chiefs
were placed in custody of the Mary
land and Virginia troops, and the of
ficers retired to another part of the
field to deliberate and decide what
course to pursue.''
"Unfortunately for the prisoners,
in the midst of the deliberations.
Captain Allen and his detachment
made their appearance bringing with
them the slaughtered bodies — the
bloody evidence of savagt, barbarity
and hate.The whole camp was arous
ed; Maryland and Virginia alike burn
ed with indignation and thirsted for
revenge. The council of officers
was broken v.p and the feelings which
had been stirred up by sight of their
murdered countrymen found vent in
an almost unanimous demand for the
death of those now in their hands

who were strongly suspected of being
the guilty parties in this case and
who had been so strenuously de
nounced by the Virginians as the
known murderers of their people."
"Before, they might have listened
to the voice of reason and justice;
but now they thought only of the in
juries that had been inflicted by sav
age hands and loudly called for ven
geance on those unfortunate repre
sentatives of the race whose confi
dence in the efficiency of our tokens
of the past and the sanctity of their
present pledges had placed in their
power. They forgot that those men
had responded to s professedly peace
ful summons. They had come out
with the emblems of friendship in
their hands; that they had received
assurance of confidence and prom
ises of protection; and hurried away
by the fury of the moment, commit
ted a deed, which as it violated the
laws of God and of man brought up
on them the condemnation of their
own contemporaries as it must have
done of their own consciences in af
ter moments of coolness and refiec-
tion." "Major Truman struggled against
the excitement and pleaded for delay
but in vain. The Virginia officers,
confident of getting immediate pos
session of the Fort and professing to
others that they were only a few
hours anticipating, the fate of the
prisoners and perhaps depending in
part on the effect of so terrible a
blow insisted on the immediate execu
tion of the chiels. Only one ol them,
for what reason we do not know, was
spared; the remainder, five in num
ber were bound, led forth from the
place of their detention and, to use
the plain phrase of our authority
were 'knocked on the head.' So died'
the chiefs of the Susquehannocks.
not with arms, bat with the pledges

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of the white man's protection in their
hands; not in open field and with a
fair fight, but entrapped by treachery,
and encompassed by their enemies;
not the death of warriors, but of
dumb cattle. They died an ignomin
ious death, yet their executioners, by
their act covered themselves with a
thousand fold deeper disgrace and
shame. "It is but just to the rank and file
of the Maryland troops, to say that
though one authority speaks of the
"unanimous consent' of the Virginians
and the eager impetuosity of the
whole field as well Maryland as Vir
ginia, upon the sight of the Chris
tians murdered at Hanson; another,
alluding to the uphappy act, states
that Truman's first command for the
killing of those Indians was not
obeyed and he had some difficulty to
get any men to obey him therein. And
after they were put to death no man
would own to have had a hand in it;
but rather seemed to abhor the act."
"If the Virginians were moved to
take the lives of these chiefs by the
expectation that they would surren
der the fort, or hasten it, they greatly
miscalculated. When those who had
remained behind learned of what had
been done; hate and desperation con
tended for the mastery in their hearts.
^ The blood of their slaughtered leaders
called for vengeance. The proved
faithlessness ot those who threaten
ed their slaughter, forbade them to
hope. They shut themselves up with
in the palisades, strengthened their
defenses, and prepared for a desper
ate resistance. Whenever and wher
ever the besiegers prepared or at
tempted an assault, they were ready
to meet them. Whenever a proposal
was made for a conference or a sur
render their reply was, "Where are
our chiefs?"

1675— Fall of the Susquehannocks
Chap. IV. (The Seige).
"The Susquehannocks had been too
suddenly attacked to allow them to
lay in supplies to stand a long siege,
even if their mode of warfare had en
couraged or their resources had al
lowed such a proceeding; and as the
besieging forces cut them off from
the surrounding country, they soon
suffered for want of provisions. Not
daunted by the prospect of starvation
they made frequent and fierce sallies
to the severe annoyance and loss of
the besiegers, and at last in their
extremity resorted to the expedient
of capturing and feeding upon the
horses which belonged to their assail
ants. These do not appear to have
been opposed with much vigor either
because the first rash step had so
damped the ardor of the men or be
cause it was the policy of the com
mander to starve rather than force
the Indians to surrender. The fort*^
also was too strong to be stormed.
Its situation on low ground precluded
the possbility of undermining the
foundations and palisades even if
the watchfulness of the dependers had
permitted their approach; and they
had no cannon with them to batter it
down. So that they were compelled
in fact to wait the time when famine
would have weakened the enemy so
as to render them an easy prey.
"But the Susquehannocks had no
idea of such a termination of the
struggle. After six weeks of heroic
defense during which time they, had
inflicted much injury on their ene
mies, but with litle loss to them
selves, they yielded, not to the prow
ess of the besiegers, but to the want
of food, and prepared not to surrend
er but to evacuate the fort.
1675 — Fall of tlie Susquehannocks
Chap. V. (Evacuation).
It certainly gives a strong color of
probability to the charge of neglect

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

87

of duty, on the part of the investing
troops, that the Susquehannocks af
ter destroying everything within the
fort that could be of use to the as
sailants, and leaving behind only a
/ few decrepit old men, marched out
^ under cover of the night 75 strong,
with their women and children, pass
ed through the lines of the besieging
forces undiscovered and on their way
killed ten of the guards whom they
found asleep.
"The next morning the united
forces discovered that the prey had
escaped and followed in pursuit; but
either could not or would not over
take these desperate flghters, and
fugitives for fear of ambuscade. Both
detachments it would seem were
heartily tired of the enterprise from
which neither officers nor men were
likely to receive honor or profit. We
may therefore infer both parties
readily relinquished pursuit; and
after detailing sufficient force to oc
cupy the fort and range through the
adjoining country returned to their
respective provinces, not merely will
ing but desirous that their exploits
during the expedition should pass in
to oblivion. 1675 — Fall of Susquehannocks
Chap. VL (Retreat).
"Not so the Susquehannocks. They
left the last place of refuge on the
soil of Maryland with a stinging sense
of injury, a recollection of solemn ob
ligation slighted and of murder yet
unavenged. The voices of their
slaughtered chiefs called upon them
for the sacrifice ol blood and as they
took the leave ol the territory
ol their enemies and crossing the Po
tomac directed their route over the
head ol the Rappahannock, York and
James rivers, the tomahawk lell upon
settler alter settler. Sixty victims
were sacrificed to atone lor the
slaughter ol the heads of their tribe.

One of the sufferers at the head of
the James river was a valued over
seer on a plantation of Nathaniel
Bacon; and it was the murder of this
man, in connection with the distract
ed state of the country which caused
Bacon's application for a commission
to go against the Indians, a part of
whom were Susquehannocks. His
subsequent difficulty with Gov. Berk
ley, his rebellion, and his untimely
death are familiar to all readers of
the colonial history of Virginia.
" The Susquehannocks believing
they have now sacrificed -victims
enough to redeem their own honor
and to appease the angry spirits of
their murdered chiefs are willing to
enter into negotiations with Virginia.
They sent to the governor a remon
strance drawn up by an English in
terpreter of the following purport:
(1) They ask why he (Virginia's
governor) a professed friend, has
taken up arms in behall of Maryland,
their avowed enemies?
(2) They express their regret to
find that the Virginians from friends
have become such violent enemies as
to pursue them even into another
province. (3) They complain that their chiefs
sent out to treat lor peace were not
only murdered but the act was coun
tenanced by the governor.
(4) They declare that seeing no
other way ol satislaction they have ;
killed ten ol the common English lor ;,
each one ol their chiels to make up \
lor the disrotation arising out ol
the difference ol '-ank.
(5) They propose 11 the Virginians
will make them compensation lor the
damages they have sustained by the
attack upon them and withdraw all
aid from Maryland to renew the an
cient league of friendship; otherwise
they and those in league with them
will continue the war so unfairly be
gun and fight it out till the last man
has fallen.

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

"This message to Governor Berkley
notwithstanding its lofty tone made
no impression and elicited no reply,
and the Susquehannocks were left
to fulfill their terrible threat, which
they did to the letter. They succeed
ed in enlisting in their cause several
tribes belore friendly to the Virgin
ians and their allies, and then address
ed themselves with savage earnest
ness to their bloody work. So sud
den were their attacks and so awful
the inhumanities of which they were
guilty that the frontier plantations
were deserted; and it would seem
that even Jamestown itself was not
safe from their attack. (It will be
[remembered that Jamestown was
i burnt during Bacon's rebellion).
"A line of forts was established
along the frontier to prevent their
incursions; but like most similar in-
tempts of the colonists, owing to their
distance from each other, the want of
sufficient garrison they failed entirely
to afford protection. Bands of sav
age marauders watched their oppor
tunity, passed between the forts, • ef
fected their murderous objects, re
passed the lines and were beyond
pursuit before the garrison could be
alarmed and despatched to the point
of assault.
"Yet these were after all the last
desperate efforts of a despairing
people. Few in numbers themselves,
and leagued with feeble tribes they
could only hope to inflict the utmost
injury upon their adversaries with
the certainty of finally perishing as
individuals and as a people in the
contest. Had not Virginia herself
been crippled by a civil controversary
they would have been crushed at
once; but even as it was in the
midst of all its distraction and its
differences with the government,
Bacon found time to avenge those of
his friends and of the province who
had fallen beneath the assaults, and

reassured the desponding colonists.
He swept the country ol the tribe
with whom the Susquehannocks had
leagued themselves, burned their
towns, put a large number to the
sword and dispersed the remainder
The Indians fled belore him, several
tribes perished and those who sur
vived were so reduced as to never
again be able to make a stand.
Ann Cotton's Account, Written 1676.
A very plain an apparently llilt-
erate outline account ol the end ol
the Susquehannocks as a tribe, is
that known as Ann Cotton's account,
written the year alter the happen
ings. It is in the lorm of a letter
and appears in Force's Facts, Vol. 1,
No. 9. It is brief and as follows: '
The Susquehannocks & Marylanders
of friends being ingaged enimyes, &
that the Indians being resolutely
bent not to forsake there forts; it
came to this pointe, yet the Maryland
ers were obliged (finding themselves
too weak to do the worke themselves)
aide of ye Virginians put under the
conduct of one Colonell Washington
(him whom you have sometimes seen
at your house) who being joined by
the Marylanders invests the Indians
in the forts with a negligent siege,
upon which the enemy made small sal-
leys with as many loss to the beseig-
ers, and at last gave them the oppor
tunity to desert the forte, after that
the English had (contrary to ye law
of arms) beat out the brains of 6
grate men sent out to treat a peace;
an action of ill consequence, as it
proved after. Por the Indians having
in the darke slipped through the lea-
gure and in their passage knocked 10
of the beseigers on the head, which
they found fast asleep leaving the
rest to prosecute the siege (as ScorgJ
lug's wife brooding the eggs whichj
the fox has sucked) they resolved to
imploy their liberty in avenging their
commissioners' blood which they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

89

speedly effected in the death of 60
inniscent soules, and then send in
their remonstrance to the governor in
justification of the fact with this ex
postulation annext, demanding what
it was moved the Virginian governor
to take up arms against them, his
professed Iriends, in the behalle ol
Marylanders, their avowed enimyes."
1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks.
Chap. VII. (Slaughter in Virginia).
"Among those who were made to
feel the avenging arm of Bacon was
the homeless remnant of the Susque
hannocks. His residence was on-
the James river at a point called
'Curies' in Henrico county ; and as has
been mentioned his favorite overseer
had been murdered by those savages.
The confidence the frontier settlers
had in his courage and ability made
them anxious to obtain him as leader
against their enemies. He was will
ing to take command of an expedition
but he had no commission from the
Governor, for raising military forces.
After many difficulties a commission
was promised him and he commenced
his preparations but in the midst of
them ascertained the Governor had
acted the part of a hypocrite and did
cot intend to fulfill his promise."
"Roused by the discourteous and
distrustful procedure, Bacon at once
armed his servants and called togeth
er the frontier settlers -ind placing
himself in command went into the
forest to pursue and punish the Sus
quehannocks. Advancing to a village
Occupied by a tribe of the Occonegies
he was received by them in a friendly
manner and informed in regard to
the place where the Susquehannocks
had fortified themselves and perpared
for a desperate resistance in case of
an attack. He pushed forward with
out delay and found them strongly
posted in a rude fort; but this did
not deter him. He led his men to
the assault and after a fierce struggle

succeeded in forcing his way into the
fort and put 70 of the defendants to
the sword. See ("Strange News from
Virginia, — London, 1677," a report of
the affair in a London paper). A
few of the original tribe may have
survived but the information we
possess relative to the diminished
number of the tribe at that period
justifies the conclusion that this
severe blow completed their extinc
tion."
1675 — Fall of the Susquehannocks —
Chap. Vni, (Extinction as
a Tribe).
So disappeared the stout Susque
hannocks from the page of aborigi
nal history. They met the first white
man who set foot on their soil with
firm and unyielding front. They re
sisted for years the attempted nego
tiations and encroachments on their
territory; yet pressed, hard pressed,
at least by powerful enemies of their
own race, they yielded to necessity
and accepted his proffered friendship ;
for a quarter of a century they held
the sacred pledges cf Lord Baltimore,
and kept the peace; during which
time, driven by the Senecas from
their homes they were forced into a
position which brought upon them the
hostility of the people of Maryland;
they accepted proposals for negotia
tions, only to find their leaders en
trapped and put to death; they de
fended themselves bravely in their
strongholds and rather than surrend
er they retreated to another terri
tory, and thereafter sending to the
authorities with a proud and unshak
en spirit the choice between the hand
of friendship and the tomahawk, ac
cepted the latter alternati-ve as that
alone was left to them. Then came
the deadly struggle in the crisis of
which though individuals survived
and were incorporated into other
tribes, as a distinct people they per
ished in a manner most glorious to
their vengeance, in the blaze ol the

90

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

burning mansions, the ruin ol culti
vated estates, with the shriek and the
supplication ol the murdered white
man ringing in their ears and their
hands red wth human blood."
"Yet the act which in the com
mencement ol their difficulties drove
them to extremities and which was in
lact the cause ol their destruction,
was not allowed to pass unrebuked."
1676 — Fall of the Susquehannocks —
Chap. IX. (Attainder of
Major Truman).
"After the return of his detachment
to Virginia, Colonel Washington on
the 5th day of January, 1676 took his
seat as a member of the Assembly. In
his opening address on that occasion.
Governor Berkley alluded to the late
, Indian disturbances and in reference
to the chiefs who had been put to
death at Piscataway, used the follow
ing emphatic language: "If they had
killed my grand-father and my grand
mother, my father and mother and all
my friends, yet if they had come to
treat in peace, they should have gone
In peace." His opinion of the deed
therefore is sufficiently evident; but
whether the mass of the people, im-
bittered as their feelings were by the
recollections ol recent Indian ' out
rages, would have joined him in the
condemnation may be doubted. The
pressure ol events, however and the
necessity lor sell-protection within
and without soon absorbed the atten
tion ol the Governor and Legislature
and the people; and the life or the
death of a few savages became a
minor consideration."
"In Maryland the case was differ
ent. The detachment of Major Tru
man having returned with the excep
tion of one company under Captain
John Allen to guard the frontier,
the murder ol the Susquehannock
chiefs became the subject of public
discussion and legal inquiry.

On May 16, 1676 Major Truman
was arrested by order of the Legisla
ture then in session to answer the
charge of impeachment brought
against him by the lower House,
chp.rging him with having broken his
commission and instructions, in that
he received as friends six Indians
sent out by the Susquehannocks as
Ambassadors to treat with him and
after giving them asurance that there
was no intention of using force
against them and that no damage
should be done to them, their wives
or their children, did without calling
a Council of Mary land officers, in a
barbarous and cruel manner cause
five of the said Indians to be killed
and murdered contrary, to the law of
God and ol Nations."
Depositions having been taken and
witnesses examined lor and against
the accused, he declared through Mr.
BenjaminCrozier his counsel assigned
him that, "He confessed his fault and
did in no way intend to stand upon
his justification," but humbly prayed
permission to read a paper which he
hoped would somewhat extenuate the
force ol the charge brought against
him so that they should not appear
so grievous as in the said impeach
ment they were set forth to be." This
petition was granted. What was
the nature of the justification the
record does not show; but that it
was enough to vindicate him appears
from the fact that after a full hear
ing he was found guilty by unani
mous decision of the Upper House of
having "coimnanded five of the Sus
quehannock Indians that came out to
treat with them to be put to death,
contrary to the law ol Nations and
in violation ol the second Article oL
his instructions by which he was or
dered to entertain any treaty with the
said Susquehannocks."
"The duty now devolved upon the
Lower House ol drawing e bill ol At-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

91

tainder against Major Truman.but al
though it was upon its (the Lower
House) own impeachment that he had
been tried and lound guilty, influenced
as it appears by attenuating circum
stances afterwards brought forward,
that body prepared a bill which
while entitled an Act of attainder, only
proposed a fine instead of the penalty
of death. The Upper House return
ed the bill, remonstrating that it
corresponded neither to the impeach
ment nor to the crime of which the
accused had been found guilty and
insisting that it was due to the Gov
ernment to vindicate it from the
shame and wickedness of countenanc
ing such a deed and urging that
if crimes so heinous deserve no severer
punishment than they inflicted by the
A-Ct, offenses of a lower nature would
not require any. Not only would no
satisfaction be given to the heathens
with whom the public faith had bro
ken but no confidence would be
placed on any treaty which in that
dangerous juncture of affairs might
be offered to the Indians unless such
offense were not only publicly dis
owned but also punished -without sev
erity which it deserved.
The Lower House in reply after re
capitulating the extenuating circum
stances in the case stating its opin-
on that the offense was not premed
itated or out of design to prejudice
the Province but merely out of ignor
ance and to prevent a mutiny of the
whole army refused to modify its
former bill, .whereupon the Upper
House admitting that the crime was
not maliciously perpetrated, denied
that the facts charged as true were
any extenuation; and declaring
anew its abhorrence of the Act re
minded the Lower House that by its
refusal to draw up a bill of Attaind
er in full, it must make itself re
sponsible for the consequences that

might ensue to the people of the Pro
vince. The Lower House did not hesi
tate to take the responsibilty. Un
fortunately the journals for this per
iod are lost and we are left in ignor
ance of what the conclusion of the
controversy was. A petition to his
Lordship in behalf of Truman is
mentioned in the records of the
Lower House lor Tune 12. 1676. Per
haps this was for his pardon and for
this reason, (it may be) the subject is
no more alluded to in the journals
which remain."
"Whatever may have been the de
cision of his Lordship, Charles Cal
vert, or of the Legislature and the
people of that day, there can be little
hesitation at the present in deciding
that the execution of men who came
out as agents to treat for peace with
pledges of peace in their hands, un
armed and trustiiig to repeated as*
surances of safety, was a violation of
the laws of God, of Nations and of
man — a cruel unjustifiable murder."
This is a detailed history of the
battle, retreat and execution of the
Susquehannocks In the Fall and
Winters of 1675 and 1676 given by
Mr. Streeter in his Admiral Paper,
entitled, "The Fall of the Susquehan
nocks" which may be found in the
Historical Society at Philadelphia as
I have stated above.
1676 — Proceedings Against Major
Truman for Slaughterng the
Susquehannock Chiefs.
In Vol. 2 of Md. Archs., page 475,
under the date of May 16, the fol
lowing proceedings in the Lower
House were had: "Ordered that Cap
tain John Alden and Dr. Charles
Gregory do with all expedition make
their appearance before the right
honorable, the Proprietary and his
Honorable Council, sitting in As
sembly to testify the truth of their
knowledge, touching the late barbar-

92

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ous and inhuman murder of five Sus
quehannock Indians; and that the
said Captain Allen give strict com
mand to his Lieutenant to continue
ranging the woods, in his absence."
1676 — Ninian Baell Called as a
Witness.
In the same Volume of the Md.
Archives, page 476 it was "ordered
Ninan Biell do with all expedition
make his appearance before the right
Honorable, the Lord Proprietary and
his Council now sitting, to testify the
truth of his knowledge, touching the
barberous and inhuman murder of
five Susquehanna Indians."
1676 — Questions Decided on to Pro
pound Against Major Truman.
In the same book and at the same
page it is recorded under the date of
May 16, that the following interroga
tories, concerning the late expedition
against the Susquehannock Indians
should be propounded to John
Shankes and other witnesses to be
examined: "(2) Whether the said Major Tru
man with the forces at his command
was at the North side ol the Pisca
taway Creek and did these expect and
meet the Virginians?"
"(2) Whether the said Major Tru
man consulted with, his officers and
those of Virginia or held any dis
course or treaty with those Susque
hannock Indans which came out of
the Forte: also whether it was with
the knowledge of any of his officers
that he treated and endeavored to
make the Susquehannocks believe he
xutended no harm or disturbance to
^hem, and what officers or others he
knows were present when orders
were given by the Major for putting
those great men to death?"
"(3) Whether he knows at any
time the officers of Virginia did de
sire or put Major Truman upon any

design, pressing him to employ his
soldiers about or upon any service
during the siege; and if Major Tru
man did any time execute anything
at their request by reciving instruc
tions and directions from them? "
"(4) Whether did Major Truman
bid the Susquehannocks not to fear
him or tell them that he came only
to seek the Senecas and that he
would lodge that night hard by them,
ther wives and children not to be
afraid; or that any other expression
to that effect was made by him?"
"(5) What former articles of Peace
or amity did the Susquehannocks
ever produce to Major Truman?"
"(6) Did the Susquehannocks ever
show a medall (medal) of silver,
v/ith a black and yellow ribbon?"
"(4) Did they show said ribbon
and medal as a pledge of amity
given them by the former Governor
of this Province and was the said
medal given to Major Truman or to
any other Englishmen, or was it
carried back again into the Porte?
(Note: — When they gave it up war
was meant).
"(8) Did Major Truman stay on
the North side of the Piscataway
Creek till the Virginians came thith
er or did he there treat with them,
concerning the management of the
war against the Susuesannocks? "
"(9) Did the Susuehannocks ever
offer any treaty of Peace or desire to
continue friendship ; and whether did
Major Truman ever demand satisfac
tion from them for any injustice done
or tell them they were the persons
which we suspected had injured us?"
At the same time it was "ordered
that for the more expeditious return
of the examinations of John Shankes
to the several interrogatories on the
murder of the Susquehannocks, that
Mr. Russell is hereby empowered to
presse boat and hands and other

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

93

necessaries to the said expedition."
This shows that Shankes was at
some distance, and, at this time
and these interrogatories lor him to
answer were being sent to him: — ¦
See this in Vol. 2 ol Md. Archives, p.
477. 1676- Answer of the Witness Against
Major Truman for Killing
the Susquehannock Chiefs.
Under the date of May 19 in Vol,
2 of the Md. Archives at Page 481,
the answer to these interrogatories
are set forth as follows: "The an-
sv/er ol John Shankes to said inter
rogatories: — This deponent saith
that he was with the Maryland lorces
being at the lort of the Susquehan
nocks on the Sabbath day. He was
sent up to the Fort to desire one of
the great men by name, Harignera, to
come and speak with Major Truman,
and the said Harignera being dead
this deponent desired some other
great men to come and speak with
the said Major: upon which message
of his, there came out 3 or 4 olthem
and this deponent was commanded by
the said Major Truman to tell them
of the great injuries that had been
done to the country and that he
came to know who they were that
had done it. And the great men re
plied that it was the Senecas; and
this deponent saith that there being
present other Indians from other
towns, the Major desired some of
their young men to assist as pilots
as well as the neighboring Indians
had done to join in the pursuit
against the Senecas. And the said
Indians replied that the Senecas had
been gone four days at this time they
might be at the head ol the Patapsco
River; to which Major Truman re
turned Xhat he had good horses and
as they were good lootmen and they
they should go with him, and the

said Indians replied that they would.
This deponent lurther saith that in
the morning lollowing, the Susque
hannock great men being at the
place of meeting belore the Mary
landers and Virginians more highly
than belore taxed them ol the in
juries done by them in Maryland and
Virginia; and they utterly denied the
same. Thereupon this deponent was
commanded to declare to them that
they should be bound; and this de
ponent saith further that there was
an old paper and medal showed by
these Indians and they did say in the
very first day, in the evening thereof,
that the same was a pledge ol peace
given and left with them by the for
mer Governor as a token ol amity
and Iriendship as long as the Sun and
Moon should last. And this deponent
saith that to the best ol his remem
brance all the Virginian officers were
present when the Indians were
bound; and this deponent saith that
the first night of meeting with the
said Susquehannocks, he was ordered
to declare to them that Major Tru
man did believe the Senecas had done
the mischief, and not they and that
he was well satisfied therein.
1676 — Testimony of Captain Allen,
Another Witness Against
Truman.
This testimony is reported also in
Vol. 2 of the Md. Archives, Page 482
and it is as follows: — Touching the
murder of the Susquehannock In
dians Captain John Allen being
sworn and affirmed and examined
saith, that about the 25th or 26th of
September on Sunday morning, the
Maryland forces appeared before the
Forte under command of Major Tru
man, who sending Hugh French and
another to the Forte, there came out
two or three of the Indians and more
afterwards to the number of 30 or 40

94

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

and the Major examined them con
cerning the mischief that was done to
Mr. Hanson and others and if
they knew what Indians they were
that did it, and they fold him it was
the Senecas, during which discours-e
with the Major there came over
Colonel Washington, Colonel Mason
and Major Alderton ; and they likewise
taxed them with the murders done on
their side (in Virginia) by them; but
they made the same reply as to
Major Truman that it was none of
them. So when they found that they
could get nothing out of them, then
they made it appear that three ofthe
said Susquehannocks were those that
did the murder on the other side.
On Monday morning early the
Major commanded Mr. Good and two
or three ranks of men, whereof him
self was one, to go to the house ol
Mr. Randolph Hanson to see if tbe
Indians had plundered it, and if they
lound any ammunition to bring it
away,which accordingly they' did and
after the return to the forte, the de
ponent saw six Indians guarded with
the Marylanders and Virginians and
the Major with the Virginia officers,
sitting upon a tree some distance
from them and after some while they
all arose and came toward the In-
ians and caused them to be bound;
and after some time they talked again
and the Virginia officers would have
knocked them on the head in the
place presently; and particularly
Colonel Washington said,'Why should
we keep them any longer; let us
knock them on the head. We shall
get the Porte today.' But the depon
ent saith that Major Truman did not
admit of it but was overswayed by
the Virginia officers; and after fur
ther discourse the Indians were car
ried out from the place where they
were bound and they knocked them
on the head."

1676— The Articles of Impeachment
Against Major Truman.
The witnesses having given the
above testimony, the Lower House
now considered they had sufficient
reason to prefer Articles of Impeach
ment against Major Truman. These
articles are found in Vol. 2 of Md,
Archives, Page 485.
"May 20th, Articles of Impeachment
in the Lower House: — We, your
Lordship's most humble, true, faith
ful and obedient people, the Burgess
es and Delegates in your Lower
House in Assembly being constrained
by necessity for our fidelity and con
science in vindication of the Honor
of God, of the Honor and wellare o$
your Lordship and this Province, do
complain and shew that the said
Major Thomas Truman, late Com
mander-in-chief upon an expedition
against the Indians at the Susque
hanna Forte, hath by many and sun
dry ways and means committed
divers and sundry enormous crimes
and offenses to the dishonor ol Al
mighty God, against the laws of
Nations, contrary to your Lordship's
commission and instructions and to
the great endangering of our Lord
ship's peace and the good and safety
of your Lordship's Province, accord
ing to the Articles hereafter men
tioned, that is to say:
We find upon the reading your
Lordship's commission and instruc
tions and affidavits, which we herein
send to your Lordship and to the Up
per House of Assembly and which we
humbly submit to your Lordship's
examinations and serious considera
tion." "(1) That the said Major Truman
hath broken his commission and in
structions in this — that the said Ma
jor Thomas Truman having received
6 Indians sent out by the Susque
hannocks as ambassadors to treat

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

?5

-witli him; on Sunday, after the ar
rival of the Maryland forces; and
received their paper and medal by
which we find they were received as
-Iriends and in amity with us and had
liberty ol going back to t'he fort and
were assured that no intention of
'force was to be used against tbem;
and that no damage should be done
'to them, their wi-ves or children; and
•that they did that night go into the
Forte; and the next morning did re
turn again with the like number, only
an Indian changed; and supposed to
«ome on purpose to treat and not in
any hostile manner; yet tb.e said Ma
jor Thomas Truman, without caUing
any Council of Warre ol your Lord
ship's officers under his command as
ihe ought to have done, did in a bar
barous and cruel manner cause five
of the said Indians to be killed and
murdered, contrary to the laws of
<God and Nations and coatrary to
your Lordship's commission and in
structions" :
"(2) That the said Major Truman
ought, according to your Lordship's
instructions, to have acquainted your
Lordship before he caused the said
Indians to be executed, for our Lord
ship's advice and directions, in the
case wiiich we do not find he did":
"(3) That he hath broken your
Lordship's instructions in this alsoe,
that if the Virginia officers did advise
and consent to the killing of said In
dians, that he did not in an open
Council of Warre cause the same
judicially to be entered, in writing by
his clerk pr Secretary and such the
desire and consent of the Virginians
for the doing thereol, to be signed
under their hands and to be kept lor
justification of hims-elf and the people
ol tills Province."
"Therefore for that by the said Ar
ticle it appears that the said Major
Thomas Truman hath broken his
commission and instructions in mur

dering the said Indians, t-o the dis
honor of God and of your Lordship
and this Province. They humbly
pray that your Lordship and the Up
per House of Assembly will take such
action with the said Major Thomas
Truman as may be just and reason
able In terror of others to beware in
the future ; and your Lordship's most
humble and obedient servants as in
duty bound shall daily pray for your
Lordship's long and liappy dominion
over us, etc."
1676 — Appearance and Answer of Ma
jor Thomas Truman,
In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Archives
at Page 494, Truman's answer to his
impeacliment appears as follows:
"Saturday, May 27th, the Upper
House met in the afternoon. Major
Thomas Truman having oa notice
given him on Thursday last to pre
pare for his trial this afternoon,
being called did make his appearance
and the Articles of Impeachment
against the said Thomas Truman
being and alter this the several de
positions annexed thereto, which al
so were sworn to by the 'deponents in
the presence and the hearing of Ma
jor Thomas Truman, Mr. Keneline
Chisledyne, his Lordship's Attorney-
General, Colonel William Berages,
Mr. Robert Cailvile and Mr. W,
Stephens, according to a preceding
order ol the Lower House did man
age the said Impeachment and urge
the several evidences against the
said Major Truman. And the said
Major by Mr. Benjamin Crozier, his
counsel assigned to him, did confess
and declare that the said Major did
no way intend to stand upon his jus
tification. After the confession and
declarations the said Major by his
said cousel did humbly ^ pray that
this House would admit the reading
of a certain paper which the said Ma-

95

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

jor hoped would somewhat extenuate
and mitigate the crimes before by
him confessed, so that they should
not appear so grievous and enor
mous as in the said impeachment
they were held forth to be. And the
said Major Thomas Truman by his
said counsel was permitted to make
a defense, whereupon and upon full
hearing on both sides and after read
ing of the said Major's commission
and instructions from his Lordship
and counsel, it was put to the ques
tion whether Major Truman be
guilty ol impeachment exhibited
against him, which the Lower House
voted nemine contradicione (unani
mously) that the said Major Thomas
Truman is guilty of the first Article
of Impeachment for commanding five
of the said Susquehannocks that came
out of the Forte to treat with him to
be put to death, contrary to the law
of Nations; and the second Article
of his Instructions by which he was
ordered to entertain any treaty with
the said Susquehannocks."
"Upon which vote it was ordered
that a messenger be sent from this
House to the Lower House to desire
them to draw up a Bill of Attainder
against Major Thomas Truman."
1676-8111 of Attainder Against Ma
jor Thomas Truman.
In the second Vol. of the Md. Arch.
page 500 it is set forth, "May 31st, the
Lower House sent up a Bill ol At
tainder against Truman," which did
not please the Upper House as the
following items now show.
The Act ol Assembly lormulating
the Bill ol Attainder is lost. It does
not appear in any of the Archives
and therefore, the contents of it, we
can not give, however it will be
gathered ff om what now follows that
the penalty prescribed in it was that
Truman should be fined simply there

in but not be put to death.
1676— The Upper House Now Con
sider the Bill of Attainder and
the Punishment of Tru
man.
In the same book and page last
cited, the action by the Upper House
upon the punishment of Truman is
set out as follows:
"Then was taken into consideration
the Bill of Attainder against Major
Thomas Truman sent up from the
Lower House yesterday; and upon
serious consideration and debate
thereupon this House do judge that
the Act drawn up against Major Tru
man does in no way answer or justily
the said Impeachment upon which it
was grounded, lor that in said im
peachment the said Truman stands
charged of crimes committed against
the laws of God and of Nations, this
Province as also against the commis
sion and instructions given him, viz.:
for the barbarous cruelty in causing
to be put to death and murdered the
five Indians — of which he being
found guilty, the punishment per-
scrdibed in the said Act of Attainder
does no way agree nor answer the
nature of the offense. It being
greatly dishonorable as well as un
safe and dangerous to lay any fine
in such cases and where such horrid
crimes have been committed."
That the Lower House of Assembly
having laid the Impeachment so high
and no higher than the nature of the
crime well deserved it will be much
wondered at by those who shall hear
and view our proceedings with so
slender and slight a punishment
being no more than what crimes of
a more inferior nature might have
deserved; that by the Act of Attainder
the Government will not sufficiently
be cleared nor have it made appear
to the world how much the wicked-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

97

ness of that action is detested and
dishonored by us, nor in any sort
will the Lower House of Assembly
make out that great sense which in
fheir Impeachment they have ex
pressed to have of that action, and
which may much concern the inter
est and safety ol the Government. It
will not give any satisfaction to the
heathen with whom the public faith
hath been broken; and until such ac
tions are not in a more public man
ner dishonored that the Indians may
take notice thereof, it is not to be
expected that any faith or credit will
be given to any treaties, we shall
have with them in this dangerous
juncture of affairs; and the country
will stand in need of, and on which
seems in some measure depend, as
the Lower House of Assembly were
of the opinion when they sent the
paper in answer to captain Allen's
longer ranging.
"And so all authority will become
ridiculous and contemptible. In fine
by this Act the Lower House of As
sembly will have owned the actions
of the said Truman more than (as
they ought to have done) detested
and abhorred them, and so render
the Government odious to all people
that shall become acquainted with
the prceedings."
From all this it is evident that
what the Lower House did was to
attaint Truman so that his property
should be forfeited and that his
blood should be corrupted, that any
future property that he acquires
could not pass to his children at his
death but go to the Province of
Maryland. This they considered a
grievous punishment and they added
to it simply a fine. The Upper House
felt that the offense was too greivous
and of too dangerous a character to
the Province to let Truman off so
easily, and they demanded that he

should either suffer death or a long
term of inprisonment and did not
agree to join in the bill passed by the
Lower House in order that it might
become law; so the proceedings were '
broken. 1676-The Lower House Further Con
tend in Truman's Favor.
The Lower House's ans-wer may be
found in Vol. 2 of the Mary land. Ar
chives, page 501, dated June 2nd, as
follows:. — "This paper being read in
the Lower House and the debate re
sumed in this House touching the
said Bill of Attainder, it was voted
nem. con. (unanimously) that the said
Major Truman for his crime does not
deserve death in regard that several
circumstances that appeared at his
hearing or trial do extenuate his
crime very much as the unanimous
consent of the Virginians and the
general impetuosity of the whole
field, as well Marylanders as Vir
ginians upon the sight of Christians
murdered at Mr. Hanson's, and the
very Indians that were there, (Susque
hannocks) killed being proved to be
the murderers both of them and
several other Christians and in re
gard also that it apears to this
House that the said crime was not
maliciously perpetrated or out of any
design to prejudice the Province but
merely out of ignorance and in pre
vent a mutiny of the whole army, as
well Virginia as Maryland. Where
fore this House do not think fit to
recede from their former vote."
1676-Final Reply of the Upper House,
Insisting on Severe Punishment
for Major Truman.
The Upper House adhered to its de
mand that Truman should be severe
ly punished and in Vol. 2 of the Md.
Archives, Page 503, under the date of
June 3rd, it is set forth in answer
by the Upper House to the Lower
House, read on June 2nd, touching the

98

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Bill entitled An Act of Attainder, etc.,
"His Lordship and this House do cfin-
ceive it not safe for them to vote the
killing of the five Indian or Susque
hannock Ambassadors not. murder;
for to them and all the world it does
and will certainly appear the great
est murder that hath ever been com
mitted. The unanimous consent of
the Virginians, if true does in no way
alter the nature of the crime; nor
since the said Truman had instruc
tions plain enough to have made him
abominated and abhorred so black
an action can as little serve for an
extenuation thereof. And whereas,
in the said paper for a further exten
uation it is signified that the Major
to prevent a mutiny pf the whole
army was compelled and drawn to
that action, this House are ol an
other opinion, for at the said Tru
man's trial it did so plainly appear
that his flrst commands for killing
those Indians were not obeyed and
that he had some difficulty to get
his men to obey him therein. And
that after they were put to death not
a man owned to have had a hand in
it but seemed rather to abhor the act
and until now hath been termed by
all persons (those that were in its
execution only excepted) the most
execrable of murders.
"That the crime was not malicious
ly perpetrated as to authority, this
House doth believe; but that it was
done treacherously and that in it a
great and unheard of wickedness was
committed, can not be denied by the
Lower House; and whether by that
action the province will not be pre
judiced and many English be murder
ed, his Lordship and this House leave
to the future consideration of the
Lower House, — no way pressing them
to recede from their so positive vote,
only desiring them that they will take
notice that what is now undone lies

at their doors and not with us, who
are positive of this, that his Lord
ship's Upper House dare not and
therefore resolve not to proceed up
on an act which only bears the title
of an Act of Attainder."
In this the Upper House plainly
say to the Lower House that if the
Lower House insist on so light a
punishment for so grievous a crime
that the Upper House absolutely re
fuse to join in the Act or allow it to
become a law and that the Lower
House may do as they choose and the
Upper House will throw all the re
sponsibility for its effect on the Pro
vince at the doors of the Lower
House. The result of all this was that Ma
jor Truman remained some time in
jail and as no law was passed to flx
his punishment, eventually he was let
go; and that was the end of it.
1676— A. L. Guss's View of the Sus
quehannocks aud Their Position
During This Struggle.
Among the effects of the late Sam
uel Evans of Columbia, was found a
letter dated March 16, 1883, written.
to him by Prof. A. L. Guss whom I
have before mentioned and in it he
says, "The Susquehannocks that
visited Smith in 1608 were beyond
Iroquois. I do not mean of the Five
Nations but of that stock, and spoke
a dialect of that language they bore
the same relation to the 'River
Indians' on the Delaware that the Mo
hawks did to the Hudson River In
dians. I have no doubt that prior
to Smith's days and afterwards they
were confederated with other tribes
on the Upper Susquehanna River
and branches in manner similar to
the Five Nations. The Minquas who
captured the three Dutchmen in 1616\
lived on the Susquehanna River abput
Tioga and there were brought down
by them by the i river to the mouth of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

99

the Schuylkill where Hendrickson
ransomed them — Vol. 2, Pa. Archives
Page 11. When Champlain in 1614
made his expedition on the Ononda
goes' Fort these Minquas were called
Carantowns and were a powerful foe
just at the gates of the confederates.
When in 1640 the Dutch began to
arm 'The Five Mohawk Nations' with
guns and furnish them ammunition,
they soon wrought a great change in
the several tribes of the valleys of
the Upper Susquehanna. The Five
Nations had two wars with the Min
quas, first 1662-3 and second in
1675-6 'The second time we were
at war with them we carried them
all off' — See Treaty at Lancaster,
1744. The assertion of writers that
prior to 1600 in a ten years' war the
Susquehannocks nearly obliterated
the Mohawks is a great mistake. The
Jesuit writers said the "Andastes" and
the word then was not identical with
Smith's Susquehannocks. The fact
is the Susquehannocks were des
cended most nearly from the Mo
hawks, and the Mohawks took no
'¦ part in their subjugation in 1676, nor
did they even attend the Treaty in
Lancaster in 1744., when payment
was demanded for the 'Conquest
Lands.' It was the Senecas and
Cayugas who "passionately desired
it," that is, their subjugation. This
throws great light on the Susque
hanna land question. When the arm
ed Five Nations' people came to war
with the Susquehannocks, alias Min-
quays, alias . Conestoga, they found
them partly armed by the Swedes
and the Marylanders and able to hold
their own; and in fact in 1662-1663
they gave the Western confederates
by far the worst of the conflict. But
decimated by small pox and de
serted by Maryland, they at last
had to succumb. The English had
to adopt the Dutch tactics. (See
Second Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5,

pp. 538 to 541). They pledged them
selves not to hate the Ondiakes (An
dastes) with whom they were then
still at war and the Five Nations af
terwards rnade the English promise
accomodation, that is protection in
case they got worsted in their fight
with the 'Three Nations above men
tioned.' This proves how tremend
ously they feared even this remnant
of the Andastes, for they 'proposed'
these articles and the English felt
friendly to the Minquas but dared 'to
promise them nothing, it not being
proper as not in our power', (See
Sec. Series of Pa. Arch., Vol. 5, pp.
676-678-681-682-686 and 687. The
remnant became a tributary out
post." I cite this letter from Mr. Guss be
cause of his acknowledged learning
and because it gives an additional
view of this discussion of the tribal
power of the. Susquehannocks in
1676.1676— Maryland Gives Presents to
the Indians, who Helped to De
feat the Susquehannocks.
In the Second Maryland Archives,
p. 489, it is set down that the House
"voted that corn, powder, shot and
match-coats be purchased and forth
with be delivered to the friendly In
dians by way of gratification for the
services done by the said Indians in
the late war against the Susquehan
nocks and that the match-coats dis
tributed to the number and in the
manner following, viz.: to the Pisca
taways, 80 — to the Chopticos, 30— to
the Mattawoman, 30 — to the Man-
gern, 10 — in all 150. The powder, 45
pounds — the shot 150 pounds and the
corn 100 barrels."
Susquehannocks Desire Peace Again
With Maryland.
In the 15th Maryland Archives, p.
120, we find the following overtures

100

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

made by the Susquehannocks and
suspiciously received by Maryland.
This was toward the end of July or
the beginning of August and on that
subject the following appears, as
showing the Views of Coimcil. "At
a Council held Sunday, August 6: —
Letters from Nathaniel Stiles and
Jonathan Sibly which bring intelli
gence of some Susquehannock In
dians being at the head of the bay
(Chesapeake) and more upon their
march thither and of their desires
and designs of peace with us and their
intentions for (to go to) St. Mary's
for the purpose of protection (were
read) from which news we believe it
is probable from their conditon in
Virginia, fom whence it is supposed
they come (that) they wthout doubt
were in the incendaries of the mis
chief which makes them desperate by
either the neighbornig Indians being
likely to do them no good by war. This
occasioned these Susquehannocks to
leave them and return to their own
fields and habitations; and like
wise that they have made peace with
their old enemyes (the Senecas), their
prentensions for peace is a matter
of weighty consideration.
It Is probable ' that these Susque
hannocks have not only blown the
coals but made the fire and the flame
of troubles that now burns in the
breast and in the bowels of our
neighbors, the Virginians, to our great
sorrow and grief. To make peace
with these Susquehannocks is a mat
ter dubious and worthy of good
consultation and requires correspon
dence with Virginia. But it may be
in no ways inconsistent to treat with
these Susquehannocks and to send
them and Jacob Young as protection.
And for a meeting at Mr. Mertyes's
is ordered."
1676 — Susquehannocks Make Partial
Peace Again With tlie Senecas.
In Vol. 15 of the Md. Arch., p. 122,

it is stated in a letter that "word was
received from the head of the bay,that
the Susquehannock Indians have gone
back to their old Port about 60 miles
above Palmer's Island and have been
there so long that they have corn fit
to roast." In the same letter it is
stated that "a peace was made last
summer between the Susquehannocks
and the Senecas so that they are
now at ease and out of our reach."
This apparently fixes the time when
the Susquehannocks again got back
on the River and when they began
to be friendly with the Senecas again.
1676 — New Light Upon the Location
ol the Susquehannock Fort.
In Vol. 15 of the«Md. Archives, p.
122, it is stated that the Susquehan
nock Indians have returned to their
old fort "about 60 miles above Pal
mer's Island." Palmer's Island is
practically a few miles below the
mouth of the Susquehanna River.
According to the Pennsylvania rail
road map Columbia is 43% miles
from Perryville. Now if Palmer's
Island is 15 miles below the mouth
of the Susquehanna River, this would
bring a point of 60 miles above Pal
mer's Island in the neighborhood of
Columbia, a couple of miles below
which has generally been accepted
as the location of the old Fort. How
ever, it depends on how near 60
miles mentioned in the letter is the
accurate number of miles.
1676 — Edmund Andros Encourages
the Susquehannocks fo Reurn
to Pennsylvania.
In 1674 James, Duke of York re
ceived from his brother, the King of
England, among other lands, a grant
of the territory from the Connecti
cut River to the Delaware River; and
on July 1, 1674 he gave a commission
to Edmund Andros to be Governor
over it, (Second Ser. PA. Arch., Vol.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

101

¦5, p. 639). And November 5, 1675
Edmund Andros began to buy from
the Indians lands west of the Dela-
wrare River, (Do. p. 673), and con
tinued buying until he owned a great
deal of land extending from Dela
ware River westward toward the Sus
quehanna River. Then hearing of
the hard fate of the Susquehannocks,
by a letter from Captain Cantwell on
the Delaware, and hearing about
them coming northward again to
ward Susquehanna, at a Council held
July 28, 1676 it was resolved (Do. p.
681), "to write to Captain Cantwell
still to encourage the coming of those
Indians, till when not to promise
anything to them, but if they desire
it, the Governor will endeavor a
composure of all things iri Maryland
and a perfect peace with the Maques
an Sinnekes (Senecas), after which
the said Indians (Susquehannocks)
may return to their lands as they
shall think good.
^'If the said Indians do comply, that
Captain Cantwell to give notice of it
to the Governr here, and to the Gov
ernor of Maryland ,and let them
know that the Governor hath given
him the said order, thinking it the
greatest service, he could do them, so
to take in the said Indians, — lest go
ing to the Maques and Senekes, they
inight induce them to make inroads,
'upon the Christians, which none of
MS could remedy.
If the said Indians will come in,
that he give notice (ask) where they
are most inclinable to go, for the pre
sent, being either at the Falls, or the
middle of the River at Delaware."
So the Susquehannocks now find
new Iriends — the Governor ol New
York and his people, owners of all
the land Irom Connecticut River al
most to the Susquehanna. The ruler
ol these new Iriends now asks the
Susquehannocks to come under his
protection on the west side ol Dela

ware River either at Trenton Palls
or higher or lower until he shall
compel the Maques and Senecas to
make peace wlQi them, when he pro
mises they may go back to their old
lands on Susquehanna. This invita
tion was given by Edmund Andros
July 28, 1676.
1670— The Su'squehannocks Again
Back to Their OM Pteoe on the
Susquehanna River.
In a communication found in the
5 Md. Archives, i>p. 134-135, in a com
plaint dated Aug., 1676 by prominent
citizens of Virginia, it is stated among
other thngs that "the Susquehannock
Indians returned meanwhile to the
Susquehanna River again, and cutoff
several families at the head of the
Bay and thus all the Indians are en
couraged, who call the Christians
cowards and chUdren to fight with.
But the Governor of Baltimore to
cloak his policy with an Assembly,
condemned his Major Truman linto a
fine of 10,000 pounds ol tobacco and
imprisonment during pleasure for
having suffered the five Susquehan
nock Indians to be killed, notwith
standing the A^ssembly cleared Tru
man, upon the producing of Lord
Baltimore's order, yet to keep the
people from complaining to England
he keeps this all a secret."
167B— Word Sent to Virginia that
Maryland Will Make Peace with
thae Susquehannocks.
On the 6th of August, 1676 it was
ordered by Maryland that a letter be
sent to the Governor of Virginia to
give him notice that the Deputy Gov
ernors and Council ol Maryland are
"upon making tenns ol peace with
the Susquehannocks which may be
lor the salety as well of that Govern
ment as of the Province, which is as
followeth Irom said letter: ''We have
lately received intelligence Irom the

102

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

head of the Bay that the Susquehan
nock Indians have resided at their
old Port about 60 miles above Pal
mer's Island for so many months that
they now have com fit to roast; that
thej"- shortly expect the remainder of
their troops and as many of the
western Indians near or beyond the
mountains as they have been able to
pursue to come and live with them.
We are further informed that by, the
means of Colonel Andrews with the
Govemor of New York a peace was
made last summer between them and
their old enemies, the Senecas so that
they are now at ease and out of our
reach. Notwithstanding this they
have applied themselves to Captain
Edward Cantwell the Deputy Gover
nor of New Castle and requesting a
peace and trade as formerly with the
English and in order to come down
with Captain Cantwell and Jacob
Young, our interpreter, to the house
of Mrs. Margaret Penroy at the head
of the Bay near Palmer's Island and
from thence sent a pass to come
down to St. Mary's. We have there
fore sent them safe conduct to come
down and treat with us.' " (See
15th Maryland Archives, p. 122).
1676 — Maryland Council Send a
letter to Lord Baltimore About
Peace With the Susque
hannocks.
On page 123 of Vol. 15 of the Md.
Archives there is set forth a letter by
the Council of Maryland to Lord
Baltimore to let him know of their
Intentions of a treaty with the Sus
quehannocks and advising him of af
fairs in Virginia. It is as follows: —
"May it please your Lordship: — At a
council held this day (Aug. 6, 1676)
at Manakowick's Neck, we have con
sidered the overtures of the Susque
hannocks for a peace deeming it a
blessing for God unhoped for, we
thought it not to be slighted; and

therefore sent a passport to them
and Jacob Young the interperter to
come and to and return safe from the
treaty to be held at Murtyes, at any
time within one month and we have
written to Berkley and a Council of
Virginia to give hm notice. So stand
your affairs now with the Indians but
as to the English under Colonel
Bacon, they stand not so fair; for we
have cause to suspect he intends to
embroil the Province in a warre; and
that he will make pursuit of the Pis
cataways his pretense to enter here
and use young Guiles Brent and his
vain title to his mother's crown and
sceptre of the Piscataways, as his
father used the phrase it and other
desperate persons in those parts, to
bring on disquiet here." This needs
no comment except to notice that
while everything was going in the
direction of peace in Maryland, it was
quite otherwise in Virginia.
1676 — Maryland Advises the Other
Tribes to Make Peace With
the Susquehannocks
In Vol. 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
126, the following complaint is set
forth. The Emperor of Piscataway
and the King of the Mattawoman In
dians came to council and it was or
dered to tell them "that the Susque
hannocks have sent to us to make
peace and if we think it fit to make
Peace with them, we will certainly
include the Piscataways and Matta
woman Indians in it. And since they
are unwilling to have us make peace
with the Susquehannocks though we
include them in it, let them be asked
whether they will march with the
English to the New Fort they have
built and likewise pursue the Susque
hannocks and be obedient to the Eng
lish commanders with whom they
have been ordered to march. They
observed by Schotickeko, their speak
er, that they are ready to go.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

103

Here we see that the English in
Maryland did not have exactly the
smoothest sailing in getting the gen
eral peace established.
1676- Maryland Citizens Loudly Com
plain of the Treatment of the
Susquehannocks.
In a communication dated the eighth
day of August, this year there is a
complaint to Lord Baltimore against
the action in both Virginia and Mary
land concerning the Susquehannocks
and in the course of the complaint the
authors say, "Old Governor Berkley,
altered by marrying a young wife
from a wonted public good to a cove
tous fool's age, relishes Indian pre
sents so well that the Indian blood is
pukketted up with other mischiefs in
so much that his lady would have it,
though it would overthrow the coun
try. Now there is an opportunity to
give Virginia a good blow by Maryland
Indians on account of the Piscata
ways have gone over to the Virginia
to do mischief. The Piscataways
have united the Susquehannocks to
their assistance, whereby a greater
incursion being feared and unforseen.
Gov. Berkley was persuaded to send
Colonel Washington and Allerton to
cut them off. At least they raised a
force above 1000 men to protect the
Province and so burdened Virginia to
destroy them and therefore ordered
Major Truman to besiege the fort
which might have easily been taken,
being not quite finished and not 100
fighting men in it besides women and
children. And thus the soldiers
were misled and intrentched and the
Susquehannocks sent out five men
whom the soldiers knowing to be
some of the murderers, would not let
come to the treaty but killed them.
And thus were 5 or 6 weeks spent
to consume the King's subjects and
put both Provinces to an increased
charge and a general alarm for the

Indians often sallied out killing
many and took their spa.des and
arms and made themselves stronger
and stronger. They "kroak" that
shameful siege ( Susquehannock
Fort) up with the loss of above 200
soldiers and thirteen hundred thous
and lbs. of tobacco to the country be
sides Virginia charge; the Indians
but losing now and then one by
chance, and in Virginia afterwards
they (Susquehannocks and others)
destroyed 500 or 600 men, women and
children without resistance, until
Squire Bacon moved by the people's
and his own loss repulsed the Indians
which hath taken full effect, if not
hindered by some ill-wishers, who
have brought the country into the
present confusion." This is quoted
simply to show that issatisfaction had
arisen by reason of the treatment ol
the Susquehannocks as above set
lorth. (See 5 Md. Archives, pp. 134-
135).
1676 — Edmund Andros Criticizes the
Raising of False Alarms About
the Susquehannocks.
Under the date ol August 11, 1676
at one ol the Council meetings held
under Andros, having received a let
ter Irom the Delaware ol the alarm
given by Mr. Herpan's letter, "re
solve to send a check or rebuke to
Captain Cantwell lor making so rash
an alarm but to advise that he be
not careless, and that he send lorth
with to the Susquehannocks to know
their intent about their coming in
(joning in a Iriendly way with the
English) which if they do not, — then
to be careful to promise them noth
ing; it not being proper as not in our
power, and if they do come in, it
be to live peaceable, as the rest of
the Government doth." (See Second
Ser. Pa. Archives, Vol. 5, p. 682). In
this we observe efforts are still being
made by the English, who are now
owners of the Delaware and of much

104

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

land which they bought from the In
dians, almost to the Susquehanna,
looking toward bringing the Susque
hannocks into complete friendship
with them. Edmund Andros seemed
to be a sincere Iriend of these In
dians. 1676 — Andros's Instructions to Cap
tain Collyer on the Delaware
and Susquehanna.
In the last quoted book, p. 686, un
der the date of September 23 of this
year there is set forth several in
structions from Andros to Captain
Collier from the management ol In
dian affairs in eastern Penngylvania,
and among them is this instruction
that he (Collier) is to acquaint the
Governor of Maryland "with the
great inconvenience that hath been
bound Eastward by the several na
tions of Indians joining, whereby the
late mischiefs have happened; and
that the Christians have received a
greater service from the Maques and
other Indians above Albany; they
therefore desire their resolves about
the Suspuehannocks and to acquaint
them that he wishes to admit them
within the Government, rather than
hazard their being obliged to refuge
with a grudge In their hearts, fur
ther away and out of our reach." The
instruction further goes on and says :
"but the Susquehannocks having had
warr with Maryland, though now in
peace, I have delayed making this
conclusion, though it will be of ad
vantage to all" The instructions
then further state, "the Susquehan
nocks are to be used friendly and as
many as will are to come to me at
this place (New York), lor which all
ireedom and lurtherance is extended
to them; and let them know it is
their good hearts and not riches that
I value, therelore they need not
trouble themselves about presents"

feeling which Edmund Andros had
for the Susquehannocks.
Further steps in this matter ap
pear by the lollowing extracts Irom
a letter sent by Endmund Andros,
Governor of Maryland, dated the 25th
of September, 1676 and found in the
last named book, p. 687. "If some
course be not speedily taken they
( The Susquehannocks ) must all
necessarily submit to the Min-
ques and Senecas who passionately
desire it; but it would prove of a
bad consequence. I have therefore
dispatched Captain Collyer to you to
let you know if I inay be service
able to you therein to employ me and
whether you judge the late peace
with Susquehannocks sufficient, their
continuing where they now are or
being removed from these parts best.
I have some interest with the Maques
and Senecas and I can best deal with
them; but some speedy resolution is
necessary as it will concern the
peace of all his Majesty's subjects
in these parts." (Signed) Edmund
Andros." This shows that con
stant watchfulness was required to
prevent the now beaten Susquehan
nocks from being utterly exterminat
ed by or assimilated, with other In
dians of powerful tribes.

1676— A Small Encounter Between
the Senecas and Susquehannocks.
In a letter found in the 5~th Md.
Archives, pp. ' 152-153 reference is
made to "a small encounter" in the
beginning of last December (1676)
between the Senecas and Susquehan
nocks in which the writer says that
"the most considerable affair that I
am about to acquaint you with is
about the Seneca and Susquehan
nock Indians who have had at the be
ginning of December, last a small en
counter at Jacob Young's house,

I cite this merely to show the good 1 which intelligence cams to me by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

105

Tuesday night last, (Jan., 1677) ; up
on which I have taken the .most ef
fectual care I could at present for
the security of Baltimore and Cecil
counties, and I send you herewith
original letters I have received from
the head of the Bay relating to it. I
have inquired how we shall treat with
the Indians as soon as the Spring
approaches, for if we be not timely
in adjusting all matters with them
in the Spring, we shall be surprised
by them and your Lordship's pro
vince will receive much damage before
we are sensible where our mischief
proceeds. Therefore I shall take all
care to be peaceable with the Senecas
and the Suspuehannocks^ especially
care to be peaceful with the Senecas
(il it be obtained) they being the
greatest and most considerable Na
tion, and our league wth them will
occasion our security Irom the Dela
wares or Macquas; and il the Senecas
war with them they can not make
incursions as they usually do and in
vade us. Otherwise it is probable
they say, especially 11 they and the
Susquehannocks conlederate they
will invade us; they being both Na
tions of the bloodiest people in all
these parts of America." This letter
is dated Jan. 22, 1677, and therefore
the affair referred to v/as in 1876.
1676— The War With the Susquehan
nocks Makes the Taxes High.
In the Md. Archives, pp. 137 to
140, under the date of December 9,
of this year there is remonstrance by
the Governor and council directed to
Lord Baltimore, setting forth the true
state ol Maryland and ol the rea
sons ol the high taxes and among
other things it states, " it is now so
that the people are likely to run into
rebellion against this Government
and we may be involved in intestine
war as it is in ^Virginia. The great
clamor is against the greatness ol

taxes; and the debarring ol some
freeman from voting. As to the taxes
we appeal to the whole world wheth
er our Lord Proprietary was not
forced into the expensive war against
the Susquehannocks last year; and
whether he sought not all means of
pacification that could stand his
honor and safety of the people be
lore he engaged in it. II the taxes
continue this year, and it is the same
necessity of protecting the people,
much trouble will ensue." The re
sult of the Susquehannock expedi
tion is now very plain in this item.
1676 — Maryland Now Takes Hands
Off the Senecas and Off of the
Susquehannocks.
In the Second Md. Archives, p. 545
it is said that the end of the Ses
sions of 1676, the Assembly repealed
the Act for the preservation of cer
tain articles of Peace made with the
Susquehannocks in 1674. This was
done so as not to give any offense to
the Senecas. And also at p. 547 ol
the same book it is set out that the
Act for raising a suprly to pay the
charge of making pea3e with the
Senecas and war with the Susque
hannocks and their confederates,
which passed in 1674, was also
repealed. This was done so that the
Susquehannocks should not be of
fended with Maryland for showing
an undue favoritism to the Senecas
and for allowing to let stand up-re
pealed the declaration of war against
the Susquehannocks.
1677 — Upland Court Acts on the
Threat of the Senecas to Kid-
Nap the Susquehannocks.
In the record of the Court at Up
land "at a meeting held by ye Com
manders and Justices att uppland
uppon the news of the Sineco Indians
oomming downe to fetch the Susque-

106

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

hannos, that were amongst these
River Indians, etc., March 13th., an-
noq. Dom., 1677. It was concluded
upon the motion of Rinowehan the
Indian Sachomore that Captain Coll
yer and Justice Israeli Helm goe upp
to Sachamexin where att present a
great number of Sineco and other
Indians were, and that they endeavor
to pursuade the Sineco and Sasque-
hannos on these Rivers to send each
a Deputy to the Governor of New
York and that Israeli Helm goe with
them. ( See records of Upland
Court, p. 49; also see the same re
ferred to in Vol. 2 of Watson's An
nals of Philadelphia, p. 237).
The meaning of all this is that the
Senecas of New York, who had al
ready forced one branch of the Sus
quehannocks to come and live with
them, were now determined on swal
lowing up the rest of the tribe who
are scattered along the Lower Sus
quehanna, near the Old Port.
1677— Maryland Appoints a Commis
sioner to Make New Peace With
the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p.
243 the following interesting com
mission is to be found entitled in the
said book. Copy of a Commission
Granted by the Governor and Coun
cil to Henry Coursey, Esq., for mak
ing peace with the Indians; "To
Thomas Nally, Esquire, Greeting: —
Whereas the Susquehannocks, Sene
cas and divers other nations of In
dians, inhabitants to the Northward
of this Province have formerly com
mitted divers murders and outrages
within the Province upon which there
hath ensued a war between his Ma
jesty's subjects, residing in this
Province and Government as well as
those residing in Virginia, and the
Susquehannocks; and whereas the
said Susquehannocks have since and

lately desired to come to a treaty
of peace with his Lordship and have
submitted themselves and put them
selves under the protection of the
Senecas, etc.: Know ye that I have
constituted, ordained and authoriz
ed Henry Coursey, Esq., one of his
Lordship's Council for this Province
as ambassador or envoy to treat with
and conclude a firm peace with the
said Susquehannocks, Senecas and
any other Indians unknown to us, in
habiting and residing to the North
ward of us within or without the
territory of his Royal Highness and
from whom we have already receiv
ed injury by the confederacy between
them and the Susquehannocks, upon
such reasonable terms as to him
shall seem meet and convenient ac
cording to his instructions. And for
as much as the said Indians do now
reside for the most part within the
territory of his said Royal Highness's
(viz.: the Duke of York's domain
North of Maryland and including
Pennsylvania and New York, the Sus
quehannocks having gone back to
the Susquehanna River), and can be
treated with only by a journey to be
had through his Royal Highness's
territory, I do hereby ordain and
appoint said Henry Coursey to treat
with Edmund Andros, Governor Gen
eral under his Royal Highness, the
Duke of York, and desire him leave
to pass through said territory to
treat with the Indians and I do re
quest that the said Henry be receiv
ed according to the law of Nations.
Given at St. Mary's April 30, 1677."
1677 — Instructions Given by Mary
land to Henry Coursey How to
Treat with the Susque-
hannnocks.
In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, pp.
244-245 the further directions in
making a treaty are set out as foi-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

107

lows, "You are with all convenient
speed to begin your journey toward
New York by way of New Castle on
the Delaware in order to your going
into Albany to treat with the Sus
quehannocks; and on arrival at New
Castle to signify to the Deputy-Gov
ernor there in general terms that you
are sent to Colonel Andros by his
to come to a treaty with the Sene
cas at Fort Albany or elsewhere;
and you are to inform yourself from
Captain Collyer and others of the
true state ol the Susquehannnocks
what numbers there are, upon what
terms they are received by the Sene
cas, and 11 any such be under whose
protection they live and how they
may be treated with all in order to
the settling and universal peace be
tween us, and the Susquehannocks
and the Senecas and the rest ol the
Indians to the Northward as also be
tween the Indians and all the low
land Indians in league and amity
with us.
You are to .apply yoursell to the
Governor ol New York and render
him to assist in procuring a treaty
lor you both with the said Senecas
and Susquehannocks 11 there be such
a nation lelt.
When you are come to a treaty
with the Senecas you are to let them
know that we had no knowledge ol
them but by the Susquehannocks' re
port; that they Irom time to time
told us that the injuries we had re
ceived in our Government and the
murders ol our people were all pre-
petrated by the Senecas, that we al-
terwards lound out that these very
murders which the Susquehannocks
lathered upon the Senecas were com
mitted by the Susquehannocks them
selves and that that was the real
cause ol the war between us; andthe
injury to us was the greater because
the Susquehannocks by the articles

ol peace between us were obliged to
give us 20 days' warning ol inten
tions to war 11 at any time they grow
weary ol peace with us, which not
withstanding they, in an open, hor
rible manner, with the major part of
their forces, and some if not all of
their great men present, assaulted
the house of Randel Hanson standing
within three miles of their fort and
there continued to fight one whole
day after all which they had confi
dence to endeavor to persuade us
it was the Senecas that committed
the outrage."
We readily see in this that though
Maryland very atrociously mistreat
ed the Susquehannocks yet they still
contiued to blame the Susquehan
nocks for the murders which the
Senecas committed; and used that
protection as an excuse for making
the war on the Susquehannocks in
stead of the Senecas though it is
pretty certain that the Senecas were
the real aggressors. The whites evi
dently took this course because the
Senecas were now supreme and the
Susquehannocks were almost annihi
lated by them and completely under
their control.
1677 — Henry Coursey's First Steps in
Making Peace Witli the Sus
quehannocks.
In the 5th VqJ. of the Md. Arch.
pp. 246-247 the next step in effecting
peace with the Susquehannocks is
shown. This is set forth in a letter
from Colonel Coursey to P. Nolley's
on the Delaware River dated May 22,
1677, which is as follows: — Right
Worthy Sir: On the 19th inst. I wrote
you from New Castle. On the 20th
came Jacob Young from Maryland
which gives me a better account than
I received before, which is as fol
lows, 'Them that killed Richard
Milton's family were eight Susque
hannocks, and that upon doing the

108

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

kiiling they immediately fled to the
Senecas and that all the mischief
that hath been done hath by their
(Susquehannocks) several troops as
they came out of Virginia (They are
now retaliating for the killing of
their five chiefs) and the two per
sons this year shott were by two
Susquehannocks that came with the
trops of Senecas, that carried the
Susquehannocks from the place since
which the same troops took the chief
warriors into Susquehanna River,
being 30 in number who had then
been hunting to make a present to
you for peace (the Susquehannocks
were hunting for furs to make a
present) among which was the young
Indian I had talked with at Jacob
Young's. Old Collyer was coming
himself but was by the rest pursuad-
ed to desist lor the want ol a pre
sent? I have now sent for him and
one other great man to come to me,
where I now stop for them. There
are about 26 of them (Susquehan
nocks) left here; still I propose to
persuade them to go with me to
New York, it being Governor An
dros's ordered to Captain Collyer to
send them. The Senecas intend to
be at Palmer's Island when the corn
is half a leg high.I likewise find it
necessary to carry Jacob Young with
me without whom I can do nothing;
and that truth is from bim and
none else. He tells me that' the
Senecas having marched 10 days
then fell at some difference among
temselves how to divide those Sus
quehannocks they had with them,
they being of two several forts and
upon the division the Susquehan
nocks were much displeased, and
some of them got away, the rest they
bound and carried with them, but it
is judged not to hurt them, for every
one of the forts strive what they can
to get them to themselves, and Gov-

vernor Andros to get them to the
Masaques (Maques), for it was told
me by Captain DeLavall that if they
had them they would make war im
mediately with the French.
This 23rd. instant came to me
four Susquehannocks and with them
the Emperor of the Delaware Bay In
dians and upon discourse, I find
them all inclined to peace. It seems
a custom to give a present by any
one that speaks a treaty. I am ready
to take horse again for New York
where I hope to be by Saturday
night. Signed, Heni;y Coursey." This
is how the Susquehannock Indian
history after the year 1776 became
linked in with the Seneca history,
who were their merciless masters.
1677 — Further Steps in Making
Peace Arrangements.
In Vol. 5 of the Md. Archives, p.
248 is Thomas Notley's reply to
Coursey's letter and it is as follows:
"I am heartily glad that you have
made so great a discovery in so
short a time as to the state of the
Indians, especially the Susquehan
nocks. I am glad Jacob Young goes
with you ; and that you have so good
an intelligence from him. One
thing I must add that if upon the
whole consideration you shall think
it more necessary to let the Susque
hannocks live in this Province
(Maryland) than elsewhere, then en
deavor so to order it. If not how
ever, leave no gap but make a thor
ough conclusion with all the Indians.
In this I depend upon your discre
tion." 1677— Henry Coursey's Proposal to
the People and the Indians.
Under the date of June 22, this
year, in 5th Maryland Archives, p.
251 further steps of the arrangement
for peace are set out by Henry Cour
sey in a message to the Senecas as

DTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

103

folloivs, "We formerly had peace
with the Susquehannocks which they
perfidiously broke, not only killing
single persons hut at last with the
greatest part ol their lorces assault
ing a whole family in a house and
to amuse us they told us that those
¦outrages were committed by the
Senecas thereby to engage us in a
q.uarrel -with you. We found their per-
;adiousness and breach of faith fell
upon them and have new so near
destroyed them that they are forced
to seek shelter under you who were
Ibelore their enemies. Now so there
shall be no cause ol quarrel between
¦us and you and that we may now live
in peace as brethren granted by the
same God, though not known to one
another, we desire that all of the
Susquehannock Nation as shall eome
under your protection, may be by
you obliged not to do any violence
(or wrong to any Christian inhabit
ing either in Maryland or Virgnia. In
tease amy injury shall hereafter be
done by any ol the Susquehannocks
living under the protection of you
Senecas, or by any ol your own na
tion, you shall deliver him to us or
to the Governor ol New York to be
proceeded against according to his
demerits." This shows again the
great earnest desire ol fhe Maryland
-people to establish good will with
the Senecas in order that fhe Sene
cas keep the Susquehannocks from
renewing their slaughter ol , the
whites as- they had done alter they
lelt the lort on Potomac, vowing
vengeance until they had killed ten
-white men lor every one of their
•number which they lost.
1677 — Answer of the Onondagoes to
the Proposal for Peace.
In Vol 5 ol the Maryland Archives
p. 255 is set lorth the vie-ws ol the
Onondagoes on the question ol the
terms of peace with the Susquehan

nocks, which were proposed by the
whites of Maryland and New York;
the answer is as lollows, "A belt was
sent to us by Colonel Henry Coursey
authorized by Maryland that we
might make greater haste to ©ome
down which we have done a-nd he
saith that none of us shall, for the
Iuture injure any persons in Mary
land. We thank: the gentlemen that
they do exhort for peace, we are so
minded ourssl-ves but we acknow
ledge that we have tilled oif your
Christians and Indians formerly
whereof Jacob Young, , (who helped
the Susquehannocks and li"ved with
them) my Iriend, Tvas a great occa
sion; but we desire now that all be
past and hurled in oblivion. A belt
of 13 rows deep we now gi-ve you.
We say again that Jacob Young was
a great captain and leader against
them wherehy the wars have been
continued but now we desire peace
and that fhe Almighty God who
dwells in Heaven -may give his bless
ings thereunto.
We let you k;now that there are of
ours, four castles of the Senecas out
fighting against the Senecas — ^you
may therefore warn your Indians that
there may be no injuries or damages
done hereafter, and so to contine the
peace we do give two beavers." The
Onondagoes here seem to show a very
honorable disposition and a fervent
spirit towards peace.
Their referring to the ""Almighty
God who li-ves in Heaven" seems to
Indicate that the Jesuits had effected
quite a good worfe among them in
matters ol Christianity.
1677 — Answer of the Maqnes to the
Proposition for Peace With
the Susquehannocks.
The view taken by the Maques on
the question ol Peace may be lound
in Vol. 5 ol the Maryland Archives,

110

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

pp. 257-258, and it is as follows:
"We are glad the King's Government
of Maryland and Virginia have sent
you to speak of peace and that this
place, Albany is fixed for all na
tions to make peace. We return
hearty thanks and will speak with
one heart and one head. The Sene
cas were on their joumey with 600
men to come here but for fear turn
ed back; but we were not afraid.
We return you hearty thanks lor re
leasing the two sons of Conondon-
dans and likewise that you beheaded
the Sachem of the Susquehannocks
named Achnaetsachawey,who was the
cause of their being taken prisoners;
and we do present five beavers."
At the conclusion of this treaty
these Indians sang a song after their
manner by their method which they
do undertake to hold firm and they
give a beaver and a dressed Elk skin.
And then they sang another song, the
meaning of which is that their people
may now forget what is past between
them and the Colonists but might al
ways be mindful of what has now
happened in this house and if the
Senecas appoint any other place, it
will not be accepted but this place
to be the only appointed and perfix-
ed place now dedicated to this great
treaty with all our tribes."
These Maques also show a very
honorable and equitable spirit which
shows both their honest and their
simple nature.
1677 — The Oneidas, Senecas and
Some of the Onondagoes Re
fuse to Obey the Peace
Above Refered to.
In Mombert's History ol Lancaster
County, p. 23 he says, "Notwith
standing a treaty ol amity concluded
between Maryland and the Five Na
tions in 1677, some of the Oneidas,
Onondagoes and Senecas who were
not present at the time of the treaty.

fell upon the Susquehannocks who
were in league with Maryland, kill
ed four of their number, took six
prisoners, five of them fell into the
share of the Senecas, were in con
formity with the treaty, sent back,
but the sixth was detained by the
Oneidas. Overtures and remon
strances on the part of Maryland
and Virginia proved unavailing and
after a few years of hostilities broke
out with increased violence and only
ceased with the final overthrow of
the Susquehannocks by the Five
Nations. It appears from a minute
examination of imperfect and some
what contradictory data, exhibited at
length by Poulke, that the Lancas
ter lands fell into the power of the
Five Nations some time between 1677
and 1684." This shows the difficul
ties that were constantly encountered
in perfecting permanent peace with
different tribes of Indians, some
of whom were honest and others
treacherous, and all of them being
more or less under political obliga
tions to various contemporary tribes.
It appears that when a treaty was
made, another tribe would claim that
it was made without their advice and
presence and they would repudiate
it, so that the Susquehannocks may
be said to have been between the up
per and lower mill stones a great
deal of the time.
1677 — Governor Dungan's View of the
Might of the Five Nations and
The Fate of the Susque
hannocks.
In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of
the Pennsylvania Archives, p. 755
Governor Dungan makes a report
dated 1684 in which he refers to
some things which happened in 1677
and among other things he says, "I
have sent herewith what the Nations
that conquered the Susquehannocks

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDAN TRIBES

111

desired ol the King in my Lord El-
fingham's presence and I believe it
to be 'ol dangerous consequence if
denied." This demand on the part ol
the Five Nations was that the whites
should not interlere with the relation
between the Five Nations and the
Susquehannocks for the Five Nations
had conquered them and thought this
interlerence was meddling.
As to the Five Nations at this time
Governor Dungan says: "The Five
Indian Nations are the most warlike
people in Amerca, and. a bulwark be
tween us and the French and all
other Indians. They go as lar as the
South Sea the Northwest Passage and
Florida to War. New England in
the last war with the Indians would
have been ruined, if Edmund Andros
had not sent the Five Nations to their
. assistance. All the Indians in these
parts of America are tributaiy to
them.'' By the South Sea is meant
the Pacific Ocean and the Northwest
Passage is at the Arctic Ocean. So
these great Indians that whipped the
Susquehannocks had a reputation for
war all over North America with the
exception of the South West section
toward Mexico.
1677 — Otber Authorities on the Over
throw of the Susquehannocks.
Lewis Evans in his "Analysis, "print
ed by Benjamin Franklin and publish
ed in London in 1755 on the fall of
the Susquehannocks says, "The Sus
quehannocks after a great defeat by
the Marylanders, were easily exter
minated by the Confederates (Five
Nations). So that those Nations who
are now on the Susquehanna, are
only such as the confederates have
allotted that River for; as the Nan
ticokes, from the Eastern Shore of
Maryland, Tuteloes from the Mehe-
nin River in Virginia and the Dela
wares, under which we include the
Minnesinks and the Mandes, or Salem

Indians"— (p. 14). At pp. H and l2
he also says, that ''they (Five Na
tions) gave the finishing stroke to
the extermination of the Susque
hannas." To show lurther that the Senecas
or the Five Nations as a whole did
overthrow the Susquehannocks about
1676-77, we quote Irom the 4th Col
onial Records, p. 712 in which is set
forth the speech of Tachanoontia.one
of- the orators of the Five Nations at
the treaty held June 27, 1744 in the
Lancaster Court House, where in
speaking ot the lands on Susque
hanna, he says, "All the world
knows we concurred the several Na
tions li-vlng on Susquehanna, Cohon-
goronta, a"nd on the back of the great
mountains in Virginia." We see from
all this that there is no doubt about
the defeat of the Susquehannocks by
the Five Nations.
1678 — The Shawanese Now Come to
the Susquehannock Country.
In this year the Shawanese came
to Conestoga. They were a small
tribe and from North Carolina. They
settled on the Pequea Creek. It is
generally said that they came in
1698. See Vol. 4 of the Votes of As
sembly, p. 517, where it is stated that
they were Southern Indians and came
to Conestoga in 1698 to the number
ol 60 families. Gordon also says in
his history, p. 514 that they came in
1698. But Redmond Conyngham, Esq.,
in 15 Haz. Reg., p. 117 says that the
original manuscript, from which the
notes were prnited states that they
came n 1678. This error he says is
plain because these Shawnese were
here before William Penn came.which
was in 1682. The Dauphin County
Pamphlet on Indian History, p. 43 also
says that the Shawnese were at the
William Penn Treaty in 1683. A
very famous descendant of these
Shawanese called Red Pole is buried

112

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

in' Trinity Church Yard at Pittsburg
he having died there in 1797 and his
monument says that he died at that
date, "Lamented by the United
States,"— (See 12 Haz. Reg., S3-64).
1678 — Rumor that the Susquehan
nocks, After Conspiring -with the
Senecasr Incite the Senecas
to Invade Maryland
and Fall on the
Piscataways.
In Vol. 15 ol the Md. Archives, p.
175 under the date of June 13, 1677
at a council held at the old Court
House the lollowing appears; 'The
common rumor that the Seneca In
dians by instigation ol the ^remaining
part of the Susquehannocks, now liv
ing among them, are designed to
come down to make war upon the
Piscataways toward the latter end of
the Summer (which the Piscataways
do generally believe) was taken into
consideration; and It was ordered
that Jacob Young be impowered to
go to the old Port on the Susquehan
na and treat with the great men of
the Seneca Nation, touching the said
rumor according to such orders and
instructions as he should receive
from the Governor.
In pursuance whereof the Honor
able Thomas Notley, Esq., did em
power the said Jacob Young upon his
instructions under hand seal, to go
accordingly to the old Susquehanna
Port and address himself to the great
men of the Seneca Nation and by
presents or otherwise according to
their Custom to remind them of the
League of Peace which they had
lately entered into with the Pisca
taways." In this we have some important
Historical facts, (1) that the Senecas
and Susquehannocks or some of the
Susquehannocks were in strong
league and friendship with each other

at this time, (2) that the great mem
ol the Senecas or some ol them were
living among the Susquehannocks in
the neighborhood of the old Susque
hannock Fort on the Susquehanna
River, (3) that the Senecas were
making- tools ol the Susquehannocks,
which later was to result in a dis
agreement between them and the
Susquehannocks and bring on an
other fight, and (4) that the Senecas
would not rest until they had sub
jugated the other Pennsylvania
tribes, to do ' which they did not
scruple to violate any treaties which
they formerly made.
1678— Maryland Helps the Piscata
ways Against the Susquehan
nocks and the Senecas.
In 15 Md. Archives, p. 183, at a .
Council held August 19, 1678 it ap
pears as follows, "Then Council met,
according to appointment by previous
order of Cuncil, the Great men of the
Piscataways and it is ordered that
the said great men be given to un
derstand that the Governor and Coun
cil understand that a few of the Pis
cataway Indians have been killed by
some of the Senecas and Susquehan
nocks as they believe; and told them,
Maryland would send to Albany to
converse with the Governor of the
Senecas about this matter."
1679— An Encounter Between the
Susquehannocks and Piscataways.
In 15 Md. Archives, p. 213, we are
advised instead of the Senecas coming
themselves, they sent the Susquehan
nocks to fight the Piscataways. This
is set forth as follows, "then was ta
ken into consideration the state of the \
Indian affairs and the matters which
lately passed between the Governor
and Council the Piscataway Indians,
touching the murders committed and
it is advised to send for the Emperor

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

113

dians and remind them of the League
of Peace and that we are desirous to
speak with them in relation to a late
encounter between them (The Pisca
taways) and the Susquehannocks and
that the said Council had something
to propound to his Lordship for their
security against the Foreign Indians."
In this it is hinted that Maryland is
about to raise a force to secure the
Province against these Senecas, who
were mis-leading the Susquehan
nocks and we shall see that this
finally brought on the Ninan Beall
expedition.1679 — The Susquehannocks Divided
Into Two Divisions by the Five Na
tions; One Kept in New York and
the Other Established at the Old
Susquehannock Fort; Further De
luded by the Senecas Against the
English.
Under the date of March 19, 1679 in
Vol. 15 of the Maryland Archives, pp.
238-240 the following may be found,
"Present at a Council, the Speaker
and the great men of the Piscataway:
The interpreter was ordered to tell
them that we are lately informed that
there was one among them that lately
came from the Senecas and that his
Lordship had a great desire to speak
to him. The said Indian that came
from the Senecas being .made ac
quainted with his Lordship's desire to
hear him gave the following account.
He begins by laying on the table five
single acorns some small distance
from each other and four together at
one place which he signifies the four
towns of the Senecas, from which he
came — the four next single acorns he
likewise declared to be four other
towns of the Senecas, with the two
middle most whereof the Susquehan
nocks had divided themselves
amongst; and lived there, to say,.one-
hall at one town and one-hall at the
other. The filth and outermost ol

the five single acorns he declared to
be a place inhabited by the English
where the Senecas used to treat and
whither he was sent Irom the four
first towns with a present which he
delivered; but by the description of
the said place, to be a place of great
resort and trade for the said Indians
for powder and shott. It appeared
to be Fort Albany and they were
Dutch to whom he had delivered the
present." He said the towns were all peace
able and quiet excepting only the two
towns among which the Susquehan
nocks had divided themselves. He
declared that in every fort there were
some English. He further said that
the Senecas allowed him to go to see
his friends freely; and so he is here;
and that he would weight his mind
and the English and tell them who
it was that had done the English all
the mischief; viz.: those two nations
amongst whom the Susquehannocks
now live and that they would do more
mischief yet, both to the Piscataways
and the English. They told him he
must return in ten days.
He was asked whether those two
nations with whom the Susquehan
nocks lived were at war or peace
with the other four nations, and he
answered that they were all together
in peace and amity with one another;
and that the Susquehannocks go from
town to town peaceably as friends and
netophs (netoughs) that is children
or cousins, but that the four nations
now seem to blame the English very
much for letting so many of the Sus
quehannocks escape as they did for
they are of such a bloody and turbu
lent mind that they will never cease
doing mischief both to the English
and Piscataways so long as one re
mains alive.
He was asked whether those two
forts with whom the Susquehannocks

114

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lived be of the same bloody mind as
the Susquehannocks themselves, to
which he replied at first, that "they
were not, but by instigations of the
Susquehannocks he does believe they
are now become as one. He also
says the Susquehannocks laugh and
jeer at the English, saying they can
do what mischief they please for the
English can not see them. He said
those forts were three moons from
Piscataway as he was three moons in
coming. He was asked whether the
Susquehannocks did intend to come
down against the Piscataways and the
English and in Virginia, and he said
that a great man of the Susquehan
nocks made a speech saying, he was
pretty well satisfied with the revenge
he had taken of the Virginians by
the help and assistance of those In
dians and now intended to fall on the
Piscataways and English in Maryland
for they (the Susquehannocks), had
done little or nothing there yet and
that a considerable party had gone
forth 20 days ago. This he said he
had heard from an Indian that had
escaped from the towns in which
the Susquehannocks lodged. He
said the forces of those two towns or
forts were so strong that he could not
express it, and that the great men of
the Susquehannocks said that they
would never have any peace with the
English of Maryland or the Piscata
ways or the Chopticos or any other
Indians on the south side of the Pata
psco." In this we see that the revenge
which the Susquehannocks swore on
the whites of Maryland and the
friendly Indians with Maryland for
slaughtering their great men at the
Potomac Fort was still in their
hearts and that they were determin
ed to carry it out. We can not
suppose that this story was a series
of falsehoods against the Susquehan

nocks because it was given by a
friendly Indian who was captured by
the Secenas and had leave of absence;
and because it seems exactly in line
with what the Susquehannocks de
clared to do. However, there may
have been intrigue in it and a well
formed plot to get the Susquehan
nocks in trouble with Maryland
again for it must be remenbered that
a year before the Susquehannocks
were begging Maryland for peace.
However, it seems that it was only
that small branch of the Susquehan
nocks who were living at the old
Susquehannock Fort that were ask
ing for peace; and it is likely that
the other and greater branch of the
Susquehannocks who were living in
these two Senecas forts in New York
were very revengful against Mary
land as this messenger said. We
also see here that it is proved beyond
doubt that a great body of Susque
hannocks did go and live with the
Senecas of New York. Another thing
is noticeable and that is the wisdom
of the Five Nations in statecraft,they
very wisely determined to establish
some of their tribes with some of the
conquered Susquehannocks in the old
Susquehannock Country to preserve
their rights and look after their con
quered lands in Pennsylvania; as
well as to take the remainder of the
Susquehannocks with them to New
York — for the double purpose of keep
ing the Susquehannocks weak by di
viding them and ol keeping them
among themselves in a friendly way
to consolidate the Susquehannocks
with themselves for the purpose of
further enlarging the great confeder
acy of the Five Nations.
1680— The Piscataways Much Frigh
tened by These Movements of
the Susquehannocks and
the Senecas.
In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 277 we now see the result of the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

115

revengful heart of the Susquehan
nocks. At a Council held on the
31st. of March this year at Notley
Hall, the following is set forth, "At
this time and place the Emperor and
great men of tbe Piscataways came
to acquaint his Lordship that they
had a great desire to make peace
with all the Northern Indians, both
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and
to that end had prepared several pre
sents wherewith they had desired to
send some agents of theirs to the
Mattawomans to desire their assist
ance." And in the same book, p. 279 under
the date of April 1st., the following
letter was given by the Council of
Maryland: — "To Our Civil and Mili
tary Officers in the Province and
other Good People: Whereas the Em-
pereor and great men of the Pisca
taways in behalf of himself and the
Indians under his subjection are de
sirous to conclude a general peace
with the Northern Indians, including
the Senecas and Susquehannocks and
have sought of us liberty so to do
and ask a letter of consent, granting
free pass to their agents: — This is to
allow their agents, two men and a
woman quietly to pass, etc., which
we hereby grant unto them."
1680 — The Senecas and Susquehan
nocks Building New Forts from
Which to Fight the Pis
cataways.
Under the date of May 12, 1680, it
is set forth in 15 Maryland Archives,
p. 280. "On Monday the 10th In
stant, in the evening came down from
Piscataway Fort an Indian to inform
me that the Senecas and Susquehan
nocks Indians had built them a fort
within sight of the Piscataway fort.
They judge it to be about 500 yards
distant and that there are about 300
of them. When our Indians dis

couraged them they immediately en
gaged with them which had been the
best part ol two days when the In
dians came down to us. I under
stand their desire is that they might
have some English to assist them;
therefore I thought fit to acquaint
you. In their engagement I under
stood from this Indian that they sev
eral times discoursed with each other
and that they likely scattered about
and killed several horses for their
provisions." This is all of a letter
of William Chandler, High Sheriff of
Charles County on the River that the
Senecas and Susquehannocks have
come down to the Piscataway Fort.
On the same day that this letter
was read it was concluded, "that
Captain 'Randolph Brandt be com
manded with one squadron of his
troop, consisting of 20 men whom he
shall deem fit forthwith to march to
Piscataway Port and there fully to
inform himself of the truth; and that
John Stone be commanded to accom
pany him to the Fort and assist the
gentlemen of Charles County, and
also to take report by Monday next,"
(See 15 Md. Arch. p. 281).
1680 — Captain Brandt's Report About
the Susquehannocks and the
Senecas.
Under the date of May 17, this year
this report was made and is as fol
lows: "In obedience to your Lord
ship's command we have been with
the Piscataway Indians, who seemed
much concerned that we came not
sooner; but have given them satis
faction in that particular. What
they say in touching the Senecas and
Susquehannocks is that they came
upon the Forte on Sunday last, their
number' was supposed to be about
200, and several times firing upon the
Port, and at last they came to a
treaty. The Piscataways would have
bought their peace, proffering a pre-

116

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

sent; but the Susquehannocks told
them they would have revenge for
the great men killed in the late war,
and that they expected to have their
Indians who were taken by the Eng
lish restored. They several times
asked about this when the English
men were at the Piscataway side, and
in a skirmish one man was wounded
in the foot, being then in the Em
peror's Cabin. Sundry shott were
made at the Port and many horses
killed by them. The Senecas left
them Wednesday and went very much
dissatisfied. They expect them back
daily in great numbers. A boy of Mr.
Lines being sent from his quarters
to look for a horse lot himself in the
woods and by chance came on the
Fort, and confirms this also. The
Piscataways ask for more powder
having spent much ol their store;
and they ask to be allowed to move
down to the Mattawomans." — (See 15
Md. Archives, p. 283).
1680 — Council Decide to Help the
Piscataways Against the Sus
quehannocks.
In 15 Md. Archives, p. 284, under
the date ol May 17, it is set forth,
"The proprietor and Council take in
to consideration the present condi
tion of the Emperor of the Piscata
ways and the Indians under his com
mand oppressed by the Senecas and
Susquehannocks. And the Emperor
of the Piscataways having declared
that he will not stay at the place ol
his wasted habitation, but lor security
remove himsell and his men and their
wives and children to the Matta
womans or other places ol safety.
His Lordship commanded the several
articles of peace with the said Em
peror and nations under him to be
read of 1666-1670. He also, with the
advise of his Council doth hereby ap
point Nanticoke River for the place
for the said Emperor to receive his

men, women and children until such
time as they have heard what peace
their ambassador lately sent to the
Senecas and Susquehannocks can
procure and in the interim powder
and shott be sent them for better de
fense against the Susquehannocks, if
a war come on."
And a few days later May 22, it was
ordered "that the Emperor of the
Piscataways be given to understand
that the Susquehannocks say if all
the Chopticos and the Mattawomans
were at Piscataway with the Em
peror they would not then even be
able to fight the Senecas and Susque
hannocks who are over 1000 men;
and that the Virginians do not be
Ueve that the Senecas murdered
these people and say all the murders
now committed are by the Piscata
ways. And the Council think better
for the Piscataways and Mattawoman
to remove with their wives and chil
dren to the Nanticokes for some time
till the Virginians do say that the
i Senecas and Susquehannocks murd-
dered the people and that we may
have time to procure them a firm
peace with the Senecas and Susque
hannocks." At the same place it is set forth
that the Emperor of the Piscataways
was lately at the Susquehannock
Fort, conferring with the Susquehan
nocks before he confers with the
English again.
1680— The Piscataways and Matta-
womans Blame the English for
Making Them Enemies of
the Susquehannocks.
In 15 Md. Archives, pp. 299 and 300
under the date ol June 1, Captain
Randolph Brandt gave this report,
"In obedience to your command ol
the 23rd. ult, I have communicated
with the Piscataways and Matta
womans and Mr. John Stone who

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

117

conferred -with them and they say
they will not »emove but will use
their power to defend and when they
¦can not hold out any longer, they will
thrust themselves amongst the Eng
lish; and they also say they are be
come enemies ot the Susquehan
nock Indians and all other Indians
through the means ol the English
and for that reason they will not
leave us. And the King ol the Mat
tawomans allegeth that the Eastern
shore Indians are as much their ene
mies as the Susquehannocks, occa
sioned by their going with us against
the Nanticokes about two years ago."
1680 — Susquehannocks and Senecas
Moving Foul on the Piscataways.
In Vol. 15 of the Maiyland Arch.,
t>. 302 under date ol June 5, 1680 is
set forth a note from John Munn's
relating to the Piscataways and it
says: — "I suppose the great men had
been down before this, but I hear the
Susquehannocfes and Senecas have
been foul ol them on Friday last,
they having killed 7 of the Picata-
way men. This information I have
of James Jefferson, who came from
the fort and brought a horse from
there lately shot with an arrow."
1680 — Susquehannocks Desert From
the Seneca's Armies and Tribes.
In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 305 under the date ol June 16,1680
it is set out in a communication to
Lord Baltimore as follows: "I have
endeavored to inform myself by all
ways and means what Indians did
the late murders but they are still
unknown. But I am ol the opinion
it was some of those Susquehan
nocks fied from the Seneca army and
happily it may be those that did the
mischiel, lor the several loregoing
years along the same river. It does
not appear to be the Senecas as I
'feared at first."

We begin to see now that the Sus
quehannock Indians among the Sene
cas are held among them by force
and that they are trying to escape
from them. We shall see shortly tnat
the Seneca's quickly resented this
and determined to butcher a lot ol
them which brought on the appeal
by the Susquehannocks to Maryland
for help and Ninan Beall then led the
expedition to their aid.
1(>8D — ^^The Beginning of Conestoga,
Etc.
OTomhert in his History oS Lancas
ter County, p. 25 says that about this
year "a settlement -was planted by
the conquerors at Conestoga which
became the chiel anfl place ol Coun
cil seated on the Susquehanna below
its ifork. The residence were ol the
Five Nations, chiefly the Seneca
Tribe but comprising some times
Oneidas, Cayugas and Tuscaroras."
By the Conquerors here' he means the
Senecas and others of the Five Na
tions whom we have been talking
about. This is further attested to by the
Dauphin County History Pamphlet,
where the author says that "the In
dians whom Penn lound in this lo
cality were beggar Iroquois (and
that in 1682 there was not one of the
Susquehannocfes dwelling on his an
cient seats) and were representing
themselves as Conestogas, not in
blood but in occupation.'" Facts seen
to prove him not entirely correct in
this statement.
1680 — Mattawomans Fear the Senecas
and Their Susqu«hannock-Slaves.
In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 313, under the date of July 6, it is
set lorth that "the King of the Mat
tawomans sho-WB a medal in token of
your Lordship's friendship to him
and begins now to be in fear ol the
Susquehannocfes and Senecas and

US

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUBHANTNOCKS AND

pretends a want of arms and am
munition and intends speedily to
make his address to you and the Pis
cataways and sending scouts out
daily have discovered the enemy (the
Susquehannocks) and are in some
doubt they will be foul of them before
the Fort is Finished."
1681 — ^More light on the Location of
the Susquehannocks Fort.
Ib a communication found in VoL
5 of the Maryland Archives, p. 272,
dated January 25, 1681 it is stated
that "the petition of Mr. Penn is read
concerning a tract of land to be
granted to him in America, but that
it appeared by John Verden's letter
the part of territory desired by him
is already possessed by the Duke of
York. He must apply to his Royal
Highness for adjusting this respec
tive pretention; and Mr. Penn being
acquainted with the matter from the
letter of Lord Baltimore's Agents, he.
does agree that the Susquehannock
Port shall be the boundary of the
said Lord Baltimore's Province; and
as to furnishing arms and ammuni
tion to the Indians Mr. Penn declares
himself ready to submit to any re
straint his Lordship may propose."
This item seems to refer to some
thing that passed between Penn and
authorities representing Lord Balti
more at home in England because
the date is before his arrival here.
He seems to have had knowledge of
the location of the Susquehannock
Port before coming to Pennsylvania.
Por our purposes it is interesting to
some extent as fixing the location of
this famous old Fort. This is a pro
ceeding which took place in England
as is very evident from Hazard's
Annals, pp. 475 and 476 and what the
Maryland Archives quote as simply
a report of it which was made from
England to Maryland.

1681 — The Piscataways Much Frigh
tened.*
In Vol 15 of the Md. Archives, p.
336 it is set do-wn that "the Pisca
taways and Mattawomans are very
m.uch frightened at the approach of
the Susquehannocks and that they
are now in the Piscataway Port for
safety and dare not stir out of it.
They claim that the help which they
gave the English as against the Sus
quehannocks caused them this
trouble." 1681 — The Susquehannocks Turn Out
to Be Thieves.
In Vol. 15 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 372 it is stated that "a certain In
dian woman being examined for
being accused of stealing a certain
apron says that one of her children
found them upon the ground and that
she bought them from the Susque
hannocks at their Port; and that they
stole them. Being further examined
she says that she thinks it was not
the Susquehannocks but the Senecas
that killed the English."
1681 — Maryland Determines to Rid
the Province of the Susque
hannocks.
In Vol 7 of the Maryland Arch., p.
Ill, under the date of 1681 is set
forth a speech of the Governor of
Maryland to the Assembly, in the
course of which he says, "You have
not been called together for a long
time  , and had there not been
some Indian murders by some In
dians not yet discovered, I should
not have called you until October
next; but being duly alarmed by the
approach of a considerable party of
Indians that have been discovered
and discoursed with by Captain
Brandt and very much apprehending
a sudden attempt by them on our in
habitants, it is absolutely necessary
you should meet to renew speedily

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

lis

those Articles of Peace made some
years ago with the Senecas. We
ought to cherish their friendship for
it must be by their means and as
sistance that we are able to hope to |
rid the Province of these Susquehan
nocks and xjthier mixed Indians that
<5ome early down and infest both
Maryland and Virginia. Therefore I
earnestly desire you to take this
great and -weighty affair into serious
¦consideration and by some early
•course secure the Senecas to be our
'friends that they may be gained to
aid and assist us in cutting off these
enemies of ours (the Susquehan
nocks) that certainly design our des
truction as soon as they have taken
Irom us our friends and neighbor In
dians." In this we see again how deter
mined the Susquehannocks were to
revenge themselves for the killing of
their five chiefs in 1676. They seem
ed never to forget the slaughter. An
other thing is noticeable here and
that is that the extracts stating that
Ninian Beall slaughtered the Senecas
in order to assist the Susquehan
nocks are wrong as we shall show
later. That slaughter if there was
such was simply to rid fhe Province
of Maryland ol both Senecas and
Susquehannocks alike.
legl — Susquehannocks Again Become
Fearful of the Mischievous
Senecas.
In Vol. 15 ol the Maryland Arch.,
p. 374 it is set out under the date ol
June 25, 1681 that a Council held
a letter ol Colonel Brandt was receiv
ed saying, "I give you an account ol
my being at Zachariah Port where I
lound the Indians much troubled lor
the loss ol 13 of them being stolen
away by the Senecas and in daily
lear ol being destroyed. Yesterday
they say they discovered, a Seneca
near the Port. The Senecas laid their

corn fields down. I am apt to be
lieve these Indians are not Senecas
but Susquehannocks separated in
to several parties^ and the Sus
quehannocks are not now as Iriend
ly as the rest ol us."
1681 — A Mattawoman Prisonier Who
Escaped from the Senecas, Tells
•orf the Condition of the Sus
quehannocks.
In Vol 15 ol the Maryland Arch.,
p- 390, Jackanapes an Indian belong
ing to the Mattawomans declares that
on New Years day he was taken a
prisoner by the Senecas from the
Mattawoman Fort, that when they
cam.e now lately belore ^lachaiah
Fort, he came with them; that about
a day or two belore they came to the
Port they sent out tvro canoes, in one
10 Senecas and in the other 10 Sus
quehannocks and a Piscataway pris
oner whom they had taken as guide,
•B'ith orders to go down the Potomac
River and so to Patuxent to hunt lor
Indians who might be among the
EngUsh. And on page 3?3 ol the same book,
under the date ol June 30, Jacka
napes describes the location of the
Susquehannocks and others at that
date. He says that the Senecas live
in four towns at the head ol a great
River that comes to the Bay (The
Susquehanna), that East ol them live
the Q.uiaquas supposed to he fcriends
and eight Susquehannocks with them
and that East ol them the Ononda
goes and 14 Susquehannocks with
them, farther East on a branch of
the River and its source 17 Susque
hannocks, and further four towns of
Senecas and that where the river
and its bra-nches come together is a
place ol rendezvous of all these Na
tions. This shows the southern boundary
of New York along its whole length
to have been the location indicated.

120'

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1681— Maryland Orders No Quarter
to bfr Given to the Susquehan-
socks>
In Vol. 15 ol the Maryland Arch.,
p. 384 under the date of June 30, 1681
instructions are given by Maryland
to Captain Brandt as follows: "Since
we have certain intelligence that
there have been 10 Susquehannocks
and 10 Senecas dispatched from this
great party down the Potomac, with
a prisoner lor their guide to try what
Indians they can surprise, and since
we .have certain intelligence that
when the Susquehannocks meet
either Indians or English they give no
quarter, it is appointed that the
Northern Indians refuse to treat with
Captain Brandt at Zachaiah Fort is
out of a design to do him mischief, to
prevent this you are to demand:
(1) Ten Piscataway Indians as
guides to find those Northern Indians
to treat with them;
(2) Secure those Piscataway In
dians from all violence;
(3) If foreigners assault you, to
defend against it;
(4) Make no peace unless it in
clude the Piscataways and the Matta
womans ;
(5) Let the foreign Indians know
that we had several murders com
mitted of late, that we know there
are 10 Susquehannocks and 10 Sene
cas sent down to fall upon the Eng
lish." All this shows that the Senecas and
with them the Susquehannocks are
still murdering the English and as
we shall soon see are last drifting
into a war with Maryland which
turned out very disastrous to the In
dians.1681 — The Senecas and Susquehan
nocks Make Overtures for a New
Fort on the Susquehanna
River.
In Vol. 17 ol the Maryland Arch.,
Ij. 4, there is an item dated August

22, 1681 in which the Senecas make
it appear that the Susquehannocks
show a redress to trust their lor-
tunes again to Maryland. They seem
now to be in lear of their old con
querors the Senecas. The item is as
lollows: — Jacob Young who was a.
Iriend ol the Susquehannocks and it
seems had married a Susquehannock
squaw now came (with several
Northern Indians, and in behall of
tham all), and says: "Th^ desire
they may have a house built at the
Palls of the Susquehanna River and
that they may have the liberty of
trading with the English when they
come down and if any English desire
to go to their country they will be
safely conducted."
This request is made by 10 Sene
cas on behalf of their troop of 300
warriors. This is really a trick on
the part of the Senecas to mislead
the Marylanders and also the Sus
quehannocks.1681 -State of the Susquehannocks
Among the Five Nations.
In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 5 appears the following informa
tion given by the Onondagoes, Sene
cas and Oneidas who appear before
Council and are asked how many Sus
quehannocks are there among them.
They say "There are in all four
forts — Onondagoes, 300 men — Onei
das, 180 men — Quiagoes (Cayugas),
300 men — Mohawks, 300 — and among
these four Nations are some Susque
hannocks but how many they can
not tell. Some are among the real
Senecas and they believe were the
Susquehannocks, all together they
would make about 100 fighting men.
There are 14 Susquehannocks with
the Oneidas, 7 with the Onondagoes
but the chief of them are with the
Mingoes joined to the Sennondoni-
anes, but Ihe chief of them are with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

121

the Cayugas." They also say there
is another small nation called the
Black Mingoes joined to the Sennon-
donianes, who are to the right of the
Senecas. This shows the scattered
condition of the Susquehannocks at
this time; part of them were down
the river and part ol them amongst
the various tribes ol the Five Na
tions. 1681 — The Iroquois Now Are Very
Bold, Etc., And Threaten to Des
troy the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 62 of the Jesuit Relation, p.
169 it is reported as follows: "that
the utmost efforts must be used to
prevent the Iroquois ruining the
European Nations as they heretofore
ruined the Algonquins, Susquehan
nocks (Andastes), Loups, Abenaques,
and others," as these successers have
made them very bold and haughty.
1682— The Senecas Now Make Bold
Preparations to Invade Mary
land.
In Vol. 7 ol the Maryland Arch.,
p. 270 under the date ol May 4,
1682 is an article showing how Mary
land tries to delend against the
Northern invasions. It is there set
lorth as lollows: "We hope both
houses will consider:
(1) That the Piscataways became
enemies to the Susquehannocks
merely upon the score ol Articles ol
Peace made with Honorable Leonard
Calvert, Esq., at first and afterwards
by assisting us against the Susque
hannocks in the year of 1676. That
it is the remnant of these Susque
hannock Indians that engage those
Northern Indians with whom they are
now incorporating to revenge.
Thereupon the Piscataways remind
ing them that they (the Piscataways)
formerly killed some Northern In
dians at St. Mary's because those
Northern Indians had murdered Eng

lish in Patapsco and other places and
rendered the Piscataways suspected
of being our friends.
(2) That if we abandon the Pisca
taways they must incorporate them
selves with the Northern Indians and
in that case become another engaged
enemy with the Susquehannocks
against them.
(3) That then no Nation (not even
the Northern Indians themselves)
will ever trust us more; and the
Nanticokes and the Eastern Shore In
dians must follow their example and
leave us friendless and utterly un
able to deal with the skulking enemy
who war only by surprise."
Efforts were now being made by
the Senecas to bring this about so
that a seperate invasion might be
made into Maryland.
1682— The Susquehannocks Incite the
Senecas to Fall Upon Maryland.
In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 100, the following is set forth as
I instructions to Colonel Coursey.
j "There hath been some discourse as
I if those Northern Indians would be
' hired to cut off the remnant of the
Susquehannocks. If you find any
truth in that fail not pursue that
point and purchase the peace of this
Province from the Senecas by extin
guishing that viper's (Susquehan
nocks) brcod that never fails to kill
all English whenever they are the
greater number in any party and
make us feel the effects of war
though they live under the shelter ol
Nations that pretend a peace with
us; and be sure to inculcate into the
Northern tribes upon all treaties lor
the Piscataways, showing the north
ern Indians that we are doing no
more in protecting the Piscataways
than they do in protecting the Sus
quehannocks and that they ought in
reason to allow us the same liberty
that they take to themselves."

122

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

It is now evident that the relations
between the Five Nations and the
English ol Maryland were very much
strained and liable to produce the
flame ol war at any time. And this
we shall see did shortly happen by
Maryland protecting herself.
1682- Colonel Ninan Beall Made
Ranger;
In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 72 it Was "ordered that six men in
arms under the cpmmand of Colonel
Ninian Beall be commanded out to
continue ranging between the head of
the Patuxent River and the branches
there about, up to the Susquehannock
Port for the discovery of any In
dian enemy that may appear."
1682 — Ninian Beall's Expedition and
Slaughter of Indians at Susque
hannock Fort.
Prom all we can gather is seems
that it was about this year that Nin
ian Beall got into a bloody conflict
with the Senecas and Susquehan
nocks under the Senecas. The
writers of Maryland History all take
the ground the Beall had this fight
with the Senecas to help the Susque
hannocks. I do not believe that the
real history sustains that. I believe
that the Susquehannocks were in
enmity at this time as intensely as
the Senecas, and all which we have
just been citing undoubtedly shows
that. There is, however, only small
proof that there was a great' slaugh
ter and the historical writers take it
for granted. They further show
their unreliable information by not
being able to fix the date. Lewis
Evans in his "Analysis" which I have
cited before at pp. 11 and 12 says the
Five Nations "gave the finishing
stroke to the extermination to the
Susquehannocks. But Beall in the
service of Maryland at the Fort

whose remains are still standing on
the East side of the Susquehanna
about three miles below Wright's
Perry by the defeat of many hun
dreds had given them a blow which
they never recovered of and for this
reason the confederates (The Five
Nations) never claimed back to the
Conewago Falls."
Evans and Ellis in their history of
Lancaster County say, "the Govern
ment selected Ninian Beall to com
mand the troops (to help the Sus
quehannocks). At last a commander
was chosen who was no coward. He
marched with his forces up the left
bank of the Susquehanna River to
the town and fort which stood on
what is now Witmer's farm. Colonel
Beall took several small cannon with
him. The exact date ol the march
and the time when the sanguinary
battle was lought are not given but it
must have been in the year 1675 or
1676. Mr. Johnson in his history ol
Cecil county placed the period in the
year ol 1682."
In Vol. 2 ol the Colonial Records,
p. 387 in the 22nd ol July, 1707 one ot
the spokesmen ol the Conestogas was
asked by Governor Evans how long
the Indians ol that neighborhood
were at peace with the Five Nations
and the Indian replied 27 years. That
would make the date of peace in 1680
and of course the expedition if it was
to help the Susquehannocks would
have been before the Susquehan
nocks were at peace with the Five
Nations. I believe however, that the
answer of the Indian was wrong and
th?t peace was not established before
the year 1682.
The best authority w.e have on both
whether there was an expedition
agaihst the Five Nations and when it
occured is to be found in Vol. 5,
Second Series of the Pennsylvania
Archives, pp. 731 to 734. It is there

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

123

set forth thai; a treaty of peace in
that year was being made between
the Five Nations and the Governor
of Maryland and the proceedings of
the treaty are there set out at large.
At page 734, the Agent lor Maryland,
Colonel Henry Coursey says, to the
different tribes oi the Five Nations
who were present, "You have killed
oisr horses, cattle and hogs and rob
bed our houses a,nd killed some ol
our subjects, whereby we were justly
provoked to have made a war upon
you, and dispatched away our
troops to your country to have re
venge lor the several mischiels done
to us." He then goes on to tell them
at the same time the soldiers went
to make the war, he now comes to
make peace. This happened the 4th
ol August, 1682. I would not know
what else he could mean by saying
that "we dispatched away our troops
into your country tq have revenge"
unless he meant to reler to Colonel
Beall's expedition. We have noticed
in a lormer item that Beall was
made Ranger at the beginning ol the
year 1682. I have no authentic
prool that Beall ha.fl cannon with
him or that he sl3;ughtered many
Senecas. I do not believe that there
was an extensive slaughter and the
authorities which I have just quoted
would seem to show that Beall was
only sent to Irighteii the Senecas and
that belore he did much killing peace
was arranged. Tbere is only one
thing more to add and that is that
this was the last warlare between the
whites and the Indians on Pennsy
lvania soil in these early days until
the French and Indian war broke out
in 1755. This expedition ol Beall
thus happened a few months before
William Penn arrived in his Pro
vince.1682 — The Impeachment of Jacob
young.
In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 370 an impeachment against Jacob

Young is set forth charging;
(1) That Jacob Young not regard
ing due obedience which he as one of
tho people of this Province ought to
his Lordship hath endeavored to
alienate his affection from the Pro
prietary and the better to do it did
contract marriage and take to wile an
Indian woman of the Susquehannock
Nation; by whom he had several
children one or more of which is now
among the Indians and he the said
Jacob Young Is more concerned for
them than is this province:
(2) That the said Jacob Young has
so far espoused the interest of the
Susquehannocks and other Northern
Indians that in 1675 and several
years since at Cecil county, even
when the said Indians were enemies,
did succor aid and assisted the Sus
quehannocks against the Piscata
ways: (3) That the said Jacob Young to
show his affection and kindness to
those Susquehannocks has often in
years and places aforesaid, given out
in speeches and declared that the
Susquehannocks are an innocent and
harmless people and has palliated
their rapine and justified their mur
ders: (4) That while employed by the
Province to help bring about peace
between the Province and the North
ern Indians, causing great outlays of
tobacco, Jacob did secretly instigate
hostilities to be continued and pre
vented peace:
(5) That Jacob further declared
his adherence to the said Susquehan
nocks and other Northern Indians by
carrying on an oppressive war
against the Piscataways on no other
account than that the Piscataways
did not assist the Susquehannocks in
the late war by them made against
the Proprietor and did make it his
business to move and stir up the

124

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Susquehannocks to make war on the
Piscataways; and did take upon him
to travel to several parties, to the
Susquehannocks then scattered in
several parts of Maryland and Vir
ginia and rallying them did encour
age them in hostile manner to invade
this Province:
(6) And since his imprisonment he
gives out that he has so much in
fluence ' over the Susquehannocks
that he can make them do what he
pleases; and when he was put in
irons he now declares he will have
revenge on those who put him in
irons." No comment is needed on this im
peachment as it explains itself. One
or two points are worthy of notice,
to wit: that the Susquehannocks
were yet a source of annoyance and
terror to Maryland and they evidently
had influential friends such as this
man Jacob Young and others of a
similar standing.
1682— Jacob Young's Answer.
Jacob Young filed his answer to
the above impeachment saying:
(1) "That he denies he is an enemy
of the Government.
(2) He denies that he married a
Susquehannock Indian woman and
never had any children by such wife;
and never was concerned for the Sus
quehannock Nation against Mary
land: (3) That in 1675 he did not live in
Maryland but in Delaware and was
sent for to come to Maryland to in
terpret for Maryland the Susquehan
nock language and that he several
times at the risk of his life induced
the Susquehannocks to be loyal
to this Government and to stay with
in its bounds; and that he persuaded
the Susquehannocks that were gone
over the Delaware to come back, at
great hazzard he sought out the said
Susquehannocks and lound them."
(See 7 Md. Archives, pp. 386 to 391).

1682 — Susquehannocks Still Among
the Senecas.
In Vol. 17 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 110 under date of May 30, 1682
is set forth that "an express from
New York brings advise that some
hosts of Northern Indians are. set out
for these parts; and those that al
ready set forth were headed chiefly
by the Susquehannocks and other
war captains and are ill effected to
ward the Governor of Maryland.
Therefore, to prevent blood-shed and
surprise all the military commanders
are to have timely notice."
On the same subject there is a let
ter to Captain Blockhouse found in
17 Maryland Archives, p. 203 which
states, "Our humble request is that
you will by the first opportunity that
comes this way send a power from
your hand to us to dispatch away
from hence persons that we may em
ploy for our money to present the
Northern Indians; which are com
manded by the Susquehannocks of
whom we have too great cause to
fear for their designs against the
Christians." Prom this we see that the Susque
hannocks living among the Senecas
were great agitators of strife and
kept the Colonists in mortal dread.
They had military power and were
natural leaders; and are now found
commanding and leading forth to
pillage bands of other Northern In
dians.1682 — Peace Between Maryland and
the Five Nations, (Including the
Susquehannocks Under Their
Control.)
In Vol. 5 of the Second Series of
the Pennsylvania Archives, pp. 731
to 739 is set forth an extensive
treaty between Maryland and the
Five Nations; it is a long treaty and
is as follows:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

125

(1) That the parties will keep per
fect faith with each other:
(2) That they will not join to
gether so as to overcome the other
provides :
(3) That if any Indian among any
Christians or any ol the Christians
living among the Indians commit
murder upon the other party that
those so committing the murder
shall be punished:
(4) That the Iriendship with the
Piscataways shall be kept and that
all these provisions will be kept.
This treaty also provides that if
either parties have prisoners among
them that they will give them up;
this includes the Susquehannocks.
1682 — The Susquehannocks Indians
Meet William Penn.
Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County, p. 24, says, "that when the
first grand treaty with the Indians"
was held that Indians were present
"from the shores of the Susquehan
na." The same is set forth in Lyle's
History of Lancaster County, p. 3.
Mombert in his History ol Lancas
ter County, p. 49 says, "There were
at least three Indian tribes present
at the great treaty the Lenni Le-
napes living near the Delaware; the
Mingoes from Conestoga and the
Shawanese Irom the Susquehanna.
Penn was accompanied by a lew
ol his friends." Mombert also quotes
Janney in saying, "It was near the
close ol November, 1682, the Voltiers
on the banks ol the Delaware had
shed their summer attire, the ground
was strewn with leaves, and the
Council fire burned brightly fanned by
the breeze.'' He then goes on to tell
how the Indians sat at the treaty and
of their peculiar dress; that the
chiefs were in front of the aged men
in the form of a half moon; the
young men and aged women and fur
ther back the youth of both sexes.
He says that Penn was dressed like

the rest of his comrades, except he
had a sky-blue sash of silk net-work
around his waist.
Gordon in his History at page 603
in a note says that the Indians at
Conestoga in 1722 showed Governor
Keith a roll of parchment containing
a treaty which Penn made wiih them
and he says it was the great treaty.
He also quotes Mr. R. Cunningham
saying that he, Cunningham, discov
ered an envelope in a bundle of pap
ers relating to the Shawnese Indians
with the following endorsement,
"Minutes of the Indian Conference in
Relation to the Great Treaty made
with William. Penn at the Big Tree,
Shackamaxon on the 14th of the 10th
month, 1682." The papers are not to
be found. As further proof that the
Conestogas were at Penn's treaty or
met Penn at one of the early treaties
at Philadelphia, this note sets out
that Tawenna a Conestoga chief at
a treaty held under Governor Gor
don, Miay 26, 1729 made reply to a
speech which he the Indian Chief
said Penn had made to them under
the Elm tree. Mombert also says at
p. 48, citing Watson's Annals that
William Penn in 1682 endeared him
self to the Indians, and that "he
walked with them, sat with them on
the ground and ate with them their
roasted acorns and hominy. At this
they expressed delight and soon be
gan to show how they could hop and
jump, at which exhibition to cap the
climax, William Penn sprang up and
beat them all." This is given for
what it is worth.
Hockwelder in his narrative on the
Indians, p. 77, in commenting upon
the Paxtung murder ol the Cones
togas that "they were the descen
dants of those ancient Conestoga In
dians who welcomed him upon this
flrst arrival and presented him with
venison, etc." He would therefore

126

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

have us believe that when the In
dians of the Susquehanna Territory
went to the great treaty and welcom
ed William Penn that they took veni
son and meat along as presents.
1682— Tlie Susquehannocks IJTove to
Turkey Hill.
Lyle in her history states that in
this year the Susquehannocks moved
to Turkey Hill on the Susquehanna.
Turkey Hill is in Manor Township
three miles below Columbia — (See
Lyle's History, p. 20). At the same
page this history says that this time
Penn visited the Susquehannocks.
I am inclined to think it was a year
or two later; and this, history also
states that Penn gave them their In
dian town of 500 acres in Manor
Township about this same time —
(See same page Lyle's History).
There is no doubt that there was
always a good feeling and amity be-
eween Pennsylvania and the Susque
hanna Indian tribes and without a
ripple. On p. 15 of Vol. 2 of the Col
onial Records is set forth the treaty
with the Susquehannock Indians con
cerning lands in 1701, and the second
paragraph states, "Hitherto there has
always been a good understanding
and neighborhood between the said
William Penn and his Lieutenants
since his flrst arrival in this Prov
ince and the several nations of In
dians inhabiting in and about the
same." This all, shows that there
was very early friendly communica
tion and general good understanding
between the tribes of Indians on the
Susquehanna River and the Govern
ment of William Penn.
1683 — Consultation on Jacob Young's
Alleged Conspiracy With the
Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 7 of the Maryland Archives
pp. 475 and 476 it is stated that the
following proceeding took place be

fore the Majryland Council relative to
Jacob Young. I quote it as follows:
"The House find against Jacob Young
that in 1677 when Colonel Henry
Coursey was empowered by commis
sion from Thomas Notley to go to
Albany to negotiate he took Jacob
Young as an interpreter, and when
Coursey after coming to Albany told
Jacob Young that his commission was
to conclude a peace Jacob answered
that if he had known so much before
he came thither that the Susquehan
nocks were not to be included in th^
peace he had rather given 20,000
pounds of tobacco than to come
along and that in 1682 when the
Northern Indians came and besieged
the Piscataway Port, Colonel Coursey
and Colonel Stevens sent as agents
and Young as interpreter. Young in
quired why the Northern Indians
came down to lyar with the Piscata
ways contrary to treaties which
Young was to ask them, the said
Young said nothing for some time but
afterwards answered that if he had
thought he was to have spoken of
any such thing he would rather have
given 20,000 pounds of tobacco than
have come. Since his Imprisonment
he has said the Susquehannocks are
an innocent people and that he can
make them do what he will."
The two Houses took this matter
up but they finally disagreed about
Jacob Young's punishment and, af
ter being imprisoned for some time
he was discharged.
1683— The First of Penn's Purchases
From the Indians of the Sus
quehanna River.
The first purchase by Penn ol
land on the Susquehanna River which
I can find is shown by a deed from
Kepelappan found in Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. 67. It is as fol
lows: "I, Kekelappan, of Opaiskunk,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

127

lor me, my heir's and Assigns, do
hereby give and grant unto William
Penn, Proprietary and Governor of
ye Province of Pennsylvania, etc., his
Heirs and Assignes, that half of all
my lands betwixt Susquehanna and
Delaware, which lyeth on the Sus
quehanna Side; and do hereby fur
ther promise to sell unto him at ye
next Spring, at my return from hunt-
ting, ye other half of my land, at as
reasonable rates as other Indians
have been used to sell in this River.
In witness whereof I have hereunto
sett my hand and seal at Philadel
phia ye 10th of November, 1683."
Just to what point the land ex
tends we can not now ascertain but
we will notice that the deed recited
that it is land between the Delaware
and Susquehanna Rivers, lying on the
Susquehanna side, therefore, it is a
part of our county now.
It seems that almost as soon as this
purchase was made Penn's troubles
began with the Five Nations, who as
we have seen before were the owners
of all this land by conquest, having
subjugated the Susquehannocks. They
made their dissatisfaction known to
Governor Dungan of New York whc
sent a letter dated the 18th of Sept
ember, 1683 to the Indian commis
sioners of New York which may be
found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Arch.,
p. 74 and is as follows: "Gentlemen:
I have this day advised with the
Councill, and after a serious con
sideration as a cause of so great Im
portance require. It is for good and
weighty reasons thought very conven
ient and necessary to putt a stopp to
all proceedings in Mr. Penn's affairs
with the Indyns until his bounds &
limits be adjusted, att ye determin
ing of which I think. either to be per
sonally present or else send some
person. Ybu are, therefore, to suf
fer no manner ol proceedings in that
business, until you shall have posi

tive orders from mee about itt, and
Mr. Haige, Esqr., Penn's Agent, is
to be acquainted with the contents
of this Letter. Gentlemen, I am, as
suredly. Your Faithful Servant,
THOMAS DUNGAN.
As this letter plainly shows Dun
gan says it was necessary to put a
stop to all Penn's proceedings with
the Indians on the Susquehanna at
present. The Susquehannock In
dians who sold Penn land here plain
ly were imposing a fraud upon him,
they knew that the Five Nations
owned the land and that they had no
right to sell it.
1683— Another of Penn's First Pur-
chases From the Indians on the
Susquehanna River.
In Vol. 5 of the Maryland Archives
p. 402 there is a letter written by
William Penn, dated at New Castle,
Oct. 16, 1683, which is as follows:
"I do hereby declare that I have
bought ol Machaloha all his land and
rights by the Delaware River and the
River of Susquehanna and Bay of
Chesapeake. And I do warn all per
sons that they presume not to settle
thereon without my leave and that
those that actually are or hereafter
shall settle upon any part ol the
same do behave themselves justly
and lawlully towards him and his lel-
low Indians."
Machaloha was one ol the inlerior
chiels ol the Susquehannocks but 1
am not able to say whether he was
a pure Susquehannock or a represen
tative ol some ol the Northern con-
lederates. But lurther particulars of
this purchase may be found in Vol.
1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 67
where this Machaloha under the date
of October 18, 1683, in a deed says
that he is the pwner of all the lands
from' the Delaware River to the
Chesapeake Bay and up to the Falls

I2S

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of Susquehanna and that he does sell
the same unto William Penn and ac
knowledging that he has received
part of the purchase money and that
the remainder is to be paid in the
Spring. This is delivered in the pre
sence of Edward Cantwell, Lasse
Cook and several others.
1683- The Next Step Taken by the
Susquehanna Indians About
Their Lands.
Something of Penn's manner of
dealing with the Indians is told us
by Mombert in his History, p. 51,
tvhere he says that on one occasion
Penn unrolled a parchment and ex
plained the articles ol a treaty of
purchase and said by these that they
would be protected in their lawful
pursuits even in the lands which they
had given away. Then, says Mom
bert, Penn laid the roll of parchment
on the ground and told them to ob
serve it as a sign that the land should
belong to both. That then he took
the parchment again and handed it
to the Chief and told them that' they
should keep it safely for three gen
erations so that their children might
know what had taken place.
These Indians after having sold
Penn two tracts of land above men
tioned now sell it all to Governor
Dungan of New York. We can not tell
whether they did this because they
were afraid of the Five Nations or
because they wanted to give Penn
more trouble. We shall see a little
later that the Iroquois demanded that
Penn should not settle any white
people on the Susquehanna River.
Governor Dungan himself tells about
his getting possession of the lands on
Susquehanna and speaking about the
Indians who lived on that river he
says, "They have all of them agreed
to give Susquehanna River to me and
I have it under their hands to show

for it. All that I desire of you for my
own security is that you will engage
In case his Royal Highness be fond of
their gift, that you will save me
harmless," — (See Vol. 1 of Penna.
Archives, p. 77).
And under the date of October 22,
1683, Dungan writes another letter
to Penn and says, "All business goes
here to great satisfaction; the Sus
quehanna River is given me by the
Indians by a second gift about which
you and I shall not fall out. I de
sire we may join heartily together
to advance the interest oi my master
and your good friend."— -(See Vol. 1
of Penna. Archives, p. 80). Penn had
a good deal of reason to be suspi
cious of these New York transactions.
One of his friends John West in a let
ter dated October 16, 1683, which
may be found in Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 79, writing from New
York says," "Your affairs about the
Susquehanna land are well effected,
though the people of Albany, jealous
of their trade much oppose you inter
est therein; for the particulars of
which I refer you to the Commis
sioners." A few months later as may be seen
by Thomas Dungan's letter to Wil
liam Penn in Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 84 relations were quite
strained between him and Penn; and
he wrote under the date of March 17,
1684 from New York to Penn and
among other things he says, "I fear
you coveting your neighbors' lands
would do much prejudice, and this I
say out of a concern and sense of
kindness for you."
We may observe here that Penn
did have a great deal of difiiculty in
getting these lands back and it' was
not until 12 years later, in 1696; that
he succeeded in having them deeded
back by Governor Dungan. But this we
will notice later.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

129

There can be no doubt that they
were conveyed by Dungan from
what I have said above but there is
an additional evidence in Vol. 4 of the
Colonial Records, p. 708 where Can-
assatego, an orator of one of the Five
Nations making a speech in the Lan
caster Court House on June 26, 1744
said to the Governor of Maryland,
"We are now straitened and sometimes
in "want of deer and liable to many
other inconveniences since the Eng
lish came among us, and particularly
from the pen and ink worfe which is
going on at the table (pointing to the
secretaries), and we will give you
an instance of tjiis. Our brother
Onas a great while ago came to Al
bany to buy the Susquehanna lands
of us, but our brother the Governor
of New Yorfe, who as we suppose had
not a good understanding with our
brother Onas advised us not to sell
him any for he would make ill ' use
of it; and pretending to be our friend,
he advised us, in order to prevent
Onas's or any other persons impos
ing on us and that we might always
have our land to put it in his hands
and told us he would keep it for our
use, and never opened his hands and
let it get out. We trusted him, we
put our lands into his hands, and
charged him to keep it safe for us
but he went away to England and
carried our land with him and then
sold it to our .brother Onas for a
large sum of money; and when, at
the instance of our brother Onas we
were minded to sell him some land,
he told us that we had sold it al
ready to the Governor of New York
and that he bought it from the Gover
nor of New York, and that he had
bought it from him in England;
though when be came to understand
how the Governor of New York had
deceived us, he generously paid us
for our lands over again."

All this goes to show that about
1083 either through deception or
otherwise these Susquehanna lands
were .put into the hands of the Gov
ernor of New York as we have above
stated. Further reference as to the Susque
hanna Indians making their title
over to the Governor of New York
may be found in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Records, p. 97, where James Logan
while at Conestoga told the Indians
that they knew "the Five Nations bad
long since made over all their rights
to the Susquehanna to the Governor
of New York." And likewise at p.
101 of the same book he says that the
Five Nations had frequently acknow
ledged that they had sold the Sus
quehanna lands to Governor Dungan.
Therefore whether this was done
for the benefit of Dungan because the
Iroquois were angry on account df
the petty Susquehanna chieftains
having sold a couple small tracts to
Penn and thus determined to put it
out of their power to do so we can
not tell; but at any rate it caused
Penn a great deal of trouble to get
the title back again.
1683 or 1684— Penn's First Visit to
the Indians on and About the
Susquehanna River.
By some historians it is taken as
proved that William Penn was among
the Indians of the Susquehanna
River twice, once in 1683 or in the
early summer of 1684 just before he
departed for England in the Fall of
1684 and once in 1701 immediately
before leaving for Englarid the sec
ond time. Other historians doubt
that the first visit was made.There is
no absolute proof that it was made
but there is a considerable amount
of evidence at hand; and 1 will now
give from the books those facts which
are considered proof that Penn visit-

130

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ed these Indians of the Susquehanna
River in 1683 or 1684. There is no
doubt, whatever about his second
visit and that we will take up in its
order. Penn perhaps about 1683 or
1684 sent parties to view the Susque
hanna River. In Vol. 19 of the Sec
ond Series of the Penna. Archives,
p. 13 there is a letter written by
William Penn to his cousin William
Markham and others, dated 1686, in
which speaking of the Susquehanna
and land there he shows much fam
iliarity with that river saying, "I
hereby order you to take up the most
convenient place, that is to say the
canoable branch of the West side of
Schuylkill about 30 miles from the
town (Philadelphia) 10,000 acres for
my daughter Gulielma Maria Penn;
'Tis that which goes towards the Sus
quehanna by which they rode when
Ralph Prewell went to view the
river." I quote this simply to show that
before Penn left Pennsylvania for
England in the Fall of 1684 he sent
Fretwell to view the Susquehanna. I
shall now adduce some facts which
tend to show that Penn hmself fol
lowed and investigated the Susque
hanna Country for himself.
(1) In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 114, under the date of June
11, 1684 it was reported to Council
that "Samuel Land's letter was read
informing the Governor and Council
that Jonas Askins heard Colonel Tal
bot say that if Governor Penn should
come into Maryland he would sieze
him and his retaine (retinue) in their
journey to the Susquehanna Fort." It
was also the same day ordered that
William Welch shall take, under oath.
the statement of Jonas Askins con
cerning what Talbott said.
In this it will be plainly seen that
Talbot speaks as if it was the cus

tom of William Penn to go to the
Susquehanna Port and it to my mind
is a strong proof that Penn prior to
this date, 1684 was personally on the
Susquehanna River conferring with
the Susquehannock Indians.
(2) When Penn put out the pro
spectuses of his town which he in
tended to build on the Susquehanna
found in Vol. 1 of Hazard's Reg. p.
400 under the date of 1690, he said
in the prospectus "that which recom
mends this settlement is the known
goodness of the soil and situation of
the land which is high and salu
brious, also the pleasantness and
largness of the River being clear and
not rapid and broader than the
Thames at London Bridge many
miles above the place intended for
this settlement." He also then tells
of the timber growing there saying
that it is oak, ash, chestnut, walnut,
etc.; he speaks of the native fruits
which were grapes, pawpaws, chest
nuts and others, of the fish and wild
animals of the place.
In this he shows such a familiarity
of the Susquehanna River as would
lead one to think that he actually
saw it up to the place where this set
tlement was to be located, viz.: from
the mouth of the Conestoga Creek 15
miles northward. If he did see it be
fore 1690, it must have been before
1684, since as we have stated before
he left Pennsylvania for England in
the Pall of 1684.
(3) About 1685 William Penn wrote
what is called "A Further Account
of the Province ol Pennsylvania."
This he wrote while he was in Eng
land. It was a very rare pamphlet
and would sell at an enormous price.
It is dated Worminghurst Place, the
12th ol the 10th month, 1685. In
this account he says speaking upon
the seasons, etc., "I have made a dis
covery ol about 100 miles West and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

131

find those black lands richer in soil,
woods and lountains than those by
the Delaware, especially upon the
Susquehanna River."
In this he almost in as many
words says that he personally made
this discovery and il that is so then
he visited this Susquehanna River
and the Indians living upon it be
lore 1683.
(4) In a letter which Penn wrote
dated the 14th ol August, 1683 to
the Lords ol Trade and Plantations
found in Vol 1 of Proud's History,
p. 267, speaking of the difficulties
which Penn had with Lord Balti
more, he says at page 271, "I sent
an express to pray the time and
place where I should meet him (Lord
Baltimore). I followed close upon
the messenger that no time might be
lost. I sent three gentlemen to let
me know if he would meet me at the
head of the Bay of Chesapeake; I
was then in a treaty with the Kings
of the natives for land; but three
days after we met 10 miles from New
Castle which is 30 miles from the
Bay." In this it may be said that the
treaty he spoke of with the natives
for land in this neighborhood about
the head of the Chesapeake Bay
might indicate that Penn was about
the Susquehanna River at that time,
there is no absolute proof of this,
however. Proud's History in an
other place tells of him attending
Quaker meeting in Upper Maryland
on the west side of the Bay before
1684, and there is at least strong
likelihood in this that he stopped to
see these influential Indians on the
Susquehanna River on such trips.
In Vol. 1 of Proud's History, p.
209 is contained an account of
Penn's visit to Chesapeake Bay as
early as 1683 and attending Quaker
meeting there.

(5) In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals,
p. 209, Mr. Watson speaks of Nebo-
waway an Indian chief of the Dela
wares. Watson says that this chief's
name appears among the signers of
the treaty at Conestoga in 1718 and
in his childhood he is said to have
seen William Penn on his second
visit in 1701 (to Conestoga). II Wat
son considers this visit of Penn in
1701 as the second visit of Penn to
Conestoga, he himself believes there
was a first visit, which of course was
prior to 1701, and as Penn was in
England from 1684 to 1700 it likely
refers to a visit in 1684.
(5) In Vol. 1 of Proud's History,
p. 214 one of the old Conestoga
chiefs in 1721 is quoted as saying in
the conference held at Conestoga that
they never should forget the Counsel
that William Penn gave them and
that they would always keep it in
mind. This may have reference to
his early visit up into this Country.
(7) Oldmixon in his history of
Pennsylvania in 1706 speaking of
Penn's visit says that some time
prior to the year of 1685 Penn made
a journey into the interior of the
Province (See Oldmixon 's History
in Vol. 5 of Haz. Reg., p. 164). What
Oldmixon says is. ."Mr. Penn in the
year 1683 travelled into the back
country to make discoveries, came to
a wigwam where the Captain-General
of that Nation lived. The Captain
happened to be ill of fever and was
about to try their usual remedy to
cure himself. His wife had prepared
a little bagnio like an oven and put
several great hot stones on each side
of it, which gave the man an extreme
sweat while he lay or sat along side
the oven." Just what this back
country was, we do not know but it
would seem likely that he would visit
this powerful tribe of Indians on the
Susquehanna River.

132

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

William J. Buck in his book called
"William Penn in America," p. 132
commenting upon this says that the
journey was made on horse-back and
it may possibly be one of those to
which Thomas Fairman alludes as
having accompanied him. The par
ticular object was says Buck to be
come more acquainted with the Pro
vince and its natural produce as well
as the Indians living therein. From
actual observation Buck also says, p.
132 that it is to this journey that
William Penn refers when in 1685 he
states that he has made a discovery
of the fertile lands on the Susque
hanna River. This seems to be an
other proof that Penn visited the
Susquehanna River in 1684.
(8) In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 553, under the date of 1712
it is stated that several Indians from
Conestoga came to Philadelphia and
the war-captain of the Conestogas in
his speech said that the Proprietor
Governor Penn "had at his first com
ing among them made an agreement
with them that they should always
live as friends and brothers." It
may be seen that in the words "com
ing amongst them" this Indian refers
to Penn coming up to the Conestoga
and Susquehanna and not simply to
his coming to Pennsylvania, and as
it refers to his "first" it may refer
to a visit of 1683 or 1684.
(9) In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 154 it is stated under the
date of 1721 quoting a speech again
of Captain Civility that "William
Penn made a firm peace and league
with the Indians in those parts
(Conestoga) nearly 40 years ago
which has often been renewed and
never been broken." And again at
page 11 of the same book under the
date of 1722, Governor Keith at Con
estoga said "the last time that I was
with you at Ctmestoga you showed

me a parchment you had received
from William Penn," which may
again refer to this early visit.
(10) In the American Weekly Mer
cury of May 30, 1728 where there is
an account contained of the journey
made by Governor Keith to the Con
estoga Indians on a treaty, the re
port after giving a growing charac
ter of the treaty states that the In
dians said they "never had such a
satisfactory speech made to them
since the great William Penn spoke
to them hence." This seems to refer
to Williaih Penn coming to see these
Indians when he first came to his
Province likely some time in 1683.
An account of this same visit is
found in the Colonial Records, and
also in Rupp's History, pp. 198-199.
(11) A thing which may be con
sidered somewhat confirmatory of
Penn having been about the Susque
hanna in 1683 is found in Vol. 1 of
Watson's Annals, p. 143. at which
place he says that a treaty was made
on the 30th of July, 1685 for land to
extend two days' journey or as far as
a man can go in two days back into
the country, which was back to the
Susquehanna River, and it is likely
that Penn examined this land and
knew what it was.
(12) Penn may be referring to the
land along the Susquehanna River in
his letter to the Free Society of
Traders written in 1683, found in Vol.
1 of Proud's History where he says
at page 247, "the back lands are gen
erally three to one richer than those
that lie by the navigable rivers."
He speaks here as if he saw the
back land personally and it is well
know that the Susquehanna was not
navigable, therefore we give this as
one of the items of proof with the
others which may show that Penn
was among the Susquehanna Indians
as early as 1683.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

13S

These we consider the chiel reasons
which prove or tend to prove that
William Penn paid the Susquehanna
River and its natives the compliment
ol a personal visit some time in 1683
or 1684. We do not contend that it
is absolutely proven but there is
much in what we have just quoted
to conclude that he was here. He
also shows at another place consider
able familiarity with this country
where he says in the same letter in
Vol. 1. ol Proud's History, concerning
the Indians that, '"I have had occa
sion to be in Council with them upon
treaties for land and to adjust the
terms ol trade." And in the same
book, p. 262 as a part of the same
letter, he says concerning the loca
tion ol the Susquehanna that "the
Susquehanna tends to the heart of
the Province and on both our own
land." This may further indicate
that he saw the Susquehanna River.
1684 — The Susquehanna Indian
Tribes Debauched by the Mary
land Rum Sellers.
In Vol. 1 of Proud's History, p. 284
he says that it was about this time
(1684) that the laws to prevent liquor
being sold to the Indians did not Jin-
swer the purpose for the English of
Maryland in a clandestine manner
still procured rum. All that William
Penn could do did not help matters
very much and much blood-shed oc
curred because of the drunkenness
about the Susquehanna River.
1684- Govemor Dungan Giies Penn
Advice About Susquehanna In
dian Trade.
In Vol. 5 of the Sec. Series of the
Pennsylvania Archives, p. 754 is
found a report ol Governor Dungan
dated 1684 in which he says page 755
in relerence to the Susquehannocks
that "those Indians about 40 years

ago annexed their lands to this Gov
ernment and have renewed the same
with every Governor wince but I can
not get out traders to live upon the
Susquehanna River." As to this an
nexation see p. 33 aate.
Dungan also says, ia speaking of
the Susquehannocfes' land union with
New York Indians and Penn's desire
to buy the Susquehanna lands, "I
can not believe that it was the King's
intention to grant away so much oiC
this Government  if therelore his
Majesty were pleased to have a line
run from 410 40' in Delaware River
to the Falls upon the Susquehanna
and let Mr. Penn keep all below that
it would be sufficient lor him the
bounds below it would contain more
than all England besides the lower
Counties which is near upon 100
miles Irom the Cape to the River and
breadth more than 30 miles."
The New York Governor here
thinks it a great mistake that Penn's
Province should extend so far as its
present boundary and that Indian
difficulties arise from this cause.
1684 — Dungan Proposes a Fort on the
Susquehanna River to Command
Indian Trade.
Governor Dungan- in Vol. 5. of the
Sec. Series of the Penna. Archives,
p. 756 says, "to preserve the Beaver
and Peltry Trade for Albany and to
encourage our beaver hunters, I de
sire to erect a campagne Fort uiion
Delaware River in latitude 410 and
40'; another upon the Susquehanna
where his Majesty shall think fit that
Penn's boundary should terminate;
and another at Oneigra near the
Great Lake the way where our people
go beaver-hunting, it being very nec
essary for the support ol trade and
maintaining a correspondence with
the Indians."
In this we see that the Governor

IU

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of New York was determined on con
trollings the trade of the Susquehanna
Indians for which purpose he wanted
the Fort at the Falls of the Susque
hanna, and by which means he want
ed to take about half of the Province
of Penn^lvania.
1684— The Five Nations Oppose Wil
liam Penn Settling the Susque
hanna River, Instigated by
Governor Dungan.
In the same book last quoted, p.
753 we are given a glance of what
fhe Onondagoes, Cayugas and others
think of Penn's Susquehanna activi
ties. It is there set forth by these
two tribes of fhe Five Nations thai*
they have put themselves and their
lands under the protection of the
King and have given the Susque
hanna River to the Governor of New
York; they propose that "Penn's
people must not settle under the Sus
quehanna River." The writer then
goes on to say, "my Lord Effingham
is desired to take notice that Penn's
agents would have bought the Sus
quehanna river of them, but they
Would not, but fastened it to the
Government of New York; they being
a free people uniting themselves to
the English,it may forever be in their
(Susquehannocks) power to give
their lands to what Sachem they
please." It is not difficult to see here how
much influence the Five Nations act
ing with the Governor of New York
had in seducing the Susquehannocks
away from Penn's interests, thus giv
ing Penn very serious problems to
deal with.
As lurther evidence of the diffi
culty that William Penn had in buy
ing the Susquehanna lands from the
Indians I quote what one of the Five
Chiels said at Philadelphia on July
3, 1727, concerning these purcljases

in 1683 and 1684. This chief was at
Philadelphia with several others and
he said that when Penn was at Al
bany trying to buy the Susquehanna
land, he (Penn) said to the Five Na
tions, 'Well, my brethren you have
gained the victory. You have over
come the people and the land is
yours. We shall buy them of you.
How many commanders are there
among youT And being told there
were 40, he said: "II you will come
down to me I will give each of these
commanders a suit of clothes such as
I wear,"— (See 3 C. R., 372). From
this we see that Penn had to go to
New Yorfe to deal.
1685— Penn Succeeds in Making An
other Land Purchase, Stretching
Back to the Susquehanna
River.
In Vol. 1 of Watson's Annals, pp.
142 and 143 is set forth a land treaty
under the date ol the 30th of July,
1685 between Penn on the one part
and Shacfeoppoh, Secajie, Malibore
and Tangoras, Indian Shackamafeers
and owners ol the land between
Chester Creek and Dublin Creek be
ginning at Conshohookin (Matson's
Fort) on the River Schuylkill then
to go northwestwardly to the woods
to make up two full days' journey, as
far as a man can travel in two days,
which Watson says extends back to
the Susquehanna River and no fur
ther at that time in that treaty, the
consideration is 200 fathoms of wam
pum, 30 guns, 60 fathoms of strawd-
waters, 30 kettles, 30 shirts, 20 gun
belts, 12 pairs of stockings, 30 pairs
of scissors, 30 combs, 30 axes, 30
knives, 20 tobacco tongs, 30 bars of
lead, 30 pounds of powder, 30 awls,
30 glasses, 30 tobacco boxes, 3 papers
of beads, 44 pounds of red lead, 30
pairs of hawks' bells, 6 drawing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

13?

knives, 6 caps, and 12 hoes. We can
not tell much about the boundaries
ol this strange sale ol lands, but the
deed lor the same may be seen in
Vol. 1 ol the Penna. Archives, p. 92.
There is, however a letter by Thomas
Holmes to the • Indians above named
briefiy describing this land dated the
7th of July, 1688 which may be lound
in Vol. 3 ol the Memoirs ol the His
torical Society, Part 2, p. 131. As it is
connected with this purchase but at
the same time contains items tailing
under 1688, I will notice it at large
under the latter date of 1688 to which
date the reader is relerred lor the
full particulars under an item en-
ititled, "The Boundaries of the Walk
ing Purchases ol 1685 and 1686 ex
tending to Susquehanna River, and
the Fixing of the Boundary lines
Thereol." 1685— Another Tract Purchased by
Penn Which May Extend to the
Susquehanna River.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives.
p. 95, there is set lorth a deed Irom
Petkhoy Kekelappan, Feomus Mack-
aloha and Packenah and several
other Indians lor all the land be
tween Duck Creek and Chester Creek
along the West side oi the Delaware
and between the two creeks back
ward as lar as a man can ride in two
days with a horse lor the considera
tion of 20 guns, 20 fathoms ol Match
coats, 20 lathonis of strawdwater, 20
blankets, 20 kettles, 20 pounds of
powder, 100 bars lead, 40 tomahawks
100 knives, 40 pairs of stockings, 1
barrel of beer, 20 pounds ol red lead,
100 fathoms of wampum, 30 glass
bottles, 30 pewter spoons, 100 awl
blades, 300 tobacco pipes, 100 hands
of tobacco, 20 tobacco tongues, 20
steels. 300 flints, 30 pairs of scissors,
30 combs, 60 looking-glasses, 200
needles, 1 skiple of salt, 30 pounds of

shugar, 5 gallons of mollasses, 20 to
bacco boxes, 100 juice harps, 20 hows
30 gimlets, 30 wooden borers, and 100
strings ol beads.
Two days ol horse-bacfe riding
would bring one to the Susquehanna
Ri-ver but at what part of the river
this land joins it, we cannot tell
either to what extent the Susque
hanna Indians joined in the deed but
we to recognize in it the names ol
Mackaloha and Kepelappan, who by
prior deeds each sold small pieces of
land towards the Susquehanna River
as the deeds themsel-ves show, for
which see ante.
This tract is also similar to the one
preceding and therefore Thomas
Holmes' letter lifeely refers to it as
well as to the preceding tract lor
these are both "walking purchases."
See under the date ol 1688 the letter
ol Holmes and the other explanations
under the title "The Boundaries of
the Walking Purchases ol 1685 and
1686 Extending to the Susquehanna
River, and the Fixing ol the Bound
ary Lines Thereof."
1687— Council Orders that No Offense
be Given the Susquehanna
Indians.
The first few years of Penn's Gov
ernment gives us very little on the
subject of the Indians of tho Susque
hanna Country. It is said that they
were present at the great treaty at
Philadelphia and frequently went to
Philadelphia, but there is very little
official record of it. However, at the
Council meeting on the 10th of May,
1687 it was ordered th.at "as to the
Susquehanna and Schuylkill Indians,
we hope.^s'ich care and diligence will
be taken as will give nc just occasion
for offense." This order was called
forth because a letter from the Gov
ernor of New York stated there was
likely to be difiiculty between the

136

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ifeusquehanna Indians and the New
York subjects.
1687— Indian Road or Trail from the
Susquehanna River to the Dela
ware River.
William Penn writing in 1690 says
that "three years ago" a road was
definitely cut and laid out between
Philadelphia and the Susquehanna
country which he says is the course
the Indians on the Susquehanna took
when trading in Philadelphia. He
says they also had a way by water
going up a branch or tributary of the
Susquehanna (which I believe is the
Conestoga), thence down a branch
which flows into the Schuylkill 30
miles from Philadelphia (which I be
lieve is French Creek). The sources
of the Conestoga and French Creek
are only a few miles apart and this
Was likely the Indian course. What
Penn says of the trail may be found
in Vol. 1 of Hazard's Reg., p. 400. I
cite this to show that there were
Susquehanna Indian trade activities
at this time with the Philadelphia
settlement.1687— Ralph Fretwell's Visit to the
Susquehanna Indians.
In Vol. 19 of the Second Series ol
the Penna. Archives, p. 13 there is
a letter from William Penn referring
to the Susquehanna Country dated
1687 and in it he speaks of Ralph
Fretwell having ridden out to view
that river, the Susquehanna. What
Fretwell's mission was I can not tell
except it may have been connected
with the Susquehanna project and it
may have been taken before 1687 but
we can not tell anything about that.
It is quite certain, however, that he
had a conference with the Indians
in that section for the benefit of the
Province of Pennsylvania.

1688— The Boundaries of the Walking
Purchases of 1685 and 1686 Ex-
tending to Susquehanna River,
and the Fixing of the
Boundary Lines
Thereof;
Under the date of the 7th of July,
1683 Thomas Holmes wrote a letter
to the Indian Chiefs who sold to
Perin in 1685 and 1686 the land
stretching from the Susquehanna
River to the Delaware River, which
letter may be found in Vol. 3 of the
Memoirs of the Historical Society,
part 2, p. 131 and is entitled "A letter
as to Indian Lands at Susquehanna
and the article in which it occurs is
called "Indian Treaties for Lands
Now the Site of Philadelphia" by
Jokn Watson. This letter is as fol
lows: "To My Very Loving Friends:
Shakahoppah, Secane, Malibor and
Tangoras, Indian Kings, and to Mack-
ecarbo, Wawoan, Tenoughan, Tericha
Neson, Haiken, Indian Shackamak-
ers: Whereas I have purchased and
bought of you, the Indian Kings and
Shackamakers lor the use ol William
Penn all your lands Irom Pamapeck
Creek to Upland Creek and so back
ward to Chesapeake Bay and Susque
hanna two days' journey — that is to
say as far as a man can go in two
days as under the hands and seals of
you the said Kings may appear; and
to the end I may have a certain
knowledge of the lands backwards
and that I may be enabled and be
provided against the time for running
the said two days' journey I appoint
and authorize my loving friend Ben
jamin Chambers, of Philadelphla.with
a convenient number of men to as
sist him to make out a westerly line
from Philadelphia .to Susquehanna,
that so the said line may be prepared
and made ready for said two days'
journey backward hereafter when no-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIANS

137

tice is given you, the said Kings....
....Witness my hand & seal the 7th
of the fifth month called July, being
the fourth year of the reign of the
Great King of England and the eighth
of our Proprietor William Penn's
Government." (Signed) THOMAS HOLMES.
In the same book and on the same
page John Watson says, "The fore
going is recorded in a large folio in
the Land Office at Harrisburg in
Book 14, 'Old Surveys and Registry
of Land Warrants.' With the same
paper is a diagram of the ground plot
of the survey. It goes in a direct line
from Philadelphia to a spot on the
Susquehanna River about three miles
above the mouth of the Conestoga'
Creek near a spot marked 'Port De
molished.' The lines cross two In
dians paths, running each Northwest
by North, the first at 15 miles from
Philadelphia, at 'Rocky Run' and the
other 38 miles distant near 'a rivulet'
two miles beyond 'Doe Run.' "
It might be a matter of curiosity
at this day to observe and ascertain
the precise locality of those primitive
roads and passes used from time im
memorial by the aborigines probably
the only ones so specificially marked
in our country.
It will be observed that even be
fore Penn's day there had been a
Fort constructed by some Christian
people upon the shores of that (Sus
quehanna) river.
This throws some light on both of
the walking purchases and shows that
they both extended back to th^ Sus
quehanna River. As to these pur
chases see the Articles under the
date of 1685, setting forth these two
purchases the one as far back as a
man could walk in two days the
other as far back as a man could
ride in two days, both reached the
Susquehanna.

There is a tradition that the In
dians were much dissatisfied with
a purchase that Penn had made from
them to be measured by walking and
the objecton that the Indians made
was that while it was to be measured
in that manner the young English
men walked farther and faster than
they expected, in fact they complain
ed that they ran or as they put it,
"young brother make a big walk."
This as we have said before is also
another authority on the location of
the Susquehanna Fort, to wit: three
miles above the mouth of the Cones
toga Creek which would place it on
the rocky cliffs between Highville
and Creswell, a place absolutely in
accessible from the Susquehanna
River and being that great rocky
bluff over 200 feet high, extending
perpendicularly to the edge of the
river through which the low grade
branch of the Pennsylvania Railroad
has recently constructed at the cost
at that place of nearly $1,000,000 a
mile. When this Port was demolish
ed can not be ascertained but under
the date of 1664 it is stated that
"Francis White is by an order of the
House gone on a special service for
the Province of Maryland to the Sus
quehannock Port, etc." See Vol. 1 of
the Maryland Archives, p. 511.
This would indicate that the Fort
was standing at this time but Holmes
says in 1Q88 it was demolished and
it is so marked on his draft. The
location of the old Susquehannock
Fort has given rise to a great deal of
speculation. That a definite line in 1688 should
be run from Philadelphia to the Sus
quehanna River, to a point 3 miles
above the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek, to a specific spot "Demolish
ed Fort" is very remarkable and
noteworthy. This was only six years
after Penn's arrival and before even

138

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indian Traders Irom Philadelphia
were here. It shows that at
that time there were occasional
searchings into the woods and that
not only the Susquehanna, but also
the Forts were well known. Our In
dians no doubt journeying to Phila
delphia as we see by the Colonial
Records they did during and belore
this year, give accounts of the Glor
ies of the Susquehanna River.
1689 — Rumor that the French and
Senecas are Coming to Destroy
the Conestoga and Sur
rounding Settlements.
By the year 1689 it would appear
a great change had come over the
Five Nations as to their attitude to
ward the Indians ol the Susquehanna
country. It seems that the French by
this time had won them over Irom
the English. At any rate under this
date in Vol. 1 ol the Colonial Rec,
p. 299 it is set lorth that the Gov
ernor acquainted the Council that he
called the Council together lor the
particular reason that it was rumored
that 8-000 French and Indians in con
junction with the Papists were com
ing toward Conestoga and Maryland
and that neighborhood lor the pur
pose of ruining the Protestants in
Maryland and Delaware, and that the
Sheriffs and Justices of the Counties
of Delaware are coming themselves
for defense. He further gtated that
he had received a letter from "Cap
tain Letort, a Frenchman living- up
the country, agreeing therewith."
This rumor first arose in April of
1689 and grev/ out of two letters sent
to the Council by the Justices and
Sheriffs of Sussex County, stating
there was an intended invasion on
Maryland "by Sennekers (Senecas)
and French." This latter reference
is found at page 277 of the same book.
It turned out to be unfounded but

it shows the continual lear to which
Conestoga was subject. A subsequent
article will also show that the Sen
ecas had not drilled from the Eng
lish to the French but were the
friends of the English and our In
dians on the Susquehanna and that
the only foundation for this rumor
was that a company of Senecas had
a misunderstanding with the French
and intended to come to the Susque
hanna to live.
1689— The First French Traders Up
Among the Indians of
Susquehanna.
At p. 299 of the book cited in the
last item we have a reference to
"Captain Letort, a Frenchman living
up the country." This was the fam
ous James Letort who with his wife
Ann were Indians traders along the
Susquehanna River. I do not know
just where he lived at this time but it
is likely that he was among the In
dians of this neighborhood because a
few years later he was known as an
old resident about Conestoga. It is
likely too that he had associate
traders as early as 1689 because in
Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records, p.
131 under the date of 1704 it is stated
that Martin Charter "has lived a long
time among the Shawnese Indians
and upon the Susquehanna." And
1698 is not even a long time before
1704. So that we deem it safe to say
here that these two were the earliest
traders among the Susquehanna In
dians. Rupp also says in his history
of Lancaster County, p. 53 that Mar
tin Charter had a trading station
among the Shawnese at Pequea near
Conestoga. As to this man James
Letort, while he was a Frenchman it
is stated at p. 100 of Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records that he was "bred
in it (Pennsylvania) from his in
fancy," so it appears that he was a

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

139

long time in some part of Pennsy
lvania.1690— A Commissioner Sent Up to the
Schuylkill and Susquehanna
Country Indians.
In Vol. 10 of the Colonial Records,
p. 334, under the date of 1690 it is
stated that Lassie Cock intends to
go up the Schuylkill among our In
dians and he was instructed to make
particular inquiry concerning the am
munition which the few French fam
ilies had, who lived up on that river.
Here again we see the fear of French
invasion and the danger of the French
weaning our Indians to them at this
time. We must also notice that the
French were actually living on the
Upper Schuylkill and our Indians
were very much afraid because of it.
1690 — Susquehanna Indians Trading
With Philadelphia.
It will be remembered that William
Penn in the year 1690 in his prospec
tus concerning the settlement and a
new County on the Susquehanna,
which is set out in Vol. 1 of Haz.
Reg., p. 400, speaks of the Susque
hanna Indians trading with Phila
delphia at this time and prior by
means of a branch of the Susque
hanna River which lies near a branch
of the Schuylkill. We have spoken
of this before but I quote it now
merely for the purpose of calling at
tention to the fact that there was In
dian trade at this time west' to the
Susquehanna River; its common
course by water was up the Cones
toga to its source then three or four
miles over-land to the source of
French creek then down French
creek to the Schuylkill and down the
Schuylkill. William Penn speaks of
it as follows, saying that this was
the "common course of the Indians
with their skins and furs into our
parts and to the Province and East I

and West Jersey from the Western
parts of the continent, where they
bring them." He also says that they
had a more direct course "laid out
between the two rivers very exactly
and conveniently at least three years
ago." All this goes to show that the
Susquehanna tribes of Indians were
trading at this date with Philadelphia.
1680 — Campanius on the Minquas and
Other Indians of the Susquehanna.
We have spoken before under a
much earlier date (as early as 1640
to 1650) of the trade which Old Cam
panius says existed between th? Sus
quehannocks and the Swedish settle
ments. He wrote however, about the
year 1690, and from his writings we
infer that what he said existed earl
ier continued at this latter date and
for a particular description of it the
reader is referred to ante, p. 26.
1690— A Branch of the Senecas At
Enmity With the French Design
to Come to Susquehanna
and Live.
In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 181, there .is a letter from Jacob
Young to Hanns John Good, Com
mander-in-Chief of Maryland, near
the Potomac in which he says: — "Sir
I have no great matter further than
this at this time. There are at my
house 14 Chinockes (Senecas), and
they tell me they have cut off the
principal place of Canada, except the
place where the Government doth
reside. They likewise tell me they
have at the fort they belong to Unan-
dake (Onondago) above 100 prison
ers of the French and the rest of the
posts have rather more. These Sen
ecas came from their own country
about the last of April and their in
tent is to settle among the Susque
hanna Indians here upon the Susque
hanna River for there are some of

140

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

every fort of the Senecas coming
down to them and they tell me that
their great men will be down very
shortly. I do desire your Honor's
instructions what I may do with
¦ them as soon as possible you can.
Nothing else at present but my ser
vices to your honor, I am yours to
command," (Signed) Jacob Young.
I believe from this it will be plain
to see the Sheriffs and Justices of
the counties of Delaware were en
tirely mistaken in their report that
9000 French and Senecas were com
ing down to destpoy the settlements
at Conestoga, on the Susquehanna
and through Maryland. I believe
that this article explains it fully that
it was nothing more or less than
these Senecas coming down among
our Susquehanna Indians; and also
that it is not true that the French
were with them but these Senecas
plainly show they had severed friend
ly relations with the French and be
cause of the enmity between them
and the French large numbers of
them intended to settle on the Sus
quehanna among the English. We
also see here how exaggerated the
reports of Indians invasions were
likely to become, the actual coming
of a couple of dozen was rumored to
be 9000. It shows to us very clearly
the nervous and fearful life the early
Colonists lived.
1690 — The Senecas and Susquehanna
Indians Want to Confirm Peace
With Maryland
In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 207 there is a letter from Mr. Neal
Blakiston to the Governor of Mary
land in which he says that the Pis
cataway Indians complain that their
men are being killed in Maryland and
they think that the Susquehannocks
are doing it. The letter then pro
ceeds to say, "The Indian Convention

for this Province is to meet at St.
Mary's the 29th. When there we ex
pect to see some of J;he Senecas and
Susquehannocks who have sent to the
Governor expressing their desire to
treat with us and to confirm the for
mer league of friendship to which the
Committee return them a very ami
cable answer signifying our readiness
to embrace and ratify the same; and
in case they could not afford us an
interpreter, then a time is to be fixed
and a place is to be appointed for
that purpose, and we will furnish an
interpreter." This amicable spirit of the Susque
hannocks shows itself quite plainly
here.1692 — An Indian Expedition Up the
Susquehanna.
In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives,
p. 343, there is a letter dated July
18, 1692 which is written by John
Thomas to Mr. George Ashman and
it is as follows: "I have been up at
Captain Richardson's this very day
with 16 horse and we were going
up to Mr. Thurston's hut, I was very
well informed that the Indians were
gone away up the Susquehanna, and
they were peaceable and did nobody
any harm and very friendly they
were. But later the Indians did fire
off several guns at the hogs and kill
ed some of them." From this it ap
pears that Maryland Indians were
journeying back and forth in business
intercourse with the Susquehannocks.
1692 — Testimony Concerning the
French Among the Susque
hannocks.
In Vol. 8 of the Maryland Archives
pp. 517 and 518 there appear cer
tain depositions taken before the
Council of Maryland on the subject of
improper friendliness between the
French and the Susquehannock In
dians. It is there stated that Captain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

141

Herman and Jacob Young were call
ed and examined and they say that
the Susquehannock Indians now
brought down declared that they know
those other Indians at the head of Jhe
Bay to come from the Southward and
are called the Stabbernowle ; and that
generally all the Indians in their
parts know them to be the same;
then the Frenchmen and Indians were
called in, viz: one Susquehannock and
another a King ol the Southern In
dians. Demand was made ol the Sus
quehannock Indians how long the
Frenchmen have been among them.
The Susquehannock Indians said,
¦"When those strange Indians went
Northward then the Frenchmen came
to them nearly two years and have
since been traveling toward the
Southward belore they found a con
venient place ol setting down and
there they lived three years. The
Seneca woman told him, the said In
dian, that a Frenchman about five
years ago ran away from the North
ern Indians to the Southern Indians
being reduced to a small number and.
as it were newly grown up, they de
sire the power of the Governor and
Council that they may have liberty
to come and settle upon their own
lands and the Susquehannock Fort
and to be taken and treated as
friends and have liberty to come
among the English without molestta-
tion." It was answered that their fort, as
they called it falling within the limits
of another government, viz: Penn
sylvania, this government can take no
notice thereof and il as they pretend
they are in league with the Mohawks,
our Iriends, we shall not disturb
them as long as they live peacebly.
It was then decided as lar as the
Susquehannock. Indians were con
cerned that they may continue at
their lort and as they are inclined

to enter into a league with us there,
may be some of their great men may
come down to confirm the same, and
il they do they shall be kindly treat
ed, and then also must make choice
ol some great man to preside over
them as Captain Civility formerly
did and as they now desire. Then
the interpreter asked the Susque-
hann Indians, since the Government
have declared their opinion concern
ing the strange Indians what nation
they were ol; and the Susquehanna
Indians replied that there are two
parties of them, one going to the
Northward, designing to join the
Senecas in their war, and those here
who have desired to settle among us
and be at peace and are called the
Stabbernowle Indians."
The whole tenor of this interview
shows that there Is a pretty sound
peace now established between the
Susquehanna Indians and Maryland
and also between them and the In
habitants ol Pennsylvania. It must
be remembered however, at this time
there were no Pennsylvania in
habitants in and about Conestoga ex
cept the one or two traders of whom
we have already spoken.
1693— The Letorts Suspected of Dis
affection Against the English
In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Records,
p. 396 under the date of 1693 is set
for an information against Ann Le
tort who several weeks before the
date of the complaint had some con
versation with an Indian King who
resented the unkindness of the Eng
lish and said that the English would
soon all be driven out and that the
French were making overtures to
the Pennsylvania Indians again lor
the land and will take it from the
English. This Indian King said that

142

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Peter Bassillion and Madam Letort
told him this and that they were in
terested in helping the French.
The information further sets forth
that about a year belore strange In
dians came to Letort's plantation and
would not tell anything about their
business; at another time Anna Le
tort said that there was no path for
the Swedes and English rogues
through the country near her house
and she also ran and got a horse
whip and lashed one ol the men and
called for others fo help her. This
complaint also states that about a
year ago Bassallion and Mrs. Le
tort sent a lot of letters to certain
strange Indians.
As a result of the complaint Mrs.
Ann Letort was brought before Coun
cil to make an answer and it appear
ed that she and her husband and
some other Frenchmen were rather
dangerous.At any rate the next month
a warrant was issued out against her
and Bassillion and several others to
come and stand trial. At the hearing
she denied everything and she was
lelt off rather easy. — See (C. R., p.
435.) I cite this in connection ^ith Lan
caster County Indian affairs because
Ann Letort and her husband lived
mostly at Conestoga; and Peter Bas
sallion did part of the time. As to
Bassallion see 2 C. R., p. 186. The
purpose of the article is to show
simply how much care was required
to prevent the French from weaning
away our Indians in this neighbor
hood. 1694— The Delaware Indians Visit
Philadelphia.
I speak of the Delaware Indians as
a tribe of the Susquehanna Country
because as we shall show later (2
Col. Rec., p. 469) they moved from the
Schuylkill River to the Susquehanna
River in 1709. They were the Indians

who after Braddock's defeat did the
murdering and scalping about Carlisle
and Shippensburg and other central
points of Pennsylvania.
In 1 C. R., p. 447 under the date of
1694 eight of the Delaware chiefs
visited the Council at Philadelphia
and represented to the Council that
the Five Nations especially the Sene
cas had sent them, the. Delawares, a
belt of wampum, stating that " you
Delaware Indians do nothing but
stay at home and boil your pots and
are like women, while we, the Onon
dagoes and Senecas go abroad and
fight against the enemy." They fur
ther complain that the Senecas want
them to be partners to go and fight
against the French, but they say that
they, the Delawares are peaceful In
dians and do not Intend to go, and
are going to the Indians of the Sus
quehanna river which River they af
terwards made their home.
1694 — Two Susquehannock Indian
Chiefs Visit the Council.
In Vol. 1 of the Colonial Records,
p. 448, it is stated that at three
o'clock on the 6th day of July, 1694
it was decided to send the belt back.
This is sufficient to show the re
lation of these Delaware Indians with
Lieutenant Governor Markham; and
his Council were acquainted that
Kyanharro and Oriteo two Susque
hanna Indians present and had some
thing to say and in replying could
not be understood, and desire Menan-
zes to speak for them.
Their message to Council was that
a certain Indian come from the Cay
ugas to the Susquehanna's (Kyan-
harro's) house to see him, and that
on the way they had to fight the Tit-
was or naked Indians. And the Sus
quehanna King desired that the Gov
ernment would allow these visiting
Indians to live with at Susquehanna

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

143

nnder protection.
1694— The Five Nations Desert the
English; and Join the French, and
Want to Compel the Susquehanna
Indians and Other Pennsylvania
Indians to Desert Also.
Under the date of the 23rd of May
1694, in Vol. 1 of the Colonial Re
cords, p. 459 is set forth a statement
of Governor Benjamin Fletcher, who
at this time was Governor of Pennsyl
vania as well as New York, the King
of England having taken the Govern
ment out of Penn's hands) to the
effect that "the Five Nations were
now debauched to the French inter
ests and are entering into a league
with the Governor of Canada."
Fletcher then says, "I must assure
you that our Indians here will be
compelled to join in this fatal con
federacy." Nothing need be added to this ex
cept that consequences ol a very ser
ious nature are about to belall the
Indians ol the Susquehanna River;
and that they are now evidently be
tween the Devil and the deep sea.
1696 — Susquehannocks, Senecas and
Shawnese Now All at Peace with
Maryland.
It would seem that the detection ol
the Five Nations to the French did
not last very long because at this
date only two years later it is stat
ed in 19th Maryland Archives, p.
319 at a Council held in Maryland,
that "Colonel Herman acquaints the
House that the Senecas, Susquehan
nas and Shawnese Indians have de
sired peace with this Province and
also that they might be in league
and trade with us."
So here it appears that at least the
Senecas, 11 not all ol the Five Na
tions want both peace and trade ar
rangements with the English in

Maryland. The same lacts are noticed in the
proceedings of the Assembly of Mary
land, in Vol. 19, of the Maryland
Archives, p. 363 where it was "re
solved that his Excellency the Gover
nor be acquainted that this house
have discoursed with Colonel Her
man, who acquaints them that the
Relique of the Senecas and Susque
hannas with the Shawnese had de
sired peace with this Province, and
that they might be in league and
trade here; and that the House de
sires of his Excellency, if he think
it may be beneficial to this Province
to enter into peace with them."
1696 — Letort and Bazallion, the Sus
quehanna River Indian Traders,
Also Operate in Maryland. ¦
In Vol. 20 of the Maryland Arch
ives, p. 470 is set forth a part ol a
letter Irom William Markham, Gov
ernor of Pennsylvania to the Gover
nor of Maryland as follows: Sir: —
Upon a copy of what Colonel Herman
gave unto your Excellency and Coun
cil, I shall require security lor Bas
sallion and Letort, though I know
will still be uneasy until he gets all
the Indian trade himsell. I have
known Colonel Herman a long time
and that he trades for himself in the
Susquehanna is better known than
trusted. I enclose to your Excellency
what I found among cast away
papers. Bassallion was in equal par
tnership with Petit and Sallway,
though it went in only their own
names, Bassallion coming in alter
the other had lorwarded lor the voy
age and alter the cargo was over
thrown, I demanded the left cargo
and Bassalion had one-third. As
to Letort, he is a Protestant, was
sent over in the year 1686 with a
considerable cargo and several
French Protestants to settle 30,000

144

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

acres of land up the Schuylkill that
they had bought from William Penn
and that is the place he lives at.
Other houses were built and families
settledthem that he brought with
him, but being so far up in the coun
try they deserted him. This Letort
was going for England in the ship
with Governor Hamilton but he was
taken. Letort was carried to Tholoun
and narrowly escaped the galleys but
after a long and hard usage got into
England, where he became acquaint
ed with theWest Jersey Company and
they understanding that his house
stood upon the Schuylkill upon a con
venient place for trade with the In
dians contracted with him to trade
for them there; and wrote to their
agent to supply him with goods. It
is not many days since that he went
to Burlington to make up his account
with the agent, intending to soon as
conveniently can for England. Gov
ernor Hamilton will give a very good
account of him."
This letter by Markham makes
clear where this famous James Le
tort lived before he moved to Cones
toga, and it also shows that his trade
as well as Bassallion's extended over
a wide territory all the way from the
Schuylkill to the Susquehanna and
even to the Potomac.
1696 — Govemor Dungan Leases Back
to Penn the Land to Dungan
by the Susquehannock
Indians.
In Vol. 2 of Smith's laws, p. Ill it
is stated that the deed from the In
dians to Governor is not known to
exist. We have, however, shown that
all this Susquehanna land was sold
by our Indians to Dungan about 1684.
Now during a lapse ol 12 years Dun
gan as we have shown in the lormer
article held the lands only in trust
lor the Indians; and now at their

direction he first leases them to Penn
lor 1000 years and then sells them to
him absolutely. This lease Is found
at page 121 of Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, and is as follows:
"THIS INDENTURE, made the
twelfth day of January.Anno Dom.,
1696, and in the Eighth Yeare of the
reigne of our Sovereign, Lord Wil
liam, the Third, King of England;
between Thomas Dongan, late Gover
nor of New York and now of London,
Esq., of the one part, and William
Penn, Governor of the Province of
Pensilvania in America, of the other
part Witnesseth that the said
Thomas Dongan, lor and in consid
eration, ol the sum ol one hundred
Pounds ol lawlul money ol England
to him in hand paid, by the said
William Penn, the right whereol is
hereby acknowledged, HATH deris-
sed and granted, and by these 're
sents doth demise and grant unt i.i,e
said William Penn, ALL that "" raet
of Land lyeing upon, on both sid 5 of
the River commonly called or known
by the name of the Susquehf na
River and the Lakes adjacent, in jur
near the Province of Pennsylva.ii;
in America, Beginning at the moi
tains or head of the said river, and
running as far as and into the Bay
of Chesapeake, with all Isles, Is
lands, Mines, Minerals, Woods, Fish
ings, Hawkings, huntings, Powlings,
and all other Royalties, profits, com-
odityes and hereditaments unto the
same belonging which the said
Thomas Dungan lately purchased of
or had given him by Sinneca Susque
hanna Indians and also all the lands,
hereditaments. Isles, Islands, Rivers,
Royalties, mines, minerals, lakes,
waters, profitts, priviledges, and ap-
putenances, whatsoever lyelhg on
both sides of the Susquehanna River,
and near adjoining thereto, which he
the said Thomas Dungan did, at, any

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

145

time purchase, or which werfe at any
time given unto them by the said In
dians, or any of them. TO HAVE
AND TO HOLD, unto the said Wil
liam Penn, his Executors, Adminis
trators and Assigns, from the day of
date hereof, for and unto the end and
Term of One Thousand years, PAY
ING unto the said Thomas Dongan,
his Executors and Administrators,
yearly, and every year on the First
day of St. Mitchell, the Arch Angeli,
the rent of a pepper Corn, if the same
shall be lawfully demanded to the
intent and purpose that by force and
virtue of these presents and ol the
Statute lor translerring ol uses into
possession, the said William Penn
may be in the actuall possession ol
• the premisses, and may thereby be
the better enabled to attempt and
take a grant, release or other Con-
¦veyance, ol the revercion and inheri-
"t.&Tjce thereol, to the use ol Himsell,
hii-* heirs and Assigns forever. IN
WIVnESSE whereof the said parties
as''!Duplicates to the other Indentures
01*' the same contents and are here-
v/'.h sett their hands. Seales Dated
3 day and year first above written.
THOMAS DUNGAN, (L. S.)
. . ^ed and delivered, being first
c according to Act of Parlliant
in ; -esence of
SAM. VAUS,
FR. HARDING,
WM. SPRINGETT."
1696 — Governor Dungan Now Deeds
Back to Penn Absolutely, the
Lands Sold to Him in Tnist
by the Susquehan
nocks.
The reason that the Governor first
leased these same lands to Penn was
to meet an old law, which required
that in order that a perfect estate
might be taken by a purchaser
should first have a lease hold in the

same. At least it is so stated in the
lease and deed which we are now
considering. The deed of this Sus
quehanna Country may be found in
Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Archives,
p. 122, as follows:
"THIS INDENTURE made the
Thirteenth day of January, Anno
Dom., 1696, and in the eighth year of
the reign ol our Soverign Lord, Wil
liam, the Third, King ol England,
etc., BETWEEN, Thomas Dongan late
Governor ol New Yorke, and now ol
London, Esq., ol the one part, and
William Penn, Governor ol the Pro
vince ol Pennsilvania, in America, ol
the other part, WITNESSETH that
the said Thomas Dongan, lor, and in
consideration ol the sum ol One Hun
dred Pounds ol lawlull money ol
England, to him in hand paid, by the
said William Penn,the receipt where
of is hereby acknowledged, HATH
granted, Enfeffoed, released, and
confirmed, and by these presents doth
grant, enfeoffe, release and confirm
unto the said William Penn, and his
heirs, ALL that Tract of land, lye
ing upon, on both sides of the river
commonly or known, by the name of
Susquehanna River, and the Lakes
adjacent in or neare the Province of
Pennsylvania in America, beginning
at the Mountains or head of the said
river, and running as far as and into
the Bay of Chesapeake, with all Isles,
Islands, Mines, Minerals, Woods,
Fishings, Hawkings, Huntings, Powl
ings, and all ther Royalties, profitts,
comodities, and hereditaments, unto
the same belonging, which the said
Thomas Dongan lately purchased of,
or had given him by the Sennica Sus
quehanna Indians, and, also all the
lands, hereditaments. Isles, Islands,
Rivers, Royalties, Mines, Minerals,
also Lakes, Waters, profits, privi
ledges and appertences, whatsoever
belonging on both sides of the Sus-

146

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

quehanna River, and near and adja
cent thereto, which he the said
Thomas Dongan, did at any time pur
chase, or which were at any time
given unto him by the said Indians
or any of them which said islands and
premises are in the possession of the
said William Penn, by virtue of a
lease thereof, for One Thousand
years, bearing the date of the next
day next before the date hereof, TO
HAVE AND TO HOLD, to the said
William Penn, his heirs and assignes
to the only use and hehooffe of the
the said William Penn, his heirs and
assigns, AND the said Thomas Don
gan for himself, his heirs. Executors,
and Administrators, doth Covenant,
promise, grant and agree to and with
said William Penn, his heirs and
assignes by these presents, that he
the said Thomas Dongan, and his
heirs, all and singular, the said Lands
and Premises, with the appurtes un
to the said William Penn and his
heirs, against the said Thomas Don
gan, his heirs and Assigns and all
other person and persons, having or
claiming to have or claim from by
or under him, them or any ol them,
and also against all and every the
Senneca, Sasquehanna Indians, shall
and will Warrant and forever delend.
IN WITNESS whereof the said part
ies have to these present Indentures,
oy Certificates to the other Indent
ures of the same intents and date
herewith interchangeably sett their
hands and seals, dated the day and
year first above written.
THOMAS DONGAN,
Sealed and delivered, being first
Stampt according to Act of Parlia
ment, in ye presence of
SAM. VAUS,
WM. SPRINGETT,
FR. HARDING."

1697 — Erroneous Belief that the
Shawnese Indians Came to
Pequea in this Year.
It is generally stated that the
Shawnese came to Pequea in 1697
from the South but as we have shown
before this is the wrong date.
They came here in 1678, — See on this
same subject Vol. 1 of the Penna.
Archives, p. 312 and Vol. 3 of the
Colonial Records, p. 441.
1697 — Steelman Goes as Spy to Sus
quehanna River: Only 40 Origi
nal Susquehannocks Left.
In Vol. 19 of the Maryland Archives
p. 519 it is set forth as part of the
proceedings of the Maryland Assem
bly that "the Speaker attended by
the whole House came and Captain
Hans Steelman being called into con
ference was required to give an ac
count of what he has done pursuant
to the order of the Council given him
in charge; and he says that accord
ing to the order he went to the Sus
quehannocks and other Indians at
the head of the Bay; that the Dela
ware King and the Chanhannan
King would have come along with
him, but that their great men were
gone abroad a hunting and because
he understood that the rest were
willing to come down about a month
hence, he did not bring them with
him. He reports that at Carristauga
(Conestoga) the Susquehanna and
Seneca Indians have about 40 young
lusty men besides women and chil
dren; that the Sheavana (Sawnese)
Indians being about 30 men besides
their women and children, are living
within four miles ol Carristauga
lower down and submit themselves
and pay tribute to the Susquehanna
Indians and the Senesas.
He says that the Delaware Indians
live at Ninguannan about nine miles

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

147

from the head ol the Elk River and
15 miles Irom Christiana and 30
miles Irom Susquelianna River, and
are about 300 men and are tributary
to the Senecas and Susquehannocks,
50 ol them being at Nuiguahannan
and the rest upon Brandywine and
Upland Creeks.
He says that the Susquehannocks,
Delawares, and Shawnese do take
themselves to be and are inclinable
to be under this Province because of
their hiinting within the same be
twixt the Susquehanna and the Poto-
macs; and finally he says that too
many people trade with these In
dians," — See also pp. 565 and 566.
1698 — The Ganawese Indians Ask
Permission to Settle In Penn
sylvania.
In Lyle's History of Lancaster
County, p. 11 it is stated that this
year the Ganawese Indians went to
Philadelphia to obtain permission to
settle in Pennsylvania, This date
seems to be a year or two earlier
than the correct date. In Vol. 2 of
the Colonial Records, p. 191 under the
date of 1705 it is stated that "five
years ago the Ganawese or Piscata
ways settled in this Province near the
head of the Potomac, Here they just
had settled with the consent of the
Proprietary and that the Conestoga
Indians at that time became a guaran
tee for the good behavior of the Gana
wese but later in the year of 1705
these Ganawese asked to move to an
other part of Pennsylvania."
Miss Lyle in her History also says
that the Ganawese settlement was
about Washington Borough, — See p.
12.1698— Chalkley's Visit to the Indians
in These Parts
Thomas Chalkley, the Quaker
preacher in his collection of works
printed by James & Johnson in Phila

delphia in 1790. p. 16 says that he
went about the head of the Chesa
peake Bay and, from there to George
Fruit's house; and that with this
friend he went to an Indian town not
far from his friend's house because
he had a desire to see these people,
having never seen any of them be
fore. I do not undertake to say, how
ever, that it was the Susquehanna
Indians that he visited, there being
several tribes along the Bay. Chalk-
ley in the same year made another
trip of which he tells us at page 23
of his works, saying that he travelled
from Philadelphia to Maryland and
visited friends on the western shore.
Therefore he likely came through the
Susquehanna Country and most cer
tainly did il he reached the Western
shore by going around the head ol
Chesapeake Bay instead ol crossing
it.1698 — The Locatio.n of the Susque
hanna Remnant Determined.
In Vol. 22 ol the Maryland Arch.,
p. 50 a proceeding is set lorth as
follows : "It is proposed that the As
sembly advise whether the Susque
hannock Indians where they now live
be within the bounds of the Province
of Maryland or not, — (Md. Archives,
14). And it was decided that as to
the Susquehannock Indians it is con
cluded they are not within this
(Maryland) Government; and as to the
method of holding an Assembly, the
House do not think fit to draw up a
method," — (Do. p. 39). It was also
proposed "that the house should give
some answer whether they think it
necessary that the Government of
New York should be sent to about
the Indians and if they are of opin
ion that the Susquehannock Indians
do not live within the bounds of the
Province of Maryland, his Excel
lency will have nothing to do with

148

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

them since the House are not willing
that an ordinance should be passed
against such persons as entice people
out of the Province. ¦ Therefore this
Board do quit themselves of incon
venience and danger that may ap
pear." Here we see that the Susquehan
nock Indians or the remnant of the
tribe are again on the Susquehanna
River north of the Maryland line.
1698-Maryland Again Makes a Treaty
With the Susquehannocks.
In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 168 the following note of a treaty
is set forth, being a proceeding in the
Assembly: "This House have read
the treaty made with the Indians at
the head of the Bay by Colonel
Thompson and others and do con
ceive that the Shawnese came from
the Southward and not in any ways
belonging to the Government of New
York; and the - Susquehannock In
dians are at their old habitation
supposed to be without the limits of
this Province and that this House
has no assurance of any nation of
Indians at the head of the Potomac."
The treaty referred to as made by
Colonel Thompson included the Sus
quehannocks.
1699 — Au Embassy Sent to Susque
hanna.
In Vol. 2 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 422 and 423 a report is given of
a session of the Assembly of Mary
land wherein it is stated, "The Com
missioners think it necessary that
James Prisby, Esq., or one ol his
Majesty's council should be called
and also the members ol the Bur
gesses of Baltimore County with what
other persons shall be thought fit to
be dispatched with all convenient
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to
see if they will ratify and confirm the
league already made with them to

enter into such further articles as
may be proposed to them: and as to
the Piscataway Indians which are
daily expected to come and settle
amongst us, if they should not come
in before the return of the messeng
ers to the Susquehanna Indians, that
the Governor shall use such measures
as he thinks fit."
In this we see it is true that
the Piscataways or Ganawese In
dians were moving their home about
this time; and this corresponds with
what we have quoted from the Colon
ial Records and other sources.
1699 — An Act Proposed to Secure the
Frontier of Maryland from the
Invasion of the Susque
hannocks.
In Vol. 22 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 509 and 510 under this date is
set forth an Act of Assembly to pre
fect the frontiers of Maryland and it
is as follows: —
"Whereas there has been a murder
committed by Indians on the frontier
plantations of Potomac River within
this Province; for the prevention of
the like for the future:
Be it enacted, etc., that Colonel
Ninian Beall and Captain Richard
Ownes with twelve troopers and six
foot soldiers do range in and about
the frontier plantations for the se
curity thereof, so long as his Excel
lency, the Lieutenant-Governor and
Council; and the committee herein
after appointed shall see convenient
to continue the said rangers and that
the said rangers shall be allowed the
sum of 2 Shillings and 6 Pence for
each trooper per day, they finding
themselves horses, arms and provis
ions; and that the two commanders
be paid in money proportionate the
same rate; and that Thomas French
provide for the rangers the quantity
of 600 weight of pork and 1000 weight

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

149

«f bisket to be deducted out of the
pay , and the said rangers and foot
soldiers to be levy-free during ser
vice, and they shall duly range and
In case any be found to straggle and
not perform their duty they shall lose
three days' pay:
And finally, James Finley, Colonel
Adderson Thompson and John Hale
and what other persons they think
fit be dispatched with all convenient
speed to the Susquehanna Indians to
ratify and confirm the league former
ly made with them and to enter to
such further articles as by his Excel
lency, the Governor and Council and
the committee hereinafter appointed
shall propose to them that a present
be given to the said Susquehanna In
dians and the said committee join
with his Excellency, the Governor
and Council in advising such meas-
-ures as will suppress any violence
as may be offered this province by the
Indians, after the breaking up ol the
present Assembly."
1700— An Objection Made to the Bill
for Defending Maryland.
In Vol. 24 ol the Maryland Archives,
p. 24 under this date the bill lor the
security ol Maryland being read. Ob
jection was made against the whole
bill, that his Excellency had lately
made a peace with the Indians "wheth
er it was not more reasonable upon
the renewing ol the peace, instantly
to withdraw the rangers and let the
Indians have the assurance that we
design firmly to observe our promise
and expect the same observance from
them; and to give no occasion to
diflidence and to leave the disposal
ol the lort to them; to do them all the
right they can by letting them quiet
ly enjoy their land; to secure the
Iriendship of the Susquehannocks
and the Eastern Shore Indians — and
it was carried by a majority of

voices against the bill."
Here we see that one party believ
ed that the Susquehannock friendship
would be more securely obtained by
withdrawing all troops and not al
lowing the rangers in the disputed
territory at all; so the bill was de
feated.1700 — An Act for Quieting the Dif-
ferences Between Maryland and
the Indians. ,
In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Archives,
pp. .102 and 103 is set forth an Act
of Assembly by Maryland as follows:
"Whereas, differences have and
may arise and grow between the Eng
lish and the Indians which for the
want of a speedy way ol delivery the
same may make great changes and ill
conveniences, have and may happen
therelrom by cqntroversey being
brought from the remotest parts of
the Province to be heard and testi
fied before the Governor and Coun
cil, the great trouble of the persons
concerned. Be it enacted that the persons in
the Act hereinafter mentioned and
appointed be and hereby authorized
and empowered to hear and deter
mine all matters of controverseywhat"
soever that may arise or happen be
tween the English and the Indians in
private or personal controversey
not exceeding the value ol twenty
Shillings, that is to say  for
the Susquehannock, Shawnese and
Delaware Indians and others on those
frontiers Col. John Thompson and
Edward Blay be and hereby authoriz
ed to hear and determine any such
matters and when judgment thereon
is given, either party refusing to per
form the same the other party by
way ol distress take into his custody
the goods and chattels of the offend
ed and out of the same make full
satisfaction to the party which was

150

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

wronged, at the discretion so author
ized "and the over-plus returned to
the owner."
1700— An Order to Treat the Susque
hannock Indians With Respect.
In Vol. 25 of the Maryland Arch.,
pp. 104 and 106 there is set forth the
following: "Pursuant to an order of
his Excellency, dated May 9th, re
quiring these persons at the head of
the Bay to treat with the Susque
hannocks, Shawnese and Delawares
as soon as possible and to proceed;
thereupon notice was given by one
ol the persons appointed to John
Hans to acquaint the said natiyes, the
Susquehannocks, Shawnese and Dela
wares, that on some certain time as
soon as possible to meet us at John
Hans's house, then there as well to
communicate what by this Govern
ment was given us in charge as to
receive what by their Kings and
Great men they had to communicate
to us; at the day and place, to wit:
the 28th of August 1700, we the said
persons and one of the interpreters
between five and six o'clock in the
evening, it being late we first re
freshed ourselves, and acquainted
those Indians that were then present,
the Shawnese' and Delawares' Kings
together with their Great men, that
tomorrow morning we should pro
ceed on our said treaty; they seemed
very willing so we gave them some
drams and they shook us by the
hand; and we went to our repose.
August 29, it being eight of the
clock we, the persons nominated ac
quainted the said Indians that we
would proceed upon the treaty and
accordingly we took our places, when
were present Ocahale, King of the
Delaware Indians and his Great men
with his interpreter. Captain Hagrup;
and Ophesaw (Opessa), King of the
Shawnese Indians with Boschaccus
his interpreter, together with his

Great men; whereupon our interpre
ters, John Hans and Christian Mounts
being swom both to receive and truly
deliver and honestly to interpret. The
Susquehannocks King not being per
sonally present but only his great
men, we showed ourselves much dis
appointed by reason of his absence,
acquainting them that we expected
him to be present as well as the other
Kings; but one of the great men
named Cassawetoway allias "In
dian Harry' has the English tongue
very fiuently, begging his excuses, ac
quainted us that two other Kings,
Kindowagahaw and Sawwaydoggo-
hay (Seneca Kings) were come to
give him a visit and that for these
reasons he could not possibly at
tend but ordered him with the rest
of the great men to give their at
tendance to hear what we had to
communicate to them and what they
enacted in that behalf should be con
firmed by himsell.
Then we acquainted them that we
were very glad to see them here and
that il the King together with the
other Kings had come to us, we
would have kindly received and en
tertained them, which they took
kindly. We proceeded to acquaint them
that our coming and calling ol them
was to ratily and confirm the treaty
ol Iriendship they had already enter
ed into with us and several other
articles herewith sent which being
consented to and signed by the sev
eral nations. We gave them nine
match coats and 40 yards ol printed
dimity equally distributed among
them, the more firmly to oblige them
to th^ stricter perlormance ol these
articles, now made, ratified and con
firmed. We lurther inquired ol them wheth
er any neighboring Indians were de
sirous of entering into friendship
and amity with us and the said In-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

151

dians. answered that at present there
were not any they knew of; and so
we concluded with the Indians and
drank the King's health. Dated at
John Hans' this 29th day ol August,
1700. The Indians in token ol their
affection presented the Government
with 15 undressed deer skins,"
"Signed by us: —
JAMES PRISBY,
JOHN THOMPSON,
EDWARD BLAY."
"On the same day we proposed to
the Susquehannocfes, Shawnese and
Delawares the following questions:
(1) Whether they are willing still
to confirm that former peace and
amity made with us; to which they
answered that they wei;e all very
willing and we entered into a gen
eral amity and peace with them for
this Province that shall stand firm
and good forever.
(2) Whether they are willing if any
other Indians should commit any in
juries upon the inhabitants of this
Province that they should be answ
erable for them and to this they re
plied that it is just and reasonable;
and that they would be accountable.
(3) Whether they are willing up
on any hurt or damage committed or
acted by any neighboring Indians to
any persons of this Government to
assist and help us. To this they an
swered they were not only willing
but would also pursue and take il
possible them or any ol them and
bring them to be dealt with all as the
Government shall think fit. Where
upon they shook hands with us in a
token of sincerity of their affection
and they have set their hands and
seals to this instrument this 29th of
August, 1700.

THE DELAWARE KING, His Mark X
KING OF SHAWNESE, His Mark. 11,
MARK OF SUSQUEHANNOCKS, -1-.
1700 — The Above Mentioned Treaty
Confirmed in the Maryland
Assembly,
In Vol. 24 of the Maryland Arch.,
p. 151 it was ordered that the treaty
made with the Susquehannock, Dela
ware and Shawnese Indians by James
Prisby, Esq., Colonel John Thompson
and Captain Edward Blay should be
laid before the House which was
done; and the same was confirmed by
the said House.
1700— The Susquelianna Chiefs Make
Another Deed to WilUam Penn.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 133 is set lorth the following deed
Irom the Susquehannock Chiel to
William Penn: —
"We Widdaagh. alias Orytyagh,
and Andaggy-junkquagh, Kings or
Sachemas ol the Susquehannagh In
dians, and ol the River under that
name, and lands lying on both sides
thereol, do declare that for and in
consideration of a parcel ol English
goods, unto us given, by our Friend
and Brother, William Penn, proprie
tary and Governour ol Pensilvania,
and also in consideration ol the for
mer much greater costs and charges
the said Wiliam Penn, hath been at
in treating about and purchasing the
same. We do hereby Give, Grant and
Confirm unto the Said William Penn
all the Said River Susquehannagh,
and all other Islands therein, and all
the lands situate lying, and being
upon both sides of the said River,
and next adjoining to ye same, to the
utmost confines ol the lands, which
are of formerly were the Right of the
People or Nation called the Susque
hannagh Indians, or by what name
soever they were called or known

152

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

thereof, and also all Lakes, Rivers,
Rivulets, Mountains, Streams, Trees,
Woods, Underwoods, Mines, Royal
ties, and other Mines, Minerals,
Quarries, Hawkings, Huntings, fish
ings, fowlings and other Royalties,
Privileges, and Powers, whatsoever
to them or any of them belonging, or
by them enjoyed as lully, and amply
In all respects, as we or any of our
ancestors have, could, might, or
ought to have, had, held, or enjoyed.
And also, all the Right, Title Inter
est, Possession, Claim and Demand,
which we or any ol us may claim, to
have in the same. And we do here
by ratifie and confirm unto the said
William Penn ye bargain and Sale of
said Lands, made unto Coll. Thomas
Dongan, now Earl of Limerick, and
formerly Governor ol New Yorfe,
whose deed ol sale to the said Gover
nor Penn we have seen. To have
and to hold, the said Rivers, Lands,
and premises, hereby granted, and
confirmed with their and every ol
their rights. Members and Appurte
nances, unto ye sd Will. Penn, his
heirs and assigns, to the only proper
Use, and behool ol the said Will.
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns lorever.
In witness whereof the said Will.
Penn, his Heirs and Assigns forever.
In witness whereof we h^ive, for our
selves and Nation, hereunto set our
Hands & Seals, the thirteenth day of
September, 1700. His
WIDAAGH X
Mark.
Alias ORYTYAGH. His
ANDAGGY X
Mark.
Alias JUNQUAH.
Sealed and Delivered In the pres
ence of
EDW. ANTITT,
HEN. TREGENC, Esq.,

EDWARD SINGLETON,
DAVID POWELL, JAMES LOGAN.
Recorded page 73, &c.
N. B. BOILEAU, Secy.
The second day of August, in ye
Year of our Lord, One Thousand,
Seven Hundred and thirty-five James
of the Northern Liberties, of the City
of Philadelphia, Esq. Upon his
solemn aflirmation, according toLaw,
Doth declare and. depose. That he was
present and did see the within meur
tioned Kings, or Sachemas, named
Widaagh, its Orytyah, al's Andaggy-
junkquahSeal and as their deed de
liver the Writing or Conveyance,
within contained, and that the name
of this Affirmant thereon indorsed, as
a Witness of the same, is of his own
handwriting. JAMBS LOGAN.
Affirmed. At Philadelphia, the Day and Year,
above said, before me, Thomas Gril-
flts. One of the Justices ol Peace &c.,
WITNESS my hand & Seal.
THOMAS GRIFFITHS...
Entered in the office lor recording
ol Deeds, lor the City and county ol
Philadelphia. In Book P. Vol. viii.,
page 242, &c., the 26th day ol August,
A. D., 1735. Witness my hand and
Seals ol my office, the day and year
above. C. BROCKDEN, Recd'r."
This deed is endorsed, "Susque
hanna River and Islands therein, and
Lands on both sides, granted by Wid
aagh, and Andaggy-junkquagh. Con
firming Governor Dongan's old Deed
to Governor Penn."
This deed needs very little com
ment as it explains itsell lully. It
was meant to be another confirma
tion of the main nurchase by Williani
Penn from the Indians on the Sus
quehanna River. In this sale the
Susquehannocks as a Nation practi
cally ended their existence. They
now confirm to Penn completely this
large tract ol land. A large number

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

153

ol the Susquehannocks are in New
York State living with the Five Na
tions, another portion ol them are
about the old original Susquehan
nock Fort Country, along the West
ern edge ol what is now Manor
township. The whole ol them are
completely under the Five Nations
and now they finally sell out their
Susquehanna Lands and become one
remnant ol the conglomerated tribe
ol Lancaster County Indians, the cen
tral iactor ol which were called the
Conestogas. It is true that on the
Second ol April. 1701, together with

the Shawnese,Ganawese and Potomac
Tribes and representatives of the
Five Nations they joined in a treaty
confirming this deed of the 13th of
September, 1700. Among other things
their joining in was more a matter of
form than substance. When we
speak of the Conestoga hereafter it
will be understood that some of that
mixed tribe of Conestogas were the
decendants of these ancient Susque
hannocks but as a Nation of dignity
and strength the Susquehannock
tribe is now ended. We will, however,
occasionally speak of individual Sus
quehannocks as we proceed.

END OF PART FIRST.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES 154

PART II.

THE CONFEDERATED INDIAN
TRIBES OF LOWER SUSQUE-
HANNA VALLEY — CONESTOGAS
—SHAWNESE — CONOTS — DE
LAWARES — GANAWESE — AND
IROQUOIS. (THE FIVE NA-
TIONS).
1700 — The Conestoga Indians and
Others Petition Against the
Abuses Upon Them.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 1 there is a peti
tion from Conondahto, King of the
Susquehanna or Conestoga Indians
and of Mecallona, King of the Shaw
nese against Garland, Askin and
Reed, setting forth that lateily four
strange Indians came from the
Northward among them which they
supposed from their clothing to have
been servants of the Christians and
Mecallona talking with them found a
squaw and her son nearly related to
your naked Indians;' who were a
powerful tribe and often molested
these petitioners both in their towns
at Susquehanna and their hunting
grounds; and these petitioners are
now the frontier inhabitants ol the
Province ol Pennsylvania. These pe
titioners also complain that last win
ter Garland and Askin produced a
paper with a large seal and said it
was a warrant Irom the Governor to
deliver these Conestogas and Shaw
nese but they did not go. Then ten
days later Garland and Askin came
again with James Reed and had an
other paper with a large seal; and
Reed said he was the next man to the
Governor and to show that he was,
he pulled off his wig and said, "You
see. I have two heads."
The Susquehannock King also says

that Garland also threatened that he
would carry them all away and make
them servants and that Garland also
laid threatening hands on them and
did them other mischief. This peti
tion is dated at Brandywine, the first
of May, 1700.
A note found on page 1 says that
Garland lived at New Castle in 1701.
And that he was arrested on a com
plaint of the Shawnese Indians for
having brought to the Shawnese set
tlement several anchors ol rum; and
made the Indians believe that Penn
sent it.
1700— The French Back of Pennsyl
vania Trade -with Oar Indians.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penn and Logan
Correspondence, p. 39 above relerred
to it is stated that the French are
settling back ol Pennsylvania, lour
days Irom New Castle and that. Lewis
Lenoivin, who lived many years in
Eastern Pennsylvania and traded
with the Indians is run away to
them, the French, as a spy.
1700 — Ganawese Indians Move Into
Pennsylvania.
In Vol. 2 ol the Colonial Records,
p. 191, under the date ol 1705 it is
stated that "about five years ago the
Piscataway or Ganawese Indians set
tled in this Province near the head ol
the Potomac, and that they were now
reduced by sickness to a small num
ber and desired to quit their present
habitation which they occupied since
1700, at which time the Conestoga In
dians had become their guarantees ol
Iriendship made between them. And
now the Schuylkill Indians desire
them to settle near them."
Here we have a statement ol the
time when the first ol the tribes

155

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

terming the new conglomeration ol
Indians came into Pennsylvania and
also the statement that at the time
that they came the Conestogas agreed
to guarantee their good behavior. At
page 245 ol the same book it is stat
ed that "when in 1700 the Piscata
ways settled in this Government they
also went to Philadelphia in company
with Indians ol Conestoga and the
Shawnese and made a treaty, where
by these last named Indians engaged
to the Government lor the peaceable
behavior ol the Ganawese"; and they
behaved in a peaceable manner lor
many years after they made their
promise. 1700 — Doings About Conestoga.
This year says Miss Lyle in her
history of Lancaster County, p. 6
Chartier set up a trading post about
a mile below the Susquehannock
Fort; and also at p. 28 that he began
his trading about Conestoga this
year, and that this year Colonel
James Wright was appointed to look
after the Indians of this section.
Rupj) says at page 54, that Bizal-
ion was licensed to trade with the
Indians of this section this same
year; and Rupp also says at Page 28
that this year the Shawnese had their
Fort on the Upper Octoraro near the
line of where a road afterwards laid
out to August Sessions, 1719 of the
Chester County Court, passed.
1700— Penn Desires Religious Schools
for the Indians.
In the first volume of Proud's
History, p. 423 Penn sets forth his
great concern that religious instruc
tions should be given to the Indians.
but what was done in this regard I
can not find.
1700 — Chalkley Journeys Among the
Chesapeake Indians.
In Chalkley's Works called "Chal
kley's Autobiography of Travel," he

says, p. 34 in speaking of the year
1700, that he journeyed through the
Indian Country and tells of his con
tact with them, the things he learn
ed from them and what some of their
strange ways and customs were.
1700— Peter Bizalion's Trading
House.
In Vol. 19 of the Sec. Series of the
Penna. Archives, p. 317 we are
shown the central station of Peter
Bizalion's trading operations. It is
there stated that his main trading
post -was established this year at
Mahanatawny. 1700 — The Pennsylvania Inhabitants
Settle as Far South as the
Mouth of Octoraro Creek.
In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania
Archives, p. 432 we are shown that
the first intention was that Pennsyl
vania should extend South to the
junction of the Octoraro with the
Susquehanna. In this book under the
date of 1734 in the instructions to
Hamilton & Georges it is stated,
"Pennsylvania has been possessed of
and maintained its Government for
more than thirty years past as lar
South as the Mouth ol Octoraro or
near it; nor has Maryland ever ex
ercised jurisdiction over the inhabi
tants or Indians north ol that limit
until two or three years ago."
I cite this me/ely to show what
line determined the Indians belong
ing to Pennsylvania and those be
longing to Maryland.
1700— Conestoga Now the Great Capi
tal of all the Susquehanna
Indian Tribes.
In Vol. 3 ol tbe Colonial Records,
p. 604 at a treaty at Philadelphia in
1735 at which Thomas Penn was pre
sent the old deed ol 1700 and the
treaty ol a lew months later ratily-
ing it were brought out and read to

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

156

the Indians and in commenting upon
them the Governor says, "These
articles you see here were made prin
cipally with the Susquehannock In
dians who then lived mostly at
Conestogoe; and the Shawenese also
as their Iriends came under our
Fathers' protection and entered into
the same league."
I quote this simply lor the purpose
ol showing that the head-quarters ol
the Indians ol Eastern Pennsylvania
at this time were Conestoga. That
while there were yet some Indians
near the Delaware there were not
many ol them because ol the advanc
ed civilization on that river and
those that lived on the Schuylkill
were also lew in number but the
greater bulk ol Pennsylvania In
dians were centered around Cones
toga or the Susquehanna at this
time, viz.: the Conestogas or Irag-
ment of the old Susquehannocks to
gether with different branches of the
Iroquois and with them the Shaw
nese, Ganawese, the Conoys; and the
Delawares, who while they still liv
ed in the Schuylkill River were also
few in number and in 1709 moved to
the Susquehanna River also. (See 2
Col. Rec, p. 469.).
1700 — A Line Surveyed from Philadel
phia Direct to Conestoga
In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, p. 175
Mr. Watson says, "In July, 1700,
there was a survey of a line from
Philadelphia direct to Susquehanna,
coming nigh the mouth of Cone
stoga creek, a little more north,
(about four miles), near to "an old
fort demolished.' This was in conse
quence of surveyor-general Holmes'
purchase of all the lands from Up
land creek to Pemapeck creek, and
so backward to Susquehanna, two
days' journey. The land is said to
have been bought of the Indian
Kings and sakamackers, for the use

of William Penn — bought of Shak-
hoppah, Secairiing, Malebore, Tan
goras, Indian kings; and Maskecasho,
Wawarrin, Tenoughan, Tarrecka,
Nesonhaikin, Indian sackamackers. I
notice that in the way of the line of
survey, two Indian paths traverse it
obliquely, northwest by north — the
first from Philadelphia, is at Rocky
Run, (fifteen miles), between the
head waters of Ridley and Chester
crfeks, the second at thirty-eight
miles, two miles beyond Doe Run.
These facts I found recorded in a
survey book, No. 14, in the land
office, and the above extracts are
from the warrant of survey of Holme.
Below follow other facts on the same
subject, all tending to show the treaty
by which the lands of Philadelphia
city and county are held."
Watson then sets out the letter
which Thomas Holme wrote to
Shachoppah and other Indians but
we have already given that in full
in an article under the date of 1688,
entitled, "The Boundaries of the
Walking Purchases, etc." We will
not repeat it because we have cited
it before for other purposes and we
cite it now only to make prominent
the fact of a survey of a direct line
to Conestoga for this line is an im
portant one in our Colonial history.
It will be observed that it lies almost
on what afterwards was The Great
Conestoga Road; and indeed, the
eastern end of the Great Conestoga
Road, at least to Haverford was in
existence at the time of this survey.
We have no doubt that the western
end was a well defined Indian path
which began as early as the found
ing of Philadelphia and was well de
fined by the year of 1700, lor while
the Susquehanna Indians first traded
down the river, when Penn's enter
prises began they began trading with
Philadelphia and in so doing made
and loUowed a well defined road.

157

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1701 — Shawanese at Pequea Complain
of the Rum Trade
At a council held on the third ol
September, 1701, it is stated that,
"Shemekenwhoa, one ol the chiels
ol the Shawana Indians solemnly de
clared and complained to the
Governor that Sylvester Garland had
brought to the Indian settlement ol
their nation several anchors ol rum
to the quantity ol about 140 gallons
and that to induce them to receive
it and to trade with him he pretepd-
ed he was sent by the Governor and
gave one cask , as a present from
him, upon which being entreated to
drink they were afterwards very
much abused." The Council ordered
this matter to be further inquired j
into. (See 2 Col. Rec, p. 33.)
This same complaint is referred to
in the Penn & Logan Correspond
ence in Vol. 1 at the foot of page 1
in a note, where it is stated by the
editor that Garland lived at New
Castel and in September, 1701, he
was arrested and brought before the
Council for bringing this rum.
The rum trade with the Indians was a
great trouble to the early Govern
ment; and another character who
violated the law was John Hans
Steelman who lived in Maryland and
without a license dealt in liquors
with our Conestoga Indians. (See 2
Col. Rec, p. 21) ; and also the viola
tions of law by Louis and Peter
Befallen trading also in liquor about
the Susquehanna were grievous. (See
2 Coll. Rec, p. 18.)
In 2 Col. Rec, p. 45, at a Council
held on the 6th of October it was
ordered that a warrant be sent out
against Sylvester Garland for selljng
rum to the Indians, whereby he was
arrested and brought before the
Governor and Council to defend him
self or make answer. It seems, how
ever that while the rum trade was

grievous among the Indians of the
Susquehanna yet the Government
could do little to prevent it; and on
the 6th of October 1701, a petition
was presented to the Assembly by
the inhabitants of Chester County
to have rum selling among the In
dians stopped. The Assembly ap
proved the petition by a majority
and ordered a statute to be drawn
against the rum trade with the In
dians, (See Vol. 1 of the Votes of
Assembly, pp. 151-153). The act
against giving liquor to the Indians
was passed October 28, 1701, and is
found in Vol. 2 ol Statutes at Large,
p. 168. It provides among other
things that liquor carried to the
Indians shall be lorleited and go
oi)e-third to the Governor and two-
thirds to the party that seizes the
same; and that the Indians were em
powered to seize it the same as any
one else; and that also no per
son shall receive in pawn any cloth
ing or goods belonging to the In
dians for liquor, and those who
violate the act' shall suffer penalty
of 10 pounds and the pawn might
be seized by warrant by the near
est Justice of the Peace and be re
delivered. This act to restrain the selling of
liquor to our Indians had some dif
ficulty in passing. Exceptions and
amendments were proposed to it by
the Governor and the Assembly con
sidering the exceptions voted them
down. There were two exceptions
and both were defeated in the As
sembly. From this we see what
difficulty our forefathers experienc
ed in keeping the liquor traffic from
ruining the Indians of the Susque
hanna. As additional evidence of what a
field the Indians of the Susquehanna
and other sections were for liquor
traffic. Proud in his history of Penn-

OTHER LAN-CASTER COTTNTY INDIAN TTllBES

IBS

sylvania says at page 433, that a
Joint company was organized to
control the liquor business and be
responsible for the consequences
SDut it met with no favor.
1701 — Letort Leaves Conestoga for
Canada
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 100,
it is stated under the date ol 1703
that, "James Letort who about two
years ago went out ol this Province
to Canada returned and was ex
amined belore Council and magis
trates and no great occasion was
lound to suspect him of evil designs
against the Government, he having
been bred in it from his infancy
and behaved himself hitherto well.
He was seduced to depart in 1701
in time of peace by the instigation
of some others, nevertheless as he
is now come bact it was thought
wise to bring him before Council to
explain his action."
This James Letort was a very
picturesque character about Cone
stoga and we find that he very
frequently was summoned before the
Council. 1701 — Indian Harry of Conestoga
We now introduce another remark
able character in the early annals
of Conestoga Indian History in the
person of » an Indian familiary
known as 'Indian Harry' of Cone
stoga but his technical Indian name
was Cassawetoway as we have shown
in a former item.
It is stated in 2 Col. Rec, p. 26,
that in this year of 1701 the
Council and Governor had entered
into considering the many abuses
arising from the Indians being ad
mitted to drink rum and it was or
dered by the next sitting of Assem
bly, that four ol the prominent
Indians on the Upper Delaware and

Indian Harry ol Conestoga should
be sent lor to be consulted about
passing a law for prohibiting all
Indians Irom using rum. Action
was later taken on the subject and
we will speak of it in its order.
1701 — The Potomac Indians Allowed
to Settle in Pennsylvania
In Vol. 2 ol Col. Rec, p. 17, it is
set lorth as one of the stipulations
ol the big treaty by the Conestogas,
(which treaty we will set forth in
full in a later item) that the Poto
mac Indians with their Colony shall
have free leave ol the said William
Penn to settle upon any part of the
Potomac River within th^ bounds of
the Province of Pennsylvania, they
observing and practicing all and
singular the other articles of this
treaty. By settling on the Potomac
River is meant any part of the val
ley of the Potomac River. These
Potomac Indians had become afraid
of savage tribes of the South and
wanted to move towards our Sus
quehanna country to be near the
Conestogas.
1701 — Penn Discusses Navigating the
Susquehanna River to Carry In
dian Trade Cheaper
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 73, in a letter
beginning page 69, written by
William Penn to James Logan, Penn
says, "I hope thy eye is upon the
means to retrench expenses; and,
pray, see the utmost, at a leisure
hour of poor Marsh's project of
navigating fiats up Schuylkill and
Susquehanna Rivers, above Palls; he
assuring me that he could make the
experiment for 40 shillings. Be it
50 shillings or 3 pounds it were a
mighty advantage." In this I be
lieve there is evidence of Penn's de
sire to develop this Susquehanna
country and get an out-let lor In
dian trade.

159

ANNALS OF THE SU'SQUEHANNOCKS ANTF

1701— The Proofs of Penn's Second
Visit to the Susquehanna River
and its Indians'
We have before given the evidences
tending to prove a visit by Penn.
about 1684 to what is now the Lan
caster County region and we will
How proceed to the proofs of a sec
ond visit made in 1701. The chief
proofs are as follows:
1. Rupp In his history of Lancaster
County, p. 35, says that Penn at a
former treaty promised the Shawa
nese chiefs protection. To enable
him to keejp or fulfill this promise
he visited them in person at Cone
stoga, attended by many gentlemen
of distinction. This he says in a
note at the bottom of the page 35
and speaking of the same in context
he says, "His not succeeding in hav
ing legislative co-operation, to pre
vent liquor being sold to the Indians
and debaucheries being practiced on
them, to prevent their temporal
ruin, he paid the sons of the fore-
est a visit, participated in all their
innocent amusements and in return
received their visits in his own house
at Pennsbury." According to Rupp
the purpose of Pehn's visit at Cone
stoga was to protect these poor In
dians. He cites Vol. 2 of the
Colonial Records, p. 253. This is the
page found in the old or first edition
of the Colonial Records, which is
now probably very rare. The page
in the Colonial Records most com
monly at hand is p. 244 of Vol. 2
and at that place is set forth what
James Logan told the Indians at
Conestoga when he visited them in
the spring of 1706. And speaking of
William Penn, Logan said to these
Indians that when he (Penn) was
last in this country he visited those
Indians of Conestoga and is soon to
do the same on his arrival in order

to cultivate the ancient friendship."'
2. In Vol. 2 of Watson's Annals, pv
2Ct9, Mr. Watson speaks of Neboway,
an Indian chiel of the Delawares,.
and says that this chiefs name
appears among the signers of the
treaty at Conestoga in 1718, and that
the chief said tbat Be remembers
that he saw William Penn on his
second visit to Conestoga in 1701.
3. Tn Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 43, there is set
forth a letter from Isaac Norris to
Daniel Zachary, dated the 21st. of
June, 1701, in which he says, "I am
just come home from Susquehanna
where I have been to meet the Gov
emor. We had a round about journey
and pretty well traversed the wilder
ness. We lived nobly at the King's
Palace in Conestoga and from thence
crossed to the Schuylkill where we
fell in (reached it) about 30 miles
up from hence (Philadelphia)." Here
we have a plain statement that
William Penn was at Susquehanna
at the Palace of the King of the
Conestogas in June, 1701.
4. To make doubly sure that the
Governor spoken of was William
Penn, I cite Vol. 1 of the Penn &
Logan Correspondence, p. 122, where
James Logan writes to William Penn
from Philadelphia on the 9th of
July, 1702, and he says on speaking
about lands on the Susquehanna and
about the Octoraro that, "Griffith
Owen and E. Shippen knew some
thing of the place having been with
thee at Susquehanna which I did not."
In this again there is the more ex
plicit statement that William Penn
was on the Susquehanna.
5. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 272,
when Patrick Gordon held a council
with some of the Five Nations and
was discussing the affairs between
them and the Conestogas, who were
tributary to and slaves of the Five

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

169

Nations. They said the first Gov
ernor of this place, Onash, (That is
Governor Penn) when he first
arrived here sent to them to sell
land and that when the Governor
was at Conestoga he desired the
chiefs to speak about the purchases
of the land. This is another refer
ence to Penn being at Conestoga.
6. In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 41, in a letter
from Isaac Norris to Samuel Chew the
15th ol April, 1701, and he says, "Our
Governor has gone out of town to
.meet with the chieftains of the
Indians." This may refer to Penn's
visit to Susquehanna, however, it
seems to be nearly a month earlier
than Penn's Susquehanna visit.
7. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 181,
Governor Keith in the year ol 1722
held a treaty at Conestoga and when
there he said to the Indians, "The
last time 1 was with you at Cone
stoga you showed me a parchment
which you had received fr^om William
Penn containing articles of friend
ship between you and him." This
again may be a relerence to Penn's
visit in 1701 but it may likely refer
to the great treaty of September
1700 with the Conestogaes at Phila
delphia. Penn left for England about
November, 1701, because Andrew
Hamilton presides over the Assembly
from that date onward. See 2 Col.
Rec, p. 62.
At a Council held July 7, 1739,
William Penn's intercourse with the
Indians on the Susquehanna is again
referred to seeming to indicate his
being there about the year of 1701.
(See 4 Col. Re, p. 337.)
8. In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 101,
in a discussion between the Governor
of New York and the authorities of
Pennsylvania there is a letter dated
1720 and in it occurs this passage,
"Upon Governor Penn's last arrival

here about 20 years ago he held a
treaty with the Mingoes or Cone
stogas settled on Susquehanna,"
which is either a reference to his
meeting them at Susquehanna or ol
the great treaty made at Philadelphia
in September, 1700. Also in the same
book, p. 149 Governor Keith in 1721
speaks to the Indians and says,
"William Penn our and your father
when he flrst settled this country
with English subjects made a firm
league of friendship with all the
Indians in these parts (that is Cone
stoga) ; " and on page 54 I find reler-
ences to the same effect.
9. In Vol. 3 of the CoL Rec, p. 92,
James Logan speaking to the Cone
stogas- in 1720, speaks of William
Penn as their old Iriend and relers
to his treaty 20 years ago; and on
p. S3 he further relers to Penn's first
Councils with the Indians, . and on
page 97 he relers to the same sub
ject. 10. It is to be noticed that histori
ans including Watson refer to a visit
made by William Penn to the Sus
quehanna as a second visit, which is
generally supposed to refer to this
visit of 1701.
11. In the first walking purchase
this land extended back to the Sus
quehanna and Penn seems to have
been familiar with it.
13. Another lact seeming to point
out Penn's familiarity with the Sus
quehanna River and its Indians and
the country generally is found in Vol
1 of the Penn & Logan Correspond
ence, p. 170 where he says that il
his enemies do not begin to treat
him differently they will "drive me up
to Pennsbury or Susquehanha for
good and all." This shows that the
Susquehanna was familiar to him at
the time he stated this which was in
1702. 13. In Buck's history ol Pennsyl-
i vania in an article entitled, "'Will-

lei

ANNALS OT' I'HE' SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

lam Penn in America" at p. 317, he
Says Ifl a topic entitled Penn's
Journey to the Susquehanna in 1701,
and in it he says, "June was Pein's
favorite month of tratvel. He set off
about tftis time 'on a Journey into
the interior of the Province, (Isaac
Norris's lett^). On this occasion as-
tradition relates that Penn got lost
in the woods on the hill on the
Northern or Chester County side near
pr^ent Valley Forge; and tbat be
did not know w^here he was, until he
got on the hill this side of Valley
Creek -when by a glimpse of the
Schuylkill and the country to the:
southward he regained his way and
in consequence ol the same ' named
the former hill Mounty Misery and
the latter Mounty Joy."
Buck further says, "It is probable
the Proprietor's principal object was
to win Over the Indians to the Eng
lish interest on account of the ap
proaching; trouble with France, He
may allude to this in a letter to the
Board of Trade & Plantations, the
2nd. of the 5th month, where he says,
'I have had divers meetings with the
several nations of Indians of these
parts as the Shawno, Susquehanna,
Schuylkill and Delaware Indians by
arguments and presents to persuade
their submission to this government."
Buck further says, "This journey
of Penn's to the Susquehanna we ob
serve has led to some error. Janney
mentions it (2nd Edition, p. 435) as
having taken place in the Spring.
An article appeared in the Lancas
ter Inquirer on February 24, 1872, in
which mention is made of a monu
ment having been erected and dedi
cated the previous 22nd ol February
at Gap in Salisbury township, Lan
caster county, on the rool ol a Irame
building over a fine spring ol water
where it is said, 'Penn met the In
dians and had a council with them.'

It is composed ol a square wooden
shalt neatly painted and lettered. Orp.
the west side is inscribed 'In Memory
of William Penn, Who Visited This
Place in the Year ITOO.' Mention isi
made that it was chiefly erected
through the exertions of Isaac Walker,
owner of the said spring building,
who was led to it by his researches
on the subject. It is probable that
Penn may have met the Indians in
council here but this visit must have
been in June, 1701. The mistake
consists in setting the time as that
of one of the deeds from the Indians
for land which were nearly always
executed in Philadelphia."
This article as it appears in the In
quirer, I meant to insert here in full or
in part; but a fire has destroyed the
office file copy.
The Indians whom Penn met here,
if he did so met them here were the
Shawanes, as the old Shawana town
of that sition was very near this
place. Its location may be found on
any early map of Lancaster county
near the head of Octoraro creek, as
the Shawanese . lived all along Pequea
Creek and from the mouth to the
source of the Octoraro. In the
Chester County records ol August
Sessions, 1719 ol the Quarter Sessions
Court can be lound the courses and
distances ol an old road laid out in
1719, one course ol which is stated
to lie near old Shawana town near
Octoraro. These are the known prools ol
William Penn's visit ol 1701 to his
brethren on the Susquehanna, Cone
stoga and other adjoining streams
and ol that visit there can be no
doubt. It would seem that he came
by the Southern route and returned
by the Northern route, viz: along
Conestoga and French creeks, reach
ing the Schuylkill River near the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

162

mouth ol French creek, which Isaac
Norris describes as being thirty miles
up the Schuylkill River from Phila
delphia.
1701— The Great Treaty With Cone
stogas and Others
We have noticed in a former item
that in September, 1700, the Susque
hannas and other Indians of this
neighborhood made a deed of a large
tract of land on our River to William
Penn. To confirm this sale a treaty
was made later which is found in
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 15. It was
enacted on the 23rd day of April,
1701, by and between the Indians of
the Susquehanna Territory and Wil
liam Penn at a Council on the after
noon ol the said day; and it is as
lollows :
"PRESENT:— The Proprietary' and
Governor, with some members ol
Council and divers others, with the
Sasquehannaugh Indians.
Connodaghtoh, King ol the Sasque-
hannah Minquays or Conestogo In
dians, Wopatha (alias Opessah) , King
ol the Shawnese, Weewhinjough,
Chiel ol the Ganawese, inhabiting at
the head ol Patowmeck; Also, Aho-
aksonagh, brother to the Emperor or
great King ol the Onondagoes ol the
five nations, having arrived in town
two days, with several others ol
their great men, and Indian Harry
lor their interpreter, with some ol
their young people, women and chil
dren, to the number of about forty
in the whole. After a treaty and sev
eral speeches, the following Articles
were solemnly agreed on.
ARTICLES
Articles of Agreement Indented,
made. Concluded & Agreed upon at
Philadia the 23rd day of ye month.
Called April, In the Year 1701, Be
tween Wm. Penn, Proprietary and
Governor oJ the Province of Pennsy-
lvania& Territories thereunto be

longing, on ye one part, and Conno-
odagtoh, King ol the Indians inhabit
ing upon and about tbe river Susque-
hannah in the said Province, And
Widaaph, (alias Oretyaghr) Koque-
eash & Andaggy-Inhekquah, Chiels ol
the said nations, & Wopaththa, King
& Lemonytungh & Pemoyajooagh,
Chiels ol the nations oi the Shawon-
nah Indians, And Ahookassongh,
brother to the Emperor, lor and in
behall ol the Emperor, (& Weewhin
jough, Takyewsan & Woapaskoa,
Chiels,) ol the nations ol the Indians
inhabiting in and about the Northern
part ol the River Powtowmeck, in
the said provinpe, lor & in behall ol
themselves & successors, & and their
several nations, and the People on
the other part, as lolloweth:
That as hitherto there hath always
been a good understanding & Neigh
bourhood between the sd. Wm. Penn
& his Lts, since his first arrival in
the peace Continued between Wm.
Penn his Heirs & successors, and
all the English & other Christian In
habitants ol the said Province, and
the Said Kings and Chiels, and their
successors, & all the Several People
ol the Nations ol Indians aloresaid;
So there shall be lorever hereafter
a firm and lasting peace. And that
they shall hereafter be as one Head
& One Heart, and live in true Iriend
ship & Amity as one People.
(ITEM) That the said Kiags and
Chiels, (each lor himsell & his
People Engaging,)' shall at no time
Hurt, injure or Delraud, or suffer to
be Hurt, Injured or delrauded by any
of their Indians; and inhabitant or
Inhabitants of the said Province,
either in their Persons or Estates,
And that the said Wm. Penn, his
Heirs & Successors, shall not suffer
to be done or Committed by any of
the subjects of England within the
said Province, Any Act of Hostil-

163

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ity or Violence wrong or Injury, to
or against any of the Said Indians,
but shall on both sides at all times
readily do Justice, and perform all
Acts & Offices of friendship & Good
will to oblige each other, to a lasting
peace, as aforesaid.
(ITEM) That all and every of the
said Kings & Chiefs, and all and
every particular of the Nations under
them, shall at all times behave them
selves regularly and soberly, accord
ing to the laws of this Government
while they live near or amongst ye
Christian Inhabitants thereof. And
that the said Indians shall have the
full & free privileges and immunities
of all the said Laws as any other in
habitants, they Duly Owing and Ac
knowledging the Authority ol the
Crown ol iiiUgiand and Government
of this Province.
(ITEM) That none of the said In
dians shall at any time be aiding.
Assisting or Abetting any other na
tion, whether of Indians or Others,
that shall not at such time be in
amity with the Crown ol England and
with this Government.
(ITEM) That if at any time any of
the said Indians, by means of evil
minded persons and sowers of sedi
tion, should hear any Unkind or dis
advantageous reports of the English,
As if they had Evil designs against
any of the said Indians, In such Case
such Indians shall send notice there
of to the said Wm. Penn, his Heirs
or successors, and their Lieutenants,
shall at all times in such cases do
the like by the them.
(ITEM) That the said Kings and
Chiels & their successors, shall not
Suffer any Strange Nations ol In
dians to settle or Plant on the fur
ther side of Sasquehannagh, or about
Potowmeck River, but such as are
there already Seated, nor bring any
other Indians into any part of this

Province without the Special appro
bation & permission of the said Wil
liam Penn, his Heirs and Successors.
(ITEM) That for the preventation
of abuses that are too frequently
putt upon the said Indians in Trade,
that the said William Penn, his
Heirs and Successors, shall not Suf
fer or Permit any Person to trade or
Commerce with any of the said In
dians, but such as shall be first al
lowed and approved of by an instru
ment under the Hand and Seal of
him, the said William Penn, or his
Heirs or successors, or their
Lieut's: And that the said Indians
shall suffer no person whatsoever to
buy or sell, or have Commerce with
any of the said Indians, but such
shall first be approved as aforesaid.
(ITEM) That the said Indians
shall not sell or dispose of any of
their Skins, Peltry, or furr, or any
other effects of their hunting, to any
Person or Persons whatsoever out of
the said Province, nor to any other
person but such as shall be Author
ized to Trade with them as afore
said; And that for their Encourage
ment, the said William Penn, his
heirs and successors, shall take Care
to have them, the said Indians, duly
furnished with all sorts of necessary
goods for their use, at reasonable
rates. (ITEM) That the Potowmeck In
dians aforesaid, with their Collony,
shall have free leave of the said Wm.
Penn to Settle upon any part of Pat
owmeck River within the bounds of
this Province, they strictly observing
and practising all and Singular the
Articles aloresaid to them relating.
(ITEM) The Indians of Conestogo,
& upon & about the River Susque-
hannah. And more Especially the
Said Connaodaghtah, their King,
doth fully agree to, and by these pre
sents, Absolutely Ratify the Bargain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

164

& Sale of the Lands lying near and
about the said River, formerly made
to the said William Penn, his heirs
and Successors, And since by Orety-
agh, & Anadaggy-Junkquegh, parties
to these Presents, Confirmed to the
said Wm. Penn, his heirs and Suc
cessors, by a Deed bearing Date ye
13th day of ye 7br last, under their
hands and seals, duly Executed. And
the said Connoodaghtah doth, for
himself and his Nation, Covenant and
Agree that he will at all times be
ready further to Confirm & make
good the said Sale, according to the
Tenor of the same, and that the said
Indians of the Susquehannagh shall
answer to the said William Penn, his
heirs and Successors, for the good
Behavior and Conduct of the said In
dians, and for their performing of
the several articles here Expresed.
(ITEM) The said William Penn
doth hereby, for himself, his heirs and
Successors agree, yet he and they will
at all times shew themselves true
friends and Brothers to all & every
of ye said Indians, by assisting them
with the best of their Advices, Dir
ections & Counsels, and will in all
things Just and Reasonable befriend
them, they behaving themselves as
aforesaid, and Submitting to the
Laws of this Province in all things,
as the English and other Christians
therein do. To which they, ye said
Indians, hereby agree and oblige
themselves and their Posterity for
ever. In witness whereof, the Said Par
ties have as a Confirmation made
mutual presents to each Other: The
Indians in five parcels of Skins, and
the said William Penn in Several
English Goods & Merchandizes, as a
binding pledge of the promise, never
to be broken or violated. And as
a further testimony thereof, have al

so to these presents Sett their hands
and Seals, the day and Year above
written. Signed, Sealed & Delivered in the
Presence of Edw. Shippen,
Nathan Stanbury,
Alexr. Paxton,
Caleb Pussey,
James Streater,
J. Le Tort,
John Hans Steelman,
James Logan,
John Sanders,
Indian, alias Harry
Sha-wydoohungh, his (H I) mark
Pemoqueriaehghan, his (Z) mark
Passaqussay, his [) ]
mark."
This was one ol the great treaties
and is nearly always relerred to in
subsequent matters by the Deputy
Governors with the Indians of Con
estoga and Susquehanna River. The
same treaty may be found in Vol. 1
of The Pennsylvania Archives, p. 144
and this same treaty is again referred
to in Vol 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 39 and it is stated
there to have been the most notable
event of the year.
Watson in Vol. 1 of his Annals, p.
24 also speaks of Penn meeting the
different Indians in 1701 and says that
"Penn attended in Philadelphia in
1701 a great Indan treaty with 40
chiefs who came from many nations
to settle the friendship. The same
year he also had a great Indian
Councill at Pennsbury Mansion to
take leave of them and to renew the
convenants." Among these 40 chiefs
were the Susquehannas above men
tioned. Watson also in Vol. 2 of his
Annals, p. 156 again refers to this
treaty. Hazard in his Register in Vol. 5,
p. 130 also refers to the deed and
treaty of 1701, confirming the lands

165

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on Susquehanna to Penn by those
Indians and states there that this
confirmation was renewed in 1726,
and especially in the great treaty of
Lancaster in 1744.
The Susquehannas, Conestogas and
Other Neighboring Indians Go to
Philadelphia to Give Penn Good-
Bye, On His Leaving for England.
In 2 Col. Rec, p. 46 under the date
of the 7th of October, 1701, at a
Council held the afternoon of that
date, at which William Penn and six
members of Council were present
it is recorded, that "the Sachems of
the Susquehanna and Shawanah In
dians with some of their people hav
ing come to take leave of the Pro
prietary before his departure for
England ,he informed them that this
now was likely to be his last inter
view with him, at least before his
return, that he had ever loved them
and been kind to them and ever
should contiue so to be, not through
any Politick Design or lor interest,
but one of a most real affection, and
Desired them in his absence to Cul
tivate friendship with those he would
leave behind in authority, as they
would always, in some degree con
tinue to be to them as himself had
ever been. The Governor also in
formed them that the Assembly was
now enacting a Law, according to
their desire, to prevent their being
abused by the Selling of Rum, with
which Orettyagh, one of the Sachems
in the name ol the rest, Exprest a
great Satislaction and Desired that
that law might effectually be put in
Execution and not only discoursed ol
as formerly it had been; they had
long suffered by the Practice but now
hoped for a redress, and that they
should have reason to complain no

And fdtr the more effectually an
swering so good a design, the Gov
ernor Desired that whenever any
transgressed the said Law, and Came
Contrary amongst them, to agree
ment they would forthwith take care
to give information thereol to the
Government, that the offenders they
might duly be prosecuted; ' which
they promised to observe, and that if
any Rum were brought they would
not buy it but send the person who
brought it back with it again.
Then the Governor informed them
that he had charged the members of
Council.and then also renewed the
same charge, that they should in all
respects be kind to them, and enter
tain them with Courtesy and Demon
strations of Goodwill as he himself
had ever done, which the said mem
bers promised faithfully to observe;
and making them some presents they
withdrew." It is difficult to imagine a more
beautiful meeting and leave-taking
than this must have been — the sav
ages in their simplicity and honesty
on one hand and the goodly William
Penn and his Council equally sincere
and honest on the other hand. This
leave-taking is also noticed in Vol.
6 ol Hazard's Register, p. 72 but as
it is exactly the same copy Irom the
Colonial Records, we will not repeat
it. Penn left lor England a lew
weeks alter this incident.
According to the Colonial Records
this leave-taking occured in Phila-
dfelphia. It seems that a little later
Penn made a great leave-taking
event for in Vol. 2 of Watson's An
nals, p. 156, Mr. Watson says that in
1701 Penn held a great Indian Coun
cil at Pennsbury to take leave of
them. 1701— Difficulties Growing Out of the
Use of Rum at Conestoga
Continue.
In 6 Hazard's Register, p. 11 it is
set forth that the "Proprietary in
formed the Council of the great
abuses committed in Indian trade and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

166

the great dangers that might arise
from thence, and the advantages that
might accure to Qie province in gen
eral from it. Proposed that some
measures might be concerted tor the
regulation thereof, and redressing
the grievences that we generally la
boured under upon the score and
especially by means ol two French
men, Louis and P. Beasalion, who
have been suspected to be very dan
gerous persons in their traffique with
the Indians in this troublesome con
juncture of affairs.
Resolved that it was absolutely
necessary the said two Frenchmen
should be confined and restrained
Irom inhabiting or trading amongst
the Indians, and that some way
should be agreed to carry on the
trade by a certain number or Com-
l>any who should take all measures
to induce the Indians to a true va
lue and esteem ol the Christian reli
gion by setting belore them a good
example ol probity and candour both
in commerce and behaviour and that
care should be taken to have them
duly instructed in the fundamentals
ol Christianity. And the lurther
consideration hereol is relerred to
next meeting of the Board.
The Govemor also acquainted the
Board, That reports were brought
that some ol the five nations ol In
dians had sent an embassy to our
Indians on Delaware requiring their
aid and concurrence and that it was
suspected the French of Canada had
\ been endeavoring to debauch the
said Indians from their fidelity to the
Crown of England.
Resolved, That care ' should be
taken" to inquire into the grounds of
the said reports — and then adjourn
ed." The same is found in Vol. 2 ol the
Colonial Records, p. 18. I mention
this because Peter Bezalion's name

is used and that at once connects
these irregularities with the Susque
hanna Country.
The Shawnese afeo complain against
Garland tor selling rum to the In
dians on Susquehanna. This, how-
eyer, we have spoken c^ before. Their
complaint was made by Shemeken-
woa one of the Chiels of the Shaw
nese, ahout him bring 140 gallons of
rum and making them very drunk,
see 2 Gol. Rec, p. 33, This same com
plaint is noticed in a somewhat dif
ferent form in Vol 6 ol Hazard's Re
gister, p. 34 and it was there decid
ed that Indian Harry of Conestoga
should be sent for to overcome the
evU. An adltional difficulty that Penn
had to deal with about Conestoga and
the trade there dt rum, was in the
fact that John Hans frequently pro
mised Penn to meet him and help
him to carry out the laws as to
Liquor lully, but relused to do so.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penna. Archives, p.
143, Penn writes a letter to John
Hans and says, "Thou hast olten
promised to visit this place in order
to treat with me about the Indian
Trade, but hast as often disapointed
me. Thy present management there
of amongst us is directly contrary to
our Laws. I have therefore Stopt thy
Goods intended for Lechay, until
thou co-me thyself and give further
satisfaction.'' This is under the date
of 1701.
1701 — A False Story Arises About
the Coming of the Piscata-?mys.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 43 William Penn
in a letter from Pennsbury to James
Logan dated the 30th day of June,
says "I forgot a material point — the
last Indian instrument from the Con
estoga Indians — ^which I must have,
or a copy, belore I can answer Col.

167

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS ANI?

Blackinston-'s letter, a lalse story fir
ing two or three ol their foolish
people of our inciting the Piscata
ways from MarylaHd, instead of their
seeking to ua: but Governor Blackis-
ton would not believe? it. Fail nott^
therefore to send it to me with all
speed."1701 — Susquehanna Indians Now Co-
Operate Strongly with Fenn-
sylvanla.
Proud in his History of Pennsy
lvania, in Vol. I, p. 430 says thaf this
year the Susquehannas made a pro
mise with Pennsylvania that they
Would not allow any straniie Indians
to settle on the west side of the
Susquehanna River but would inform
the people and help to put them off
the further side of the Susquehanna
River. The Five Nations also now show
Very strong- love for Pennsylvania and
Penn in a message to Council on the
15th of September, 1701 says, "1
must tell you the good news of the
Governor of New York's happy issue
of his Conferences with the five na
tions of Indians, that he hath not
only made peace v?ith them lor the
King's subjects of that Colony, but,
as I had by some letters before de
sired him, lor those ol all other gov
ernments under the Crowns ol Eng
land, and also the nations of Indians
with those respective Colonies,which
certainly merits our acknowledg
ments."1701— Evidences of the Great Sus
quehannas Living Within the
Bounds of our County.
In Vol. 7 of Hazard's Register, p.
395 it is stated that great Indian re
lics and remains were found near the
neighborhood ol Columbia and that
they were probably buried there 200
years. The Article is as lollows:
"COLUMBIA, (Penn.) June 2. IN

DIAN RELICS: A gentleman visit
ing this place from Philadelphia, had.
his attention attracted a few days:
since, while near the canal basin, by
the singular appearance of the earth,
which resembled an Indian mound or
tumulus, such as he had before seen.
On digging down a short distance
his suspicions were confirmed; the
skeletons ol thre® Indians were
found, supposed to be those of a male
female and a young child. Qn being
exposed to the air, the bones, with
the exception of the teeth, and a few
of the large bones of the male, crum
bled to dust. They were buried ins
a sitting posture and had on their
heads an earthen vessel, at the spout
of which was carved the figure of a
human face. Between the feet of the
one taken to be the mal^, were
found an iron hatchet, several arrow
heads, and seven smooth stones
nearly round; the smallest weighing
about a quarter of a pound, the
others varying in regular gradation
to the seventh, which weighed two
pounds and a quarter. These stones
were supposed to indicate the num
ber of children which the deceased
had. Between the feet of the female
were found two stones of a medium
size with those found by the male.
How long these remains had been de
posited there it is impossible to tell;
probably not less than 200 years. It
is supposed that a great many In
dians lie buried along the banks of
the river, but it is not often their
bones are discovered. — SPY."
And in Vol. 8 of Hazard's Regis
ter, p. 48 similar remains were found
about the neighborhood of Bain-
bridgeand that article is as follows:
"A few weeks since we took occa
sion to speak of some Indian Relics
that were discovered north the Canal
Basin in this place. Since then the
workmen in Section No. 18 of the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

168

Canal, ahout t-wo miles this side of
Bainbridge came upon one end of am
<old Indian burial ground. The bones
had so completely gone to dust that ;
they could only be distinguished
-Irom the natural soil by a difference
in color. A great many articles of
"use and ornament were found; ther
were crocks, hatchets, tomahawks,
arrow heads, bullets, buck-shot, thim
bles, beads, pipes, etc. The pipes
are made ol clay, and are spoken ol
-as being very perfect and beautiful,
¦with the head ol a fox engraved on
the bowl; so highly is one ol them
valued by the finder, that he has re
lused to take less than five dollars
for it; together with ornaments; the
beads were ol different kinds, and
Jinlike any we had seen belore. It
is thought that a short distance
from where the excavation was made
towards the river, the earth would
toe found to be filled with these cur-
iosities.— COLUMBIA SPY."
1701 — Some of the Shawnese Located
at the Head of Pequea Creelt.
We have before called attention to
the location ol the Old Shawana
lort near the head of Octararo some
what towards Pequea Creek; and lor
it see previous articles.
That there was a Shawana town
there as early as 1701 is additionaly
proved by the lollowing sta,tements
lound in the Second Series ol the
Penna. Archives, Vol. 19, p. 625 where
it 'is stated, "That the Commission
ers being informed that MathiasVan-
hebber Irom Maryland, taking with
him Henry HoUingsworth, hath late
ly surveyed a considerable tract ol
land near the head ol Pequea Creek
in this Province, including within
the same The Old Shawannah Town,
etc.; — "and again it is stated" that
500 acres being granted to Col. John
French in or near the Shawannah

old fields, on Pequea Creefe, as a con
sideration of his services to the Pro
prietor." From this we see that while these
proceedings are dated 1718, the
lands are referred to as the Old
Sha-wannah Fields where the Shaw
nese lived as early as 1701 and be
lore. At the same place it is stated that
300 acres should he surveyed to
Peter Chartier where his father Mar
tin is settled on Susquehan-na River;
a warrant was also directed to Moses
Comb at fhe request of his brother-
in-law Peter Bazilion lor 200 acres
among the other surveys about Con
estoga. 1 quote this simply to show that in
1701 that these Indian operations
were going on about Conestoga and
Pequea. 1701 — Christian Inhabitants are Lo
cated Near Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 16 in
one ol the items of the great treaty
of the affairs on the Susquehanna
river it is stipulated, "That all and
every of the Kings and Chiefs, and all
and every particular under them,
shall at all times behave themselves
regularly and soberly according to
the laws of this Government, while
they live near or amongst the Chris
tian inhabitants thereof."
Now as the only Indians concerned
in this treaty were the Conestogas
(Susquehanna- Minquays), the Shaw
nese and the Ganawese, and this re
fers to them. In waming the Chris
tian inhabitants it seems to indicate
that there were some whites then at
this date of 1701 in the neighborhood
of Conestoga. They were, however,
only trades and not regular settlers.
We shall notice that in a year or two
later that there will be references to
Christian inhabitants living at and
near Conestoga.

les

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1701— The Earliest Lands Taken Up
by the Whites Among the Con
estogas and the Other Sus
quehanna Indians.
In Vol. 19 ol the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 245 it is set
forth that the land commissioners of
Pennsylvania granted to Cornelius
Empson and twenty others 20,000
acres of land on Octoraro Cresk at
one bushel of wheat rent per hun
dred acres. Then warrants were made
out for 15,000 acres as may be seen
page 280, fo the following persons
for the following amounts, being a
part of the above named tract: —
Cornelius Empson, John Richards,
James Brown, Henry Reynolds, John
Bales, Edward Beeson, James Cooper,
Randall Janney, Andrew Job, John
Churchman, Ebenezer Empson, John
Guest, Joel Baily for 1000 acres each
and fo Robert Dutton, Samuel Set
tler and Jeser Brown each for 500
acres; and surveyed off for William
Penn's own use, 3000 acres. It is
described as all in one tract, begin
ning at the Northern Barrens be
tween the main branch of Northeast
River and Octoraro Creek, and
bounding it to the Southwards with
an East and West line parallel to the
line of the Province, and Northward
to the barrens.
In the same book under the same
date, 1701, page 278 it is stated that
a warrant should be made to Williani
Clayton for 1000 acres of land at
Susquehanna, " with the rest there."
whoever they were.
These grants of land on the Sus
quehanna, I believe, are the very
earliest that were made to indivi
duals by the authorities of Pennsyl
vania In the neighborhood ol and
among the Indians ol these two
Rivers.

1702— Earliest Preaching fo fhe In
dians at Conestoga.
We have heretolore stated that
William Penn visited the Indians om
the Susquehanna twice and from his;
nature one can not doubt that he
gave them religious instruction be
cause this was constantly on his
mind. But the earliest preaching of
which we have any prools was in
1702 by Rev, Jonas Airens who
preached that year to the Conestoga
Indians at Conestoga. Record ol this
may be found in Vol. 30 of Penna.
Magazine of History and Biography
in a note at the bottora of page 291.
There is not much to be said about
it and it is likely that there were
only a lew sermons preached; and
that it was not a missionary move
ment extending over any length of
time. A little later Thomas Chalk
ley preached to the Conestogas, and
considerably later Count Zinzendorf,
the last named about the year 1742.
1702— The First Mention of fhe Sus
quehanna Road.
In Vol. 19 of the Second Series of
the Penna. Archives, p. 303 under
the date of 1702 it is stated that
Joseph Fisher and several other
land owners of Dublin Township,
"remonstrated that the Sasquehan-
nah road laid out through the said
Township is run too much to the
Northward by which means the set
tlements on that side are too short
and those on the South too long."
This shows that at the early date of
1702 the Indian affairs on Susque
hanna were of sufficient importance
to agitate constructing a road to
their locality. The first road which
finally did reach the Susquehanna
was begun in 1683 and reached the
river in 1714, but it was in use
before the latter date. In Nicholas
Scull's map of 1759 connected with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

170

the Penna. Archives. Dublin Town
ship is situated Immediately North of
Philadelphia county, as it then was.
1702 — James Logan's Earliest Visit to
the Conestogas.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 179 James Logan
says in a letter of this year written
to William Penn, "I 'design next
month for Conestoga, God willing, to
treat with the Indians there and con
firm them, lor we have many re
ports about the attempts ol the
French to debauch all; and Indian
Harry has never since he went to the
Onondagoes last year been here, but
he solemnly promised to return this
way." However, in turning to p.
179 ol the same book, Logan again
says in 1703 in a letter to William
Penn, that though he had designed
to go to Conestoga that he put off the
journey, waiting lor Indian Harry to
come back Irom Canada.
I cite this item to show the efforts
that were constantly made by the
French to get the Pennsylvania In
dians over to them. We remember
that in the early years, the Jesuit
Father had very many meetings with
our Susquehannocks, and as Queen
Ann's War was now approaching it
was considered a great point to get
these Pennsylvania Indians disaffect
ed Irom the English.
1702 — Indian Harry at Philadelphia.
This year as is told us in Vol. 1 ol
the Penn & Logan Correspondence,
p. 125, Indian Harry was in Philadel
phia about the end ol July but that
he went on to the Onondagoes to
bring advice Irom them how matters
stood concerning the Conestoga In
dian affairs. We, ol course remem
ber that the Conestogas and all the
Indians along the Susquehanna were
tenants, and in a manner slaves ol the
Five Nations and whenever anything

ol importance was to be done by the
Conestogas, advice Irom the Five Na
tions was always necessary belore
anyone dared to make any move.
1702 — The Conestogas on a War-like
Expedition to the South.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 70 at
a meeting ol the Council held on the
17th ol September, it was stated that,
"inlormation having been given to
this board by Sylvester Garland, an
Indian trader ol New Castle that hall
a dozen Indians called Tackwheetap
& Posackaselt, two of them of Dela
ware and the rest of Conestogoe, on
Susquehannah, who had lately re
turned from the Southwards from
hunting, were seen at the said Cones
togoe with several parts of women's
attire, viz.: a Petticoat, White Silk
hood. Lace, etc., about them, and
that upon a certain occasion Expres
sed themselves as if they murdered
the persons from whom they had
taken them. It was consulted what
method ol Inquiry or process should
be taken with ye said Indians, see
ing they were by their Several Treat
ies obliged to be answerable to the
English lor what injuries or out
rages they should commit against
them, and it was Resolved, that a
Message with an Interpreter was
necessary in the first place to be
sent, but there being no interpreter ol
that language to be lound who could
be depended on lor such a service
till Harry, the Indian should return,
who was gone to the Onondagoes,
and every day expected back again.
It was lurther resolved, the whole
should be deferred until the said
Harry's return, upon which a full in
quiry should be made, and ye treaty
with the ye Conestogoe Indians re
newed and strengthened. In ye
meantime it is expected that ye Gov
ernor of Maryland, who seems ear-
I lier concerned and has earlier infor-

171

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

mation, will make Inquiry also." —
This article sufficiently explains it
self and I need add nothing of an
explanatory character to it.
1703— The French Make Peace With
the Iroquois.
In Voi. 1 of the Penn &. Logan
Correspondence, p. 88 it is stated in
a letter from James Logan to Wil
liam Penn, that "in the Monthly Mer
cury for January there is under the
head of "France" a passage, which if
true would be of bad consequence to
us, viz.: that the Government of
Canada has made a peace with the
Iroquois, which will oblige the great
er care in what has been said. Al
bany, by it, seems ruined; and we
shall be greatly exposed when that
barrier of the Five Nations is remov
ed." I cite this because whatever the
Iroquois did affected the Conestogas
and as the Iroquois broke their alle
giance with the English and made a
treaty of peace with the French of
Canada, then the Conestogas were
compelled to choose whether they
would obey their masters the Iro
quois, or defy them and keep their
peace with the English. We may add
here that they never broke their
agreements with the English.
1702 — Penn Wants Settlements on
the Susquehanna aud Chesapeake.
In a letter written by James Logan
to William Penn in 1702, it is stated in
Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Corres
pondence, p. 122, that a settlement
on the navigable part of the North
east river is to be made and that it
was to be located half way between
New Castle and Conestoga, and the
letter sets forth that another point in
favor of the settlement is, that it is
a convenient stage from the lower
parts to Susquehanna which would
much encourage a settlement of that

also. The letter goes on to say that
Griffith Owen who was with Penn at
Susquehanna know the place. The
letter then says that Logan approves
of Penn's inclination to have settle
ments on Chesapeake to trade be
tween Pennsylvania.
This I cite simply to show the im
portance of our Indians living up in
this country because they had a cer
tain bearing upon the settlements in
that locality.
1702 — Conestoga Indians Have Ceas
ed Their Visits to Philadelphia.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, pp. 148 and 149, un
der the date of 1702 it is stated that
Indian Harry is still with the Onon
dagoes but promises to stop on his
return, he did not do so. This
caused fear on the part of the whites
and they found that he was return
ed home to Conestoga two months
ago but that the Conestoga Indians
are quiet, however, that they " for
this last year have seldom come near
us; some of them are uneasy and
threaten to disturb the remote set
tlers of land: such as the New Ger
man tract, which they clamor is not
purchased." The importance of this topic lies
in the fact that here under the date
of 1702 is a "New German Tract"
spoken of somewhere near the neigh
borhood of the Conestoga Indians.
This is fully five years and may be
seven years before the settlements
began either in the Pequea or Cones
toga Valleys, and the "New German
Tract" likely refers to bargains
which Penn was making in England
with German People indicating to
them in a gneral way where their
lands would be. Another noticeable
thing in this item is the apparent
doubt which the Conestogas enter
tained as to what they should do.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

172

Indian Harry had no doubt brought
home from Canada the news that the
Five Nations were thinking of joining
the French, and his suspicious ac
tion in not stopping on his way back
but going directly to Conestoga
would confirm that there was some
treachery on foot between the Five
Nations and the Conestogas toward
the English and the Conestogas seem
to be on the verge of breaking faith.
However, we will see later that all
turned out well.
As to this German tract, it may be
that the 20000 acres granted in 1701
to Cornelius Empsom near Octoraro
is what is referred to. See a former
item on this.
1702 — Thomas Chalkley Journeys
Through the Susquehanna In
dian Country.
In Thomas Chalkley's works, a
book which we have referred to her-
tofore, pp. 38-39 he tells of his jour
ney in this neighborhood and among
the Indians thereof ; but I am not able
to say positively that he did com
municate with the Conestogas on this
trip. We will find definite informa
tion about his later missionary
journeys among the Susquehannas
and Conestogas.
1703 — Louis Mitchell or Michelle,
Martin Chartier and Others Live
at Conestoga With the In
dians.
In Rupp's history of Lancaster
County, p. 53 he says that in the
year of 1703 the Canton of Bern in
Switzerland sent Louis Mitchell to
loofe for vacant lands in Pennsyl
vania. Martin Chartier is also de
scribed as carrying messages from
Philadelphia to the Shawnas at Pe
quea near Conestoga, where he had
a trading station. On p. 54 Rupp
says, though Mitchell was the person
who first lead the rest there to Con

estoga, yet others had come in
since; and these were the pioneer
whites in Conestoga.Rupp also says
at p. 45, quoting the Colonial Rec,
which we have also quoted in a for
mer item, that Martin Chartier had
long lived among the Shawana In
dians. 1703 — The French Again Trying to
Wean the Conestoga Indians
From the English.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence p. 227 James Logan
on the 2nd of September of that year
writes a letter to William Penn in
which he says, "Indian Harry of Con
estoga is now here and acquaints us
with the great endeavors of the
French, but I have not fully dis
coursed with him." The letter also
states that French are settlin'g
among the Five Nations and are at
peace with them; and have emissar
ies all about us. This is sufficient to
show that the French were trying to
get the good-will of the Five Nations
and of course the Five Nations abso
lutely controlled the Conestoga In
dians.1703 — Letort and Rezalion Again
Held in Bonds.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 100
the following report is made of a
Council held at Philadelphia the 17th
of August this year, as follows: —
"James Letort who about two
years agoe went out of this Province
to Canada, and returned last spring,
having been upon his return exam
ined before several of the Council
and magistrates, and no great occa
sion found to support him of any
evil designs against this Government,
he having been bred in it since his
infancy, had hitherto behaved himself
inoffensively and was seduced to de
part in tiirie of peace by the Instiga
tion of some others, without any evil

173

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

intentions that could be made appear
in himself and being now in town,
together with Peter Bezalion another
Frenchman and Indian Trader, it
was Judged necessary to call them
both before the Council, and for fur
ther satisfaction to take security of
them for their behavior towards the
Government, accordingly they were
sent for and obliged each to give Se
curity in five hundred pounds Ster
ling, that they should behave them
selves as good subjects of the Queen
and of this Government, and hold no
correspondence whatsoever with ye
enemy, but at all times during ye
Warr make best discoveries they
could do all designs that should come
to their fenowledge against this Gov
ernment, or any others of the Queens
Subjects." In this article we plain
ly see how constantly the efforts
were going on about Conestoga to
get our Indians turned against the
English. 1703 — Jam<!s Logan's Intended Trip
to the Conestoga Indians.
In a letter to William Penn dated
the 13th of March, 1703, and found
in Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 79, James Logan
says, "I design next month for Con
estoga, God willing, to treat with the
Indians there and confirm them for
we have many flying reports about
the attempts of the French to de
bauch all; and Indian Harry has
never been here since he went to the
Onondagoes last year, though he
solemnly promised to return this
way." But it appears in the same
boofe, pp. 197-198 that Logan never
made this trip.
1703 — Bazilion Again Suspected.
In Vol. 1 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 224 in a letter from
James Logan to William Penn, Logan
states that it is not safe to let Baza-

lion to be at large, as he is a dan
gerous man against the English.
1703 — Randall Janney to be Sent to
Susquehanna.
In Vol. 1 of the book last above
quoted, p. 214, V/illiam Penn writes
a letter to Logan which begins at
page 211, saying that he recommends
Janney about the Susquehanna pur
chase; and that Logan shall use him
kindly. His purpose there was to
look after the intended New County
and also to keep tally on Indian do
ings.1703 — Penn Desires Tobacco and In
dian Products to be Shipped
Down the Chesapeake.
In the same Vol. last cited, p. 180
it is stated that a ship to carry 7 or
800 hogsheads of tobacco down the
Chesapeake is about being built and
that the costs of it may not exceed
3000 pounds, if built at best hand;
and the cables and rigging may be
had from England.
1703 —The Settlement at Octoraro
Trades With the Indians.
In the same Vol. last quoted, p. 203
in a letter by Isaac Norris to Jona
than Dickinson, he speakes of the
tact that the settlement of lands at
the head of the Northeast . river or
Octoraro gives value to our Susque
hanna lands, and that our Susque
hanna country, considering the time
of the year is very healthy. It may
be collected from the letter as a
whole that some trading is being
conducted by the Indians with these
parts.1703 — A Number of Indians Remove
from Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 131 in
the proceedings of a Council held the
beginning of the year of 1704 there
is an item which indicates that a
number of Indians about the end of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

174

the year 1703 left at Conestoga. The
article states that Martin Chartier
who long lived upon tbe Susque-
hannna was examined in relation to
himself, the Indians, "and those that
had lately left Conestoga. And there
not being sufficient occasion to put
him any further trouble, he was dis
missed." This is the only thing that I can
find on the subject. I can not tell
who or what tribe of Indians are re
lerred to or whether a large or small
number left Conestoga. It does not
refer to the Shawnese because they
did not leave until quite some time
later than 1703. But this is enough
to indicate to us that certain bodies
of these Indians were in the habit of
shifting their homes.
1703 — Whites Among the Indians at
Conestoga.
It seems as early as 1703 there
were some whites among the Con
estoga and other Indians about Sus
quehanna, not to settle there but to
trade with them. Rupp at p. 39 has
briefly stated the history on this
point and he says as follows: —
"Though no actual settlements had
been made prior to 1708, or 1709, in
Lancaster County, a few whites had
their abodes among the Indians on
the Susquehanna. — • These were In
dian Traders, viz.: Joseph Jessop,
James LeTort, Peter Bezalion, Mar
tin Chartier, all Indians, and upon
the Susquehanna; and one Mitchel, a
Swiss. Nicole Godin, an active
young fellow, but rather a sneak, and
one Francois. These, however, had
no license to trade among and with
the Indians.
It appears from a French letter
from Madame Letort, the French
woman at Conestoga, directed to Ed
mund Farmer, bearing date 15th of
March, 1703-4, that the Towittois In

dians had come down and cut off
the two families of neighbor Indians
at Conestoga, and that they were all
there under great apprehensions of
further mischief from them, and were
preparing to demand succor of the
government in case the disorders
should be continued.
The subject mentioned in the let
ter, was considered in council,
March 22; and it was resolved that
messengers be forthwith despatched
to Conestogoe, by way of New Castle,
to know the truth of the information,
the relation, as it appeared, being
somewhat suspicious." This item
needs no further explanation.
1704— Rumors of a Plot to Carry Oft
the Shawnese.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 145,
the Council heard that the Shawnese
were about to be carried away by
some strange Indians and they sent
for Peter Bezalion to be inlormed ol
the lact. The minutes ol Council on
this subject are as follows: ¦" Peter
Bezalion ye French Trader, coming
to town and being sent for informed
ye Board That he had heard that
those of the five nations who intend
ed shortly down this way, had a de
sign ol carrying off the Shawnese In
dians, both settled near Conestogoe,
and those near Lechay, (now Eas
ton), were their enemies; which
being fully considered, it was resol
ved that it would be necessary to
send an Embassy as well in behalf
ol our Iriends and allies, as the
Shawnese are as ol ourselves, and
that all the belts ol wampum be
procured and sent up that were col
lected among the Indians three years
agoe for that purpose." No parti
cular comment is necessary on this
item as it explains itself.
1704 — Indian Harry's Brother Re
ports the Doings of the Five
Nations.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 155,
at a Council held on the 9th of Aug.

175

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

this year it is reported that, " In
dian Harry's brother, late of Cones
togoe, being arrived in town from the
five nations, was examined witb
James Le Tort and Peter BizaUlion,
concerning those of the said five na
tions, that ha;ve been so long expect-
here; and Peter Bizaillion was or-
ordered to attend again, about five
o'clock in the afternoon."
In this there is exhibited the further
movements and difficulties which the
English had at all times to keep the
Five Nations faithful.
1704— The Chiefs of the Five Nations
Came to Philadelphia to Make
a Treaty.
In the same book just cited, p. 158
if appears at a Council held on the
28th of August this year that, "Kag-
undanoyagh one of the Chiefs of the
Onondagoes, with 7 or 8 others of ye
chiefs of ye Five Nations, being come
down to Philadelphia in order to hold
a treaty to settle a correspondence
with this Government. They were
called before the Council, the Lieu
tenant Govemor being by reason of
sickness unable to attend."
1704 — Nicole Godin Above Conestoga
Reports Indian Depredations
in that Neighborhood.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 138
we have the following inlormation,
which concerns not only the Senecas
but the Indians Irom Potomac and
Conestoga. The report of the pro
ceedings is as follows: "Edward Far
mer, acquainted ye Governor that
according to this order, he had in
lormed ye Assembly ol what he had
heard Irom the Trader Nicole Godin,
viz.: That upon ye return ol ye Caro-
olina Indians, who was taken (as we
said) by some ol ye five nations last
year, and after escape went home
wards through this province, some ol
ye Carolina Indians, to ye number ol

40, in revenge, were lately come anaj
had set upon some of those Potow
mock, but they taking to their fast
ness and being secured, ye others de
clared to them that they (of Caro
lina), had been lor many years at
tacked and Injured by some Indians
from ye Northwest, whom they had
always hitherto taken to be those of
Canada, but now found who they
were, viz: ye Senecars and those of
Potomock and Conestogoe, and that
they were resolved to be revenged,
and that the three nations had join
ed and would shortly come up and
either destroy or be destroyed by
them. That upon this inlormation, ye as
sembly thanked the Governor lor his
care in sending them an account ol It
and upon hearing there were two In
dians sent from some of ye five na
tions to this Government, on a mes
sage, requested that ye Governor
would be pleased to examine ye said
Indians to night, by Ja. Le Tort for
an Interpreter, and that the said
Nicole should be for to night, and ye
said Indians be examined with him
tomorrow."1704 — Suspicious Actions of Nicholas
Gateau.
At a council held the 15th of May,
1704 the following report was made
concerning Gateau who was an In
dian trader and operated among the
Conestogas and other Indians living
on Susquehanna. The report is found
in Vol. 2 of Col. Rec, p. 131 and is as
follows: "A petition from Nicholas
Gateau, the French cook, of this town
was read, shewing that when the ad
ministration of the Government was
in the Council, he had preferred a
petition praying that according to
the Laws of this Government he
might be naturalized in this Pro
vince and Territories; that his said
Petition had been granted and an in
strument prepared, but that by the
Governor's happy arrival the Execu-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

176

tvon of it was prevented, and there
fore humbly prays that the Governor
'would continue the same unto him,
and that he might be naturalized.
Ordered, ^at the said Nicholas Ga
teau, upon his taking the requi
site oaths, (viz.:) fidelity to the
Queen, the abjuration of the Pope's
Supremacy, and fidelity to the Pro
prietary, be naturalized, and an In
strument prepared for it according to
Law." 1704 — Suffering of the Conestoga In
dians in the Winter of 1704.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 359, it is set forth in
a letter from Isaac Norris to Daniel
Zachary that the winter was very se
vere. The letter is as follows: — "As
the longest English liver has never
fenown such a winter as this for the
abundance of snow so we have never
had such a vacation. All avenues
were stopped and traveling wholly
impeded till just now. The post has
not been here these six weeks, which
makes the time pass on very melan
choly, and the more particularly for
the want ol hearing Irom you as us
ual. This makes me assured it will
be as welcome to thee to hear thy
little boy is well, and our lamily,with
friends generally. Our river has been
last these six weeks, and people go
and come with carts, sleds, horses,
etc., as on land. Dutch sleds are
mightily in lashion here this winter."
On the lollowing page of the same
book, Isaac Norris writes a letter to
John Askew on the same subject,
which is as follows: "We have had
the deepest snow this winter that has
been known, (by the longest English
liver here;) no traveling, all avenues
shut; the post has not gone these
six weeks. The river still fast;
people bring loads over it, as they
did seven years ago when thou wast
here; many creatures like to perish."

I have thought these two items
might be ol interest in this connec
tion as that would show the condition
in the bleak winter around Conesto
ga at the time -when the only houses
in it were Indian huts or wigwams.
1704 — Strange Indians Kill Several
Families of Conestogas.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 121
there is set lorth a report made be
lore Council ol inlormation which
Madame Ann Letort, the French
woman at Conestoga gave concern
ing the ^laughter ol Indians there;
and it is as lollows: "A French let
ter from Ann Letort, the French
woman at Conestogoe, directed to
Edward Parmer, bearing date of the
15th Instant, being brought to the
Governor, informing that ye Towit
tois Indians had come down and cut
off two families ol neighbor Indians
at Conestogoe, and that they were all
there under great apprehensions of
lurther mischiel from them, and
were preparing to demand succor of
this Government in case the disor
ders should continue. The Governor
laid the said letter before the Board
to be considered how far the said in
formation ought to be regarded, and
would be judged necessary to bp done
therein. Resolved that some messenger or
messengers be forthwith despatched
away to Conestogoe, by way of New
Castle, to know ye true grounds of
the said Information, ye Relation as
it now appears being somewhat sus
picious. This is the same Incident
quoted from Rupp in a prior item it
is repeated here because the records
of Council are here in full. ,
17'04 — Gateau Complains Against
Godyn at Susquehanna.
In a minute of Council, p. 181 of
Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, it is set forth
that Nicholas Gateau exhibited a

IT7

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

complaint that sundry goods were
taken from him, some by Nich. Godyn
at Sasquehannah ; and others were in
possession of William Slooby and he
begs that justice be done him.
1704-A Report that Chartier & Two
Other French Indian Traders are
About to Leave Sus
quehanna.
In the Vol. last cited, p. 182 it was
reported to Council that Chartier and
other French traders were acting
suspiciously about Susquehanna and
on this inlormation that they were
about fo depart out ol the Govern
ment. It was ordered that the Sher
iff of New Castle, being nearest to
their abode take it into charge and
be diligent to observe the motions
and designs, and if he finds any
grounds, he shall arrest and secure
Chartier and his accomplices. This
item is important in connection with
our Indian on Susquehanna because
it locates the group of these French
traders definitely at this time that are
said in the item to live on Susque
hanna, and it is further pointed out
that the Sheriff of New Castle is clos
est to them. This shows that they
were living on the lower Susquehanna
perhaps below Columbia at this time.
Their dealings with our Indians were
extensive and intimate.
1704 — The Old Indian and Swedish
Road Still in Use to Sus
quehanna.
In an item found page 122 of Vol.
2 of the Col. Rec, which we have
heretofore quoted it is stated that
Council resolved to send messengers
to Conestoga by way of New Castle.
I here simply recall our attention to
the fact that as early as 1646 there
was evidence which we found in Cam

panius Holm and Acrelius that the
route taken by the ancient Susque
hannocks and the Swedes who were
settled in the neighborhood of what is
now Wilmington, led across the
country by the way of New Castle to
Susquehanna river and then up the
river to the Indian Town. The item
this road by the way of New Castle
we now quote seems to indicate that
was still a favorite one between the
Lower Delaware Settlements and the
Susquehanna Country.
1704— The Great Rum Trade with the
Conestoga Indians Continues.
At a Council which was held the
9th day of May, 1704, a member, of the
Board informed that body of the
great abuses committed by carrying
rum from New Castle to Conestoga.
In this item we see that the rum
trade still continues there in great
force. In addition to what we have just
said it is set forth in the same Book,
p. 141 that Ortyiagh, the Chief of the
Conestoga Indians made a complaint
through Edward Farmer that he
should "complain to the Governor of
the great quantity of rum continually
brought to their town insomuch
that they are ruined by it and having
nothing left but have laid out all,
even their clothes for rum; and may
now, when threatened with war be
surprised by their enemies when be
sides themselves with drink and
thereby be utterly destroyed."
1704 — Letort, the Indian Trader of
Conestoga, in Jail.
On page 163 of Vol. 2 of the Col.
Rec, "A petition from James Letort
a prisoner in the Common Gaol of
Philadelphia, was read setting forth
that he had always been faithful and
bore true allegiance to the Crown of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

178

England, and was ready to give such
further security as should be thought
reasonable, yet was abridged of his
Liberty and detained a prisoner, and
praying for relief therein; it is order
ed to be further considered, and then
adjourned." On the 31st of October this petition
of James Letort was considered, and
as it is set forth on page 170 of the
last named book, "it was ordered that
unless the said Letort can give suf
ficient security for his good behavior
in the sum of 1000 Pounds, to be pro
duced at the next setting of the
Council, he still be detained as a
prisoner."1705 — The Ganawese Come to the
Susquehanna Country.
At a Council held the 11th of May,
1705 as is reported in Vol. 2 of the
Col. Rec, p. 191, "Manangy, the In
dian Chief of Schuylkill came to wait
on the Governor in behalf of the
Ganawese or Piscataway Indians,
settled in this Province near the
head of Polomocfe, being now reduc
ed by sickness to a small number,
and desirous to quitt their present
habitation, (where they settled five
years ago), with the Proprietor's
consent the Conestogoe Indians then
becoming Guarantees of a Treaty of
Friendship made between them, and
shewing a belt of Wampum, they
had sent to the Schuylkill Indians to
engage their friendship and Consent,
that they may be permitted to settle
in the said place, which if he pleased
to agree to, they will come and wait
on him themselves with a suitable
present. The Governor gave them a kind in
vitation, by the said Menangy, to
come and settle as near us as they
should think fitt, provided they would
take care and live peaceably, and
that the said Manangy , and ye In

dians of that place with him would
appear and engage they should be
have themselves well and dutyfuU to
this Government."
It will be observed here that these
Indians came into Pennsylvania
from the South in the year of 1700,
but they settled on the extreme low
er boundary about the head branches
of the Potomac; and they now mov
ed to Conestoga. I oan not find
whether they entered into the Cones
toga tribe and became a new element
in its already conglomerated consti
tution or kept their separate tribal
manners and lived separate. They
were reduced to a very small number
and may have formed a little group
by themselves.
1705 — The Conestogas Fear that the
Marylanders are Going to Ex
terminate Them.
In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is stated, "Two Indians
from Conestogae also waited on the
Governor, informing him that they
had been alarmed by the people of
Maryland, and were told that they
had design to come and take or cut
them off, upon account of an injury
done to some of that Province by
some of the five nations, of which
they were wholly innocent, and
therefore desired this Government's
protection, that as they have behaved
themselves well and peacably, they
might still continue to live in quiet
ness and unmolested.
The Governor assured them, that 11
they were clear ol the violences done
lately upon the lamily ol the English
in Maryland, and would not Espouse
the Cause ol or shelter any who
should committ any injuries against
the Queen's subjects, they should al
ways be protected."
This item discloses to us that
these small tribes about the Susque-
i hanna were again undergoing the

179

ANNALS OP THE SUS3UEHANN0CKS AND

dangerous experiences which their
ancestors the old Susquehannocks
had undergone two generations be
fore: — that is, the five nations com
mitted depredations in Maryland and
blamed it upon the Conestogas. We
remember that 1675 before the Five
Nations- had conquered the Susque
hannocks those Indians of the Five
Nations used to commit murders In
Maryland and blame it on the Sus
quehannocks and it was this sad cir
cumstance that brought Major Tru
man and Colonel Washington to
slaughter the five Susquehannock
chiefs and take the first steps in the
extermination of the Susquehannock
Nation. ,
1705 — James Logan Holds the First
Treaty at Conestoga Since
Penn's Last Visit.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 244
under the date of the 6th of June,
1706 James gave an account of the
treaty which he had held at Cones
toga in October, 1705. The reason
that he did not report it before was
that he wanted to make the report in
the presence of the Indians with
whom he had held the treaty; and
on this day the Chiefs of the Cones
togas, Shawnese and Ganawese on
Susquehanna had come to town
(Philadelphia) to confer about pub
lic affairs and had brought Indian
Harry with them as interpreter, and
were now present in the council
chamber. This report to Council of
the treaty he made with them in 1705
was made in their presence so that
they could object il he reported any
part ol it wrongly, and it served the
further purpose of fully informing
them that the treaty which had been
made in the far away woods along
the Conestoga would reach the
authorities at Philadelphia in fact
and in truth. The report which
Logan gave on what happened at
Conestoga is set forth as follows:

"The Secretary not having done it
in Council before, gave the Board an
account of the message to the said
Indians, in October last, undertaken
by order of Council, upon the re
peated reports we had of great un
easiness among the Indians, by rea
son of the Ganawese, who had fled
from Maryland, as follows, viz:
That in Company of soine persons
from Chester, viz.: the Sheriff and
Clark of that County, and the Sher
iff of New Castle, Hercules Coutts,
Hermannus Alricks, with Edward
Shippen, Junr., and others being ten
in number, he carried thither some
English goods for a present and at
Conestoga as the Chief place he flrst
treated with them, telling them, (ac
cording to the minutes then taken),
that he was come from the Governor
of Pennsylvania, who had always
been a friend to all the Indians
within the bounds of it. That Gov
ernor William Penn, since he first
came into this countrey, with all
those under him, had always inviol
ably maintained a perfect friendship
with all the natives of the Countrey,
that he possessed of it at his first ar
rival That when he was last in the
Countrey he visited those of that
place and his son upon his arrival
did the same, in order to cultivate the
ancient friendship between them,
that he and his posterity might, after
his father's example maintain peace
and a good understanding with them
and their heirs.
That the Governor, who now is at
Philadelphia, is sent over to them by
Governor Penn in his stead, would
have come also and seen them, but
other business obstructed, he intend
ed it however as soon as possible he
could with conveniency.
That he, (the Secretary) with that
Company were now come, not to

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

180

make any new treaty with them, for
that he hoped would be needless,
those that have been already made
being in full force and sufficiently
strong, but to enquire of them, as our
brethren, how matters stood with
them, whether anything had happen
ed among them, and whether all
things were well with them in this
time of open war, of which we de
sired a lull account ol them.
That Governor Penn had olten em
ployed his thoughts how to prevent
any affronts or injuries ol any kind
being put upon them, and how they
might the most advantageously be
lurnished with what they wanted
Irom the English.
That notwithstanding all his care
things had not been so well managed
as desired, but that now we were re
solved to lail upon measures, more
effectually to put in practice what
had been so much wished lor in vain.
That the Assembly ol Pennsylvania
which is the great Council, was now
about to sit at Philadelphia to make
necessary laws lor the good ol the
publick, that in order to have some
good law made, also lor their advan
tage, they were desired three or lour
of their Chiefs and wisest men to
Philadelphia, to agree on such
things as would be most proper to be
past into laws for that purpose.
That he was not willing to insist
on any further particulars at this
time, upon the various reports that
had been spread in the Countrey con
cerning them, which principally oc
casioned their visit, referring till
they should meet at Philadelphia,only
he would mention two things of great
importance at the present time, and
which he must lay before them:
First, that they should take great
care of giving ear to Malicious Re
ports spread and carried by ill men,
for that we heard they had been al
armed at the Christians putting

themselves in arms in all these
parts and Clustering. The reason of
this was the war with the French,
and was designed rather to help
than to hurt them, but as they and
we are brethren each must be assis
tant to the other, and therefore the
English took up arms to defend
themselves, and the Indians also
against both their enemies.
That notwithstanding they ought
all as far as possible to avoid war,
for peace was most desirable, and
war must be only for defence.
That we were also informed some
of the Maryland Indians then among
them had differed with the English
there, and were afraid to return or
come among the English of that
Government. If so they might then
continue among us till matters were
fully settled, that our Governor
would treat with the Governor of
Maryland in their favour, but they
must not quarrel with any of the
subjects of England, lor we are all
under one Crown and are as one
people. That these Indians then called the
Piscataway Indians about five years
ago when they came to settle within
this Government came to Philadel
phia in company with those ol Con
estoga and the Shawanois, who en
gaged to our government lor their
peaceable deportment and behavior
amongst us that hitherto they had
behaved accordingly, and . we hoped
that they would continue so to do.
Alter which he summoned up his
discourses and desired them to re
member well what he had said and
give him an answer at next meeting
to-morrow. The Secretary lurther
inlormed the Board that the next day
sitting again in Council with their
Chiels at Conestogoe, they made an
swer: That in Consideration ol our Visit,
though they were very poor, they

181

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

presented us with some skins. That
they could not possibly come to
Philadelphia so soon as desired,
being now late in the year, but in the
Spring they will all come in a body.
That they did not understand what
we meant by ill reports, which being
further explained to them, they an
swered, (Viz. the Ganawese), that
some of the Virginians had much dis
turbed them, killed one of their men
and abused several others, that being
uneasie they thought it not safe to
continue there, and were now come
hither where they hoped they might
live peaceably, that on their sides
whatever was reported they meant
nothing but peace and friendship. To
which he answered that they should
be safe here, and desired them not
to go further from us till matters be
lully settled with Virginia and Mary
land, that in the mean time we would
be kind to them and they should not
want. They proceeded to answer
that they knew not ol any ill reports
at present, that when they heard any
they should wholly disregard them.
That he further added that he un
derstood John Hans was building a
log house for trade amongst them,
which made uneasie, and desired to
know whether they encouraged it. To
which they answered that they did
not, and were desired not to suffer
any Christians to settle amongst
them without the Governor's leave.
They added that they desired us to
trade with them and for the present
to trust them, for it was very low
with them. The Secretary further
added that among the Shawanis, with
whom their chief abode was, he had
also held a treaty to the same pur
pose with that at Conestogae, and
received very near the same answers;
that he had made them presents of
Stroudwater and Indian Jewels to the
value of nearly 20 Pounds and had
received some skins in return,which

being sold to the best advantage
amounted to 6 Pounds and no more.
Then he left them all in a very good
temper, very well pleased and oblig
ed with the message, and exceeding
ly disposed. That he with the Com
pany had made a journey among the
Ganawese, settled some miles above
Conestogoe at a place called Conne-
jahera, above the fort,and had confer
ences with them, which seemed
wholly to compose all their appre
hensions, and that he had reason to
believe he left these three nations in
a perfect good understanding with
us, of which he thought it necessary
more particularly to acquaint the
Board at this time, because the pre
sent conference would in some mea
sure be grounded upon that message.
The said account being ended the
Governor ordered the Interpreter to
acquaint the said Indians that he
fully designed to have seen them at
their own town before this time, but
unexpected business falling In pre
vented him, notwithstanding he still
continued his resolution by the first
convenient opportunity, in the mean
time he was glad to see them all
here, and desired they would pro
ceed to inform him of what they had
new or what had occurred to their
notice. Upon which Andaggyjunguagh, the
Chiel ol Conestogoe, laid belore the
Governor, a very large Wampum belt
ot 21 rows, with three hands
wrought in it in black, (the rest
white) which belt, he said,was pledge
of peace formerly delivered by the
Onondagoe Indians, one of the Five
Nations to the Nantikokes, when
they made the said Nantikokes trib
utaries; that the Nantikokes being
lately under some apprehensions of
danger from the Five Nations, some
of them had this spring come up to
Conestogoe and brought this belt

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

182

with them, and that they had another
of the same also at Conestogoe, to
show to those of the Five Nations
that were expected shortly to come
down to receive the Nantikokes tri
bute; that they brought this belt
thither, that we might also shew it
to those of the Five Nations who
might come down this way, that they
might see they had made peace, and
that we are at peace with our
neghboring Indians. Much time was
spent in discoursing this, as also in
conferring which the Shawonois,who
owned themselves under some misap
prehensions from the Five Nations,
and then adjourned till morning."
The report of this treaty is so full
ithat we need add nothing to it by
way of comment.
This last item again shows us the
location of Susquehanna Port at this
time.1705 — Location of Susquehanna Fort
at This Time. Bazalion and Two
Conestoga Indians Attend
Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 186 it was ordered on the 23rd of
May, 1705 that notice shall be given
to the two Indians from Conestoga
and to Peter Bezalion to attend to
morrow morning at 9 o'clock. It was
at this meeting that the Conestogas-
gave the news to Council that they]
were afraid of the Maryland authori
ties; and what they said and did has
already been stated so that it need
not be repeated.
As to Peter Bezalion it might be
important here to state that he is
buried in the church yard of the St.
John's Episcopal church at Compass,
just over the Lancaster County line
from Waterloo in Salisbury town
ship on the head branches of the
Pequea Creek. The inscription on
his tombstone is as follows:
"In Memory of
Peter Bezellion
, who departed this life
July 18th, 1742
Aged SO years.

Whoe'er thou art with tender Heart
Stop, Read and Think on me
I once was well as now thou art.
As now I am so shalt thou be."
1705 — A Law to Further Protect the
Indians from Frauds and
Insults.
In Vol, 2 of the Col Rec, p. 213 it
is set lorth that the Assembly have
lorwarded to the Council a bill en
titled, "An Act lor Better Improving
Good Correspondence With the In
dians." One object ol the Act was to
limit the amount they could spend
lor Indian treaties. At page 216 it is
set lorth that the Gfovernor and
Council thought the sum ol 50
pounds was too small lor Indian
treaties lor one year, but the As
sembly would not agree to a larger
amount. The act was finally passed
the 12 ol January, 1706 and may be
lound in Vol 2 ol the Statutes at
large p. 279. The assembly won its
point in this Act because it provides
that no more than 50 pounds may be
spent yearly.
1705 — J&mes Logan's Letter to Penn
on His Conestoga Trip.
In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan
Correspondence, p. 83 is to be found
a letter written by Logan to William
Penn the 9th of October, 1705, in
which he says in part, "I have for
several weeks past upon various
business been obliged to be from
home, a journey to Conestogoe, in
order to compose some misunder
standings apprehended to arise
among there and some other neigh
boring Indians, as the Shawanois
and Ganawois lately settled near
them, being fied from Maryland, took
me up about 10 days." This is about
all he says to William Penn on the
subject but the proceedings in lull
are lound in the Colonial Records, as
we have above stated.

ISS

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1706 — Conestogas, Shawnese and
Ganawese go to Philadelphia
On Business.
If one had been in the Council
Chamber on the 6th ol June, 1706
they would have lound there a large
company of Indians Irom the Sus
quehanna, who came down to confer
on public business. We have refer
red to this before showing that James
Logan took advantage of their pre
sence to explain to the Council in the
presence of the Indians the treaty he
had made at Conestoga In October,
1705. But this visit by these Indians
was made by them for other pur
poses. We remember that the Con
estoga Chiefs laid before the Gover
nor a very large belt ol wampum with
21 rows -with 3 blacfe bands wrought
in it and the rest white and gave the
explanations which we have above set
lorth. The next day the Board toofe
up the question ol what this belt
meant and why the Indians left it
there to be shown to the Five Na
tions. The Council were very much
puzzled and somewhat frightened by
this account of the Conestogas, es
pecially as the Nantikokes desired it
to be brought to the attention of the
Five Nations when those chiefs
should come through Philadelphia on
their way to Conestoga. The decis
ion of Council is set forth at page
247 of the book last cited, where it
is stated that the subject being de
bated for some time, and the Indians
more particularly examined about it,
it was resolved at length upon their
declaring that they had another of
the same at Conestoga to be shown
to the Five Nations that the belt
should be kept here according to
their proposal."
1706- The Governor Explains Our
Laws to the Conestoga Indians.
In the same work and at the page
last mentioned is is stated that on

this 7th cf June, 1706 the Governor
caused the late law for improving a
better Correspondence with the In
dians to be read and explained to
those that had come down from Con
estoga. "They were acquainted upon
it, that this Government took all
possible care to have all matters re
lating to them regulated to the best
advantage, that now they had made a
law to prevent any injuries to them
from the Christians, and laying great
er punishments on those that should
commit them, than if they were done
to the English themselves. That we
had also enacted in that law, that no
person should trade with them, but
such as should first have a license
from fhe Governor, under his hand
and seal, upon making out of which
license, the persons licensed were
obliged to observe certain orders and
rgulations, that the Indians should
be in no wise abused by them. That
it now concerned them to take care
among themselves, that this law
should be kept in force, for the trad
ers coming among them could not be
discovered but by the Indians, and
therefore they were desired to see
that it be duly observed. They then
desired that only two persons should
be allowed to trade with them, for
.that number would be sufficient, but
it was answered that they would be
the more subject to be imposed on,
the fewer should trade with them,
and it would be to their advantage,
provided that all traders were sub
ject to a regulation.
They further desired that none
might be suffered to go up into the
Countrey beyon,d their towns, to
meet the Indians returning from
hunting, for they sustain great dam
ages by that practice, by being made
drunk at their return before they
get home to their wives and so
were imposed on and cheated by the
traders of all their labors.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

184

Under this they were desired to
take care among themselves that
none of their people should sell any
thing to the traders till they came
home to their own town and in the
licenses that should be given in the
future, the Governor would take care
to oblige them not to go higher into
the Countrey than the noted Indian
Towns and to trade nowhei-e else.
Then they presented a parcel ol
-Deer, Fox and Racoon skins, of about
14 Pounds in value, (according to
the prices they now bear), which
they offered for a confirmation ol
the Chain of Friendship between us,
and desired that we might all still
Continue Friends and Brothers as
we have always hitherto been, which
being kindly accepted and orders
given to provide goods to return
them for their present, the Council
adjourned." In this we again see what a var
iety of matters it was necessary to
take up and settle between our In
dians on Susquehanna and the Gov
ernment; and what a sensible view
the Indians took ol all these mea
sures lor their benefit.
1706 — The Costs of Logan's Treaty
With the Conestoga Indians.
On the 25th ol June, 1706, as shown
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 248 the
Secretary, James Logan, "laid before
the Board an account of the charge
of the last treaty had with the In
dians of Conestogoe, at Philadelphia,
amounting on the debtor side to 36
pounds, 2s and 5d; on the Creditor
13 pounds, 17s — which makes the
balance 22 pounds, 5s and 5d, which
account being approved and approved
of by the Board, it is ordered that
the Treasurer forthwith pay the bal
ance of it of that 50 Pounds per
Annum, allowed by the Assembly
for that purpose."

170B— Governor Evans Goes to Con
estoga to Make a Treaty.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 251 at
a Council held the 31st of August,
this year. Governor Evans represent
ed to the Council that it being of
great importance during this war
time to maintain a good understand
ing with the Indians and secure
them to the Queen's interest against
the effeorts of the enemy to de
bauch them, he had proposed to
make a visit very hastily to those of
Conestoga and the adjoining settle
ments and he asked that it be made
a public charge; and the Board if the
Governor did undertake the trouble
of the journey, that his visit to them
since they expect to see him at their
own town, might be of great public
service. On this encouragement Governor
Evans made the visit and the treaty
and on the 19th of September he re
ported it to Council (p. 252), saying
that he had further "a necessity of
going to Conestoga lately for which
he found when he arrived there that
there had been very great occasion
and he hoped it would prove of
great service." This seems to be the
only report of the treaty and what
questions he took up and disposed of
is now shown. But in Vol. 2 ol the
Penn & Logan correspondence, p. 159
James Logan writing to Wm. Penn
says in a letter dated August 1706 in
speaking ol John Evans, " There
are perhaps some articles that per
haps may shock thee, particularly
that ol the Conestogoe journey but it
is exactly as everything is as they
have charged. The ill flavor ol that
treaty made by Governor Evans is
they accused him ol making gain out
of it. In a letter found in the
book last mentioned, p. 267 in
Logan says concerning John Evans
¦that the Assembly have long since

1^5

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

accused him of making out of this
treaty a lewd voyage to Susque
hanna with the violest character of
his and his retinue's practices with
fhe wives and daughters of the In
dian people of Conestoga.''
The scandal of this treaty at Con
estoga was taken note of by the As
sembly and on the 28th of Decem
ber, these staid old Quakers in an
address to Governor Evans say in
Vol. 1 of the Votes of Assembly, Part
2, p. 131, "If men employed or con
cerned in Indian treaties or trade
will take these opportunities to
exact upon or defraud the Indians
and commit such vile abominations
with them, as we are informed some
have done to the great scandal of
Christianity, the poor heathen will
have too much cause to conclude
that it is better to remain in their
natural state, than to advance to
wards the Christian religion, espec-
fally as they conclude that the prac-
ticers thereof will give them no
better examples, than we understand
some have done lately and formerly,
in their Indian visits."
Rupp says at p. 44, in speaking ol
this treaty that, "It appears that the
Indians, at Conestoga were quite an
object ol attention.Pearlul they might
be alienated. Governor' Evans con
ceived it ol the utmost importance
under these existing circumstances
'to maintain as lar as possible, a per-
lect good understanding with the In
dians, and to labor to keep them se
cure in the Queen's interest against
the machinations used by the enemy
to debauch them Irom the people of
the province.' To effect this, he pro
posed, in August, 1706, the year after
Chalkley's errand to them as a mes
senger of Peace, to visit very speed
ily the Indians of Conestoga, and the
adjacent settlement. He went, and
had a personal interview with them
at Conestoga; and it proved, as he

hoped of great service.
It was then, perhaps, he was so
eloquently addressed by an Indian
Orator, who, as the Poet says spake:
'Father — ^we love quiet; we suffer
the mouse to play, when the leaves
are rustled by the wind we fear not ;
when the leaves are disturbed in am
bush, we are uneasy; when a cloud
obscures your brilliant sun, our eyes
feel dim; but when the rays appear,
they give great heat to the body, and
joy to the heart. Treachery darkens
the chain of friendship, but truth
makes it brighter than ever. This
is the peace we desire."
I quote this just as Rupp gives it
and if the Governor was capable of
the abominable acts he is charged
with having committeed (and his re
tinue) after the beautiful addresses
the Indians made to him, he must
have been a character entirely un
worthy of his place and could not
find any excuse whatever except that
which malefactors frequently use —
that he was drunk and did not know
what he was doing.
This action of Evans illustrates
how completely vile acts are kept
alive through the long ages of his
tory; for the good old schoolmaster,
Robert Proud, p. 481 of his History
of Pennsylvania, also calls attention
to what he styles Governor Evans'
abominable acts at Conestoga. And
he further says that the Assembly in
1707 drew up a remonstrance against
Evans and made this conduct at Con
estoga one of the main points
against him. This remonstrance is
found in Vol. 1 of the Votes of As
sembly, Part 2, p. 180 and in it they
say p. 181 that a complaint was made
to the House that some who lately
went with Governor Evans to Cones
toga to visit the Indians committed
vile abominations with them, and in
remonstrance they conclude by say-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

186

ing that the Lieutenant Governor
being in Penn's absence in chief
command of the province, ought to be
virtuous, but that he has by his ex
cess and misdemeanors dishonored
God and the Queen and brought the
Government of Pennsylvania to great
public scandal.
1706— Thomas Chalkley's Visit to the
Conestoga Indians.
Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County, p. 41 says that in the year
1705 Thomas Chalkley was visiting
some of his brethren at Nottingham
in Maryland and that Chalkley said at
that same time that he had it on his
mind to visit the Indians living at
Conestoga. Rupp then quotes it as
being in 1705 but Chalkley fixes it in
his Journal as in 1706. Rupp then
gives the following description of
what toofe place: "We got an inter
preter, and thirteen or fourteen of us
travelled through the woods about
fifty miles carrying our provisions
with us, and on the journey set
down by a river, and spread our
food on the grass and refreshed our
selves and horses, and then went on
cheerfully and with good will, and
much love to the poor Indians and
when we came they received us feind-
ly, treating civilly in their way. We
treated about having a meeting with
them in a religious way; upon
which they were very grave, and
spoke one after another, without any
heat or jarring — and some of the
most esteemed of the women speak
in their councils. I 'asked our in
terpreter, why they suffered or per-
mited the women to speak in their
Councils? His answer was, 'that
some women were wiser than some
men.' 'Our interpreter told me that
they had not done anything for
many years without the councils of
an ancient grave woman; who, I
observed spoke much in their Coun

cils; for as I was permitted to be
present at it, and I asked, what it
was the woman said? He told me
she was an empress; and they gave
much heed to what she said amongst
them; and that she then said because
we did not come to buy or sell or
get gain, but come in love and respect
to them — and desire their well doing
both here and hereafter;' and fur
ther continued 'that our meetings
among them might be very beneficial
to -their young people' — and related a
dream which she had three days be
fore, and interpreted it, viz.: 'That
she was in London, and that London
was the finest place she had ever saw
— it was like to Philadelphia; but
much bigger — and she went across
six streets, and in the seventh she
saw William Penn preaching to the
people, which was a great multitude,
but she and William Penn rejoiced
to see each other; and alter meeting
she went to him, and he told her that
in a little time he would come over
and preach to them also, ol which
she was very glad. And now she
said her dream was fulfilled, for one
of his friends was come to preach
to them.'
She advised them to hear us, and
entertain us kindly; and according
ly they did. There were two nations
of them, the Senecas and Shawnese.
We had first a meeting with the
Senecas, with which they were much
affected; and they called the other
nation, viz.: the Shawnese, and in
terpreted to them what we spoke in
their meeting, and the poor Indians,
and particularly some of the young
men and women, were under a solid
exercise and concern. We had also
a meeting with the other nation, and
they were all very kind to us, and de
sired more such opportunities; the
which, I hope. Divine Providence will
order them if they are worthy there
of.

187

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Gospel of Jesus Christ was
preached freely to them, and faith
in Christ, who was put to death at
Jerusalem, by the unbelieving Jews;
and that this same Jesus came to
save people from their sins and by
his grace and light in the soul, shows
to man his sins, and convinceth him
thereof; delivering him out of them,
and giving inward peace and comfort
to the soul for well-doing; and sor
row and trouble for evil-doing; to
all which as their manner is, gave
public assent; and to that of the light
of the soul, they gave a double as
sent, and seemed much affected with
the doctrine of truth, also the benefit
of the holy scriptures was largely
opened to them.
After this we returned to our res
pective habitations, thankful in our
hearts to the God and Father of our
Lord Jesus Christ. Several of the
friends that went with me expressed
their satisfaction in this visit, and of
fered themselves freely to go again
to the like service."
I find the same in Chalkley's Jour
nal, p. 49 where he says he had
meetings as he travelled on the road
at Nottingham river. Northeast
River, Bush River, Gunpowder River
and Susquehanna River but he seems
to fix the date at 1706, and the same
thing which is set forth in Rupp is
found pp. 49,50, 51, 52 in Chalkley's
Journal.
1706 — More Germans Buy Land
Among the Conestoga Indians.
In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 110, William Penn
writes to Logan from England and
says that "The German persons
press me not for the 30,000 acres of
land in New Castle County but the
Conestoga land." We here see that
the Germans are now preparing to
make their home among these Con
estoga Indians as early as this, where

they obtained rights from Penn but of
course they did not settle until a
year or more later. It seems that
the Conestoga Indians were satisfied
to receive these new neighbors for
in the same letter Penn writes and
says, " I am glad that the business
of the Conestogas and other Indians
came off so easily.
1706 — Relation of the Minquays and
the Five Nations.
In 15 Hazard's Register, p. 181
Conyingham says that the Minquays
or their nation was part of the Five
Nations and settled at Conestoga and
were thence called Conestoga In
dians. , They sent messengers to
Penn's Commissioners at Sackam-
axan in 1682; some of their chiefs
attended the conference or treaty of
William Penn in December of the
same year when certain lands were
assigned them as residences forever,
the right of the soil having been pur
chased of the Indians by Penn. He
also says that these Conestoga In
dians were remarkable for their love
of peace and fidelity of their promis
es. He says that it is recorded that
once every year they send a delega
tion to the Governor with presents,
assuring him of their fidelity of the
flrst treaty or treaties.
1707 — Govemor Evans Second Treaty
at Conestoga.
Some time during the late Spring
of 1707 word came from Conestoga
that Nicole Godyn and another
Frenchman named Francois were en
deavoring to get the Indians on Sus
quehanna and Conestoga to desert
the English and join the French. This
required immediate attention and
Council decided that the Governor
should make another journey to Con
estoga, which he did in June ol that
year. He returned about the middle
ol July and gave a lull account of

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

188

this treaty which is found in Vol.
2 of the Col. Rec, pp. 386 to 390, and
it is as lollows:
"The Governor with Messrs. John
French, William Tonge, Mitchell Be
zalion,  Grey, and lour
other servants, set out from New
Castle the 27th of June and the next
morning arrived at Otteraroe where
the Governor was presented with
some skins from the Indians, and the
same night we arrived at Pequehan,
being received by Martines by
Opessah and some Indian Chiefs,who
conducted us to the town, at our en
trance into which place we were sa
luted by the Indians with a volley
of small arms. On Monday we went
to Denkanoagah, upon the river Sas
quehanna, being about nine miles
distance from Pequehan. Sometime
after our coming here a meeting was
held of the Shawanois, Senequois and
Canoise Indians and the Nantikoke
Indians from the seven following
towns, viz : Matcheattochousie, Match-
couchtin, Witichoquoam, Natahquois,
Techquois, Byengeahtein, and Pohe-
commdati. An Indian presented to the
Governor and his Company, and all
ye Indians there present, a large pipe
with tobacco, out of which every one
smoakt, and then the Governor ac
quainted the Indians that he had re
ceived a message from the Senequois
Indians of Conestogoe and those of
Pequehan, how that several strange
Indians were amongst them, and
desired his presence there; that al
though he had the charge and care of
many thousands of the Great Queen
of England's subjects, yet he has now
come to this place to know their de
sires, and was willing to serve them
in whatsoever lay in his power; to
which a Nantikoke Indian replied,
that they were extremely glad the
Governor was with them and that
they had waited ten days to see him.
Adjunke, one of the Sachemaes of

Conestogoe said, he was well satis
fied with the Relation the Nantikoke
Indians had given him of their af
fairs. Yet notwithstanding he was
very desirous they should make it
known to the Governour that he
might also be satisfied with it, a Nan
tikoke Indian took into his hands a
Belt ol Wampum from a line where
on there was hung nineteen others,'
and several strings of beads, and
said they had been given to under
stand the Queen had sent orders, that
the Indians should live in peace with
one another and that they were sent
to give some of those belts in behalf
of the Governor of Maryland, and
themselves, to the Five Nations as
our Indians also to do for others and
Pennsylvania and themselves, if the
Governor thought fit, in order to re
new their league with the Five Na
tions. Govr. How long have you been at
peace with those nations? Nant. In
dian. 27 years.
Governor. What is the reason then
of so many belts of Wampum and
Strings of Beads?
Nant. Indian. We send them as a
tribute. Governor. I am very well satis
fied with what has been told me, and
with what the Governr of Maryland
has done, and had I been acquainted
with this business at Philadelphia, I
would have sent a belt of Wampum
as a token of friendship, to the five
nations; but some of those five na
tions were with me not long since,
by whom I sent a belt; and then Ad
junke took a belt in his hands, say
ing he meant to send it to the Five
Nations for Penn and theinselves.
Indian Harry, by order of the Con
estoga Sachemaes, spoke in English
to the Nantikoke, who all understood
that language as follows, viz: You
are going to the Onondagoes; be sure
keep on your way; many may tell

189

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

you several things to fright you, and
that they are great men, and you will
be feilled. You keep on your way and
believe them not, for you will find
the King of the Five Nations a very
good one, and as good a king as any
amongst the Indians.
Governor. I am very glad to see
you altogether at this time, and it is
my desire and shall be my endeavor,
that you all live in peace. Your
enemies are ours, and whosoever
shall pretend to injure you, I will en
deavor that you shall have satisfac
tion made for it. Then the confer- i
ence ended, and the Governor treated
ye Indians at Dinner, and at night re
turned to Penquehan.
Pequehan, 30th June Present:
Shawnoise Indians and some of the
Five Nations.
Opessah spoke in behall of the youth
of his Town, as follows, viz:
We thank the Governor for his
kindness in supporting our people.
We are happy to live in a Countrey
at Peace, and not in these parts,
where we formerly lived; for then
upon our return from hunting, we
found our town surprised and our
women and children taken prisoners
by our enemies.
Governor. The Indians may be as
sured of my protection, for we are
one people. If in your absence any
ol your enemies endeavor to hurt any
of your wives or children, they shall
redress; for I esteem an injury done
to you as to myself.
Opessah. It was the Nantikoke
and Canoise Indians who sent for
our Father the Governor, and not we
therefore we are very sorry they en
tertained him no better, but since they
have not been so kind as they ought
we hope the Governor will accept r
our small present which we now
make him; for we are sensible the
ways are bad, and that the bushes
wear out your . clothes for which

reason we give these skins to make
Gloves, Stockings and Breeches, in
place of those wore out.
Governor. 1 am well pleased with
my journey, and shall be always
ready to do the like to preserve peace
amongst you at home; and maintain
your alliances abroad. I have now
(to let you see what confidence I
have in you) trusted myself in the
midst of you, with a very few of our
great Queen's subjects, although I
could have easily brought with me
very great numbers. I have been
told that some ill designing persons
have frequently raised reports of my
intention to destroy you; Pray, let
me know the authors of these re
ports, and they shall be punished ac
cording to their Deserts. I am and
always have been ready to do you all
manner of good offices and will con
tinue in the same mind toward you,
therefore if any person insinuates
the contrary to you, it is my mind
that you secure their persons, and
give me immediate notice of it. There
has been formerly several alliances
made with you, which you well
know we on our parts have observ
ed punctually; and so shall qontinue
to do so, and wish you may do the
same. Then an Indian spoke in behalf of
the women. We are concluded in
the alliances before spoken of as well
as our men; so we ask the Gover
nor's protection, and desire that the
Govemor will kindly accept this pre
sent of skins, which freely we make
him, as a Testimony of our kindness.
Governor. I do accept your present «
very kindly, and thanfe you lor the
same; and you shall always find me
ready to protect and defend you and
will continue to trust you as friends
and sisters. After which the Gover
nor spofee to the messenger from the
Five Nations as follows, viz:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

190

You must be sure you remember to
acquaint your chiefs that you have
seen me here, and at the Shawnoise
Town; and of the friendship and al
liance that is betwixt us and the In
dians. Opessah, I hope the Governor will
give us his hand in token of his
Iriendship. Governor. I will give not only my
hand, but my heart.
During our abode at Pequehan
several ol the Shannois Indians, Irom
ye Southward came to settle here
and were admitted so to do by
Opessah, with the Governor's con
sent; at the same time an Indian
Irom Shaonois Town, near Carolina,
came in and gave an account that
450 ol the flat-headed Indians had be-
seiged them; and that in all probab
ility, the same was taken. Bezalion
informed the Governor that the Sha
onois of Carolina (he was told), had
killed several Christians; where
upon the Government of that pro
vince raised the said flat-headed In
dians, and joined some Christians to
them, beseiged, and have taken as it
is thought, the said Shaonois town.
On Tuesday, 1st of July, we went
to Conestogoe, and lay there that
night, and the next morning proceed
ed on our journey, and arrived in the
evening within 3 miles of an Indian
village, called Peixtan. The Gover
nor had received information at Pe
quehan, that one Nicole, a French
Indian trader was at that place
against whom great complaints had
been made to the Governor of which
he acquainted the chief Indian of
Peixtan, as also of his design to
seize him; who willingly agreed to
it, but advised the Governor to be
very cautious in the manner: their
being only young people at home,
who perhaps might make some resis
tance, if it were done without their
first' being told of it; for this reason

we lay short of the village that
night; but early in the morning we
went within half a mile of the town,
and leaving our horses, marched a
foot near the same; from whence the
Governor sent Marline to the village;
Ordering him to tell Nicole that he
had brought two Caggs of rum with
him, which he had left in tbe woods,
for fear any Christians were there ;
and withal to perswade Nicole to go
with him to taste the rum.Martlne re
turned with James Letort and Joseph
Hessop, two Indian traders, but
could not prevail with Nicole; upon
this Martine was sent back with or
ders to bring down some of the In
dians, and Nicole with them; then
we drew nearer to the town, and
laid ourselves in the bushes and Mar-
tine returned with two Indians,whom
the Governor acquainted with his in
tent of taking Nicole, telling at the
same time, he had spoken with to
the Uncle of one of them upon that
head, who ordered the Indians to
submit to the Governor's commands,
with which they were contented,
though we preceived too well the
contrary, by their inquiring how
many we were, and how armed; and
by the concern they seemed to be in,
when they found we were more men
than they in number: but still Nicole
was wanting; it was therelore resol
ved to try once more if he could be
got into the woods, accordingly Mar-
tine went again, and brought Nicole
to that place where we lay conceal
ed, and asking him to drink a dram,
he seized him; but Nicole started
from him and run for it, when im
mediately we started out and took
him, and presently carried him to
the village, (through which we were
obliged to pass), and there we found
some Indians with guns in their
hands, who looked much displeased
at what we had done, but we being

191

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

in readiness against any surprise,
they thought it not fitt to attempt
anything; here we stayed about hall
an hour, and then started lor-Turpy-
hocken; having mounted Nicole up
on a horse and tied his legs under
the belly; we got within a mile of
Turpyhocken about two of ye clock
on Friday morning, and about 7 the
Govemor went to the town, from
thence we went to Manatawny that
night, and the next day to Philadel
phia." Upon the Governor having made
this report it was "Ordered that a
message be sent by Martin Chartiere,
an inhabitant among the said Shaw
anois, at Peckquea, near Conestogoe,
and now in Philadelphia, desiring the
Chief of said Shawonois, himself, or
two or three of the Council, together
with some of the principal of those
strangers, to come to Philadelphia as
speedily as they conveniently can,
and give the Governor an account, of
the said strangers, and their reasons
of leaving their native Country, to
transport themselves hither." (390).
The difficulties which required this
treaty and journey are set forth in
the last named book, p. 385, as fol
lows: "The Governor informed the Board
that having lately, upon an extraor
dinary occasion, made a journey
among the Indians upon Sasquehan
nah, he had caused a joumal of his
transactions with them to be drawn
up, which he thought fit to lay be
fore the board, but finding it to be
somewhat deficient he should defer
it until the next meeting.
But that what he had now more
immediately to consult the Board up
on is, that he had before his said
journey received information, and
had taken the depositions of two evi
dences, that one Nicole Godin, a
French man, a bold active young fel

low who had not long kept aboard in
the woods amongst the Indians, and
was with them in Philadelphia about
three years ago, and had been using
endeavors to incense these people
against the English, to stir them up
to enmity against the subjects of the
Crown, and to join with 'our public
enemy the French to our destruct
ion; upon which information, he re
solved before his return to have him
apprehended, which after a tedious
journey and considerable difficulties
he had accordingly performed, and
brought him a prisoner to Philadel
phia, in the Common Gaol of which
he now lies.
Also, that another native of Prance
or its Domainions, Francois by
name, having for some time contin
ued among our Indians on Sasque
hannagh, without any license, had
principally concerned himself in a
barbarious murder, committed by
the Shawanois upon one of their
captive enemies, for which act, be
cause it would be accounted to be
done by a Christian and therefore
might be of very ill consequence;
the Governor had caused him also to
be apprehended and brought to
Philadelphia, where he likewise is
now in Gaol."
No further comment need be add
ed to this as what is set forth ex
plains it in full. It is interesting to
observe, however, that all the excit
ing proceedings took place along the
old Sasquehanna from the mouth of
the Pequea Creek to a point beyond
Chickies. It is also observed that
the Governor and his party came by
the Southern route by the way of
New Castle and Octoraro and went
home by way of the Northern route
up the Conestoga Creek and by
French Creek to the Schuylkill. Both
of these routes as we remember were
ancient roads or paths, the Southern

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

192

the Old Swedish Road in their trade
with the Susquehannocks, and the
Northern the path which William
Penn speaks ol in Vol. 1 ol Hazard's
Register, p. 400 as being the com
mon course the Indians used when
he first met them, in trade with his
people on the East.
1707— The French Traders Want the
Conestoga Indians to Help
Them to Dig Ore.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 403,
under the date ol February 24, this
year it is set lorth that, "upon a mes
sage Irom the Indians ol Conestoga,
by Harry, the interpreter, they met
accordingly; and the said messenger
laying upon the board six loose
strings ol white Wampum lor his
Credentials, declared that he was
sent by the Queen and Principal men
ol Conestoga aloresaid, to the Gov
ernor and Council here, toi acquaint
that divers Europeans, viz: Mitchell
(a Swiss), Peter Bezalion, James Le
tort, Martin Chartier, the French
Glover ol Philadelphia, Frank a
young man of Canada, who was late
ly taken up here, being all French
men, and one from Virginia, who al
so spoke French, had seated them
selves and built houses upon the
branches of the Potomac, within this
Government, and pretended that
they were in search of some Mineral
or ore, that in the Governor's name
they had required the Indians of
Conestoga to send some of their
people with them to assist them and
be serviceable to them, for which the
Governpr would pay them; That
those of Conestoga, not thinking
these proceedings to be consistent
with their past treaties and leagues
ol Iriendship, desired to know wheth
er the said persons were really sent
by the Governmnt, and had thus
seated themselves by their approba
tion, and whether they had any or

ders to desire the assistance ol the
said Indians, 11 not that they then
might be called home. The said In
terpreter lurther added, that al
though Mitchell was the person who
had first led them thither, yet he had
lelt them many weeks past, and pre
tended that he wanted one Clark, ol
Maryland, (who is said to be now un
der an Attainder, by an act ol As
sembly ol that Government), to as
sist him in the discovery; and the
said messenger being asked divers
other questions relating hereunto he
was ordered to withdraw.
The Council takes the Premises
into consideration, first inquired
whether any of the above mentioned
persons had a license to trade, in
pursuance of the Act of ^Assembly,
lately passed in this Province, for
maintaining a better correspondence
with the Indians, and thereupon the
form of the license was read, and an
account ol all those who were lic
ensed in pursuance ol the said la-w,
was produced by which it appeared
that none ol those belore mentioned
is licensed, saving Peter Bezalion,
and that if they had all been so, yet
that would not justify them for seat
ing themselves in such a manner as
has been before expressed. Where
upon it was resolved that an answer
should be prepared to be sent to the
said Queen, in which her care in ac
quainting this Government with what
the messenger had related, should be
acknowledged, and that the afore
mentioned persons should be forth
with required to repair to Philadel
phia, to give an account of the rea
sons of their seating themselves in
the aloresaid place, and the Secre
tary is ordered to the said answer
against lour of the clock in the after
noon, to which time the Council is
adjourned." No comment need be added to this

193

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

item more than to say that the whites
in this neighborhood of Conestoga
were very ready to use these Con
estoga Indians for any purpose which
would be of advantage to them.
1707 — Govemor Evans Explains the
Cause of His Making the Second
Treaty Without the Per
mission of Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 393,
it is stated that the Council came to
this resolution concerning the Gov
ernor's last treaty at Conestoga, viz:
"That the Governor's last expedition
among the Indians, occasioned by a
message to him from those of Cones
togoe and the adjacent places, upon
the Nantikokes designed journey to
the Five Nations, was necessary for
the good and for the service of the
Public, and that the Governor shew
ed his care of it therein; that there
fore all the necessary charges of the
said journey ought to be defrayed by
the public. But inasmuch as the
circumstances of time would not al
low the Governor, being then at New
Castle to communicate the said
journey to and advise the Council
concerning ye same, and seeing the
law for defraying such charges to
provide, that all messages and
treaties that are to be allowed by
the Public, are first to be ordered by
the Governor and Council. The
Board, therefore, is doubtful that
there allowing of the said accounts
will scarce be sufficiently warranted
by the said law, and the considera
tion of the former journey is referred
to the next sitting."
The Governor had some difficulty
in having the expense of this treaty
paid but on the 25th of August, 1707
the Council again considered the mat
ter and finding that it was impossible
for the Governor to consult the
Council before going and that the

Nantikoke Indians were being de
tained at Conestoga by the Conestoga
Indians to await the Governor's ar
rival, which would have been a fur
ther expense if he had not gone, and
that he went at great fatigue, that
his expenses of going, being for the
public good, should be paid.
1707 — Nicole Godyn Captured at
Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 385,
as we have already set forth, it is
stated that Nicole Godyn was cap
tured by Governor Evans and his
party in the neighborhood of Bain
bridge. I set this out in a separate
item simply to give it prominence, as
it was an Important event.
1707 — Martin Chartier the Indian
Trader Dies.
Miss Lyle in her history of Lan
caster County, p. 6 says that about
this time Martin Chartier the Indian
Trader died. She says of him, that
several years before his death, which
occurred in 1708, he removed his
trading post to a point about a mile
above the Indians fort in Manor
township. His son Peter Chartier,
married a Shawnese squaw and in
duced the most warlike portion of
the tribe to join the French against
the English, during the French and
Indian Wars, of 1754-63. This Peter
Chartier was undoubtedly a very
dangerous character as we have seen
in former items. He was called, a man
with a viper's blood running through
his veins, meaning the blood of the
Shawnese, who were always treach
erous and warlike.
1708— Peter Bazilion Takes Up Land
Above Conestoga.
In Vol. 19 of the 2nd. Series of the
Penna. Archs., p. 496 at a meeting of
the Board of Property, held the 11th
of October, 1708, it is set forth that
there was "granted unto Peter Biz-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

194

allon, Indian Trader, upoii his hum
ble request, tree liberty to build to
himself a house and plant necessary
fields for his own use on any of the
lands above Conestoga, not possess
ed or made use of by the Indians, to
be held by him during the Proprie
tary's and Governor's pleasure or
his Lieutenant's or Comm'rs, and no
longer, he paying one deer skin
yearly for the privilege."
I quote this because it is commonly
thought that Bazalion passed- most of
his life in the central and eastern
part of what is now Lancaster
County, but there is no doubt that
much of the time was spent on the
Susquehanna.
1708 — The Conestoga Indians Com
plain That the French are Build
ing Houses There.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 403,
in an item which we have already
stated, I notice the lollowing which
the Conestoga Indians complain
against, that the "French had set
themselves and built houses upon the
branches ol the Potomac within
Pennsylvania." I merely cite this
to make prominent the French op
erations and especially the building ol
houses. North ol the Branches ofthe
Potomac, over the Pennsylvania line.
1708 — Swedish Lutheran Missionary
at Conestoga.
In Rupp's History of Lancaster
County, p. 456 he sets lorth that, "In
1708 or 1709 a Swedish-Lutheran in
the capacity of a missionary resided
among the Conestoga Indians to in
struct them in the Christian reli
gion." On page 455 he says, that
at an earlier period "missionaries of
the Swedish church visited the In
dians within the present limits of
Lancaster County and the French
also paid some attention to the In
dians." It is likely also that as

early as this date some of the Men
nonite preachers reached the Cones
toga Country, though actual settle
ment seems not to have begun until
1709.1709 — Governor Gookin Invites the
Conestoga Indians to Join With
the English in a War Against
the French in Canada
Charles Gookin, the new Governor
of Pennsylvania, now appears on the
scene, having succeeded the wicked
Governor Evans. He first appeared
before Council on the 2nd of Feb
ruary, 1709, (2 Col. Rec, p. 427). Hp
desired to visit the Conestoga In
dians as early as he could but not
having done so, at a Council held the
8th day of June, it was ordered that
"The Secretary forthwith dispatch
a messenger to the Indians of Cones
togoe, etc., with instructions in writ-
to excuse the Governor's not coming
because the Assembly is now sitting
on an affair of great importance, and
for a credential to take a good belt
of wampum with him; to inform
them that if they design to pay a
visit to the Five Nations they are
now busy in engaging with the Eng
lish in a war against Canada, for
which vast preparations are made
from England; that jf those of Con
estogoe, the Shawnois, etc., can en
gage, and will prepare themselves to
join immediately in this expedition,
their young men should all provide
themselves for it without delay, and
they shall receive by the Queen's or
der, sent for that purpose, a good
reward, every man a gun, etc., and
that their answer to this by some of
their old men, and a good interpreter
is Immeditely desired.
That whether they can engage or
not we shall be glad to see some of
them here, and the Governor will
shortly make them a visit, etc. And

195

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

then adjourned." See 2 Col. Rec, p.
461.
1709 — The Conestogas Willing to
Join the Expedition, But the
Same is Postponed.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 467,
it is reported that Captain John
French had gone to the Conestogas
for their reply to the above proposi
tion, which they agreed to. The same
is set lorth as lollows:
"Captain John French having gone
in a message to Conestogo, brought
lor answer Irom the Indians there,
that they would forthwith call in all
their young men, and with all their
force come to Philadelphia in order
to proceed to Albany, and join in the
expedition against Canada; but the
Assembly having positively voted
against joining with that Expedition,
or raising any money for that pur
pose; it is resolved, that a message
be again sent to these Indians, de
siring them to defer their coming to
Philadelphia, for that the Governor
will speedily make them a visit." As
far as these records state the In
dians were very willing to join this
expedition.
1709— The Conestogas Come to Phila
delphia to Inquire About the Ex
pedition and to Make Fur
ther Treaty.
In Vol. 2 of thfe Col. Rec, p. 469,
under the date of July 25, 1709, it is
set forth that, "The chiefs of several
nations of Indians living on Susque
hanna, viz: Andaggy-junquagh,Wash-
tachary. Chiefs of the
Mingoes, Owechela, Passakassy, Sas-
soonan and Skalitchy, Chiefs of the
Delaware Indians, settled at Pesh-
tang above Conestogoe and other ad
jacent places, Peter and Pipskoe,
Chiefs ot the Ganawese, with their
several interpreters, viz: Indian

Harry for the first, Sam, son of Es-
sepenawick, for the second, and John
Montague, a Ganawese Indian for the
last, being all arrived here with sev
eral attendants, three days ago upon
apprehension that by the Governor's
last message to them they were ex
pressly sent lor about some earnest
business; they now met the Gover
nor in Council, who ordered the Sec
retary to tell them through their in
terpreter; and Peter Bizaillon, to
this effect; That upon the first mes
sage the Governor had received Irom
them about six weeks ago, desiring
his company at Conestoga, he had re
turned an answer by Lieutenant Col
onel French ol New Castle that he
could not then possibly come to them
because ol the affairs ol Government
here, from which he could not be
spared. That he had sent them no
tice that the visit which they pro
posed to the Five Nations with their
tribute, might be unseasonable at this
time, because those nations were en
gaging in a great expedition with the
English against Canada, of which
they would probably hear from them
in a little time, that it would be well
11 they would prepare themselves to
join in it, and that he had invited
some ol their chiels to call on him
at Philadelphia; that he received an
answer to this from the Mingoes, or
those of Conestoga especially, that
they would call in all their young
men, and march immediately with
their whole force to Philadelphia;
but that this appearing inconvenient
and not likely to answer the end
proposed, the Governor had imme
diately dispatched away another mes
senger to them, to prevent their
coming, and inform them that him
self having now more leisure, in
tended in a few days to see them in
their own places. That accordingly
he with Colonel Evans and several

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

196

others, had sent out and proceeded
beyond New Castle in the way, but
there found himself so indisposed by
reason of a great Cold he had taken,
that he could not contniue hs Jour
ney and therefore sent another mes
sage to them by Jonas Askew, the
Interpreter, to inform them of the
matter — to tell them he was sorry he
was so far disappointed as that he
could not see them at that time, but
that if some of their chiefs should
think fit any time this fall at Phila
delphia he should be glad to see
them there and il it would suit their
affairs to be here within two months,
it might be the more convenient be
cause in that time the late Gover
nor and Secretary intended both lor
England, to see the Indians old
Iriend, the Proprietor William Penn,
to whom they might by them send
any message and that the Governor
then lurther desired them to consider
what he could do lor their service,
and he would answer them in it. That
this was the substance ol what had
passed, and therelore that he had not
expressly called them in, as they had
been given to understand. However,
that he was now very glad to see
them, and that they should be heart
ily welcome to him. The Governor
then told them himsell that though
he had not expressly sent lor them,
yet he was glad to see them come so
cheerlully in; that he was lately
come Irom England, and was sent to
them by their Iriend and brother
William Penn, the chiel Governor and
lather ol this country, who had giv
en him at his coming away a spec
ial charge to be very kind to the In
dians and to treat them as his
Iriends and brothers, which he ac
cordingly would observe, and now
thought fit to tell them so; that as
there had been a strong chain ol
Iriendship between all those ol this

country since, under this Goverment
and the Indians; so he desired it
might be continued and made every
day firmer, that it might never be
broken, that il they had anything to
ask ol him that he desired them to
consider ol it, and he would hear
them speak tomorrow. They all
expressd their satislaction in what
the Governor had said and alter some
time spent in conversation, etc., they
departed. At a Council at Philadelphia, the
26th ol July, 1709.
The Honorable Chas. Gookin, Esq.,
Lieutenant Governor.
The Mingoe Indians having been
invited over the river this morning,
without the Governor's knowledge,
could not be ready to meet; there-
lore those ol Peshtang, etc., and the
Ganawese attending, they were desir
ed to speak and deliver what they
had to say: Whereupon, by order ol
Owechela and Passokassy, rising,
laid on the Board a belt ol Wampum
as a token to confirm what he had to
speak, and then said: That this
summer they had intended to wait
upon the Five Nations and had pro
vided lor their journey twenty-lour
belts ol wampum, to be presented to
them as their tribute, ol which they
thought themselves obliged to ac
quaint the Governor and lor that
purpose had sent him the message
that has been mentioned ; but that
about the same time they had receiv
ed a message Irom these Indians, ac
quainting them that they had ap
pointed all the Indians of these parts
as also of Maryland who are all tri
butary to the said Five Nations, to
meet some of their chiefs who were
coming down for that purpose at
Conestogae, but that they had de
clined their journey, being not yet
arrived; Upon this they were again
informed by the Governor's order of

197

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the expedition against Canada, in
which those nations had lately en
gaged, and therefore were in all pro
bability prevented in their intended
visit. The said speaker added, that it
would now be too late for them to
proceed in their journey Northwards,
because they would not be able fo
return before the cold weather set
in, and therefore must defer it until
another year.
Passakassy added, that they had
heard of the French being upon our
coasts, and that we were in danger of
being invaded by them; that for this
reason not now willing to take a
journey so far from home, lest their
wives and children, and we of i this
place should want their assistance in
their absence, and therefore they
thought fit to stay.
The Governor thanked them for
their care in this, but they were cau
tioned hereupon against giving ear
to fiying reports, they were told that
the French had no forces in these
parts, yet could injure us, and that
what they had heard of this kind was
occasioned only by some robberies,
that some ot their small vessels fit
ted out only for this purpose to
plunder and way lay honest traders
had committed: the method of pri
vateering at sea was explained to
them, by which they were made
sensible that what had happened was
not the effect of superior force in
war, but such robberies as were
common at sea, when a few private
lurchers, with arms, set upon ves
sels provided only for trade, and
carrying off merchandise, and so
were made prize ol.
They were earnestly exhorted not
to suffer stories to be spread amongst
them, but to take notice ol those
that uttered them, to apprehend
them, and bring them to the Gov

ernor. Passakassy complained that some
ol the traders, especially James Le
tort, wronged them in their measure
ol matchcoats, which he sold them,
in which he desired redress, and up
on it they were advised to a method
that would scare them.
They expressed a great satislac
tion in what had been told them and
being acquainted that they must all
meet again in Council, they lor this
time dismissed."
The next day, July 27, (page 472),
it appears that lurther steps were
taken to show the Indians the im
portance ol continuing in good rela
tion with the English. This is set
forth as follows:
"The chiefs of several nations of
our Indians being now come in,
there is an immediate necessity also
for a supply to make them a reason
able present. I need not inform you
of how great importance it is to keep
a good correspondence with these
people upon the easy terms it has
hitherto been done in this Govern
ment; half on what you allowed lor
that purpose has been expended in
messages, and the other hall, at
least, in provisions, so that nothing
remains thereol lor a present; I am
sensible money can not just now be
raised to answer this end, but you
may find means to procure credit, so
that they may not go away empty."
It seems these chiefs made a long
visit, and that on the 29th of July,
there were further steps taken in
treaty making, (See p. 473). At the
Council held at Joseph Growdon's
house, in which it is stated that all
the chiefs now in town, with their in
terpreters were met, and the Secre
tary spoke to them as follows:
"That notwithstanding they had
not been expressly sent for, (as they
had been told before), yet they were

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

198

very welcome, the Governor being a
stranger amongst them, was now
very glad to see them.
That the chain of friendship had
been so often confirmed between
them and us, that there remained
very little now to say on that head.
We had always considered them as
brothers in all proceedings with them
and should always desire to do the
same, there was nothing but love and
peace between them and us and as
often as ever we met we should still
renew the expressions of it, desiring
that it might extend to all posterity,
and that the aged fathers should in
form their children of the friendship
that has always been maintained
amongst us, so that in every genera
tion it may continually grow stronger
That since as our friends and
brothers they had come to see us,we
could not suffer them to depart
without some token of our friend
ship, and therefore desired them to
accept of the present that was there
laid before them, which was:
1 Cwt. ol Powder in four small
casks. 2 Cwt. ol Lead.
4 Stroudwater matchcoats.
1 Dozen good Linnen Shirts.
1% Dozen ol Stockins.
100 Flints, and a large quantity of
Biskitt and Loaves.
These they were told were for their
journey, and the powder and lead to
furnish them with provisions and
skins, they were promised such liq
uors and other necessities as they
should want, and then were desired
to receive the whole as a further
token ol love, and to distribute it
amongst themselves as they should
see convenient; (p. 474).
They were also instructed about'
the war between England and France
and that they should watch carelully
for any stories the French among

them should start. They were told
ol the English success in the war;
and the Governor said that he hoped
they had all been treated kindly by
the people that lived among them,
and with this closed the treaty; and
the Indians departed.
1709 — The Delawares Now Live On
Susquehanna.
While it is shown in me above item
that the Delawares now live on the
Susquelianna River, in order to make
their change or residence more pro
minent I direct attention to Vol. 2 ol
the Col. Rec, 469, where it is set out
that, "The Delaware Indians settled
at Peshtang (Paxtang), now near
Harrisburg), above Conestoga aqd
other adjacent places, were arrived
in Philadelphia with several other
tribes ol Indians and their atten
dants."1709 — The Iroquois Indians Demand
the Conestogas to Come and
Pay Tribute.
In Vol. 2 ol the Votes ol Assembly,
p. 35 on the 27th of June, this year,
two members of the Council brought
a message to the Assembly from the
Governor, "That the Indians of Con
estoga had sent a message to the
Govemor, acquainting him that they
were ready to go up to the Five Na
tions in order to pay their tribute,
but expected that the Governor or
Secretary would come to Conestoga
that they might have conference with
one of them before they went up."
The Assembly as shown p. 36 was
asked for immediate answer upon
what should be done about the word
from Conestoga by another delega
tion from Council the next day, stat
ing that it was absolutely necessary
that money to defray the charge of
going to treat with the Conestoga In
dians this week should be voted be-

199

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

cause those Conestogas are bound to
go to the Five Nations as they are
tributary to the Five Nations. Upon
this urgent demand the. Assembly de
cided they would vote 15 Pounds of
the new currency to make presents
to the Indians and also to pay the
expenses of the trip to Conestoga.
This subject is also discussed in Vol.
5 of Haz. Reg., p. 113, and in Rupp's
History of Lancaster Counfy, p. 57.
1709 — The Shawnese Indians Inter
ested in Digging for Ore About
Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Penn & Logan Cor
respondence, p. 321 dated the 3rd of
March there is a letter from William
Penn to James Logan in which he
sets forth (p. 323), that he under
stands that Ex-Governor Evans is
making 100 Pounds, il not twice that
each week out of a mine somewhere
back of Conestoga. Penn says that.
he understands, "The Indians chiefly
discovered the mine and worked it on
the spot. And it is the King of the
Shawnoe Indians and some few ol
his subjects that perform this busi
ness lor Col. Evans." Penn then says
to Logan that scrutinize the ma1J;er
well and let him hear all he can
about it lor if there is a mine, that
Penn is entitled to royalties out of it.
James Logan in the same book in
a letter to Penn found p 316 says at
p. 319, that he hopes Colonel Evans
is acting honorably about the mines
and that he believes that there is no
real discovery of any value made yet,
though it Is expected that there will
be most any day. He further adds
that Louis Mitchell, the Swiss is gone
over to treat with the Crown of Eng
land for a tract for his countrymen,
and that settlement is the pretense
but that miners are the real thing
Mitchell is interested in, .and that it
must be guarded against until this is

better understood. Logan thinks
that minerals will be found near
where Mitchell has pitched. In a
note at the bottom of the book last
named, Logan in a letter to Penn
says, "There is yet nothing certain
ly discovered about the mines. Col
onel Evans has been very free with
me on that head. There has been
none opened and I heartily wish I
may be able to tell thee more of the
matter hereafter, for I believe that
Mitchell Bazillion has tricked us
all."He says that this tract supposed
to have minerals lies in the neigh
borhood of the Potomac, but that
they must keep their eyes open.
I cite this merely to show that agi
tations about minerals being found
in the neighbohood of the Conestoga
and Shawnese Indian country, and
off to the Southwest were frequent
sources of excitement at this time;
and that the spirit of securing valu
able minerals had gotten among the
Indians of this neighborhood as well
as among the white people.
1709 — The Whites Begin Settlement
Among the Indians of Lancaster
County.
Rupp in His History of Lanjcastef
County, p. 74, says that several fam
ilies from the Palatinate decendants
of the distressed Swiss immigrated
to America and settled in Lancaster
County in the year 1709 and he cites
Benjamin Eby's Geschichten der
Mennoniten, p. 151 as his authority.
He further says that from public
documents and private papers in the
possession of Abram Meylin and
others residing in W. Lampeter town
ship, we may confidentially state
that the Mennonites commenced a
settlement in 1709-10 at the place
where the Herrs and Meylins now
reside near Willow Street. On p. 456
Rupp says, in 1709 several families
from the Palatines settled on Pequea

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

200

Creek. He then mentions a list of
preachers that these Palatines
brought forth and said that they all
preached German.
However, the most authentic docu
ment I can find is a letter dated the
20th of July, 1711 by Jacob Taylor
among the Taylor papers in the His
torical Society, No. 2769, in which
he says, "six or seven families of
Palatines are settled at Pequea and
more desire to go there next win
ter." This letter was written the mid
dle of 1711 and it may be taken for
granted that the six or seven fami
lies were at Pequea some time and
likely arrived about 1709. But of
course /white people were in this
country among these Indians sever
al years before the settlements be
gan. This, then is the year which
announced the fate of the Indians of
this section by reason of the coming
of tbe whites. It is interesting to
know that next year will be the two
hundreth anniversary of this event.
1710 — The Queen of the Conestogas
Goes to Philadelphia.
In the 2nd Vol. of Watson's Ann
als, p. 178, he states that, "On the
21st of September, 17th the Queen of
the Conestoga Indians, Ojuncho, and
two chiefs and some of the Conoys
visited Philadelphia and laid down
before the Council five bundles of
skins and furs, making at the gilt of
each a speech." He says also that
"the belt from the Conestoga Indians
prayed thus, 'sent from the children
born and those yet in the womb,
that room might be allowed them to
sport and play, without danger of
slavery.' " It would seem that Wat
son is wrong about this as we shall
see later, in that Colonel French was
at Conestoga and received the belt
above referred to instead of the old

queen having come to Philadelphia,
but we will show this later.
1710 — The Governor Asks a Larger
Present for the Conestogas Than
the Assembly Proposed.
In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 42 it is set forth that "James Lo
gan came again to the House in a
message from the Governor, and ac
quainted the Assembly, 'That the
Governor ordered him to give a re
lation of the several messages sent to
the Indians at Sasquehanna; which
he did; and further informed the
House, that the Governor's Indisposi
tion obstructed his going up to Con
estoga, to visit the Indians, as he in
tended; therefore prest that the
I House will consider of a present for
them; to the value of Twentyfive
Pounds.' Which relation being debated and
considered, Resolved that although
the account given by the said James
Logan concerning the said messages,
is not satisfactory to this House, yet
in regard the chief of these Indians
are come to town, if any will credit
the public with goods that will suit
the Indians, to the value of twenty-
five pounds, (being the sum proposed
by the said James Logan, as sufficient
lor presents lor them at this time),
the same shall be repaid out ol the
public money that shall be raised."
At page 43 ol the same book it ap
pears that the question ol giving 25
Pounds in Presents to these Indians
was very warmly discused.
1710 — The Conestogas Received My
sterious Belt of Wampum.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 509,
at the bottom ol the page it is set
lorth that, "The Governor laid be
lore the board a letter he had receiv
ed from the Colonel Ingolsby,
wherein was enclosed a paper in
these words William Dalbo, one of

201

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Justices ol the Peace, in ye
County ol Glocester, saith: that an
Indian ol his particular acquaintance
who hath been very intimate with
him, the said Dalbo, Irom his child
hood, acquainted him that there is a
belt ol Wampum come to Conesto
goe, Irom Mahquahotonoi ; that there
was a tomahawk in red in the belt
and that the French with five nations
ol Indians were designed lor war,
and to fall on some of these planta
tions; the Governor also laid before
the board a letter he had received
from Mr. Yeates, Caleb Pusey and
Thomas Powel, dated this day, pur
porting that tomorrow there was to
be a great concourse of Indians those
of Conestogoe and those of Jersey;
that they were of opinion that it
might be a seasonable opportunity for
the Governor to visit them altogeth
er the meeting being the greatest
that has ever been known these 20
years, and it is to be about two tniles
from John Warraw's, at Bdgmond. It
is the opinion of the Board that the
Governor with some of the Council,
and as many others as can be got,
should go tomorrow to meet the said
Indians, to inquire further of them
about the said belt of wampum and
what else may be thought neces
sary."1710 — Bizalion, the Indian Trader
About Conestoga, Acts Sus
piciously.
In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is stated that, "The
Governor acquainted the Board that
he has been informed one Peter Biz
alion, a French man and Roman
Catholic, a trader amongst the In
dians at Conestogoe has lately spok
en some suspicious words, and com
mitted some misdemeanors, where
upon he has caused his effects to be
seized, the better to oblige him to

appear and answer unto what should
be laid to his Charge, and Craved
the advice of the Board in the pre
mises, who came to this resolve, that
ye said Bizalion should enter into
recognizance to the Queen, in five
hundred pounds, with two sufficient
sureties, in two hundred and fifty
pounds apiece for the said Bizalion's
personal appearance at the next
sessions of the peace, to be held at
Philadelphia for the said County, and
his good behavior himself in the
meantime, which being done his ef
fects to be restored to him, paying
ye cost of seizure."
The suspicious and disturbable
matters sets forth in these last two
items made the visit to Conestoga by
the Governor a necessity; and he
made such visits as we shall see in
the next item.
1710 — Govemor Gookin's Visit to the
Conestogas and Shawanese.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 510
it is set forth that "The Governor
acquainted the Board that upon his
arrival at New Castle last week, he
was informed that Opessa, one of
the Shawannah chiefs, had been there
four days; that he went away in the
night, nor could he hear what he
came about, that he had been with
some of the Delaware Indians, who
resolve, (as it is said) not to plant
corn this year ; That Mr. Garland has
lately shown a belt of wampum, sent
by the Five Nations by Indian Harry,
with this further message, that as
soon as the bark ran, they would be
with them at Conestogoe, with sixty
men and make a speech; that hewas
informed at Brandywine, that an old
Indian woman said, (as it was inter
preted) that their great men had
ugly talk among them, and that they
had left none but her and her hus
band to plant corn. The Board tak-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

202

ing the premises into consideration,
are of the opinion (be the report
true or false) that it may be conven
ient for the Governor to make a
journey to Conestoga (he not having
been among the Indians since his ar
rival), to inform himself of the truth
of these reports, and for the keeping
up of a good understanding and Cor
respondence twixt us and the In
dians, and that some of the Council
wait upon him thither."
And at the top of p. 511 ol the
same book it is set lorth that "The
Governor acquainted the Board that
upon his arrival at Conestoga, he
lound the Indians very well inclined
to the English, and to the Proprie
tary and this Government in parti
cular; but that had complained to
him that several persons make it
their business to waylay their
young men returning Irom hunting,
making them drunk with rum, and
then cheat them ol their skins, and
that 11 some method be not taken to
prevent it they must be lorced to
remove themselves or starve, their
dependence being entirely upon their
peltry; whereupon it is thought
proper that such Indian traders as
are foreigners being admitted and
licensed by the Governor, shall come
under such regulations as the Gov
ernor and Council from time to time
shall direct and appoint."
In this we are told ol the Governor
visiting the Conestogas and Shaw
nese and we can readily see the im
portance ol what transpired.
1710 — Colonel French and Henry
Worley Carry a Message to
the Conestogas.
In the book and at the page last
mentioned we are given further in
formation of the unsettled condition
of the Indians on the Susquehanna,
Conestoga and Pequea from the fact

j that in addition to the Governor's
visit about the beginning ol May,this
year, the two messengers French
and Worley were sent to Conestoga
j where they arrived on June 8th, 1710,
I and entered into proceedings with
[ these Indians, ol which the lollow-
i ing is a verbatim report made by
I Worley lound at p. 511, as I have
I just said:
[ "At Conestoga June 8, 1710.
i Present: Henry Worley and
John French.
Iwaagenst Terrutawanaren, and
Teonnottein, chiels ol the Tuscaror-
ces, Vivility, the Seneques kings, and
lour chiels more ol that nation, with
Opessa ye Shawanois King.
The Indians were told that ac
cording to their requests we were
come Irom the Governor and Govern
ment, to hear what proposals they
had to make anent a peace, accord
ing to the purpose ol their embassy
Irom their own people.
They signified to us by a belt ol
Wampum, which was sent Irom their
old women, that those implored their
Iriendship ol the Christians and In
dians ol this Government, that with
out danger they might letch wood
and water.
The second belt was sent Irom
their children" born, and those yet in
the womb, requesting that room to
sport and play without danger of
slavery inight be allowed them.
The third belt was sent by their
young men fit to hunt, that privilege
to leave their towns, and seek pro
vision for their aged, might be grant
ed to them without fear of death or
slavery. The fourth was sent from the men
of age, requesting that the word by
a happy peace was sent from the
men of age requesting that the
wood by a happy peace, might be as
safe from them as their forts.

203

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The fifth was sent from the whole
nation requesting peace, that there
by they might have liberty to visit
their neighbors.
The sixth was sent from their
Kings and chiefs, desiring a lasting
peace with the Christians and In-
diains of this Government that there
by they might be secured against
those learlul apprehensions they
have these several years lelt.
The seventh was sent in order to
intreat a cessation Irom reducing
and taking them, that by the allow
ance thereol, they may not be alraid
ol a mouse, or anything that ruffles
the leaves.
The eighth was sent to declare,
that as being hitherto strangers to
this place, they are blind, no path
or communication being betwixt us
and them ; but now they hope that we
will take them by the hand aiid lead
them, and then they will lilt up their
heads in the woods without danger
or lear.
These belts (they say) are only
sent as an introduction, and in or
der to ^reak of hostilities till next
Spring, for then their Kinga, will
come and sue for the peace they so
much desire.
We acquainted them as most of
this continent were the subjects of
the Crown of England, though divi
ded into several Governments; so it
is expected that their intentions are
not only peaceable towards us, but
also to all the subjects of the Crown
and that 11 they intend to settle and
live amiably here, they need not
doubt the protection ol this Govern
ment in such things as were honest
and good but that to confirm the sin
cerity ol their past carriage towards
the English, and to raise in us a
good opinion of them, it would be
very necessary to procure a certifi
cate from the Government they leave.

to this, of their good behavior, and
then they might be assured of a
favorable reception.
The Seneques return their hearty
thanks to this Government for their
trouble in sending to them, and ac
quainted us by advice of a Council
amongst them it was determined to
send these Belts, brought by the Tus-
caroroes, to the Five Nations.
May it please your Honor.
Pursuant of your Honors, and
Council's orders, we went to Cones
togoe, where the forewritten con
tents were by the chiefs of the Tus-
caroroes to us delivered; the sincer
ity of their intentions we can not any
wise doubt, since they are of the
same race and language with our
Seneques, who have always proved
trusty and have also for these many
years been neighbors to a Govern
ment jealous of Indians, and yet not
displeased with them; Wishing your
Honor all happiness, we remain.
Your Honor's. Most humble and
Obliged Servants, JOHN FRENCH,
HENRY WORLEY."
"Journey to Conestogo. DR.
Pds. s. d.
To bread, 0 4 2
To meat, 0 12 0
To Rum, 1 10 0
To Sugar, 0 15 0
To two Men's hire
For Baggage, 4 0 '" 0
To John, 1 ¦ 4 0

8 5 2"
In this item is set forth the belt
that the old woman of the Conestogas
gave to French on which Watson
seems to be somewhat confused.This
item is of importance because
the business that was done at Cones
toga by these messengers was really
a confirmation of many forms of
treaties. It also serves to show the
exact state of the relations existing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

204

between these Indians and the whites
at this time, and the questions which
were agitating them.
1710 — The Conestoga Indians Reply
to a Swedish Sermon.
In Mombert's History of Lancaster
County p. 16, in a note the following
appears :
" In or about the year of our Lord,
1710, a Swedish Missionary preached
a sermon at an Indian treaty held at
Conestoga in Pennsylvania; in which
sermon is set forth original sin, the
necessity of a mediator; and endea
vored by certain arguments to in
duce the Indians to embrace the
Christian religion. After he had end
ed his discourse, one of the Indian
chiefs made a speech in reply to the
sermon; and the discourses on both
sides were made known by interpre
ters. The Missionary upon his re
turn to Sweden, published his ser
mon, and the Indian's answer. Hav
ing written them in Latin he dedi
cated them to the University of Up-
sala, and requested them to furnish
him with arguments, to confute such
strong reasonings of the Indians. The
Indian speech translated from the
Latin is as follows:
'A speech delivered by an Indian
Chief, in reply to a sermon, preach
ed by a Swedish Missionary, in order
to convert the Indians to the Chris
tian religion:
Since the- subject of his (the Mis
sionary's) errand is to pursuade us
to embrace a new doctrine perhaps
it may not be amiss, before we offer
him the reasons why we can not
comply with his request, to acquaint
him with the grounds and principles
of that religion, which he would
have us abandon.
Our forefathers were under a
strong persuasion, as we are, that
those who act well, in this life, shall
be rewarded in the next, according

to the degree of their virtue: and on
the other hand that those who be
have wicketly here, will undergo such
punishment hereafter as are propor-
tinate to the crimes they were guilty
of. This hath been contstantly and
invariably received and acknowledg
ed for a truth, through every succes
sive generation of our ancestors. It
could not have taken its rise from
fables for human fictions however
artfully and plausibly contrived can
never again gain credit long, among
any people, where free equity is al
lowed: which was never denied by
our ancestors; who, on the contrary,
thought it the sacred inviolable, na
tural right of every man to examine
and judge for himself. Therefore we
think it evident that our notion,
concerning future rewards and pun
ishments, was either revealed imme
diately from heaven to some of our
forefathers, and from them descended
to us, or, that it was implanted in
each of us, at our creation, by the
Creator of all things. Whatever the
methods might have been, whereby
God hath been pleased to make
known to us his will, and give us a
knowledge of our duty, it is still in
our sense, a divine revelation.
"Now we desire to propose to him
some few questions: Does he believe
that our forefathers, men eminent for
their piety, constant and warm in
the pursuit of virtue, hoping thereby
to merit everlasting happiness, were
all damned? Does he think that we,
who are their zealous imitators, in
good works, and influenced by the
same Motives as they were, earnest
ly endeavoring, with the greatest cir- ¦
cumspection, to tread the paths of in
tegrity, are in a state of damnation?
If these be his sentiments, they are
surely as impious as they are bold
and daring.
In the next place we beg, that he
would explain himself more parti-

205

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

cularly concerning the revelation he
talks of. If he admits no other than
what is contained in his written
book, • the contrary is evident from
what has shewn before: but, if he
says God has revealed himself unto
us, but not sufficient tor our salva
tion; then we ask, to what purpose
should h6 have revealed himself to
us in anywise? It is cleai that a re
velation insufficient to save, can not
put us in a better condition than we
should be in without any revelation
at all. We can not conceive that
God should point out to us the end
we ought to aim at. without opening
to us the way to arrive at the end.
But, supposing our understandings
to be so far illuminated as to know
it to be our duty to please God, who
yet hath left us under an incapacity
of doing it, will this Missionary,
therefore, conclude that we shall be
eternally damned? Will he take up
on him to pronounce damnation up
on or against us, for not doing those
things which he himself acknowl
edges were impossible by us to be
done. It is our opinion that every
man is possessed of sufficient knowl
edge for his salvation. The Al
mighty for anything we know, may
have communicated the knowledge of
himself to a different race of people,
in a different manner.
Som.e say they have the will of
God in writing; be it so; their revel
ation has no advantage above ours
since both must be equally sufficient
to save; otherwise the end of the re
velation would be frustrated. Be
sides if they be both true they must
be the same in substance; and the
difference can only lie in the mode
of communication. He tells us there
are many precepts, in his written re
velation which we are entirely ignor
ant of. But these written demands
can only be designed for those who

have the writings; they can not pos
sibly regard us. Had the Almighty
thought so much knowledge neces
sary to our salvation his goodness
would not long have deferred the
communication ol it to us, and to say
that it is a matter so necessary, he
could not, at one and the same time,
equally reveal himself to all man
kind, in nothing less than an absolute
denial of his omnipotence. Without
doubt, he can make his will manifest
without the help of any book or the
assistance of any bookish man what
ever. We shall, in the next place, con
sider the arguments which arise
from a consideration of Providence.
If we were the work of God (which
I presume will not be denied), it fol
lows from thence that we are under
the protection and care of God, for it
can not be supposed that the Deity
should abandon his own creatures
and be utterly regardless of their
welfare. Then, to say that the Al
mighty has permitted us to remain
in a fatal error through so many
ages, is to represent him as a tyrant.
How is it consistent with his justice
to force life upon a race of mortals,
without their consent, and then dam
them eternally, without ever opening
to them a door of salvation? Our
conceptions ot the gracious God are
more noble; and we think that those
who teach otherwise do little less
than blaspheme. Again, it is through
the care and goodness of the Al
mighty, that from the beginning of
time, through many generations to
this day, our name has been preser
ved, unblotted out by enemies, un
reduced to nothing. By the same
care we now enjoy our lives; are
furnished with the necessary means
of preserving our lives. But all these
things are trifling, compared with
our salvation.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

J<l6

Therefore, since God hath been so
careful with us, in matters of little
consequence, it would be absurd to
affirm that he has neglected us, in
cases of the greatest importance. Ad
mit that he hath forsaken us, yet it
could not have been without a just
cause. Let us suppose that an hei
nous crime was committed by one of
our ancestors, like to that which
we are told happened among another
race of people; in such case, God
would certainly punish the criminal,
but would never involve us, who are
innocent, in his guilt. Those who
think otherwise must make the Al
mighty a very whimsical illmatured
being. Once more are the Christians
more virtuous, or rather are not
they more vicious than we are? If
so, how came it to pass that they are
-ihe objects of God's beneflcence,
while we are neglected? Does the
Diety confer his favors without rea
son, and with so much partiality?
In a word, we find the Christians
much more depraved, in their morals
than'^ ourselves; and we judge of
doctrine by the badness of our lives."
1710— Most of the Indian Chiefs of
the Continent Expected to
Meet at Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Col, Rec, p. 513
at a Council held the 2nd of July,
this year, "The Governor laid be
fore the Board an Express he had
received last night Irom Colonel
French, purporting that in three
days the Chiels ol the Seneques would
be at Conestoga, and with them the
Chiefs of the Indians of most part of
the Continent and also some of the
Gentlemen of the Maryland, and
that the Governor's presence there
was expected; what the design of the
Congress might be was not certain,
but was told it was ol great conse
quence to the Crown, and would

tend much to the preservation ot
the subject. The board having taken
the premises into consideration are
ol the opinion, that it is absolutely
necessary that the Governor, with as
many as can be got to attend him
go to Conestoga to meet the Indians,
and inlorm himsell ol the cause ol
their meeting."
In this item we see that Conestoga
was now to be the scene ol a great
meeting ol Chiels. The heads ol all
the Indian tribes ,were about to gath
er there; and this was to be the
great Indian Council ol the year. I
am unable to find whether the Coun
cil as intended met and perhaps we
shall see later on, what became of
the action. The importance of Con
estoga is however shown in this.
1710 — The Queen of the Conestogas
and Some of the Conoys at
Philadelphia.
At a Council meeting held on the
21 ol September, 1710, as it is re
corded in 2 Col. Rec, p. 516, and
stated, "The Queen ol the Conestoga
Indians, Ojuncho, and two chiels
more, and some ol the Conois In
dians, laid down belore the Council
four bundles of skins and furs, and
at the delivery ol the first bundle,
the said, (as was Interpreted) that
they had given the Governor notice
ol their intentions ol coming hither
the last time he was at Conestogo,
that they were now come, and do
present him with that bundle to
make him a cover lor his table to be
used in the same manner as the Car
pet, then spread upon the Council's
table. Upon their presenting the second
bundle, they said it was in remem
brance, and as an acknowledgment
for the gunpowder and lead present
ed to them here the last year, for
which t(hey were very thankful.
Upon their presenting the third

207

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

bundle, they said it was as a token
of their good will and friendship,
and that they shall ever remember
and observe the Governor's advice to
them last year, to live peaceably
with one another, which they will al
ways endeavor.
Upon their presenting the fourth,
they said it was in remembrance of
the advice that was heretofore^ given
them not to be too credulous of re
ports, they being generally false and
spread abroad by ill men, that for
their parts they would believe no re
ports against us, and hoped we
would believe no ill reports of them.
Whereupon the Governor replied
that he was glad to see them and
thanked them for their kind pre
sent and cautioned them not to be
lieve lies and stories that now too
commonly spread abroad for mis
chief by ill men, and that if any
thing happened extraordinary they
should have notice by a messenger
on purpose, and desired the like
from them as their brothers, and
being ordered to attend tomorrow In
the afternoon they withdrew.
Ordered that Mrs Hill, Mr. Norris,
and Mr. Preston, dispose of the said
presents to the best advantage, and
provide a suitable return against to
morrow." More of the prominent
position of Conestoga is shown in this
item.
1711— Expenses of the Conestoga In
dian Treaties.
In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 92, it is set forth that John French
accounts of his several journeys to
Conestoga and the expenses therein
at the intance of the late Governor,
amounting to 119 Pounds, 19s and
lOd, was read, and some of the 60
Pounds of new currency was allow
ed to the said John French.
Several other items of expense

connected with the Conestoga In
dian Treaties are set forth in the
same book and page as follows: An
account of Thomas Masters for wine
furnished the Governor on his jour
ney to Conestoga to the value of 25s,
was allowed and also a note from
Henry Worley requesting pay for
his services of going to Conestoga
on a message to the Indians last
June, was read and he was allowed
three pounds.
1711 — More Palatines Now Settle
Among the Conestoga Indians.
In Vol. 19 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 572 it is set forth that Thomas
Story having a right from the Pro
prietor for 1000 acres of land in the
manner of Highlands has instead
taken up the same quantity near the
settlement of the Palatines near Con
estoga, for which the Commissioners
granted a patent. But it appears
that he re-conveyed them and took
up some land in lieu of it, which he
proposed to purchase, and he agrees
to give the same price that the Pal
atines did at the same time the
tract was taken up by the Palatines
which is accordingly granted
1711— Sixty Conestoga India:ns Come
to Philadelphia.
In Vol 2 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 104, it is stated that "The Speaker
informed the House that during the
Governor's absence and since his
last return from New York he had
received and entertained upwards of
60 Constoga Indians who came to
treat with the Governor about the
intended expedition against the
French and the Northern Indians of
Canada by which he had disbursed
at least twenty Pounds, and been at
much trouble; therefore desired that
the same might be reimbursed him
out of the Provincial stock.
Resolved, N. C. D. That il the Gov-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

208

ernor concurs with this House here
in, the sum of twenty Pounds shall
be. paid him by the Public Treasurer
out of the Provincial stock, after
all payments, ordered by the three re
solves of Assembly, made of the fifth
month, 1710, are discharged, and that
the clerk draw an order on Samuel
Carpenter, public Treasurer, for pay
ment thereof accordingly ; which was
done, and signed by the speaker, to
be presented to the Governor for
his concurrence, and then the House
adjourned until seven o'clock tomor
row morning."
No comment need be made on this
item particularly except to call the
reader's attention to the fact that the
Conestoga Indians were frequently
at Philadelphia.
1711 — Governor Gokin Makes An
other Treaty with the Cones
toga Indians and Others.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 532,
at the top ol the page it is stated
that, "At a council held the 4th ol
June, the Governor desired the
opinion ol the Council as to his go
ing to Conestoga, because Colonel
French knew nothing ol the new
matters on which a treaty was to be
made and the Council desired that
the Governor and some ol his Coun
cil should go; and on the 11th ol
•Tune the Governor acquainted the
Council that he is now ready to
start to Conestoga, if they still
think that Bezalion's message is of
such importance as to require him
to go, it being so very hot now. And
the board decided that as the In
dians expected him, he should go.
The Governor accordingly went to
Conestoga and held a Council with
the Indians at Conestoga on the ISth
of June, which he reported to Phila
delphia on the 23rd of June, as fol
lows, (p. 533):—

I "At Conestoga, Jun 18, 1711.
PRESENT:
The Honorable CHAS. GOOKIN.Esq.
Ltt. Govr. Joseph Growdon,
Richard Hill,
Griffith Owen,
Caleb Pusey, Esqrs.
A present of 50 lbs. of powder, 1
piece ol Stroudwater, 1 piece of Duf-
fils, 100 pounds of shott; being laid
upon the floor, the Governor (by In
dian Harry the Interpreter), thus
spoke :
Governor Penn upon all occasions
is willing to show how great a re
gard he bears to you therefore has
sent this small present (a forerun
ner of a greater to come next
Spring), to you and hath required me
to acquaint you that he is about to
settle some people upon the branch
es of Potowmac, and doubts not but
the same mutual friendship which
has all along as brothers, past be
twixt the inhabitants of the Govern
ment and you, will also continue be
twixt you and those he is about to
settle; he intends to present five
belts of wampum to the five nations,
and one to you at Conestoga, and re
quires your friendship to the Pal
atines settled near Pequea. >
To which they answer:
That they are extremely well
pleased with the Governor's speech,
but as they are at present at war
with the Tuscaroroes and other In
dians they think that place not safe
for Christians, and are afraid that if
any damage should happen to these
the blame will be laid upon them,
that settlement being situated betwixt
them and those at War with them.
As to the Palatines they are in their
opinion safely seated, but earnestly
desire that the death of Letore may
now be adjusted, for they shall not
think themselves sale until it is.
18th, Tuesday about twelve

209

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Senequois and the Shawanois
met the Governor and Council, Ope
ssah, Chiel ol the Shawnois, by Mar
tin Chartier, interpreter, thus spoke:
Were it impossible for us, by pre
sents or any other way, to atone for
the lives of those young men our
people unadvisedly slew we would
be partly willing to make satisfac
tion, and such a condescension would
be forever greatly remembered
and more nearly engage us and for
the future render us more careful.
The uneasiness we had on that ac
count was such, that we could not
sleep until the last time the Gover
nor and his people were up here, at
which time we had some hopes given
us of adjusting that matter, since the
murderers are all dead except one,
who is gone to Messasippi.
To which the Governor answered:
That the Laws of England were
such, that whosoever killed a man
must run the same late, yet consid
ering the previous circumstances to
that murder, the length of time
since the accon., the distance of
place were acted from the Govern
ment, and before coming here, and
the persons all save one, (who is
absconded) since his deed, I am
willing to forbear further prosecu
tion on enquiry into it, but withal
caution you that if any such thing
hereafter fall out, you may be assur
ed I shall as well know how to do
Justice as I have now shewed mercy
for which they return the Governor
their hearty thanks, and Opessah
assures that if hereafter if any such
thing happen, he himself will be
executioner and bum them that
should dare to do it.
The Senequois acquaint:
That Opessa being therefor solicit
ed by John Hans Steelman, had sent

out some ol his people, either to
bring back or kill Francis de le Tore
and his Company. Opessa, he al-
firms he was entirely innocent, lor
that John Hans came to his cabin
when he and his young people (who
were then going hunting) were in
Council, told them that some ol his
slaves and dogs (meaning La Tore
and Company) were fied, therelore
desired him lorthwith to send some
ol his people to bring them back or
kill them, and take goods lor their
trouble, at which motion Opessa
surprised, told him that he ought by
no means discourse, alter that man
ner belore young people who were
gone to the woods, and might by ac
cident meet these people and there
fore ordered him to desist, utterly
denying his request.
The Senequois also acquainted the
Gtovernor that Le Tort had taken a
boy from them and sold him at New
York and requested that the Gover
nor would enquire after him, that
they might have him again."
Penn in England having learned of
the stealing of this boy wrote to the
Susquehanna Indians the following
letter,which may be found in Vol. 12
of the Pennsylvania Archives, p.
280: ' My Good Friends :
The people of New York have
again wrote earnestly to me about
those Indian prisoners taken by
you, especially the woman and boy
saying that they bought them fairly
of the Governor of Carolina who sold
them for slaves and they being my
good friends and neighbors, and all
under the same king, I must there
fore desire you to deliver the said
woman and boy to the bearer hereof
Silvester, who will carefully carry
them to New Castle and there put
them on board a vessel from thence
directly to New York, and by so do-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

210

ing you will geatly oblige.
Your very good friend and brother,
WM. PENN."
This treaty of 1711 Is referred to
by Governor Keith, who himself
made a treaty with the Conestogas
in 1720; and he says, "About nine or
ten years ago a considerable num
ber of the Five Nations, not less
than fifty came to Conestoga and a
meeting with Governor Gookin late
of this Province and several of his
Council, Colonel Dongan's purchase
was mentioned to them and they
were fully satisfied," (3 Col. Rec, p.
101). All this goes to throw light upon
this . great treaty of 1711 and shows
us that confirmation of the land pur
chase on Susquehanna was one of
its objects. All the purposes of the
treaty however, are plainly set forth |
in the treaty itself.
1711 — More Palatines. (Mennonites)
Settle Among the Conestogas.
In the item which we have just
stated it will be observed that the
following sentence, which the In
dians say in regard to the Palatines,
occurs, "As to the Palatines, they
are in their opinion safely seated."
I merely make this a separate item
to show that the whites were now
mixing and settling among the In
dians and in their neighborhood. As
the question came up whether the
whites would be safe there if the In
dians got into war with other tribes.
It is here stated by the Indians that
these whites would be safe.
Mombert in his History, p. 26 tells
us, "That as early as 1711 there
were Palatines settled near Pequea,
who were prominently admitted into
the friendship of the neighboring
tribes." We have no doubt that this
is directly quoted from the Colonial
Records as we have just cited it.

1711 — Colonel French Sends in His
Expense Account of the Con
estoga Treaty.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 529,
in February, 1711, Colonel Frendh
gives in the following account ofthe
expenses of his treaty:
Coll. French's account of his
Journey to Conestoga, etc., were read
and considered, and 147 Pounds, 6s.,
lOd, allowed to him, saving the de
ductions following: viz: for horse
hire and baggage men in July 1707,
charged in Governor Evans' account
and paid him 5 Pounds; for six
Pounds paid by the present Gover
nor to the baggage men in July,
1710, charged in Coll. French's ac
count, in all deducted 27 Pounds, 7s;
so there remains due to Coll. French,
and which is allowed by the board,
119, 19, 10.
The Governor's account of dis
bursements and charges on his
Journey to Conestoga, in July, 1710,
to treat with the Five Nations,
amounts to 8 Pounds, and 10s,
which is allowed by the Council.
The supply bill was now again
read and sent to ye house with
amendments affixed to it."
This shows us something of the
kind of equipment that was neces
sary to be taken into the Conestoga
treaties to perfect a treaty.
1711 — The Governor Orders the Con
estoga Chiefs to Come to
Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Records,
p. 537 on the first of August, this
year, "The Governor sent for Indian
Harry, and ordered him to fetch
some of ye chiefs of the Indians, who
were come down with a design to go
to Canada. He brought six of them,
and the Governor asked them by
Harry the Interpreter, how many
there were intended for Canada.

211

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

They answered about 5 or 6 and
Twenty. It was askt them why they
did not make the bent of their way
to the Five Nations, pursuant to
Coll. Hunter's letter to them.
They replied that Coll. French would
have had them come by way of New
Castle, and promised to go along
with them, but New Castle being out
of their way, they came to Philadel
phia and expected him there. It was
asked them whether they apprehend
ed they were come here at the Gov
ernor's request, or upon Coll. Hunt
er's letter to them, as being under
covenants, with the five nations to
go to war, when they required them;
they answered they came in obedi
ence to Coll. Hunter's letter, but
they expected Coll. French to go
with them. They were told that
Coll. French might have such a de
sign, but he was off of it, and asked
them whether they would go to Bur
lington by land or water, where
they would have company enough of
the forces raised there to go along
with them, to which they said they
would further consider amongst
themselves." The importance of Conestoga is
here again plainly shown.
1712— The Delawares Show a Belt of
Wampum Sent to Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 of the Colonial Rec, p.
546 there is an account of Council
of a treaty held at Edward Parmer's
House with the Delaware Indians.
It will be remembered that the Dela
wares moved to the Susquehanna as
we have shown before. These Dela
ware Indians had thirty-two belts of
wampum and they were on their
way to pay tribute to the Five Na
tions of New York. In making their
speech to the Governor they declared
that many years ago they were made
tributary to the Five Nations and
were now about to visit them; and

that they thought it would be pro
per to stop at Philadelphia and show
the Governor these belts, together
with their Indian pipe or calamet
with a stone head, wooden cane or
shaft and feathers fixt to it like
wings, with other ornaments. They
said that the Five Nations had given
them this pipe, that they were com
pelled to show it when they came
among the Five Nations to be known
as friends. They then proceeded to
explain each of the thirty-two belts
of wampum, and tell who made it
and for what it was for. Besides
these 32 belts they showed two more,
one that had been given by Penn
when he was here and the other that
was since sent by Colonel Evans to
Conestoga, which they are also to
carry with them. But they desire to
know from the Governor, now, what
was intended by them. The Governor
asked them why they waited 11
years to asfe about this belt that Wm.
Penn gave them, and they said that
the man that was to carry it died
soon after they got it and that thaf
was the reason. Further it appears
in this treaty that they had several
bundles and skins and that they
made presents to the Council and al
so held a treaty and at this treaty
it is stated that they received pre
sents from the whites and "these
presents being kindly accepted, fill
ing their calamet or long winged
pipe with tobacco and lighting it,
they presented it so lighted to the
Governor and each of the Council,
etc., to smoak a few blasts of it as
a token of the greatest friendship
that could be shown.
1712 — Another Body of Conestoga
Indians Come to the Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 553 it
it stated that at a Council held on
the 23rd of July of that year, "sev-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

212

erai Indians being arrived some
days ago from Conestogo, on busi
ness of importance, (as they said),
and having waited eight days for
their Interpreter, they at length met
the Council this day ; Tagodrancy or
Civility, a War Captain and Chief,
with Tanyahti«kahungh, the old
Speaker, Knawonhunt, and Soach-
koat, two Brothers, and some others
being sate, they first presented a
bundle of deer skins, and by Indian
Harry their Interpreter, said: That
the Proprietor, Govemor Penn had
at his first coming amongst them
made an agreement with them that
they should always live as friends
and Brothers, and be as one body,
one heart, one mind, and as one eye
and ear; that what the one saw the
other should see, and what the one
heard the other should hear and
that there should be nothing but love
and friendship between them and us
forever. They presented a s^all bundle of
lurs, and said that on their part
they had always kept up this agree
ment and should constantly observe
it in all respects, that il anything
came to their knowledge relating to
us they would always like brothers
and friends acquaint us with it, and
if at any time any foreigners or
strangers came among them they
would, (as they had always done)
give notice of it immediately to
Philadelphia, and in all things would
acquit themselves accordingly to
what they had promised and engag
ed. They presented two bundles of
skins together, and said that on our
part we had promised them to regu
late the trade that was carried on
with them at Conestoga, and had
spoke of licenses to be given to the
traders, by which means all abuses
were txy be rectified. But that since
Licenses were granted they found

themselves worse dealt by than
ever, they received less for the
goods that they sold to the traders,
were worse treated and suffered
more injuries, which they desired
the Council would inquire into, and
know why it was so, and cause it to
be redressed.
They presented a fifth bundle, and
said, that the Cattle the traders kept
hurt and destroyed their corn; Civil
ity gave an account of his coming
with divers of their people, in a
friendly visit to the old French
women. M. L.Tort's house; that with
out any provocation she turned them
out of doors, and that upon their
expostulating upon it, she told them
that the house was her own, thatthe
land was hers, for she had bought it
of Governor Penn, and proceeded to
insult them very rudely; they there
fore desired to know whether this
was so or not, and whether she had
any authority to act in such a man
ner. They were told by the board that
the Council were much troubled to
find they had occasion to complain,
but they were desired to use such a
freedom with us as became brothers,
and not receive anything, but lay all
their grievances before us, whoever
the persons offending might be, and
it should all be considered and an
swered together.
They proceeded to complain of M.
Letort, and particularly the old
Queen Conguegoes representing that
the said M. Letort did them great dam
ages by keeping of hogs, and that at
twice she turned them into the
Queen's com in her own sight.
They said that they had often
taken horses out of their fields and
taken them to the owners; that some
times they would not acknowledge
them to be theirs, but that when
damages were done by any, all the
traders would deny that those

213

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

horses did belong to any of them that
did it; upon which one of them they
said resolved to take a method to
find to whom one particular horse
belonged, for having taken him out
of his corn three several times, he at
last shott him, that the owner meet
ing with the loss might be discover
ed by his complaints.
They added that one Sheerwill had
lived amongst them for two years
without planting any corn; that not
withstanding he had still enough,
furnishing himself by stealth; and
that he had sometimes been taken in
the fact but that he had now left the
place. They are told that all these mat
ters should be inquired into, consid
ered and answered altogether in the
morning. They desired that they might be
acquainted with what news we had
either from New York relating to the
Indians, or from other places"; and
some time being spent on these sev
eral subjects, they are told they
might withdraw which they did ac
cordingly, and the Council entering
into the considerfation of what had
been delivered. It was resolved,
that these injuries requiring an im
mediate redress, care should be
taken to procure satisfaction to the
Indians for the losses they had al
ready sustained, and that they should
be prevented for the future by oblig
ing these traders to remove from so
near a neighborhood to them without
any delay, and that none of them
should be suffered to sitt down
among these people; all which was
referred to be further considered to
morrow. The account of their presents
being taken, they were found to be,
30 Deer skins, valued at about 3 — 6d
each, 5 Pds. 5 6
2 half bears, 7

3 foxes at 18d each, 6-
Racoons, at 6s each 10 6
3 beavers at 5s and one
Dressed Doe at3— 6 18 6

The whole amounting at
the highest computa
tion to  7 Pds. 01 0
And it is ordered that another
should be provided to return to
them, viz:
6 Stroudwater Matchcoats.
6 Duffils.
6 White Shirts.
50 lbs. of powder.
1 cwt. of Lead, besides a stroud
water and a shirt to Harry the In
dian Interpreter, and two small
shirts to two of his " children, and
til en adjourned until tomorrow at 3
in the afternoon."
This again shows the difficulties
under which the Conestoga Indians
labored and the questions of import
ance that were constantly rising
from that section.
On p. 555 of the same book it is
stated the next day, "The Board tak
ing into consideration the com
plaints made by the Indians, they
thought fit to order, that the traders
whose cattle had done damage to the
Indians should be forthwith obliged
to make compensation to the satis
faction of the sufferers they, left the
town; and as had been before resol
ved, that none of them should be suf
fered to live any longer amongst
that people, but should at this fall at
fartherest remove to greater dis
tance, and not allowed on any terms
to keep cattle and other horses than
what are for their immediate ser
vice, unless they should live on pur
chased land.
The several other heads spoke to
by the Indians being also consider
ed, the Secretary was directed to an
swer them from the Board, accord-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

214

ing to the instructions now agreed
on and giving him, and accordingly
the presents yesterday ordered to be
returned to them being mostly gott
ready, and they themselves called in
the Secretary spofee to fully to every
particular, the heads of which are as
follows: That the Bond of friendship and
Brotherhood made by the Proprietor
William Penn, with their nation, was
so strong, that we doubted not that
it would never be broken; that both
we and they had hitherto inviolably
kept it, and we were glad to see
them on their parts desirous to
strengthen it and therefore took
their presents very kindly.
That we, on our parts thought this
Bond so strong that it could not be
made firmer by any presents; yet to
shew how acceptable any tokens of
their friendship were to us, and that
they might be supplied with some
things necessary, in consideration ol
their long journey to visit us; we de
sired them to accept what we had
provided lor a return to them, re
peating what those presents were
and delivering them all but the
shirts which were not yet ready,
and the provisions to be given them
iu the morning. That in relation to
their complaints ol trade, they must
consider that all traders had in view
by buying and selling, was to gain
something to it themselves. That
unless they could buy at such a rate
as that, they could sell the same
goods lor somewhat more, so as to
live by the profit, they would lose
their labour and none would follow
it. That all commodities sometimes
rose in price and at other times lell,
and that the traders must buy at
such rates as their buyers could al-
lord. That most ol all the skins and
lurs bought ol the Indians were
sent to England, where the people

were numerous like the leaves on the
•trees, and received all the goods on
the main Irom Carolina, Virginia,
etc., and so to Hudson Bay, that
these goods happened now by their
plenty to be low in England, and
English goods high by reason of the
war. That it was owing to these
causes and not to the traders being
obliged to take licenses; that their
trade was now so low, (as some ill
people who would not subject them
selves to any orders might suggest
to them), that the reason of grant
ing licenses was that none should
be allowed to trade with them, but
such as should give security here to
deal honestly by them, and not in
jure them in any of these points
they had formerly complained of;
that by these means we could at all
times, by the security they gave
here, punish them whether present
or absent for any disorders they com
mitted, and therefore that these li
censes were of the greatest benefit to
the Indians, and that if they were
any way injured in trade they ought
to complain to us. That from the
security the traders had given, we
might oblige to make reparation;
that we were heartily sorry they had
such occasion of complaint on other
accounts than those of trade; and
that the traders proved such bad
neighbors that none had ever been
allowed by us to settle amongst them
but Peter Bizalion and that not only
he but the rest that had done them
damage should forthwith make them
satislaction. They were therelore
ordered to settle the account ol their
damages with the persons who had
done them by tomorrow morning,
and were promised that they should
be made good to them."
This item shows the firmness with
which the Government ol Pennsyl
vania dealt with these Conestoga In-

215

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

dians as well as all the other In
dians. It is noticeable here also as
shown p. 556 that Peter Bezalion is
at this time settled among the Con
estoga Indians; and also that the
Delaware Indians are now constant
ly with the Conestogas at their
treaties.
1712 — Letort Granted a New License
to Trade With the Conestogas
and Other Indians.
In Vol. 2 ol the Col. Rec, p. 562
it is stated that the petition ol
James Letort was read, praying that
he may have a license granted to
him to trade with the Indians, etc.,
which being considered, he is ap
proved on and may have the
Governor's license accordingly.
According to Vol. 2 ol Watson's
Annals, p. 122 Letort Creek in the
nfeighborhod ol Carlisle was named
from James Letort. Letort seems to
have had this location as a frontier
home about 1712. The creek was noted
for its many beaver dams. This is
a very notable thing because beavers
as a rule did not live in Pennsylva
nia but farther northward, except on
this part of the Schuylkill where the
beaver towns or dams were quite
numerous.
1712— The Five Nations and the
Conestogas at War With the
Tuscaroroes.
In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Records,
p. 84 the Governor, Spotswood of
Virginia sent a letter to Governor
Keith, complaining of the action of
our Indians about Conestoga, and he
accuses them as follows:
"In the year 1712 and 1713, they
were actually in these parts assisting
the Tuscarouroes, who had massacr
ed in cold blood some hundreds of the
English and then were warring
against us, and they have at this

very day, the chief murderers, with
the greatest part of that nation
seated under their protection near
Susquehanna River, whither they re
moved them, when they found they
could no longer support them
against the force which the English
brought upon them in these parts.
During the Tuscourouro war,
about two hundred of your Indians
set upon our Virginia Indian Traders
as they were going to the Southern
Indians with a caravan of at least
eighty horses loaded, and after
killing one of our people and shot
most of their horses they made booty
of all the goods, declaring their
reason for so doing was because they
did not carry their ammunition to
the Tuscourroroes, and this plunder
was so publickly vended to the
northward that it was no secret to
your people at Albany what a vil-
iianous part they had been acting
here with the English; and whether
such an action be not at this day an
incontestible truth. I dare appeal
to you yourself, notwithstanding
your Commrs. may be willing out of
some publick views, to conceal this
piece of your Indian Treachery."
Prom this we see that these Cone
stogas, who of course, were led by
the Five Nations occasionally made
expeditions southward to fight the
Indians in Virginia. In a later item
we will see that the Conestogas very
much lamented this and claimed that
if they did not go, the Five Nations,
their masters, treated them very
cruelly and called them cowards.
1712— The Shawnese at Pequea Cap
ture a Catawba Boy.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 23,
at a treaty held at Conestoga about
1717, we are given information that
some years ago the Shawnese had
captured a Catawba boy. The date

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

216

is not given but I give it as 1712.
The information we have of this cap
ture is as lollows:
"The Shawanoise and all the other
Indians present were lurther asked
whether they had any prisoners ol
the Catawba Nation, or ol any other
nation in Iriendship with Virginia.
The Shawanoise answered that they
had one prisoner, a young man taken
some years agoe, whom they pro
duced; but all the others answered
they had none.
It was demanded ol the Shawanois
that this prisoner should be return
ed to the Catawbas, from whence he
was taken. Their King or Chief
answered that they had taken him
several years agoe, when he was but
a little lad; that he had now forgot
his native language, and , spoke
theirs, and that they did not think
themselves obliged to return him at
this time.
Being further prest to it, the
chief answered that 11 the King ol
the Catawbas, whom he now under
stood were in league with Virginia,
would come hither and make peace
with him, 11 it was desired; but that
the Catawbas were a people of great
extent, and there were many nations
under that name.
The young man was asked whether
he was willing to return, but would
not answer."
1713 — Thomas Chalkley Again
Preaches in the Susquehanna
Country.
In Chalkley's work before referred
to, under the date ol 1713, at p. 82
he says: "Alter I had been some
time in Virginia, I got passage up
the Bay Chesapeake and had
several meetings in Maryland,
friends being glad to see rae; and
we were comforted in Christ our

Lord. I made some little stay at a
place I had in that province, called
Longbridge, and then returned to
Philadelphia, where I lodged at the
house of my very kind Iriends,
Richard and Hannah Hill, and was
often times at divers neighbouring
meetings, and sometimes had good
service therein.''
It would seem rather certain from
his having previously visited the
Susquehannas that he sailed entirely
up to the head of the Bay and went
into the Susquehanna Country on
this trip. He was very much con
cerning about the Christianity of
these Indians.
1713 — Captain Civility on a Special
Message to the Council.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 565 it
is reported at a Council held June 8.
1713, "The Young Indian called
Civility, one of the chiefs of Cone
stogo, with Harry the Interpreter,
having arrived here two days ago,
and desired to deliver a mesage from
the Nation, the Governor called a
Council thereupon, and being mett,
he presented to the Governor two
small parcells or strings of wam
pum, which they said were delivered
them by certain messengers from
the Cayogoes and Onoyootoes, two
ol ye Five Nations ,who had been
lately at Conestogo, and desired to
know what was the message that
those who came Irom ye said Nations
had delivered here last lail ; lor that
they were apprehensive that some ol
the Tsanondowans had some ill
design against us, proposal having
made that several hundreds were to
come down in a body, under a pre
tense ol trading which might be at
tended with ill consequence.
The substance of the minutes
then taken we told them, and that
as they came on a message of

217

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

friendship, we had made them a
suitable answer; that we always had
been friends with them, and desired
so to continue; that being such, they
were free to trade with us, as all
others were, and that we hoped we
should have no cause to apprehend
anything further from them. They
were particularly acquainted that
our Queen had now made peace with
the French, and we were all to live
amicably together; that the French
durst now not injure an English-i
man, nor an English man none of
the French, any more than one of
their own nation; but that upon the
whole we took their whole care
shewn by this information very kind
ly, and desired them always to con
tinue the same disposition towards
us, as we should shew ourselves
friends to them.
Ordered that care be taken of them
whilst in Town, and that the Treas
urer (Civility being now one of the
Chiefs of their nation) provide for
him a good Stroud, a Shirt, a ha.tt,
and a pair of Stockins and a match
coat for Harry, with some small
tokens for their children, with some
rum. Tobacco and bread."
Here we have another illustration
of the frequent intercourses between
the Conestoga Indians and the Gov
ernor at Philadelphia; and it was now
almost a daily occurence that the
savages of the Susquehanna River
and the people on the Delaware met
face to face.
1714 — Several Conestoga Indians
Visit the Council at Philadelphia
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 574,
it is stated that a Council held Oct.
1, ot that year, that, "Several In
dians being come to town from
Conestogo, and the Governor being
very much indisposed, the Council
mett to receive what they had to

offer; and Togodhessah, Sotayyoght,
Tokunnyataawogha, with some others
presenting a Bundle of Drest Skins,
represented to the Board:
That they had always hitherto made
it their practice to inform this
Government of all things of mmt.
that past amongst them; that living
in a near neighbourhood and friend
ship with the Shawanois, they
thought it convenient to acquaint us
that Opessah, the late King of ye said
Shawanoise, having absented him
self from his people for about three
years, and upon divers messages
sent to him still refused to return
to them, they at length have thought
it necesasry to appoint another in
his stead, and presented the person
chosen by name Cakundawanna, to
the board, as the new elected King of
the Shawanoise, desiring the appro
bation of this Government of this
their proceeding.
The Board answered that what
measures they thought fitt to take
for their own peace and safety
amongst themselves, should be ap
proved by this Government as far as
lust, and it hoped that what they
have done was a necessity, and that
they are satisfied in it.
They then presented a second
bundle of drest skins, and said:
That they had Informed us their
old Queen was dead, as also are all
their old men who formerly appear
ed for their nation, that they are
now succeeded by a younger genera
tion; that our methods are to keep
record of what Is transacted in writ
ing, but that they have also sure
ways of transmitting from one
generation to another what is neces
sary to remember, that these now
living well know the leagues and
bonds of friendship that have been
between the English and their fathers
and that they, their Posterity, are

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

218

resolved inviolably to observe the
same. In an'swer they were told their
present with what they said upon it,
was kindly accepted, and they were
desired to continue the same meth
ods their fathers had done, and to
train up their children in the same
friendship towards the English that
they themselves had been, that we
and they may live in a firm peace
togther in all time to come.
The skins presetned are 9 bucks,
and 15 does, drest with one raw
back, value about 3 pounds and 15s
in ye whole. Ordered, that a return
be made to ye value of about ten
pounds, with a persent also to
Harry, the Interpreter, besides their
charges; and that the Treasurer see
it performed, entering the account
into these minutes."
In this article we again see the
faithful report made by the Cone
stogas of the suspicious action ol the
King ol the Shawanese. They also
related to the Governor laithlully the
experiences their tribe was having.
1714__Conrad Wilser's View of the
Indian Religion
In Mombert's History ol Lancaster
County, p. 19, he sets lorth a letter
which Conrad Weiser wrote on this
subject, as lollows:
"ESTEEMED FRIEND: I write
this in compliance with thy request,
to give thee an account of what I
have observed among the Indians, in
relation to their belief and confi
dence in a Divine Being, according
to the obsravtions I have made, from
1714, in the time of my youth, to this
day (about the year 1746).
If by the word religion people
mean an asesnt to certain creeds, or
the observance of a set of religious
duties; as, appointed prayers, sing

ings, preaching, baptism, etc., or
even Heathenish worship, then it
may be said the Five Nations, and
their neighbors have no religion. But
if by religion we man an attraction
of the soul to God, whence proceeds
a confidence in, and hunger after,
the knowledge of him, then this
people must be allowed to have some
religion among them, notwithstanding
their sometimes savage deportment.
For we find among them some tracts
of a confidence, in God alone; and
even, sometimes, though but seldom,
a vocal calling upon him. I have had
one or two Instances of this under
my own observation."
Weiser in this letter speaks of
Indian religion much later than 1714
but 1 will give that later.
1714 — Beginning of the Conestoga
Road in Lancaster County
In the Quarter Sessions Docket, of
Lane Co., No. 1, pp. 89 and 121 may
be found the petition dated 1734 to
improve the Conestoga Road which
lead into the Indian Country and
which is now the road known as the
"Long Lane." The petition states
that the people have been using this
road for twenty years. Therefore it
began to be used about 1714. Many
papers in the Chester County Quar
ter Sessions records also throw light
on this subject.
1715 — The Goods Bought by Logan
for the Conestoga Treaty
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 597.
it is stated that, "Mr. Logan exhibit
ed an account of several things he
bought for the Conestogoe Indians,
by order of Council, the 1st of Oct.
last, the balance of which amounts
to 15 Pounds, 3s and 9d, which
account is allowed, and the Treas
urer ordered to pay the" same."

219

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1715 — Opessah, the Late Shawanese
King Comes to Philadelphia
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 599,
it is stated that on the 14th of June,
this year, that Opessah, the late
Shawanese King, with his compan
ions attending him, came with the
Chiefs of the Delaware and Schyulkill
Indians to visit the Governor; and
that they met in the Court House in
Philadelphia, where they had a great
ceremony, in which they opend up
the calamet with a great ado with
their rattles and songs. The calamet
was offered by the Delaware King
to the Governor and Council and all
the people and then by the Governor
it was offered to the Indians; and
after great cermony it was put
away. The Indians ex^^lained that
they had carried this calamet as a
bond of peace to all the Nations
around and that it was a sure bond
among them. The Indians further
desired by holding up their hands
that the God of the Heavens might
be witness to it. These Indians were
referring to the treaty which Penn
made with them "at his first coming
among them." The speaker for the
Indians then said that he delivers
n behalf of all the Indians on ihis
side of the Susquehanna River rhe
¦)elts of wampum which he had wich
him. As to Opessah who formerly
lived on Pequea Creefe as King of
the Shawanese, the speafeer says
that he has now abdicated and lives
at a great distance from his former
home. The Governor said that
Opessah had long been under a
league ol Friendship with them, and
even though he has moved we will
treat him as feindly as ever; but we
ask that he will tell the foreign In
dians that he lives with that they
should be kind towards the English
and tell them of any danger; and

Opessah said that he did not fenow
of any. We see in this item that
Opessah was quite a treacherous
character and made trouble very
frequently. 1715 _ Chalkley Reports That the
Conestogas Have Moved Their
Town Twenty Miles Away
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 603
on the 21st of June, at a Council,
" Mr. Logan acquainted the Board,
that he had information by Thomas
Chalfeley, who lately came from
Maryland, that the Conestogoe In
dians had left their town and re
moved twenty miles "distant, and it
being thought that soemthing extra
ordinary had happened, that they
should leave their corn growing on
the ground. It was ordered that a
message should be sent up to them
by some ol the Chiels, ol the Indians
now in Town, and a small present,
to wit: a matchcoat lor the two
Chiefs, Civility and  , and
tell them we would be glad to see
then, and that they should inform
them that they, together with the
Delaware Indians, have already been
here and renewed their League of
friendship, and were feindly re-
ceied." In this item we see some new
disturbances about Conestoga,
which we shall explain later.
1715— Another Council held With
Opessah and His Associates
On the 22nd of June, 1715, we are
told in Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p 603,
that "The Indian chiefs, viz: Sasoo-
nan and Matasjeechay, with Opessah,
being called according to the order of
yesterday, the Governor acquainted
them, that he, with the Council, were
extremely well pleased to see them,
and with the treaty that we had with
them, but could have wished they

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

220

had more effectually taken the ad
vice that was given them to forbear
excessive drinking, and especially to
avoid rum, which since it disorders
them so very much and ruins their
health, they ought to shun it as
poison; for though valuable men
when sober, yet when overcome
with that unhappy Liquor they are
quite lost and become beasts, that
had the Governor thought they
would not take more care of them
selves he would have prevented their
buying it, and must do so the next
time they are so kind to visit us, that
so we may be able all the time of
the stay to converse together.
That now, however, he is glad to
see them sober again at their de
parture, and was willing to speak
with them before they went to fur
nish them with some provisions for
their journey.
That we have now had with them
a very friendly treaty, which with all
others heretofore they are constatnly
to remember.
That as they spoke in behalf of all
the Indians on this side of Sasque-
hananh, excepting those of Cone
stoga, the Govern6r wishes that
they had also come with them, but
since they have not, Sasoonan and
Metasheekay are desired to inform
the chiefs of Conestoga, vsiz: Soteer-
yole and Tagultaleese or Civility, that
they have been here renewing their
League, yet we were sorry that we
saw not all our friends together,
that to the end they might be par
takers of the same League, we had
sent each of them a matchcoat, and
should be glad to see them with the
first good conveniency.
That hearing they design to leave
Conestogo, we should desire an op
portunity of discoursing them before
they' quit that ancient settlement,
and that they should say that same

thing to those that are removed;
that the better to cover them from
the night dews in their travels, we
give each of them a stroud match
coat. That as they had particularly re
commended Opessah, we were very
well pleased with their regard to
him, and as a token of our taking
him into the same friendship with
them, now gave him also a Stroud.
All wihch being interpreted to
them and provisions delivered for
their Journey, viz: some loaves and
one hundred weight of Bis.cuitts,
with 12 Pounds of tobacco and pipes,
they returned their hearty thanks
with expresisons of great satisfac
tion. But Sasoonan complained that they
were much abused by the quantities
of rum brought amongst them, and
requested the Governor to cause a
stop to be put to the pratcice.
Upon which they were told of the
very strict laws made against it, but
that it was impossible for us to
know who came thither into the
woods amongst them without their
information, that it would be in their
power effectually to prevent it that
if they would stave all the rum that
came amongst them, which they were
directed by the Governor to do with
out fail as oft as any came.
They thereupon desired the Gov
ernor's written order for it, and
acordingly the following order was
issued. By the Honorable Charles Gookin.
Esqr., etc.
Wheras, notwithstanding the
several penalties laid by the laws of
this province, upon those who sell
rum to the Indians, complaints are
made by them, that great quantities
are still carried into the woods to
their great loss and damage. For
the more speedy prevention of which,

221

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

it is ordered by the Governor and
Council, that all Indians who shall
at any time see any ram brought
amongst them for sale, either by the
English or others, do forthwith
stave the casks and destroy the
liquor, with suffering any of it to be
sold or drank, in which practice they
shall be idemnified and protected by
the Government against all persons
whatsoever. Dated at Philadelphia,
ye 22nd of June, 1715."
We observe here that their is some
thing like a break in the pleasant
relations between the other Indians
of the Susquehanna and Delaware
rivers and the Conestogas. Just
what caused the Conestogas to leave
and move 20 miles away is not very
clear. 1715 — The Conestogas Now Come and
Explain their Removal aud
Other Actions.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 606,
it is stated that on the 13th of Sept.,
"Sotyriote, Chief of ye Conestoga In
dians, with divers others of his na
tion and of the Ganawoise, being in
town last night, on the message sent
them from this Board by Sassooan
and Metashichay, two of ye Delaware
chiels ye 22nd ol June last, the Coun
cil met to consider ol the treaty to
be held with them.
And as they are come at the re
quest ol this Government, it is there
fore agreed and ordered that accord
ing to ye custom of ye Indians, a
present should be made to them, viz:
six Stroudwater matchcoats, six
Duffel matchcoats, six blankets, half
a barrel of Powder, and hundred
pounds of lead ,with some tobacco
and pipes, and that care be taken of
their entertainment, as also that some
present should be made to Harry the
Interpreter, to ye value of three
pounds or thereabouts.

That they be informed that the In
dians of Delaware with Opessah in
behalf of the Shawanois coming
hither of themselves last 4th month,
did in a solemn manner renew the
treaty and confirm the bond of friend
ship between us, which they did in
the name and behalf (they said) of
all Indians on this side of Sasque
hannah, those of Conestoga excepted,
when they left to speak for them
selves, and therefore that we desired
that these Indians would also come
to visit us as the others had done,
that we might at the same time re
new our Leagues of friendship with
all our friends and brethren, that
that they had always been such to us,
and that our conduct to each other
had always been so friendly, and the
leagues of his Iriendship had been so
olten repeated and confirmed that we
were desirous to see them as our
Iriends and brethren, as often as any
others ol our Indians lor which rea
son we had sent them that message.
The Indians not being met, the con-
lerence and treaty with them was de
terred, and the Council adjourned lor
that purpose till in the morning at
seven." This sets lorth the discus
sions ol the first day.
At page 607 we are told what hap
pened the next day as lollows:
" The alore mentioned Indians.with
their interpreter, mett, and the pre
sent provided, the Governor ordered
them to be informed that he, with the
Council, were glad to see them, and
would have been pleased if it had
been sooner. That Sasoonan, in be
half of his own and all our other In
dians on this side of Sasquehannah,
those of Conestoga excepted, had in
the most friendly manner renewed
their treaties and confirmed the bond
of Iriendship between us. fhat we
were upon desirous to see them also,
that we might have at the same time

OTHER LANCABTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

221

the satisfaction of conferring with
and entertaining alJ the naitions ol
our Iriends around ns, and by that
means have an opportunity to know
how it was with them.
That we had heard that they had a
design lor moving the Conestoga, to
leave room for the English to settle
there; but that we desired they
should not make themselves uneasy,
and il they thought it might be more
for their conveniency to be a greater
distance, we should expeqt first to be
acquainted with it.
They were also particularly inlorm
ed ol what passed between our Dela
ware Indians and us, at the last
treaty and the minutes then taken
were Interpreted to them, with all
which they appeared very well satis
fied. The presents as yesterday ordered
were delivered to them, amounting to
about 20 Pounds in value, besides tbe
three pounds ordered to Harry, the
interpreter, and the charges of their
entertainment. Upon their receiving ol these they
were particularly desired to be care
ful Irom time to time, to inlorm us
ol any strangers _ coming amongst
them, and ol everything new that
should happen amongst them, for as
we were Iriends and brethren, we
must be concerned lor their salety
and wellare, as well as our own.
They all appeared extremely pleas
ed, and the Council adjourned.
On the next day, September 15, the
Governor lelt town but authorized the
Council to hear the answer ol these
Indians, whereupon the chiel ol the
Conestogas by his interpreter said,
"That they were well pleased to find
that the Indians who were here in
summer, had shown themselves so
mindlul ol lormer treaties ^.nd agree
ments that were made with William

Penn, at his first arrival; that their
old men were generally gone off the
stage, and that a younger generation
had come into their place ; that they
on their parts should ever desire to
live in the same peace and Irlendiship
with us, that their fathers had done,
and that not only they but that their
and our posterity might do the same,
from generation to generation. That
all things -were well amongst them,
and they had nothing In relation to
this Government to blame or in any
wise find fault with.
They then laid down four strings of
white wampum, and said, that Opes
sah, who was formerly a King of the
Shawanois, near Conestoga, but had
now for some years been abroad in
the woods (as he said) a hunting, had
just as their coming away from Con
estoga, sent them a message with
that wampum, to tell them he was
now going a hunting again, that they
thought it convenient to acquaint this
Government with it, and that if they
hear anything further of his proceed
ings, they will not fail from time to
time to give us an account of it, and
as they had always lived in peace,
and we and they had been as Breth
ren and friends, so they desired
we might ever continue the same,
that they had nothing to complain of,
but desired we would lor their great
er ease in trading with our people,
asquaint them with the certain prices
ol our goods.
They then presented to the Board
seventeen deer skins in ye Hair, and
eighteen loxes skins. They were told
in answer to this, the same things
that had been said to Sasoonan and
the Indians with them; that it was
impossible to set any prices, lor
goods were sometimes cheaper,
sometimes dearer, and the
traders would sell their goods dearer

223

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

at Sasquehannah, after they had been
at the pains to carry them some days
journey on horseback, thither, and
that we could advise them to no
other method than what we took our
selves, which is that every man
should bargain as well as he could
for himself, but in the meantime as
we had passed a law, that none call
ed Christians should offer them any
injury, is if they received any they
were desired to acquaint us with it
and they should be redressed.
It was further pressed on them fo
be very careful on their parts that no
difference arise between any of their
and our people and if there should be
they would acquaint us with it im
mediately, that we might duly inquire
into it, and justice should be done
them if they -were anywise wronged.
Then provisions being ordered to
be provided for them by the Treas
urer for their return home, and all
the accounts to be discharged by
him. They were dismissed and the Coun
cil ad.iourned."
Prom all this we see that the mat
ter which was likely ..to be difficult
was finaly settled with the Conestoga
Indians.
1715 — Our Conestoga Indians Make a
Treaty With Virginia.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 87,
Governor Spottswood of Virginia,
writes to Govemor Keith, referring
to the treaty which the Conestogas
and others had made with his Prov
ince, and says that they have not kept
their engagements made on the last
day of August, 1715, but that in vio
lation of those engagements they
made war upon the Catawbas and
upon the white settlments of Virginia
in all which the Governor of Virginia
puts the blame upon our Conestoga
Indians. This ends all we have to
say under the year of 1715.

1716 — The Minutes of the Conestoga
Treaty Lost.
In Vol. 2 of the Col. Rec, p. 613
a visit of the Conestogas and Dela
wares to the Council is set forth but
it seems that the minutes cf the pro
ceedings were not taken and we can
not tell just what purpose took them
to Philadelphia. The Colonial Rec
ords give the following account of it:
"Sotayriote, the Chief of the Con
estoga Indians, Tagotelessah or Civ
ility their Captain, Sheekokonickan.
a chief of the Delaware Indians being-
come to town, attended the Governor
in Council; but ye clerk having neg
lected to enter ye minutes of what
past as he did all other relating to
these people, which J. Logan himself
toofe not with his own hand, they are
with others irrecovably lost."
1717 — John Cartledge Sends Word of
Disturbances Among the Con
estogas.
In Vol. 3 ol the Colonial Rec, p.
15 it is set lorth under the date of
June 19, this year, as follows: "The
Secretary by the Governor's order
laid before the Board a letter he had
received this afternoon from John
Cartledge of Conestogoe, giving him
an account of some distuurbances
amongst the Indians there; as also
one enclosed from Lahya, Civility,
and some others of the chiefs of the
Indians on the Susquehanna, wherein
they desired him to come to them
without delay, to consult with them
about affairs of great importance:
They having no notice (it is pro
bable) of the Governor's arrival. The
Governor hereupon thought it incum
bent on himself to give them a
visit and to the end they might have
time as they desired, to call their
people together, he was pleased to
appoint the seventeenth day of July
next, to be the time he would see

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

224

them at Conestogoe; and In the
meantime the Secretary was ordered
to write a letter to them to that pur
port, and to send a belt ol wampum
as a token ol Iriendship and confir
mation ol this message."
We can at this date understand the
extreme importance ol the urgent
visit which the Conestogas asked the
whites to make to them, but we may
rest assured that matters of impor-
taince were to be adjpusted, espec
ially does this show, what caused
Governor Keith to go to the Indians
as soon as possible.
1717 — The Delaware Indians are Now
at Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 19, it
is stated that at a Council held at
Conestoga the Chief ol the Delawares
was present. I do not believe that
they were simply as visitors attend
ing this treaty but that they now
lived on the Susquehanna River
which may be seen under this same
date in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 45,
where we are told that the Chiefs of
the Delawares, formerly on Brandy
wine but now inhabitants on the
Susquehanna River" were come to
Philadelphia, therefore, I make this
bit of history a separate item so that
the fact of the Delawares moving
from the Schuylkill river to the Sus
quehanna River may be made promi
nent. We shall see later that these
Delawares caused us much grief be
cause it was they who in 1755 helped
to slaughter Braddock's men at Fort
DuQuense and later, who in and
about Carlisle and Cumberland
stealthily butchered many of the
white pioneers of these sections.
1717 — A Great Treaty at Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. pp, 21
and 22 it is set forth that the lollow
ing proceedings took place, "at a

Council held at Conestoga, the 9th
day ol July, 1717." Then lollows a
list ol the members ol Council who
journeyed with Governor Keith to
Conestoga, and took part in this
treaty. They were Richard Hill,
Isaac Norris, . James Logan, Anthony
Palmer, Robert Ashton and John
French. The importance ol this
treaty is attested by the lact that
these six men were perhaps the most
prominent sextette in Pennsylvania
at this time. The report ol the treaty
is as lollows:
" Present the Chiels, and others ol
the Conestogoe or Mingo Indians, the
Delawares, the Shawanoise and Gun-
awoise, all inhabiting upon or near
the banks ol the River Susquehan
nah. A memorial Irom Captain Christo
pher Smith, ol Virginia, having beSn
presented to the Governor, was read
at the Board in ye words lollowing,
viz: To the Honorable William Keith,
Esq., Lieutenant Governor ol the
Province ol Pennsylvania and Coun
ties ol New Castle, Kent and Sussex,
upon Delaware; and the Honorable
Council at Conestogoe, Capt. Christo
pher Smith humbly Sheweth,
That he being commissioned and
instructed by the Honorable Alex
ander Spotswood, Esq., Governor of
Virginia, to go to New York, and with
the lycense and permission of the
Governor of these said province of
New York, to discourse with the In
dians or elsewhere concerning the
murdering of some Catawba Indians
at Port Christianna in the Colony of
Virginia, who are in amity with the
said Government of Virginia, which
said insult was then supposed to be
committed by the Senequa Indians,
and also to demand the Delivery up
of the prisoners taken at the place
aforesaid, with reparation for the in-

2-25

ANNALS OF THE' SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

suits done upon the said Catawba In
dians. And whereas, the said Christopher
Smith, by the assistance of his Ex
cellency Brigader Hunter, Governor
61 New York hath procured the con
fession of the said Senequa Indians,
wherein they acknowledge that some
of their men were concerned in the
killing, of some of the said Catawba
Indians near Port Christanna afore
said, but do say that they did not
know the said Catawba Indians were
in amity or upon a treaty with the
Government of Virginia and have now
ingaged for themselves, that all acts
of hostility against the said Catabaw
Indians or any others in amity with
fhe said Government of Virginia shall
leave, and il the woman Prisoner
lately taken in Virginia by some ol
their men, who (at present is escap
ed out ol their hands) be taken up
by any ol their people, that she shall
be salely delivered up to the Gover
nor of New York, in order to be sent
back to Virginia; and the said Chris
topher Smith, being lately informed
that some of the Shawanois Indians
in the Province of Pennsylvania, and
In amity with this Government, were
present and concerned in the murder
and insult aforesaid, committed at
Port Christianna aforesaid. Humbly
Request Your Honors assistance and
Countenance in obtaining an inter
view with the said Shawanois Indians
and an interpreter to assist him in
discoursing with the said Indians;
and if it appears that any of the In
dians in friendship with your Gover
nment have been concerned in the
committing the aforesaid fact, that
the said Christopher Smith may have
.your Honor's assistance and counte- '
nance in procuring reparation for the |
wrong done, but if it appear that
none of the Indians in Covenant or
friendship with you have been con

cerned in this cruelty, that then he
may be assisted in making such
terms of Friendship with the said
Indians, which by his commission he
is fully empowered to do, as for the
future may do lor the salety and
quiet ol his Majesty's subjects, and
the Indians in amity with the Gov-
emment of Virginia and Pennsyl
vania. CHRISTOPHER SMITH.
The said Capt. Smith (being desir
ed so to do), produced his commis
sion from the Govemor of Virginia,
under the seal ol that Government,
together with his instructions reler
red to in his said commission both of
which were also read.
And because the subject ol the said
memorial principally concerned the
said Shawanoise Indians, Martin
Chartiere who understood and spoke
their language well, was sworn as
an interpreter on this occasion.
The insult lately made on the
Government of Virginia, at the Fort
Christianna, as it is mentioned in
the said memorial was then lully
related to those Indians, and they re
quired to inforin the Governor
whether any of their nation were
concerned in that fact, or know any
thing of it.
They answered that six ol their
men had accompanied that party of
the Five Nations who had committed
the fact, but that none of those six
were here present, their settlement
being much higher up the Susque
hannah River, and being asked such
further questions as Captain Smith
requested might be proposed to them
in this affair, they answered to them
severally as follows, viz:
That according to the information
they had received from the six per
sons aforementioned of their Nation,
after their return home, there was
only eighteen persons of the whole
company imployed in that attack

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

226

near the said Fort at Christianna,
and that the above mentioned six ol
their nations were with the rest, at
some considerable distance by the
side of a creek or brook, and were no
way concerned in it, neither did they
know anything ol it until the return
ol the said party ol eighteen who had
killed six men on the spot, took one
prisoner who soon made his escape,
and a woman whom they carried
along with them, and that this was
all they knew of that matter.
Being further asked whether any
of their Indians knew anything of
killing Major Joshua Wynne, in Vir
ginia, about five years agoe, they
said they did not know anything of
it Whether they knew anything of the
Indians killing a negro man in Vir
ginia, belonging to Captain Robert
Hicks, about four years agoe, they
answer they knew nothing of it.
Being asked what they knew of
some Indians of the Five Nations
having about four years agoe
plundered a company of Virginia In
dians, trading at Enoe River.
They answer that they had often
heard talk about such a thing, but
that none of them were concerned in
it, or could give any account of it.
The Shawanoise and all the other
Indians present were further asked
whether they had any prisoners of
the Catawba Indians, or of any other
Nation in friendship with Virginia.
The Shawanoise answered that they
had one prisoner a young man taken
some years ago, whom they produc
ed; but all the others answered they
had none.
It was demanded of the Shawa
nois that this prisoner should be re
turned to the Catawbas, from whence
he was taken. Their King or Chief
answered that they had taken him

several years ago, when he was but
a little lad; that he had now forgot
his native language and spoke theirs
and that they did did not think them
selves obliged to return him at this
time. , Being further prest to it, the Chief
answered that if the King of the
Catawbas, whom he now understood
were in league with Virginia, would
come hither and make peace with
him and his people (the Shawanois),
he might have the young man back
with him, if it was desired; but that
that Catawbas were a people of great
extent, and there were many nations
under that name.
The young man was asked whether
he was willing to return, but would
give no answer.
Captain Smith proposed that' he
might have liberty to treat with those
Indians in order to make a league
with them in behalf of the Govern
ment of Virginia, to which he -was
authorized by Colonel Spotswood
commission and instructions.
The Governor answered that he did
not conceive it to be necessary or
useful that any person whatsoever
should be permitted to treat with the
Indians, except the Government of
that Colony, to which the Indians
respecively belonged; but if Colonel
Spotswood (for whom the Governor
had a very great regard) desired to
make any treaty with the Indians who
lived under the protection of this
Government, for establishing a peace
and good understanding between
them and the Indians under the pro
tection ol Virginia the Governor
himsell, with advice ol his Council,
would heartily endeavor to accom
plish a treaty upon such reasonable
terms as Colonel Spotswood might
propose in behall ol Virginia; and
that in the meantime the Governor
now would at this juncture (as it

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

has been usual in this province) in
sist upon our Indians friendship too,
and a good correspondence with, all
the English Colony's, with their de
pendent Indians, and Virginia in par
ticular. The Governor then spoke to the
Indians by the Interpreters, in the
words and manner following.
That they must carefully remem
ber that all the several Government,
(which the interpreters particularly
inumerated), from New England to
South Carolina inclusive; thought
they have different Governors, yet
they are all subjects to the great
King and Emijeror of the English;
so that when any Government makes
a treaty of friendship with the In
dians, they must also treat and make
the same bond of friendship for all
other English people, as well as
themselves, by which means all the
Indian nations who are in League
and friendship with any English Gov
ernment, must also be friends to each
other. If, therefore, any of you shall hurt
or molest the Indians, who are at
this time in friendship with any
English Government, you hereby
break the league of friendship made
with this Government, which, as it
has been most inviolably observed on
our part, we do positively expect the
same to be done on yours; and if
any of you receive damage or are in
jured by the Indians who are in
peace with any English Government,
if you can discover what Indians
they were that did it, this Govern
ment, on your complaint, will en
deavor to procure satisfaction from
that English Government, to which
such Indians belong.
The Govemor further told them by
the same interpreters, that he having
given himself the trouble to come
hither at this time, upon their re

quest he had not provided himself
with any presents for them, being
they knew that Philadelphia has al
ways been the place of treaty with
this Government, where they ought
first to come and offer theirs.
But nevertheless, it being the first
time the Governor had seen them he
would take this opportunity to put
them in mind of several parts ol
their duty, which they might more
punctually observe, he had purchas
ed a lew things from the traders, as
a small testimony of his good will to
them. Then the presents being laid upon
the ground before the Indians the
Governor proceeded to tell them.
1st That he expected their
strict observance of all former con
tracts or friendship made between
them and this Government of Penn
sylvania. 2dly. That they must never mo
lest or disturb any of the English
Governments, nor make warr upon
any Indians whatsoever who are in
friendship and under the protection
of the English.
3dly. That in all cases of suspic
ion or danger, they must advise and
consult with this Government before
they undertook or determined any-
] thing. 4thly. That if through accident
any mischief of any sort should
happen to be done by the Indians
to the English, or by the English to
them, then both parties should meet
with hearty intention of good will to
obtain an acknowledgement of the
mistake as well as to give or receive
reasonable satisfaction.
5thly. That upon these terms and
conditions the Governor did in the
name of their Great and Good
friend William Penn, take them and
their people under the same protec
tion and in the same friendship with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

228

this Government, as William Penn
himself had formerly done, or could
do now if he were here present.
And the Governor hereupon did
promise on his part to encourage
thein in peace, and to nourish and
support them like a true friend and
brother. To all which the several chiefs
and their Great Men presently as
sented, it being agreed, that in testi
mony thereof they should rise up
and take the Governor by the hand,
which accordingly they did with all
possible marks of friendship in theii
countenance and behavior."
In addition to the fact of the treaty
it seems important here to notice
that the Conestoga Indians desired
to know what Christians were settled
back of them in the woods and to
what nation they belonged, which at
tests the fact that a good many
whites were now coming into this
section. It is also worthy of notice
bere that this item would seem to in
dicate that Peter Bezalion at this
time lived at or near Conestoga.
1717 — Governor Spotswood Again
Complains Against the Cones
toga Indians.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 84, in
a letter to Governor Keith, Governor
Spotswood says that while he was
holding a treaty on the Virginia
frontier with the chiefs of the Cataw
bas, a party of Conestoga Indians
(and likely some of the Five Nations
from New York) learned from the
Tusoaroras that the Catawbas were
unarmed, making a treaty and then
came among them, killed some and
carried others away.
1717 — ^Five Hundred Toung Five Na
tion Warriors at Susquehanna.
In the same book last cited, p. 85,
Governor Spotswood further com
plains that there was a march in

August and September of five hun
dred young warriors of tbe Five Na
tions and that they advanced as far
as Susquehanna River; and declared
that they were going on down to the
Maryland settlements.
I cite this simply to show that the
Conestoga country was a *amous
place of resort at this time for the
tribes of the Five Nations and other
Indians, and to show the prominence
of this section. It is further shown
that at the same time there was a
great deal of Indian butchering and
massacreing going on about Cones
toga and Susquehanna.
Governor Spotswood also com
plains in this letter that they fell on
a company of men. women and chil
dren, and that they killed many of
them, and that one woman eccaped
after much cruelty and went to
Virginia famished with cold and
hunger. 1717 — A Line Thrown Around the
Conestoga Indian Camp for
Protection.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 48,
there is set forth a statement of Gov
emor Keith to the Conestoga Indians
some of which were in Phiadelphia
at that time that "We have had a
line thrown around them (the Con
estogas) that none might come near
them; and had their corn fields fenc
ed in by John Cartiledge's care,whose
house alone was placed in those
lines so that he could look after the
tract and also the bounds of it." This
shows the care that the authorities
were now taking of the Indians at
Philadelphia."
1717 — Notes on the Conestoga Treaty.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 168, appears the following:
" Extracts from Council-Book E.,
18th July, 1717.
Po. 12. Governor Keith's treaty with

229

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Chiefs of ye Conestogoe or Min
goe Indians, ye Delawares, ye Shaw
anoise and Ganawoise, wherein are
no complaints about land.
16th June, 1718.
At a treaty with ye Chiefs of the
Conestogoe Indians, a Chief of ye
Shawanois, a Chief of ye Delawares,
and one from the Ganawais, they
were pressed by ye Governor to be
free, and if they had anything to
complain of that want to be redres
sed, they should without reserve
communicate it. Had nothing to
complain of, but that some bad
straggling people brought too much
rum amongst them and debauched
their young men. And after pre
senting a new King of ye Conesto
goes, and ye delivery of presents on
both sides, departed, expressing
themselves very happy in the friend
ship, and under the protection of this
Government." I quote this principally to show
that there were no land disputes at
this time about Conestoga with the
Indians; but we shall see that later
than this there were some few dis
putes. 1717 — Lauds Surveys at Conestoga
Disturb the Indians.
It is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec, p. 37 that "The Governor ac
quainted the Board that the Proprie
tor's Commissioners of Property had
lately represented to him in writing,
that certain persons from Maryland
had under color of rights from that
Province, lately surveyed out lands
not far from Conestoga, and near the
thickest of our settlements to the
great disturbance of the inhabitants
there, and that for preventing the dis
orders which might arise from such
incroachments, they desired that
magistrates and proper officers
should be appointed in those parts in

order to prevent the like for the fu
ture.'' 1717 — An Indian Town in Conestoga
Manor Laid Out
In Vol. 9 of the Pennsylvania Arch.
p. 49, appears the following:
"1, Peb'y, 1717. The Commission
ers of Property by their warrant dir
ected to Jacob Taylor, Surveyor
General of Pennsylvania, order him
j to survey a tract of land lying be-
j tween Susquehanna River and Cones
togoe Creek from the mouth of the
said Creek as far up the river as the
lands granted to Peter Chartier and
they by a line running from the said
river to Conestogoe Creek and make
return thereof to the Secretary's of
fice for the proper use and behool of
William Penn, Esq., proprietary and
Governor in chief of the Province of
Pennsylvania, his Heirs and Assigns
forever. The said tract was surveyed pur
suant to the above warrants and re
turned into the Secretary's Office and
called 16000 acres in which is Includ
ed the tract of land called the In
dian Town.
It is suggested that the said Wil
liam Penn by some Instrument of
writing gave permission for an old
Indian named Johass and his In
dians to live upon the said Tract of '
land called the Indian Town contain
ing about five hundred acres and the
same was alloted to them as a place
of residence by the said William
Penn. In or about the year 1763,
some of the descendants of the said
Johass then residing on the said
tract of land were there killed and
the remainder (except one or two
that escaped) were sent for by the
Magistrates ot Lancaster . and put in
to the work house for protection and
safety but were there all killed.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

23&

XTpon the decease of the above In-
'dians the Proprietary's Agents im
mediately toofe possession of the
¦said tract called Indian Town and
his tenants have quietly occupied it
and paid the rent to the proprietairy's
till his grant in Septemher last."
Several things are to be noticed in
¦connection with this item (1) that as
the months were formerly recfeoned
January and February instead of
being the first months oJ the year
were the last two months of the
year, and this February, 1717 was
lifeely really Febraury, 1718; (2)
That the old Indian Johass seemed to
be the principal resident in that
-part; and the Indians that were kil
led by the "Paxton Boys" are here
¦stated to have been his descendants
ao that the tribal government was
maintained at that time. The docu
ment or' certified copy and .plans re
ferred to in this item by a foot note
at the bottom ol p. 50 are said to
have been found with the papers. As
lurther evidence of the survey ol
Conestoga Manor, Paper No. 3349 ol
the Taylor Papers contains this
Item, "The proprietor. Dr. October
21, 1717, to the survey ol Conestoga
Manor, being with the allowances ol
IS per cent, 16,500 acres; and to
chaining, marking and calculating, 1
Pound, 14 s. 8 & % d." And under
the date ol May 19, in the same paper
appears, "a survey ol 2100 acres at
Shickasolongo, chaining, marking
and accounting, 8 Pounds; so here
we find a provision made by this big
survey ol Manor township for the
whites, and within it an Indian Town
for the Conestoga Indians.
1718 — Conestoga and Shawnese Chiefs
on a March to Philadelphia.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 45
occurs the lollowing, under the date
ol June 16, 1718, -" Tagotolessa or

Civility, the preent chiel or Captain
ol the Conestoga Indians with Wee-
aywais, Soohywais, Cannatellan and
Calhaheherot ol the same Nation,
George, an Indian sent to represent
the Ganawais and Sheeckokonichan,
a Chiel ol the Delawares, formerly
oa Brandywine, all at present inha
bitants on Sasquehannah, being late
ly come from their respective habi
tations to pay a visit to this Gbvern-
ment they now waited on the Gover
nor and Council, and John Cartledge
and James Hendricks being inter
preters, both sfeilled in the Delaware
tongue. The Governor ordered John Cart
ledge to acquaint them, that upon
their visit he had at their desire now
called Council, in order to hear
what the Indians had to lay before
them. Togotelessa, Captain of the Cones
togas, said that they were come only
on a Iriendly visit to see us, and to
renew the old League ol Friendship
that had hitherto been between us
and them, that most ol their old men
were indisposed and could not under
take the journey, but they had
brought some ol their young men to
see us, and learn how they ol them
selves ought when they come to
more advanced years treat with their
parents and Iriends.
The Governor told them that their
visit was very acceptable, and he
hoped all was well with' them, but
desired them now to be free, and il
they had anything to complain of
that wanted to be redressed, they
should without reserve communicate
it They then presented a small
bundle of skins, and said that they
had some time before the Governor's
arrival lost their King in war, but
there were those left amongst them
who have the same respect and
friendship for this Government, that

231

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

he had in his life time. That now
he is gone they are more sensible
for their loss of so good a man to
Govern them, and they heartily la
ment him, for they hope that his
place will be supplied and the same
friendly disposition will always be
continued among them. And now
they desire that the Governor is to
take notice, that though their last
good King is taken from them, they
have one left who Is very nearly re
lated to him, who has an English
heart and a great love for the Chris
tians. Him they have now chosen
for their King in the others stead,
and as such present him to the Gov
ernor by the name of Oneshanayan.
Then when laid down a second
small bundle of skins, and proceeded
to say. that their king being present
with the chief of the Shawanois and
Ganawase, what he, viz: Tagotelassa
or Civility says is what will all agree
in with one voice and mind; that
they are glad to find themselves in
good and happy circumstances, for
that they have not lor some years
past had a Governor who took such
notice ol them, but now the present
Governor gives them the same satis
faction as il they thought that Wil
liam Penn himsell was amongst
them; that they had brought a lew
skins not by way ol present, lor
they were not worthy to be account
ed such, but only to lay thera under
the Governor's leet to keep them
and his House clean; that they came
not to make any new treaty or Lea
gue ol Friendship, but only to renew
or confirm those which had been
made, and were hitherto invincibly
kept on both sides.
They threw down a third parcel
ol skins, and Civility said, that he
with some ol the young men hadthis
last Spring some inclination to go
out to war towards the Southward,

but being put in mind that It would
not be agreeable to this Government
and after receiving the Governor's:
letter forbidding them to proceed,.
they desisted; that they intended to>
go out this next winter a hunting,
that way, and think it proper to ac
quaint this Government therewith,
for that they bear such a respect to
the Government, and know that we
have always been so ready to pro
tect and assist them, that they are
agreed not to do anything which will
be disagreeable to us, but that they
look upon themselves but like chil
dren rather to be directed by this
Governor than fit to offer any
thing more on this head.
But they must crave leave to add
one thing further, viz: that they
have reason to think the authority of
this Government is not duly observ
ed for that notwithstanding all our
former agreements, that rum should
not be brought amongst them, it is
still carried in great quantities, they
had been doubtful with themselves
whether they should mention this,
because if they were supplied with
none from hence, they would be
from Maryland which would be a
means of carrying off their peltry
thither, but there have been such
quantities of that liquor carried of
late amongst them, by loose settlers
who have no fixed settlements, that
they are apprehensive mischief may
arise from it. that though they are
perfectly well inclined when sober,
yet they can not answer for their
people when drunk, and least any
inconveniences may ensue from
thence to this Government whom
they so much respect, as well as to
their own people, they desire this
may be taken into consideration, in
order to be prevented and redressed
by all proper measures."
Shecokkeneen added, that the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

232

you-ng men about Pexton had been
lately so generally debauched with
rum, carried amongst them by
strangers, that they now want all
.manner ol clothing and necessarys
to go hunting, wherelore, they wish
it would be so ordered that no rum
sould be brought amongst them by
any except the traders, who lurnish-
fhem with all their necessarys, and
who have been used to trust them
and encourage them in their hunt
ing. Having thus delivered themselves,
they withdrew, and the treasurer
and the secretary were ordered to
take an account of the real value ol
their small presents, and to provide
some English goods, exceeding that
value by about one-fourth or a third
at most, and then Council adjourned
until four in the afternoon.
Present: The Honorable William
Keith, Esqr.; Lt Cover., William
Trent; Jonathan Dickinson, Isaac
Norris, James Logan, Samuel
Preston, Robert Assheton.
The same Indians attending again,
the Governor ordered the Interpre
ters to deliver to them what follows,
toeing first drawn up in writing, viz:
That their Iriendly visit on a de
sign to brighten and strengthen the
chain which had for so many years
bound and united them and this Gov
ernment together as one people, was
very acceptable. They were sensible
that William Penn, the Lord ol this
Country, had been as a Common
Father to them; that he had given
it in charge to all those who govern
ed in his stead, to treat them in the
same Iriendly manner he had done
himsell that the present Governor,
lor his part always be as ready as
a lather to embrace and support
them, while they continue the same
fidelity to this Government they had
hitherto done.

That we were all much affected
with the loss of their last Good
King, and the Governor would have
been pleased to see more of their old
men, and however, he now took the
young men that carne on this visit
hy the hand, as those that were cora
ing up in the places ol the ancients,
and were to continue the same friend
ship with o-ur younger people, that
their parents, the elders on both
sides had done before them.
That we kindly received the per
son they had appointed their King
or Chiel, in the place of our good de
ceased friend, if it be by a general
approbation. The Governor hoped
he would always have the same
heart and friendly dispositioE
towards the English that his pre
decessor was well known to have
in his lifetime, and would unite him
self and all his people with his Gov
ernment as one heart and one body;
that lor the Iuture we should apply
to him as their chiel in all publick
business, and doubted not but the old
men would assist him with their ad
vice in the best manner lor theirad-
vantage and preserving a strict tie
ol Iriendship with us.
That the Governor could not take
in good part their motions towards
going to war last Spring, consider
ing that they had engaged themselves
to their contrary in the last treaty
with him at Conestogae. The Gover
nor expects that they will not make
the last advance that way lor the Iu
ture, without the approbation and
leave ol this Government, lor they
are now but weak in themselves,
and may be rash attempts draw won-
derlul enemies upon them, and not
only entirely ruin themselves, but
engage us as their friends into their
quarrels; they must therefore be
doverned in this point by this Gov
ernraent, who can judge better of
these affairs than they are capable.

2'SS'

ANKALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Governor is

sensible they may I without delay disclose it to the G'ov-

have too just cause to complain of
loose idle fellows bringing quantities:
of rum amongst . them to their gi-eat
Injury, that this has not for some
time past been sufficiently looked al
ter, but the Governor would speedily
Sake care to have it in a great mea
sure prevented. That they of their
parts must endeavor to prevent their
women and young people coming to
Philadelphia to purchase and carry
up rum from hence, which too
many were ready to deliver them
privately lor their skins, and that
they meet with any brought amongst
them, they should stave it as they
had formerly been ordered and un
dertook to do. That in reference of
the surveys ol land, they can not but
be sensible of the care that has been
taken of them, they had expressed a
Willingness to retire from Conesto
goe; yet the Government here had
persuaded them to continue near us;
we had run a line around them that
none might come near them, and had
fenced their corn fields by John Car-
tledge's care, who alone being placed
within those lines, may be the more
capable of looking after the tract and |
the bounds of it. It is also further
thought fit, that lines should be run
around the other Indian towns, as
soon as conveniently may be to se
cure them the more effectually from
incroachments. But while such care
is taken of theni, it is expected they
shall in all cases on their parts
shew a due regard to this Govern
ment, that they be aiding to all its
officers in what may lie in their
Power, that they suffer no idle per
sons to spread rumors amongst them
or if they hear any such that they
give no credit to them, that if they
can discover any evil minded persons
to have ill designs against this Gov
ernment, or any part of it, they must

ernor or some person in authority
under him. In fine they ought ever
to consider us as their best and
nearest friends, who have always
been and ever will continue ready
to relieve and protect them, while
they on their parts remain faithful
as their ancestors or fathers have
hitherto done before them.
That as they offered the Governor
a small tofeen, so now for the con
veniency of their return, there are
a few garments provided for them,
with some powder and shott to kill
venison, some tobacco and pipes, and
when they go some bread and a dram
will be provided for them, and the
Governor expects they will be care
ful hereafter to provide likewise for
himself and his attendants, or those
who shall be sent at any time for
their services at Conestogoe.
These things being delivered to
them they appeared very well pleas
ed, and to that part in which the in
closing by surveys the lands where
they are seated, which would not be
broke in upon; they further desired,
that the lands on which the Shaw-
neis and Ganawese are settled on
Susquehannah, should likewise be
encompassed with lines at the dis
tance of four miles frora the river,
that they might not be disturbed by
the cattle ol any persons settling
near them.
The skins they delivered in the
morning having been numbered aud
weighed as ordered, they were lound
to be,
28 sumer deer skins in the
hair, many ol thera ordi- Pds. s. d.
nary weight 681. at 18d. 5 2 0
10 small Drest Skins, wt.
181. at 3-6d  2 2 0
I Good Winter Buck in the
hair  6 0
2 Bear Skins at 8 ps  16 0

8 6 0

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

234

What is prepared and was
delivered them, are Pds. s. d.
8 Stroud Water Coats ol
the best sort, at 17-6d.. . 7 0 0
10 lb. ol Powder, at 20d... 16 0
20 lb. lead, at 3d  5 o
6 pr. Stockings, pt Blew
and pt. Red, at 2-9d  16 6
1 Doz. Tobacco Boxes at. . 7 0
1 Doz. Tobacco Tongs, at. 5 6
12 lb. Tobacco, at 4d  4 0
3 Doz. Pipes  1 o
1 Red Stroud to the Queen 17 6

10 12 2
These being delivered the Gover
nor gave them an entertainment, and
the secretary was ordered to provide
lor them as Irom the first all neces
saries, during their stay and lor
their journey on their return horae."
This was a prominent treaty and
much that had heretolore disturbed
these people was now put at rest
and settled. ,
1718— Additional Steps Taken To-
-nards the Conestoga Road.
It is perhaps appurtenant to this
Indian subject to notice the steps
taken to lurther open communica
tion to this Conestoga settlement;
and the proceedings to do so are set
lorth in Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p.
43 as follows:
"A petition of several inhabitants
of and near Conestogae, setting forth
the great necessity of a road to be
laid out from Conestogoe to Thomas
Moore's and Brandywine, was read
and the Board having taken the said
petition into consideration, appoint-
eded Isaac Taylor, John Cartledge,
Ezekiel Harland, Thomas Moore,
Joseph Cloud and William Marsh, to
lay out the said Road, and make re
port thereof at this Board, in order
to be confirmed."
I cite this to show that the neces
sities of both the Indians and the
whites made this road a very rauch
desired thing."

1718— The "Old Sawannah Town."'
In Vol. 19 of the 2nd Series of the
Penna. Archives, p. 625, under the
date of the second of the 11th month,
1717-18, which is the second of Jan
uary, 1718, at a meeting ol the Coun
cil board it is stated that, "The Com
missioners being inlormed that Mat
thias Vanbebber, Irom Maryland,
taking with him Henry Hollins-
worth, had lately surveyed a con
siderable tract ol land near the head
ol Pequea Creek in this Province,
including within the same the Old
Sawannah Town, by virtue ol war
rants Irom Maryland, and offering
the people settled under this Gov
ernment to sell lands to them in
right ol Maryland and raake them
good titles lor the same."
This item I quote not so rauch lor
Its disclosure ol the claims ol Mary
land but lor the purpose ol estab
lishing the "Old Sawannah Town. '
It is here set lorth as being near the
head ol Pequea Creek;- and in the
Quarter Sessions Records ol Chester
County ol the year 1719, August Ses
sions, a road is described crossing
the Octoraro Creek near the "Old
Sawannah Town," so that it would
appear that the Shawnese Indians
had their towns all along the Pequea
Creek and also all along the Octor
aro Creek.
1718— An Indian Signer of the Con
estoga Treaty of this Tear.
In Vol. 2 ol Watson's Annals, p.
209, he gives the lollowing eulogy gl
Nedowaway and says: "Nedowaway
was an Indian Chiel ol the Dela
wares, ol more than common charac
ter, who had become a Christian,
and died in Ohio in 1776, at ninety
years ol age. His name appears'
among the signers ol the treaty at
Conestoga in 1718; and in his child
hood he is said to have seen Wil-

235

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Ham Penn on his second visit in
1701-2. As a trusty and discreet
chief, he had been trusted with the
preservation of all the verbal speech
es, bead vouchers, and wampum, and
vvith such writings and instruments
as had come from William Penn and
his early Governors, etc.
He was grieved with the encroach
ments of the white men, westward,
on the Indian Lands; and early for-
seeing that wars must ensue, and
that his people must be sufferers, he
resolved with his people to get far
off in the west. By the advice of the
Wyandot chief, he settled on the
Cayahage river, where he was visited
and seen by Heckewelder in 1772.
See in his picture in this work,
bow pensive he sits alone, and pon
ders in the mute eloquence of grief,
upon his former well known scenes,
along the mountain range traversing
the Susquehanna, near Harrisburg.
The picture seems to speak his in
ward emotions and distress at being
obliged to leave the regions of his
former home."
This strikes me as an interesting
episode revealing the side of Indian
character that we do not always
give credit for.
1718 — Jealousy Against the Pala
tines Amongst the Conestoga
Indians.
In Vol. 2 of the Votes of Assembly
p. 220 the Assembly in a speech to
the Governor says, in referring- to
the Palatines settling among the
Conestoga Indians, "That the coming
in of so many foreigners rests upon
us with great concern and tlje more
for that they have no license from
the King to transport themselves
here; and the royal charter seems
to be against them, unless .they were
"denlzis'd or at least come under the
proper tests that should largely dis
tinguish them from his Majesty's

Therefore, we desire that the
Governor would be pleased to favor
us with his sentiments in the prem
ises and either appoint a committee
of the Council to join a commission
of this House, or otherwise, as the
Governor shall think fitt, to concert
proper methods to remove the jeal
ousies already raised in the minds of
the inhabitants concerning these
foreigners ; as also to prevent the in
conveniencies which raay attend
their settlment in one place, or pro-
miscously among the Indians."
The lear of difficulties arising
between the Foreigners and the In
dians, is here set forth.
1719 — Colonel French's Treaty with
the Conestoga Indians.
On the 28th of June, 1719, Colonel
French reached Conestoga in com
pliance with a direction trom the
Government that he should go there
to make a further treaty with those
Indians; and having done so he gives
the following report of the treaty
which is found in Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec, p. 78; and in which report he
states that he addressed the Indians
as follows:
"Friends and Brethren:
By the seal to this paper affix
ed, and by my old acquaintance and
friendship with you, you will be
lieve that I am a true man, and sent
from your good friend and Brother,
the Governor of Pennsylvania, to let
you know that we will be pleased
and satisfied with the letter he re
ceived, by the care of our good
friend John Cartledge, in the begin
ning ol this month, signed in behalf
of you four nations here met, in
which letter you declare severally
your intentions of keeping his words,
and if any among you have done
, amiss, and departed from what was

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

236

right and good in keeping your pro
mises, to observe strictly with all the
Indians in Friendship and League
with the English, you have therein
acknowledged your errors and mis
takes, and engaged to offend no
more in that nature or case.
The Governor takes these assur
ances of your good behavior very
kindly, and now he and his Council
have sent me on purpose to visit you
that I might further treat with you,
and receive from you in the sarae
manner and as fully as if he and his
Council (of which I am one) were all
here, and present with you a renewal
of these good promises and engage
ments with you, so well and largely
give hira an account of your affairs
and how raatters go with you. I
must therefore acquaint you from
my Governor, that as you in your
treaty call yourselves his children,
he will always treat you as his sons,
and he has, ever since your good
friend William Penn, (who is now
dead) send amongst you endeavored
by all means to keep you in peace,
and give you other tokens of his
friendship that you might fiourish
and increase, that your old men
raight see their children grow to
their comfort and pleasure, and that
the young raen might bury their old
parents when they die, which is
rauch better than to see your old
people mourn for their young sons,
who rashly and without cause go to
war and are killed in the prime of
their years; and he now hopes that
you are fully convinced that Peace
is better than war, which destroys
you and will bring you to nothing;
your strong young men being first
killed, the old women and children
are left defenseless, who soon will
become a prey. And so all the na
tion perishes without leaving a
name to Posterity.

This is plain mark that he and we
are your true friends, for if we were
not then we should encourage you
to destroy one another. For frieiKi^
save people from ruin and destruc
tion but enemies destroy thera, and
this will serve as a mark to know all
people by who are your enemies,
either amongst you or elsewhere, if
they want, or study to throw strife
and dissention amongst you. These
are a base and bad people, and ought
to be rooted out from amongst you;
lor love and Iriendship makes
people multiply, but malice and
strife ruins and destroys. Such
should therefore be shut out, both
from you and us, as disturbers ol
our peace and Friendship which hath
always continued.
I am also to acquaint you, that
you have in a grave and solemn
manner renewed your last treaty
with me, on which message I now
come, that our Governor will write
to all the Governors ol the English,
that the Indians within the Govern
ment are resolved to live peaceable
and quietly, and lor that reason that
they should give notice to all their
Indians thereol, and that all the
friends to the English should be ac
counted as one people, and the Gov
ernor desires that you will let him
know of what nation these Indians
were who gave you the late disturb
ance, that they may especialy be or
dered to do so no more.
I am also to acquaint you that it is
the Governor's pleasur'J, that if any
of the Five Nations come amongst
you to trade or hunt, that you re
ceive them as friends and Brothers;
but if they come amongst you either
to persuade you to go to war or to
go theraselves, or in their return
from it, that then you have nothing
to do with them nor entertain them;
for he expects that none of his

237

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

friends will know any people but
such as are peaceable, lest they
bring you into a snare, and you suf
fer hurt for their faults.
The Governor expects and requires
that if any Prisoners by any means
whatever fall into any of your hands
that he be quickly acquainted with
it, and that no person offer or take
upon him to kill any stranger pris
oner for it will not be suffered here.
He has been much displeased at
what happened, and was done by
some amongst you last year in these
parts, but he is no-w again a friend
upon their promise and engagement
to do so no more, and will take no
more notice of it if they observe and
fulfill their words. It is indeed a
shameful and a base thing to treat
a creature of their own shape and

by torture here, for whoever does it
must answer to the Governor and
Government at their peril. It is in
consistent with the ways of Nations;
it is a violent affront to our Govern
ment, and it is contrary to the Laws
of the Great King and will not suf
fer it.
As our natural and good friend
ship has long continued, sc the Gov
ernor hopes, and the Government al
so, that it will last from one gen
eration to another, as long as the
sun endures, and that we shall all
be of one mind, one heart, one in
clination, ready to help one another
in all just and good ways, by Charity
Compassion and mercy, sticking
close and invio^.bly to all treaties
heretofore made, and most exactly
to this now concluded, which he

kind worse and more barbarously | hopes will forever last and remain

than they would a Bear or Wolf, or
the most wicked creature upon
earth. It is not man-like to see a
hundred or more people singing
songs of joy for the taking of a pris
oner, but it is much worse to see
thera use all their contrivance of
torture and pain to put that unfor
tunate creature to death after such
a manner and war as other Nations,
especially the English, never heard
of It; for If they in a just war kill
their eneraies it is not like men in
the battle, and if they take them
prisoners they use them well nad
kindly, until their King gives them
orders to return them to their own
Country. They take no pleasure to
meanly burn, pinch or slash a poor
raan who can not defend himself, it
Khows mean spirits and want of true

*o your good and prosperity, which
he and his Government heartily
wish. And as it is expected that
every article of this treaty be from
the whole hearts of all of you, so if
amongst yourselves you know of any
who have from your last treaty or
will dissent from this, let them be
known either by their own words or
your knewledge of them, for what I
do is done with the whole consent of
our Governor, Council and People."
The Council at Conesto.ga in addi
tion to Colonel French consisted of
Capt. James Gould, Joseph Piegeon,
John , Cartledge, James Hendricks-
son; and Canatowa, Queen of the
Mingoes, Sevana, King of the Shaw
anese, Wightomina, King of the
Delawares. Waninchack, King of the
Canawages, and Capt. Civility of
[Conestogoa; and before that Council
For men ol true , t^e Indians the next day, June 29,

Courage so to do.
Courage are always lull of mercy. I [1719, gave the following report:
am commanded to tell you, and I j "Civility Interpreter in behalf of
would have you remember it well, [the four nations, who all agreed to
that no person whatever offer after i return one answer, acquainted John
this time to put any man to death I Cartledge, Interpreter for the Eng-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

238

lish, that this day the Indians were
met to return an answer to the Gov
ernor's speech by Colonel French,
and on no other account Looking
upon everything said to Colonel
French to be said as 11 the Governor
and his Council were there present,
and well knowing Colonel to be a
true man to this Government and to
the Indians. They return with one
heart and raind their thanks to the
Governor lor his kind message. They
meet him and take hira by the hand,
and are lorever determined that his
will shall be theirs, and that on all
occasions they will be ruled by the
same.. They desire that the Governor
may be acquainted that they are
much pleased that his message came
whilst their young people were at
home, lor whora they had lately been
in pain and trouble as being absent
and abroad, that they might hear his
good words and Council which both
old and young ol the Mingoes, Shaw
anese, Delawares and Conawages
are resolved to hearken to; lor
though hitherto they have taken
Night lor Day, yet now by his good
counsel they can see the light and
what is good for them. They are
glad that none of their young people
miscarried in their late Journey, and
that being now present, they have an
opportunity ol hearing the Gover
nor's message by Colonel French, for
most of them were absent when the
other letters from the Governor
came, as also that they have an op
portunity to ask their opinions and
designs. Their young peqple all
agree to obey the Governor's words
and message, and as Colonel French
yeterday told them that what he
said was with the whole heart of
Governor and Council; so they de
clare that what they say is not from
their mouth only but from their

whole hearts, and the heart of every
one. They desire the Governor to
believe, and be assurred that they
will be obedient to his words, and
that they ever have and ever willl
advise their young people to be
mindful ol his good advice. They ac
knowledged themselves so much ob
liged to the Governor for his care
and concern for them, tbat they in
tended in two months time to wait
upon the Governor personally, to re
turn their heart thanks for such love
from him and his Government.
Colonel French also produces an
account of his Expenses, viz.: eight
Pounds five Shillings expended in
money and lor the trouble of his
Journey and negotiation he refers it
to the Board, who allow him ten
Pounds. John Cartledge's Acct. of his sev
eral Disbursements ana payments to
the Indian, and his charges in en
tertaining and treating them on sev
eral occasions, by order of the Gov
ernment, was also laid before the
Board, viz: nine Pounds, ten Shil
ling supplied in Goods lor a present
to the Indians at Colonel French's
aforementioned treaty, and three
pounds lor other presents, and ten
Pounds sixteen Shillings and four
pence for his several other expenses
and trouble, amounting in all to
twenty-three Pound, six Shillings
and lour pence due to John Cart
ledge; which account being duly ex
arained is allowed, hnd order to be
recomraended to the Asesnibly to
order the payraent thereof, together
wi'h Colonel French's account the
whole being forty-one Pounds, eleven
Shillings and four Pence, and is the
whole charge of Indians treaties for
the present year."
What this treaty contained and
the report of it needs no corament, as
it is sufficiently set forth in the ee
cords.

239

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1719 — The Indians on the Susque
hanna Accused of Outrages iu
the South.
In Vol. 3 ot the Col. Rec. p. 86, Gov
ernor Spotswood of Virginia cora-
plains against our Indians as fol
lows: "After your Indians found thera
selves not strong enough to attempt
anything upon our Christianna In
dians in their new situation, they
marched home in May, 1719, openly
threatening to return again with a
greater force to try the strength of
our Fort, and having taken their
route through our inhabitants, they
marched as through an enemy's
Country, living on free quarters, and
committing several robberies and
outrages on their way, and that we
might understand they intended to
continue their course. They in their
way home, stopt on the 20th of May
at the Conoy Town, under the Gov
ernment of Pennsylvania, there sent
for one of his Majesty's Justices of
the Peace for the County of Chester,
and upon his (Mr. John Cartlidge's)
arrival they sit down before him in
a grand Council of War, produce fif
teen prisoners, bid* him discourse
with two of them that spoke English.
He finds them Virginians born, and
Intercedes for their lives and liber
ties; they refuse his request and in
fine tell him they have made a path
to pass and repass tb and from the
Southward, having removed all ob-
tacles out of the way, and that they
expected to have free recourse lor
their people amongst the English
plantations, whilst they were making
War. Soon alter they returned in sev
eral parties carrying themselves very
rudely to our outward inhabitants,
and in the month ol July last they

I approached Christianna and ravaged
our corn fields close to the Fort
there, upon which our Indians sal
lied out and a skirmish ensued,
wherein were two of ours and four of
¦yours killed. In September follow
ing they came in the Night and lay
in ambush before the gate at the
Fort, and at the opening thereof they
shott the first person that came out,
and kept firing upon the Fort until
the English got to the great Guns,
and so scared them away without any
further mischief done at that time.
At length I found means to per
suade one of their War Captains,
(who calling himself Connaughtoora)
to come in with ten more to a Coun
cil held here at Williamsburg, on the
ninth of December last, where I
with abundance of civil treatment,
endeavored to engage him to carry a
Belt of Peace to their Five Nations
in behalf of our Christianna Indians,
but he hautily refused the saine, and
answered that they would not be at
peace with them upon any terms,
however I prevailed upon him to
carry it with this proposal: That the
Five Nations should observe their
ancient treaty with this Government
so far as not to come among the
English Plantations, and particularly
that none of their Warriors should
approach within twenty miles of our
Port at Christiana."
Frora this complaint of Spots-
wood's we are almost forced to ad
mit that the Conestogas and other In
dians of this neighborhood being
forced by the Senecas and other
tribes of the Five Nations, who were
their masters were forced to make
war parties into Maryland and Vir
ginia, much against their -^'ill as we
shall see very clearly in the remon
strance which the Conestogas made
about these proceedings the next
year.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

240

1719 — The Conestoga Indians Com-
plain that the Southern Indians
are Attacking Them.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 66, at
a Council held it was set lorth by
Governor Keith that he received a
letter irom Conestoga and his com-.
ment upon it as lollows:
"I have received a letter from the
Indian Chiefs at Conestogoe by a
letter to Mr. Secretary Logan, which
inform us, that our Indian Hunters
have been atacked near the head of
Potowntack River by a considerable
body of Southern Indians corae out
to war against the Five Nations, and
the Indian settlements on Susque
hanna They have killed several of our
people, and alarmed thera all, so that
the careful attention and vigilance
of the Government was never more
called upon than at this Juncture,
and much will depend upon your un
animous and steady resolutions to
support the administration in all its
Parts." Prom this it will appear that the
above complaint of Spotswood may
be unfair because our Indians now
complain that the Southern Indians
were raaking war upon them.
1719 — Indian Wigwams Along the
Octoraro Creek.
Rupp in his History of Lancaster
County at the bottom of page 42, in
a note says, "The Shawnese had wig
wams along the bank of the Octoraro
creek, near the present boundary ol
Chester and Lancaster county. When
the road, in 1719 to Christiana bridge,
etc., was laid, its course was defined
— to the lording plajCe at Octoraro,
at old Shawana town, thence over
Octoraro, along the Indian path, etc.
Court Records, at Chester, August
Term, 1719."

1719 — An Attack Made Upon the In
dian Traders.
In Vol. 1 of Watson's Annals, p. 97,
he says tliat in the year of 1719 the
Indian Traders at the head of Poto
mac were attacked by some Indians
and defeated, with the loss of many
lives.1719.— A Lot of the Five Nations
Now Live at Conestoga.
It appears from Vol. 3 of the Col.
Rec, p .66, that some of the Five Na
tions are living on the Susquehanna
at this time, because in the book and
at the page mentioned, a letter from
the Chiefs at Conestoga states that
the Southern Indians came out to
war with the Five Nations and
against them and against other In
dian settlements on the Susque
hanna River, and that several ol our
people were killed. And ou p. 67
of the same book additional views
are given of the same event and it is
there stated that peace is likely to
ensue.
1720 — The Governor of Virginia says
that Our Indians Caused Bacon's
Rebellion.
In Vol. 3 of the Colonial Rec, p.
89, Governor Spotswood of Virginia
in a long letter to Governor Keith,
which begins at p. 82, sets forth in
regular order the different war ex
peditions which he claims our In
dians made to the South among his
Indians; and among other things be
says that in 1712-13 they came to his
country and assisted the Tuscaroras
to slaughter people of the South; and
that a little later, during the Tus
carora, war, two hundred of our In
dians went south and fell upon the
Virginia traders; and that in 1717,
while he was with the Chief=i of the
Catawbas making peace, our Indians
joined with the Tuscaroras and fell
on the 28th of August and the 15th

241

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of September ol the same year five
hundred of our young warriors be
gan a slaughter on some ol his In
dians about the Susquehanna river;
and on the unarmed Catawbas; and
that in 1718 our Indians were
hovering around . the white settle
ments in the South, looking lor a
chance to kill their people; and that
in 1719 our Indians started back but
threatened to come again with force,
and that on their way home they
stopped on the 20th of May at Conoy
Town and sent for John Cartledge,
one of the Justices and complained
to him; and finally he accuses them
that a good long time ago they lead
the famous insurrection into Virginia
called "Bacon's rebellion." '
1720- The Main Body of the Tus-
caroras are Now on the Sus
quehanna River.
Governor Spotswood in the letter
just quoted in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec.
says that these Tuscaroras massa
cred some hundreds of English and
that they have at this day the chief
murderers, and the greater part of
their Nation seated under their pro
tection near Sasquehanna river
where they removed when they
found that they could no longer sup
port them against the forces which
the English brought on.
1720— James Logan Again at Cones
toga In a Treaty.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92,
James Logan makes a report of an
other treaty he held at Conestoga,
and he sets forth the report, as fol
lows: "James Logan, Secretary, re
ported to the Board, that having
lately acquainted the Governor that
he had occasion to go towards the
farther end of the Great Valley, on
the road to Conestogoe, the Governor

had desired him not to fail to proceed
to Susquehannah and there discourse
the Indians concerning their late
message to him, excusing their not
coming to town had been proposed
by reason of some trouble they were
under, the loss of some of their men
slain by the Southern Indians; and
thereupon desiring the Governor to
come up to them; That acordingly
he went, and finding the Indians de
sirous to speak with him, he appoint
ed the 27th of last raonth, that the
Chiefs of the Mingoes or Conestogoe
Indians, the Sachem or Chief of the
Shawanese, the Chief ol the Gana
wese, with several ol their people,
and some of the Delawares, met him
on the said day at John Cartledge's,
and being all sate, Peter Bizaillon
and John Cartledge, Interpreters,
James Logan first spoke to the In
dians telling them, that as they had
been long expected at Philadelphia,
in pursuance of their own messages
for that purpose, but instead of com
ing had lately sent to the Governor,
desiring for some reasons that he
would come up to them; He, their
old friend, with whom they had been
acquainted in their treaties for
twenty years past, being now come
upon business in these parts are will
ing to hear from themelves, now
only how it was with them, but the
occasion of their delaying their jour
ney to Philadelphia so long, and at
length sending the message to the
Governor. Thej' hereupon sat silent
for some time without appearing
ready to speak to anything, and
make no returns, the Secretary
pressed them to answer hira, telling
them that he asked these questions
in behalf of the Governor and the
Government, that they themselves
had appeared desirous to speak to
him, and that as they now had an

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

opportunity they ought to proceed
and speak their minds freely. To
which at length they answered, that
there had been lately killed by the
Southern Indians twelve raen, ten of
the Mingoes or Five Nations and two
Shawanese, about one hundred and
sixty miles from that place, which
was the occasion of their sending
that raessage. James Logan asked
them whether these two Shawanese
had been abroad hunting, they an
swered. No! They had gone out to
war. He then demanded the reason
why they would offer to go to war
after their solemn promise to our
Government to the contrary. The
Chief of the Shawnese replied that a
dispute arising among some of their
young men, who *as the best man,
to end it they resolved to make the
tryal by going out to war, that they
could not be restrained, but took the
opportunity of- accompanying some of
the Five Nations that were going out
and took their road that way.
The Secretary told them that he
should have a great deal to say to
them on these heads, and that the
day being now far advanced, he must
desire them to meet hira the same
place in the morning, and then treat
ing them to sorae drink they with
drew. Next morning the same persons at
tended, bringing some bundles of
skins with thera, from whence it
being conjectured that the Indians de
signed to begin -a discourse. All
being seated after sorae time being
spent in silence, the Mingoes or Con
estogoe Indians began. A Ganawese
, Indian, who called hira Captain
Sraith, and is said knows all the
several languages, viz: his own or
the Ganawese, the Mingoe, the
Shawnese and Delaware, to perfec
tion, being appointed interpreter in
to the Delaware Tongue, and Peter
Bizaillon and John Cartled.ge inter

preting that into English. They spoke
as follows, viz:
That the last year Colonel French
carae to them on a message from the
Governor to inquire into their health,
and how it was with thera, their
children and their grandchildren.
That they were now ready to give
an answer to all that he had said to
thera, but that now they would speak
freely from the bottom of their
hearts, and their friend might de
pend on not having words only but
their truest inward sentiments with
out reserve; and then they laid down
a bundle of undrest deer skins.
That Colonel French and those with
him told from the Governour, that
the raessage that the Governor sent
them and the advice he gave them
was for his heart and for their good,
and that they would as freely speak
from their hearts. The Governor ad
vised thme to go out no more to war,
nor to join with any of the Five Na
tions or othervs, that when out for that
purpose, but to live at peace with all
people, and if any prisoners were
brought to their towns, they should
not suffer them to be burnt or tor
tured; that though some of their
people were killed once or again, yet
they should not go out but bear it,
but the third time they might all go
out as one man together; that this
they thought was somewhat too hard
upon them, if they must be confined
as prisoners at home, and could not
go to meet their eneraies that came
against them.
That when Governor Penn first
held councils with them, he promised
them so much love and friendship
that he would call them brothers, be
cause brothers might differ, nor chil
dren because these might offend and
require correction,but he would reck
on thera as one body, one blood, one
heart and one hand; That they al
ways reraembered this, and should

243

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on their parts act accordingly; that
few of the old men who were at
those councils were living; these
were removed and those were then
very young men are now grown up
to succeed, but they transmitted it to
their children, and they and all theirs
should remember it lorever; that
they regarded not reports or what
was said abroad, their head was at
Philadelpha, and they were one
Avith him, on him they depended that
they should know everything that
concerned them.
The Ganawese in behall of their
people say, they are glad that they
never hear anything from the Gov
ernment, at Philadelphia, but good
advice and what is for their advan
tage; that their present chief was
once at a Council with William Penn
before they removed into this Prov
ince, and that since they came into
it, they have always lived quiet and
in Peace v/hich they acknowledge,
and are thankful for it; that the ad
vice that is send them is always so
much for their good that they can
not but gladly receive it. When the
sun sets they sleep in Peace and in
Peace they rise with him, and so
continue while he continues his
course, and think themselves happy
in their Friendship, which they shall
take care to have contniued from
Generaton to Generation. And that
as it shall thus forever continue on
their side; so they desire that the
same continue on the Governor's
part and that if any reports should
be heard concerning them, they de
sire it may not be believed to their
disadvantage, for they will still be
true and the same they at flrst pro
fessed themselves and then lay down
a bundle of Deer Skins. To Cones
togoes say, that William Penn made
a league with them to last for three
or four generations; that he is now

dead, and most of their ancients are
also dead but the league still remains
and they now take this opportunity
to renew and strengthen it with their
friend, who has always represented
William Penn to them since he left
them; one generation may die and
another may die but the League of
friendsjiip continues strong and shall
forever continue so on their part.
And this is not said in behalf ot
themselves, the Mingoes only, but of
all the Indians on the river, and
they give another Bundle of Deer
skins. Captain Civility throws down
a small bundle ol lurs and says, that
they all join and send that as a pre
sent to the Governor to make him a
Beaver Hatt. They say in behall ol
the Ganawese, that they have no
writing to show their league of
Iriendship as the others have and
therelore desire that they may be la-
vored with one at least 11 they should
transgress by reason of rum, which
is brought to them in large quanti
ties, they must be cast off and for
gotten that ever they were in friend
ship with us.
The Indians being met again after
some refreshments, the Secretary
spoke to them as follows:
It must be a great satisfaction to
all honest and good men, to flndthat
the measures that great man, Wil
liam Penn, took to establish a firm
friendship with you has had such an
excellent success. Your predecessors
and you have always found him sin
cere iu what he professed. He al
ways ordered those in power during
his absence to shew you all the like
Iriendship and affection. Every Gov
ernor that came has been the same to
you, and the present Governour, Col
onel Keith, shewed the same disposi
tion immediately upon his arrival, by
hastening up to you with his coun
cil and many of his freinds as soon

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

244

as he heard that you were in trouble.
You on your parts have been faith
ful and true to us, whatever reports
might have spread, yet the chain was
still preserved strong and bright. You
never violated it. We have lived in
perfect peace and Unity above any
other Government in America, and
you renewing the chain at this time
upon the Decease of your great
Friend, with us who remain alive, is
so affectionate and kind that 1 shall
not fail to represent it duly to the
Governor and your good friends in
Philadelphia. This chain has been
made nearly forty years agoe; it is
at this tirae strong and bright as ever,
and I hope will continue so between
our Children and your Children, and
their Children's children to all Gen
erations, while the water flows or the
sun shines in the Heavens; and raay
the Great Spirit who rules the Hea
vens ahd the Earth, and who made
and supported us all, who is a friend
to all good men who love Justice and
Peace, continue the same blessings
upon it forever.
But my friends and brothers, as we
are obliged to take care of each
other, and as the English have op
portunities of seeing farther than
you, I find raysell obliged in behall
ol our Governor and Governraent, to
offer you sorae advice that may be
of great importance to you, and
which at this time is absolutely nec
essary. You acquainted me yesterday with
a loss that you had sustained, viz:
that twelve raen, ten of the Five Na
tions and two Shawanese, had been
lately cut off by the Southern In
dians, not two hundred railes frora
this place, which grieves rae exceed
ingly. I ara scarcely willing to mention
the Cause ol it lest I should trouble

you, but I must do it for your good;
I should not be a true friend should
I forbear it.
You. know then, ray Brothers, that
the cause is, that sorae ol your young
raen had unadvisedly gone out to
war in company with others ol the
Five Nations against these Southern
Indians. Young men love to go
sometiraes to war to shew their man
hood, but they have unhappily gone
against Indians that are in Friend
ship with the English. You know,
that as ol the Five Nations some are
called Isawandowaes, some Cayoo-
gooes, some Onondogoes, sorae Oney-
ookes, and some Connyingoes, yet
they are all one people, so the Eng
lish though they have different Gov
ernments, are divided into New Eng
land, New York, New Jersey, Penn-
¦sylvania, Maryland, Virginia and
Carolina, yet they are all under one
great king who had twenty times as
raany subjects as all these, and has
in one city as many subjects as all
the Indian that we know in North
America. To him we are all subject
and are all governed by the same
laws; Therelore, those Indians who
are in League with one Government
are in League with all; your Iriend
ship with us recommends you to the
Friendship ol all other English Gov
ernments, and their Iriends are our
Iriends. You must not therelore,
hunt or annoy any ol the English or
any ol their Iriends whatsoever.
These Southern Indians, especially
the Tootelese. lormerly made Iriend
ship with you, and I believe that it
was they who lately sent you the
nine belts ol Wampura, to continue
the League ; They Desired Peace, yet
the Five Nations an^ sorne ol your
rash young men have set upon them;
pray remeraber, tliey are men as well
as you, consider therefore, I request

245

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

you, what you would think ol your- ' now owing to those who desire noth-
selves should you suffer these or any ; Ing raore than to see all the Indians
other people to come year alter year j cut off, as well to the Northward as
and cut off your towns, your wives j the Southward, that is the French
and children, and those that escape j ol Canada, lor they would have the
should sit still and not go out against | Five Nations destroy the Southern
them, you would not then deserve j Indians, and the Southern Indians

to be accounted men; and as they
you find are men it is no wonder il | the destruction
they come out to meet these young
fellows and endeavor to destroy
them and their families.
I must further, as your friend, lay
before you the consequence of your
suffering any of your young men to
join with those of the Five Nations
They come through your towns and
bring back their prisoners through
your settlements, thus they open a
clear path from these Southern In
dians to your Towns, and they who
may have been wrong may follow
that open path, and first come direct
ly as the path leads to you. Thus
you, who have done but little and by

destroy you and the Five Nations.
being their Desire.
The Governor told you, by Colonel
French, that they were your enemies
who put you upon war, and they are
your truest friends who would pre
serve you in Peace, Hearken to the
advice of your friends and you will
be preserved. You see how your
numbers yearly lessen; I have
known about three score men be
longing to the Town, and now I see
not five of the old men remaining.
What the Governor has said to you
by himself, and by Colonel French,
and what I now say to you is for your
own advantage, and if you are your
own friends you will pursue the

the instigation and advice of others i ^'^^'^e that is given you. If any of

may be the first that are fallen up-

the Five Nations go this way in their

on, while those of the Five Nations | S°'"S °"t ^° ^^r, and call on any ol
are safe at home at a great Distance 1 yo" ^° accompany them, you must in-

with their Wives and Children, and
you may be the only sufferers.
They have hitherto come out to
meet their enemies, who were going
to attack them, and like men they
fight them; but as I am your friend
I must further inform you that these
people would come quite up to your
towns to do the same to you that they
have suffered, but your being settled
among the English has hitherto pre
served you, for the Governor of Vir
ginia and Carolina can no longer
hinder them from defending them-

form them as you are in League
with us, and are as one people, you
cant not break your promises, and it
can not be pleasing to them to see
you living in such friendship with
ps. I have said enough on these
heads, and you I hope will lay it up
in your hearts and duly obser-ve it;
let it sink into j'our rainds, for it is
of great weight.
The Ganawese having behaved
themselves well since they came
amongst us. and they shall have
what they desire. Your people of

selves; and desired peace and would ' Conestogoe about twenty years agoe

live In Peace if it niight be granted
them.

brought the Shawanese with them to
Philadelphia to see and treat with

I must lurther Inform you as a i Governor Penn, and then promised
friend that th*s whole business of the Governor that they would answer
making War in the manner you do, is I for the Shawanese that they should

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

246

live peaceably with us and in
friendship with us, but we find their
ears are thick, they do not hear what
we say to them, nor regard our ad
vice. The Chiefs ol the Shawanese an
swered to this with a deep cosicern,
that this was occasioned by the
young men who lived under no Gov
ernraent; that when their king who
was then living, Opessah, took the
Government upon him, but the people
differed with him; he lelt them, they
had then no Chief, therefore some olE
them applied to him to take that
charge upon hira, but that he had
only the name without any authority,
and could do notliing. He counselled
them, but they would not obey, there-
tore he can not answer lor them, and
divers that were present, both Eng-
.lish and Indians, confirmed the truth
of this.
The Secretary hereupon admonish
ed him and the rest to take a further
Care, that what had been said should
be pressed upon the young people
and duly observed, and then calling
for Liquor and drinking with them
dismissed them.
But the Indians, before they would
depart, earnestly pressed, that on ac
count of this- treaty should with all
possible speed be dispatched to the
Governours to the Southward, and to
their Indians that further mischief
might be prevented, for they were ap
prehensive that the Southern Indians
might come out to raet the Five Na
tions, and then they, as had. been
said to thera lying in the road might
be the sufferers, but they truly de
sired peace, and were always against
molesting any Indians that were un
der the protection or lived in friend
ship with the English.
The Secretary then proposed to
them that they should send some of
their people with Belts of Wampum
to the Governor of Virginia, to assure

him of their resolution to live in
Peace, and to desire him to acquaint
all his Indians with the same. They
readily agreed to send the belts with
out delay and promised the lollowing
week to bring them to Philadelphia.
but they seemed apprehensive ol dan
ger to their People in going to Vir
ginia, where they were all strangers.
unless the Governors would send
some English in Company with tbem
to protect them.
Alter this conference was ended,
Civilty desired to speak with the
Secretary in private, and an oppor
tunity being given, he acquainted the
Secretary that some of the Five Na
tions especially the Cayoogoes, had
at divers tiraes expressed a dissatis
faction at the large settlements made
by the English on Sasquehannah and
that they seemed to claim a property
or right to those lands. The Secre
tary answered, that he (viz: Civil
ity) and all the Indians were sensi
ble of the Contrary, aud that the
Five Nations had long since made
over all their right to Sasquehannah
to the Government of New York, and
that Governor Penn had purchased
that right with which they had been
fully acquainted. Civility acknowl
edged the Truth of this but proceeded
to say that he thought it his duty to
inform us of it, that we might the
better prevent all misunderstanding.
Th^ Secretary having raade an end
of his report, the Governor observed,
that from the last particular year if
there was ground to apprehend that
the Five Nations, especially the Cay
oogoes, did entertain some secret
grudges against the advancing ot
our advancig settlements upon Sas
quehannah river, and that it was very
much to be suspected that the Five
Nations were spirited up by the
French agents from Canada or Mis
sissippi, to make these new and
groundless claims upon us whora

247

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCS AND

they believed to be a mild defenceless
people, and therefore liable to be
with less hazard and more easily in
sulted than any of the neighboring
colonies; that though the Govemor
was not under any immediate appre
hension of Danger from the Indians
of .the Five Nations, yet our present
security semed to depend upon the
strength and authority of New York,
and not upon the peaceable disposi
tion of faith of these barbarians ; That
if the French (as it was but too pro
bable at this juncture), should pur
sue their usual policy in not only de
bauching the Indians everywhere
from the English interest, but also to
provoke and encourage them to make
war upon one another, and thereby
to embroil all the English settlements
upon this continent every Colony
would in that case find themselves
sufficiently employed in their own
proper defence. And these things
had made such a deep impression up
on the Governour's mind, but he
could not but think of the Public
safety, as well as his honor and
character, to be particularly con
cerned in making such timely pro
vision for the defence of this colony,
as the nature of the Constitution and
the good inclinations of the people
would permit, unto which end the
Governors believed that a voluntary
militia might be raised and put un
der such good regulations by an
Ordinance as could give no offence
to amy, but be of a general advantage
and security to the Trade and People
of this province.
The members present being all
Quakers, some of them desired to be
excused from giving their sentiments
upon a subject of that nature butall
seemed to acquiesce that leave that
matter wholly to the Governour's
prudence and good conduct The
Secretary was in the mean time dir
ected to examine whether there was

any ground for the Five Nations to
claim a right to any lands upon t'je
Sasquehannah; and also it was mov
ed and agreed upon, that the Gover
nor should write to the President of
New York representing the ill treat
ment of our people lately received
from those of the Five Nations in
their last return from the Southward
and the ill consequence which may
possibly ensue from their opening a
path to war through our settlement
upon Sasqquehannah."
Governour Keith considered this
treaty at Conestoga a raatter of great
iraportance and he wrote to the Gov
ernor of New York about the affair.
the main points of which letter were,
that we have a great reason to be
apprehensive of the growth of the
French settlements and the power of
the Jesuits over our Indians on the
Susquehanna, and that the Jesuits
are very active in trading to get our
Indians over to the French and that
the Southern Indians are very much
provoked and come out to fight the
Five Nations and pursued to the Sus
quehanna river. He further says
that when Governor Penn settled
this country, when he came to treat
with the Indians settled on Susque
hanna River, he began to deal with
New York concerning it, and that
Governor Penn on his last visit about
twenty years ago held a treaty with
the Conestogas settled on Susquehan
na River and that the question about
the land was taken up.
So here we see in this letter that
difficulties about the land around
Conestogoe were again arising, and
we also see wbat seeras to be a clear
admission that Penn made the two
trips to Susquehanna, of which we
have spoken of before. All this may
be seen in Vol. 3 of the Colonial Re
cords, pp. 99 to 102. One of the
chief questions that Logan was try
ing to settle was the dissatisfaction
of these lands around Suquehanna.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

248

1720— The Conestoga Indians Com
plain that the Five Nations
Compel Them to Go South
to Fight.
There is no doubt that the subjec
tion to the Five Nations which the
Conestogas were compelled to under
go was very galling to them and
frequently brought them into dan
gerous situations and compelled
them to go on expeditions in the
South against their friends. The Con
estogas, Conoys. the Ganawese, the
Delawares and . the Tuscaroras, all
of which tribes lived around about
Conestoga and Susquehanna, were
under the Five Nations at this time
and if they refused to obey the Five
Nations, they were in great danger
ol being butchered themselves. Their
condition was pitiable and in a
paper sent to the Council at Phila
delphia they set forth their sad con
dition. This paper and the proceed
ings connected with it are as lol
lows: At a Council held at Philadel
phia, July 20, 1720, besides the Coun
cil and the Governor there were pre
sent also "Conestogoe Indians Tago-
leless or Civility, Oj anowhachso,
Sobais Connedechto's son, Tayuch-
einjeh. Ganawese: Ousewayteichks or
Captain Smith, Sahpechtah, Meemee-
ivoonnook, Winjock's son, George
Waaspessum, and John Prince.
Shawanese : Kenneope.
Edwad Farmer, Sworn Interp'r.
The Secretary acquainted the
Board, that the Indians present were
sent by their chiels Irom Conestoga,
in pursuance ol the resolution they
had taken at the conlerence he had
lately held with them there, ol send
ing a message to the Goernor ol Vir
ginia. The Interpreter, by the Governor's
order, told the Indians that their
Governor was glad to see them aud

to hear ol the welfare ol their people.
The Indians delivered two Belts of
Warapuni with a written paper,
which they say contains the whole o£
what they were ordered to deliver to
the Govemor and Council at the
time. The said paper was read, and is as
lollows: July 16th. 1720.
To our Friends and Brothers, the
Governour and ,Iames Logan, at
Philadelphia. These as to what hath
been proposed by our Friend and
Brother James Logan, when here, of
our sending to the Southward Gov
ernments to confirm a peace; We
are very willing to have and keep
Peace, and therefore send a belt of
Wampum to confirm it, but we must
leave it wholly to you to perfect the
same. As to any of our People on
this river going to the Southern parts
about the same, it will doubtless oc
casion the death of us, while the Five
Nations still follow the practice of
going there to war, of whom at this
time there is a great number going
that way; therefore, we plainly tell
you, we know not what measures to
take, but leave all to you, resolving
to follow your council, but sure we
are to suffer for what we have al
ready yielded to do in the affair
aloresaid as soon as the Sinnekaes
come to know thereol, il not protect
ed by you, lor they wjll be enraged
against us when they know that we
are willing to be at Peace with those
Nations, that they resolve to maintain
war against, and will certainly cut
us off as well as the Back Christian
Inhabitants; lor they we are sure,
do not bear true affection to your
Government, and some of them are
already very bold and impudent to
the Christian inhabitants and us also
for their sakes, whom we are unwil
ling should have any damage done by
them if we can prevnt it, and in real

249

ANxVALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

good will do certily the Government
that we believe they will shortly have
some trouble with them if not pre
vented. Our Captain Tagoteless, and
some other of our people comes with
our words to you, and this present
letter taken by his interpretation, by
our good friend John Cartiledge,
whom we could have been glad if he
would have come himself and given
an account of matters. We are your
true friend and Brothers at Conesto
goe." See 3 Col, Rec, . 102. B.
This needs no further comment as
everything is set forth fully in the
paper. The next day the Council being
met again the Governor spoke as lol
lows to them concerning their
troubles: "That nothing can be more accept
able to this Government than that
the Indians should live in Peace with
all the Nations around them, but
above all with those who are friendly
with the English Governments. The
Govemor has olten seriously exhorted
them to it. and they had engaged to
go out no more to war, with whicb
engagements he had acquainted the
Governours to the Southyvard, • and
more specially the Govemor ol Vir
ginia, by Captain Smith, who came
from that Governour to the N orth-
ward, on purpose to engage the
Northern Indians to live in Peace
with all his people and friends. And
the said Gentleman, Captain Smith,
they may well remember, was pres
ent with the Governour at his first
conference with them at Conestogoe
soon after his arrival, when they
promised in that treaty to go out to
war no more.
That it was a very great satisfac
tion to all parties to find them thus
engage themselves, though what was
proposed to them was wholly for
their own benefit and advantage.
Captain Smith carried this news with

gladness, and the Governour of Vir
ginia and his people received it with
joy, and everybody believing that
they might surely depend on these
assurances. Yet notwithstanding all these, some
of their ^oung men had been unhap
pily prevailed on to go out against
the same people. The Governor is
very well pleased to hear by the Sec
retary's respect on what they lately
said on that head at Conestoga, that
they condemn these proceedings, and
excused themselves by the influe, ?e
the Five Nations have over their pijx
pie, and that the young men caried
on by the Heat and Blood to martial
exploits, and to shew their manhood
are difficulty restrained by the more
sage advice of their elders. But it is
now hoped that these young men,
some of them having forfeited their
lives by their disobedience to their
Elders, are also as fully resolved
most strictly to observe these present
engagements; and though the Gover-
our really lies under some disadvan
tages in the representation he Is
now to make to the Governours of
Virginia and Carolina, by reason ol
their having tailed in their lormer,
yet he will without delay acquaint
these Governours with their renewed
resolutions, and give thera all pos
sible assurances Irom our Indians,
that nothing in their power shall di
vert them Irom a strict observance ol
what they have promised lor the Iu
ture, and as a binding proof of it
according to the custora of their Na
tions, shall convey these two belts
of Warapum as firm and inviolable
seals to all that they have said.
These the Governour will convey to
the Governour of Virginia with let
ters in their favour who sent them,
and a particular account of their
country and habitations, with all
which the Governor ol Virginia will
undoubtedly take care to acquaint

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

250

all his Indians and people, and en
gage them lor the future to consider
our friends as his friends, and the
Governour will endeavor to mafee
them all as one People.
But as this will require some time,
and all the Indians in those South
ern Parts, can not be immediately ac
quainted with these messages,
though the Governor intends to use
all possible dispatch. They must in
the mean time take care of them-
g /es and keep out ol the way ol
t J Warrior's path, till a good and
perfect peaice and good understand
ing can be settled.
But alter the Governor has thus
. preceded in their behalves, and in
some measure pledges his honor for
them, they raust not fail on any terras
whatsoever, raost strictly to make
good their present engagements
against the Perswasions of all Peo
ple whatsoever.
We are all friends to the Five Na
tions and have a great respect for
them, and these can not but be
pleased to find out that our Indians
live In such Friendship with their
English Neighbors, as to resolve also
to live in Peace with all their friends.
Whenever any of these Minquays
come amongst them, they must not
fail to inform thera that they and we
are one people and not to be sepa
rated in interest and we desire that
the Minquays also may be the same,
and live with us as brotters."
This being Interpreted, it was or
dered that they should be supplied
with a Quarter Cask ol powder, fifty
pounds ol lead, five gallons ol rum,
with Bisket, Pipes, Tobacco, etc.. lor
their Journey; in the mean tirae
that the Treasurer or Secretary
should see them duly accomodated.
This is set forth in Vol. 3 of the Col
onial Records, pp. 103 to 105.
1720— The Cost of the Second Treaty
Made at Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 ¦ of the Col. Rec, p 107
the cost of James Logan's second

treaty at Conestoga is set out as fol
lows : "The Secretary laid belore
the Board an Account of the charg
es of a Treaty held with the Indians
at Conestogoe, the 27th day ol June
last, being Eight Pounds Four shil
lings and Eight Pence; as also an ac
count ol goods and . provisions sup
plied the Indians at Philadelphia, by
order of this Board the 20tb ol July
last, amounting to Eight Pounds,
Thirteen Shillings atad Five Pence,
the whole charge being sixteen
Pounds, eighteen Shillings and one
penny, from which deducting the
presents received from the Indians to
the value of ten Pounds, lour Shil
lings, there remains due to the Sec
retary the sum ol six Pounds, thir
teen Shillings and one penny, which
accounts being examined were allow
ed by the Board, and the Treasurer
is ordered to pay the said Ballance to
the Secretary lortwith."
1720— The Southern Indians Retal
iate on the Conestogas.
The above account ol the Five Na
tions lorcing the Conestogas to go
southward and fight their Iriends is
also taken notice of in Vol. 2 of ti.
Votes of Assembly, p. 258, where it is
shown that the expeditions to the
South have caused an attack upon
our Indians near the head of the
Potomac River, by the Southern In
dians who are on their way to Sus
quehanna to fight our peopl&, by rea
son of the fact that the Five Na
tions compel our Indians to go to
war against those of the South.
1720— The Shawanese, Ganawese and
the Delawares Present at Logan's
Treaty with the CoUf
estogaSk
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 92,
in which we have discussed the
treaty made by James Lgoan with

251

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the Conestogas and others, he sets
forth that the Sachem or Chiel ol the
Shawanese, the Chief of the Gana
wese and the people of the Delaware
Indians met him at John Cartledge's
house the Same as the chiefs of the
Conestogas. I merely quote this
item to show that these various other
tribes were still living in this neigh
borhood at this time.
1721 — ^A Message Sent to the Cones
toga Indians, Because of the
Dissatisfaction of the Vir
ginian Government.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 116,
it is set forth that a complaint of
Governor Spotswood of Virginia
caused the Go'^'ernor and Council in
Pennsylvania to send a message to
the Conestoga Indians, in which he
asked them to be very careful to obey
all the laws and not to offend the In
dians of the South nor the Governor
in any way.
Keith says in this message that he
has had many conferences with the
Government ol Virginia about our
ConestogS, Indians. As the result ol
this the Conestoga Indians and other
Indians at Susquehanna river promis
ed that they would not cross the
Potomac river to go South, if the
Southern > Indians will not cross the
Potomac River to come north. And
the Governor further says that our
Indians never do go down across the
Potomac River.
1721— The Coniestoga Indians Go to
the Ohio and Wabash Rivers
to Fish.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 116,
Governor Keith in a speech, states
that the Conestogas and other allied
Indians go hunting and fishing on the
branches of the Wabash and Ohio
Rivers in the Pall of the year and do
not return until the following May.

1721— The Conestoga Indians Send a
Peaceful Message to the South
ern Indians.
In the book and at the page last
mentioned it is set lorth that he Con
estoga and allied Indians sent by
Governor Keith to Virginia several
belts ol wampum as pledges ol Peace
with all the Indians Irom the South.
On the next page we find that Keith
begs the Governor ol Virginia that I
shall mention and include the Indians
ol the Susquehanna Country with his
Cherokees and other Southern In
dians.1721 — The Five Nations Come to Con
estoga to Make a Treaty.
In Vol. 3 ol the Colonial Records,
p. 118, it is set forth that the depu
ties of the Five Nations are on their
way to Conestoga to treat with this
Province; and word is sent to Phila
delphia that the Five Nationas , are
coming to treat. (120).
This statement is given by the Gov
ernor to the Board or Council in
which he says that he had yesterday
received an express from the Cones
toga, intimating that they were cer
tainly informed of some deputies of
the Five Nations being on their way
to Conestoga in order to treat with
this Government The Council de
cided, however, not to do anything
until they heard of the arrival ot the
Five Nations at Conestoga, but in the
meantime the Government will send
a message to the Conestoga Indians
to inform them about his negotia
tions for peace in Virginia.
As is shown on p. 120 of the same
book, John Cartledge sent an express
to Philadelphia, announcing that the
deputies had arrived at Conestoga,
that he entertained them at his house
and desired them to corae to Phila
delphia and treat with the Governor.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

252

That they were very reserved in tell
ing their business and insisted that
they raust meet the Governor himself
at Conestoga, where they wished him
to come. . Cartledge also states that
a considerable number of the Chiefs
and others of the Indians of the Five
Nations now actually at Conestoga,
positively refused to go any nearer
to Philadelphia than Conestoga and
he urges the Governor to come at
once and treat with them; and the
Governor accordingly made the trip.
1721— Governor Keith's First Great
Treaty at Conestogo.
Pressed by the above urgent de
mands that he should come to Con
estoga to meet the Five Nations and
other Indians the Council decided
that the Governor should go on tbe
journey; and the Governor named
Richard Hill, Janothan Dickinson,
Colonel French and the Secretary,
James Logan to accompany him in
his journey. It was decided that they
would leave on Monday, the third of
July. (See Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec,
pp. 120-121).
This treaty ol Governor Keith also
attracted the attention ol the people
generally and a notice ol it may be
lound in the American Weekly Mer
cury, the only newspaper at that
tirae which began publication in 1719
and ran until 1746, under the editor
ship ol Andrew Bradlord. The
newspaper account is lound in the
issue ol July 6, 1721, in which the
paper states, "His Excellency, Sir
William eKith, our Governor, with
some ol his Council and thirty other
gentlemen set out Monday last lor
Conestoga in order to meet our In
dians there and sorae ol the FiveNa,-
tion to settle a peace with them as
usual." It is to be noticed that the news
paper report states that thirty olthe

citizens went along. The return
Irom Conestoga is also set forth in
the sarae newspaper in the issue of
July 13, 1721, where It is stated that,
"On Tuesday night last, his Excel
lency, Sir Williara Keith, Baronett,
our Governor, and th^ gentlemen
who attended hira arrived here
(Philadelphia) frora Conestoga. He
went thither to raeet the heads ofthe
Five Nations who awaited his com
ing to renew the treaties of peace
and friendship with them, and ac
comodated some irregularities com
mitted by the young men of those na
tions of war Indians. The Governor
and all the Company were handsomely
entertained and treated at the house
of John Cartledge, Esq., during their
stay at Conestoga."
In the issue of July 27, 1721, the
particulars of this treaty are adver
tised as being for sale, having been
published by Andrew Bradford, but
I can not find that the pamphlet was
ever seen. Dr. Jordan of the Phila
delphia Historical Society says that
this pamphlet has never been seen in
print It is, however, quoted In Hil-
deburn's issue of the Pennsylvania
press, p. 58. There is a Dublin re
print of it dated 1723, in the Ridge-
way Branch of the Library Company
of Philadelphia, which I have seen,
and excepting the Introduction, it is
a literal copy of the Colonial Records.
This Irish reprint of 1723 (which is
found in Vol. 797 in the Ridgeway
branch, etc.,) sets forth on the title
page that Andrew Bradlord printed
the original and published it at the
request ol the gentlemen whow were
present at the treaty, and who went
on the journey. It is said that it was
reprinted by Ellz. Saddler and Sam.
Fuller at the Globe & Scales in
Meath street, Dublin, in 1723. The
lollowing glowing introduction ap
pears in the book,which is not found
in the Colonial Records;

253

ANNALS OF TH ESU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

"The Publisher to the Reader, Phila
delphia, July 26, 1721.
Courteous reader: We here pres
ent you with an exact copy of the
proceedings ol the Governor in the
late treaty with several nations ol
Indians at Conestoga, taken from the
minutes of the respective councils,
which were held on the occasion.
And we hope this will be more
agreeably acceptable to our corres
pondents than any abstracts that
could be published in our Weekly
Mercury. The Indian village of Conesto.ga
lies about seventy English miles dis
tant, almost directly West of the
city, and the land thereabout being
exceedingly rich, it is now, surround
ed by divers fine plantations or
farms, where they raise quantities of
wheat, barley, flax and hemp, with
out help of any dung.
The company who attended the
Governor consisted of between 70
and 80 horsemen, most of them well
armed, and the directions that had
ben given were so well observed that
great plenty of all sorts of provis
ions were everywhere provided hot
for man and horse.
His Excellency the Governor's
care for the public safety of this
colony plainly discovers itself in his
management of affairs with the In
dians In general as well as by his
late toilsome journey to and fror
Virginia • and Conestoga. The good
people of this city and province from
a just sense of happiness they enjoy
the present administration embrace
all opportunities of expressing their
love and esteem for the Governor,
who at. his return from Conestoga
was waited upon at the upper ferry
of the Schuylkill River by the Mayor
and Aldermen . of the City with about
two hundred horse. Alter a refresh

ment of wine and other good liquors,
upon the eleventh inst, about sunset
his Excellency arrived in good health
at his own house to the universal
joy of all the Inhabitants."
, The official report of this treaty is
found in Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p.
121, as follows:
"Conestogoe, July the 5th, 172i.
"The Governor arrived here this
day at Noon, and in the evening went
to Capt. Civility's cabin, where four
Deputies of the Five Nations, and
some few more of their people came
to see the Governour, who spake to
them by an interpreter to this pur
pose, viz:
That this being the flrst time that
the Five Nations had thought flt to
send any of their Chiefs to visit him;
he had come a great way from home
to bid them welcome, that he hoped
to be better acquainted and hold a
further discourse with them before
he left the Place.
They answered that they were come
a long way on purpose to see the
Governor and speak with him; that
they had heard much of him and
¦would have come here before now,
but that the faults and mistakes com
mitted by some of their young men
had made them ashamed to show
their faces, but now that they had
seen the Governor's face, they were
well satisfied with their journey
whether anything else was done or
not. 'The Governour told them that to
morrow morning he designed to
speak a few words to his Brothers
and Children, the Indians of Cones
togoe and their friends upon Susque
hanna, and dfesired that the Deputies
of the Five Nations might be present.
in Council to hear what is said i
them. At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the' 6th, 1721.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

254

PRESENT:
The, Honorable Sir William Keith
Bart., Govr., Richard Hill, Colonel
John French, Caleb Pusey, James
Logan, Secretary, Jonathan Dickin
son.The Governor spoke to the Conesto
goe Indians as follows:
My Brothers and Children,
So soon as you sent rae word that
your near friends and relatives, the
Chiefs of the Five Nations, were corae
to visit you, I made haste and am
corae up to see both you and them,
and to assure all the Indians of the
Continuance of my love to thera.
Your old acquaintance and true
friend, the Great William Penn, was
a wise raan, and therefore he did not
approve of war among the Indians
whom he loved, because it wasted and
destroyed their people, but always
rocoraraended peace to the Indians as
the surest way to make them rich
and strong by increasing their num
bers. Some of you can remeraber since
William Penn and his friends came
flrst to settle amongst you in this
country; it is but a few years and
like as yesterday to an old raan,
nevertheless by following that great
Man's peaceable councils this Gov
ernraent is now become wealthy and
powerlul in great numbers ol people,
and though many ol Our inhabitants
are not accustomed to war and dislike
the practice ol man killing one an
other, yet you can not but know that
I am able to bring several thousand
into the field, well arraed, to defend
both your people and ours from being
hurt by any enemy that durst at
tempt to invade us; however, we do
not forget what Williara Penn often
told us, that the experiences of old
age, which is true wsdora, advises
peace, and I say to you, that the wis

est man is always the bravest man,
for he safely depends on his wisdom,
and there is no true courage without
it. I have so great a love for you;
ray dear Brothers, who live under the
protection of this Governraent that I
can not suffer you to be hurt no more
than I would my own children; lam
but just now returned from Virginia
where I wearied myself In a long
journey both by land and water, only
to make peace for you my children,
that you may safely hunt in the
woods without danger from Virginia
and the many Indian nations that are
at peace with this Governraent. But
the Governour of Virginia expects
that you will not hunt within the
Great Mountains on the other side of
Patowmeck River, being it is a sraall
tract of land which he keeps for the
Virginia Indians to hunt in, and he
promises that his Indians shall not
any more come on this side of
Potawmeck, or behind the great
mountain this way to disturb your
hunting; and this is the condition I
have made for you, which I expect
you will firmly keep, and, not break
it on any consideration whatsoever.
I desire that what I have now said
to you may be interpreted to the
Chiefs of the Five Nations present,
for as you are a part of thera, and
are in like manner one with us as
you yourselves are, and Therefore
our Councils must agree and be niade
known to one another, for our hearts
should be open that we may perfectly
see into one another's breasts. Ahd
that your friends may speak to me
freely, tell them I ara willing to for
get the raistakes which some of their
young men were guilty ol amongst
our, people; I hope they will grow
wiser with age, and hearken to the
gra-ve Counsels ol their old men whose
valour we esteem because they are

255

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

wise; but the rashnes ol their young
men is althogether lolly.
At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 7th, 1721.
PRESENT:
The Honourable Sir William Keith,
Bart., Governour; Richard Hill, Col
onel John French, Caleb Pusey, Jas.
Logan, Secretary; Jonathan Dickin
son, with divers gentlemen.
PRESENT ALSO:
The Chiefs of Deputies sent by the
Five Nations to treat with this Gov
ernment, viz.;
Sinnekass Nation, Onondagoes Na
tion, Cayoogas Nation; Ghesaont,
Tannawree, Sahoode, Awennool.Skee-
towas, Tchehuque.
Smith, the Ganawese Indian inter
preter from the Mingoe Language to
the Delaware; John Cartledge and
James Le Tort, Interpreters frora the
Delaware into the English.
Ghesaont, in the name and on the
behalf of all the Nations, delivered
himself in speaking to the Gover
nour, as follows:
They were glad to see the Gover
nour and his Council at this place,
from home, and now they find it to
be what they had heard ol him, viz:
their Iriend and brother, and the
same as il William Penn were still
amongst them.
They assure the Governour and
Council that they had not lorgot
William Psnn's treaties with them,
and that his advice to them was still
Iresh in their, memories.
Though they can not write, yet
they retain everything said in their
Councils with all the Nations they
treat with, and preserve it as care
lully in their memories as 11 it was
committed in our method to writing.
They complain that our Traders
carrying goods and Liquors up Sas
quehanna River some times meet

with their young men going out to
war, and treat them unkindly, not
only relusing them a dram ol their
liquor, but use them with ill lan
guage and call them dogs, etc
They take this unkindly, because
dogs have no sense of understand
ing; whereas they are men, and
think that their brothers should not
compare them to such creatures.
That some ol our Traders calling
their young men by those Names, the
young men answered, il they were
dogs then they. raight act as such;
Whereupon they seized a keg ol
their Liquor and ran away with it.
N. B. This seems to be told In
their usual way to excuse some
small robberies that had been com
mitted by their young people.
Then laying down a belt ol Wam
pum upon the table, he proceeded
and said.
That all their Disorders arose Irom
the use ol rum and strong spirits
which took away their sense and
memory ; that they had no such liquors
•'amongst themselves, but were hurt
with what we furnished to them and
therelore desired that no more ol
that sort might be sent amongst
them. He presented a bundle of drest
skins and said.
That the Five Nations laithlully
remember all their ancient treaties,
and now desire that the chain ol
Iriendship between them and us may
be made so strong as that none ol
the links can ever be broken.
Presents another bundle ol raw
skins and observes.
That a chain may contact rust
with lying and become weaker ;
Iwherelore he desires it may now be
so well cleaned as to remain bright
er and stronger than ever it was be
lore.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

256

Presents another parcel of skins
and says.
That as in the Firmament all
clouds and darkness are removed
from the tace of the sun, so they de
sire that all misunderstandings may
be fully done away, so that when
they who are now here shall be
dead and gone, their while people
with their children and posterity may
enjoy thf clear, sunshine and friend
ship forever, without anything to
Interpose and obscure it.
Presents' another bundle of skins
and says.
That looking upon the Governour
as if William Penn was present they
desire, that In case any disorders
should hereafter happen between
their young people and ours, we
would not be too hasty in resenting
any such accident, until their Col
onel and ours can have some oppor
tunity to treat amicably upon it,
and so to adjust all matters as that
the friendship between us may still
be inviolably presrved.
Presents a small parcel ol deer
skins and desires.
That we may now be together as
one people, treating one another's
children kindly and affectionately on
all occasions.
He proceeds and sa^s:
That they consider theraselves in
this treaty as the lull plentipoten-
tiaries and- Repesenta;tives of the
Five Nations and they look upon the
Governour as the Great King of Eng
land's representative, and therefore
they expect that everything now stip
ulated will be made absolutely firm
and good on both sides.
Presents a bundle of bear skins
and says.
That having now made a firm
league with us as becomes our

brothers, they complain that they got
too little for their skins and furs, so
as they can not live by hunting, they
desire us therefore to take compassion
on them and contrive some way to
help them in that particular.
Presenting a few lurs, he speaks
only as Irom himsell to acquaint the
Governour, that the Five Nations
have heard that the Governour of
Virginia wanted to speak with th^m.
He hirasell with sorae of his Com'-
pany intended to proceed to Virginia,
but do not know the way to get
sale thither."
At a council held at the House of
John Cartledge, Esq., near Conesto
goe. PRESENT:
The Honorable Sir William Keith,
Bart, Governor, Richard Hill, Col.
John French, Jonathan Diskslnson,
James Logan, Secretary.
The Governour desired that the
Board would advise hira as to the
quantity and kind ol the presents
that raust be made to the Indians In
return to their and In confirmation
ol this speech to thera; Whereupon
it was agreed that twenty -five Stroud
Match coats of two yards each. One
Hundred wt. of Gunpodwer, twohun
dred of lead, with some Bisket, To
bacco and Pipes, should be delivered
as the Governor's present to the Five
Nations. And the same being pre
pared accordingly, the Council was
adjourned to Conestogoe, the Place
of Treaty.
At a Council held at Conestogoe,
July the 8th, 1721. Post Meridiem.
PRESENT:
The Honourable Sir Williara Keith
Bart, Governour.
The same members as belore with
divers gentlemen attending the Gov
ernour and the Chiels ol the Five
Nations being all seated in Council,
and the presents laid down belore the
Indians.

257

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Governour spoke to thera by
the Interpreters in these words.
My Friends and Brothers:
It is a great satislaction to me that
I have, this opportunity ol speafeing
to the Valiant and wise Five Nations
whom you tell me you are lully em
powered to represent. I treat with
you therelore as if all these Nations
were here present, and you are to
understand what I now say to be
agreeable to the mind ol our Great
Monarch George the King ol Eng
land, who bends his care to estab
lish peace amongst the mighty na
tions ol Europe and unto whom all
the People in these parts as it were
but like one drop out of a Bucket, so
that what is now transacted between
us must be laid up as the words ol
the whole Body ot your People and
our People, to be kept in perpetual
Remembrance. I am so glad to
find that you remember what Wil
liam Penn lormerly said to you; he
was a great and a good man, his
own people loved him; he loved the
Indians, and they also loved him.
Hewas as their lather, he would nev
er suffer them to be wronged, neith
er would he let his people enter up
on any lands until he had flrst pur
chased them ol the Indians; He was
just, and therelore the Indians lov
ed him.
Though he Is new reihoved Irom us
yet his children and people lollow
his example and will always take
the same measures, so that his and
our posterity will be as a long chain
of which he was the first link, and
when one link ends another succeeds
and then another, being all firmly
bound together in one strong chain
to endure lorever.
He lormerly knit the chain ol
Iriendship with you as the Chief of
all the Indians in these parts, and
lest this chain should grow rusty

you now desire it to be scoured and
made strong to bind us as one people
together; We do assure it is and al
ways has been bright on our side,
and so we will ever keep it
As to your complaint of our Trad
ers, that they have treated some of
your young men unkindly I take that
to be said by way ol excuse only lor
the lollies ol your people, thereby
endeavoring to persuade me that
they were provoked to do what you
very well know they did, but as I
told your Indians two days ago, I
am willing to pass by all those
things. You may therefore be as
sured that our people shall not sut
ler any injury to yours; or il I
know that they do, they shall be sev
erely punished lor it; so you must
in like manner strictly command
your young men that they do not oi
ler any Injury to ours; lor when
they pass through the utmost skirts
ol our inhabitants, where there are
no people yet settled but traders,
they should be more carefiil of them
as having separated themselves from
the body of their Iriends, purely to
serve the Indians more commodious-
ly with what they want.
Nevertheless if any little disorders
should at any time hereafter arise,
we will endeavor that it shall not
break or weaken the chain of friend
ship betyreen us; to which end if any
of your people take offence, you
must in that case apply to me or to
our chiefs; and when we have any
cause to complain, we shall as you
desire apply to your chiefs by our
friends the Conestogoe Indians, but
on both sides we must labor to pre
vent everything of this kind as
much as we can.
You complain that our traders
come into the path of your young
men goiqg out to war, and thereby
occasion disorders araongst them, I
will therelore my Iriends and broth
ers speak very plainly to you on this
Head.

OTHER LANCASTER COOUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

258

Your young men come down Sus
quehanna river and take their road
through our Indian towns and settle
ments and make a path between us
and the people against whom they go
out to war; Now you must know,
that the path this way leads them
only to the Indians who are in al
liance with the English, and first to
those who are in a strict League of
Friendship with the great Governor
of Virginia, just as these our friends
and children who are settled amongst
us are in league with me and our
people. You can not therefore make war
upon the Indians in League with
Virginia without weakening the
chain with the English; for as we
would not suffer these our friends
and brothers of Conestogoe, and up
on this River to be hurt by any per
son without considering it was done
to ourselves; so the Governour of
Virginia looks upon the injuries
done to his Indian brothers and
friends as if they were done to him
self; and you very well know that
though you are five different nations
yet you are but one people ; so as that
any wrong done to one Nation is re
ceived as an injury done to you all.
In. the same manner and much
more so it is with the English, who
are all united under one great King,
who has more people in that one
town where he lives, than all the In
dians in North America put together.
You are In League with New York
as your ancient Friends and nearest
Neighbors, and you are in League
with by treaties often repeated, and
by a chain which you have not
brightened. As therefore all the
English are but one Peoplf you are
actually in League with all the Eng
lish governments and raust equally
preserve the Peace with all as with
one Government.

You pleased me very much when
you told me that you were going to
treat with the Governour of Virginia.
Your nations formerly entered into
a very firm League with the Govern
ment, and 11 you have suffered that
chain to grow rusty it is time to se
cure it, and the Five Nations have
done very wisely to send you there
for that purpose .
I do assure you, the Governour of
Virginia is a great and good man;
he loves the Indians as his children
and so protects and defends them,
for he is very strong, having raany
thousand Christian warriors under
his coramand, whereby he is able to
assist all those who are in any
League of Friendship with him. Has
ten therefore, my friends, to brigh
ten and strengthen the claim with
that great man, for he desires it, and
will receive you kindly. He is my
great friend, I have been lately with
him, and since you say you are
strangers, I will give you a letter to
him to inlorm him what ye have
done, and ol the good design ol your
visit to im and ti his Country.
My Friends and Brothers: I told
you two days agoe that we must
open our Breasts to each other, I
shall therelore, like your true Friend
open mine yet further to you for
your good.
You see that the English, from a
very sraall People at first in these
parts, are by peace amongst them
selves become a very great people
araongst you, far exceeding the num
ber of all the Indians that we know
of. But, while we are at peace the In
dians continue to make war upon
one another, and destroy each other,
as if they Intended that none of their
people should be left alive, by which
means you are frora a great people
become a very sraall people and yet
you will go on to destroy yourselves.

259

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Indians ol the South although
they speak a different language, yet
they are the same people and inhabit
the same land with those ol the
North, we therelore can not but won
der how you that are a wise people
should tafee delight in putting an end
to your race. The English being
your true Iriends labor to prevent it.
We would have you strong as a part
ol ourselves, lor as our strength is
your strength, so we would yours to
be as our own.
I have persuaded all our Brethren
in these parts to consider what Is lor
their good, and not to go out any
more to war, but your young men as
they come this way endeavor to lorce
them, and because they incline to
lollow the Counsels ol Peace and the
advice of their friends, your people
use them ill and often prevail with
them to go out to their destruction.
Thus it was that this town of Cones
togoe lost their good king, not long
ago, and thus raany have been lost,
their young children are left without
parents, their wives without hus
bands, the old men, contrary to the
course of nature mourn te death of
their young, the people decay and
grow weak, we lose our dear friends
and are afflicted, and this is chiefly
owing to your young men.
Surely you can purpose to get
other riches or possessions by going
thus out to war; for when you kill
a deer you have the flesh to eat and
the skin to sell, but when you return
from war you bring nothing home but
the scalp of a dead man who perhaps
was husband to a kind wife, and
father to tender children who nevef
wronged you, though by losing him
you have robbed them of his help
and protection, and at the same time
get nothing by it.
II I were not your true Iriend I
would not take the trouble of sayin.g

all these things to you, which I de
sire may be lully related to all your
people when you r.eturn home, that
they may consider in time what is
lor their own good; and alter this 11
any will be so madly deal and blind
as neither to hear or see the danger
belore thera, but will still go out to
destroy and be destroyed lor noth
ing, I must desire that such loolish
young men will take another path
and not pass this way amongst our
people, whose eyes have opened, and
they have wisely hearkened to my
advice. So that I raust tell you
plainly, as I ara their best friend,
and this Government' is their Protec
tor and as a father to them. We
will not suffer thera any more to go
out as they have done to their des
truction. I say again, that we will
not suffer it, for we have the Coun
sel of wisdom araongst us and know
what is for their good, lor though
they are weak yet they are our Breth
ren, wQ will therelore take care ol
them that they are not misled with
ill Council; you mourn when you lose
a brother, we mourn when when any
ol them are lost, to prevent which
they shall not be suffered to go out
as they have 3one to be destroyed by
war. My Good Friends and Brothers: I
give you the same Counsel and earn
estly desire that you will lollow it,
since it will make you a happy
people, I give you this advice be
cause I am your true Iriend, but I
much lear you hearken to others who
never were or never will be your
Friends. You know very well that
the French have been enemies Irom
the Beginning, and though they made
peace with you about two and twenty
years ago, yet by subtle, practices
they still endeavor to ensnare you.
They use arts and tricks and tell you

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

260

lies, to deceive you, and 11 you would
make use of your own eyes and not
be deluded by their Jesuits and In
terpreters; you would see this your
selves, lor you know they have had
ao goods ol any value these several
years past, except what has been
Bent to them Irom the English of
New York, and that is now all over.
They give lair speeches instead ol
real services, and as lor raany years
they attempted to destroy you in
war, so they now endeavor to do it
in Peace; lor when they perswade
you to go out to war against others,
it is only that you may be destroyed
yourselves, which we as your true
friends labor to prevent, because we
would have your numbers increased
that you may grow strong and that
we may be all strengthened in
Friendship and Peace together.
As to what you have said of Trade,
I suppose the great distance at
which you live from us has prevented
all comerce between us and your
people; we believe, those who go in
to the woods and spend all their
tirae upon it endeavor to make the
best bargains they can for them
selves; so on your part you must take
care to make the best bargain you can
with them, but we hope that our
traders do not cheat, for we think
that a Stroud Coat or a pound of
powder is now sold for more Buck
skins than formerly ; beaver indeed is
not of late so much used in Europe,
and therefore does not give a price,
and we deal but very little in that
comraodity. But deer skins sell very
well araongst us, and I shall always
take care that the Indians be not
wronged, but except other raeasures
be taken to regulate the Indian
trade everywhere, the comraon
raethods used in Trade will still be
followed, and every man must take

care of hiraself, for thus I must do
myself, when I buy anything from
our own people, if I do not give them
their price they will keep it for we
are a free people. But 11 you have
any further proposals to make about
these affairs I am willing to hear
and consider thera, for it Is my desire
that the trade be well regulated to
your content.
I ara sensible rura is very hurtful
to the Indians; we have made laws
that none should be carried amongst
them, or if any were, that it should
be staved and thrown upon the
ground, and the Indians have been
ordered to destroy all the rura that
comes in their way, but they will not
do it, they, will have rum, and when
we refuse it they will travel to the
neighboring provinces and fetch it;
their own women go to purchase It,
and then sell it amongst their own
people at excessive rates. I would
gladly make any laws to prevent
this that could be effectual, but the
country is so wide and the woods
are so dark and private, and so lar
out ol my sight, that il the Indians
themselves do not prohibit their own
people there is no other way to pre
vent it; lor my part, I shall readily
join in any measures that can be
proposed lor so good a purpose.
I have now ray Iriends and broth
ers, said all that I think can be ol
any service at this time, and I give
you these things here laid before you
to confirm ray words, viz: five Stroud
coats, twenty pounds of powder, and
forty pounds ol lead lor each ol the
Five Nations; that is twenty-five
coats, one hundred weight ol powder
and two hundred ol lead in the
whole, which I desire raay be deliv
ered to them, with these ray words
in my narae and on behalf of this
province.

261

ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

"I shall be glad Irequently to see
some ol your chief raen sent in the
name of the rest, but desire you will
be so kind as to come to us to Phila
delphia to visit our families and chil
dren born there, where we can pro
vide better for you and make you
more welcome, for people always re
ceive their friends best at their own
houses. I heartily wish you well on
your journey and good success in it,
and when you return home I desire
you will give my very kind love and
the love ol all our people to your
kings and to all their people.
Then the Governor rose up Irom
his chair, and when he had called
Ghesont the speaker to him, he took
a Coronation Medal ol the Kings out
ol his pocket and presented it to the
Indian in these words.
That our children when we are
dead may not lorget these things, but
keep this treaty between us in per
petual remembrance. I here deliver
to you a picture in gold, bearing the
image ol my great master the King
ol all the English; and when you re
turn home I charge you to deliver
this piece into the hands of the first
man or greatest Chief of all the Five
Nations whom you call Kannygoodk,
to be laid up and kept as a token to
our childrens' children, that an en
tire and lasting Friendship is now
established forever between the Eng
lish in this country and the Great
Five Nations.
1721 — James Logan Continues the
Conestoga Treaty After the
Govemor Left for Phila
delphia
¦".n Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 330,
"James Logan, Secretary, further
reports, that having continued at
Conestogoe, after the departure of
the Governor and the rest of the
Company, he had the next day by the
continued treaty held by James Logan
Governour's approbation and direc

tion held a discourse with Ghesaont,
the Chiel ol those Indians and their
Speaker Civility, the Captain ol
Conestogoe, and John Cartlidge,
being the Interpreter.
That he had first put Ghesaont in
mind ol the great satisfaction the
Governour had expressed to him in
the Council upon their kind visit,
and the freedom and openness that
had been used to them on our parts,
and therefore advised hira if he had
anything in his thoughts further re
lating to the Friendship established
between us and the matters treated
in Council he would open his Breast
in his free Conversation, and speak
it without reserve, and whatever he
said on those heads should be re
ported faithfully to the Governour.
Ghesaont then, said that he was
very well pleased with what had been
spoken. He saw the Governour and
the English were true friends to the
Five Nations, but as to their people
going out to war, wbich head we
chiefly insisisted on, the principal
reason was that their young men had
becorae very poor, they could get no
goods nor clothing from the English,
and therefore they went abroad to
gain them from their Enemies.
"They had at once a clear Sky and
Sunshine at Albany, but now all was
over cast, and they could no longer
trade and get goods as they had
done, of which he could not know
the reason, and therefore they had
resolved to try whether it was the
same among the other English Gov
ernments." "To this the Secretary answered,
that they had from the first settle
ment ol New York and Albany been
in strict League and Friendship with
that Government, and had always
had a trade with and been supplied
by them, with Goods they wanted

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

262

That it was true, three or four years
past the French had corae from
Canada to Albany in New York, and
purchased and carried a great part
ol the goods, Strowd waters especi
ally, sometimes three or four
hundred pieces in a year, which the
Five Nations ought to have had; but
that now, another Governor being
lately sent thither from the Great
King of England, he had made a law
that the French should not have any
more goods from the English; that
this had been the reason of the
Clouds and dark weather they com
plained ol, but that now a clear Sun
shine as they desired would be re
stored to them; That he knew very
well this Gentleman the new Gov
ernour, that he had not long since
been at Philadelphia, and at his (the
Secretary's) house, and that he had
heard him (the Corlear) say he
would take care ol his Indians should
be well supplied lor the Iuture, and
accordingly they might depend on it.
Ghesaont being hereupon asked
whether they did not know that the
French had lor some years past had
the Cloths Irom the English, an
swered, that they knew very well
that these English goods went now
in a new path, dillerent from what
they had formerly gone in, that they
knew not where they went, but they
went besides thera and they could not
get hold of them, though they much
wanted thera.
"The Secretary proceeded to say,
that as New York and Albany had
been their ancient friends, so they
could best supply them, and they
would certainly do It if they con
tinued in their Duty on their part;
that they were sensible the Great
King of England hSd a regard lor
them, by the Notice he took of them
almost every year ; that all the Eng

lish everywhere were their Friends.
We were now very gald to see them,
but wished for the future they would
corae to Philadelphia, as they former
ly used to do; that he himself had
seen their Chiels twice at Philadel
phia, the two years that William
Penn was last here, and that when
his son came over about three years
alter, now about seventeen years
agoe, a considerable number ol them
came down and held a great Council
with us, and therelore he hoped they
would visit us there again, which
would be much more convenient than
so lar back in the woods where it
was difficult to accomodate them and
ourselves, that however we were glad
to see thera there. This they knew
was a Government but lately settled,
but that they were now going into
two Governraents that had been much
longer seated and were very rich, and
would raake them exceeding wel
come; that we saw them in the
woods only, at a great distance Irom
home, but they would see the Govern
ours ol Maryland and Virginia at
their own towns and houses where
they could entertain them much bet
ter; that they would be very kindly
received, lor we were all ol one
heart and mind, and should always
entertain them as Brothers.
"Ghesaont took an opportunity of
himsell to enter again on the subject
ol their people making Peace with the
other Indians on the Main. He said
that he had in his own person
laboured it to the utmost; that he had
tafeen more pains to have it establish
ed than all the French had done;
that their people had lately made
peace with the Tweuchtwese; that
they had also sent some of their men
to the Flat Heads for the same pur
pose, tbat they had now a universal
Peace with all the Indians, excepting

263

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

three small Nations to the Southward
with whora he hoped to have one
concluded upon his present journey
by means ol the Governour ol Vir
ginia, that his own desires were very
strong lor Peace as his Endeavors
had shewn, and he doubted not to
see it established everywhere. He
said the Governous had spoken very
well in the Council against their
young men going to war, yet he had
not done it lully enough lor he should
have told thera positively that they
should not on any acount be suffered
to go out to war, and he would have
reported it accordingly, and this
would have been a more effectual
way to prevent thera.
"The Secretary then proceeded to
treat with them about the road they
were to take, and it was agreed that
the Chiel ol the Nantikokes, a sensi
ble man, who was then present,
should conduct them Irom Conestogoe
to their own town on Wye Rver, that
they should be furnished for their
journey with pro-visions sufficient to
carry them among the Inhabitants,
after which they were directed, as
the Governour had belore ordered,
that they should produce his pass
port to the Gentlemen ol the Country,
where they travelled by whom they
would be provided lor; and the Nan
tikoke chief was further desired,
upon their leaving the Nantikoke
Towns to direct them to some of the
Chief ol Gentlemen and officers ol
those parts who would undoubtedly
take care ol them on sight ol their
passports and thereby knowng their
business have them transported over
the Bay ol Annapolis. Being lurther
asked how they would get an inter
preter in Virginia where the Indians
knew nothing ol their language, and
some proposals being raade to lurnish
them they answered there would be

no occasion lor any care of that kind,
for they very well knew the Govern
our of Virginia had an interpreter
for their language always with him.
"Provisions being orderd for their
journey and also at their desire, some
for those of their Company, who with
their women and children were to re
turn directly home by water, up the
river Sasquehanna, viz: a Bagg of
Biskett, some pieces of Bacon and
dried v.enison; these matters were
concluded with great expressions of
thankfulness for the Governours
great care of thera and their families,
which kindness they said they never
should forget.
"The Discourse being continued
they were told it was now very near,
viz: -within one Moon of thirty-seven
years since a great man of England,
Governour of Virginia, called the
Lord Effingham together with Colonel
Dungan, Governour of New York,held
a great treaty with them at Albany,
of which we had the writings to this
day. "Ghsaont answered, they knew it
well and the subject of that treaty,
it was said about settling of lands.
Being further told that in that treaty
the Five Nations had given up all
their rights to all the lands on Sas
quehannah to the Duke of York, then
brother to the King of England. He
acknowledeged this to be so, and
that William Penn since had the right
to these lands, to which Civility, a
descendant of the ancient Susque
hannah Indians the old Settlers ol
these parts, but now reputed as ol
an Iroquois descent added that he
had been inlormed by their old men,
that they were troubled when they
heard that their Lands had been given
up to a place so lar distant as New
York, and that they were overjoyed
when they understood William Penn
had brought them back again, and
that they had confirmed all their
rights to him.

OTHER LANCAS'^ER CO UNTY INDIAN sTRIBES

264

"Divers Questions were further
asked him, especially concerning the
French ol Canada, their trade and
lortifications, on which he said, that
the French had three lorts on this
side ol the River St Lawrence, and
between their Towns and Mentual
lurnished with great numbers ol
Great Guns, that the French drove
a great trade with them, had people
constantly in or going to and coming
Irom their Towns, that the French
kept young People in their towns on
purpose to learn the Indian Language,
which many ol them now spoke as
well as themselves; that they had a
great Intercourse with thera, that
about three hundre.d ol their raen,
(viz: ol the Five Nations) were seat
ed on the other side ol the Great
River, that the French had this last
Spring begun to build or to provide
lor building a Fort at Niagara Falls,
but they had since declined it; he
knew not for what reason, and they,
(the French) had sent to his town
(the Isanondonas) this last winter
a great deal of powder to be dis
tributed araong thera, but nothing
was done upon it. Being particular
ly asked whether the French had-ever
treated thera about any of their Land,
or whether the Indians had ever
granted the French any, he answered
No! that his People knew the French
too well to treat with them about
Lands; they had never done it, nor
either granted thera any upon any
account whatsoever, and of this, he
said, we might assure ourselves. Thus
the day was spent in such Discourses,
with a Pipe and some small mixt
liquors, and the next morning
Ghesaont, with the rest of his Com
pany, returning frora the Indian
town, to John Cartilidge's, took their
leaves very affectionately with great
expression of thankfulness to the
Governour and this Government lor
their kind reception."

1721— The Conestogas' King Killed
in a Southern War.
In Vol.3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 128, it
is set lorth that the Conestoga In
dians lost their King not long ago,
because the Five Nations compelled
him to go along to the South to raake
war against the Southern Indians.
1721 — Civility, A Descendant of the
Ancient Susquehannocks.
In Vol.3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 133,- it
Is set lorth that Captain Civility of
the Conestogas was "a descendant ol
the ancient Susquehannocks; ' and it
is also stated that the old Susquehan
nocks were reputed as being ol the
Iroquois stock, and that so was Civili
ty reputed.
1721 — John Grist Takes Conestogas'
Lands without Consent.
In Vol.3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 137, it
is set lorth that John Grist was in
prison at Philadelphia and that he
was arrested because with other per
sons he settled hirasell and laraily
and took up lands on the Susquehan
na River, without any warrant Irora
the Commissioners ol Property or
temptuously defied any one to put him
off, and that the complaint having
been made to the Governor by the
Indians ol Conestoga in July last of
the many abuses that they had
received Irom John Grist; the Gover
nour with the advice ol some of the
Coramissioners, who were then with
him at Conestoga, thought it was
necessary to have John Cartlidge one
ol the Justices ol the Peace, to go to
Conestoga and warn Grist to get off
the land, which he relused and was
now thrown in jail, and he petitions
that he may be given his liberty.
And the board in Corapassion 'to his
poor laraiy, is pleased to ord6r that

265

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

he be given leave to carry off his
corn, provided he will enter into a
bond to move off the land and be ol
good behavior lor one year, and pay
his lees.
1721— The Nantikokes Move to Co-
calico.
In Lyle's History ol Lacaster Coun
ty, p. 14 it is stated that the Nanti
kokes who first lived on Chesapeake
Bay were allowed to move to Tulpe-
hocken Valley and moved there until
1721, when the large settlement ol
Germans which came to Tulpehocken
Irom New York made them restless
and they moved to Cocalico Town
ship in Lancaster County, settling
along "Indian River" at the place
known as "Indiantown"; as late as
1758 there were still several scatter
ed tribes along the little streams ol
this viciity. The town covered 500
acres and came into the possession ol
John Wistar and Henry Carpenter.
Another branch ol the Nantikokes
had a town on land owned by Levi S.
Reist called "Lehoy' . This land was
also bought from Pennsylvania
larailies by John Wistar. The Nanti
kokes understood the English lan
guage and were Irequently with the
whites; and afterwards moved up the
West branch ol the Susquehanna
River. 1722 — Conestoga Indians Killed By
John and Edmund Cartlidge.
Richard Landgon, a butcher ol
Conestoga, took a message to Phila
delphia ol the death ot an Indian at
one ol their towns above Conestoga,
caused by blows by John or Edmond
Cartlidge or both. Langdon got the
news Irom several persons ol respon
sibility near Conestoga. The Govern
or lound it advisable to call the Coun
cil together and inquire ol this raat
ter; and they decided that it would be

necessary to get further information.
It was ordered that Langdon and
David Robinson, a blacksmith near
Perquayomen, should meet the board
and give lull inlormation. This may
be seen in Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p.
146. As the result of these investiga
tions Colonel French was sent to Con
estoga to investigate tbe affair. He
did so and James Logan went with
him. Upon their return they raade a
report, which may be lound in the
same book, p. 148.
1722— James Logan and Colonel
French's Report of the Conestoga
Indian.
In the last mentioned book,pp 148
and 1 149, Logan and French gave the
lollowing report:
"To the Honourable Sir William
Keith, Bart, Goernour ol the pro
vince ol Pennsylvania and Counties
of New Castle, Kent and Sussex upon
Deleware, and the Council of the
sarae. ; \., ¦>{
The Report of Jaraes Logan and
Colonel French, of their execution of
a particular commission to them
directed. May it please the Governour and
Council: Pursuant to the instructions given
to us by the Governour we set out
from Philadelphia for Conestoga on
the 7th Instant, as soon as our com
mission was delivered to us, and the
next day meeting with the High
Sheriff of the County of Chester,
according to an appointment made
with him. We sent herewith a proper
warrant before us for a greater Dis
patch, to apprehend the two brothers
John and Edmund Cartlidge, who
were reported to have committed the
fact which occasioned our Journey.
On the 9th, in the afternoon, we
came to Jobn Cartlidge's house where

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

266

we lound himsell in the Sheriff's cus
tody, Edmond Cartlidge was then in
lormed, lor his brother to join him to
proceed on their business ol trade
towards the Patowmeck: but on our
inlorraing John ol the necessity there
was ol seeing his brother, he was pre
vailed upon to send lor bim the next
day, and accordingly he came. The
same morning, we dispatched a
raessenger to suramon Peter Bizail
lion, who lives about 36 miles higher
up Susquehanna, to attend us as In-
terpeter between us and the Indians,
but he having no horses at home, and
being lar Irom neighbors, he could
not get down till the lourth day after
the messenger set out, viz: till the
13th in the afternoon.
Soon after our flrst arrival at Con
estogoe we gave the Chiefs of the
Indians Notice of our Business, and
upon Peter Bizallion's coming, we
appointed a meeting with them the
next morning; accordingly, we met,
with the Chiefs of the Mingoe or Con
estogoe Indians, of the Shawanese
and Ganawese, and sorae ol the Dela
wares in Council, in which we spoke
to thera in the following words, inter
preted in sentences, first Irora our
language into Delaware Indian by
Peter Bizaillion, who took an oath
faithfully to interpret between us and
the Indians, and afterwards was
interpreted into the three other lan
guages by Captain Civility ol Cones
togoe and Smith the Ganawese, who
excels in the skill ol those lan
guages. At a Council held at Conestogoe,
the 14th day of March, 1721-2, be
tween James Logan, Secretary, and
Colonel John French, in behalf ofthe
GoVernour of Pennsylvania, thereun
to authorized by virtue thereof a
commission to them frora the Govern
our, under the Great seal, bearing

date the 7th inst; and also carae
Civility, Tannacharoe, Gunnehator-
ooja, Toweena, and other old men of
the Conestoga Indians, and
Savannah, Chief of the Shawanese;
Winjack, Chief of the Ganawese;
Tekaachroon, a Cayoogoe; Oweeye-
kanowa, Nostarghkaraen, Delawares.
Present divers English and Indians.
The Secretary laying down a belt
ol Wampum on the Board belore
them, which he had taken with him
for that purpose, spoke to the In
dians, as follows:
Friends and Brethren:
Williara Penn, our an'l your
Father, when he first settled this
country with English subjects, made
a firm League of Friendship and
Brotherhood with all the Indians
then in these parts, and agreed that
both you and his people should be all
as one Flesh and Blood. The same
League has often been renewed by
hiraself and other Governours under
hira, with their Council held as well
in this place where we now are as
at Philadelphia, and other places.
Both his People and yours have
hitherto , inviolably observed these
Leagues so that scarce any one In
jury has been done, nor anyone Com
plaint raade on either side, except
¦one for the Death if La 'Tour and
his corapany for near forty years
past, and of this you are fully
sensible. Yet as all human affairs are liable
to accidents which sometimes fall out
even between Brethren of the same
Faraily though issuing from the same
Parents, so now your good Friend,
our Governour and his Council hav
ing heard by report only, that one of
our Brethren had lost his Life by
some Act of violence, alleged to be
done by some of our People, without
receiving any notice of it -or Com
plaint from you, but moved with great

267

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Concern for the loss and unhappi
ness of the accidents, like true
Iriends and Brothers, the very next
Day sent us two. Colonel French and
me, first to condole with yon, which
we now do very heartily, and next by
the full Power with which we are
Invested to inquire how the matter
came to pass, that Justice may be
done and satisfaction be made ac
cording to the firm Leagues that
have from time to time beeu made
between us and you, for We will
suffer no injury to be done to any of
you without punishing the offenders
according to our Laws; nor must we
receive without just satisfaction made
ot us, for so the Laws of Friendship
and the Leaques between us require.
We therefore now desire you, that
according to the notice we gave you
three days agoe, to have all those
persons ready here who know any
thing of this matter. You would
fully inform us of every particular,
for we are now here to take their
Examinations, which we expect you
will take care shall be given with
Truth and exactness, aud without
any partiality from resentment or
favour; that when our Governour
and Council are assured ot the
Truth they may proceed more safely
in doing of Justice.
This being interpreted, as has been
said, into the four several Languages
of those People, we judged it neces
sary that our Commission should be
publicly read in the hearing and for
the satisfaction of the English who
were there, and then we proceeded
and put the following Questions, and
to examine Indian Evidence.
Quest When did Civiliity and the
other Indians of Conestogoe first
hear of the death of the man, and
by whom?
Answer. They heard of it by sev

eral Indians much about the same
time.
' Quest. Where was it done?
Answer. At Manakassy, a branch
of Potomac river.
Quest. What was the man's name,
his Nation, and rank among his own
people? Answer. His name was Sanataeny
of the Tsanondowaroonas or Sinne
kaes, a Warrior, a civil man of very
few words.
Quest. What was his business
there? Answer. He was hunting, he being
used to hunt in that place.
Quest. Who do you understand,
was present besides the English at
the Commission of the fact?
...Inswer. The Man had been hunting
there alone, with a Squaw that kept
his Cabin, till John Cartlidge and
his people came thither to trade -with
him for his skins. John Cartlidge
had an Indian guide with him of the
G'anawese Nation, naraed Aqua-
chan, who is here present; also two
Indian Shawana Lads carae thither
about the same time, whose names
are Acquittanachke and Methfeegue-
yt; also, his Squaw, a Shawnese
woman, named Weyneprecueyta,Cou-
sln to Savannah, Chief of that Na
tion who are all here present
Then Winjack and Savannah,
Chiefs of the Ganawese and Shaw
nese, were required to charge those
four witnesses of the fact of their
respective nations to speak the im
partially, without malice pr Hatred,
Favour or affection on any account
whatsoever. The three Shawanna
Witnesses being desired to witdraw
Ayaquachan, the Ganawese, aged ac
cording to appearance, about thirty
years was called uon to give an ac
count of what he knew, and accord-

OTHER L-ANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

268

ingly he said, that he came in the
evening to the Indian Cabin in which
Indian is dead, with John Cartlidge
and Edmund Cartlidge, who had
with them Williara Wilkins and one
Jonathan, both servants to John
Cartlidge with an intent to trade
with the said Indians, for his skins,
they having hired him to be their
guide; that John Cartlidge gave the
Sennikae some small quantities of
Punch and rura three tiraes that
evening, as he remembers, as a free
gift and then sold him some rura;
That both the Sinnekae and this Ex-
aminant were drunk that night; that
in the morning the Sinnekae said he
must have more rum, for that he had
not received all he had bought; that
accordingly he went to John Cartlidge
and demanded it, but that John de
nied to give him any, and taking the
pot out of the Indians hands threw
it away; that the Sinnekae told him
he need not be angry with him for
asking more for he owed it to him,
and he still pressed him to give it;
that John then pushed the Indian
down who fell with his neck across
a fallen tree, where he lay for sorae
time, and then rising walked up to
his Cabin; That this Exarainantwas
then by the fire virhich he thinks was
about thirty or forty, others say a
hundred paces from the Cabin; that
he saw John Cartlidge strip off his
clothing near the fire; That then
this Examinant went up towards the
Cabin and saw the Sinneka sitting on
the ground with the blood running
down his neck, and that when John
Cartlidge carae up he kicked him on
the Forehead with his foot; that this
Deponent was in liquor at the time
and knows no more. Being asked if
he saw any gun, he says he saw
none.

Acqueannacke, the Shawana, aged
in appearance about twenty-two
years, says, that he came to the sarae
place with John Cartlidge and his
Company, that the Sinneka had li
quor overnight, and was drunk with
it; that he and the Ganawese sate
up all Night, but this Examinant
went to sleep. The next day the Sin
neka asked for more rura of John
Cartlidge who refused to give him
any; that John threw away the Pot,
and upon the Indian still pressing
for more liquor drew him down ac
ross a Tree, that the Indian rising,
went up to his Cabin; that William
Wilkins followed him and met him
coming out ol the Cabin with his
Gun, that Wilkins laid hold ol him
and the gun and they both struggled,
but not much; That Edmund Cart-
Mdge came up and lorcing the gun
from the Indian struck him three
blows on the head with it, with
which it broke. He struck hira also
on the Collar bone; that John Cart
lidge being at the fire there stript
off his clothes and coming up kicked
the Indian on the side and broke
two of his ribs; that the man then
I bled at the mouth and nose and was
unable to speak, but rattled in the
Throat; That John Cartlidge with his
Company went to the fire, made uy
his goods and came away; that the
Sinneka in the mean time came into
his cabin where these Shawana lads
left him, and followed John Cart
lidge to trade with him; that this
happened about nine in the morning,
and John Cartlidge himself says, he
left the place at ten by his watch.
Metheequeyta, the other Shawanna
lad, aged about seventeen or eigfc-
teen years, confirms what the other
young man, his companion has said,
and declares he can say nothing fur
ther.

269

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Hereupon, great pains were taken
and Endeavors used to perswade
these evidences, to declare of them
selves all that they particularly
knew without considering what the
others had said, or were supposed by
them to say, for they were kept
apart during the examination, but the
Indians could not be prevailed with,
alleging it was to no purpose to re
peat what others had already de
clared, and it was by many leading
question that Acquanachke was in
duced to mention any part of what
the Ganawese had said before.
Weenepeeweytah, the S.qna-w, was
then examined and said, that she was
in the cabin when her husband came
in for the Gun, that she shrieked out
and endeavored to hinder him from
carrying it out, but could not; that
she followed him and Wilkins being
then by came up and laid hold of
the Gun, but could not take it from
him; that Edmund forced It out of
his hand and struck him first ou the
Shoulder, and then thrice upon the
head, and broke the gun with the
blows; that John Cartlidge stript off
his clothes and coming up to them
found the Indian sitting and he then
gave him one kick on the side with
his foot, and struck him with his
fist, that the man never spake after
he received the blows, save that af
ter he got into the Cabin he said his
friends had killed hira; that a great
quantity of blood came from his
wounds, which clotted on the bear
skin on which he lay; that his mouth
and nose were full of blood; that he
died the next day about the same
time he was wounded the day be
fore; that she was alone with the
corpse and went to seek some help to
bury him; that in the mean time an
Indian woman, wife ol Passalty of
Conestogoe, with the Hermaphrodite

of the same place coraing thither by
accident and finding the raan dead
buried him in the cabin, and were
gone from thence before she return
ed, but she met them in the way. and
understood by them, that they had
lain him in the ground.
Passalty's wife and the Hermaph
rodite being called declared that
Kannannowach, a Cayoogoe Indian
was the first one who found the man
dead, and that he hired them to go
bury him lest the beasts or fowls
should eat him; that it was about
seven days after his death that they
went thither, and the body then
stunk; they found three wounds in
his head and they washed away the
blood and the brains appeared; that
two of his ribs were broke, and his
side on that part was very black.
These, may it please the Gover
nour are the examinations of the In
dian evidences which we havi taken,
with all the exactness that was in
our power and with the utmost im
partiality. We confess that we had
no reason to be full satisfied with the
management of the three Shawanese
Indians vix: the two lads and the
Sqnaw, especially the two first, for
they seemed to have agreed on their
story before hand, esepecially on the
particular ot the man's ribs being
broke of which we conceive these
two youths could not possibly know
anything before they left the place,
because they came from it much
about the same time with the Cart
lidge's and therefore -we judge they
could hear ol it in no other way
than by the woman alt.?rwards, yet
they were positive in affirming; And
we have here given the whole, with
out retrenching anything in lavor ol
any person whatsoever.
The belt of wampum was then
taken up and shewed the Indians,

DTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

27(*

and they were told it was sent from
the Gtovernour by us, to be lorwarded
with a raessage to the Sinneka In
dians upon this unhappy accident
They were therelore desired to think
by the morning ol a proper person to
carry it, that the day being now lar
'spent and the Company tired, (lor
we sate on the business near, eight
hours) we should leave what we had
lurther to say lor the next day, and
accord.ingly desired thera to meet us
early in the same place. We then
ordered two gallons ol rum made in
to Punch, with the above, a hundred
weight ol meat and bread brought
frora John Cartlidge's, to be distri
buted among the Company which was
large and provisions being exceed
ingly scarce at present araong them.
The next day, viz. the 15th ol
March, we met the same Chiels with
out other company to consult about
sending the message belore mention
ed and Colonel by the same interpre
ters spoke to them as lollows.
Friends and Brethren:
We inlormed you yesterday that
we were sent by the Governour in
very great haste Irom Philadelphia
upon the news ol this unhappy acci
dent, which we have been enquiring
into. We therelore, had not anytime
to bring with us any presents to
make you, nor could we indeed be
lieve they would be expected on this
occasion. We thought, however,
that il any should be wanted they
might be easily had at Conestogoe,
but find them very scarce. We have
however procured two Stroud Coats
to be sent to our Brethren, the
Sinnekas to cover our dead Iriend,
and this belt ol Wampum, (Which
was taken up), is to wipe away the
tears. We yesterday recomraended
to you to think ol a fit person to
carry the raessage, which we hope

you have done, and pitched upon one
accordingly. The Indians answered: They had
deterred the choice ol a person till
this meeting and then they named
some one ol them to which we much
desired to be the person, but he ex
cused himsell. At length one Skatch-
eetchoo, a Cayoogoe of the Five Na
tions, and ol that next in situation to
the Sinnekaes, who had for divers
years resided among our. Indians,
was chosen and he undertook the
journey, but said he could not leave
his lamily, who then wanted bread,
unless they were provided for. We
assured hira that the next day six
bushels ol Corn should be brought to
him for his Family's support in his
absence, and for his journey he
should have a Stroud Coat, a new
Gun, with three pounds of powder
and six pounds ol lead, which he
seemed cheerlully to accept ol; some
Palatines, undertook on the Secre
tary's promise to pay to bring the
Corn the next day; a Gun and the
lead we had from John Cartlidge,
but he having no good powder or
Strouds at home, Peter Bizaillon,
promised to deliver these to the
mesenger as he passed his house
near Pexton. Soon alter the two
Stroud Coats were presented, one of
the Conestogoe old men proposed to
Civility, that John Cartlidge having
before given them a Stroud, with a
String of Wampum lor the same pur
pose, these should also be sent with
the others, which being approved of
by the other Indians, the said Stroud
and Wampum was brought and added
to those we had delivered.
The messenger being fully con
cluded on, we desired Civility and
him to be with us in the evening, at
John Cartlidge's house, to receive the
words of our message; but first ws
proposed to the Indians to send a

271

ANNALS OP THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

message for themselves In Conjunc
tion with ours to shew their satis
faction in our proceedmgs, but they
gave us to understand that they
eould not join any words of theirs to
our present, for no such thing was
ever practiced by the Indians, and
they had no belt of their own ready,
otherwise they would send it Civili
ty was then privately inforraed that
we had a belt also lor them (the
Secretary having carried up two),
which they might take as their own
and send it accordingly He seemed
much pleased with this, and we pre
pared for that time to tafee our leaves
but before we did this we Judged
it necessary to caution them, that
from the example we had given them
ol our great care and tenderness
over them, and our regard to our
League made with them. They
should be very carelul on their
parts not to give offense to the
Christians who were settled near
them, or by any means to injure
their cattle or anything belonging to
them; lor as we would suffer none ol
our people to injure them without
punishing the offenders, so we could
not receive injuries without requir
ing satisfaction; and this we en
deavored to impress upon them, af
ter which we took leave of thera all,
excepting Civility and the Messeng
er, and came to our lodging at John
Cartlidge's whither also about two
hours after came the said two last
mentioned Indians; and to the mes
senger we delivered the following
words as the signification of tbe
Belt we sent with him, viz:
Deliver this Belt from the Gover
nour and Government of Pennsyl
vania to the King of chief of the
Sinnegaes, and say the words it
brings are these: —
Wiliam Penn made a firm peace
and league with the Indians in these

parts nearly forty years agoe,. whichi
League bas often been renewed, and
never broken, but an unhappy acci
dent has lately befallen us. One of
our Brethren and your people has
lost his life by some of our People;
Rum was the first cause of it; he
was warm and brought his gun in
anger against them. They were
alraid ol his gun took it from him,
wounded him and he died. Our Gov
ernour, on the first news of it sent
us two of his Council to inquire in
to it. We have done it and we are
now taking the offenders to Phila
delphia to answer for their fault.
We send these Strowds to cover our
dead brother, and this belt to wipe
away the tears; and when we know
your mind you shall have all fur
ther reasonable satisfaction for
your loss. Civility also received the
other belt privately, promised they
would hold a Council the next day
among themselves, as they had be
fore engaged to us, and sending that
belt in their own name would give
an account of it of our Governour's
great care over them, and of all our
proceedings in this matter.
Being the same time credibly in
formed that the Five Nations had sent
down a large Belt of Warapum, with a
figure of a Rundlet and an Hatchet on
it to the Indians settled upwards on
Sasquehanna, with orders to stave
all the rum they met with we judged
it necessary to send by the same
messenger a public order, under our
Hands and Seals, to all our traders
whom we should raet with, to ac
quaint them, as their carrying of rum
to the Indians was against the Law,
so the Indians staving it was no more
than what from time to time they had
been encouraged to do, and therefore
they must take care not to cause any
riot or Breach ol the Peace, by

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

272

mafeing any resistance, a copy of
which order is bere presented.
All this time from the first day ol
our arrival at Conestogoe John Cart
lidge, and li-xira the second day Ed
mund Cartlidge, had by virtue of our
warrant, been in the custody ol the
High Sheriff ol Chester, who accora
panied us, or in that ol persons de
puted by hira.
The next morning. Civility the
Messenger, and divers ol the old raen
carae over to John Cartlidge's to see
us at our departure. The Messenger
assured us he would set out the next
morning, viz: the 17th, that he hoped
to be with the Sinnekaes in eight
days, and to return in thirty; that
he and Civility, upon his return,
would come directly to Philadelphia
to give an account here of the Dis
charge of his raessage.
We then very much pressed John
Cartlidge, (Edmd.being gone belore
with an officer to his own house al
most in our way) to hasten and go
along with us. His wile grieved al
most to distraction, and would lorce
hersell and her child with him, but
was at length prevailed with to stay;
this caused us sorae loss of tirae. The
woman's sorrows being loud the In
dians went in to comlort her, and so
we departed.
We have brought both John Cart
lidge and Edmund Cartlidge Prison
ers to town with the lad Jonathan
who was present at the fact, and
have committed thera to the custody
ol the High Sheriff ol Philadelphia,
where they now are. William Wilkins
was one hundred and fifty miles up
Sasquehanna trading lor his raaster,
and therelore too lar out ol our
reach. This, may it please the Governor,
is in pursuance ol our Instructions,
the report we have humbly to offer

ol our executing the Comraission
with which we were intrusted.
JAMES LOGAN.
JOHN FRENCH.
An important thing to notice in
this investigation is as shown on
p. 270, that a lot ol the English had
collected around about Conestoga,
where this inquest was held.
1722 — Action of the Government on
th« Killing at Conestoga.
James Logan and John French not
only acted as Commissioiiers but
they brought the two Cartlidges
along with them and put them in the
custody ol the Sheriff. It seems that
the Indian had been killed and bur
ied belore they got to Conestoga; he
was buried three days' journey Irom
Conestoga. They had a very hard
task to get a legal jury. This is
lound on p. 155 of Vol. 3 ol the Col.
Rec The nex:t day on the 22nd ol March,
at Philadelphia the Investigation was
continued and John Cartlidge's ser
vant was sworn After this the twt>
Cartlidge's sent a petition to the
Government from the jail, saying
that they were sorry, that "hey did
not intend to hurt the Indian and that
they acted in sell defense. They
prayed a speedy trial and the Coun
cil adinitted them to bail. They en
tered into the bail in the Court
House before the Governor; and in
a very public manner it was at once
moved that John Cartlidge's name be
dropped as a Justice of the Peace
and that he be struck out. tSee p.
156.) Both men succeeded in giving
bail as we are shown on p. 157,
1722 — The Feeling of the Indians at
Conestoga About the Killing.
In Vol. 3 Col. Rec, p. 152, we are
told that the Indians at Conestoga
selected a Cayuga Indian to t,ake the

2n

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

news to the Five Nations and also
the news of the proceedings, but the
Indian said that he could not leave
his faraily without provisions. The
white people around Conestoga.there-
fore sent his wife a lot of com and
some of the Mennonites about Con
estoga said that they would pay for
more com and take it there.
In the last mentioned book, p. 155.
we are told that John Cartlidge's
wife was very much distracted about
this killing and that the Indians
around there went to her and tried
to comfort her and make her feel
that Cartlidge would come out all
right. The messenger also returned from
fhe Five Nations and made a favor
able report.
1722 — The Five Nation's Attitude
About This Conestoga Killing.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, it is
stated at p. 163, that a number of the
Conestoga Indians and the messen
ger sent to the Five Nations, the
Delawares and others being present
In Council the Governor asked the
messenger for a report and he said
among other things, that when
Logan came up to Conestoga because
of those news that their cousin had
been killed, that all felt a great sor
row and he delivered a belt of wam
pum to wipe the tears away. He
also says that the Five Nations are
Well pleased with what has been
done and that they hope we will
keep the bones of the dead more in
memory. He presented other belts
and desired that the Governor
would be strong friends with them.
On the report being made the
Council decided that John and Ed
mund Cartiledge must be prosecuted
according to law. And because the
Five Nations think that they ought
to be tried these two men were

again arrested. Some of the Five
Nations being present and the Con-
toga Indians also, the Governor said
fo them "Friends and Brothers of
Conestoga, it makes our hearts glad
to see how you brighten the chain
and make it strong. The chief law
among fhe English is that when any
man has done another an injury, he
must be punished, and these men
who killed your cousin must be tried
according to law."
Finally the Indians _ themselves
asked that they would let John and
Edmund Cartiledge go free and they
were left go.
1722 — The Conestoga Indians Much
Excited About the Taking of
Laud at Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 178,
it is stated that the Governor sent
a letter by express to Conestoga on
the land question and received news
of the excitement in Conestoga. He
said he found the Indians wee much
alarmed about a survey of land on
the bank of the Susquehanna, that
he held a Council with the Indians
of Conestoga on Friday and Satur
day and proposed that he would sur
vey for them a tract on the West
side of the Susquehanna river, be
ginning on the upper line of the new
settlement and running back six
miles into what is now York County,
and down that line to a point oppo
site the mouth of the Conestoga
Creek and then by a line into the
river. This pleased them very much
This land excitement became so great
that the Governor ordered a company
of the militia to set out from New
Castle up to Octoraro to prevent the
Marylanders frora disturbing our In
dians.

OTHER LANCASTER CO UNTY INDIAN TRIBES

274

1722— Governor Keith Holds Another
Council with the Indians at
Conestoga.
On the 15th of June, 1722, Gover
nor Keith was at Conestoga holding
a Council to take up several ques
tions, and araong others was this
question of surveying a tract of 70,-
000 acres of land across the Susque
hanna, so as to keep people out and
away from the Indians. This tract
was known as Springetsburg Manor.
The minutes of the Council are set
lorth in Vol. 3 ol the - Col. Rec, p.
181, as lolloks:
At a Council with the Indians at
Conestoga, June 15th, 1722.
PRESENT:
Sir William Keith, .Bart, Govr.
Col. John French and Francis
Worley, Esqs.,
The Chiels ol the Conestogoe, Sha
wana and Ganaway Indians; Sraith,
the Ganaway Indian, and James Le
Tort, Interpreters.
The Governor spoke as lollows:
Friends and Brothers: The belts
which I lately received Irom the Five
Nations signily, that they are one
people with the English, and are
very kind neighbors and Iriends. They
invite me to corae to thera at Albany,
and make the chain between us as
bright as the Sun. When they see
me they will remeraber their great
friend Williara Penn, and then our
hearts will be filred with love and our
Councils with peace.
You say you love me because I
carae Irora your lather, Williara
Peiin, to lollow his peaceable ways,
and to lulfill all his kind promises to
the Indians, you call me William
Penn and I ara very proud of the
name you give rae; but if we have a
true love for the raemory of William
Penn, we raust now shew it to his

faraiy and to his children, that are
grown up to be men in England, and
will soon come over to represent him
here. Last time I was with you at
Conestogoe, you showed me a parch
ment which you had received from
William Penn containing many arti
cles of friendship between him and
you and between his children and
your children; you then told rae he
desired you to reraember it well for
three generations, but I hope you and
your children will never forget it
That parchment fully declared your
consent to Williara Penn's purchase
and right to the lands on both sides
Sasquehanna; but I find both you and
we are like to be disturbed by idle
people frora Maryland, and also by
others who have presuraed to survey
lands on the banks of Sasquehanna,
without any powers frora William
Penn or his children to whora they
belong, and without so much as ask
ing your consent.
I am therefore corae to hold a
Council and consult with you how to
prevent such injust practices lor the
future, and hereby we will shew our
great love and respect for William
Penn's children who inherit their
father's estate in this counti-y, and
have a just hight to the hearty love
and friendship of all the Indians
promised to them in many treaties,
I have fully considered this thing,
and if you approve my thoughts, I
will Immediately cause to take up a
large tract of land on the other side
of Sasquehanna for the Grandson of
Wiliam Penn,_ who is now a man as
tall as I am; lor when the land is
marked with his name upon the trees
it will keep off the Marylanders and
every other Person whatsoever Irom
coming to settle near you to disturb
you, and he bearing the same kind
heart to the Indians which his Grand-

275

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

father did, will be glad to give you
any part ol his land lor your own
use and convenience; but il other
people take it up they will make set
tlements upon it, then it will not be
In his power to give it to you as you
want it.
My Dear Friends and Brothers:
Those who have any wisdom
amongst you must see and be con
vinced that what I now say is entire
ly lor your good, for this will effec
tually hinder and prevent any person
from settling lands on the other side
of Sasquehannah, according to your
own desire, and consequently you
will be secure from being disturbed
by ill neighbors, and have all that
land in the same time in your own
power to make use of. This will al
so beget a true hearty love and
friendship between you, your chil
dren, and the great William Penn's
grandson, who is now Lord of all
this country in the room of his
grandfather. It is therefore fit and
necessary for you to begin as soon as
vou can to express your respect and
love to him; he expects it from you
according to your proraises In many
treaties, and he will take it very
kindly. Consider them my brothers, that I
am now giving you an opportunity to
speak your thoughts lovingly and
freely unto this brave young man,
Mr. Penn's grandson; and I, whom
you know to be your true friend
will take care to write down your
words and to send them to England
to the gentlemen, who will return
you a kind answer, and ;".o your
hearts will be glad that the great
William Penn still lives in his chil
dren to love and serve the Indians.
.\t a Council held with the Indians
at Conestogoe, June 16th, 1722.

PRESENT:
Sir William Keith, Bart, Govr.
Colo. John French and Francis
Worley, Esqs.
The Chiefs of the Conestogoe,
Shawana and Ganaway Indians:
Smith and James LeTort, Interpre
ters. The Indians spoke in answer by
Tawenea, as follows:
They have considered of what the
Governor proposed to them yesterday
and think it is matter of very great
importance to them to hinder the
Marylanders from settling or taking
up lands so near them upon Sasque
hanna. They very much approve
what the Governour spoke and like his
Council to them very much, but they
are not willing to discourse partic
ularly on the business of land lest
the Five Nations may reproach or
blame thera.
They declare again their satlsfac-
ton with all that the Governour said
yesterday to them in Council and
although they know that the Five Na
tions have not any right to these
lands, and that four of the towns do
not pretend to any, yet the fifth town
viz: the Cayugoes; are always claim
ing the same right to lands on Sas
quehannah, even where they them
selves now live; wherefore, they
think it will be a very proper time
when the Governour goes to Albany
to settle that matter with the Cay
ugoes, and then all paties will be
satisfied. They asked the Governour where
abouts and what quantity of land does
he propose to survey for Mr. Penn.
it answered frora over against the
mouth of Conestogoe Creek up to the
Governour's new settlement, and so
far back from the river as no person
o.an come to annoy or disturb them
in their towns on this side.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

271',

They proceeded and say that they
are at this time very apprehensive
that the people will come when the
Governour has gone to Albany and
survey his land; wherelore they
earnestly desire that the Governour
will immediately cause the surveyor
to come and lay out the land lor Mr.
Penn's grandson to secure thera, and
they doubt not but the Governour's
appearance and conduct after-wards at
Albany will make all things easy
there. Copy of the Governour of Pennsyl-
¦^-ania's letter to the Governour of
Maryland, dated from Newberry, on
Sasquehannah, June 23d, 1722.
SIR: .After I had been here sorae
days I set out on Sunday morning
last from Conestogoe towards New
Castle by way ol Nottinghara, not
without sorae hopes ol having the
happiness to meet you about the
head ol the Bay, from whence I
daily expected to hear from you. But
after I had proceeded twenty miles
on my journey, I received an express
on the road from two Magistrates of
Pennsylvania, informing me that
they, with sorae others, had been
taken prisoners by a party ol men
in arms Irom Cecil county, :ind car
ried belore the Justices of that
Court who detained them in custody
two days, and afterwards disraissed
them upon a verbal promise to ap-
peer the next court. They also ac
quainted me of their being certain
ly inforraed by the Cecil Magistrates,
that a warrant was issued by Mr.
Lloyd fo surveying a Manner to my
Lord Baltimore, upon the banks of
the Susquehanna above Conestogoe,
including this settlement frora
whence I now write, and that an or
der has been issued by yourself in
Council to press Men and Horses for
that service, and that they were to
set out from Baltimore on Monday,

viz: next day, under the command of
one Captain Dursey . Now, Sir,
though I did not by any means give
credit to all this relation, yet know
ing the weaknesses and former at
tempts of some of your people of
whom I have formerly complained to
yourself, who justly bear the char
acter of land Pirates, I was resolved
to put it out of their power on this
occasion to embroil us by their ridic
ulous projects, and returning ira
raediately to Conestogoe,where I in
deed had left the Indians !mt two
days belore, much alarmed with gen
eral reports, that the Marylanders
were coming to survey the lands
which no reasonable man could then
believe. I now did, at the earnest
request ol the Indians, order a sur
vey to be lorthwith made upon the
banks of the Sasquehannah, right
against our Indian towns, and you
will find the reasons I had for it
more fully set forth in a copy of the
warrant of the survey herein enclos
ed. As I found this absolutely neces
sary to be done for quieting the In
dians, as well as to prevent the mis
chief which might happen upon any
of your people presuming to en
croach upon what these Heathens
call their property; so likewise, it
appeared to me to be the only method
I could take at this juncture
from preventing our own people
from taking up or settling lands on
this side to disturb or hamper the
Indians unto whom this Province is
bound by old Treaty to give them a
full scope and Liberty in their set-
tlerants frora the Christian inhabi
tants .
But that all things of this nature
may be carried on with that open
ness of heart and perfect good under
standing which I am sure we both de
sire, and that your own prudent mild
conduct raay be strengthened by all

277

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

the arguments I can furnish you for
putting a just restraint upon that
Covetous and most licentious Humor,
with which you see we are contin
ually plagued, I thought it my duty
without delay to acquaint you by
express with all that has been done
here with the reasons at large.
Perhaps some ignorant, or I should
rather say designing people, will en
deavor to perswade you that this
place is upon the Border ol Mary
land; Whereas in truth, there can
not be a clearer demonstration In
anything of that nature, that it is
about twelve miles to the North
ward of Philadelphia, and I am sure
I need not say any more to convince
you that at least I have good reasons
to insist upon it being within the
limits of this province, without all
manner of dispute.
My fatigue in the woods has brought
a small fever upon me which an
ounce of bark has pretty much abat
ed, so that tomorrow I shall return
home by slow journey directly to
Philadelphia, where I should rejoice
to see you once more but in all
places and at all times I shall be,
while li-ving most faithfully, etc.
1722— The Cayugas Claim Land at
Conestoga, Formerly Sold to
Williara Penn.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 182,
aa shown in the above item, the
Cayuga Indias had told the Con-
stogas that certain lands round about
Suspuehanna belonged to them and
that Penn had not bought it; that
the Conestogas say that they know
the Five Nations have no right to
those lands and that four of the Five
Nations are satisfied but the Cayugas
claim rights to lands and even to
those where the Conestogas now live;
and the Conestogas now ask t'-?
Govemor to get this matter straight-

I ened out so no trouble will occur.
1722 — Location of the Conestoga In
diantown and Fort.
By reverting to the survey of
Springetsbury Manor which extended
15 miles Nortward from the mouth of
the Conestoga creek, we are given
another view ol the location ot the
Conestoga Indiantown, for in Vol. 3
of the Col. Rec, p. 183, it is stated
that the Indiantowns are right oppo
site this tract of land, to be surveyed
across the Susquehanna river.
1722 — A Delegation of Conestogas
Go to Philadelphia.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 189, it
is set forth that the Indians of Cone
stoga go to Philadelphia to attend to
important business. The language is
as follows:
"Satseechoe, the Messenger, who in
the beginning of last May was sent
the second time to the Five Nations,
being returned from thence, and ac
companied to town from Conestogoe
with Captain Civility, Tehanoote and
Diohanse, the Governour appointed
him a public audience, wherein by the
interpretation of Civility from the
Mingoe into the Delaware Indian
tongue, and of Alice Kirk (who was
first sworn to interpret truly,) Irom
that into the English. He reported
as follows:
That the people of the Five Nations
wanted provisions so much, and were
so busily employed In looking out for
food that the Chiefs had not time to
meet and open the presents sent them
by the Governour; that he carried
them altogether to the house of the
King on the river where the Messeng
er was born (viz: the Cayoogoes),
where he left them, and when they
have leisure from providing them
selves with victuals they will meet
together and open them; that these

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

278

presents are all put together with
those sent by the Governour of Vir
ginia, and the Golden Medal sent by
the Governour until our Governour
and the Governour ol Virginia corae
to Albany, to which place they desire
the Governour and James Logan to
come." 1722 — The Conestoga Indians and the
Five Jfations Want the Cart
lidges Pardoned.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 189, it
is stated that the Indian delegation
from Conestoga including some of the
Five Nations reported to Council,
"that they were glad the Governour
sent them a Letter for that was like
two tongue, and confirmed what the
Messenger said to them. The great
King ol the Five Nations is sorry for
the Death ol the Indian that was
killed, lor he was his own flesh and
blood he believes that the Governour
is also sorry, but now that it is done
there is no help for it and he desires
that John Cartlidge may not be put
to death for it nor that the Governour
should be angry and spare him lor
some ime and put him to death after
wards; one lile is enough to be lost,
there should not two die. The King's
heart is good to the Governour and all
the English. One stuck a gentleman
with a knile at Albany and they were
sorry lor it, but it was made up and
nobody put to death lor it So they
desire John Cartlidge may not die lor
this, they would not have him killed.
John Cartlidge has been a long time
bound, and they desire that he may
be bound no longer. When the Gov
ernour comes to Albany, they will
take him by the hand and their hearts
shall be joined as their hands to
gether. The Governours ol New'York,
of Virginia and New England are to
be here. The Indians will all meet

and all will be made up when the
Governour comes to Albany. The
Governour ol New England has sent
them great presents of Match Coat,
thirty bundles ol goods all tyed up,
and they are not yet opened. When
the Governours come altogether to
Albany, they will open and divide
them. The Five Nations will be glad
to see the Governours, they have been
busy getting victuals as fish out of
the River and some vension from
the woods, but now Squashes and
Pompions are come they will be able
to travel. Their King is an old man
and could not come thither; he can
not travel as a young man, but he will
come to Albany to see tbe Governour
there, who he hopes will come in ten
days. They desire that Satcheechoe
may come hither with the Governour."
1722 — The Five Nations Surrender All
the Conestoga Land.
At a treaty held at Albany in 1722,
the Five Nations said, "Brother Onas:
those lands about Conestogoe which
we now freely surrender to you all
the Five Nations have claimed, and it
is our desire that the same may be
settled with Christians, In token
whereof we give you this string ol
wampum," (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 201).
To this Governour Keith replied,
(p. 202) "Brethren: You know very
well that the lands about Conestogoe
upon the River Sasquehanna, belong
to your old friend and Kind Brother
William Penn, nevertheless, I do
here, in his name, kindly accept of
the offer and surrender, which you
have now made to me because it will
put an end to all other claims and
disputes if any should be made here
after."1722— Governor Spotswood of Virginia
Intends Holding a Treaty at
Conestoga.
In Vol.3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 202, It
Is stated that, "The Secretary com-

279

.ANNALS OF THE SU SQUEHANNOCKS AND

municated to the Board a Letter he
had received from the Governour of
this Province, dated Albany the 
instant, informing him that Colonel
Spotswood, Governour of Virginia,
then with him at Albany, had resloved
on his return homeward to hold a
treaty with our Indians at Conesto
goe, whither our Governour designed
to accompany him, and therelore de
sires the Secretary to give notice by
James Le Tort and Smith, the Gana
wese Indian, to the Chiels ol the
Four Nations ol Indians settled upon
Sasquehanna River, viz: The Mingoes
or Conestogoe Indians; the Shawa
nese, the Ganawese and the Delawares
to be ready to meet Colonel Spots-
wood and him at Conestogoe in the
beginning of October; but James Le
Tort and Smith, the Indian not being
returned from Albany as the Govern
our expected, the said direction of the
Governour's is at present imprac
ticable. And further this Board is of
opinion, that they can not concur in
directing our Indians to meet the
Governour ol Virginia at Conestogoe,
until this Government is acquainted
with the end and Design of the said
meeting." This desire of Colonel Spotswood
to hold a treaty at Conestogoe was
not received well by the Council of
Pennsylvania (3 Col. , Rec, p. 206.)
The members in Council differed very
much on this matter and they decided
to put the decision off for a while,
and finally after the Council broke up
the Governour found most of the
members to be of a different opinion
frora him on the subject of Spots-
wood's intended treaty with our In
dians. The result was that the Gov
emor sent Spotswood a communica
tion saying that he himself approved
of the treaty and wanted the intimacy
between the Five Nations and the

Susquehannas made stronger but that
the Council opposed. The Governor
then suggested that the best thing to
be done would be that Governor
Keith would either wait on Governor
Spotswood at Conestoga, where Gov
ernor had appointed the Chiefs of the
Indians to meet Spotswood, or that
he. Governor Keith, would communi
cate t,o the Indians whatever Spots-
wood wished to have done, (See 3
Col. Rec, p. 207).
Spotswood replied that he was very
much surprised at the decision of the
Council and from the tone of the
letter he was very much disappointed,
(See 3 Col. Rec, p. 208).
1722— A Message to the Conestogas,
Delawares, Shawanese and
Ganawese.
The Governor and the Council after
the Albany treaty sent to the above
named Indians a message and told
thera that a ra^ire firm League of
Peace was now made. Keith also
told thera that he hoped that he 'and
Spotswood would raeet them ; and that
at the Albany treaty the Five Nations
agreed the Conestogas, Shawanese
and the other eight tribes under them
would be kept from harm; and the
Five Nations also agreed that neither
they or the Conestogas shall harbor
any negroes and that all negro slaves
found in the woods would be returned
to the owners.
1722— The Conestoga and Shawanese
Indians Send an Answer to
Council.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 215,
the reply of the Conestogas and
Shawanese is given as follows:
"The Governor not having sufficient
time, at the last meeting of the
Council to lay before the Board the
answer he had received from the In
dians at Conestogoe, by James Le

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

280

Tort, to the message sent them from
himself and the Board, the 11th of
October last, now orders the same to
be read, and is in these words.
Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722.
The Indian Speech to his Excel
lency Sir William Keith, Bart, Gov
ernour of the Province of Pennsylva
nia, and his Honorable Council at
Philadelphia.
Brethren :
We have heard a relation of tbe
Governour's proceedings at Albany,
interpreted by James Le Tort, and
are very glad for his safe return, as
also ol the Governour of Virginia and
his proceedings, from which we have
a sraall dread upon us, but we being
here had not the opportunity to know
what was acted.
The last time the Governour was
here, we were in hopes he would
clear all misunderstanding.
We are very thankful for the
Governour's care in letting us know
the law with respect to Virginia,
and will take care to acquaint the
others and take care to observe as
directed by the Treaty, which is en
gaged on our parts.
We are thankful for the Belt ot
Wampum sent by the Governour in
confirming the law, and acquainting
us of the strictness of its ties.
We are troubled in raind of being
stopped lor lear ol some evil conse
quences to happen thereby. Notwith
standing, we say, as the three Gov
ernours agreeing with the Five
Nations on it, we are satisfied.
We were in hopes there should
have been Iree liberty to pass and
repass, but as it is agreed otherwise,
we will observe.
We likewise, the Chiels ol the
Conestogoes, Connays, Delawares and
Shawannoes, sent this belt of Wam
pura to the Governour and Council to

Confirm our speech, consent and ap
probation, and thankfully acknowl
edging the Governour's care for and
on our behalf at the Treaty at
Albany, and in the Spring our chiefs
will pay a visit to your Excellency
and Honorable Council at Philadel
phia. An answer also from the Shawana
King in answer to that pare of the
message relating to the fugitive
Negroes from Virginia, were read in
these words: Conestogoe, Oct. 18th, 1722.
From the Shawanna King to his
Excellency Sir William Keith, Bart.,
Governour of the Province of Penn
sylvania These are to acquaint your brother
concerning these Negro Slaves be
longing to Virginia, now at or
amongst the Shawannoes at Opper-
tus. I will go mysell and take as
sistance where they are not exceed
ing the number 10 as directed. .And
as soon in the Spring as the Bark
will run, we will lose no time to per
form the taking ol them according
to direction, lor now they are abroad
a hunting, so it can be done no
sooner; besides, there will be Hazard
in Seizing them lor they are well
armed, but we must take them by
guile. I am your Excellency's most
humble Servant, THE SHAWANNA KING.
1722 — Chester County Complains
Against the Rum Selling at
Conestoga.
In Vol. 2 ol the Votes ol Assembly,
p. 312, it is set lorth that Chester
County filed a petition, asking that
rura selling among the whites and
Conestoga Indians shall be stopped.

2S1

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1722— The Assembly Take a Great
Interest in the Cartlidge Murder.
In Vol. 2 ol the Votes ol the As
sembly, p. 310, the Assembly asked
the Governor to find out all the lacts
concerning this killing near Cone
stoga, and on p. 213 the Assembly
ordered an address to be drawn up
and sent to the Governor on that
same affair. This address is found,
p. 314, and is very strong, setting
forth the necessity ol condemning to
condign punishment those who killed
the Indian back of Conestoga. This
petition is signed by a great number
of inhabitants. The Assembly also
demands the re-arrest of the Cart
lidges for the killing the Seneca In
dian near Conestoga, (See p. 318) ;
and they also vote 50 Pounds to in
vestigate the killing, (See p. 321) ;
and further they grant 100 Pounds to
Governor Keith to go to Albany
treaty to help to straighten out the
affair with the Five Nations, (See p.
327) ; so that the whole cost of the
Governor's party going to Albany and
all the costs growing out of the
murder at Conestoga reached up
wards of 300 Pounds, a very large
sum, which shows the great import
ance that the Govemor attached to
the unfortunate killing. We must
remember that the sum of 300 Pounds
is the same that was voted to Lan
caster County afterwards to build a
Court House and from this we can
judge what it meant to vote 300
Pounds to investigate an Indian mur
der. 1722 — Great Hardships Among the
Shawana Indians.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 164,
we are told that there was a great
deal of hardship and suffering among
the Shawanese Indians, so much so
that they" cannot go to the Philadel

phia treaty. This time seeraed to be
a season of hardships much of which
is made apparently by Governor
Keith's treaty at Conestoga of June
15th and 16th, 1722, (See Col. Rec,p.
181). 1722— The Shawanese and Connoys
Go to Philadelphia to Pay
Tribute to the Five
Nations.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 187,
is set forth that the Connoys and the
Shawanese are going from Connoy to
the Five Nations to pay tribute and
further that they have captured some
negro slaves from Virginia and now
keep them prisoners among them
selves, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 206). At
this time they were living on the Po-
comac and had negro slaves livinj;
among them, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 211).
1722— Governor Keith Holds a Coun
cil With the Ganawese.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 181,
it is set forth that in addition to the
other tribes of Indians, the Ganawese
were living about Susquehanna and
Conestoga and that they made a
treaty with the rest of the Indians
and Governor Kleth.
1772— The Warrant for Springets
bury Manor Signed at Conestoga.
In Vol. 4 of Haz. Reg., p254, it is
stated that the warrant for the
Manor of Springetsburg, which we
have before spoken of was signed
and dated at Conestoga.
1722— The Old Parchment Treaty, of
1682 Shown by the Conestoga
Indians to Geoveror Keith.
Gordon in his History of Pennsyl
vania, p. 603 says tbat in 1722 at the
Treaty held at Conestoga by Gover
nor Keith, that the Indians there
showed him the original parchraent

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

282

and treaty which Williara Penn had
signed and delivered to them forty
years before, that is the Great Treaty
ol 1682.
1723— The Conestogas Say Tliey Will
Never Forget William Penn.
In one of the articles last cited we
observed that the Conestogas and
Shawanese sent messages to the Gov
ernraent, and in thera they made the
statement that they will not forget
William Penn, since he held the great
treaty with thera. I cite this simply
because it seems to prove that they
were present at the great traty.
1723 — The Suquehanna Indian Tribes
Send a Message to Philadelphia
hy Delegates
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 216,
the Governor raakes known to tbe
Council certain comraunications he
has had from the Indians on the
Susquehanna and Conestoga. The
account is set forth as follows:
"Then he corainunicated to the
Board the speech of WhiAVhinjac,
King of tbe Ganawese Indians deliv
ered to the Governor (whea there
was not a sufficient number of coun
sellors to make a Quorum) by Civil
ity, in the name of the said Whiwhin-
jac, and of his and all the other three
nations of Indians upon Susquehan
na, viz: the Conestogoes, Delawares
and Shawanese, at the Court House,
May the 18th, and rendered English
by Ezekiel Harlan, Interpreter,which
was read and is as follows:
They rejoice that there is a Gov
ernor here from England that loves
the Indians as William Penn did.
They remembered that Williara
Penn did not approve of the methods
of treating the Indians as Children,
or Brethren by joining Hands, for in
all these cases, accidents may happen
to break or weaken the tyes of
Friendship. But William Penn said.

we must all be one half Indian and
the other half English, being as one
flesh and one blood under one Head.
William Penn often spoke to thera
and desired the Indians might heark
to what he said, and after three gen
erations were passed, and the People
gone who heard these words, he de
sired that the writing which he left
with them might bfe read to the
fourth generation that they might
know it was the sense of the words
of their grandfathers.
William Penn knew the Indians to
be a discerning people, that had
eyes to see afar off, and ears to
hearken unto and discover any ap
proaching danger, and he ever looked
upon tbem as his brethren.
William Penn told thera that he
perceived that the Indians delighted
too much in going to war, but he ad
vised thera to peace, for if they went
abroad to war they thereby provoke
other Nations to come and destroy
them. We would not in that case give
them countenance or any assistance,
but if they lived at home in peace
and minded their hunting he would
not only take care of their goods and
families to protect them but would
also furnish them with powder and
lead to defend themselves against
those who might come to war upon
them. It was agreed both by William
Penn and the Indians, that if it should
happen at any time that either of
them did forget the strict League of
Friendship then made between them,
the party who faithfully kept and
remembered the Covenant chain
should take the other, who had for
got, gently as it were by the shoul
der and put him in mind of it again.
As the Governor went last year to
Albany to raake a firm peace with the
Five Nations, and to bury the blood

283

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

of an Indian that had been spilt by
the English, Whiwhinjac, the Gana
wese King, here present, is coming in
the name of all the four Nations of
Indians, upon Sasquehanna, viz: The
Ganawese, Shawannoes, Conestogoes
and Delawares, to desire that the
same blood may not be buried but
washed away as it were by a swift
running stream of water never more
to be seen or heard of again, and
they further desire the Governor to
believe that as they are one fiesh
with the English, they look upon
themselves to be equally concerned
with thera in accidents of that Na
ture. They desire the Government may
keep this treaty in remerabrance, so
as that no clouds of any kind may a-
rise to obscure it, but that it raay re
main bright and lasting as the Sun,
and they desire that the Settlers and
young men near Conestogoe end their
other towns, may be directed to treat
them with kindness and respect like
Brethren. They also desire that the English
may not be suffered to straiten or
pinch the Ganawese or Shawannoes
to make thera remove further off, but
to consider them as Brethren, for
they have heard some words to this
purpose which they do not care to
mention. They are glad to find the English
continue to send their young men
with Goods amongst thera, and they
acknowledge that the Traders are
now very civil and kind to them,
whereby they eat their victuals with
out fear and have a true relish of
- them. The Shawannoes, Ganawese, Con
estogoes and Delawares shall never
forget the words of William Penn,
but that since that treaty was made
between them and him, they do not
find that we have been so careful to
come as often to renew it with the
Conestogoe, as they have been to
corae to us at Philadelphia.

They then said Indians both old
and young do return the Governour
their hearty thanks for his care last
year in sending Corn and Biscuit to
their families when they wanted it
very much.
Having finished what they had to
say, Whiwhinjac, in the name and on
behalf of all the Indians makes a
present to the Gbvernour of 200
Skins. The young men of the Ganaway
town, in behalf, of all their people
say by way of complaint, that they
have suffered many grievances.
Then the Governour's answer to
the Indians, which he was about to
deliver, was read and approved.
It was then considered by the
Board what presents should be re
turned to the Indians, and agreed
to be as follows: A Barrel of Pow
der, twelve gallons of rum, 300 lb. ol
Biscuit, one groce ol pipes, 20 lb ol
Tobacco, 15 Stroud Match Coats, 15
Blankets, 5 pair ol shoes and buck
les, 5 pair ol stockings, 150 Ib ol
lead and meat to the value of twenty
shillings." 1723 — Upper Shawanese Send An
other Message to Phialdelphla
Iu Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 219,
there is mentioned a letter frora Jas.
Mitchell, Justice of the Peace, direct
ed to the Governor, dated Donegal,
April 25th, 1723, containing an ad
dress frora Ocowellos' King of the
Upper Shawanese, to which the
Board agreed to make the following
answer: "In answer to the Message from
the Upper Shawanese on Sasquehan
nah, mentioning their past visits,and
another shortly intended to the Gov
ernor of Canada, whom they think
fitt to call their father. The Gover
nour and Council say, that William
Penn's people in this country, are by
treaties united to all the Indians as

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

284

in one body; but the French and Eng
lish are two distinct people, as the
long wars that have been between
the English and them fully show.
Now no Indians that are united with
us can be joined to them, because
that would divide the sarae body into
two parts and utterly destroy it.
The Governour and Council there
fore, can not agree tbat any of our
Brethren should be joined in League
to any 'other Nation or People than to
the subjects of our great King George
who is the head of all the English
and their Brethren. If these Indians
are united to us, we shall desire their
company and that they may live
with us as Brethren in peace and
love as all our other Brethren have
hitherto done and ever must do with
us. The Governour at request send
them Five Gallons of Rura to clear
their hearts at hearing of these his
words, and one Strowd Match Coat
to cbnfirra thera.
The Board agreed to meet the In
dians at the Court Hause the same
afternoon and accordingly,
P. M. PRESENT:
The Honourable the Governour and
same members as in the afternoon,
sundry gentlemen and many other
people. Whiwhinjac, Civility, sundry chiefs
and other Indians.
Ezekiel Harlan and Indian Smith,
Interpreters. The Governour answered Whihin-
jac's speech of the 18th instant, as
follows :
Brethren: You know that I carae
frora William Penn to lulfill his kind
words to the Indians, and to be as a
father to them now, since he is gone.
It is also the orders and Coraraand
of the Great King George ray Mas
ter, that the English and the Indians
should live together as Brethren in
one laraily.

II any ol us therelore happen to
be sick or in want ol lood the other
should help him, and when any loss
or mislortune belalls either the Eng
lish or the Indians, the other is sorry
and in grief lor it.
You say Williara Penn knew you
to be a discerning people that
could hear and see afar off, and I
say you know the English to be a
faithful good people who always
keep their treaties and Leagues pun
ctually with the Indians and you also
know that our laws make no distinc
tion between our people and yours-
We being thus linked together in
one Family ,we ought always but to
have one Council and so be of one
mind, and therefore we can not suf
fer one half to go to War while the
other remains at horae in Peace.
When any people are divided in
their Councils and opinions, they
grow weak and soon become a prey
to their enemies.
In such cases you know it is the
constant practice amongst your
people to consult together in Coun
cil until the old and wise men over
come and convince the weaker heads
of the young and foolish.
Just so ought you to do with us,
because we are altogether one people ;
and then the family become strong
in love. Peace and Friendship to each
other. Reraember that this is the bright
chain of Love and Friendship where
with Williara Penn bound your
people and his together, nevermore
to be separated. By this Chain
Philadelphia is joined to Conestogoe,
and all the Indian towns upon Sus
quehannah. By laying our hands as it were on
this chain, we can safely travel by
night or by day through all your
towns, and into the woods, and in
like manner your people are hereby
conducted safely through all our
settlements back again to us at
Philadelphia.

285

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND'

You must know and remember that
it is my proper office and business
as Governour of the whole countrey
to keep this chain perfectly clean
and free from the least speck of rust
You therefore Whiwhinjac, King of
the Ganawese who have now spoke
to me in the name and on behalf of
the four Nations of Indians upon
Susquehannah must remember that
I am now going to say and tell the
other chiefs of these nations that I
expect you and they being frequently
in Council together with your old
and wise men will be exceedingly
careful to keep the End of the Chain
towards your own settlements al-
woys bright and clean, and you raay
assure all your people that as often
as any of them have occasion to
come down to visit their Brethren
the English here, they shall not find
the least spot on this end of the
chain fastened here, which is always
in my view and shall be my particu
lar care.
The dead body of our Indian broth
er whom you mention was covered
by me at Albany in the sight of all
the Chiefs of the Five Nations and
to the satisfaction of the kindred;
nevertheless I take it very kindly
that you now desire the blood maybe
washed away under the ground never
raore to be seen or heard of. This
shows that you are truly onr Breth
ren, and hereupon I erabrace and as
it were take into my arms you and
all your people.
I will take care that no English
Settlements shall hereafter be made
too near your towns to disturb you,
so that the Shawanoes and Ganawese,
may remain in peace where they now
are, for we are well pleased with
them as neighbors and do not desire
to see thera remove further from us.
But as I have always been ready to
hear your complaints and take care

of you as ray own children, so I must
also do by the English; wherefore I
desire you will be mindful to treat
them like Brethren of the same
Family and do not suffer your young
people with their dogs and arrows to
hunt and kill their Creatures.
I give you these things here belore
you to confirm what I have said, viz:
the presents belore raentioned.
I have also ordered some piovlsions
and gallons ol rum to help you back
to your families, and I heartily wish
you a good journey horae to Cone
stoga, which was done: —
Civility, the Intrepreter, told the
Governour he had something to say,
which was, —
The Indians well approve of all the
Governour has said except where he
told them that tbe English Law made
no difference between the English
and the Indians, for they should not .
like upon an Indian comraitting a
fault, that he should be iraprisoned,
as they had seen sorae Englishmen
were. To which the Governour answered.
That they misapprehended the
raeaning, which was, that if any Eng
lishman did injury to an Indian he
should suffer the same punishment as
if he had done it to an Englishman.
But if an Indian coraraitted robbery
or such like crime against the Eng
lish, he would acquaint their chief
with it and from him expect ratisfac-
tion. Then Civility told the Governour
that they looked upon it as a great
hardship for thera to be confined
frora hunting on the other side of
Potowmick, for that in their neigh
boring woods was. but little game.
To which the Governour answered:
That the Five Nations by their
treaty with the Governour of Virgin
ia, had agreed not only to forbear
themselves but also to restrain the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

286

Susquehanna Indians from hunting
there, for that he (Civility) knew that
some ol the Five Nations under pre
tence ol hunting had gone there for
merly and murdered and plundered
some of the English, which was the
cause of raaking that severe article
in the treaty.
Then Civility said, that Whihinjac
and the rest proposed to proceed to
Annapolis, to renew their League of
Friendship with the Governour there
as he has done here, and they
thought proper to acquaint hira there
of. To which the Governour answered:
That the people of Maryland and
Pennsylvania were very good friends
and he was contented they should go,
but that the Indians should consider
that as they were inhabitants of
Pennsylvania, they were immediately
subjects of the Governour and none
other."1723 — First Cause Inducing the
Shawanese to Move to Ohio.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penna. Archives, p.
329 there is a message dated 1732
Irom the Shawanese to our Gover
nor. In it they say that "about nine
years ago (whi(^ would be 1723) the
Five Nations told us that we do not
well to settle there (at Pequea) lor
there was a Great noise in the Great
House and in three years we should
know what they had to say." This
message lurther says that the Five
Nations threatened the Shawanese
that il they would not obey they
would put petticoats upon them. So
it would appear Irom this that the
Five Nations first Irightened the
Shawanese to raove away Irora Lan
caster County.
1723— The Indians On the Susque
hanna Agree Not to Hurt the
Indians in the Sonth.
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec. p. 221, it
is set lorth that Captain Civility told
the Governor that he would do what

he could to restrain the Five Nations
Irom going South under the pre
tenses ol hunting, lor they really go.
South to murder.
1723— The Indian Nations Now Living
on Susquehanna River.
in Mombert's History ol Lancaster
county, p. 24, he relers to this conler
ence held in 1723, in which Whiwhin
jac, the Ganawese chiel made the
speech and he calls our attention to
the lact that this Ganawese chiet
mentions the lour Nations living on
the Susquehanna, viz: the Cones
togas, Shawanese, Ganawese and
Delawares.1726— The Walking Purchase Again
Causes Trouble.
In Vol. 2 ol the Votes ol Assembly,
p. 481, under the date ol 1726, it is
stated the Indians claim they bought
back out ol the walking purchases
all the land extending one mile on
each side ol the West Branch ol the
Brandywine creek, Irom the said
branch to the source ol the said
creek. I put this in under Lancaster
County Indian matter because the
West Branch ol the Brandywine
practically touches Lancaster county.
1727 — The Conestoga Chiefs Come to
Philadelphia.
In Vol. 3 ol the ol. Rec, p. 271,
a very interesting visit ol tbe Chiels
ol the Five Nations and also Indians
Irom Conestoga to the Governraent is
given. It is set lorth as lollows:
"At a Council held at Philadelphia,
July 3d, 1727. PRESENT:
The Honourable PATRICK GOR
DON, Esqr., Lieut. Governor.
Jaraes Logan, Richard Hill, Isaac
Norris, Williara Fishbourn, Evan
Owen, Clement Plumstead, Esqrs.
Present also, several Chiels ol the
Five Nations, but most ol them ol the
Nation ol the Cayoogoes, viz:

287

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Connosoora, Cagongsaniyong, Cant-
araghengrat, Tannewhannegah, Can-
nawtoe, Seelowacks, Achyiawanra,
Onaquadeghoa, etc., with Civility and
Satcheetchoe ol Conestogoe and div
ers ol the Ganawese, etc.
These, with divers other Indians,
arriving Irom the Five Nations and
Sasquehannah four days agoe, desir
ed a meeting with the Governour as
ou this day. The Governour, to give
them an opportunity summoned the
Council for that purpose, who being
mett, and these Indians seated.
The Governour told them by Mrs.
M. Montour, a French woman, who
had lived long among these People,
and is now interpretess, that he was
glad to see them all well after so
long a journey, and was now ready
with his council to receive what they
have to say.
Tannewhannegah spoke, " and by
Montour tbe Interpretess said, that
the Chiefs of all their Five Nations
beiifg mett together in one of their
towns they held a great Council, and
that these who are now present carae
in the behalf and by the advice of all
the rest, that they understood the
Governour of this jprpvince had div
ers times sent for them to come
hither, and that they were now ac
cordingly come by the advice of all
their Brethren to know the Gover
nour's pleasure.
That the first Governour of this
place, Onash, (that is Goverour
Penn,) when he flrst arrived here,
sent to them to desire them to sell
land to him, that they answered they
would not sell it them, but they
might do it in time to corae, that be
ing several times sent for, they
were now come to hear what the
Governour had to offer.
That when the Governour was at
-Albany he had spoke to them to this
Purpose. Well, my Brethren you I

have gained the victory; you have
overcome the People and their lands
are yours. We shall buy them of
you. How many commanders are
there amongst you, and being told
there were forty he said then if you
corae down to me I will give each of
these Comanders a suit of Cloaths
such as I wear. They say that a for
raer Governour proposed to sorae of
their Nation, as they were passing
by Conestogoe, to. go to War against
their enemies, that he would buy
that land at Tsanandowa, for that he
had a mind to settle some of his
people there, (as being in his road),
who would supply them with neces
saries in their Journey; that they an
swered they were then goin.g to war
and could not attend affairs of land,
but at their return they would lay
the matter before their chiefs, who
would give their answer, and now
they are come to hear what the Gov
ernour has to offer.
They add that the said Governour,
when he was at Conestogoe, desired
those warriors to speak to the chiefs
about the Purchase of ihat land; that
having no Wampura to send by them
as a token of the Message, he gave
the Warriors a cask of powder with
some shott, a piece of red Strowds
and some duffels, that the Warriors
delivered their message to tbe Chiefs,
who have now sent to left the Gover
nour know they are willing to pro
ceed to a sale; and with this Speech
they present two very small bundles
of Deer Skins for a confirmation.
The Governour told them that he
would answer them in the morning to
all they had said, and they departed.
JULY 4TH.
The Council and the Indians being
mett according to Appointment the
Governour by the same Interpretess,
in answer to what the Indians said
yesterday spoke to them as follows,

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

288

The Governours of the Province, I
who have all acted here in the Place
of William Penn, the first and Great
Governour of the same, have always
been pleased with every opportunity
ol cultivating and improving a
friendship with the Five Nations,
and the present Governour and his
Council take their visit very kindly
at this tirae, but they have been rais-
inforraed when they supposed the
Governour had sent for thera; the
Journey is very long and he would
not have putt them to so much troub
le, or if he had seen occasion for it,
he would according to custora have
sent sorae Messenger with a token,
by which the Five Nations might
have been assured of the truth of
the Message.
Governour Penn, (that is Onash,)
when be first carae into this Province
took all the Indians of it by the
hand; he embraced thera as his
friends and Brethren, and raade a
firm League of Friendship with thera,
he bound it as with a chain that was
never to be broken; he took none of
their lands without purchasing and
paying for thera, and knowing the
Five Nations clairaed the lands on
Sasquehannah, he engaged Colonell
Dungan, Governour of New York,
about forty years since to purchase
their right in his behalf, which Col
onell Dungan did, and we have deeds
frora him for all those Lands.
The Five Nations were so sensible
of this that they never since clairaed
these Lands, though we have raany
visits from them hither for brighten-
the chain of Friendship. And Five
years since, when Sir William Keith
and lour gentlemen ol the Council
were at Albany, at a general raeeting
ol all the Five Nations their Chiels
ol themselves confirmed the lormer
grant, and absolutely released all
pretentions to these Lands; our rec
ords shew this, an^ these people
who are now here cannot but be
sensible ol it.

When a lormer Governour ol this
place, with his Council, made a pres
ent at Conestogoe to some ol the
Five Nations then passing that way,
it .was not with any view to purchase
the lands at Tsanandowa. The Gov
ernour thanks them very heartily
lor this offer to sell these lands, if
they are not yet purchased, but he
can not treat about thera at present.
Williara Penn's son, who was born in
this countrey is expected over here,
and then he may treat with them if
he think it proper. In the mean time,
as these lands lie next to our settle
ments, though at present at a great
distance, we shall take this offer as
a proof of their resolution to keep
them for hira.
This is what the Governour has to
say about the lands, but as they are
corae a long journey to visit us, he
gives thera as our Friends and Breth
ren these goods now laid before them
desiring that of the five guns one
may be given to the chief of each of
the Five Nations, with three pounds
of powder and as much lead and the
rest may be divided as they shall
think proper. And we have also pro
vided Bread, Cheese, Rum, Pipes a,nd
Tobacco, for their support in their
return. The Governour doubts not but that
they are fully convinced of our
Friendship and regard, to them, and
that they will consider their recep
tion here as a proof of it. The Gov
ernour recommends to them to notify
the Chiefs of the Five Nations what
passes between us, that it may be
kept in perpetual remerabrance.
The Goods which were last night
ordered for them are,
5 fine Guns,
15 Strowd Match Coats,
10 Blankets,
10 Duffel Matchcoats,
12 Shirts,
50 lbs. of Powder,

289

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

100 lbs. ol Lead,
2 dozen Knives.
Ordered lurther:
To the Intrepretess 1 Stroud, 1
Shirt, 1 Matchcoat.
To her husband, Carondawana,' 1
Strowd and another to her Niece.
To Civility, 1 Strowd, 1 fine Shirt
and 1 pair ol Stockings.
Also, 1 cwt. of Bisket, 10 Gallons
ol Rum, with Cheese, Tobacco and
Pipes, lor their journey.
After the said Indians had receiv
ed their presents and were parted,
they again applied desiring an oppor
tunity of offering something further
and the Governour appointing the
same afternoon, they mett and pre
senting six very small bundles of
Deer Skins, proceeded to say:
That they are come hither to see
the Governour in his Government,
and are very well pleased with the
opportunity given them, and with the
Governour's discourse this morning,
concerning the covenant chain and the
Friendship that has long subsisted
between them, and it is this they de
sire may be kept bright and shining
to the Sun, and that neither rain nor
damps nor any rust may effect it to
deprive it of its lustre; and that the
Governour and his people and they
and their people, their children and
our children may ever continue as
they have hitherto been, one Body,
one Heart and. one Blood to all gen
erations. They are, (they say) but of one
Nation, but they speak in behalf of
all the Five Nations and by authority
from them all. All humane things
are uncertain, and they know not
what may befall them, or into what
misfortunes they may be involved, if
they hear any news relating to us
like Brethren they will inform us of
it; and if we hear any ill news relat
ing to them they desire also to be
informed of it, for when they raeet

with any misfortune and troubles
they will apply to us and acquaint
us with them, as their Friends and
Brethren. They say that there are come many
sorts of traders araong thera. both In
dians and English, who all cheat
them, and though they get their
skins they give them very little in
pay. They have so little for them,
they cannot live, and can scarce
procure Powder and Shott to hunt
with and gett raore. Those traders
bring but little of these, but instead
ol them they bring rum, which they
sell very dear, at least three or lour
times what it is worth, and ol this
they coraplain.
They take notice that both the
French and English are raising lor
tifications in their country and in
their neighborhood, and that great
numbers ol people are sent thither,
the meaning of which they do not
very well conceive; but they fear
some ill consequences from it, and
make it now known to us as their
Brethren. They desire there may be no set
tlements made upon Sasquehannah
higher than Pextan, and that none of
the settlers thereabouts be suffered
to sell or keep any rum there, for
that being the road which their
people go out to war, they are ap
prehensive of mischiel 11 they meet
with liquor in these parts. They de
sire also lor the same reasons, that
none ol the traders be allowed to
carry any rum to the remoter parts
where James LeTort trades, (that is
Allegheny on the branches ol Ohio).
And this they desire may be taken
notice of, as the mind of the Chiefs
of all the Five Nations for it is all
those Nations that now spek by thera
to all our People.
The Governour received their pres
ent kindly thanked thera for that they
Ihad said, and that they raight have

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

290

something in return for their last
present, it was ordered that the
Quantity of Powder should be in
creased to a hundred pounds, and
instead ol 100 lbs. they should have
a hundred Barrs ol Lead.
The Governour told them he would
answer what they had last said in
tbe morning, upon which alter a
Friendly entertainment by the Gov
erour and Council they parted."
This answer which the Governor
promised to give thera he gave on
the 5th ol July and among other
things he told them that everything
is peaceiul and harmonious now and
that there is no bad news and no
danger, but that there will likely be
war in England; that the Indian
traders raust be watched, because
they try to sell high and buy cheap;
that we are trying to do all we can
to stop the rum trade and that
we are not allowing any settlements
to be made above Paxton, (now
Hains') and be says the Indians
ought to be very carelul not to go
past Susquehanna above the raoun
tains. He then told them as they
are preparing to go the Govern
ment had provided them powder and
lead lor hunting and some rum and
provisions.1727— The Chiefs of the Five Nations
Coming from Philadelphia to
Conestoga Commit Depre-
ditions.
In Vol. 1 of the Pennsylvania Ar
chives, p. 205 the following letter is
g;iven: CALN, ye 3d of ye 9ber, 1727.
May it Please ye Governour,
These may certify that on the 16th
day of July last, 1727, Richard
Thomas of the Township ol White-
land, came before me and did declare
on his sollem affirmation, that ye
King of ye Five Nations ol Indians

having been at Philadelphia to treat
with the Governour, and did on, their
return with his Company take up
their lodging near to his house
where they resided about four days
and nights together, the nearest
neighbors contributing to their nec-
essitys what they could ye neigh
bors being few and poor could not
supply them to ye full, at which
place they killed one of his cows,
which he valued at four pounds, and
desired of rae a warrant to appre
hend ye said Indians, but I being
informed that they had a letter of
credit frora ye Governour to all per
sons to supply thera with what they
wanted, (and they being gone from
the said Richard Thomas' two days),
I thought it raost proper not to send
a hue and cry after them; but to
write to John Wright and Tobias
Hendricks to treat with them about
it in an amicable way, and to get
satisfaction lor the party injured;
but they having passed down Suske-
hanna belore my letters came to
hand, they missed ol the opportunity.
However about 3 days since ye said
Richard Thomas came again to me
and inlormed me that he had been
with the Governour to lay his case
belore hira, in order to meet with re
lief, but (as he says) ye Governour
would give no orders about it until
he had received some information
from me to set ye case in a true
light, in order to which he on ye
second day of this instant, November,
1727, brought two of his near neigh
bors, namely John Straightfellow and
Henry Atherton, who according to ye
laws and customs of this province,
did attest, and solemnly declare by ye
said cow killed, as above to be well
worth four pounds; and I being sen
sible of the truth of ye above narra
tion, shall conclude, who am ye
Governour's most hearty friend and
servant. To Command,
GEORGE ASTON."

291

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1727— The Killing of Thomas Wright
Near Conestoga.
As we have said above Wright was
killed during the year 1727 and the
correct report of it is found in Vol.
3 of the Col. Rec. p. 285, where it is
stated, "That Mr. Logan acquainted
the Board, that last night he receiv
ed a letter from John Wright, Esqr.,
one of the Justices of the Peace of
Chester Co., giving an account that
one Thomas Wright was killed by
some Indians at §naketown, forty
miles above Conestogoe, which letter
together with the depositions of
John Wilkins, Esther Burt and Mary
Wright, and an inquisition taken up
on the dead body were all laid before
the Board.
The said Depositions being read,
sett forth, that on Monday, the Elev
enth of this Instant, September, sev
eral Indians, together with one John
an Indian Trader, and the said
Thomas Wright, were drinking near
the house of the said Burt, who was
singing and dancing with the Indians
after their manner, that some dispute
arising between one of the Indians,
and the said Wright, Burt bid
Wright knock down the Indian,
whereupon Wright laid hold of the
Indian but did not beat him, that af
terwards Burt struck the Indian sev
eral blows with his first, that the
said Wright and Burt afterwards
retired into the house where the In
dians followed them and broke open
the door, that while Wright was en
deavoring to pacify them Burt call
ed out for his Gun and continued to
provoke them more and more, that
hereupon the said Wright fied to the
henhouse to hide himself whither
the Indians pursued him and the
next morning he was found there
dead. The Inquisition on the body
setts forth, that the said Wright
came to his death by several blows
on his head, neck and temples,whlch
the Jurors say, they believe, were
given by the Indians.

Jonas Davenport, who brought
this account, and was one of the In
quest, being called in and examined
says, that he was informed" by credi
ble people living near the place
where the murder was coraraitted,
that John Burt sent for rum to the
Indians which they drank, and that
he afterwards sent for more, that a
dispute arising between Burt and the
Indians, the said Burt filled his fists
with his own Dung and threw it
among the Indians; that it is gener
ally believed that if Burt had not
provoked and abused them to so high
a degree the matter raight be made
up amicably, and that though it is
very certain the Indians killed Thom
as Wright yet that the said Burt was
the principal occasion of it. Being
likewise examined of what Nation
these Indians are, says that they are
of the Munscoes Indians, who live on
an eastern branch of the Susque
hannah.. The members of the Board observ
ed that this was the first accident of
the kind they had ever heard of in
this Province since its first settle
ment; and that though the Indians,
who committed the fact, had receiv
ed very provocations, yet as a sub
ject had lost its life, it is absolutely
necessary the Government should
take Notice of and move in it for
notwithstanding it will be difficult, as
the fact was circumstanced to call
these Indians regularly to an ac
count, yet some proper measures
ought to be taken to make the In
dians in general sensible of the Out-
rageousness of the action, and to
oblige them to make satisfaction as the
nature ot the case will admi-i of It
was hereupon further observeij that
this Government had been formerly
happy above most of our neighbors,
in preserving a good understanding
and an uninterrupted Friendship with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

292

all our Indians, which was affected
by the just and obliging measures
our late proprietor first took with
them, by which he had greatly en
deared them ^ to himeslf and to this
Government, and the sarae methods
had been for years constantly con
tinued by treaties with thera', held at
a sraall expense, for that the whole
charge, one year with another had
not exceeded the allowance of Fifty
Pounds per annum, which the As-
-semblies from tirae to time had for
merly granted, but that now for six
years past, viz: the five last years of
the late administration, and one year
since the present Governour's arrival
we have had no manner of treaty
with our own Indians, upon which
they think themselves slighted and
have complained of it on divers oc
casions; that the late Assembly al
so, being sensible ol this, by their
Speaker accorapanied by the whole
House, when the last bills were pass
ed, had signified to the Governour
that the House was desirous a visit
should be paid to the Indians as us
ual, and it was hoped when the sea
son ol the year would adrait ol it,
care would be taken to do it, lor
which the ensuing House would un
doubtedly make a suitable provision,
since the late one ol their own rao
tion thought fit to make such an ap
plication."
1727 — A Treaty With the Conestogas
to Be Held; No Treaty During
Sis Tears.
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 286,
it will be noticed that the account ol
the death ol Thomas Wright sets
forth that there has been no treaty
with the Indians lor over six years
and that such a treaty ought now to
be had, because the troubles would
not occur so Irequently il there were
such Treaties.

1728 — A Report that the Delawares
are Ordered to Fight the English.
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, pp. 235
and 296, an account is given, in
which it is stated that James Letort
came to inlorm the Governor that
he was lately come Irom a town on
the upper parts ol the Susquehanna
River and that he heard while there
that the Five Nations had ordered
the Delaware Indians, who used to
live in what is now Lancaster Co.,
but who moved west, to lail upon the
English. This report afterwards
turned out to be untrue.
1728— A Council Held with the Dela
ware Indians.
The King ol the Delwares and
sorae Shawanese visited the Council
on the 4th day ol June 1728, which
may be seen in Vol. 3 ol the Col.
Rec, p. 316. The Governor told
thera that he was glad to see them
and that he had proposed to meet
them all at Conestoga, last Spring,
but he beard that Civility and some
other Indians had gone away and
then he postponed the visit. He told
them that ten days ago he did meet
some tribes at Conestoga. He put
them in mind ol the fact that they
had likely heard that sorae Shawan
ese about twenty days ago came into
these parts of the State and fell on
some of our inhabitants, and that the
matter miist be attended to.
1728 — The Delaware Indians Say the
Whites Are Settled on Lands
They Never Paid For
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 319,
the old Delaware King Allumraapees
raade a speech to James Logan, in
which he said. He was grown old
and was troubled to see the Chris
tians settle on lands that the Indians
had never been paid for, tbey had
settled on his land, for which he had
never received anything.

293

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

That he is now an old man and
must soon die, tbat his children raay
wonder to see all their father's lands
gone from them, without his receiv
ing anything for them that the
Christians now make their settle-
raents very near them, and they shall
have no place of their own left to
live on.
That this may occasion a difference
between their children and us here
after, and he would willingly prevent
any misunderstanding that may hap
pen.
1728 — James Logan Shows the In
dians That We Do Own the
Susquehanna Lands
In the same book last cited, at p.
320, James Logan made the follow
ing reply about the land question on
the Susquehanna:
"That he had not otherwise been
concerned to the lands of this Prov
ince, than as he was intrusted with
other Coraraissioners by the Pro
prietor to manage his affairs of prop
erty in his absence. That their great
Friend, William Penn, had made it
his constant rule never to suffer any
lands to be settled by any of his
people, until they were first duly
purchased by the Indians, and his
Commissioners, who acted for hira in
his absence, has as carefully used
the same method, they never agreed
to the settlement of any lands till the
Indians were duly satisfied for them.
But he said, he judged it proper in
his audience to take notice of our
great unhappiness, in having too
many amongst us who take a delight
in disturbing the Peace of the Pub
lick by any means In their power,
and amongst other methods they had
endeavored even to beget an uneasi
ness in the Indians, but how little
reason there was for any complaint
against him, or the Commissioners,
he should make appear.

He said, that Sassoonan now pres
ent, with divers others of the Indian
Chiefs, about ten years since, having
a notion that they had not been fully
paid for their Lands, came to Phila
delphia to demand what was due to
thera, that the business was heard in
Council, and he then produced to
those Indians a great nuraber of
deeds, by which their ancestors had
fully conveyed, and were as fully
paid for all their lands from Duck
Creek to near the Forks of the Dela
ware, and that the Indians were then
entirely satisfied with what had been
shewn to thera and the Commisioners
to put an end to all further claims,
or demands of that kind, in consider
ation of their Journey and trouble,
made them a present in the Proprie
tor's name and behalf, upon which
they agreed to sign an absolute re
lease for all those Lands, and of all
demands whatsoever upon account of
the said purchase, and exhibiting the
said instrument of release, desired it
might be read, which was done."
He then shows the Indians the
very deeds they had signed for these
lands, viz: all the land between the
Delaware and Susquehanna Rivers,
dated the 17th of September, 1718.
This tract included the tracts North
of Lancaster County or what is now
Lancaster County.
1728— The Indians Complain of the
Germans Settling Among Them.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 322,
One of the Indian Chiefs said that he
could not believe that the Christians
had settled on those lands until he
saw it with his own eyes. The lands
referrred to here are about Tulpy-
hocken in Montgomery County, which
lands were taken up by a Colony of
Mennonites who came over from New
York; and James Logan gave them
the following explanation:

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

294

"That he was sensible the Palatines
were settled there, but as he had
observed before, it was without tbe
consent or knowledge of any of the
Coraraissioners, and how they carae
hither he should now make this audi
ence sensible. He said, that when he
lelt his house this morning he did not
expect this affair would be now men
tioned, but hearing after he came
abroad that it was intended, being
unable himsell to walk, he had sent
lor one paper, which he could easily
direct to, that 11 he could have gone
himsell among his papers, he could
have produced some letters und affi
davits that would more lully explain
the matter, but he hoped that what
he had there would be sufficient to
make it clearly understood. It was
a petition Irom those Palatines them
selves, directed to the late Governour
Sir William Keith and the Council,
all wrote in the hand ol Patrick
Baird, who was then the Secretary
to the Governour and Clerk ol the
Council, and who it was that drew
It would appear by its stile."
1728 — Captain Civility of Conestoga
Sends a Letter to Council.
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 333,
alter the minutes ol Council were
read it is stated that, "The Governor
laid belore the Board a letter he had
received frora Captain Civility, ac
quainting him that several of the
Delaware, Shawanese and Ganawese
Indians, were come to Conestogoe
and had brought many skins with
thera for a present to the Governour;
that they proposed to fulfi'l their
promise of coraing to Philadelphia
this Fall, but the death of his. Civ
ility's child had so rauch affiicted
him that he could not come with
them, and therefore they had all re
solved to deter their visit til next
Spring, at which time they would
surely come to the Governour at
Philadelphia.' '

1728— The Shawanese Kill Two Con
estogas Near Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec , p. 302,
"The Governour acquainted the
Board that a letter from Mr. Wright
at Conestogoe was lately comraunica-
ted to him, giving an account of a
differences, which might in end af
fect the peace of the Province. His
Honour likewise said he had received
a petition, signed by a great many
of the inhabitants in the back parts of
quarrel that was like to ensue be
tween the Indians of these parts and
the Shawanese, these last having
killed two of the Conestogoe Indians,
that they seemed prepared for war,
and that therefore his presence was
desired as necessary to settle those
difference, which might in end affect
the peace of the Province. His Hon
our likewise said he had . received a
petition signed Ipy a great many of
the inhabitants in the back parts of
tliis country, setting forth that they
are under some apprehensions of
being attacked by the Indians, that
many families have left their habita
tions through fear of thera, and pray
ing that proper raeasures raight be
taken for their safety.
And therefore the Governour now
raoved to the Board that since it is
of great importance to compose those
differences speedily, which would
oblige hira to take a journey to Con
estogoe, it would be requisite that
the Assembly should meet as soon as
possible, which the Board from the
consideration of what the Gi/vernour
had said readily agreed to, and the
14th Currt. being proposed for the
time of their meeting was approved,
it is therefore ORDERED th¦^t writts
be forthwith issued foi; that purpose."
1728 — The Shawanese Have Now
Started to Move.
In Vol. 3 of the Col; Rec , p. 309,
it is stated that the Shawanese are

295

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

now near Durham's Iron Works at
Pechoquealin. This place is in Bucks
county, (See 3 Col. Rec, p. 329) and
from this place the Shawanese came
armed and painted for war, but not
in a large number ahd through their
foolishness 400 people gathered to
gether and two were killed, (See 3
Col. Rec, p. 317).
1728— The Conestogas Now Want to
Go to War Against the Shawa
nese.
The Conestogas and Shawanese
now are growing to be eneraies of
each other and this is one of the
causes which induced the Shawanese
to leave for the West, as we shall see
they did about this time. The situa
tion is set forth by John Wright of
Herapfield now Columbia, in a letter
to James Logan, found in Vol. 1 ol
the Penna. Archives, p. 213. The let
ter is as lollows: "Herapfield 2, 3 mo, 1728.
My Id. James Logan:
About three weeks I gave thee a
le-w lines with an account ol the In
dians returned Irom Warr, since
which time there has happened (as
we are inlormed) a murder to be
committeed by two ol the Shawny In
dians, upon a man and a woraan ol
the Conestogoe Indians and they de
manding two murderers to be giv
en up; the Shawanys sent thera with
sorae ol their own people, who called
^t Per Shurtaes, and he giving thera
rum, eather by persuasion or their
own Inclination let the murderers
make their escape, which the Cones
togoe Indians resent so highly, that
(as it is reported) they threaten to
cut off the whole nation ol the Shaw-
nys. Yesterday there came 17 or 18
ol tbe young men comraanded by Til-
ehausey, all Conestogoe Indians,
painted lor the Warr, all armed; we
enquired which way they ware going

they would not tell us, but said, they
or some of thera were going out to
Warr, and that there was some Can-
oys to go with them. But we hearing
the above report are apt to think that
they are going against the Shawnys.
It is all our opinions that the Gov
ernour's presence pretty speedily is
absolutely necessary at Conestogoe,
to settle affairs among the Indians,
they seeming at present to be in a
distracted manner or condition, and
the hardness of the winter "weeping
away their corne, they will be oblig
ed to go a summer hunting sooner
than usual, that if the Governour
come not soon he will miss of them.
If you please acquaint the Governour
with the above contents, with my
hearty sarviss to hira and kind love
to theyself and family from thy real
friend JNO. WRIGHT."
1728 — The Shawanese Now Begin to
Annoy the Other Indian Tribes.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
216, there is a letter set forth from
James Le Tort, stating the action of
the Shawanese as follows:
Catawasse, May ye 12, 1728.
We always thought that the Gbver
nour knew nothing of the fight be
tween the Shawaynos and the White
People. We desire the Governour to
warn the back inhabitants not to be
so ready to attack the Indians, as we
are doubtful they were in that un
happy accident and we will use all
endeavors to hinder any such like
proceeding on the part of the Indians.
We remember very well the League
between William Penn and the In
dians, which was, that the Indians and
white people were one, and hopes
that his brother, the present Gover
nour, is of the same raind, and that
the Friendship was to continue for
three Generations ; and if 'the Indians
hurt the English it is the same as if
they hurt themselves; as to the Gov
ernour's desire of raeeting hira, we

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

296

intend as soon as the Chiels ol the
Five Nations come to raeet the Gov
ernour, we will corae with thera, but
il they corae not belore hereafter, we
will go to Philadelphia to wait on the
Governour. We have heard that Wil
liara Penn's son has corae to Phila
delphia, which we are very glad ol.
JAMES LE TORT."
1728— A New Proof That the Shawa
nese Reached Pennsylvania Af
ter the Coming of
Penn.
It will be remembered that in prior
items we adopted the view ol Conyng
ham, who says the Shawanese came
to Pennsylvania in 1678 and in 1698,
but in Vol. 1 ol the Penna. Archives,
p. 223 in a message Irom the Council
the Shawanese are reminded that
"William Penn made a firm peace and
league ol Friendship with all the In
dians, and the chain Irom time to
time has been brightened. The
Shawanese were not then in this
Country; they came long afterwards
and desired leave ol the Conestogoe
Indians and William Penn to settle in
this Country. Leave was granted
thera and they proraised to live
peaceably." The letter then sets lorth
that the Governour is now about to
set out lor a treaty. One page 224
the Shawanese adrait that they were
very loolish and il they had not been,
the killing which is above referred to
would not have happened.
It is lurther stated at p. 228 ol the
sarae book that the Shawanese came
to us as strangers about thirty years
ago.
1728 — Governour Gordon Places
Guardians Over the Shawanese.
In Vol. 1 of th Penna. Archives, p.
228 it is found ' necessary to give
Henry Sraith and John Petty powder
to hold the Indians soraewhat in
check about the Susquehanna River.
The Governour gives thera their in

structions as follows:
Messrs. HENRY SMITH, JOHN
PETTY. As business now calls you towards
Susquehannah, I desire you, without
fail, if you can, to see my friends,
Allumraapees, Opekassed, Sh-ichalaw-
lin, and Shakellaray, give my kind
love to them, as to my Brethren, and
let them know that I designed about
this time to raake a visit to sorae of
our neighboring Governours, if ac
cording to their proraise they had
corae down hither last raonth. Lett
them know I wait for them and am
concerned I hear nothing ol them.
I hope, however, I shall now see
them in a lew days.
Inquire also alter the Sliawanah
Indians, and 11 you can see Kahowa-
tchy, know ol him, why his friends
left Pechoquelin, after they had pro
mised to meet me at Durham Iron
works. Tell all those four first named In
dians that I know they have clean
hearts without spott, and I expect
from them, when they come, such an
account of all their affairs as one
brother gives another, they see we
treat them as we do one amongst our
selves, without any difference, we
are one people, and they must in all
respects treat us with the Friend
ship, Truth and Justice that we use
to them. We all expect this of thera
as our Brethren.
Tell Shalkallaray particularly, that
as he is set over the Shawanah In
dians, he can give a good account of
thera, they came to us cnly as
strangers, about 30 years agoe, they
desired leave of this Government to
settle amongst us as strangers, and
the Conestogoe Indians became se
curity for their behavior. They are
also under the protection of the Five
Nations, who have sett Shakallamy
over them. He is a good man, and I
hope will give a good account of
thera.

297

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Give my kind love also to Carun-
downa and his Wife, and speak to
them to the sarae purpose. Lett hira
know I expect of him, that as he is
a great Captain, he will take care
that all the people about hira shall
shew themselves good men and true
hearted, as he is himself, and that I
hope to see him at the Treaty. Tell
him Jonah Davenport never com
plained of him, and therefore there
was no occasion for his letter oh that
head. If there be any mischief done in
those parts, I expect they will seize
the persons who are guilty of it, that
they may be punished and Justice
may be done on every side, for our
people are very numerous and they
will not be abused. I wil not suffer
any injury to be done to the Indians
without punishing the offenders, and
they must do the sarae Justice on
their parts, for then we shall truly
be as one People.
These are my words, which I send
thus written, sealed with a Publick
seal and signed under my hand, to
which my friends will give full cre
dit Dated at Philadelphia, the flrst
day of September, Anno Dom, 1728."
1728— The Governor Sends Word to
Captain Civility at Conestoga.
Gordon after his Conestoga
arrangement left certain work to be
performed by Captain Civility, to
whom he sends a letter dated Sept.
2, 1728, found in Vol. 1 ol the Penna.
Archives, p 329, which is as lollows:
"My very good Iriend Captain Civil
ity: When I left Conesstoga I was In
hopes of seeing you before this tirae,
but I suppose you waited for the
chiefs of the PHve Nations.
I hear some of these have been at
Conestoga since I was there, and that
they were gone down to Maryland.

If you can by any means meet with
thera, whether at Conestoga or else
where, I desire you to present them
with this Belt of Warapum from rae,
and tell thera that I desire earnestly
to speak with thera about some busi
ness that may concern thera.
Therefore, if they will come to me
at Philladelpbia, they shall be satis-
fled, and I hope will be pleased with
their Joumey. .
This being a matter of importance
at this time, 1 request your Friend
ship herein, and desire that you
would come along with them, as you
are our brother on whora we very
rauch depend."
1728 — The Governor Sends Instruct
ions to Wright and Blunston., At
Conestoga
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p 229, the following instructions were
sent by Governor Gordon to John
Wright and Samuel Blumston, two
Justices of the Peace on the Susque
hanna River: —
"Philadelphia, 2nd September, 1728.
John Wright & Samuel Blunston,
RESPECTED FRIENDS
Much contrary to our expectations,
we flnd there are still some Commo
tions amongst the Indians, that re
quire to be looked into, and we are
now apprehensive that the Story we
first had in the Spring ol the Tweek-
twese or naked Indians or Miamis
(for they go by all these names , who
live to the Southwest of Lake Erie
being invited to attack this Country,
is not altogether without a foundation,
very few of our Indians have been
privy of it, if there be anything in it,
one Manawkyhickon, a near relation
of Oquaala's who was hanged last
year in Jersey with one Collupny one
of the Five Nations, but French by
birth, who both live near Shamokin
or Susquehannah, are the Chiefs who

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

298

hav6 been laboring mischief. Our
Lennappys or Delaware Indians
knew nothing of it. The Shawanese
we know are ready lor any Mischiel.
How lar the Five Nations are privy
to it we can not judge. But the Gov
ernour and Council who met yester
day upon it, are ol opinion that It is
ol very great iraportance to us to
have an opportunity of speaking with
those Chiefs that were lately at Con
estogoe, if they are not yet returned,
for which purpose this with the en
closed is now sent Exrpress that if
possible they raay be prevailed on to
step hither.
You are therefore requested (if I
Wright can travel so far) to give
Civility the enclosed letter to him, ex
plaining it in the best raanner it can
be done, delivering hira also the Belt
of Wampum for the Chiels, though It
is desired, when he speaks to them,
11 they are to be mett with that you
or some ol you could be present. It
were to be wished he were more to
be depended on, he can not but think
hiraself but under some obligations
since the last treaty, but these work
not on some dispositions. He is the
best however that at present is to be
mett with to undertake it, and we
raust endeavor to make the best of
him. If those Chiefs are not come back
to Conestogoe, they should be care
fully waited on and enquired after.
Or if they are anywhere on the Riv
er, and not far above Pextan, they
should be brought back if possible.
And if they can not be prevailed on
to come to Philadelphia, thev may it
, is possible be perswaded to stay at
Conestogoe a few days, for to wait
for one who may come up to them
from hence. If they should not even
agree to this as we know they ac
count themselves great raen and are

stiff, then it is desired that they may
be told as follows.
That from the first settlement of
this Country, especia,lly of late years,
there has been always a firm friend
ship between us and the Five Nations.
They may remeraber a flrra League
was raade with their Chiefs at Cones
togoe 18 years agoe, and again with
Ghesaont 7 years agoe at the sarae
place, and again at Albany the next
year or 1722, between all their Chiefs
and our Governour with divers of our
Council, who went thither to meet
thera, and that at all these times, es
pecially the last, the Chain or League
of Friendship that had formerly
'oeen made with thera was brightened
and made as strong as it was pos
sible to be made by Man. The same
also was done in some measures last
year with some of the Cayoogoes
though that is not the nation we
have generally treated with. The On
ondagoes having commonly been the
people that have been sent to us,
and therefore we wondered that but
nine of the Cayoogoes came at that
time to visit us. That if they have
anything to say to us on any account
whatsoever, we should be glad to
hear it from some of their Chiefs,
and they may be assured they shall
meet with their true Friends and
Brethren in us.
But ' on the subject of the Cayoo
goes, Caution should be used that
these people who are come thither
are principally of that Nation, and
therefore their Nation should be first
enquired into, and no distinctions be
used that can give any offence. They
account the Onondagoes their best
Gentlemen, though not numerous.
Then if there be room for it, they
might be asked, whether ever they
heard that any of the French Indians
were encouraged to attack this Coun-

299

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

try, upon which they may be told,
that this has ever been a peaceable
country, and that by being perfectly
just to the Indians and all men, by
making them as one People with us,
and doing them all the Justice in
every case that we deal to one an
other, we laid a firm foundation for
Peace, that we would have Peace with
all men, but if any shall be so un
reasonable as without any provoca
tion to attack us, we are now a very
great people and very nuraerous, and
do not want means to defend our
selves by force, but like good men we
would choose to be defended .rath
er by our Justice and Upright deal
ings than by arms, for we believe
mankind was made to serve God and
for a much nobler end than to be
knocked on the Head.
They may be told also, that they
know very well the French are al
ways contriving mischief against the
English to trouble them, and spare no
lies, no false stories and endeavors
to seduce and deceive the Indians.
But were it in the power of the
French and Indians that join them as
it is not at all in their power to de-
story the English, then the Five Na
tions having none else to depend on
but the French would be entirely
ruined, they can not supply goods as
the English can, and when they get
the Upperhand and have nothing to
fear they are proud and cruel mas
ters. The Indians would then be
slaves, they have therefore the strong
est reasons in policy and on their
own account, to be hearty friends
and adhere closely to the English in
terest. It is their own interest and
that will not deceive them.
These things ought on all occasions
to be inculcated in the way of conver
sation, but with a seeming careless
ness, as it were ridiculing the follies
of those who have any favorable opin
ion of the French as Friends to the

Indians, and they must if possible be
talked over with these Chiefs. Phila
delphia would be the best place, but if
not here, then there, by such as may
go from hence, or by any others that
can do it.
If I. Wright's health will not suf
fer him to travel so far, for which I
should on other accounts be extreme
ly troubled, it is hoped I Bluns
ton with Adam Cornish may manage
this affair, and it might be advisable
that Eliz'r Cornish, who speaks the
language should privately between
themselves enter into as close a dis
course as possible with Civility
about what news he hears or what
he knows.
This affair will give you some
trouble, but it is equally every man's
concern in the Government who has
anything in it that he values. If any
charge accrue it must be born by the
Publick. We hear by an Indian that at
Shamokin they have hanged one Tim
othy Higgins, a servant to Henry
Smith, an Indian trader, but we hope
it is not true. Said Smith and John
Petty are gone up today to know how
matters are in those parts.
The substance of this you will easi
ly see is to be managed with as little
noise as possible, that no alarm may
be given without a real occasion. We
hope there will be none, for on Indian
Stories there is very little dependence,
but prudence will advise to precau
tion wherever it can be used.
Pray dispatch the Messenger as
soon as possible with a letter to ye
Governour, from whom this should
have come, but time would not so
well allow it".
1728— Captain CivHity's Message To
The Govemor
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p
233, Captain Civility sends the follow
ing letter to Governor Gordon: —

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

300

"Honarable Gouvner: —
When you was hear in the spring
Wee had a Counsell together and wee
did conclude to Come doune to Phila
delphia in about two raonths after
that tirae, but wee of Conastogoe hav
ing sent so sevarell of the Indians
that live a great way of, who are now
on thear rode coming to see and
speak witb the Gouvner, snd the
Shawnays, Conoys, and Delawares
have brought a greatt maney skins to
Conastogoe in order to present the
Gouverner, but Captain Civiliity hath
his own child dyed lately and he is so
mutch troubled that he can not come,
therefore the Conesto=roes. Delawares.
Shawnays and Conoys, designes to
stay till next Spring, and then they
will come to see and treat with the
Gouvner att Philadelphia.
CAPTIN SIVILITY, X his raark.
Conestogoe, October 1st, 1728. To
Williara Chetwode at Wra. Murrays,
To the Honorable Patrick Gordon,
Esqr., Governour of Pennsylvania.
1728 — Captain Civility Sends Another
Message to the Government.
In the same book and page last
mentioned Captain Civility, who is
now very much trusted and relied up
on as a leading figure at Conestoga
araong the Conestoga Indians and
who has the ancient Susquehannock
blood in him, send this letter to Gov
ernor Gordon and the Council.
"My Brethren:
The late death of my Child Causes
so much Trouble and sorrow thatt att
this time It putts all other thoughts
outt of ray mind. Nevertheless, I still
remember and retain the Governour's
late good speeches to us here att
Conestogoe, and ara very glad thatt I
once raore heard the words of Will
iara Penn; but as I said before, my
Errleffe and sorrow so overpowers mee
thatt I am sorry thatt itt makes mee

uncapable att this time to answer ye
words of my old good friend Wm.
Penn. This I send to you of my selfe
without consulttation of any, for my
Eyes are full of tears for ye sake of
my child. Here are severall Shawa-
ners and Conoys come, ye rest wee
expect every hour, so that wee have
had no Councell as yett, and whether
they will come to Philadelphia or not
I can nott tell as yett:
My trouble is so greatt at this tirae
thatt itt so putts all other thoughtts
outt of my mind thatt I do nothing
butt crye every day, and con not bear
to come intto the sight of my friends,
otherwise would have come down with
my friend Edmund Cartlidge:
When my grieff and sorrow is a
little over and we have had '.mr Coun
cell here, you shall hear from us if I
doe not come myselfe. In the mean
time I am your good Friend, CIVILITY."
1728 — Shawanese Leave Lancaster
County
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p
329 as we have noticed before the
Shawanese in 1723 were told to leave
Lancaster County and about three
years later they were frightened by
the Five Nations about their lands and
about a year after that the Delawares
commenced to trouble them. And
about . the same tirae 1727 as we have
already seen they got into a foolish
light with the Conestogas and others
and the result ol it was that Ihey left
Lancaster County. T hey were asked
in 1732 why they left and the message
which the Chiels gave and the rea
sons lor leaving are set lorth in the
book and at the page last mentioned,
as lollows: —
"The Cheiffs of the Shawnnese to
The Honourable Governour of Penn
sylvania.

301

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Wee receive your message by our
friend ' Edmund Cartlidge, and take
itt very kindly and return you thanks
for ye dram given us, and wee hereby
acquaintt the Govern'r of tho reason
thatt wee are come to settle here att
Ohloh. .About nine years agoe the 5 Nations
told us att Shallyschohklng, wee did
not doe well to setle there, for there
was a greatt Noise in th.j greatt
house and thatt in three years time,
all should know whatt they had to
say, as far as there was any settle
ments or the Sun Sett.
About ye Expiration of three years
affore S'd, the 5 nations came and
said our land is going to be taken
from us. Come brothers assist us left
fall upon and fight with the English,
wee answered thera no, wee carae
here for peace and have leave to set
tle here, and we are 'in League with
them and can not break itt.
About a year after they, ye 5 na
tions. Told the Delawares and us,
since you have nott barkened to us
nor regarded whatt we have said, now
wee will put pettycoatts on you, and
look upon you as women for the fu
ture and nott as men. Therefore, you
Shawanese Look back towards Ohloh,
the place from whence you came, and
return thitherward, for now wee shall
take pity on the English and lett
them have all this Land.
And further Said now since you are
become women He take Peahohque-
lloraan, and put itt on Meheahoara-
ing and He Take Meheahoaming and
putt itt on Ohioh, and Ohloh He putt
on Woabach, and thatt shall bee the
Warriours road for the future.
One reason of our leaving our for
mer settlements and comelng here is
severall negro slaves used to run
away and come amongst us and wee
thought the English would blame us
for itt. I

The Delaware Indians sorae time
agoe bid us departt for they was dry
and wanted to drink ye land away,
whereupon we told them since some
ol you are gone to Ohioh, we will go
there also, we hope you will not
drink that away too.
And Whereas the Governour de
sires to see some ol us at Philadel
phia we shall answer his requesttlor
some ol our Chieffs, will come this
Suramer and pay him a visitt, but
how raany ol us and exactt the tirae
wee know nott as yett, butt when wee
are gott so far as Peter Charteries,
wee shall send word how many of us
there is and when wee shall bee there
and bring our friends ye Conestogoes
allong with us in the mean time, we
remain your friends and Brethren.
Presentt: NOOCHICKONER,
James Letort. his X mark.
Interpreter. PAWQUAWISE.
Peter Chartire. his X mark.
his X mark UPPOCKEATY, his X raark.
QUEBQUEEPTOO, his X raark
Taken down by mee,
EDM'D. CARTLIDGE
To The Honourable Governour of
Pensilvania, These with Care and
Speed. June ye 7th, 1732 or there abouts."
This leaving of the Shawanese is
also referred to and explained in
Vol. 15 of Haz. Reg., p. 82.
1728— Gordon Prepares For the Con
estoga Treaty
In Vol. 3 of the Votes ol the As
sembly, p. 50 Gordon tells the As-
sembly that he has arranged to meet
the Conestoga Indians in May and al
so all the other Indians in that sec
tion. Upon his return the Assembly
want a copy ol the treaty and they
are not satisfied with the Governour

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

302

simply returning the treaty but they
want to examine it themselves, (See
3 Votes ol the Assembly, p. 52). This
request ol the Assembly grew out of
the lact that the presents the Gov
ernor made at the treaty amounted
to 147 pounds and this sum was very
large, and lor that reason the As
sembly want to inspect the Treaty
carelully. v
1728— Letort Sends Word That the
Five Nations are About to Join
the French
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 295 it
is set forth that James Letort from
the Susquehanna, carae to Philadel
phia and reported that the Five Na
tions and all the Indians under thera
were about to leave the English and
join tbe French.
1728— The Conestoga Indians Off on
Their Hunt.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 297,
at a Council held the 18th of April,
1728, the habit of the Conestoga In
dians in going away to hunt is stat
ed. It is set forth by the Governor
that he would be ready to undertake
a journey to Conestoga whenever he
can be informed by John Wright that
the Indians have retured from hunt
ing; and that he understood that
there were scarcely any Indians at
present about Conestoga, and as soon
as it was practicable nothing would
be wanting to establish a good under
standing with them.
1728 — A Message Sent to the Cones
togas To Get Ready for a
Treaty.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 305,
James Logan reports to the Council
on May 15, that pursuant to their or
der a message was sent to Cones

toga to convene the Indians to the
ensuing treaty and that the Messeng
er was now returned and brought
word that the Indians were meeting
at Conestoga and expected the Gover
nor in nine or ten days
1728— The Goods For the Presents
at the Conestoga Treaty
are Ordered.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 308,
the Council entered upon considera
tion of the proper presents to be
made to the Indians and ordered that
the provincial Treasurer should pro
vide and send up to Conestoga at
the first opportunity 25 Strowd
Matchcoats, twenty blankets, twenty
duffels, twenty-five shirts, one hun
dred wt. gunpowder, two hundred
wt. of lead, five hundred flints and
fifty knives, with rum, bread, pipes,
and tobacco, together with such pro
visions as may be necessary for the
Governor and His Company.
1728 — Governor Gordon Goes to the
Great Treaty at Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec. p. 309,
it is stated in a memorandum that,
"Pursuant to an appointment with
the Indians at Conestogoe, the Gov
ernour attended with some members
ol Council, and divers other gentle
men, to the nuraber of abouL thirty,
who voluntarily offered their coraapny
thither, sett out from Philadelphia
on the 22nd of May, and on the 23rd
in the evening came to the House ol
Mr. Andrew Cornish, about a mile
distant Irom the Indian Town. The
24th ad 25th days were spent in
waiting lor some other persons ex
pected at the treaty and in mutual
civilities, and on the 26th the Treaty
began as follows:
At a Council , held at the Indian
Town on Conestogoe, May 26th, 1728,

303

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

PRESENT:
The Honorable PATRICK GORDON,
Esqr., Lieut. Govr.
Some merabers of Council and divers
other Gentlemen.
PRESENT ALSO:
Ganytataronga, Tawenna, Tamiatch-
iaro, Taquatarensaly, alias Capt.
Civility — Chiefs of the Conestogoe
Indians.
Oholykon, Peyeashickon, Wikimiky-
ona — Chiefs of some of the Dela
ware Indians on Brandywine.
Howickyoma, Skayanannego, Onney-
gheat, Nanamakamen, Peyhiohinas,
— Chiefs of the Shawanese Indians.
W e y s o w-w a low, Keyseykakalow,
Nichtamskakow — Chiefs of the
Shawanese.Shakawtawlin or Sam, Interpreter
from the English into the Delaware.
Captain Civility, Interpreter from
the Delaware into the Shawanese
and Mingoe (alias Conestogoe).
Pomapechtoa, Interpreter from the
Delaware into the Ganawese Lan
guage. Mr. Nicholas Scull, Mr. John
Scull, and Peter Bizallion, Assistant
Interpreters.The Governour spoke as follows:
My Friends and Brethren: You are
sensible that the Great William Penn
the Father of this Countrey, when he
flrst brought his people with him over
the broad Sea, took all the Indians
and the old Inhabitants by the hand,
and because he found them to be a
sincere, honest people, he took them
to his heart and loved them as his
own. He then made a strong League
and chain of Friendship with them,
by which it was agreed that the In
dians and the English, with all the
Christians, should be as one people
Your friend and Father William
Penn still retained a warm affection
for all the Indians, and strictly com-
maded those whom he sent to govern
this people to treat the Indians as

his children, and continued in this
kind love for them until his death.
His sons have now sent me over in
their stead, and they gave me strict
charge to love all the Indians as their
Brethren, and as their father William
Penn loved you. I would have seen
you before this time, but I fell sick
soon after I came over, and con
tinued so till next Spring. I then
waited to receive some of the Five
Nations who came to see rae at
Philadelphia, and last fall I heard
you were all gone out a hunting.
I am now come to see you, and to
renew the ancient Friendship which
has been between William Penn's
people ad you. I was in hopes that
Sassoonan and Opekasset, with their
people, would have been likewise
here, they have sent me kind mes
sages and have a warm love for the
Christians. I believe they will come
to me at Philadelphia, for since they
could not get thither I have desired
them to meet me there.
I am now to discourse -with my
Brethren, the Conestogoes, Delawares
Ganawese and Shawanese Indians
upon Susquehannah, and to speak in
love to them.
My Brethren:
You have been faithful to your
Leagues with us, your Hearts have
been clean, and you have preserved
the Chain from Spotts or Rust, or if
there were any you have been careful
to wipe them away; your Leagues
with your Father William Penn and
with his Governours are in writing
on Record, that our children and our
children's children may have them in
everlasting remembrance. And we
know that you preserve the raemory
of those things amongst you by tell
ing them to your children, and they
again in the next generation, so that
they remained stamped on your minds
never to be forgott.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

304

The Chief Heads or Strongest
Links ol this Chain 1 find are these
nine, viz:
1st. That all William Penn's
people or Christians, and all the In
dians should be Brethren, as the
children ol one Father, joined to
gether as with one Heart, one Head
and one Body.
2nd. That all Paths should be open
and tree to both Christians and In
dians. 3d. That the Doors ol the Chris
tian House should be open to the
Indians and the Houses ol the In
dians open to the Christians, and
they should make each other wel
corae as their Iriends.
4th. That the Christians should not
believe any lalse rumors or Reports
ol the Indians, nor the Indians be
lieve any' such Rumors or Reports
ol the Christians, but should first
come as brethren to enquire ol each
other; and that both Christians and
Indians, when they hear any such
lalse reports ol their Brethren, they
should bury them as in a bottomless
Pitt 5th. That il the Christians hear
any ill news that may be to the Hurt
ol the Indians, or the Indians bear
any such ill news that may be an in
jury to the Christians, they shall
acquaint each other with it speedily
as true Iriends and Brethren.
6th. That the Indians should do
no manner ol Harra to the Christians
nor their creatures, nor the Chris
tians do any hurt to any Indians, but
each treat the other as their Breth
ren. 7th. But as there are wicket People
in all Nations, 11 either Indians or
Christians should do any harra to
each other. Complaint should be
made ol it by the Persons suffering
that Right may be done, and when

Satislaction is raade, the Injury or
Wrong should be lorgott and be bur
ied as in a bottomless Pitt.
8th. That the Indians should in all
things assist the Christians, and the
Christians assist the Indian against
all wicked People that would disturb
them. 9th. And lastly, that both Chris
tians and Indians should acquaint
their Children with this League and
firm Chain ol Friendship made be
tween thera, and that it should al
ways be made stronger and stronger
and be kept bright and clean, with
out Rust or Spott between our Chil
dren and Children's children, while
the Creeks and Rivers run, and while
the Sun, Moon and Stars endure.
And lor a confirmation on our
Parts ol all these Several Articles,we
bind thera with these several parcels
ol goods, viz:
20 Strowd Matchcoats, 20 Duffells,
20 Blanketts, 20 Shirts, 1 Cwt. ol
Gunpowder, 2 Cwt. ol Lead, 500
Flints, 50 Knives.
Alter which the Governour proceed
ed and said,
My Brethren:
I have now spoke to you on the
League and Chain, ol Friendship,
first raade by your Father Williara
Penn with your Fathers, which is
confirmed. I am now to acquaint
you with an unhappy accident that
has affiicted me and all good people
amongst us, and we lament and
mourn with you on the hea-vy mislor-
tne. About lorty days agoe we heard
that the Twechtweys were coming as
Enemies against this Countrey. I be
lieve it is lalse, lor we never hurt
the Twechtweys; and about eighteen
days since I received an Express
Irom the Ironworks at Mahanatawny,
acquainting rae that eleven foreign

305

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indians, painted for War, and armed
with Guns, Pistoles and Swords,were
come amongst our Inhabitants, plun
dering them and taking away their
provisions by force, whereupon sorae
of our People, to the number of
twenty men, with arms, went to speak
to them Civilly but the Indians fired
upon them and wounded some of
them; our men likewise fired on the
Indians and wounded some ol them
also, but the Indians fired first. It
was very ill done to fire.
As soon as I had this Account I
took horse and went to Mahatawny
with several gentlemen of Philadel
phia, but the Indians were gone off.
I found our people believed there
were more coming, and therefore
some hundred mett together with
their Arms to defend themselves in
case the Indians should attack thera.
As I was returning home I heard
news that grieved rae exceedingly. I
was told that two or three furious
men amongst us had killed three or
lour Indians, who v,-ere Iriends and
hurt two girls. I went basck mourn
ing and sent out raen to take the
Murderers, who were accordingly
taken, and they are now in Irons and
Dungeon to be tried by the laws ol
the Great King ol the English, as it
they had killed so many ol his own
Subjects. I have likewise caused
search to be made lor the dead
bodies, and two women were lound
murdered, who by my order were
laid in a grave and covered with
Shirts and Strowds. I hear likewise
that the dead body ol an Indian man
has been lound and is buried.
You know there are wicked people
among all Nations; there are ill
People amongst you a,nd you are
sometimes lorced to put them to
death. The English are a Great
People, and there are likewise wick
ed men amongst them. I mourn lor

this mislortune, and will do all I
can to comlort the relations of the
Dead when I see them, which I hope
Willi be at Philadelphia with Sasso
onan and Opekasset.
About eight raonths agoe I receiv
ed an account that an Englishman
was killed by sorae Indians, at the
House ol John Burt, in Snaketown, I
heard John Burt was very abusive
to the Indians, and I sent to appre
hend hira, but he fled; 11 he can be
taken he will be punished. But
since there was a Man killed, we
expect the Indians will doe us Jus
tice by apprehending the Murtherers
that they may be punished, lor we
must be just and laithlul to each
other, that this spot may be wiped
away and the Chain be kept bright
and clean.
You know, my Brethren, that one
Link ol the Chain is, that when the
Indians are uneasy they should tell
it to us, ad when we are uneasy we
will tell it to them. I therelore de
sire your hearts, may be open, that
I may know il you have any cause
ol Griel which I will endeavour to
remove, lor I am your Brother.
I have issued a proclamation re
quiring all our People to use you
well which shall be read unto you
belore I goe away, I will prevent any
Hurt being done to our Friends the
Indians, because those who do not
behave themeslves agreeable to what
is therein commanded, will be severe
ly punished.
At a Council held at the Indian Town
at Conestogoe, May 27th, 1728
PRESENT:
The Honorable PATRICK GOR
DO, Esqr., Lieut. Govemor.
And the same as belore.
TAWENNA in the narae and on the
behall ol all the Indians present
spoek to the Governour, which was

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

306

rendered into English by John Scull,
Interpreter, and is as follows:
Give ear my Brethren ol Philadel
phia, the Conestogoe Indians, the
Shawanese, the Ganawese and Dela
ware have somewhat to say, which,
they will speak presently.
They say they look upon the Gov
ernour as 11 William Penn himself
were present. They are four Nations
and among thera there are several
lollish people, as if they were just
sprung from the earth; but that since
their first Friendship with William
Penn, they never have received any
wrong or injury from him or any of
his People.
That several foolish people among
thera coraraitted follies and indiscre
tions, but they hope these will never
interrupt the Friendship whieh is be
tween their People and us, for that
they and Williara Penn's people are
as one People, that cat, as it were,
with one mouth and are one body
and one Heart.
Then presenting a belt of Wam
pum of eight rows, they say: That
would not have the Governour
grieve too much the rash inconsid
erate actions of late have been com
mitted; they raust be buried and for
gott, for that what has happened was
done by their Friends, if it had been
done by their eneraies they would
have resented it, but that we and
they are one; that they have always
mett with Justice and kindness from
William Penn, and from the Gover
nours whom he has sent here, and
thus do all the Indians of Cones
togoe, Delaware, the Shawanese and
Ganawese say.
That they are extreraely glad and
satisfied with what the Governour
said to them yesterday, it greatly re
joiced their Hearts, that they have
had no such speech made to thera

since the time that the Great William
Penn was amongst them, that all was
good and that nothing was araiss.
Then presenting four Strings of
Wampum, they say: they will visit
tbe Governour at Philadelphia after
the harvest is over and then they
will speak fully to him as their
Brother and Friend, lor the Cones
togoes Delawares, Shawanese and
Ganawese will then come to him,
and he may look up the Conestogoe
road and expect them; that what
happened at John Burt's house was
not done by them, it was done by one
ol the Menysincks, who are ol an
other Nation, and therelore they can
say nothing to it.
After the Answer of the Indians
sorae ol the Gentlemen present mov
ed the Governour, that seeing now
there was a nuraerous Corapany of
our inhabitants raett together, he
would be pleased to press the In
dians to declare to hira if they suf
fered any Grievance or Hardship
from this Government, because sev
eral reports had been industriously
spread abroad as if they had some
just cause of Complaint. And the
Governour having ordered the Inter
preters to acquaint them herewith;
they all answered; that they had no
cause of complaint, that William
Penn and his people had still treated
them well, and they had no uneasi
ness. The Governour then told them that
he was well pleased with what they
had said unto him, and that since
the Indian, who killed the English
man at Burt's house is not of their
nation, he would demand Justice
from the Nation to which he belong
ed. The Proclamation was then inter
preted unto them, which pleased
thera very rauch.

307

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Then the Governour having ordered
some Rum, Bread, Tobacco and
Pipes to be delivered to them, and
likewise one Strowd Matchcoat and
one Shirt to Civility one Strowd
Matchcoat and Shirt to Shawatawlin,
or Sam, and one Shirt to Pompa-
pechtya, the three Interpreters; he
took all the Indian Chiefs by the
hand, and desired thera thai, when
they returned home they should ac
quaint all their People with what had
now passed between them and us,
and that the Remembrance thereof
might endure forever."
1728 — Philadelphia's Reception to
Governor Gordon on His Re
turn from the Gireat
Conestoga Treaty
It is evident that the Province of
Pennsylvania was in a considerably
excited condition at this time, be
cause of the troubles whch the
Shawanese were making and other
Indian dissatisfactions arising about
Conestogoe and in the neighborhood
of Tulpyhocken. The Treaty was
therefore a great event and upon the
Governor's return to Philaedlphia,
the people- gave him a hearty wel
come. The American Weekly Mercury in
its issue of May 30, 1728, gives this
account of the Governor's return
and reception, as follows:
"Yesterday the "Hon. Patrick Gor
don, Esqr., our Governor returned
from Conestoga, having finished the
treaty wtih the Indians in those
parts to the entire satisfaction of all
that were present. This timely and
prudent management of the Gover
nor's has made everything quiet and
easy and the Indians were so pleased
that they said they never had such a
satisfactory speech made to thera
since the great Williara Penn spoke

to them himself. His honor was "met
sorae miles from this City by Richard
Hill and divers gentlemen and wel
comed back with a handsome colla
tion in the woods: at the City
bounds his Honor was received in a
very genteel raanner by Thoraas
Lawrence, Esq., our Mayor and a
very great nuraber of gentlemen, as
well as strangers as city inhabitants,
who with several ladies with coaches
accompanied his Honor to his house:
it is reckoned the cavalcade consist
ed of near 200 people, which is a far
greater number than has ever been
known to meet together on such an
an occasion at any time before in this
Province. We are told that the Country
people in and about Conestoga were
so highly satisfied with the Governor
in every part of his conduct that
notwithstanding the scarcity occa
sioned by the late hard winter they
brought in of their own good will,
large quantities of provisions of all
sorts and would take no pay for them.
About 250 men on horseback accom
panied his Honor to the Indian town
when the treaty was held and great
numbers flocked in from all parts to
pay their compliments to him, sa it
was said there was never seen
amongst the inhabitants a greater
harmony and a more cheerful readi
ness to assist with what was in their
power, than appeared on this occa
sion, which is cheerlully owing to
the affable, courteous behavior ol the
Governor." This is a glowing tribute to the
Governor and we can imagine the
strange scene the old Indian town ol
Conestoga, with its lew scores ol
white man's primitive buildings ap
pearing here and there in the woods.
Frora this article several hundred
people raust have been present and

considering the primitive state ol
Pennsylvania at that time, it was as
big an event as when several thou
sand gather together in these days.
A little contemplation ol the primi
tive scene between the Conestoga
and Susquehanna, in what is now
Manor township, not lar Irom the
town ol Rock Hill, ought to give one
a great deal ol quiet pleasure.
1728— The Dsturbed Condition of the
Indians of the Susque
hanna River.
There was such uproar through
the Indain sections ol Pennsylvania
at this tirae and a leeling that dan
ger and slaughter were about to
happen, that on the 3rd ol June just
a week alter the Governor's return,
at a Court ol Quarter Sessions held
that day, a charge was delivered
from the Bench to the Grand Jury,
of which the following is tho close:
"Gentlemen: You with all other inhabitants
have observed the emotion and
unreasonable panic which lately pos
sessed great numbers of the People,
It is true something has happened
which raised the notice and concern
not only of the Government but of
every good man; but it is really
surprising to hear of the many, idle
groundless and lying stories which
have been bruited and thrown out to
alarm and isturb the people, some
of which may have risen from ignor
ance and fear; but we wish it were
less obvious that much more have
proceeded from a wicked design
against the Peace and safety of the
Country; we need not be more partic
ular but hope every true man will in
his mind, mark such incendiaries.
You will see published the Gover
nor's treaty with the Indians on Sus
quehanna and some of the Delawares

about Brandywine. The Chiefs with
others of the Delawares are now
here at the Governor's request. You
will find by the treaty that there
never was a more amicable, open
and hearty freedom between us than
at this time, which appeared as well
in their countenances and behavior
as in words.
This is noted to you. That as you
are dispersed in several parts of the
country, you may as occasion offers
in all conversations endeavor to
quiet the minds of the people and
persuade them, for the future not to
hearken to, rauch less assist in
spreading lies and ridiculous tales —
and we heartily wish it may not
hereafter be observed, that the In
dians are more calm and prudent
than some of our people.
They in their Councils have a dis
creet and just way of thinking, and
although they can not but be touched
with grief, as is every honest raan
among us, at such as the late un
happy accidents yet they wisely
make all give way to the strict
League and friendship which hath
from our first settlement s-absisted
between the Christians and them,
and impute crimes to madness, folly
and wickedness of the actors.
We shall close with the reasonable
hope or assurance that if we do not
provoke the .Alraighty God by our
forgetfulness of hira and by our in
nuraerable aniraosities and follies to
scourge us that way, there appears
no danger from the Indians.
We entreat you therefore to excite
all the people to use them well and
to give no offence as the Governor
by his late proclamation has admon
ished and commanded; and let not
tbat be done indiscreetly — either by
tippling with them, foolish talking
or asking childish and impertinent

309

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

questions, expressing a ridiculous
bravery on one hand or loolish tears
on the other; but let it be with all
manliness, gravity and sobriety as
well as strict justice; this will honor
our prolession as Christians, and
draw their regard and love to us as
Englishmen." This may be seen in the American
Weekly Mercury in the issue ol June
6, 1728.
1728— Two Chiefs Who Were at Con
estoga Treaty Come to
Philadelphia.
In the issue ol June 6, 1728 of the
American Weekly Mercury it is
stated that two chiefs, who were at
the Conestoga treaty came to Phila
delphia and a treaty was made with
them, which pleased them very much.
1728— The Five Nation Chiefs at
Conestoga.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 330, it
is stated that the Chiefs of the Five
Nations are now at Conestoga and
have great power over all the In
dians; that the Five Nations have ab
solute authority over all the Indians
and have them do whatever they
choose.1728— A Great Number of the Five
Nations and Some other Indians
Will Come to Philadelphia
in the Spring.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 333, it
is set forth that a great number of
representatives - of the Five Nations
and some other Indians are coming
to Philadelphia in the Spring to treat
with the Governor and the Council.
1728 — Samuel Blunston Sends a Let
ter to the Govemor About In
dian Disorders.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 216, a letter of Samuel Blunston
is set forth as follows:

"May ye 12th, 1728.
Friend James Logan:
This Morning the Messenger
brought the Letter to Neighbor
Wright, who being very ill with a
Rheumatic pain in his thigh, desired
me to call on the Indians (in my way
to Pequea, where I was going), and
deliver thy message, which I have ac
cordingly done, and they say they
will send a Messenger to Peshtank
tomorrow, but Shamaken is too far,
and they have not provision in their
Town to entertain em. But the Shaw-
anas and Canawas, with all of them
who are at home, will expect the
Governour in their Town, in nine or
ten days: here is an old Indian re
turned from the Five Nations, says
some of their Chiefs are coming to
Philadelphia in about three weeks to
renew the alienee, that they are of
Opinion the Indians who were at
Manahalany have been put on by the
French to Stir up mischief. Last
week eight of this town, the King
one of them, went out to War, the
rest are horae. Provision is very
scarce this way; there are so raany
wagons going down this week that it
is needless to engage any, for you
may have your choice. I do hope this
skirmish will not come to an open
rupture for we borderers are in the
most danger. I am with respect to
self and wife, Thy Friend,
SA. BLUNSTON."
1729— The County of Lancaster
Organized.
In order that we may keep our
bearings on the time of the happen
ing of the events we are speaking
about, I raake note here that in the
Spring of 1729 Lancaster County was
Organized and created out ol a Part
ol Chester County.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

310

1729 — Conestoga Indians Again in
Pluladelphia at a Treaty.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 361, it
is set forth that at a Council held
May 26, 1729 at Philadelphia.
"PRESENT:
The Honorable PATRICK GORDON,
Esqr., Lieut. Governour; James
Logan, Richard Hill, Ralph .^.she-
ton, Samuel Hazel, Esqrs.
PRESENT ALSO:
Tawenna, Ganyatorouga, Tacquatar-
ensaly, alias Civility, Chiefs of the
Conestoga Indians.
Amawoolit, Peyhiohinas, Yaoehkon-
guess. Chiefs ol the Ganawese.
Peyashickon, Whawyaygaraen, Say-
kalin, Chiels ol the Delawares.
(With several other Indians).
Mr. Peter Bizallion and Mr. John
Scull, Interpreters.
The Governour told the Indians
that he was very glad to see them,
and that accordingly to their Desire
he had called his Council together to
hear what they had to say.
Civility then said that none ol the
Shawanese are now corae because
unhappily, having spent ail their
provisions on rum, they are obliged
to stay at home to provide subsis
tence lor their larailies by hunting,
but that they have contributed
equally in the presents now to be
made, and desired these now present
to speak in their narae.
Then directing his discourse to the
Governour he said:
That the Governour did not corae to
see them at Conestoga the first year
alter his arrival, being hindered by
sickness and business, but that last
year he came to see them, for which
they were very glad, and then spoke
to them particularly about the Death
of those Indian People that were
then killed. That the Governour
then expressed his and all the Eng
lish people's sorrow for their death.

and they were afflicted with thera,
though those that were killed were
not of their people, but that they are
now come to desire the Governour
may grieve no more, but that the
meraory of the whole may be entirely
buried in the Ground and never be
remembered. That the Governour, the English
and the Indians, are all as one People
and one body, that if they had receiv
ed anything on their stomach that
was harsh and unpleasant, they must
bring it all up, purge it out and
cleanse their Hearts, that they all
raay be pure and clean and remain
all the same People and body as be
fore. That if there has been any uneasi
ness between us, or any cause of
Grief, it must be all done away; they
are now come for that purpose; they
will sweep the house clean and make
the floors all white so that there shall
not the least Spott of Blackness re
main. That what the Governour said to
them at Conestoga pleased thera
much ; it was all right and good; they
had never any speech made to them
since Williara Penn was here- and as
the Governour then spoke they desire
it raay so continue that they may be
ever the same; and that the Candle
of Love should always burn, and that
there should never any Uneasiness
subsist between us.
The Conestogoe, Delaware, Shawa
nese and Ganawese Indians all agree
in what he has said, and resolve for
ever to continue in the Same Love
and Friendship with the English as
one people, and as they all joined
together in what was said last Spring
at Conestogoe, they are now come
hither to repeat the sarae.
As they are all one People with the
Christians, so their Children must be
the same as the Children of the same
parents, for they are all come from
the same father and mother.

3il

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

That as the Governour desired last
year at Conestogoe, that the roads
between Philadelphia, Conestoga and
the Five Nations should be clear and
open and free from all Grubs and
Thorns and everything that can give
any Offense, they flnd it is truly so,
and are resolved that it shall so re
main while they live.
That last year the Governour told
them that the English and the In
dians must help each other as Breth
ren whenever they meet, that their
desire it may be always so; that the
English may help them in their
Wants and the Indians shall always
assist the English when they meet
them in the woods; they will treat
thera with clean food, and in pure
vessels, they will eat together out o£
one clean, and white dish without any
Spot, as a MARK of the Cleanness of
their Hearts.
That not only the Indians that
were at Conestogoe last year, but
likewise those of the whole Country,
were pleased with what then passed
and that the presents then delivered
to them were divided into the small
est parts, that it might reach all the
Indians everywhere and be read as a
letter.Then TAWENNA stood up and said:
He never spoke since William
Penn was here till last Spring, and
now speaks the same again to the
Governor. That William Penn in his
house in his Town, told them they
must be one body and he now says
the same; they are not to be as one
people bound together to each other,
though the bonds were ever so strong,
though they were of iron, for even in
that case the one may suffer and the
other escape, but they and we as
William Penn said must be as the
same body, half the one and half the
other, that cannot be divided, that

each may, have, both Joy and Pain
alike, as the same body and division.
William Penn said as both Nations
were to be the same Body, so that if
by any stroke that body were to be
divided down the middle into two
parts so that they fell assunder,
this should be looked upon as the
Act of Providence, which neither
could help or be blamed for.
William Penn further said that if
all the people around us should differ
one with another, yet we must not
differ but continue the same in love
and Peace; that the Indians ought
not hastily to go out to war but
rather should study peace, and that if
they were attacked he and his people
would be ready to defend them, for
that we art all as one people. Wil
liam Penn told the Indians that he
loved thera all; their Men, Women
and Children, and that he held Coun
cils with them to perpetuate the
remembrance and affection towards
them, that the Friendship he had es
tablished with them was to last for
many generations; that their old men
die and others come in their roora,
who likewise die, but that the Love
and Friendship between the Indians
and English ought to reraain forever
Tawenna said, he hopes the Gover
nour will continue in the sarae strong
Friendship and Love with all the In
dians, for their hearts are sincere
and true, and they all desire that no
unhappy accident may ever interrupt
that Peace which subsists between
che English and them, and that all
these things which Governour Penn
spoke to them may eyer be remem
bered and imprinted on our and their
hearts, so as to be observed inviol
ably. That he is well pleased with all
that has passed between us aud them,
but is apprehensive some mischief

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

312

may happen through the great quan
tities of rum which are daily carried
amongst the Indians, who being
greedy of that liquor are soon de
bauched by it, and may then easily
be stirred up to some unhappy or ill
action. That Williara Penn told them he
would not suffer any larger quanti
ties of liquor to be brought among
thera, and that they raight stave the
casfes and spill it if they found any
in the woods, but that now several
hogsheads of rura are brought to
Conestogoes and to several other
places in their road and near to them
by which the Indians are tempted
not only to sell their peltry but like
wise their clothing for that Liquor,
and are much impoverished thereby.
That William Penn often told them
if any Christian committ any foolish
or ill action amongst them, they
should seize him without doing ¦ him
any violence, and bring such person
to hira, that the raatter might be en
quired into, for that he had made a
Boal for the bad and wicked amongst
his own people.
That William Penn is dead, but he
now repeats all these things to the
Governour whom he looks upon as
in his stead, and if as William Penn
hiraself was alive; that he reraera-
bers all these things which were then
said and he has now spoke in the
name of the Conestogoe, Ganawese,
Delaware and Shawanese Indians.
CIVILITY added that he was very
uneasy lest any mischief should
happen through the great plenty ol
rum daily brought araongst them.
This concern he said was not so
much lor lear ol any accident araong
the Indians themselves, lor if one In-
Cian should kill another they have
many ways of making up such an af
fair, but this uneasiness proceeded

from an apprehension least a Chris
tian should be ill used by any Indian
intoxicated with that Liquor.
In confirmation of all this, and of
their love and friendship for this
Government, they now present a
large parcel of skins.
The Governour thanked them for
their present and having expressed'
his satisfatcion with what they had
said, told them he would speak to
thera toraorrow.
At a Council held at Philadelphia,
May 27, 1729. PRESENT:
The Honourable PATRICK GOR
DON, Esqr., Lieut. Governour, James
Logan, Richard Hill, William Fish-
bourn, Clement Plumsted, Esqrs.
And the sarae Indians as before, with
Mr. Bizallion Interpreter.
The Governour spoke to the Indians
in these words:
My Friends and Brethren:
Seeing your affairs would not suf
fer you as you proposed last year, to
raake a return to ray visit to you at
Conestogoe, I ara pleased to see you
now here, and wish that sorae of the
Shawanese had also accorapanied
you; but since you speak for thera
by their direction, and they join in
your Present, I take what you say as
if it were truly spoke by all the four
Nations and as an answer to what I
then spoke.
I ara glad to find by your discourse
that you not only reraeraber what I
said to you last Spring, but also
there are some yet living who can
remember what your father William
Penn said to your people when he
\yas in this countrey, frora thence
you see that his words and mine are
the same. He agreed with all the
Indians whom he treated with in the
several points that I laid before you
at Conestogoe; they were his words.

313

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

though spoken by me, and as I ob
serve the old raen will remember
them, so now I desire you again to
repeat them over to your children
and require them to reraeraber them
and repeat thera again to their chil
dren, that the same raay be continued
not only to your children but,
through all generation^ and all ages.
By this raeans we shall truly con
tinue not only as Friends and Broth
ers, but one people, ol one Body, one
Mind and one Heart. We shall re
joice together and be sorrowlul to
gether, and we shall be the same.
I need not say anything lurther to
you on these heads, lor it would be
only to repeat the same things, there-
lore I only say: let us remember all
the good words that have been spok
en. Your words have been good and
your present is good. I take it kind
ly, and I return you some goods
proper to cloath you, with some
Powder and lead and Provisions lor
your journey, that you raay go Irom
hence cheerlully and make all the
Indians over the whole cheerlul with
the words that have been spoken;
that you and they and all ol us may
keep the chain bright and clear and
without spott forever.
I must, add that you complained
rauch of your suffering by rura;
raany laws you know have been made
against it; but your people make all
these laws of no effect; they will
have it; they send their women lor it
to all places where it can be had;
and we can make no laws against
your drinking it; you raust raake
these yourselves. II your women
would carry none ol it It would be
raore easy; I shall endeavor how
ever, to prevent it being carried in
such Quantities.
Then the lollowing goods which
were prepared by order ol the Board

were delivered to them, viz: 20
Stroud Matchcoats, 8 Blanketts, 8
Duffels, 20 Shirts, Hall a barrel ol
Powder, One hundred weight ol lead,
2 Dozen Knives & 1 Dozen Looking
Glasses; with Rum, Bread, Cheese,
Bacon, Tobacco and pipes. A gun
was likewise ordered to be given to
Civility. The Governour then took
all the Indians by the hand and
wished them a sale journey home.
The Bundles ol Skins delivered by
the Indians being exarained and
weighed, were lound to contain, 72
lail Derr Skins, weighing 287 pounds,
79 Summer Deer Skins, weighing 142
pounds ; 108 Drest Deer Skins, weigh
ing 119 pounds; 3 Beavers, weighing
3 pounds, 17 Racoons, 3 Poxes and
6 Catts.
Which were ordered to be sold by
the Treasurer, and the produce
thereol applied towards the charge ol
the Present Treaty."
1729 — The Ganawese, Delawares and
Several Other Tribes of Indians
Present at the Above
Treaty Also.
I here merely make note of the fact
that these various other tribes ol In
dians were also present at the treaty,
to show their prominence. What
part they took all appears in the
treaty itsell.
1729 — The Damage Done by the In
dians Near the Chester County
Line Paid for.
We remember that in an earlier
item we spoke ol the complaint ol a
Lancaster County citizen against the
Indians who killed his cow. Provis
ion was made lor the loss ol the cow
and the destruction ol the property
as appears in Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec,
p. 366, as lollows:

OTHER LANpASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

314

"To Richard Thomas, Four Pounds
as the price ol a cow killed and eat
up by the Indians ol the Five Na
tions, in their return horae Irom
Philadelphia, alter the treaty with
them in July, 1727, certified by a
Justice of Chester County, and the
value of the Cow ascertained by the
affirmations of two lawful raen of
that County."
1729— The Southern Indians Kill
Some Conestogas.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 238 a letter written by Captain
Civility to Governour Gordon, as fol
lows: "CONESTOGOE, June 10th, 1729.
Sir: Knowing the good correspond
ence settled betwixt us, am willing
to acquaint the Governour, having
no other in the world to tell my
troubles to of this nature, which is of
the Barbarous Usage of the Shorrey
Indians beolnging to South Carolina
which was about 4 days ago, they
robbed three houses upon Pertomack
belonging to us, forty of our men is
gone alter them, in order to pursue
them, they like-wise killed filty-nine
men belonging to us at the Five Na
tions town, and has taken two
women and a boy prisoners, first
they carae upon them and killed
eight men, then they came to a par
ley to make peace, but could not pre
vail, the Captain that went out was
taken, and then they surrendered the
town, this is a true relation ol our
unlortunate brothers, oi their suffer
ings by those barbarous Indians.
So concluding with my humble ser
vice to your Lady and pleace to ac
cept the same to your Honour Irom
your most hurable, obedient servant
His
CAPTN. CIVILITY.
mark.

Direction :
To Patrick Gordon, Esq'r.,
Governour of Pennsilvania."
1729 — Further Light on the Killing.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. ,.4.rchives,
p. 240, Civility writes another letter
to Gordon in which he says:
"GOVERNOUR: I received your answer to my let
ter and thank you for your love and
care over us.
Wee have no manner of hopes or
expectation of having Currundaw-
awnah redeemed if hee should be
still alive, which wee do not expect;
11 any ol us should go there on that
Intent, provided he was stil living we
should be liable to lail into the sarae
mislortune. I impute that to ye Five Nations
own fault for they was the cause of
their own ruin, had they stayed at
home they might still been all living.
Wee the Conestogoes are fearful
leastt such provocations should be
ye action to draw ye Southern In
dians near, il not as lar as this place,
we have heard that they have ol late
been about Potomack; and we have
sent all our young brisk men accom
panied with some Delawares and
Conoys in all near thirty men in or
der to Look outt and see 11 they can
find any ol the Southern Indians
there; the .reason ol our so doing is
because our time ol hunting Draws
nigh, and our people being learlul,
and il they find the Coastt clear they
may yet better hunt with Courage.
Abont two months ago the South
ern Indians killed and took nine ol
the Shawanese living on a branch ol
Potomack near the Greatt Moun
tains; the -white impute to their own
laults lor settling so near their ene
raies. I would myself go to warr had I

315

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

butt forty men at my comraand, but
our number is so small we are nott
Capable of making such attack; if I
should call our young men together
on such an ocation they have several
excuses, one wanting shoes, another
Powder and Lead; and tell them to
provide for the same as fast as they
get anything away itt goes for Rum,
such is the Polly of our People.
So much lor ye present. In time
perhaps I may have more to say.
CIVILITY."
Edward Cartlidge also adds a note
to this letter and says that a certain
Indian with two others met him and
said they knew nothing ol the South
ern Indians being about.
1730— Mingo Indians Commit Depre
dations.
In Vol. 3 ol the Coloniel Rec, p.
382, testimony was taken about some
depredations ol the Indians against
the whites in Lancaster county as
lollows: "The examination ol Samuel
Hornyhook and John Wilson, taken
before one of the Justices of the
Peace for the County of Lancaster,
touching the loss sustained by them
by Depredations of the Mingoe In
dians and the reference of the house
thereon being likewise read, the
Board in Compassion of the low cir
curastances of the said Sufferers, are
ol Opinion that they be allowed the
amount ol their loss, as set lorth
upon oath in their rexive Examina
tions, vizt: to the said Hornyhook
Five Pounds and to the said Wilson
Three Pounds ten shillings."
1730— James Mitchell of Lancaster
County Wants Pay for the Ser
vices to the Indians.

In the same book and at the same
page last raentioned, the lollowing
appears:

"An account was then exhibited by
James Mitchell, ol the County of
Lancaster, lor charges by him ex
pended on a message to and Irom the
Indians, in the year 1722, and lor his
trouble ol explaining to them the
Treaty ol Albany, by order ol the
Government, (he being then the only
acting Magistrate in those parts ol
the Country), and it appearing that
the said services were perlormed,
and that no allowance had hitherto
been made to the said James
Mitchell lor the same, it is the opin
ion ol the Board that the sum ol six
pounds and ten shillings and six
pence be paid to him, in full for his
trouble and expense aforesaid."
1730 — The Indians Complain Against
Isaac Miranda, An Indian Trader
on Susquehanna River.
The Indians of Lancaster county
in a petition found in Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. 266 make the fol
lowing complaint:
"To the Justices of the County of
Lancaster.
Gentlemen: I have recived a petition of Coch-
uscunt and Meraocollen, two Indians,
seting forth a great abuse and impo
sition they have suffered from Isaac
Miranda, which being coraraitted
within your jurisdiction properly
coraes under your Cognizance and
therefore I have herewith transrait
ted to you the said petition, that you
make a full and particular enquiry
into the Truth of the facts sett forth
thereof, and if you find allegations
therein contained to be true, I desire
you will order Mr. Miranda to make
retribution ol the goods which he
has taken away and likewise to enter
into recognizance lor his good be
havior and appearance at your en
suing Court, I am
August 21. 1720." P. GORDON.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

316

1730 — Inquest Into the Death of In
dians in Lancaster County.
In Vol. 1 ol the Pena. Archives, p.
267, the following inquisition is sett
forth about Indian slaughter:
"August 28, 1730.
Lancaster County, ss.:
THIS INQUISITION, Indented and
taken in the Township of Dorsey, in
ye County aforesaid and ye province
of Pennsylvania, before Joshua Lowe,
Coroner for our Sovereign Lord ye
King, and for ye said County in ye
view of the bodies ol three Indians,
two raen and one woman, there at a
certain run lying dead, by ye oaths ol
John Postlethwait, Jonas Davenport,
Patrick Campble, John Williams,Rice
Price, John McCurry, John Gal-
breth, David Campbell, John Taylor,
William Hays, Patrick Hays, Chris
topher Vanlaer, John Carr, Thoraas
Hill, Williara White and Alexander
B. Hutchinson, good and lawlul men
of the said County, who being
charged on their said qualification to
enquire how the said Indians came to
their end, to say that according to
several circumstances there being no
evidence the said Indians were fel-
loniously killed and murdered, there
appearing in every one of their
heads. One mortal wound (to Viz:) in
the woman one mortall wound in the
left side of her head like a cut with
a small ax or Tom Hock, and one of
ye men a cut or great bruise in ye
left side of ye head on his temple,
and the other raan a briuse in the
skul in ye fore part of his head, and
a large cut in ye left side of his
head near ye eye; and they wrapped
up in their shrouds or blankets, and
buried in the said run and covered
with sorae logs earth and stones,
and by ye bodies being so putrified
and decayed ye suppose they may

have been murdered as aforesaid for
the space of three raonths, but who
they were or what Nation they were
this inquisition finds not, nor can we
find any reason or grounds to charge
any Christians or white people with
the said murder, nor can we flnd any
to affix the said murder on. In testi
raony whereof the said Coroner as
well as ye said jury have hereunto
set their bands and seals this Twenty
Eighth day of August in ye fourth
year of ye Reign of our Souvereign
Lord George ye Second King Over
Great Britain, etc., and ye year of
our Lord Christ One Thousand Seven
Hundred and Thirty.
Joshua Lowe, Cor'er. (L. S.)
Jno. Taylor, (L. S.)
Jno. Postlethwait, (L. S.)
Wm. Hays, (L. S.)
Jonah Davenport, (L. S.)
Patric'k Hays, (L. S.)
Patrick Campbell, (L. S.)
Christ Vanlear, (L. S.)
John Williams, (L. S.)
Jno. Carr, (L. S.)
Rice Price, (L. S.)
Thomas Hill, (L. S.)
Jno. MakCurry, (L. S.)
Wm. White, (L. S.)
Jno. Galbreth, (L. S.)
Alexander Hutchinson, (L. S.)
David Campbell, (L. S.)
We Ye Chiefs of ye Conestouges
and Conoys Indians,, having been al
ong with the Christians or White
People, Do say we are of ye same
mind as above said and well are sat
isfied with what is Done By ye
Christians, on this Account As Wit
ness our hands ye 29th of August,
Annoq'e Dominy, 1730.CAPT'N CIVILITY,
his X raark.
TAYSHAH. his X mark.
ALLOWAY,
his X mark.
POWAY B.AYTO,
his X mark.
JOSHUA LOWE, Coroner."

317

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1780— The Coroner's Report to the
Governor.
In the book last mentioned, at p.
268, the following report appears to
be made by Coroner Lowe to the
Governor: "5th ol September, 1730.
Sir: The Day after the Date of my
last To the Governor, I heard a
freash Reportt of the Indians being
found dead, on which I went up to
wards the head of Swartarro, where
I had a full account of the alare,
though they wear 5 or 6 miles Irom
whear ye Indians Tould us, I there
fore Came Down & gott sevarell In
dians & Christians along and went
to the Place and Thear found the
bodeys of three Indians, one young
woman as apeared by her hand, one
of which was whole, & 2 men as
planely apeared were found a saddle,
a pistell, a knife, some beads and
shells, with some small things, by
all which the Indians said they wear
Delawares, wee also had acc'tt that
Thear wos none wanting of ye Five
Nations, however I and some others
was very Desirous To Discover who
they wear & from whence they came.
And who had Done murder, I heard
thear was 3 Tuskarorows wanting, so
I went up to Pechston To Enquire
whear I had the opartunety To hear
by Patrick Boyd who was Coming
Doune from Opessa Town, That an
ould Delawar man Caled Oppenella,
belonging to Augaluta a toune near
Opessa, & his Squaws & his sone a
young man and his Daughter, a girl
about 14 years ould. Came doune with
a Larg bundeli of fine furr, and some
time after ye Squaw came home and
Tould a man that she had a mind for
that he might marey her, for she had
Dispatched her ould husband, & to
prove it shewed hira her husband's

arrae bellts & a large neck Belt of
warapura, Pettar Basalion & Pettar
Sherfe being present when Boyd
gave me the above account, Sherfe
said that about ye midle of May Last
thear Came to his house the above
named Indian his Squaw & Chil
dren, with said furr & a sadle, but
no horse, they went ovar the Rivar
toward the 2rd Day affter the
Squaw came back with The sarae
bundeli of furr, & Pettar asked
whear her husband was, she answer
ed he was gone, but he charged her
that she had killed hira, which she
very fantly denied, so he bought the
furr from her, and she Returned to
wards home, so that we are now all
satisfyed that the ould man, his
sone and Daughter was murdered by
his squaw, that you may see by the
Copy of the Inquisition what Care
was taken, the Indians generally
Expressed very great satisfaction
with what was Done, and wear will
ing and forward to joyne in signeing
with us a plan. It was carefully In-
trepreted to them, I would have sent
to ouar Governor but have had a n
account that he is gone to New York,
& will not return in Less than 3
weeks, so I Thought it my duty to
Acquaint Thee how far I have act
ed, which I hope will be content I
am they Reall well wishar & Ready
to Serve my Countarey in aney
Thing in my power. JOSHUA LOWE.
Lon'd, 5, 7 mo., 1730.
P. S. If I hear aney more shall ac
quaint thee of it, but P. Basalion
hath promised to Come and give thee
a full acc'tt he hath been very ser-
visable in This Affare. Their just
now came an Indian to see the pistell
yet that wee found, & Immediately
sd it was Oppanella's pistell, all
which Confermeth me in may said
opinion. J. L."

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

318

1730 — The Conestogas Much Dis
turbed by the Settling of the
Germans Among Them.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 271, appears the lollowing com
munication Irom Captain Cicility to
Governor Gordon:
"May it please ye Honorable Gover-
ner.
Some time since I was out at our
County .town ol Lancaster, where I
heard much talk that both Dutch and
English was agoing to settle on ye
other side ol Susquehannah, like
wise Mr. Wright, and Mr. Blunston,
hath surveyed a great deal ol land
and designs to dispose ol it to others
which giveth me and my brethren a
great deal ol trouble, itt being in our
road in our hunting, least our
young men should break the chain
ol Iriendship which hath long been
between us.
Wee are grieved that Mr. Wright
should not mind his word, lor when
he first came to our parts he olten
said that no person should settle on
that side ol ye river withcut our
Consent, but now wee find he to be
the first and to encourage others.
When your honor was with us at
Conestogoe your desire was that wee
should not hurt any ol your people,
which we carelully have observed,
and likewise that Ed. Parnell who
was settled there should go off
which he did, which now grieves our
hearts to see how little our Counsels
is minded. We hear that one ol
William Penn's laraily is coraing in
this country but the truth ol it wee
know not, we long to hear the truth
ol it lor wee should be glad to see
any ol William Penn's lamily.
Wee are now agoing out to hunt,
so desire you to suppress your
people Irom settling there until wee
return Irom our hunting, and then

some ol our Chiels will come down
to you and have some Further treaty
about ye matter.
Prom y'r Loving Brother, in the
behall ol ye rest ol my Brethren,
DECATTELEES,
alias CAPT. CIVILITY.
Conestogoe, September 28th, 1730.
Directed — To the Hon'ble Patrick
Gordon, in Philadelphia, these.
Indorsed — Cap't Civility's Letter.
September 28th, 1730."
1731 — Indians Remind the Governor
That Penn Promised They
Would Never Be Disturb
ed at Susquehanna.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penna. .Archives,
p. 295, Samuel Blunston writes a
letter to Robert Charles, who was the
Secretary to the Governor and fin
ally became his son-in-law. The let
ter is as lollows: October ye 3d, 1731.
Friend Robert Charles:
About a week agoe, when Severall
ol the Majestrates Met at Lancaster
to .Assist at Raising ye Court House,
Capt. Civility Came there, and by an
Interpreter which he brought with
him, (In behall ol ye Rest ol ye In
dians,) Laying down the Enclosed
String ol Wampum, Desired the lol
lowing Message might be therewith
Communicated to ye Governour, viz:
That the Conestogoe Indians have al
ways lived in Good Friendship with
the Christian Inhabitants ol Penn
sylvania, And have behaved them
selves agreeable to their Treatys
with them. That William Penn had
promised them they should not be
Disturbed by any Settlers on the
west side ol Sasquehannah, but now.
Contrary thereto. Several Maryland-
'ers are settled by the river, on that
side, at Conejohela; And one Cres-
sop, particularly, is very abusive to

319

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

them when they pass that way, And
has beat and wounded one ol their
women who went to Get Apples Irom
their own Trees and took Away her
apples. And further Says, that, as
they shall Always take Care their
people Do us no hurt. So they also
expect we shall protect them.
We then Told him that the Gover
nor had wrote to the Governour of
Maryland on that Subject, and that it
was Contrary to his will they should
be Disturbed by ye Marylanders, &
would gladly do all that Lay in his
power to prevent it.
I have further to add on the Indian
Subject, That being informed the
Governour Expected Some of ye
Chiefs of ye Five Nations Down in a
little time, it might be of service to
acquaint him, that a few days agoe,
about twenty of ye Five Nation war
riors Returning this way from the S.
ward, brought with them three Ne-
gros and a Mulatto. One of the Ne
groes, being lame with travelling
they sold to a Cannoi Indian for
about 20 Pounds; the Rest they took
off. This being Contrary to the Last
Treaty at Albany, & and if not Dis
couraged, Like to be of Dangerous
Consequence, I thought fit to Com
municate, and am, with my best
Service to ye Governour, they Assur
ed friend."
An interesting thing appears here
and that is th.at Blunston says a
week before writing the letter, he,
with several other Magistrates of the
County were in Lancaster helping to
raise the Court House. This speak
ing of "raising" the Court House al
most leads us to infer that our first
Court House was frame and not
brick, as was supposed.
1731 — The Conoys Have a Mulatto
Captive.
The item last above mentioned sets
ofrth that the Conoys bought a mul
atto from the Five Nations, which

they had captured on a Southern
trip. I merely mention this to give
It prominence.
1731— An Accident to the Delawares
Because of Rum.
In Vol. 3 of the Votes of Asserably,
p. 156, a sad accident, through rum,
befell the Chief of the Delawares and
it Is stated there that it may likely
bring on war.
1731 — Investigation on the Death of
an Indian.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives, p.
299, is given the deposition of Jonah
Davenport, in which he speaks
of the killing of a couple ol In
dians near Allegheny; and says that
the Indian settlement there con
sisted ol 300 Delawares, 260 Shawa
nese and many others. He says also
on p. 301 in the same book that the
number of Indians in that part of
Pennsylvania were 60 Delawares,
mostly men, 50 on Kythenning river
and that the whole lot consists of
250 men and that there a.re also
three Shawanese towns with over 200
inhabitants and that about 60 railes
from Susquehanna there are 60 more,
and various others.
1731— Edmund Cartiledge's Letter to
Governor Gordon, and His In
dian Trade.
In this letter Cartlidge says that
he can not now come to Philadelphia
to look after the affairs of the Gov
ernment on account of his Indian
trade. As this letter gives us a good
light on the extent of his Indian
trade, and the treaty covered by it,
I will set it forth. It is as follows:
"Lancaster, ye 5th of December 1731.
Sir: May Itt Please Honour,
I Rec'd yours, dated ye 23rd of ye
last month, my man, Butt being In
disposed both in Body and in mind

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

320

could not answer your exepctation,
and Justt have received a letter from
Mr. Charles and Justice Galbreth
which puts mee to such a stand I
know not whatt to do, for my Affairs
so pressingly call rae Back into ye
woods, and ray People and goods are
already over Sasquehannah, thatt ray
coming all this distance to Philadel
phia will prove of fatall Consequence
to mee. I have a large Intriestt in
ye woods and if I should lose my
winter's Trade, which raay be done
for not being up in time, would en
tirely ruin the whole and quite dis
able me from making retums to ray
Creditors to whom I ara deeply en
gaged, in Consideration of which I
hurably beg that your Honor will not
take it araiss if I do not come. I can
not tell what may just happen Butt
itt does not appear to rae at ye pres
ent that there is such an apparent
danger as some makes it to bee. Itt is
not long since I came from Allee-
geening and all was quiet and well
then, and if there be not any likely-
hood of a Rupture at Home between
England and Prance, I hope we are
safe for the present, however, as to
whatt Davenport and Le Tortt has
declared in relation to a French gentt
comeing for three years as a spy, I
can not tell whatt to say as to thatt,
I always looked upon itt that as ye
French kept a Store att the head of
ye River to Deal, he came down to
trade for fur and Bears, Being Com-
odity Very Scarce to ye Northward,
hee and all along with him always
behaved themselves very Civily, how
ever, I shall not say much least I
should be mistaken. I would willing
ly serve your honor and ye Publick
as far as lyes in ray power, butt
pray excuse at this tirae.
Your mostt Hurable Servant,

Indorsed— Ed. Cartlidge, December 1
1731."Por the above see Vol. 1 ol the
Penna. Archives, p. 304.
1731— Cartlidge's Testimony Taken at
Pequea, Lancaster County, abont
the Migration of Our
Indians.
In Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
p. 305 the following testimony of
Edmond Cartlidge is given.
"The Examination of Edmund Cart
lidge, Indian Trader, taken on his
Affirmation, at Pequea, in ye County
of Lancaster, ye 7th day of Decem
ber, 1731, belore Jno. Wright, Esq.,
one ol his Majesty's Justices ol the
Peace lor ye said County.
This Examinant says, that about
two months since he lelt Allegeny,
where there are settlements ol Dela
wares, Shawanah, Asseekales &
Mingoe Indians to the nuraber ol
about five hundred. That lor these
five years past except that ol 1729 a
French Gentleman who calls him
sell Cavalier has made it his prac
tice to corae every Spring amongst
the Indians settled there, and brings
with him a small quantity ol goods
with which he deals lor lurs, that he
keeps a store as this Examinant is
well inlormed at the head ol the
Ohio River, and every year goes to
Montreal, that he appears to be a
man ol sense and good understanding
and that it is generally believed by
all the traders at Allegheny as well
as this Examinant that this cavalier is
the Bearer ol the Governor ol Mon
treal's Messages to the Indians in
these parts and is entrusted with ne
gotiating several affairs between the
Governor and thera. That alter the
treaty held at Conestogoe in the year
1728 between the Governor ol Penn
sylvania and the Delaware Indians,

321

.ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

several Shawanese who are settled
near Allegheny went to the Governor
of Montreal as this Examinant be
lieves, to seek protection from the
French against the Five Nations,who
they suspected would hinder their
settling at Allegheny, that ever since
that time there has been a great ap
pearance of Friendship and goodwill
between the French and them. That
Mr. Cavalier frequently holds consul
tations with the Shawanese, and this
Spring when he was among them he
delivered a message to them as this
examinant is well inlormed from the.
Governor of Montreal with a present
of some powder. That the Shawannah
king or chief Paguasse with seven or
eight more of the Shawanese went to
Montreal to answer the Governor's
message and carried with them some
bundles of skins for a present, but
were not returned when this Exami
nant left Allegheney. That this Exam
inant has since heard from a Servant
of an Indian Trader lately come
from thence that they are returned
and have set up a white Flag which
is is said the French Govemor has
given them, denoting thereby as this
Examinent verily believes that they
united with the French and are come
under that protection. BDMD. CARTLIDGE.
Coram Jno. Wright.
Indorsed — Examinant Edmd. Cart
lidge, Dec. 7th, 1731.'-
1731 — The Governor Wants the Shaw
anese to Come Back.
It will be remembered that the
Shawanese used to ' live on Pequea
Creek but suddenly they move in 1729
out near .Allegheny. This disturbed
the Governor very much and he wrote
them a pressing letter in 1731 to come
back. The letter is found In Vol. I
of the Penna. Archives and is as fol
lows:

On p. 302 Ollepoonoe, Achquaill-
emoe, etc.. Chiefs of the Shawanese
and Assekelaes, at or near AUeghen-
ing. To the Chiefs of the Shawanese
Indians at Allegheny.
My friends and Brethren:
I flnd by our records that about
Thirty-four years since, some nura
bers of your Nation carae to Susque
hannah and desired leave first of our
Brethren the Conestogoe Indians, and
then of Coll. Markham, who at that
time was Governour under William
Penn, at Philadelphia, that they might
have leave to settle on Pequea
Creek, which was granted. About
three years after, William Penn, the
father of this Countrey, who was as
father also to the Indians, for he lov
ed them as his own Children, came
from England to Philadelphia with
his wife and family, which when our
Brethren of Conestogoe heard, Conn-
edeohtoe, their King, Oretyah, Anda-
ggyjunquah, and others of our good
friends, came with Opessa, and many
more of the Shawanese desiring
leave for the Shawanese to live in
this Countrey, to enter into a League
with our Indians and with us, and to
be accounted as our people, which, as
they requested, our father Williara
Penn readily granted, he then took
the Shawanese by the hand, and ad
mitted them as friends; they promised
to be his children, and from that time
to this, in all the treatys held with
our Indians, the Shawanese were al
ways included as our friends and
brethren, and so we hope that still
continue mindful with their engage
ments and of the friendship, Civility
and brotherly that has always been
shown them. Yet we now hear that
others have taken you by the hand, in
which if you mean to be friends with
them who, they say, were formerly
your enemies, we do not blame you.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

322

for you should live in peace with all;
but if through a lightness of temper
yon would throw off old friends, for
get all the forraer treaties raade with
us by your people, all their promises
and the Friendship that has been be
tween us. You are then unkind and I
must blame you, but I shall not be
lieve this. I will still believe you
true men, and in order to Confirm
amongst your old friends at Cones
togoe. I have sent messages to the
Five Nations or Mingoes, who I heard
this, I desire to speak with some of
your old wise men at Philadelphia or
were angry with you, to make thera
your friends, and it is our desire that
we may all be friends, and all live in
Peace as brethren. In the meantime,
I exepct ol you that you will in all
respects shew yourselves true and
good men to all our people who come
on account ol Trade, but next Spring
William Penn's son is to be here
from England, and then he will renew
his father's Leagues and Covenants
with your Ancients, and will expect
your visit to him as the son of a true
friend and father, who was a true
father to all the Indians. In confir
mation hereol, I send you a token
and some Liquor that you raay re
member us with Cheerlulness and
particularly me.
Who am your Iriend and brother, P. G.
Indorsed — Copy ol the Message to
the Shawanese Chiels at Allegheny. —
December, 1731."
1731— The Governor Writes a Similar
Letter to the Delawares.
We remember that the Delawares
moved Irora the Schuylkill to the
Susquehanna early in the Eighteenth
Century. They also went West and
became enemies ol the English. Gov
ernor Gordon desires thera to corae
back and he writes a letter pressing

them to do so, which may be found in
Vol, 1 of the Penna. Archives, p. 303.
The letter is general in character and
therefore I will not quote it.
1731- Letort's Cabin Burned
In Vol. 15 of Haz. Reg., p. 82 it is
stated that James Letort seems to
have penetrated to Cumberland Valley
as early as 1731. His first Cabin was
burned by the Indians and it stood at
the head of the Spring. He received
for his services twelve pounds an
nually. 1732— The Shawanese Hold a Treaty
at Philadelphia.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 349
appears a treaty under the date of
1732 between the Shawanese and the
Government but as it dos not relate
to Lancaster County and is entirely
devoted to an effort ol the Govern
ment to get them back to Lancaster
County, we will say nothing more
about it. In Vol. 1 ol the Penna.
Archives, p. 325 the speech ol the
French to the Shawanese is given.
1732 — The Location of the Indian
Town.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penna. Archives,
p. 331, it is stated that the Northern
boundary ol Maryland is now fixed as
being 16 railes below the Indian town
on Susquehanna River.
1732 — The Conestogas Complain that
They are Wrongly Blamed for
Killing the Whites.
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 500, a
treaty was held at Philadelphia by
Shekellamy on the part ol several In
dian tribes. He said one reason why
they came at this time was that "two
days belore he lelt home, which is
now seven days since, a Messenger
came to hira Irora the Ganawese In
dians, who live between Pextan and

323

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Conestogoe, with an account that
they Understood the Govemor of Vir
ginia was about to send a party of
armed men amongst them to cut them
off, for a Murder committed in Vir
ginia; and therefore, requesting the
assistance of all the other Indians to
defend them against the enemies. But
as he can not believe that the Gov
ernor of Virginia would make war on
these Indians without acquainting
this Government with it, he is now
come here to inform his Brethren of
this matter and to know of them what
they have heard of it."
On page 504 of the same book the
Ganawese Chief makes a speech at
the said treaty.
1733 — The Ganawese Above Conesto
goe and Their Complaints.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 504, it
is set forth that the Ganawese live
between Pextan and Conestoga at this
date, therefore, they are still in the
County of Lancaster. Their Chief
and four ol the Warriors were pres
ent at the treaty held on the 6th ol
August, 1733. In the treaty these
Ganawese complained as lollows:
"Ullaloes, a Chiel of the Ganawese
Indians, with four others of that Na
tion viz.: Menahachtay, Peyohiuas,
Waapen & Naiemot
Ullaloes produced a letter wrote at
the desire of all of their Nations, by
James Mitchell of Donnegal, signify
ing the concern they are under that
any of their Nations should be charg
ed with killing any white people and
declaring their ignorance of the mat
ter. And then by the Interpreter said:
That a few months since a report
was spread among them, that the
white people had charged some of
theirs with the killing of two English
men; that they are sorry and asham

ed that such a report should be
spread, for none of their people have
done any such thing; that whenever
their young men go to war they are
very careful to give them the strict
est caution not to hurt the English.
That last winter when their young
men returned from War they brought
with them the scalps of two Indians
they had killed, and gave an account
that they had killed a third, but this
body was taken away by his friends
so they could not get his scalp.
That the white people who live in
their Neighborhood have told them
that the Governour of Virginia in
tends to corae against thera, with a
hundred men to revenge the Death of
those who are killed and supposed to
be white people, and that two young
men of their Nation must be delivered
up. They were asked where their young
men had killed those Indians, and of
what Nation they were?
They answered that it was on the
forks of a River lying to the South
ward of James River, in Virginia,
and that the Indians were of the
Tootelaes; that they have seen the
scalps and know them to be of In
dians and are now to be seen in their
Indian town.
The delivering some strings of
wampum. They add that they are extremely
concerned that any Suspicion should
be entertained of them as if they had
done any injury to the white people
whom they look upon as themselves;
that they and the English are as one
Heart one Body, and one Person,
therefore to do hurt to the white
People would be doing hurt to them
selves. They were told that It could not
but give us a great concern to hear
such reports; that they were extreme-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

324

ly careful to do them Justice and to
preserve a. good understanding with
them, and we hope they will be equal
ly careful on their parts, that we are
well pleased with their coraing here
to satisfy us, and if they are innocent
as by what they Lave said we hope
they are, they have no need to feel any
resentraent or to be under the least
Apprehension, but if it should prove
otherwise. Justice must be done upon
the guilty persons.
That these People who live near and
give them so much Uneasiness by the
reports they have spread ol the Gov
ernor ol Virginia coming against them
have no foundation of what they say;
they know nothing ol the raatter, and
are not to be credited. II the Indians
have not done anything araiss they
have nothing to lear.
They said that what they told was
spoken sincerely — their tongues and
Hearts go together; That they have
nothing lurther to add, but having
been at some expense at their Jour
ney here they hope their Brethren
will consider it. They were told care
should be taken ol thera, and some
what given thera belore their depar
ture. It was ordered that Thirty shillings
be given them to delray their charges
on the road, and that their entertain
ment in Town be paid lor."
1733 — The Governor's Private Secre
tary Visits Conestoga.
In Vol, 3 ol the Colonial Rec, p.
506 the expenses connected with the
Indian treaty are set out and among
them may be lound the following.
"Deer. — To Robert Charles for the
Expenses by hira disbursed in a
Journey to Conestogoe, by order
of the Governor and Council, to
forward to the Indians of Alle
gheny several Messages of im
portance, touching the reports

spread of their going over to the
French, and inviting them to
corae to Philadelphia to treat
with this Government, and for
an Express sent to Sasquehan
nah for Edmund Cartldge, who
was the bearer of Messages, 4£
17s. — And we are of opinion that
5 Pounds be allowed to the said
Robert Charles tor his trouble in
the said Journey, for
9 Pounds & 17 Shillings.
1733. — ^The Government Bears the
Expenses of Shawanese Indian
Funerals.
In the Book last raentioned, p. 507
is set forth the following charge:
"March — To the Charges of Attend
ance, nursing and funerals of two
Shawanese Indians, p. Account,
28 Pounds 14s. 5, & to Dr.
Thoraas Gaerrae, their Physician,
for his medicines Advice and
care, P. his Bill 15 Pouads.
43 Pounds, 14s. 5."
1733— Peter Chartier Brings Much
Rum to Conestoga.
We remeraber that Peter Chartier
was a son of Martin Chartier and
that his mother was a Shawanese In
dian. In an item found in Vol. 3 of
the Col. Rec, p. 501, it is complained
that Chartier, whose narae is here
spelled Cheavier, brings rura to the
Indians and does not obey the laws at
all. The Indians ask that this bring
ing of rum be stopped.
1733— The Walking Purchase Is
Again Mentioned
In Vol. 6 ol Haz. Reg., p. 212, men
tion is again raade to the walking
purchase ol 1686 and it seeras that
there is still sorae dissatislaction
connected with it.
1734— Captain Civility Sent for By the
Government.
In Vol. 3 ol the Col. Rec, p. 570, It
is set forth that several Oneida In-

325

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

dians came to Philadelphia but before
they could talk they desired to see
their friend and brother Captain Civ
ility and desired that he might be
sent for to come from Conestoga,
which was done. Civility and some
other Indians came down from Con
estoga and the treaty was held. There
was also present the Chief of the
Ganawese Indians and John and
Thomas Penn. Most of the business
of this Council or treaty concerned
sections of Pennsylvania outside of
Lancaster County and therefore we
will not set forth the proceedings.
1734 — The Indians at Conestoga Com
plain of the Traders.
In Vol. I of the Penna. Archives,
p. 425, the following complaint is
made by the Indians against the
Traders: "May 1st 1734.
My Brethren:
Some time ago Edmund (Probably
Edmund Cartlidge) brought a Letter
amongst us, and withall advised me
to mind to be careful of my people,
not in ye least to hurt them, and if
we wanted any Assistance we might
expect it frora You, which we are
very glad to hear. As for ye belt of
Wampum you sent by ye Five Nations,
we have not yet had, though so often
mentioned. Edward Kenny, Jacob
Ryatt, Tim'y Pitzpatrick, Wm. Dew
lap & Jno. Kelly, of Donegall, come
trading with us without a License,
which is a hindrance to the Lincensed
Trades. Charles Poke and Thomas
Hill are very pernicious for they have
abused us, and we gave them a fath-
ora of white wampum, desiring them
by that token to acquaint you how they
had served us, and att a_ Drinking
Boutt, Henry Baley, Olliver Wallis
and Jno. Young, took one of our old
men, and after having tied him abus
ed him very much, James Denning

was among them and abused us like
wise, such pople we think are not
proper to deal with us. Jno. Kelly, of
Pextan has made a great disturb
ance by raising false reports among
us, and Tim'y Fitzpatrick, Thoraas
Moren and Jno. Palmer quarrel often
with us, therefore,, we desire those
four may be kept particularly from
us. Jonas Davenport, Laz. Lowry,
Jmes Letort, Fran's Stevens, James
Patterson, Ed. Cartlidge, we desire
may have license to come and trade
with us, as also Peter Cheartier, who
we reckon one of us, and he is wel
come to come as long as he pleases
likewise we begg att our Councill
that no trader abovementioned may
be allowed to bring more than 30
Galons of Rum, twice in a year and
no more, for by that means we shall
be capable of paying our debts and
making our creditors easy, which we
can not do otherwise, and that every
trader may be obliged to bring his
rum in ye Cabin where he lives dir
ectly, and not to hide in ye woods,
but for P. Cheatler to bring what
quantities he pleases, for he trades
further than the rest, and that every
trader bring his license with him,
and for our parts if we see any other
traders than those we desire amongst
us, we will staves their Cags and
seize their goods likewise, we also
beg every trader may be obliged to
bring good Powder, and if we are
indebted to any of those we desire
may not be admitted to trade with
us, if they will come without goods
or Rum, if we have it by us we will
pay them their Due, we also hope no
hired man will have liberty to bring
any rum with him.
We are Your Friends and Brethren,
NECHIKONNER, (L S)
OPOCKRETOR, (L. S.)
CAWKECAWLEN? (L. S.)

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

326

OL.,\NAWKANOR, L. S.)
MEELATAINEN, (L. S.)
Testes: JONAH DAVENPORT,
JAMES LETORT,
LAREY LOWRBY,
PETER P. CHEARTIER,
Indorsed 1st May, 1734. A letter frora
the Indians ab't Licenc'd Traders."
1735 — The Conestoga Indians Show
the Written Penn Treaty.
In Vol. 3 of the Col. Rec, p. 597,
there are set forth the proceedings
of a treaty of the 29th of July, 1735,
as follows: —
"Several Indians of Conestogoe
and Sasquehannah to the nuraber of
thirty in all. Men, Woraen and Child
ren coraing to town on a friendly
visit, and their Chiefs applying to
the Proprietaries and Governour to
be heard in Council.
A Council was held at Philadel
phia, August 1st, 1735.
PRESENT:
The Honourable THOMAS PENN,
Esqr., Proprietary.
The Lieutenant Governor,
Samuel Preston,
Clement Plumsted,
Ralph Assheton, Thomas Griff itts,
Charles Read, Esquires.
PRESENT ALSO:
Tioquataraghse or Civility, Oni-
chsulyiena, Canasquagenerat, Tatier-
nughti, with several other Conesto
goe Indians of less Note.
Ullaloes, Chief of the Ganawese,
with Peyhiohinas, Joaasha, and some
other of that Nations.
Gaunauwantagerah, Waiabiessanagh
and others of the Shawanese.
Conrad Weyser, Interpreter.
The Proprietor told the Indians
that as soon as heard of their Arri
val he sent a Message to his brother,
at Pennsbury, acquainting him

therewith, but he is so much in
disposed as not to be able to come
down, and that the Council are now
raet to hear what they have to offer.
Civility, by the Interpreter said:
That there are now present three
different Nations of the Indians, to
Witt: the Conestogoes, Ganawese and
Shawanese, who are corae down to
visit the Proprietors, and to renew
with them the League and Chain of
Friendship. That when William Penn first came
into this Country, he called raany of
the Indians together and told thera
that the Great King of England had
given unto hira a large tract of land,
on which several nations of Indians
were settled; that it was his desire
to live in Peace and good friendship
with all those Indians, and therefore
he would make purchases from them
of those lands, before they should be
possessed by the white people.
That the Indians told William Penn
he and they should live on those
lands like Brethren, in Love and
and Friendship; whereupon William
Penn and the Indians entered upon a
League of Friendship together,
whereby they became all as one
people and one Nation, joined to
gether so strongly that nothing
should ever disunite them, but that
they should continue one people for
ever. That il one Chiel article then
agreed on between William Penn and
the Indians -was that 11 any mischiel
or hurt should befall either, they
should assist one another, and con
stantly have their eyes open to watch
for each other's safety, and their
ears open if any news were brought
frora any Country that might give
uneasiness to either, they should
carefully inform each other of what
they heard.

327

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

That it was further agreed be
tween William Penn and the Indians,
that each should bear a share in the
others misfortunes. That this Coun
try, though it might be filled with
people of different Nations, yet care
should be taken that Justice should
be done to every person, and no
mischief happen without satisfaction
being given when it was necessary.
That William Penn and the Indians
agreed on other articles, of all which
two papers were written; one of
them their brother Williara Penn had
and the other they have brought with
them, to show that they preserve all
these things carefully.
That their Brother Williara Penn
told the Indians this agreement was
to continue for three Generations.
Then laying down three Bundles of
skins. He said:
That they were now come hither
to see William Penn's sons, to take
them by the hand and renew with
them the League of Friendship raade
with their father. And to bind their
words, they now presented, in the
name of all the Conestooge, Ganawese
and Shawanese Indians, three bun
dles of skins.
Civility laying down another bundle
of skins added:
That the Shawanese Indians who
live upon  River, lately sent
him a present of skins, which he now
gives to the Proprietaries, to engage
them to assist in compQSing any dif
ferences that may arise between the
Irish People, woh are come into these
parts and these Indians who intend
to live and dye where they are now
settled. That he had now finished all he
had to say.
The proprietor told the Indians he
would speak to them on the heads
they had mentioned very soon; and

orders being given for their good ac
commodation and entertainment, they
were at present dismissed.
At a Council held at Philadelphia,
August 2d, 1735. PRESENT:
The Honourable Thomas Penn,
Esquire, The Lieutenant Governour,
Samuel Preston,
Ralph Assheton, Thomas Griffitts,
Charles Read, Esquires.
And the Indians mentioned in the
preceeding Minute.
The Proprietor spoke to the Indians
by the Interpreter, as follows: —
Friends and Brethren: —
I told you yesterday, that on the
first Notice I had of your coming to
Town I had sent to ray brother, whom
I had left at Pennsbury, to desire his
Company here, and I ara now truly
sorry that the indisposition he lab
ours on or under, which till is over
will not suffer hira to travel, raust
deprive him of the pleasure he would
have taken at your visit. You are
sensible he is your Country man,
being born in the same land with you,
and for this reason he would have
desired to see you; but he has sent
me a letter by which I know his
mind, and now since he can not be
present himself I shall give you both
his and my own sentiments, which I
assure you are exactly the same.
We need not tell you, who forraerly
saw our father William Penn here,
that he loved all the Indians as his
own People and Children, he shewed
it in all his actions and conduct
towards them; he made a firm
League of Friendship with all the In
dians, and he not only observed thera
strictly himself but he gave it in
charge to us his children to do the
same. And as we are the same with

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

328

our father, so we are very well
pleased to find by this visit, and what
you have said, that you are the very
same you were when he was here,
and that you not only remember the
Substance of what then past, but also
have kept one of the instruments of
writings that he gave your fathers
under his hand."
After this done the Governor
showed the Indians the deed which
they had made Septeraber 13, 1700,
for the Susquehanna lands and also
the treaty by which they confirraed
the deed made the 3rd. of April,
1701, which we have before set out
This seemed to satisfy thera. On
the fourth of August they raet again
and after they had sorae rum, pipes,
tobacco and bread they were given
presents and the Governor raade
thera a speech, which pleased them
very much. After all this they de
parted.1736— Lands From the Mouth of the
Susquehanna River to be Bought.
In Vol. 4 of tbe Col. Rec, p. 87,
at a Council, it was stated that it
was advised the Indians and whites
ought to confer and treat about the
purchase of lands and that as the
Indians signed releases to Penn for
all the lands lying between the
Mouth of the Susquehanna and Ke-
kachtaniura Hills, and that it now
remained to conclude on the araount
of goods to be delivered. Here we
are further inforraed that the Land
purchasing has not ceased to cause
some trouble.
1736- A Reference to the Conquer
ing of the Susquehannocks by
the Five Nations.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec. p. 93, at
a treaty held at Philadelphia, at
which sorae of the Five Nations were
present the question of these Sus

quehanna land again came up and
the Speaker of the Five Nations said
that if Captain Civility at Conestoga
should attempt to make a sale of
any lands to us or any of our neigh
bors they must let him know and
that he had no power to do so; and
if he does anything of the kind the
Indians will utterly disown him.
The subject again came up and
on p. 94 of the same book, the Indian
Speaker of the Five Nations said,
"We have indeed heard of a letter
sent up to Susquehanna from the
Gbverhor of Maryland. If he raen
tions anything in it of orders from
the King of England we are to hear
of it. The land on Susquehanna be
longs to the six nations by the con
quest of the Indians of that river
but we do not know how they lay
claim to the Southern lands."
Here we again see that subjuga
tion ol the Susquehannocks is proved.
1736 — An Indian Deed for Lands on
Susquehanna.
In Vol. 1 ol the Penn. Archives, p.
494 there is set forth under the date
of 1736 a deed from the Sachems of
the Qnondagos, Chiefs of the Sene
cas, Chiefs of the Cayoogoes, Chiefs
of the Oneidas and chiefs of the Tus
caroras, which sets forth as lollows:
"Whereas, the late Proprietary ol
the Province ol Pennsylvania, Wm.
Penn, Esq., soon alter arriving in
his province, took raeasures to have
the River Susquehannah, with all
the land lying on both sides of the
same, purchased for him and his
heirs of those Indians of the Five
Nations Inhabiting in the Province
of New York, who claimed the p'p'y
thereof and according did purchase
them from Coll. Thomas Dungan for
merly Governor of New York, and
pay for the same. Notwithstanding

329

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

which the Indians of the Five Nations
aforesaid, have continued to claim a
right in and to the said River and
Lands; nor have those claims been
hitherto adjusted, whereupon, the said
Sachems or Chiefs having with all
the others of the said Nations Met
the last summer at their great Coun
cil, held in the Countrey of the said
Onandagoes, did resolve and con
clude that a final period and Con
clusion should be put to all Disputes
that might possibly arise on that oc
casion; and have appointed the
aforenamed Sachems or Chiefs as
Plenepotentiaries of all those nations
to repair to Philadelphia in order to
confirm the Several treaties of Peace
which have hitherto been concluded
between them and the said Province;
and also, to Settle and Adjust all
Demands and Claims that have been
heretofore made , or hereafter may
be made, touching or concerning the
aforesaid river Susquehannah, and
the lands lying on both sides there
ol; and ye said Sachems or Chiefs
of the Five Nations aforesaid, having
for themselves and on behalf of the
said Nations, renewed and ratified
the said treaties of Friendship and
Peace substituting between them and
the said Province, did afterwards
proced to treat and agree with the
Honorable the Proprietors thereof,
about the said river and lands. Now
know ye, that in consideration of,
the premises aforesaid and of the
several quantities ol goods herein
mentioned, viz: 500 pounds ol pow
der, 600 pounds of lead, 45 Guns, 60
Strowd water match Coats, 100
Blankets, 100 duffie match coats, 200
yards of half-thick, 100 shirts, 40
hatts, 40 pairs of Shoes and Byckles,
40 pair of stockings, 100 hatchets,
500 knives, 100 houghs, 60 kettles,
100 tobacco tongs, 100 Scissors, 500

awl blades, 120 Combs, 2000 needles,
1000 flints, 24 looking glasses , 2
pounds of Vermillion, and 100 Tin
pots besides 25 Gallons of Rum, 200
pounds ol Tobacco, 1000 pipes, and
24 dozen ol Gartering, by the said
Proprietairies, John Penn, Thomas
Penn and Richard Penn, well and
truly paid and delivered unto the
said" chiels aloresaid belore the de
livery ol these presents, they acknowl
edge themselves to be satisfied and
they, lor themselves, and all the Five
Nations, the Tyannuntasacta Hills, or
confirm unto the said John, Thomas
and Richard Penn the lollowing
lands, to wit: — "All the said River
Susquehannah, with the lands lying
on both sides thereol, to extend
Eastward as lar as the heads ol the
Branches or Springs which run into
the said Susquehannah and all the
lands lying on the West side ol the
Susquehanna river' to the Setting ol
the Sun and to extend frora the
mouth of the said River Northward,
up the same to the hills or mountains
called in the language of the said
Nations, the Kekkachtananin Hills,
or Endless Hills, and by the Delaware
Indians, the Kekkachtananin Hills,
together, also, the Islands in the said
River, Ways, Waters, Watercourses,
Woods, Underwoods, Timeber and
Trees, Mountains, Hills, Mines, Val
leys, Minerals, Quarries, Rights,
Liberties, Privileges, Advantages,
Hereditaments and Appurtenances
thereunto belonging, or in any wise
appertaining;" and then they further
say if the Indians any time hereafter
demand any property, "to the said
River Sasquehannah, lands on both
sides of the same. Islands contained
therein. Hereditaments and premises
hereby granted and released, nor any
part or parcel thereof, but of and
from the same shall be barred and

OTHER LANCASTER COTTNTY INDIAN TRIBES

330

lorever Excluded by these Presents;
and that the said Proprietaries, John
Penn, Thomas Penn, and Richard
Penn, their heirs, successors and
assigns, shall, and rightfully may,
from time to time, and at all times
and seasons, lorever hereafter, quiet
ly and peaceably, have, hold, occupy,
possess and Enjoy, all and singular,
the Said River Susquehannah, and
the lands lying on both sides ol the
sarae, and all the Islands therein,
with the Hereditaments granted and
released, with their and every of
their appurtenances. Without the Let,
Trouble, Hinderance or Molestation
of the said Kakiskerowane, Tayun-
hunty, Caxhaayn, Kuchdachary, Saw-
ceyatecos. Sachems or Chiefs of ye
Nation ol the Onondagoes; Kanich-
hungo, Tagachskaholoo, Sagoayaton-
dackquas, Ashcoalaax, Hetquantag-
echta. Sachems or Chiels ol the Sene-
feaes ; Saguehsanyunt, Sunaratchy,
Kanawatoe, Tecochtseegherochogoo,
Sachems or Chiels ol the Cayoogoes;
Saliscaquoh, Shecalamy, Tahashwan-
garoras. Sachems or Chiels o 1 the
Oneydoes, and Sawantga and Tyeros,
Sachems or Chiels ol the Tuscaro
ras, or any of thera, or any others of
the Indians of the Five Nations afore
said, or any other person or persons
claiming or to claim the same, or
any part thereol, by, Irom or under
them, or any of them, according to
the true intent and raeaning of these
Presents. In Witness whereof the before
named Sachems or Chiels, lor them
selves and on behalf of all the People
of the Five Nations aforesaid, have
hereunto set their Hands and Seals,
the Eleventh day of October, in the
year of Our Lord One Thousand
Seven Hundred and Thirty Six, and
in the Tenth year of the Reign of
King George the Second, over Great

Britain, etc." The deed is then
signed by twenty-six Chiefs and wit
nessed by seventeen witnesses. This
deed is recorded in the Office ol Re
cording Deeds in Book G., Vol. 5, p.
277. 1736 — A Release for tlie Same Lands.
On the 12th day ol October, 1736,
the various Indians above mentioned
made or executed a release in addi
tion to the lormer deed, which deed
was made on the 11th of October and
in their release also embodied a
treaty. This release and treaty are
as follows:
"We, the Chiefs of the Six Nations
of Indians, the Onadagoes, Isanun-
dowans or Sinnekas, Cayoogoes,
Oneydas, Tuscaroras. (in behall also
ol ye Cayingoes or Mohacks), who
have lately at Philadelphia by our
Deed in writing dated the eleventh
day of this instant, October, released
to John Penn, Thomas Penn and
Richard Penn, Proprietors of Penn
sylvania, and to their Heirs and Suc
cessors, ALL our Right, Claim and
Pretentions whatsoever, to all and
every tho lands on both sides of the
River Sasquehanr.ah, from ye mouth
thereof as far Northward or up the
said River as that Ridge of Hills
called the Tyoninhackta or Endless
Mountains, Westward to the Setting
of the Sun, and Eastward to the fur-
therest Springs of the Waters running
into the said River, Do hereby lur
ther declare, that our True intent
and meaning by the said writing was
and is to Release and we do hereby
more expressly release, to the said
Prop,rietaries, their Heirs and Suc
cessors lorever. All our Rights, Claim
and Pretensions whatsoever, to all
and every the lands lying within the
bounds and limits ol the Government
ol Pennsylvania, Beginning Eastward
ol the River Delaware, as far North- ¦

331

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ward as the said Ridge or Chain of
Endless Mountains as they cross the
Country of Pennsylvania, from East
ward and to the West.
And further as -we have made the
firmest League of Friendship with
our Brethren of Pennsylvania and
are become as one People with them.
We do hereby promise and engage
for ourselves and our Children and
their Children, That neither we nor
they nor any in Authority in our Na
tions, will at any time bargain, sell,
grant or by any means make over, to
any person or persons whatsoever,
whether White men or Indians, other
than by the said Proprietors, the
Children of William Penn, or to Per
sons by them authorized and ap
pointed to agree for and receive the
same, any lands within the limits of
the Government of Pennsylvania, and
It is bounded Northward with the
Goverment of New York and .Albany,
but when we are willing to dispose
of any further rights to land within
the said limits of Pennsylvania, we
will dispose of them to the said
William Penn's Children and to no
other persons whatsoever.
In Witness whereof we hav e in Be
half of all our Nation, signed this
further writing, bQjng distinctly read
and interpreted to us by our Ifriend
Conrad Wyser, the Twenty Fifth day
of October, 1736.
Witness (an interlineation of seven
teen words being first made between
the 8th and 9th lines.)
ANYNSSQUASHUH, his mark
ANYHARUNGQUAS, CANDACH,HAWYIENTA, JOSUNSUDAN,JOSUNLONSENET,
HANUKHUNGO,HATQUANTAGUHTY, GAHISKBROWANO,GECHTACKHERY,TAHASHWANGAI,

TACANNUNTY,CAXHAAYN,TOCANORUNG'O,OSCOTAX,SAWUNTGA,
CANAWATO, SAGUSKSONYUNT,
TYIICHRYGERECHGO, SARISTORQUOH,
SHYKELIMY,
CONRAD WEISER, Interpreter."
The above release and treaty raay
be found in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Ar
chives, p. 498; and it may also be
found in Vol. 5 ol the Col. Rec, p.
219. 1737 — Indian Religion.
Mombert in his History ol Lancas
ter County, p. 19, gives us a good
deal ol interesting information about
the Indians and their religion. He
tells of the queer customs and ways
which they have to worship their
God.
137 — Indian Depredations at Cone-

In Vol. 1 of the Penn. .Archives, p.
547, Samuel Blunston made the fol
lowing statement as to Indian out
rages :
"To the Honorable the Proprietor,
the President and Council is
humbly Represented,
That On Sunday night last an accident
happened which has given us some
trouble. About eleven o'clock at night
two Indians came into Samuel Beth
el's house and asked for drink, one
of them having a naked knife in his
hand, and with some difficulty Sam
uel's wife (he being in bed) per
swaded them out of the house and
fastened the Door, when ¦ immediately
one of thera with great violence
darted a Board through a Glass win
dow into the House, which as it
happened did no otber daraage than
breaking the window. Samuel Bethel
was asleep, but there being two other

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

332

men in the House, viz : Daniel Sou-
therland and John Judson, they went
out to prevent their doing further
mischief, whereupon one ol the In
dians with the knife wounded Sou-
therland in the Belly and cut the
Caul so that his Bowels came out, and
imraediately turned to the other man
and stabbed him in the Breast, which
wound, though deep, slanting down
ward kept on the outside of the
Bone, so that wee hope that neither
of the wounds are raortal, though
both of thera, especially Southerland,
are yet very ill. On Monday raorning
several people of the Town went af
ter tbe Indians and brought one of
them back and some of their people
went after the other but could not
find him. The Indian that was taken
they secured in our Prison, till we
could know whether the wounded
men would recover, and yesterday we
sent sorae people to the Indian Town
where they found several oi the In
dians in great surprise, our people
let them know they were come in a
friendly manner to invite them to a
conference about the matter, and they
agreed to raeet rae here today, which
they have accordingly done. What
I said to them was of this effect, viz :
That I WES come to meet and speak
with 'them about an abuse committed
by two of their Young men on some
of ours without any provocation given
on our part, that when first our raen
were wounded wee thought they
would have died, and therefore se
cured the Indian we had taken untill
we could speak to thera and acquaint
thera with it, but that now we were
in hopes our People would recover
we released the Prisoner and de
livered him to them, lor that we did
not intend to punish him lor the
offence but expected they would make
such reparation as the nature ol the

crime would require. That the
Friendship between our people and
theirs might remain most firm. 1
also informed that this man was seen
to carry a naked sharp pointed knile
in his hand before he did the Mis
chief, and that I had olten seen their
people go among ours with sharp
pointed naked knives, which practice
I thought they would do well to dis
courage. I lurther let them know
that I would Write an account of the
affair to the Proprietor, the Presi
dent, and Council, and desired they
should let me know what I should
say from them, to which after a short
consultation Sukaw on behalf of
himsell and Weyewas, their King.
(who was here) made answer, that
all the Indians who were here (ex
cept themselves) were young foolish
men, with whom they could hold no
Council, therefore desired 1 would
write an account of the affair to you,
and when they received your letter
they would call their Old People to
gether and take Counsel of what was
proper to be done, and having before
delivered them the Prisoner, when
wee had done they asked whether he
might go along with them, lo which
we agreed, and they departed. It
seems unnecessary for me to observe
anything hereon, except that the
charge which will arise on the occa
sion, for nursing the man, and to the
Surgery and other expenses neces
sary, ought in due time to be de
frayed, but we know not without
your advice where properly to apply.
I am with Due Respects,
Your assured Friend,
SA. BLUNSTON.
Lancast, March ye 8th, 1737-8."
1737 — Shawanese Excited Because the
Senecas Sell Cs Land.
In Vol. 4 ol the Col. Rec, p. 234,
at a Council held in Philadelphia,

333

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

'The President then laid before the
Board a Message to our Proprietor
from the Chiefs of the Shawanese at
Allegheny, accompanied with a String
of Wampum, which being read is in
substance, that they are strongly
solicited by the French, whom they
call their Fathers, to return to them;
that every year they send those In
dians some Powder, Lead and To
bacco, to enable them to withstand
their enemies, the Southern Indians,
by whom they have often suffered,
and were last year attacked in one of
their Towns; that they are gott so
far back that they can go no further
without falling into their enemies'
hands or going over to the French,
which they (the Shawanese) say they
would willingly avoid; that if they
should return to Susquehanna, as
this Government has often pressed,
they must starve, little or no game
being to be mett with in those parts;
and therefore as our Brethren and
Allies, with whom a friendship has
ben established by the Treaty held
between their King Opetha alias
Opessa, and our first Proprietor, they
request that we will furnish them
with some arras and ammunition for
their defence against their enemies,
and to secure their continuance at Al
legheny. Upon conisdering what the Sachims
of the Mohocks had represented to
Mr. Clark, it was observed that the
claim of the Shawanese on the Sas
quehanna to those lands lately re
leased to our Proprietors is entirely
new and without any manner of
foundation, those Indians having
never before made the least preten
sions of the kind; that they were at
first admitted into this Province
about lorty years since at the Desire
ol the Conestogers, they were sut-
fered to settle araongst them, and had

so contiued until of late years; that
for the benefit of hunting they had
removed to a greater distance and
some of the Nation are now settled
above Shamokin on Sasquehannah
and the Greater Number at Allegheny
who are those trom whom the Propri
etor received the aforesaid Letter, on
the subject of whom it was also re
marked, that for these several years
the French have been endeavouring
to gain those Indians for preventing
which they are invited, by Messages
dispatched to them in the winter ol
1731, to return to Sasquehannah
where a large and convenient tract
was laid out for their accommoda
tion. Sorae of their Chiefs came the
year after, with whom the Govern
ment renewed their treaty of Friend
ship and they returned in all appear
ance highly satisfied which their
Messages since have also confirmed;
that it might be very improper, on
this last message from them to send
powder and Lead because they have
thought fitt to ask them, yet as the
practices of the French on those In
dians, if successful, may prove ex
tremely prejudicial in a case of a
rupture with France, all possible
means ought to be used to prevent
their defection and to keep them at
tached to the British Interests; and
as they appear to be in sorae dread
at present of their Enemies, the
Southeran Indians, between whom
and all those to the Northward a
Peace is now meditating by the inter
cession of the Governour of Virginia,
the present juncture raay be a very
proper one for inviting the Chief Men
of those Shawanese to visit us and
renew their Treaties with us, and
likewise for concerting such other
measures as may be most expedient.
The Board are therefore of Opinion
that a proper Message accompanied

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

334

with a Small present within Ten
pounds Value, should for this end be
dispatched by the first convenient
ipportunity to those Chiefs, and it is
Recomraended to the President to or
der the same accordingly."
Here we see that not only were
efforts made to get the Shawanese
back to Susquehanna but that a large
tract of land was also prepared here
for them to settle "upon again, but
they would not do so.
1738 — The Indians Protest Against
Rum.
Our Indians, formerly of Lancas
ter County, but now of Allegheny,
this year sent a protest against the
use of Rum, found in Vol. 1 of the
Penna. Archives, p. 549, as follows:
"This day we held a Council, and
itt is agreed by the Sheynees in Gen
eral, that whatever Rum is in our
Towns shall be break and spilt, and
nott Drunk, and whoever shall bring
any rum or any sort of strong Liq
uor into our Towns, Indian or white
man, let it be more or less, itt shall
be all break and spilt in the presence
of the whole towns, wheresoever it
is brought, and four men is appoint
ed for every town to see that there is
no rum or strong Liquor brought in
to our Towns, and to have it four
years, a term from date."
This is signed by one hundred In
dians and araong Peter Chartier, a
half Indian, and several others whose
names we have met from time to
time.1738— A Message Sent to Conestoga
About the Murder By Indians
There.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 280,
the letter from Samuel Blunston,
which we have cited above was taken
note of by Council. It is also set
forth that the Indians being under

great surprise about to leave the
County because of their raen was put
to prison on account of this killing
and it was therefore decided to send
a letter to Blunston to be laid before
the Indians and their Chiefs at Con
estoga. The letter is found p. 281
of the same book and is as follows:
"Philadelphia, March 14th, 1737-8.
Our Friends and Brethren:
On receiving an account of the late
barbarous action committed by two
of your young Men in Lancaster town
upon the persons of two of our People
we are very rauch concerned for the
folly and wickedness of it, and say
thus to you upon that Subject:
You are fully sensible that by the
many past treaties between you and
us it is in the firmest manner estab
lished and agreed that we should be
all as one people; that wrongs done
by any of either side should be re
dressed and the offenders ouuished
without any distinction, and you well
know that when any of our people
have taken the life of an Indian, the
guilty persons have been put to death
for it as if the injury had been done
to one of ourselves without any dif
ference; therefore, when any of
yours are guilty of any such crime,
we do expect they shall in like man
ner be punished for it; and in all
cases of this nature we consider the
guilty person only, if he be a Chris
tian; no other Christian or white
raan is put to any trouble; and in the
same raanner if he be an Indian, we
do not account any other Indian an
swerable for it but the guilty one
only, and he alone is to be punish'ed;
only this is to be reraerabered, that
If any of our People commit a crime
and fly for it, our Officers and people
search after them and raust find
them, and cause thera to be kept in
prison until they can be prosecuted

335

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND
friends

and punished; but if the offence is
not Murther or sorae such grievous
crime,, we sometimes let them have
their liberty out of prison, when one
or more good men will become bound
for their appearance, and wil produce
or bring them forth when called by
the Governraent, to be punished
either in their bodies or to be fined
in a sum of money to make satisfac
tion for their offence, and this meth
od we perceive our Officers and good
friends, Samuel Blunston and the
the young Man whom they seized for
committing that cruel act on persons
who had done him and his compan
ion, who had fled, no manner of Harm
but were endeavoring only to re
strain their violence and make them
quiet after they had broken the win
dow of a house to pieces, without any
provocation. This proceeding of Samuel Blun
ston and the other Magistrates you
must, without doubt believe, was an
act of great Mildness towards you,
and such as would scarce have been
shewn to any white men in the like
case. You can not however, but well
know in yourselves, that il either of
our wounded men should die of their
wounds those who gave the wound
should suffer for it in ihe sai.ie man
ner as if a white man had done the
Act; and if this should happen, we
sliall expect that not only the Young-
man whom our Officers seized and
have since trusted to your keeping,
but the other also who has fled, shall
be apprehended, and be borh deliv
ered up to be punished; but If the
wounded persons recover, as we hope
they will, those two offenders be
sides making satisfaction to the suf
ferers, should pay all the charge of
their cure and of nursing aud keep
ing; and if the two Indian Young
men are not able to do this of them

selves their friends should help
them to do it for them, till by their
own diligence in hunting, they can
make Satisfaction; thej must like
wise faithfully promise to behave
themselves well and peacefully to-
w.?.rds all our p^^ople foi the future,
that no just cause of further com
plaint may be given against them.
And on this occ;isi;'n we would de
sire you to caution all your young
men .'lot to come fimon.gs', us :«id our
people with any dangerous weapons,
that all further mischief .-nay be
avoided, for we must live friendly
and peaceably together; we are to
take care that none of our People
shall hurt yours and you must take
the like care that none of yours be
disorderly or hurt you, either white
men or Indians. And as we can not
doubt but in this and all other cases
you will shew yourselves true and
good men, by faithfully performing
what you have repeatedly engaged by
your treaties with us, we desire that
you who are innocent may not be un
der any fear or apprehension, for we
should not think you accountable
more than our own people, the white
men that inhabit there, and in this we
desire you to rest satisfied, and are
Your true friends and Brethren,
In behalf of the Proprietor and the
Council, JAMES LOGAN."
1739— Shawanese Chiefs at Con
estoga.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 336 It
is stated that six chiefs of the Shaw
anese Indians with twenty-one others
came to town and the minutes of
their Council and the treaty of 1732
was read and also a treaty made be
tween William Penn and some of the
Shawanese Chiefs in 1701; and Logan
was desired to prepare a speech for
them. In this speech he said among

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

336

other things that since your nation
first left and settled near Paxtang on
the West side of Susquehanna and
went so far away to Ohio we desired
a conference with you. Logan then
went on to speak about their history
and about their coming into this
Province and several other things,
but as we have stated it all hereto
fore we will not repeat it. A new
treaty however was made, in which
the treaty of the 23rd of April, 1701
was again rehearsed to thera and it
is set out in full in this book but as
we have it in a former item we will
not repeat it either. The following
note however, was added to the treaty
by Logan. He told thera that he
could see here what engageraents
their ancestors had made and that we
had always kept ours or part of it
but that they had not . kept theirs.
They made a reply the next day and
said they would have come to Phila
delphia before but that they were
grieving about some of their people
that had been killed and then they
gave the reasons why they left us
and went out West. They say that
they reraembered that they were in
vited to corae back two years ago and
they were very thankful for the invi
tation but that they will not come
back again. They were given large
presents, however, and a new treaty
was made with thera. The treaty is
found p. 346 and is as follows:
"Be it at all tirae to corae remem
bered that on the First day of Aug
ust in the Year of our Lord, One
thousand seven hundred and thirty
nine, and the Thirteenth year of the
reign of King George the Second
over Great Britain, etc., at the City
of Philadelphia, and the Province of
Pennsylvania, it was concluded, stip
ulated and fully agreed upon by and
between the Honorable John Penn,

Thomas Penn and Richard Penn,
Esqrs., true and absolute Proprietar
ies of the said Province ol Pennsyl
vania, and Counties ol New Castle,
Kent, and Sussex, on Delaware, sons
ol the Honorable William Penn, Esq.,
first grantee and Proprietor ol the
said Province, in behall ol all the
English and other Christian ol the
said Province, on the one part, and
Kaycowwocker, Newcheconer, Tom-
enebuck, Meshemethequater, Chiels
oi the Nations ol Shawanese Indians,
in behall ol themselves and the whole
body ol people of the said Nation
dwelling on the great river Sasque
hannah, as also on or near the great
river called Ohio, otherwise Alle
gheny river, or in other part of
America within the claims ol the
king ol Great Britain, on the other
part in manner lollowing; that is to
say, that the Union and Friendship
now so happily subsisting, , shall be
maintained, cultivated and improved
by and between the subjects ol the
said King ol Great Britain inhabiting
America and all the people ol the
said Shawanese Nation, in all times
to come, and that the same shall be
inviolably preserved without any Let,
obstruction or interruption while the
Sun, Moon and stars endure. That
all the several articles agreed upon
in Philadelphia the twenty-third of
April, In the Year One thousand
Seven Hundred and one, by the said
William Penn, and the said Nations
then dwelling on or near the said
River Susquehannah, of whom the
said Nation of the Shawanese, under
their King Wopaththaw, alias Opes
sah, was one, now read and interpre
ted to the said Shawanese shall be
inviolably observed in all and singu
lar the parts thereof by all and every
the Parties to these Presents.
And whereas, the Shawonese hav-

337

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

ing left their forraer habitations, are
now for the benefit of their hunting
removed to much greater distances
from the Christian Inhabitants of the
said Province than formerly they
were at the time of entering into the
said agreement, they, the said Shaw
anese, do hereby, for themselves and
the rest of their Nations, solemnly
promise and engage, that always
bearing in mind the said Articles and
Covenants entered into by their An
cestors they, wherever they may be
settled, shall behave on their parts
as true friends and Brothers to the
Christian Inhabitants of the said
Province, and will not by any motives
or persuasives be induced to join
with any Nation whatsoever who
shall be in enmity with the Subjects
of the Crown of Great Britain in any
Acts of Hostility against them.
In witness whereof, the said Tho
mas Penn and the Honorable George
Thomas, Esquire, Lieutenant Gover
nor of the said Province, and Kay-
cowockecor, Neweheoner, Tomene-
buck, Meshemethequater, the Chiefs
of the Indians above mentioned, have
hereunto set their hands and seals
the day and year first above written.
Signed, Sealed and Delivered in the
Presence of,
JAMES LOGAN,
SAMUEL PRESTON,
CLEMENT PLUMSTEAD,
SAMUEL HASELL, Counsellours.
KAASHAWAGHQUILLAS,PALAKACOUTHATER,
MARCOTTAWCOLLO, Indians.
THOMAS PENN,
GEORGE THOMAS,
THOMAS FREAME, Jr.,
KAYCOWOCKEWR,NEWCHEIONER, TOMENEBUCK.
THOMAS LAWRIE, Sect
GEORGE MIRANDA, Interpreter.

Then being told that having now
finished what we had to say, they are
at liberty to return home when they
should have sufficiently refreshed
themselves, and that a wagon should
be ready to carry some of the Old
men and Baggage a part of the
way, some liquor being likewise call
ed for; they are wished a good Jour
ney, and having drank, withdrew."
1789 — Strange Shawanese Customs.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec. p. 342,
the Shawanese say that it is their
custom to put deer hair on the
graves of their dead. They made the
foi owing stateraent:
"Being come where our Brothers
died we have taken a little Deer's
hair to put on their graves, and mis
sing a brother (meaning the Gover
nor) we take a little more Deer's
Hair to cover, his grave. They then
present three bundles of Deerskins."
1742— Another Treaty Held With the
Five Nations: Conestoga Indians
Present.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, pp. 569
to 586 a long treaty with the Five Na
tions was held. It included many
items but on p. 570 the following
proceedings concerning the Susque
hanna Lands came up:
"We have further to observe with
respect to the lands lying on the
West side of the Susquehanna, that
though Brother Onas (meaning the
Proprietor) has paid us for what his
people possess, yet some' part of that
Country have been taken up by pers
ons whose place of residence is to
the South of this Province, from
whom we have never received any
consideration. This affair was rec
ommended to you by our Chiels at
our last Treaty and you then, at our
earnest desire, promised to write a
letter to that person who has the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

338

auhority over those people, and to
procure us his answer. As we have
never heard from you on this head,
we want to know what you have done
in it. If you have not done any
thing we now renew our Request, and
desire you will inform the person
whose people are seated on our
Lands, that the Country belongs to us
in right of conquest — We have
bought it with our blood; and taken
it from our enemies in fair war; and
we expect as owners of that land to
receive such a consideration for it as
the land is worth. We desire you
will press him to send us a positive
answer ; Let him say yes or No ; if he
says Yes, we will treat with him; if
No, we are able to do ourselves Jus
tice, and we will do it by going to
take payment on ourselves."
This treaty was held in July, 1742
and Conrad Weiser was present as
the Interpreter. The Indians pres
ent consisted of thirteen Onondagoes
nineteen Cayoogoes, fourteen Anay-
its, three Senecas, twenty-two Tus
caroras, five Shawanese, four ancient
Conestogas and four modern Cones
togoes, also set forth as being Nan
tikokes or Conoys and ten Delawares.
1742 — Names of the Conestoga In
dians nt the Philadelphia Treaty
of 1742,
in Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 585,
among tbe list of Indians present at
the great treaty there are given the
following four Conestogas as those
that speak the ancient Language.
Perhaps they are the old Susquehan
nocks or their Heirs and descendants.
They are Dior-haasery, Chif, Thanigh-
wageran, Car-ha-cawy-int, and Caien-
quily-quoh. And the modern Cones
togas, which are set down as also
being both Nantikokes and Conoys
are named, Des-Scheg, Igh-qua-que-
heck, Quesamaag, and Ayiok-hls. |

1742— The Five Nation Speaker at the
Above Treaty Threatens the
Delawares.
.At the above treaty a speech was
given by Canassatego, the leader ot
the six Nations, which may be found
in Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 578, in
which he says that he has heard that
the Delaware Indians claim some land
along the Susquehanna which the
Five Nations sold to the whites and
he says to the Delawares who are
present, that they know their ances
tors sold that land fifty years ago and
that some years ago the Delawares
themselves ratified the sale and their
own letters have been laid on the table
before us now and we know that it is
true. They have examined the papers
and the drafts with their own eyes,
and then he says as follows: "We see
with our own eyes that they have been
very unruly people and are altogether
in the wrong with their dealings with
you. You have concluded to remove
them and oblige them to go over the
River Delaware, and to quit all claim
to any lands on this side for the fu
ture, since they have received pay lor
them and it is gone through their guts
long ago. To confirm to you that we
will see your request executed, we
lay down this string ol wampum in
return for yours.
Then turning to the Delawares,
holding a belt of Wampum in his
hand, he spoke to thera as lolloweth:
Let this belt ol Wampum serve to
chastize you; you ought to be taken
by the hair of the, head and shaken
severely till you recover your senses
and become sober. You do not know
what ground you stand on, nor what
you are doing. Our brother Onas's
case is very just and plain, and his
pretensions to preserve friendship;

339

ANNALS OP TIIE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

on the other hand your case is bad,
your heart far from being upright
and you are maliciously bent to
break the chain of Friendship with
our Brother Onas. We have seen
with our eyes a deed signed by nine
of your ancestors about fifty years
ago for this very land, and a release
signed not many years since by some
of yourselves and Chiefs now living
to the number of 15 or upwards. But
how came you to take upon you to
sell Land at all? We conquered you,
we made women of you, you know
you are women, and can no more
sell land than women. Nor is it fit
you should have the power of selling
lands since you would abuse it. This
land th-jt you cl.-ilm if gone through
y.iur guts Vou h:'.vf' been furnished
with Cloath JTeat and drink by the
G'icds 1 tiid you for I;, and now you
want it ag.^in like children as you
are. But what ninke? you sell land
In the D;-irk'.' Did you ever tell us
that you had sold this land? Did
we ever receive any part, even the
vaule of a pipe Shank from you?
You have told us a blind story that
you have sent a messenger to us to
inform us of the sale but he never
came amongst us, nor we never heard
anything about it. This is acting in
the dark; and very different trom
the conduct our Six Nations observe
in their sales of land. On such Occa
sions they give publick notice and
invite all the Indians of their united
Nations, and give them a share of
the present they receive for the
Lands. This is the behavior of the
Wise United Nations, but we find you
are none of our blood. You act a
dishonest part not only in this but
In other matters. Your ears are ever
open to .slanderous reports about our
Brethren. You receive them with as

much greediness as Lewd women re
ceive the embraces of bad men. And
for all these reasons we charge you
to remove instantly. We do not give
you the liberty to think about it.
You are women; take the advice of
a wise man and remove immediately.
You may return to the other side of
Delaware where you came from, but
we do not know whether, consider
ing how you have demean'd your
selves, you will be permitted to live
there or whether you have not swal
lowed that land down your throats as
well as the land on this side. We,
therelore. Assign you two places to
go — either to Wyoming or Shamofein.
You may go to either ol these places,
and then we shall have you more
under our eye, and shall see how you
behave. Do not deliberate, but re
move away and take this belt of
Wampum." We may notice here
that the Delawares were forbid to
come to the treaty at Lancaster in
1744, See Vol. 1 of the Penna. Arch
ives p. 657.
1743— The Shawanese Break One of
Their Agreements
In Vol. 3 of the Votes of the As
sembly, p. 517, Governor Thomas
says the Shawanese in spite of their
many treaties with them are not to
be trusted , they are beginning to
show their strong liking for the
French. And in Vol. 4 of the Col.
Rec. p. 630, their depredations are
set forth in an affidavit of Thoraas
McKee of Lancaster County, in which
he says that the Indians of the
Shawanese from an island in the
river called "Big Island" came to his
store on the South branch of the
Susquehanna and robbed it and that
part of them, about thirty came
down to Susquehanna on canoes
to John Harris's and from there
travelled on foot down towards Mary-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

349

land. He says they stopped and
asked John Hogg, one ol the Lan
caster County Magistrates and asked
him lor a pass and used him very
badly.
1743 — Indian Excietment About Lan
caster Town.
In the Araerican Weekly Mercury
ol June 9, 1743, the lollowing item
occurs :
"The beginning of this week a re
port came to town that the Indians
had cut off most of our traders and
yesterday we had an account frora
Lancaster that they came to Skohoo-
nioty or Jeniaty (a place within the
limits of this province but without
the Purchase) and destroyed several
white fajrailies that were settled
there; but as the forraer proves to
be false, it is hoped the latter will be
found to be so likewise."
1744— The Great Indian Treaty at
Lancaster.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, pp. 698
to 737, the minutes ol the great Lan
caster Treaty are set out. This
treaty was with the six Nations and
the main subjects discussed were dis
putes concerning lands in the back
parts of the Province and some dis
putes with Maryland and Virginia.
Tbe Governor of Pennsylvania at
tended the treaty, all the Commis
sioners ol Maryland and the Com
missioners ol Virginia; and Conrad
Weiser was the Interpreter. While
this treaty was held in Lancaster
town, none of which proceedings
concerned Lancaster County, there-
lore, we shall not give it much
space in these annals ; but p . 704 the
history ol the land purchases ol Lan
caster County Irom the Indians and
also the land on the lower part of the
Susquehanna came up and the Gover
nor told the Indians that,
'"Our Great King of England and

his subjects have alwise possessed
the Province of Maryland free and
undistarbed from any claims of the
Six Nations lor about One Hundred
Years past, and your not saying any
thing to us belore convinces us you
thought you had not any pretence to
any lands in Maryland, nor can we
yet find out to what lands or under
what title you make your claim. Por
the Susquehanna Indians by a treaty
about Ninety years hence (which is
on the table and will be interpreted
to you) give and yield to the English
Nation, their heirs and assigns fox-
ever, the greatest part (if not all) of
the Lands we possess from Patuxent
River on the Western, as well as
from Choptank River on the Eastern
side of the great Bay Chesapeake,
and near sixty years ago you ac
knowledged to the Governor of New
York at Albany, that you had given
your lands and submitted yourselves
to the King of England.
We are that Great King's subjects,
and we possess and enjoy the Pro
vince of Maryland, by virtue of his
right and sovereignty thereto.
Why, then, will you stir up and
quarrel between you and ourselves,
who are as one man under the Pro
tection of that King?
By these Treaties we become
Brethren; we have alwise lived as
such, and hope alwise to continue so.
We need not put you in mind of the
Treaty (which we suppose you have
had from your fathers) made with
the Province of Maryland nearly
Seventy years ago, and renewed and
confirmed twice since that time.
We have this further to say, that
although ye are not satisfied of the
Justice of your Claim to any lands
in Maryland, yet we are desirous in
shewing our Brothers kindness and
affection, and to prevent (by any
reasonable way) every misunder-

341

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Standing between the Province of
Maryland and you our Brethren of
the Six Nations.
Por this purpose we have brought
hither a quantity of goods for our
Brethren of the Six Nations, and
which will be delivered you as soon
as we shall have received your an
swer and made so bright and large a
fire as may bum pure and clear
whilst the Sun and Moon shall shine.
We have now freely and openly bid
and laid our bosoms bare to you, and
that you may be the better confirmed
of the truth of our Hearts, We give
you this belt of Wampum.
Which was received with the Jo-
hah . "
The next day Cannassatego made a
reply, which is found in the same
book, p. 706, and in the reply he says:
"Brother, the Govemor of Mary
land: When you mentioned the affair of
the Land Yesterday, you went back
to old times, and told us you had
been in possession of the Province of
Maryland about One Hundred Years;
but what is one hundred years in
comparison to the length of time our
Claim began? — Since we came out of
this Ground? For we must tell you
that long before One hundred years
Our ancestors came out of this very
ground, and their children have re
mained there ever since. You came
out of the ground in the Country that
lyes beyond seas, there you have a
just claim, but here you must allow
us to be your elder Brethren, and the
lands to belong to us long before you
know anything of them. It is true
that above one hundred years agoe
the Dutch came here in a ship and
brought with them several goods,
such as awls, knives, hatchets, guns,
and many other particulars, which
they gave us , and when they had
taught us to use these things, and we

saw what sort of people, we were so
well pleased with them that we tied
their ships to the Bushes of the Shear
and afterwards liking them still bet-
tar the longer they stayed with us,
and thinking the bushes too slender;
we removed the rope and tied it to
the trees, and as the trees were liable
to be blown by hoigh winds, or to
decay of themselves, we, from the
affection we bore them, again .remov
ed the rope and tied it to a strong
and big rock (Here the Interpreter
said that they mean the Oneida
Country), and not content with this,
for its further security we removed
the rope to the Big Mountain, (Here
the Interpreter said they mean the
Onondago Country), and there we
tyed it last and rolled wampum
around it, and to make it still more
secure we stood upon the wampum
and sat down upon it to defend it,
and did our best endeavors that it
might remain uninjured forever dur
ing all the time; the Newcomers, the
Dulch, acknowledged our rights to
the lands, and solicited us from time
to time to grant them parts of our
Country, and to enter into League
and Covenant with us, and to become
one people with us?
After this the English came into
the Country and as we were told, be
came one people with the Dutch;
abo-at two years after the arrival of
the English, and English Governor
came to Albany and finding what
great friendship subsisted between us
and the Dutch, he approved it might
ily, and desired to make as strong a
league and to be upon as good terms
with us as the Dutch were, with
whom he was united, and to become
one people with us, and by this fur
ther care in looking what had passed
between us he found the rope which
tyed the ship to the Great Mountain

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

342

was only fastened with Wampum,
which was liable to break and rot
and to perish in a course of years, he
therefore told us that he would give
us a silver chain which would be
much stronger and would last for
ever. This we accepted and fastened
the ship with it, and it has lasted
ever since. Indeed, we have some
small differences with the English
and during these 'misunderstandings
these young men would, by way ol
reproach, be every now and then
telling us that we should have per
ished il they had not come into the
Country and lurnished us with
strowds and Hatchets and Guns and
other things necessary lor the sup
port ol lile. But we always gave
thera to understand that they were
mistaken, that we lived belore they
came amongst us, and as well ox bet
ter, 11 we may believe what our fore
fathers have told us. We had then
room enough and plenty of Deer,
which was easily caught, and
though we had not Knives, Hatchets
or Guns, such as we have now, yet
we had knives of stone and hatchets
of stone and bows and arrows and
these served our uses as well then as
the English ones do now. We are
now straitened and sometimes in
want of deer, and liable to many
other inconveniences since the Eng
lish came amongst us, and particular
ly frora that Pen and Ink work that
is going on at the table (pointing to
the Secreta.rys), and we will give
you an instance of this. Our Brother
Onas, a great while ago, came to Al
bany to buy the Susquehannah lands
of us, but our Brothers, the Gover
nor of New York, who, as we suppose,
had not a good understanding with
our brother Onas, advised us not to
sell him any lands, for he would
make an ill use of it, and pretending

to be our good friend, he advised us,
in order to prevent Onas's or any
other persons imposing upon us, and
that we might always have our land
when we should want It, to put it in
his hands and told us, he would
keep it for us and for our use, and
never open his hands, but keep them
close shut, and not part with any of
it but at our request. Accordingly
we trusted him, and put our Lands
into his hands, and charged him to
keep it safe for our use; but sorae
tirae after he went away to England
and carried our land away with him,
and there sold it to our Brother
Onas for a large sum of money;
and when, at the instance of our
Brother Onas, we were minded to
sell him some lands, he told us that
we had sold the Susquehannah lands
already to the Govemor of New York,
and that he had bought them from
hira in England, though when he
came to understand how the Gover
nor of New York had deceived us, he
very generously paid us for our
lands over again."
He then further said as to the lands
about Conestoga, "We now come
nearer home. We have had your
deeds interpreted to us, and we ac
knowledge them to be good and valid,'
and that the Conestogoe ox Sasque
hannah Indians had a right to sell
those lands unto you, for they were
their's ; but since that time we have
conquered them, and their Country
now belongs to us, and the lands we
demanded satisfaction for are no part
of the lands comprized in those
deeds — they are the Cohongoroutas
lands. Those we are sure you have
not possessed one hundred years; no,
nox above ten years; and we made
our demand so soon as we knew your
people were settled in those parts.
These have never been sold but re-

343

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

main still to be disposed; and we aie
well pleased to hear that you are
provided with goods, and do assure
you of our willingness to treat with
you for those unpurchased lands, in
confirmation whereof we present you
with this Belt of Wampum."
This treaty lasted from the 22 of
June till July 4, 1744. The Sessions
were held in the old Court House
which stood in Center Square at Lan
caster, and during the treaty mention
is made that the Indian goods were
left in the lower room and the pron
ceedings held in the lower room of
the Court House and that Canassat-
ago, the Indian orator stood on the
platform when he made his speech;
and that Tachanoontie also made cer
tain speeches on the 29th of June. A
deal board was brought in and draw
ings of the land in dispute were
made upon it by Canassatego. Sev
eral . other Indians also spoke and
among them Gachadow, who spoke
with a loud voice and appropriate
jestures, as it is stated in the treaty.
The meeting of July 2 was held in
the house if George Sanderson in
Lancaster and one of the Sessions I
think, in the Lutheran Church; and
everything passed off well. The In
dians, it is stated, were camped out
along the Conestoga Creek on both
sides of what Is now Rocky Sp.rings
and adjacent grounds. Some com
plaint was brought In that they
barfeed the walnut trees and the
Council paid for them. They asfeed
the people of Lancaster to repair
their pans and kettles, which was
done. At the end ol the treaty on
July 4, they asked for some wine to
drink the health of the Great King of
England, and they suggest that it
should be in big English glasses and
not little French ones. ..ifter this
Ihey gave three loud Huzzas and all

joined in. It is then stated that the
Commissioners of Virginia gave Can
assatego a scarlet camblet coat and
took their leave of them in form and
at the same time delivered them pass
es. The Commissioners of Maryland
presented Garachadow with a broad
gold laced hat and took their leave in
the same manner; and this ended the
great treaty.
1744_Witham Marshe's Comment on
the Treaty and on Lancaster as
He Found It in 1744.
Witham Marshe was the Secretary
to the Commissioners ot Maryland
during the treaty of 1744. He kept a
journal and jotted down in it the
particulars of the treaty and also his
impressions of the town and his ex
periences. The particulars of the
treaty we have set forth above from
the Colonial Records but the other
matters which Marshe speaks of are
also highly interesting and we will
give them in this article. Ths Jour
nal, is found in the Historical Society
at Phildelphia. It was reprinted by
the New Era Publishing Compnay
In 1884 edited and annoted by Dr.
Egle. From the diary I flnd the fol
lowing minutes:
He says among other things, "We
arrived at Lancaster and put our
horses at Peter Worral's hotel or
tavern (that was later the Cross Keys
Tavern on West King street.) We
had dinner which was a great com
fort; and a room with two beds, one
for myself and the chaplain.
Later Calvert, Craddock and myself
went Into and viewed the Court House
of the town. It is a pretty large
brick building two stories high. The
great room where the Justices 'of the
County hold the Court is very spac
ious. There is a handsome Bench
vvhich is railed in, wherein the Judges
sit and a chair in the midst of it

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

344

where the' Presiding Judge sits. Be
low this is a very large table of half
oval form. Around this and undex
their worship's feet the County Clerk
and the chief attorneys of the Court
sit. Fronting the Justices' Bench and on
both sides of it are sevexal long steps
or series of platforms raised each
above the other like the steps leading
into the North door of St. Pauls. On
these steps stand the chief creditoxs
and spectators when a court is held
there. It was on these that the In
dian chiefs sat when they treated
with the several Governments. The
Court House is capable to contain
about 800 persons without incommod
ing each other.
We then went up stairs to the roora
overhead. This is a good room and
has a large chimney. In this the Jus
tices sit in the February Court for
the convenience of fixe. Ajoining this
is a similar one where the Jurors are
kept to agree.
On top of the Court House is a kind
of a cupola. We ascended a ladder
and got into it, and from hence we
had a complete view of the whole
town and the Country several miles
around; and likewise part of the
Susquehanna River twelve railes
away. This town was not begun to be built
until about 16 years ago. It is con
veniently laid out into sundry streets
and one main street; in the midst of
which stands the Court House and tbe
Market. Through this street runs
the road into the back Country on to
the Susquehanna. There are several
cross streets on each side of the
main streets which are indifferently
well built as to the quantity of hous
es. The inhabitants are chiefly High
Dutch, Scotch Irish and some few
English families and unbelieving

Israelites, who dwell very consider
ably in this place.
The spirit of cleanliness has not as
yet in the least troubled the major
part of the people; for they are in
general very great s  s and slovens.
When they clean their houses which
is very seldom they are unwilling to
remove the filth away from them
selves lor they place it close to their
doors, which in the summer time
breeds an innumerable quantity ol
bugs, fleas and vermin.
The religions which prevail are
haxdly to be numbered. They were
Catholics who built a church ol
square logs and the interspaces filled
with clay. In this church is a small
organ good lor very little and played
worse on by the organist.
The sect ol Lutherans have a church
and this is more spacious, but built
by stone and much larger than the
other. The minister is a gentleman
ol good power and he keeps the con
gregation in good order. The minis
ter ol the Dutch church is paid ac
cording to the will ol the hearers and
in the manner in which the sermons
please thera; but has no certain
stipend. The clergyman ol tbe
Church ol England sometimes offi
ciates in the Court House, there
being no church built by thera. There
are also a great nuinber ol Presby
terians and Jews in this Colony.
The houses lor the most part are
built with and covered with wood, ex
cept some lew which are built ol
stone and brick. They are generally
low seldom exceeding two stories.
There are bills which inviren Lan
caster and likewise some thick
woods, which in the sumraer render
it very hot. The soil is tjiin, dry and
sandy; and when a Iresh wind blows
it almost chokes the inhabitants.
The water here is very bad and
there is occasion to buy it. The

345

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Springs and even the wells being
stored with limestone.
They have a very good market here
well filled with provisions of all
kinds and prodigiously cheap. Our
commissioners and their Company
supped at Warrall's and passed away
an hour or two very agreeably; after
which I returned to bed and had not
slept long when I was attacked with
legions of Dutch fleas and bugs which
were ready to devour both me and
the minister. During the next night
Mr. Calvert left the Lodgings and lay
in the Court House chamber among
the young Gentlemen of Virginia, who
there had beds made upon the floor.*
On Friday during our dinner the
Six Nations with their followers and
attendants to the number of 252 ar
rived. Several of the Squaws with
some children rode on horse-back,
which is very unusual. They brought
fire arms, bows and arrows and toma
hawks. A great concourse of people
followed them and they marched in
very good order with Canassatego at
their head, the Chief of the Ononda
goes, who when he came near the
Cou.rt House, where we were dining
sang in the Indian language a song
inviting us to a renewal of all the
treaties. Conrad Weiser conducted them to
some vacant lots in the back part of
the town, where boards and poles
were placed.
Of these and some boughs of trees
the Indians made their wigwams
where they resided during the treaty.
They will not ever on any occasion
dwell or even stay ir. any house
built by white people.
They placed their cabins according
to the rank, which each nation holds
in Council, the Onondagoes at the
head. Canassatego and Tachanoonta, each
about 60 years old, but nimble and
lusty, lead in everything.

Tachanoontia is the greatest Chief
and the greatest warrior the Five
Nations ever had, because either his
father or mother was a negro. Most
of them understand English but they
cannot speak it. We went to see thera
and after a while they began to paint
themselves and look frightful. They
rubbed bear grease on their faces and
then laid white paint in them; Then
we went to the Court House and the
Indians came between five and six
o'clock accompanied by Conrad Weis
er. Governor Thomas seated himsell
in the chair on the Bench and the
Commissioners were seated around
about him; and the treaty began.
On Saturday after breakfast the
Governor, the Commissioners and
some other gentlemen went to the
Dunkers' Nunnery about twelve miles
hence. They returned about six P.
M. (This was the Bphrata Cloisters).
After supper on Saturday I went to
the Indian camp and saw a light war
dance (The Indian camp is said to
have been where the old Conestoga
Park was located). At this dance 30
or 40 young men formed themselves
Into a ring, a fire having been lighted
in the middle, an elderly Indian sat
near the fire beating a drum to the
time of the dances. The Indians hop
ped around the ring and repeated
"Yohah" and "Bugh," and soon after
the major part set up a horrid shriek
or halloo. They continued sevexal
hours and seldom rested. Once they
sat down and the three old men sang
a tune.
A Conestoga or Susquehannocfe In
dian stood outside the circle and beg
ged the people to give him money for
the children of the Indians, which was
done. Some high Dutch arrived with
guns, which being perceived by this
Conestoga, he said it would offend the
I Indians'; and he told us to tell the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

346

Germans to withdraw or leave their
guns out ol sight and they quickly
did it. Up to this time none ol the
Indian chiefs had got drunk.
On Sunday, June 24, Mr. Craddock,
my fellow townsman held dvine ser
vices in the Court House. Between
one and two o'clock all dined in the
Court House and another minister of
the Church of England preached in
the Court House that afternoon. In
the evening we went to the Indian
camp again. All were dancing as be
fore. Monday evening we had a grand
supper in the Court House and the
Governor of Pennsylvania got very
merry and all the company followed
his example. During the merriment
two Germans happened to pass by the
Court House with harp and fiddle and
played some tirae under the window.
Then the Governor ordered them to
come in and amuse us, which they
did ; but not with the harmony of their
music for that was very uncouth and
displeasing; but playing a tune of
some sort to a young Indian who
danced a jig with Andrew Hamilton
(Andrew Hamilton was a son of the
Great Andrew the celebrated lawyer
and attorney general).
At eight o'clock on Wednesday
evening I went with our Honorable
Commissiiners to a Ball in the Court
House, in the chamber, to which his
Honor, the Governor of Pennsylvania,
the Coraraissioners of Virginia and
Maryland, and the gentleraen of the
several colonies, with sundry inhabi
tants of the Town were invited.
James Hamilton the Proprietor of
Lancaster, raade (gave) the Ball; and
he opened it by dancing two ralnutes
with two of the young ladies here, in
which tbe ladies danced a wilder
tirae than any of the Indians. The
females, (I dare not call thera ladies
for that would be a prolanation ol

tt narae) were in general very
agreeable. The dancers consisted of
Germans and Scotch Irish. But there
were some Jewesses who had not long
since come Irom New York that made
a tolerable appearance, being well
dressed and of an agreeable behavior.
There was a large and elegant sup
per prepared in the Court House
Chamber, ol which the Governor,
some ol the Honorable Commssioners
and the lemale dancers first ate; then
the other gentlemen in order ; and al-
terwards the younger gentleraen. Tfie
dances were concluded at twelve
o'clock but mysell and several young
er set staid till after one.
Thursday, June 28th, in the even
ing, about seven o'clock, accompan
ied by Commissioner Nathaniel Rigby
I went to the Indian cabins ; and col-.
lected a crowd of papooses together
and flung handlulls ol hall pennies
among them. They scrambled heart
ily and this pleased the older ones. A
great number ol white people wit
nessed the war dance this night. I
went to a cabin where I heard the
celebrated Mrs. Montour sing. She
was a French lady but now was sup
posed to be an Indian, having been
taken by them in her youth and so
long lived with them. She married
a war captain ol the Indians and had
two beautilul daughters. She was re
ceived by the best larailies in Phila
delphia. Her husband was dead.
On Friday evening, June 29, I went
with Col. Rigby and others to meet
Dr. Adams who had got an organ; but
it was with the greatest difficulty
that we could get him tfl play a tune.
The rausic was very bad and we sul-
lered in hearing it. Dr. Adams had
been a wild young man but was now
very pious.
On Saturday, June 30th, the Chiels
dined at the Court House at our invi
tation. A large nuraber ol people were

347

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEH-4NNOCKS AND

present; we had five tables and a
a great variety of dishes and they
were served up in good order. The
Sachems sat at two separate tables
at the head of one of the famous oxa-
tor Conassatego. And the others
were placed according to their rank.
We carved the meat for the Indians
and served them with cider and
wine mixed with water. The chiefs
semed prodigiously pleased wth this
feast for they fed lustily, drank
heartily and were very greasy before
they finished their dinner for by the
by they make no use of forks. The
health of the Indians and of the Com
missioners and the Governor were
drunk. On the evening of July 4th, a fine
gold laced hat was presented to
Grachadodow, a celebrated warrior
then about forty years old. He was
a straight limbed and graceful per
son; but not so tat as Conassatego.
His action when he spoke certainly
was the most gracious as well as bold
that any person ever saw, without the
buffoonery of the French or over sol
emn deportment of the Spaniards.
When he made the complimentary
speech on the occasion of giving
Lord Baltimore the name of Tocarry-
hogan he was complimented by the
Governor who said he would have
made a good figure in the forum of
old Rome. And Commissioner Jen
nings declared that he had never
seen so graceful an action iu any of
the most celebrated orators he had
ever heard speak.
At twelve o'clock on July 5, the
accounts were settled and we dined
at Worral' s and immediately after
wards mounted our horses and went
from this filthy town to our kind face
tious landlord Mr. Hughs at Notting
ham township by the Gap road, so
called frora space or gap being

opened in the ridge of the Blue
Mountains which extends a great
way to the Southwest ol Virginia
and Northeast ol Pennsylvania.
WITHAM MARSHE."
1744— The Conoy Indians Still Claim
Land in Ohio.
Among the proceedings ol the
G'xeat Treaty the lollowing is found,
p. 724, spoken by Conassatego:
"The Conoy Indians have informed
us that they sent you a Message
sometime ago to advise you that
they were ill used by the White
People in the place where they had
lived, and that they had come to a
resolution of removing to Shamokin,
and requested sorae sraall satisafc-
tion for their land, and as they never
have .received any answer frora you,
they have desired us to speak for
thera. We heartily recoramend their
case to your Generosity, and to
weight to our Recommendation we
present you with this String of Wam
pura. Which was received with the us
ual cereraony."
1744— The Conestogas at the Great
Lancaster Treaty.
The Colonial Record Account does
not mention the names of the Chiefs
and Indians at the Lancaster Treaty,
but in Vol. 1 of the Penna. Archives,
pp. 656 and 7 the names appear and
among thera we find twelve of the
Conestogas that are said to be the
Conestoga Indians that speak the an
cient language and therefore were
likely twelve principal men of the
old stock of Conestogas there. This
begins to show the pathetic figure of
the Conestogas and how they are
dwindling. The other Indians pres
ent were 20 Onondagoes, 26 Cayoo
goes, 12 Oneidas, 4 Senecas, 16 Tus
caroras, 10 Conoys and a few other
I rainor tribes.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

348

1744 — The Delawares Come to Phila
delphia to Treat.. The Conoys
.At a treaty held in Philadelphia,
1744, found in Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec,
pp. 746 and 747 araong other things
it is stated that the Conoys have
moved higher up too but nearer us
(the Delawares) and we now take
this opportunity to inforra you of it.
1744 — The Shawanese Not On Good
Terms With the Five Nations.
Have Moved.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec p. 739,
the Governor raaking a report to
Council of the business done at the
great treaty at Lancaster, says, that
they have renewed soleran treaties of
friendship and tbat they are going to
send down the raurderer that raur
dered Arrastrong, the trader, near
Lancaster. The Governor further
says that he observed that there was
only one Shawanese present at the
treaty and that he was from the
principal town in Ohio. And that he
inquired into these and he found
that the Shawanese and the Five
Nations were far from being on
friendly terms with each other.
1744 — The Delaware Indians Kill
John Armstrong, a Lancaster
Indian Trader.
In Vol. 3 of the Votes of Assembly,
p. 546, it is stated that John Arra
strong, an Indian Trader, was killed
near Lancaster and his wagon robbed
of his Indian goods. And it seeras
« from the newspaper report which
may be found in the American Week
ly Mercury for 1743 and 1744 that
this killing grew out of a horse
trade in whicb Armstrong had got
ten the better of the Delaware In
dians and the Delaware Indians
wanted him to trade back, but he
would not. An account of this may

be found in the Araerican Weekly
Mercury in the issue of April 26,
1744. This gives us an incite into the
Indian difficulties at this time.
1745. — Peter Chartier Has Gone Over
to the French.
In Vol. 4 ol the Col. Rec. p. 757, it
was stated that an affidavit was
raade by Peter Chartier's servant
that Peter had accepted a railitary
coraraission under the French King.
The Governor was inlormed ol this
and he said 11 he had been punished
as he deserved lor the report he
spread two years ago among our In
dians and tried to stir them up to go
to the French, he would not have
been at liberty at this tirae; and that
the perfidious blood of the Shawanese
runs in Peter's veins.
1745 — The Five Nations Say We
Should Have Made War on the
Shawanese.
In Vol. 4 of the Col. Rec, p. 782, at
another treaty held this year sorae of
the Six Nations were present and
among other things they said that we
should have made war against the
Shawanese when we found they were
going to leave; but the Governor an
swered this by saying that he would
not have done this without first con
sulting the Five Nations, and this
pleased them very much. Conrad
Weiser had been sent on an expedi
tion to the Five Nations and he re
ported that after a Council with
thera was ended the Black Prince in
vited all present including himself to
a dinner and at the dinner they had
plenty ol hominy, dried venison 'and
fish. And that alter dinner they were
served with a drink all around; and
while at dinner they had several dis
courses about the Shawanese and
that the statement was made by

349

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

some of them that we should have
made war on the Shawanese and
others differed from that opinion.
This is the flrst mention of after
dinner speeches among the savages,
of which we have any knowledge.
1745 — Lancaster County to Be
Protected.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 1
and 2 it is stated that the Indians
were preparing themselves, under
the leadership of Peter Chartier to
come down qn Lancaster Corinty and
it was decided that notice should be
sent to the inhabitants of Lancaster
Co. to be on their guard; and that
the Captain appointed over the mili
tia of that County should drill his
troops. 1746— The Whites and Indians of
Lancaster County to Arm
Themselves.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 26
and 27 it is set forth in a message
from the Governor to the Assembly
that a petition from a considerable
number of the inhabitants of Lancas
ter County has reached Philadelphia,
setting lorth that they need arms
and ammunition and are not able to
purchase them and that they must
protect themselves Irom the Indians.
The Governor decided that he would
help the people ol Lancaster County
to provide lor themselves.
1747 — Governor Thomas Sick.
In Vol. 5 ol the Col. Rec, p. 84, it
is set lorth that Governor Thomas
has been sick ever since he attended
the Lancaster Treaty three years be
lore. 1747— An Old Indian Friend Shick-
alamy Sick and Needs Medicine.
Shickalamy, one ol the ranior
Chiels ol the Five Nations has been
a great Iriend to the whites since the

Delawares turned against the Eng
lish to the French. Conxad Weiser*
in November ol this year went to see
him on business and found him in a
most miserable condition and hardly
able to stretch forth his hand be
cause of the fever. Several ol his
.relations were buried recently and he
¦was nearly at the point of death but
'Weiser gave him some medicine and
he got up afterwards. He was after
wards a great help to Lancaster
County people.
1747 — Indians in Lancaster from
Shamokin.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 140
it is seth forth in a letter from Con
rad Weiser that at Lancaster he
saw ten Indians from Ohio on their
way to Philadelphia. They came
from Shamokin which was now the
seat of Indian disturbances and
which neighborhood was the fron
tier. They reached Philadelphia on
or about the 13th of November (Set
p. 145) and they made a speech
which may be found p. 146. The
whole subject concerns happenings
not in Lancaster County. They were
loyal however, to the English and on
p. 147 they said among other things
that they desire to be furnished with
weapons, such as will knock down
the French.
1748 — A New Proclamation Against
Selling Rum to the Indians.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 194,
it is set forth that rum selling has
become a great evil again among the
Indians and the Governor issued a
proclamation against the practice,
which may be found in that book
and same page. Presents were now
ordered to the Indians amounting to
850 Pounds, (See p. 197).
1748— The Five Nations Give Another
Deed for Susquehanna Lands.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 219
may be found a deed and release

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

S50

made by the Five Nations for land on
the Susquehanna River, chiefly on
the West side in the latitnde of what
is now York County.
1748— The Nantikokes Have Now
Moved.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 22, a
statement is made showing that the
Nantikokes Indians who formerly
lived in the neighborhood of the Con
oys, have now raoved up the Susque
hanna River to the Mouth of the
Juniata.1748 — The Six Nations Command the
Susquehanna Indians To Take
Cp the Hatchet.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 284,
the following report was raade by a
paper presented by Mr. Weiser:
"MEMORANDUM taken the 13th of
June, 1748.
Last night arrived at ray house
Ganataraykon, Sogogockiather, Ach-
noara, Kattake, and Sanagarnet,
sent by Shikalamy to inlorm me that
a Message frora the Six Nations (in
the Cajucka  ) to the following
purport. "Brethren and Cousins, You that
live on Susquehannah River and
elsewhere. "We let you know that our Breth
ren, the English have sent a raes
sage to us to inform us that the
French had come to live on this
side the lake and threaten destruction
to the Six Nations as well as to the
English, and that therefore, it was
requisite our Nation in concert with
the others should take up the Eng
lish Hatchet and exert themselves
against the French. To encourage
us, therefore, they gave a large Belt
of Wampum made in the shape of a
hatchet and told us further that the
English cried out for help, having
suffered rauch by the French. So
far the English Message."

Then certain other proceedings in
tervened it at the end of which the
following raessage was given:
"Brethren and Cousins that live on
Susquehanna River: We send you
this string of wampum; and desire
you to have your ears open and be
on your guard; we also desire you
will with all speed carry this our
Message from town to town until it
arrives at Schohonyady. This was
accordingly done — the said Message
came to Shamokin on the 9th in
stant and the Indians met in Shika-
lamy's House. It was delivered by
a Delaware Indian that lives on
Wayamuck or Seahantowapy. The
Indians on Shamokin dispatched it
immediately to Schohonihady afore
said, though the Sun was just down."
1748— Log Town the First Town
From Lancaster.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 289,
we find this statement is made, "A
letter trom the Shawanese and some
of the Six Nations dated at Log
Town on the road from Lancaster to
Allegheny was read."
I cite this item to show that the
first Indian town out of Lancaster
was Log Town at this date and it
seems to me to be very far west, at
any xate it helps to show that the
Indian frontier was now moved to
the central part of Pennsylvania.
1748— Council Fire to Be Held at
Lancaster.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec , p. 290,
we find it set forth that it is the in
tention of vaxious Indian tribes to
hold a large Council fire at Lancas
ter.1748 — Another great Treaty Held at
Lancaster.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 298
and 299, it is set forth that the
Twigttwees Nations are now visiting
Lancaster with the divers chiefs of
the Six Nations in order to enter into
a treaty.

351

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

This treaty was held beginning the
19th of July, 1748 and lasted until
the 23rd and is found in Vol. 5 ofthe
Col. Rec, pp. 307 to 319. It is stated
to have been attended by several
members of Council, Magistrates and
inhabitants of Lancaster County, 55
Indians of the Six Nations and also
Indians of the Delaware, Shawnese,
Nantikoke and Twightwee Tribes. It
is observed here that the Conestogas
were not present. They seem to have
dwindled to so small proportion as
to not be taken account of any
longer. The treaty was held in the
Lancaster Court House according to
the accounts in the Col. Records and
the subjects under discussion did not
concern Lancaster County locally
but had to do with the question of
admitting the Twightwees into the
League of Friendship and it looked
also toward securing the friendliness
of the Shawanese and Delawares
again. The particulars of the treaty
are found p. 316, in a certain instru
ment and they state that the said
Twightwees are accepted by the
Commissioners on the part of Penn
sylvania as good friends and allies
and the Twightwees agree that they
will act soberly and be faithful to
the English. This seems to have
been the whole business of the
treaty. 1748 — Shawanese Pardoned and
Taken Back Into the Fold.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 323,
it is set forth that the pardon so
earnestly sought for by the Shawa
nese and their subraission and ap-
darkness. 1748 — Expense ol Lancaster Treaty.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 327,
the following is set forth as the ex
pense of the Lancaster Treaty:
"The accounts of the expenses of
the late Treaty at Lancaster were

! laid before the Board by the Secretary
(after deducting the value of the
presents from the Indians) amount
ing to the sum of 169 Pounds, 18
shillings and 0 pence, and as all the
sums, excepting such as were dis
bursed by the Secretary himself by
order of the Commissioners, were cer
tified by Mr. Webster, they were ap
proved and it was resolved that the?"
should be laid before the Asserably
with a proper raessage to recoramend
the immediate payment of them."
The credits against the above debt
were 39 Pounds, 2 shillings and 8
pence, leaving a balance of 140
Pounds, and 18 shillings.
1749 — The Conoys, Though Removed,
Still Claim Their Old Lands at
Conoy.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 390,
one of the Chiefs who carae to the
Philadelphia treaty from the Six
Nations said:
"Brethren: As we were coming here the Conoy
Indians gave us this String of Wara
pum, thereby putting their case into
or hands which we understood to
Speak to. It seems when the proprie
taries bought the land between the
Delaware and the Susquehanna from
us, the tract, as they told us, on
which the Conoy town stood was re
served out of the grant on account of
those Indians then living there, and
when they should quit it they were to
have a consideration paid thera for it.
This we think they are entitled to, as
they have left the land and live
among other Nations at Juniata; and
as they tell us that they never have
received anything for the land, we
recommend it to you to see them paid
Here he gave the Conoy's String."
We notice in this item the Conoys
still insist that they own the land on
the Susquehanna at the old Conoy
town.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

352

Tho Governor however, told the Six
Nations' representatives that the
Conoys do not own that land any
longer. This may be found in Vol. 5
of the Col. Rec, p. 393, as follows:
"Brethren, I now read an answer to
Assuehqua, who gave this String in
behall ol the Conoy Indians. I am
sorry to say that these Indians have
misrepresented the lact, lor on the
inlormation I have received Irom the
Proprietor's office, this land, which is
but a small piece where their town
stood, was not reserved out ol their
grants ol the land sold by the Six
Nations; but at time the Conoy In
dians being desirous to continue
there, prevailed with the six nations
to ask this as a lavor from the Pro
prietaries, while they (the Conoys)
remained on it, and at their instance
the Proprietaries granted thera this
favor, and they raight have lived
there till now; but as they choose
voluntarily to go away, and signified
this by a string of wampum to the
Government, they had leave accord
ingly to go to Juniata or elsewhere.
You can not but know the Six Na
tions have frequently desired tbe
Proprietaries not to give money to
any tributary nations for Land, and
these Conoys are such they would
have reason to find fault with the
Proprietaries should they pay them
anything, especially as they have al
ready given to the Six Nations a val
uable consideration for it; I confirm
this by a String of Warapura."
1749— A New Gtant of the Land Be
tween the Susquehanna and Dela
ware Rivers by the Indians
to the English.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, pp. 406
and 407, we find the following:
"Brethren: We have taken into consideration
your offer of the sale of some land ly

ing on the East side of Sasquehanna
and though we have no directions
from the Proprietaries (who are now
in England, to treat with you, yet as
we judged it lor their benefit and lor
the publick good not to reject the oi
ler you have thought proper to make,
we send you word by the Interpreter
that we would not treat with you
about a new purchase, but at the
sarae tirae we gave you to understand
that we could by no raeans accede to
your proposal in the manner you had
limited it, viz: to take land lying on
the East Side ol the Sasquehanna, as
lar as Thomas McKee's, because you
must be sensible that as the head ol
the river Schuylkill lies not lar Irom
the Sasquehanna, and not lar Irom
the head of Schuylkill there runs one
of tlie main branches of the River
Delaware, and that the Delaware In
dians, in the last, treaty, had granted
the lands from this branch to very
near the Leachawanchsein on Dela
ware. I say, considering all these
things, which were explained to you
on a Draught, by which it appears
that all you offer is mountainous,
broken and poor land, you must know
that this is not worth our acceptance,
but we added 11 you would extend
your offer to go more Northerly on
Sasquehanna as lar as Shamokin, and
that the tract might carry its breadth
to Delaware river, so that we could
in any manner justily ourselves to
the Proprietors, we would close and
give you a just consideration lor the
lands. On this you held a council
and raade us a second offer that you
would sign a deed to the Proprietors
for all that Tract of Land that lies
within the following bounds, viz:
Beginning at the KIttochhinny Hills,
where your last purchase ends on
Sasquehanna, frora thence by the
courses of the River Sasquehanna to
the first Mountain North of the creek.

353

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

called in the Onondago Language Can-
tawhy, and in the Delaware Lan
guage Makooniahy, on the ' said River
Sasquehanna, this is the Western
Boundary; then for the North Bound
ary by a straight line to be run from
that Mountain to the main Branch of
Delaware River, at the North side of
the Mountain ol Lechawachseln, so as
to take in the waters ol Lecshawach-
sein; the East Boundary to be the
River Delaware Irom the North ol the
Viskil to the Kittochtiny; the South
boundary to be that range ol the Kit-
tochtinny Hills to the place ol be
ginning, together with the islands in
the River Sasquehanna and Delaware
in that Compass. Having received
this second offer, though neither in
this is there any considerable
quantity ol good land, yet in regard
to your Poverty moxe than to the
real value of the Tract we sent you
word that on your Signing a deed we
would pay you the sum of Five Hun
dred Pounds."
1749 — The Indians Wound Adam Fur-
ney at Lancaster.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 409,
It Is stated that, "An Indian this last
Summer came in a .rude manner to a
substantial Housekeeper of Lancaster
County, one Adam Furney, and de
manded rum of him; he gave him
some but because he refused to give
him more, he withdrew a small space
and having his gun in his hand ready
loaded he shot him in the Breast, and
he lay a considerable time ill of big
wounds, being expected to dye every
day. On this the Indian was appre
hended and committed to Jail, but the
man recovered, contrary to all expec
tation, and the Indian was the other
day released."
1750 — A Conference With the Cones
toga Indians.
In Vol. 5 of the Col. Rec, p. 431, it
is stated that proceednigs from Mr.

Weiser about conference held by him
with Mr. Montour, some of the Sha
mokin Indians and also the Conestoga
Indians, were read as follows:
"At a conference held with the In
dians at Mr. Croghan's in Pennsboxo
Township, Cumberland County, on
Thursday, the 17th day of May, 1750.
PRESENT:
Richard Peters, Esq,, Secretary;
Conrad Weiser, James Galbxeath,
George Croghan, Andrew Montour,
Tach - nech - doarus, Saiuchtowano,
Catara dirha, Tohomady Huntho, a
Mohock from Ohio.
George Stevenson, William Wilson,
Hermanns Alricks, Esquires.
Sai-uch-to-wano spoke as lollows:
Brethren:
We were in hopes ol giving the Sec
retary a Cheerlul Welcome into this
paxt ol the Country; but we have just
heard a piece of bad news which has
interrupted our Joy, that one of the
principal men of the Province is
taken away by a sudden death, a
wise Counsellor and a good friend of
ours. He pleased, therefoxe, to con
vey to the Governor our Expressions
of Sorrow on this Melancholy Occa
sion and let this String of Wampum
serve to comfort his heart and wipe
away the tears from his eyes till
this great loss shall be supplied by
some fitt person to succeed him.
Then Catara-dirha, on behalf ofthe
Conestogoe Indians, spoke:
Brethren: When the Six Nations sold their
Land on Sasquehannah to the Pro
prietaries, the Conestogoe Indians
were then living in their town near
Lancaster, for which reason the
Place where they lived was excepted
out ot the sale. It will appear by
your records that they were to live
there as long as they pleased, and
when they should incline to depart

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

354

they were to signify it. to the Pro
prietaries and receive a Considera
tion; they are now inclinable to
move nearest to the Other Indians
and according to the agreement al
ready made to the Proprietaries they
request you to inform the Governor
of ineir inten-(.ion. They want to sell
their improvements and now raake
the Proprietaries the first offer of
them. A String of Wampura.
"Brother, the Governor:
Many of our old people are dead,
so that we are now left as it were
Orphans i n a destitute condition,
which inclines us to leave our old
Habitations. When we are gone ill-
rainded people raay tell you stories
to our Prejudice; but we assure you
that Distance will not alter our af
fections for you. Therelore, give no
ear to such stories, as we on our
part will not think you can lose
your regard lar us, though there
are sorae whora would perswade us
that we are now not so rauch re
garded by you as we have been.'
From this item we see that the
Conestogas now are very much
ground down and they now lear lor
their salety and ask pe?-raission to
raove. According to what happened
later it would have been a wise thing
lor the Governraent to allow them to
move. 1751 — A Nantikoke In Lancaster
Jail.
In Vol. 5 ol the Col. Rec, p. 543,
it Is stated that at tbe beginning ol
this year one ol the Nantikokes was
committed to tbo prison at Lancas
ter lor abusing a white girl. It
seems that such pressure was
brought to bear that he was soon re
leased.
1753 — ^An Indian Deed Executed at
Lancaster.
In Vol. 5 ol the Col. Rec, p. 700,
it is stated that the lollowing letter
was written to Governor Dinwiddle:

Sir:

"Philadelphia, Nov. 15, 1753.

I am lavored with two of your let
ters, one by the Post of the Third of
Septeraber last, enclosing a copy of
the Indian Deed executed at Lancas
ter which I shall send to Mr. Weiser,
at whose Instance I desired the
Copy, the other of the twenty-third
of October, by express enclosing a
letter of the twenty-eighth ol Au
gust last Irom the Earl ol Holder-
nesse, one ol his Majesties' Princi
pal Secreatarles ol State, to whora 1
shall do mysell the Honor to write
by a ship Irora this port, chusing, as
ray letter Irom hence may arrive as
soon as by the return ol tbe Man-of-
War and tbe contents of his Lord
ship's letter are ot great raoment,
to take sorae time in the considera
tion of my answer."
1754 — Another Purchase of Land
Across the Susquehanna River.
In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. Ill, a
conference was held with sorae of
the Indians, in which the following
report was made.:
"May it Please the Governor:
The first Indians that made their
appearance were frora the Heads of
Sasquehannah as low down as One-
cquago, and by those who came Im
raediately to visit the Commissioners
from Pennsylvania, as indeed all the
other Indians did."
The report then goes on to state
that two Connecticut gentleraen
were in town trying to negotiate "a
purchase from the Indians for the
Sasquehannah Lands lying within
the latitude of the Connecticut char
ter in favor of some private persons
of that Government, and had with
thera a thousand pieces of Eight and
were busy conferring with the In
dians on this subject at the House
and thro' the means of Mr. Lydius."

355

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1754 — The Above Purchase Included
the Governor Dungan Tract
At the Great Albany Treaty of
1754 the question of the Susquehanna
lands again came up and to settle
the question the Six Ntaions made a
new deed and released all claim to
land on both sides of the Susque
hanna River from the mouth up to
the endless mountains (See 6 Col.
Rec, p. 124), in which it is stated
that "Tahashwangoas was desired to
tell the Indians the manner of a
former deed being executed, and he
declared that it was done pluckily
and ol their own voluntary motion
as a testimony of their great regard
for the Proprietaries who had at that
very treaty given them a generous
proof of their upright dealings with
the Indians by paying a third time
for the Sasquehanna lands, having
bought them of Col. Dungan first
and then of the Sasquehanna Indians
and that he saw all the persons exe
cute it with great willingness. Then
Hendrick and the other Indians
present were desired to look at the
Names of the Signers, and having
done so they acknowldged they were
all principal men among the several
tribes and being asked to confirm
and ratify that deed and renew their
engagements to the Proprietaries
not to sell to ther persons any of
their lands, they one and all declared
it to be right, and desired that a
short deed might be drawn, which
was accordingly done, interpreted
and executed both which followeth
in these words:
DEED FROM THE SIX NATIONS TO
THE PROPRIETORS.
"We the Chiefs of the Six Nations
of Indians, Onondagoes, Tsanundow-
ans or Sinickes, Cayoogas, Oneydas,
Tuscaroroes (in behalf also of the

Canyingoes or Mohocks), who have
lately at Philadelphia by our deed in
writing dated the Eleventh day of
this Instant, October, released to
John Penn, Thomas Penn, and Rich
ard Penn, Proprietors ol Pennsyl
vania, and to their Heirs and Succes
sors all their .right claim, and Pre
tensions whatsoever to all the lands
on both sides ol the River Sasque
hannah Irom the Mouth thereol, as
lar Northward or up the said river
as that ridge ol Hills called the
Tyoninhasachta or endless moun
tains Westward to the Sitting of the
sun and Eastward to the fartherest
Springs ol the water running into the
said river, do hereby lurther declare
that our true intent and meaning by
the said writing was and is to release
and we do hereby more expressly re
lease to the said Proprietors their
heirs and Successors lorever, all our
right, claira and pretensions whatso
ever to all and every all the land ly
ing within the Bounds and limits of
the Government of Pennsylvania, be
ginning Eastward on the River Dela
ware, as far Northward as the said
Ridge or chain of endless mountains
as they cross the Country of Penn
sylvania from the Eastward to the
West And further, as we have made the
firmest League of Friendship with
our Brethren of Pennsylvania, and
are become as one people with them,
we do hereby promise and engage for
our children and their children that
neither we nor they nor any in Au
thority in our Nation will at any
time bargain, sell, grant, or by any
means make over to any person or
persons whatsoever (whether white
men or Indians), other than to the
said Proprietors the children of Wil
liam Penn or to persons by them au
thorized and appointed to agree lor
and receive tbe same, any lands

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

356

within the lirait of the Governraent of
Pennsylvania as is bounded North
ward with the Government of New
York and Albany. But when we are
willing to dispose ol any lurther
rights ol land within the said limits
ol Pennsylvania we will dispose ol
them to the said William Penn's
children and to no other persons
whatsoever. In witness whereol we
have in behall ol all our Nations
signed this lurther writing, being
distinctly read and Interpreted to us
by our Friend Coarad Weiser the
twenty-filth day ol October, 1736.
Witness (an interlineation ol sev
enteen words, benig flrst made be
tween the 8th and 9th Lines)." '
This deed then is signed by
twenty-two chiels and on the back ol
it there is an endorsement that it
was interpreted to them and they un
derstand all that it raeans and they
do confirm the deed good and proraise
Richard and Thoraas Penn that
neither they nor anyone under their
authority will ever grant any land to
anybody but the heirs and assigns of
the Proprietaries. This was done on
the Ninth day of July, 1754.
1754 — Petition of Lancaster Coun-
tians for Protection.
In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 131,
the following petition is set forth
from the inhabitants of Donegal,
Lancaster County:
"Petition of the Inhabitants of Done
gal, in Lancaster County, to the
Governor :
To the Honourable James Hamil
ton, Esquire, Lieutenant Governor
and Commander-in-Chief of the Prov
ince of Pennsylvania and Counties of
New Castle, Kent, and Sussex, on
Delaware,The hurable Petition of Us, the In
habitants of Donegal, hurab.ly
sheweth:

That your Petition being duly sen
sible of the great Danger that our
Province now is in by reason ol such
cruel and raerciless Enemy as We
are now engaged with, we therelore
desire to join with our Iriends and
neighbors in requesting your Honour
to take our distressed condition into
your considti ation, and to put us in
a condition that we may be able to
delend ourselves, and we on our part
will join in all that we can do lor
the Salety ol the Province; and your
Petitioners as in duty bound will
pray. We empower our Trusty Friends
James Galbraith, Esqr., and Thomas
Poster, Esqr., to present to youx
Honour in our Behall.
WILLIAM SMITH,
WILLIAM .ALLISON,
JOHN ALLISON,
BARNEY HUGHES.
July 26th, 1754.
Signed by several others, being in all
Ninety-Eight Signers."
On p. 132 of the sarae book there is
a similar petition of Paxtang, Der.ry
and Hanover Townships' people who
then belonged to Lancaster County.
I will not set that petition forth in
full as it is similar to the first one
and is sgned by fifty-seven signers.
1755 — Dungan's Purchase Again Re
ferred To.
In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 255, in
a lettex from Governor Morris to
Governor Fitch, the lollowing state
ment is made:
"Sir: Mr. Hamilton, my Predecessor,
having wrote lully to you and Mr.
Woolcott the late Governor of Con
necticut, relating to a scheme form
ed in your Province for purchasing
the English and settling some lands
upon the River Susquehanna without
the leave of this Government though
within its bounds, I beg leave to re-

357

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS .AND

fer you to that letter and to lay be
fore you some other matters from
whence you may judge of the Nature
and consequence of that attempt.
You will, therefore, please to be in
formed that about the year 1690 the
Indians then of the Five United Na
tions, by deed regularly executed,
conveyed to Colonel Thomas Dungan,
Governor of New York, a large Par
cel of land, a great part of which lay
upon the River Susquehanna and
within the limits of this Province
and that Col. Dungan afterwards by
deed conveyed the late Proprietor
William Penn, all those lands lying
upon the waters of Sasquehannah
within the Province aforesaid. I
would give you the particular dates
of those deds, but am now a dis
tance from Philadelphia where they
are. These instruments have been
frequently produced to the New Six
United Nations of Indians and their
allies the Sasquehannas, are recited
in many of their subsequent deeds,
and have been pluckily acknowledg
ed, ratified and confirmed at several
treaties between them and this Gov
ernment; and though the force and
effect of those deeds has always
been understood as well by the In
dians as by the English to vest in
the Proprietors of Pennsylvania all
the lands upon the several branches
of Sasquehannah, yet they the Pro
prietaries of Pennsylvania have upon
many occasions by treaty -solemnly
engaged not to take possession of
those Lands or suffer them to be set
tled without making the Indians a
particular satisfaction for such parts
ol that Country as they should from
time to time agree to give up; and
for that reason all subsequent deeds
have been considered only as confir
mations, so far as they related to the
Lands upon the waters of Sasque

hannah; but as those lands are only
a part of the Province ol Pennsyl
vania, the six United Nations at a
treaty held in October, 1736, did sol
emnly covenant and engage by In
strument under the hands and seals
ol the Chiels ol the respective Na
tions to sell all the lands within the
limits ol Pennsylvania to the Pro
prietaries ol this Province and to no
other persons whatsoever. This in
strument was produced to the six
Nations at the late General treaty
at Albany by the Commissioners
Irom this Government, and proved
by one ol the Chiels who was then
present and a party thereto; where
upon- the Six Nations in public
Council declared that the Signers of
that instruraent were well known to
them to have been the principal men
and chiefs of their several Nations,
and they did then solemnly ratify
that agreeraent and by a new deed
not only confirmed the several sales
they had theretofore made to the Pro
prietaries, but voluntarily bound
themselves to sell no land within the
limits of Pennsylvania to any person
whatsoever but to the Proprietaries
only."1755 — Great Danger and Confusion
in Lancaster Town About
Indians.
In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 670
it is stated that, "Mr. Hamilton find
ing by the Letters received from
Lancaster County, that raatters were
in the utraost danger and confusion,
proposed to go instantly to the Town
of Lancaster in order to do all the
service in their power, and a Dediraus
with Blank railitary Comraissions by
the advice of Council was given to the
Governor by him, empowering him to
fill up the blanks with such persons
names as hould offer, and were men
of known good characters. A Dedi-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

mus was likewise given Mr. Harail-
ton to qualify such officers as should
be appointed in that part of the
country. Sundry petitions frora the
raost respectable persons in the Sev
eral Counties of Cumberland, York,
Lancaster and Chester, setting forth
the dismal condition of the inhabi
tants were read and sundry compan
ies formed and commissions granted
to such as were recomlnended for
Captains, Lieutenants and Ensigns."
This shows us that stirring tiraes
were now in existence about little
old Lancaster Town.
1755 — The Delawares and Shawanese
Again Desert the English.
In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, pp. 724
and 725, tbe citizens presented a pe
tition to the Governor ol Pennsyl
vania stating that the Delawares and
Shawanese are now so alienated
against us as to take up the hatchet
in lavor ol the French. The petition
ers inquired whether the Shawanese
were not satisfied at the last treaty.
The Governor then goes on to give
the whole Shawanese history Irom
the time that the first sixty larailies
came to us Irom the South and shows
that their actions have always been
treacherous while they have done
everything in their power to keep
thera Iriendly.
1755 — A Meeting of Our Friendly In
dians at Harris's Ferry, Now
Harrisburg.
In Vol. 6 ol the Col. Rec. pp. 745
and 746, it is stated that the Gover
nor sent a request that all ol our
Iriendly Indians on Susquehanna
River ought to come together at Har
ris's Ferry to discuss measures with
their Governraent lor general protec
tion. Such a raeeting ol Indians it seeras  ^
was held because the Governor sent carapaign near Pittsburg

358
given to
in the
as lol-

the lollowing raessage to be
them which may be lound
book last mentioned, p. 754,
lows:"Gentlemen: I give you the charge ol a raes
sage to the Sasquehannah Indians,
the purport ol which is to invite
them to raeet at John Harris's in the
first ol January next, where I intend
to hold a Council with all the Friend
ly Indians I can collect together,
and as it ought to be delivered as
soon as possible, and you have kind
ly offered your service, I raust de
sire you will not give it the least de
lay, but taking with you such pru
dent persons as you shall judge
necessary for your safety, proceed
directly to Wyoraink.
If they receive the Invitation in
good part, and you find them well
disposed to us and willing to come,
you are then to take care that Indian
Messengers be dispatched with the
Invitation and String of Wampum to
such other Indians as can attend
that raeeting."
1755 — Lancaster County Furnishes
Teams for the Indian Wars.
In the issue of May 15, 1755 of the
Pennsylvania, Gazette, it is stated
"We hear frora the Councils of Lan
caster, York and Cumberland that
notice being given there that teams,
carriages and horses were wanting
for the use of the army, great num
bers were imraediately offered and
150 wagons laden with oats, Indian
corn and other forage were dispatch
ed to the Camp in a few days and as
many moxe might have been had, if
wanted, the people offering with
great readiness and pleasure from a
zeal for his Majesty's service." In
this item we can see that Lancaster
County toofe part in the Braddock

359

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

In the issue of June 5 of the same
paper it is stated, "We' hear from
Willis Creek that the wagons and
horses lately contracted, for in the
Counties of Lancaster, York and
Cumberland were safely arrived at
the camp and gave great satislaction
to the General and the other officers,
being lor the most part lar the best
ol any that had been engaged in the
service of the army since their arri
val. We likewise hear that there
are fine bottoras for several miles
around the camp in which there is a
great deal ol good grass and other
food for horses."
In the issue of June 12 it is stated
that another number of Wagons
laden with forage are gone from the
Counties of Lancaster and Berks.
And in the issue of August 21, af
ter the Braddock slaughter, it is
stated that, "What seems raost re
markable is that all the wagoners
from Lancaster and York Counties in
the Province, who engaged in the
service of the army have returned
safe except two; one of whom died
by sickness."
1755 — Great Excitement in Lancas
ter Town.
In the issue of the Pennsylvania
Gazette for October 30, 1755, as fol
lows: "As I imagine you have been alarm
ed before this time with a great deal
of bad news from these parts I think
it my duty to give you as much light
Into the affair as I can. About the
20th instant news was brought that
the French and Indians had actually
massacred and scalped a number of
our inhabitants not more than forty
miles from Harris's Perry. It is rea
sonable to think the receipt of such
news must put the inhabitants in the
utmost confusion. .About 45 ol the
stoutest of them got themselves
mounted and in readiness the next

day to go and bury the dead — they
reached the place accordingly and
found no less than fourteen bodies
shockingly mangled. Whilst they
were in this place some Iriendly In
dians who were flying to the inhabi
tants lor protection told them there
were a large body of French and In
dians actually on their march to the
inhabited parts of this Province and
were already on this side of the Al
legheny Mountains. Upon this they
concluded to go as far as Shamokin
to know whether the Indians as
sembled there were friends or enem
ies (for our people suspected those
Indians to hawe knowledge of the
murder) and to get if possible further
intelligence, about those they had
heard were advancing against thera.
The Indians at Shamokin treated
them civilly but had several councils
and much whispering araong thera
selves, which raade our men suspic
ious of them, especially as some of
them were missing soon after. How
ever, in the Morning Andrew Mon
tour and Delaware George, advised
them to going to a apxticular road iu
which they said there was danger,
but our men suspecting their sincer
ity — went their own way which was
the very one they were cautioned to
avoid and were fired on by a party
of Indians about 40 in number some
of whom they believed were with
them the night before. Our men re
turned in the best manner they could
but one of them came off when the
enemy first began. And was feared
was the only one that could escape
alive out ot the whole. This was
soon spread over our country and we
were in the utmost confusion till
yesterday, we were told there were
15 more of our men returned. They
all agree that it was the Delaware In
dians that did the mischiel. Our
Court House Bell has been ringing

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

360

alraost ever since to call the inhabi
tants to sorae consultation for their
salety. We hear there are about one
hundred men already gone up tp
Harris's Perry out ol Donegal and
placed adjacent"
This shows there was great excite
ment in Lancaster at this tirae. At
another place in he same paper it
is stated that "the women and chil
dren in the back parts ol Cumber
land, Lancaster and Berks Counties
axe all corae or coraing to the Town
ships that are thickly settled and
some have come into the town ol
Lancaster. In short the distress
and contusion ol our people in gen
eral on the Irontier is inexpressible."
1755 — A Report That the Indians
Have Burned Lancaster.
In the issue ol November 20, 1755
ol the Pennsylvania Gazette, there is
set lorth a letter Irom Cecil County,
Maryland, dated November 10, stat
ing that the rumors of Indian xav-
ages about the Susquehanna. The
writer says, "At day break of the
third instant, messengers arrived,
from New Castle County, confirming
the Expxess sent in the night before
giving dismal accounts of how 1500
French and Indians had burnt Lan
caster town to the ground and were
proceeding downwards, driving all
before thera so that the inhabitants
were in great distress. Under the in
telligence our Officers iramediately
warned the militia, who meetin.'? in
the afternoon, the chiefest men of the
three companies and a body of
horses bravely resolved to march
against the enemy; and accord
ingly on Tuesday they set out cora
raanded by proper officers and attend
ed with wagons carrying provis
ions, blankets and other necessaries,
being better provided with arms and
ammunitiori than could have been

expected on such short notice. On
Wednesday they assembled at the
head of Elk River impatiently wait
ing for the arrival of our other
forces from the Susquehanna side,
and orders to proceed.
The like spirit raised the farces in
Kent and in Chesapeake, who began
their march towards the head of
Elk river, on Thursday; but In the
afternoon they were remanded on
certain intelligence that the reports
concerning Lancaster were all false,
However, they continued all in the
readiness on account of frequent ex
presses sent them from Baltimore,
iraparting that the enemy had dir
ected their route down the western
side of Susquehanna; but messeng
ers being sent over the Bay and re
turning with assured accounts that
there was no enemy in those parts
the men were all discharged on
Saturday evening.
The number going from these two
Counties were about 100 and many
more were resolved to follow them;
and 500, more were intending to join
them frora Queen Ann's County, and
undoubtedly the Counties of Talbot,
Dorset, Scraerset and Worcester
would have exerted theraselves in
the same manner had the reports
been true. These foxces from Mary
land with those marching frora the
three lower Counties on Delaware,
joined to those of Lancaster, Ches
ter and Philadelphia, etc., by this
tirae might have formed an array of
several thousand gallant men in high
spirits sufficient to repel any force
that the French and Indians could
raise against us. Hence it is evi
dence that British courage is no more
degenerated in the Southern than in
the Northern Colonies."
According to all these statements
we can see that it must have been
very exciting in old Lancastex Town
about this tirae.

361

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

1756 — An Indian Council at Lan
caster.
In Vol. 6 of the Col. Rec, p. 776,
there is a letter set forth frora the
Governor from Lancaster and it is set
forth as follows:
"Gentlemen: I am at last got to this town, hav
ing in conjunction with the Commis
sioners done everything we thought
would contribute towards the De
fence of the Western Frontier, and I
am well assured that if the orders
we have given are carried into exe
cution, and the men employed in that
quarter do their duty, the inhabitants
will be for the future secured
against any small scalping parties.
The Poxce on the West side of Sas
quehanna consists of three hundred
men, who are divided into four Com
panies, and are to take post in four
forts that are to form a line from
the Sugar cabin to Matchitongo,
within about twelve miles of Sasque
hanna; three of these forts are al
ready in hand, and I hope soon be
finished, the fourth I have ordered to
be laid out as soon as possible, and
expect it will be complete in about
ten days. What makes me think the
higher of the Western force than I
do of those employed to the North
ward, is, that they are regularly en
listed in the King's service fox a
certain time, and the Officers were
chosen by the Government, and not
by themselves.
They strongly and repeatedly
suggested and requested that we
would build a fort at Shamokin,
which I have given them reason to
expect, and hope that measuxe will
be resolved on and steps taken to
carry it into execution before we re
turn, but this matter for reasons
that I shall communicate when I
have the pleasure to see you, must be
kept secret. I promise to go from

hence to Reading, when I have seen
some Indians that live on the Manor
of Conestogoe, and give them assur
ance of the Protection of the Govern
ment while they behave in . such a
manner to deserve it But what stay
I shall make there, or where I shall
go from thence, I can not at present
say, as it depends upon the circum
stances in which I find the Northern
Frontier. I am. Gentlemen, Your raost faith
ful and obedient humble Servant,
ROB'T H. MORRIS.
Lancaster, January 21, 1756."
1756 — Council Held in Lancaster
With the Conestoga Indians;
Conestogas Encouraged.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec p. 7, it is
stated that a Council was held in
Lancaster with the Conestoga In
dians, on Friday, the 23rd of Jan
uary, 1756, as follows:
"PRESENT:
The Honourable ROBERT HUN
TER MORRIS, Esqr., Lieutenant
Governor.
James Hamilton, Richard Peters,
Esquires.
Joseph Pox, Esq., Commissioner.
The Conestoga Indians.
The Conestogoe Indians having
remained peaceable in their Town on
the Manor of Conestogoe and receiv
ed a support from the Publick since
the first attacks on the Indians of
this Province, it was thought ad
visable to send for them and give
them assurance ot a future support
and a small present as a testimony
of the regards of the Government for
them. They were thexefore sent for,
and when seated the Governor made
the following speech to them:
Brethren: I sent for you that I might have
the Satisfaction to see you and take
you by the hand, which I have had

AND OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

362

no opportunity to do since I carae to
the Government.
I have the Pleasure to observe by
the several Papers you have produced
to rae that firra peace and kind In
tercourse have always subsisted be
tween the Indians of . Conestogoe and
the good People of this Province.
Until lately this Province has en
joyed a perfect Peace and Tranquil
ity with all the Indians, nor did we
in the least Imagine it would ever be
otherwise, having on all occasions be
haved towards thera with the sincer-
est affection, and assisted them when
ever they wanted our good Offices.
Some of thera, however, through
the institution of their and our cora
raon Eneray, the French, have in
Breach of their Treaties against the
Ties of Gratitude, and without the
least cause of Offense given on our
side, fallen upon our peaceable in
habitants, and as soon as this hap
pened the Government, ever careful
to prese.rve inviolable their engage
raents, gave you notice of it, and at
the same time sent their orders to
your good Friend and Neighbor, Mr.
Jaraes Wright, to supply you with
Cloathing and Provisions, that you
raight not be exposed to danger by
going to hunt at a distance frora your
Habitations. In further token of ou.r sincere re
gards for you, I do, on behalf of the
inhabitants of this Province, ratify
and confirra the several Treaties of
Peace, Araity, and Friendship sub
sisting between us, and expect you
will do the sarae on your part
A Belt
1 expect you will not leave youx
place of Residence without flrst ac
quainting rae with your intentions
and the place where you propose to
reraove to.
A String.
I expect, further, tbat in virtue of
your leagues with us, you will not

harbor any strange Indians. You
raay be assured all such have had bad
designs, and therefore I must insist
upon it if any strange Indians shall
presume to corae amongst you that
you instantly give notice thereof to
Mr. James Wright, or sorae ol the
Magistrates ol this County, that they
raay apprehend and exaraine. And if
any way whatever anything comes to
your knowledge that can do hurt to
us, that you would make us acquaipt-
ed with it with all possible dispatch.
A String.
It will be agreeable to rae to ren
der you perfectly easy and well satis
fied; if there be, therefore anything
on your rainds that you want to
coraplain of I beseech you not to
suppress it, but open all your Hearts
to us and I promise to give you en
tire satisfaction.
A String.
The Indians took some tirae to
the Governor's speech to thera, and
then made the following reply:
Brother the Governor and the
Gentlemen with hira:
We most heartily thank you for
your kindness in coming to Lancas
ter and sending for and speaking to
us in so obliging a raanner.
We have heard a great noise all
about us and expected we should
have been killed, but now that we see
you here, we are revived and will
lay aside our fears.
I ara lame and infirm or I would
have waited upon the Governor at
Philadelphia as soon as I heard of
his arrival. I thank you. Brother, fox
giving yourself the trouble to come
here. You see. Brother, that the Cones
togoe Indians, formerly a large tribe
are reduced to these lew, and that
there is never an old man among
them but mysell and I raust die soon.
I put thera under your protection;

363

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

they are all young and some mere
children and will want your advice
and Countenance.
You may be assured if any strange
Indians come amongst us, we shall
give you the earliest notice and that
we shall not hearken to anything that
shall be to your Prejudice. You see
by our Papers that we have always
been your fast Friends, and so shall
continue whilst we have a being; and
by this Belt I on the behalf of myself
and all the Conestogoe do ratify, con
firm, and renew the Treaties of
Friendship subsisting between us,
and again repeat my thanks to you
for giving me this Opportunity by
coming to Lancaster, as I am not
able to come to you at Philadelphia.
A Belt.
The Governor then said he would
order them some goods as a Token of
his Affection for them, and accord
ingly they were delivered to the In
dians."
1756 — Delawares Defy the Greatest
Chiefs Living to Keep Them
from the French Now.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 12 we
now see the final tie broken between
the Government of Pennsylvania and
the Delawares, and the Delawares de
clare as follows:
"Brethren, Onas and Oneratael:
The Delawares on Sasquehannah
declare on plain Terms that they will
pay no regard to what shall be said
to dissuade them from hostilities
against the English. They will not
hear the greatest Sachem in the
Country of the Confederates. That
they are determined to fight the Eng
lish as long as there is a man left;
and that when they have conquered
th English, they will turn their Arms
against those Indians who will not

join with them now. I ara arrived
here and now leel sale and easy, but
it is with much difficulty that I have
come through the settlement ol the
Delawares. I have just escaped with
life. When I return I shall go by the
way of Albany, for there is no going
back by the way I came. You may
expect to hear from us again by the
next opportunity. We design to go
forward into the Country of the Five
Nations, and perhaps as there is
soon to be a meeting of the Confed
erates, we shall go on as far as On
ondagoe. We shall not return until
we can bring you the best intelli
gence of the Situation of affairs in
those parts."
1756 — Shickalamy Has a Sister
Among the Conestogas.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, pp. 46
and 47 it is stated that two of the Six
Nation Indians were sent by the Gov
emor up the Susquehanna River to
get News. The Indians returned and
with them Captain McKee and John
Shieckalamy and his wife. "Shicka
lamy declared positively they would
fall upon them and either kill them
or do them a mischief, but that they
would go through Lancaster to Phila
delphia, and deliver what they had
to say to the Governor in Person, and
insisted that Captain McKee should
go along with them to protect them.
When they came to Harris's they
found there the Belt, Jagrea, and
New Castle who joined them, and
when they came to Lancaster John
Shickalamy having a sister ainong
the Conestogoe Indians, sent for her
and at Lancaster she and the Cones
togoe Indians joined him. On Satur
day they came to Town making in all
 Men, Woraen and Children."

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

364

1756— Some Friendly Chiefs Request
ed to Come and Live with
the Conestogas.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 50, we
are told that Shickalamy and his
friends and some friendly Mowhawk
Indians were afraid to live about
Shamokin and desired to corae to
Harris's Ferry and live in the future
in a little colony by themselves. This
request ' was made known to the
Council and the Council, as is shown
on page 57 ol the book last mentioned
is said, "Brethren:
We think Harris' an inconvenient
place lar your residence, even until
the Fort shall be built at Shamokin,
and would rather you would choose
to live with the Conestogoe Indians,
where you raay be in greater secur
ity, and better provided with necessi
ties. A String.
Then the goods were laid belore
them, and the List read over, and
the Present delivered, amounting to
48 Pounds, 19 shillings and 3 pence.
The Indian Chiels conlerred together
and then returned their answer, viz:
That very thanklully accepted the
Proposal to live with the Conestogoe
Indians; by this proposal they saw
that their Brethren had really at
Heart their salety, and well consid
ered the danger to which they were
exposed at Harris', they took this
exceeding kindly. They hoped the
Governor would order convenient
places to be made to live in, that they
raight be sheltered from the Weather,
and as they had concluded to live
there, it would be necessary their
larailies and effects should be re-
raoved belore this resolution should
carae to be publickly known, lor
which purpose they desired a Wagon
ar two might be immediately provid
ed and dispatched to Harris'.

They further acquainted the Gover
nor that their shoes were worn out
and some of them infirm, ancient, and
unable to travel at so severe a sea
son, and thereupon prayed that they
might be provided with wagons.
A String.
The Governor gave thera two
Strings in return and promised to
grant thera tbe things they requested
and assured them they raight depend
in finding convenient Places made up
for them, and recommended it to
them to go directly for their Wives
and Children, and communicate this
Removal to all our Friendly Indians
that they might live altogether in one
Place." The Indians asked for time until
the next day to answer; and while
they were debating about going to
Conestoga it happened that there was
a plot to kill them on that way. This
plot is set forth p. 59 of the sarae
book, as follows:
" The Secretary informed the Coun
cil that as he was this morning tak
ing his leave of the Indians, who
were about to set out for Conestogoe
Manor, under the Care of Justice
Thomson and Mr. John Ross, he was
told by two ol the merabers ol As
serably, who lately carae from Lan
caster, that two persons would not
be sufficient to protect them from
being hurt by the people on the road
who were extremely exasperated
against all Indians in general, and
particularly these Indians; that this
inlorraaton was confirraed by Mr. Gal-
breath and others who carae yester
day Irora Lancaster; and as one of
the Indians now here who was lately
sent in search of another of them
that was missing, very narrowly
escaped with his life from a nuraber
ol raen who asserabled together on
the road near George Ashton's, and
were with difficulty restrained Irom

365

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

murdering him, it is highly probable
they will also attempt to do some
mischiel to these Indians."
This determined the answer of the
Indians, who were seeking for a new
horae and accordingly they answered
as follows.
"The Secretary likewise inforraed
the Council that the Chiels ol the In
dans now in Town came to him yes
terday, and told him they were ap
prehensive their young men would
be perpetually quarreling if the Six
Nations and the Conestogoe Indians
should be obliged to live in one
Place, and, therefore, requested of the
Governor that they might live sepa
rately; and some place be prepared
on the Manor for the Six Nations at
a distance from the Conestogoe
Town; and that in their further dis
course with hira they did not seem
to- be very willing to live upon the
Manor. It, was therefore, thought
proper to send for the Chiefs and
give them an opportunity of speak
ing their minds freely, as it would
not be for the Publick service that
these Indians should remain under
any kind of dissatisfaction as to their
place of residence."
The Governor gave this answer to
their determination and it may be
found p. 60, as follows:
"B.rethren:I have considered what you said to
Coneghtoghery, with respect to your
apprehensions of there being Danger
of sorae Mischief happening, if you
shall be placed on Conestoga Manor
near the Conestogoe Indians, by
quarrels arising between your young
men and theirs, and that through
their Heat and indiscretion, if placed
too near together, some Blood may
be Spilt araongst them, which it may
not be In your Power to prevent, and
therefore, I leave it to your opinion,
whether you will reside on the Manor

at a Proper distance from the Con
estogoe Indians, or will you chuse to
go to Pennsbury, another Manor of
our Proprietaries, situated on this
River, about twenty miles above the
City, where you may remain safe
and well provided for till Scarroyady
returns, when further measures will
be taken for disposing of you to your
satisfaction. But if you shall rather chuse to be
on the Manor of Conestogoe, I will
take ca.re to order a proper Provision
to be made for your residence there,
and for your journey, and send a suf
ficient guard along with you to pro
tect you from the insults and abuses
that you might meet with from the
Rash, dissolute, unthinking people
amongst us, who, paying no regard
to my advice and orders, and not
making a proper distinction between
our Pxiend and enemy Indians, may
fall upon and attempt to do you some
Injury in your Journey.
And the said Indians, after taking
some time to consider and consult
together on the Governor's said
proposal, acquainted the Governor
that they choose rather to be sent to
Pennsbury than to the Manor of Con
estogoe."1756— The Conestogas Very Poor and
Naked.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 378, is
the report of Mr. John Ross as to the
condtion ot the Conestoga Indians
which is set forth as follows:
"The Conestogoe Indians, by Mr.
John Ross, of the Manor of Conesto
goe, who has the care of thera, com
plained to the Governor that they
were naked, and as it was apprehend
ed that sorae of their young People
would go off through dissatislaction,
and might be seduced by the Enemy
Indians, the following message was
sent to the House on the Twenty-

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

366

lourth, and delivered to the Speaker
by the Secretary, who came just alter
the House had adjourned to the Third
ol January, next:
A MESSAGE FROM THE GOVER
NOR TO THE ASSEMBLY.
Gentlemen :
The Conestogoe Indians have ac
quainted rae that they want Cloathes
and desire they may bave lurther
Supply, which you will be pleased to
order, may be sent them lorthwith,
that they may not suffer in this
severe Season. WILLIAM DENNY.
December 24th, 1756."
1757 — The Walking Purchase Again
Comes Up.
In Vol. 7 ol the Col. Rec, p. 400,
the limits ol one ol the faraous
Walikng Purchases are set forth
showing the distances walked each
year. 1757 — Susquehanna Lands Again in
Controversy.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 432, it
is stated that the Mingoes had abus
ed the Delawares some years before
as if the Delawares were dogs, and
that Cannassatego, the Speaker
among the Mingoes or Five Nations
ordered them away frora their lands
and said he would give them lands on
the Susquehanna and then he went
and sold all the Susquehanna Lands
to Pennsylvania, but they settled the
Susquehanna lands at any i ate but
three years ago Englishmen came
down and took all the good spots of
lands and the Delawares therefore
claim that they still have rights
there at Susquehanna.
1757 — The Indians Meet and Have
Anotlier Treaty at Lancaster.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 497, a
letter from a Speaker was read as
follows :

' "May 2nd, 1757.
May it please the Governor:
If I had been able to do it, would
have waited upon the Governor in
stead ol giving hira the trouble ol
this letter, but as I am not, I hope
he will be pleased to excuse the Iree-
dora I have ventured to take In re
gard to the Indians at Lancaster,who
I ara inlorraed have sent down a
Message, to invite the Governor expe-
diate a Treaty with thera there, and
to show their uneasiness at being de
tained without being able to issue
their business with this Governraent
These Indians are now corae down
to Lancastex at the Governor's re
quest and have staid there a consid
erable tirae (at a great Expense to
the Province), and any lurther
Message to create lurther delays
may appeax to them trifling or eva
sive, especially considering the sea
son ol the year calls them home to
their planting; and as their influence
with the other tribes ol Indians who
have so lately inlested our Frontiers
and filled them with blood and
cruelty, is very considerable and it
may be ol the utraost consequence
that they be made sensible ol the
manly conduct 11 the Government
with regards to their Complaints, il
they have any, and their real inclin
ation to do them Justice, and that the
Governor will not hesitate to meet
thera lor this, or raay purpose in
which the publick welUare is so
nearly concerned. In ara confident
the Commissioners will heartily con
cur in delraying the necessary ex
penses and will likewise cheerlully
attend him to this treaty."
A list ol 200 pounds of Indian
goods are agreed to be bought to dis
tribute among the Indians who are
being represented at this treaty, (see
p. 498).

367

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

As to this Treaty the Governor re
ceived the following address, (p.
498):"We are informed that the Indians
at Lancaster are very uneasy and
complain o f their long detention
from their Habitations. Their sow
ing season advances fast, and if not
soon dismissed they must lose their
opportunity of providing- the neces
sary subsistance for themselves and
families the ensuing year. Sundry of
their Wa.rriors are now ill with the
Small Pox and many raore must take
the infection should they remain
much longer among the Inhabitants;
and their coming to the City must
very considerably tend to prolong
their absence Irom their places ol
abode, and be attended by many
other unavoidable Inconveniences.We
also understand by a message frora
your Honor that you have xecora-
mended it to the Indians at Lancas
ter to send away their women and
children, and as many men as incline
should go with them. This measure,
we apprehend, will greatly disgust
them and should they go off dissatis
fied may Irritate them against the
People of this Province and his Ma
jesty's service in general, II not ex
cite them on their way home to join
with our enemies in committing dep
redations and Murders upon our In
habitants. We therelore, think it our duty
earnestly to recommend your Honor
to gratily them in their resolution ol
holding a treaty at Lancaster, and
that as soon as possible. To those
who are acquainted with the disposi
tions ol the Natives it is known that
they are a jealous people, easily dis
gusted and put out ol humor, and
when they are under this circum
stance, little good is to be expected
Irom a conference with them."

1757 — More Indian News About Lan
caster.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 503,
a letter from Mr. Crogan, dated
Lancaster, May 2, was sent to Phila
delphia stating that last Friday a
party of Onondago Warriors left their
camp to go to Cumberland fort and
on down to the Southern Indians,
which makes it very uneasy, as they
pass through or near to Lancaster.
1757 — The Great Lancaster Treaty
of 1757.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 506
are set forth Mr. Croghan's minutes
of the proceedings at Lancaster and
at Harris' Perry. These proceedings
and the minutes of the treaty are all
on the subject of the French and In
dian war, which was now in Pro
gress and it appears from the min
utes that the Tuscaroras, Mowhawks,
Cayoogoes, Nantikokes, Oneidas, On
ondagoes, Senecas, Delawares and
Conestogas were present. The pro
ceedings I will not set out because
they do not xelate to Lancaster
County troubles.
In the same book, p. 518 the con
ference at the Lancaster Court House
is set forth which was held on Thurs
day, the 12th of May, 1757, in the af
ternoon, where there were six mem
bers of Council presnt and six mem
bers ol the- Assembly, as well as the
Speaker and also the Magistrates ol
the Borough, with a number ol gen
tlemen and the deputies ol the Six
Nations belore mentioned, also sorae
Nantikokes and Delawares. Wil
liam Denny, the Governor was also
present and he gave them a speech
on the subject ol wax which was now
going on and asked lor their Iriend
ship. The next day, on the 13th, the
Indians gave their answer, which
i was general in character and the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

368

Governor then asked them to tell ol
their differences between their dil
lerent tribes which caused them to
lail out It appears at p. 523, that
the Indians were encamped near Lan
caster under the care ol Mr. Crog
han and they desired presents should
be given to them and their expenses
looked alter, and stated that they
came here almost naked. Then a
long series ol letters were produced
to the Indians, showing them how
the different Governors were trying
to act in harraony.
The Council confined on Saturday,
May 14th, and also on Sunday, the
15th ol May, when a raessage Irom
the Cherokee Indians was received
Much attention was given this day to
the campaigns in the present war.
Another session was held on Monday
the 16th ol May and the question ol
trying to restore peace was taken up.
Similar efforts occupied Tuesday, the
17th ol May.^ And on the afternoon
ol that day the same . subject was
discussed. On the 21st it was decided
that it would be necessary lor the
Sheriff to guard the Indians ol this
treaty, because as they had come to
the treaty against the wish ol their
tribes they were liable to be killed.
The treaty adjourned on ths 22nd ol
May, it having been convened on the
10th thereof It begins p. 505 and
ends p. 555 in the 7th Vol. ol the Col.
Rec. At the conclusion Teedus-
cung made a speech in which he said
now as they had finished their busi
ness lor this tirae and they intend to
leave tomorrow and they have a long
journey ol hilly country, and several
ol their old men were sick, that the
Lancaster people raust not send them
away without a walking stick, whicb
afterwards they explained meant a
keg ol rura. Thus here we see that
the phrase "Lemonade with a stick
in it", is as old as the tirae ol the In
dians.

1757— Conestogas Present at Crog
han's Conference at Harris's
Ferry.
While we have seen above that no
mention was raade ol the Conestogas
being present at the conlerence at
Lancaster, in Vol. 7 ol the Col. Rec,
p. 507, it is set lorth that at a raeet
ing of the Six Nations at Harris' Ferry
tbat the following Conestogas were
present, to wit: "Sahays — Captain
John — with 29men, women and chil
dren." This I believe was practically
the whole tribe at this time
1757— The Great Easton Treaty.
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, pp. 638
to 714 are set forth the proceedings
of tbe great Council or treaty at
Easton. Tribes of all descriptions
were there; but I can not, however,
find any mention of the Conestogas.
Teedyuscung, an Ex-King of the
Delawares was commissioned to
speak for ten tribes on the Susque
hanna and quite likely it included
the Conestogas.
,1757 — The Conestogas Must Have
Clothes
In Vol. 7 of the Col. Rec, p. 768, it
was reported to Council that Joseph
Hays in behalf of the Conestoga In
dians requested that they might have
provisions and clothes as they had
done before, and one of them com
plained that he had not been paid for
a horse which he lent to John Shicka
lamy and his sister, and which they
never returned to him. In this item
we have set forth that with Joseph
Hays of Conestoga a few of the
others of the tribe raay have been
with hira at Philadelphia, and found
that Shickalaray's sister was recog
nized as one of the Conestogas and
lived with thera.
1757 — Murdered Indians Exhibited in
Lancaster.
In the issue of July 7, of the Penn
sylvania Gazette of 1757 it is stated

369

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

that several murdered Indians were
at this time brought to Lancastex and
exposed in the street and were viewed
by a great many people.
1758 — The Nanticokes at Cocalico.
In Lyle's History of Lancaster
County, pl4 she states that as late as
1758 there were still several scattered
farailies of the tribes of Nantikokes
along the little streams and Springs
of this vicinity, (Cocalico Township).
The town covered 500 acres which
came into possession of John Wistar
and Henry Carpenter.
1758 — Conestogas Threaten to Leave
Lancaster County.
In Vol 8 of the Col. Rec, p. 112, it
is stated that, "Information being
given to the Governor that an Indian,
William Sock, with his Comrade, had
for some time been tampering with
the Conestogoe Indians, and that they
were at the Instance of these two In
dians, proposing to remove frora the
Manor, his Honor had w.ritten a Let
ter to Mr. James Wright, to inquire
into the affairs, and to invite Sewaise
and these Indians to come and see
hira. .A Letter from Mx. Shippen, of Lan
caster, on this Subject, was read in
these words:
Lancaster, the 3rd of May, 1758.
Honoured Sir:
I take the liberty to acquaint youx
Honour that the Conestogoe Indians
are going to leave their Town. I
had my information last night from
Mr. Ross, of the blue Rock. He tells
me, that last Thursday they sent Mr.
McKnee to acquaint him they wanted
to have a confexence with him, and
when he came to them they said
they had nothing at all against him,
for he had always been very kind to
them, supplying them with all nec
essary provisions, but that they had
been lately at Philadelphia, on a
visit to the Governox, to beg a few

Clothes, and particularly Leather for
Moccasins, as they were naked and
barefooted, but that he had (to use
their own phrase) broken his word
with thera, for after having detained
thera a good many days in Town, he
sent them packing away in the same
destitute condition in which they
came; and that seeing this was the
case and they were not allowed to
hunt lor deer among the Inhabitants,
they were lorced to go into the Wild
erness to seek clotliing lor thera
selves and larailies; and they pro
posed to go a little beyond Augusta, a
lort, and there to build Indian Ca
bins. But as they Intended to re
turn in the Spring, they desired that
Mr. McKnee might be permitted to
remain in their town, and plant corn
to be divided between his and their
lamilies, when they come back and
as a token, ol their Friendship with
the English, Old Sohaise gave hira a
String of Wampum, which was White
and then Mr. Ross answered, and as
sured thera he would supply their
wants iramediately frora Lancastex.
Yet, notwithstanding this declaration,
they said they were resolved to keep
their resolution. Then he left them
know, if they would not be persuad
ed to accept this offer, he feared it
would be unsafe for them to pass
through the County without an es
cort, and he would employ Mr.
McKnee to go with them to Hunter's
Port, to which they readily agreed.
That on Saturday Mr. McKnee came
to Mr. Ross again, and told him that
the Indians were divided in their
Council, whether to go off a hunting
or to stay and plant their corn, but
that he understood by Betty Sock,that
Billy Sock (her son) and some of
the young men were absolutely re
solved to go (take her own words)
and help the French, maybe the Eng-

OTHER LANCAS'TER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

370

lish. Since which time Mr. Ross has
heard nothing of them. However,
though it be a busy time with me, as
I think this affair of very great con
sequence to the Province, trifling as
the number of those Indians raay be,
I have thought proper to visit them
imraediately and shall use my ut
raost endeavors to appease them and
keep them bacfe.
I ara, with due respect, youx Hon
our's Most Obedient Humble Servant,
EDWD. SHIPPEN."
1758— Billy Sock at the Bottom of
this Trouble with the Con
estogas.
As we have seen above Billy Sock
had a hand in this matter The sub
ject was further discussed in Vol. 8
of the Col. Rec, p. 115 as follows:
"The consideration of the intelli
gence respecting the Conestogoe In
dians was resumed, and a letter read
that was wrote to Mr. James Wright
resquesting him to sift this matter,
and to invite Sewaise, the head man
of the Conestogoes, to bring Will
Sock and the other Indian to see the
Governor; and Mr. Weiser was re
quested to lay in Town, in order to
interpret for the Conestogoe In
dians."
1758 — Further Proceedings to Satisfy
the Conestoga Indians.
In Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec p. 116
the Council having heard from James
Wright relating to - the Conestogas'
difficulties, by three Indian Messeng
ers and the lettex was taken up by
Council. The letter is as follows:
"May it please the Governor:
In pursuance of the direction thou
was pleased to send rae, I went to
the Conestogoe Town and delivered
the string of warapura and Message.
Bill Sock and the Stranger (who is
a Cayuga) agreed to wait upon thee.
X gave no encourageraent to any other
Indian to go; but the day Shagree
and Shahaise carae to ray House, and

told me they would take the journey
with their Brothers; I believe Sha
haise to be an honest man, and a
heart Friend to the English. I made
no objection.
I have had a good deal ol discourse
with these Indians, and particularly
with Shahaise, who said he would
tell me what the Stranger and Sock
told him; and as well as I could un
derstand his broken English it was
this that the Six Nations with all the
tribes in Friendship with them, have
had long and general Couucils and
the result ol them was, that they
would send some ol their Chiels to
the French and some to the English,
and demand to have boundaries fixed
between each Nation and themselves;
that il the French on their part re
lused to comply with this aeraand,
they would then join their whole
force with the English against them;
and though he would not say it, yet
it is reasonable to conclude they
came to the same resolution in re
gard to the English. He mentioned
the Twightwees and some other Na
tions, and said there were several, ot
which he knew not the names, who
had entered into this Confederacy.
What I have wrote he repeatedly
told me, so that I can not mistake; as.
Shahaise has been intimate with me
many years perhaps he may have
spoken with more freedom than he
would do in any other place, or than
the others may do.
As to any other Intelligence they
raay be able to give, I can not learn
anything at all from them; neither
did I chuse to question them too
strictly, for fear ol giving them occa
sion to think themselves suspected,
and perhaps preventing them from
complying with thy request. .As to
these Conestogoes selling their Corn,
they have usually done it, when they
have more than they want for food,
to purchase little necessaries. I have

371

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

heard some time ago that part of their
number designed to leave their town,
and a part of them to stay, which is
still their intention; but they we.re
proposed to go away quietly and
privately, for about a week ago they
gave a String of Wampum to Thomas
McKee, with a request that he
might carry it to the Governor, and
acquaint him that a number of thera
were going towards Shamokin to get
some Deer, as they could not hunt
with any safety in these parts, were
barefoot, and in want of cloathing
for themselves and their families, but
that they left their Corn-fit-ids and
Cabins and should return next
Spring; but notwithstanding these as
surances, I am of opinion the young
er part of those who go will not re
turn to settle among us, as indeed
their way of living will scarce admit
of it, for however kind the Govern
ment may be to them, yet hunting- is
their Natural Employment and that
they have not dared to follov/ for two
years past, except about my brother's
House and mine.
Shahaise, I am perswaded will
never leave this place; at least he
assures me he will not, and that
some others will stay with him; and
as for them that go, I really think
they do not remove from any dissa
tisfaction to the English, or evil De
signs, but only for the reason they
assign, as Thomas McKee tells me
they are certainly in w-ant ol cloath
ing (which I hope the Government
will be so good as to take Notice of).
McKnee likewise tells me the Indians
had desired him to meet ihem in
Philadelphia, if he could, least they
should not be understood; the Cayagu
would not wait until he could go
with them, but he purposes to be in
town for a few days.
The people are so prejudiced
against Indians in general that I

thought it necessary to procure a
substantial man to take care of these
in town. I heartily wish their jour
ney may be Satisfactory to thyself
and ol service to the Publick.
And am thy respectlul Friend,
JAMES WRIGHT."
After the letter was read the In
dians were sent lor and the Governor
made thera the lollowing speech,
which is lound p. 117:
"Brethren and Brother Sohays
(Shohaise) :
I have been informed that some of
our Brethren of the Conestogoe Town
were moving away with their wives
and families and selling their Corn
and Improvements. As you had not
given me any notice of this. I "was
much concerned to hear it and there
fore sent my Brother Shohaise a
String of Wampum to invite him here
to see me, that I might hear from
him the truth of the story; and if it
was so, whether that they were mov
ing from any invitation of your
Brethren, the Indians or from Dis
satisfaction with us; and I now de
sire you, by his String of Wampum,
open youx minds freely to rae.
A String of Wampum.
Brother :
I was also nformed that one ol your
brothers of the Conestogoe Town
had been in the Six Nations Country,
and was lately returned Irom thence
and he brought with him one ol our
acquaintances ol the Six Nations. I
therefore desire you will iniorm me
what news he has brou,ght from
thence and what passes among our
Brethren there.
A String.
Shohaise consulted with the other
Indians, and after a short pause re
turned an answer as follows.
Brother, the Governor:
You say you have sent for me and
my friends to learn from us if we

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIIAN TRIBES

were leaving your town, and if so,
whether any offence had been given
us. Brother :
We are neither leaving your Town,
nor have taken offence at anything,
all that is in it is, that some of our
Indians have a raind to go on Sus
quehannah, partly to hunt and partly
to trade, that they may provide nec-
esaries for their lamilies. II the
Indians had a mind to go quite away
from their Brethren and leave the
place, it would have been my duty
and I certainly should have done my
duty in giving notice to you myself.
Were all to go, I would not go with
them; I would stay where I ara. You
were entirely misinformed, depend on
the truth of what I say.
Brother: Before we set out we held a Con
sultation at  ; Thomas McKee
was present; he is expected in town
every moraent; when he comes I
shall speak again, having some things
to say to you."
After this the history of Billy Sock
was taken up and a great many mat
ters entered into which does not con
cern the Conestogas.
1758 — Another Council Held with the
Conestogas.
On the 12th of May, 1758 as is set
forth in Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec, p.
122, the Conestoga Indians and some
of the Six Nations went to Philadel
phia to discuss the trouble about the
Conestogas and the report of the
treaty is as follows: "PRESENT:
The Honourable WILLIAM DENNY,
Esqr., Lieutenant Governor.
Williara Logan, Richard Peters, Es
quires.
The Indians, Six Nations.
Conestogas. Shahaise.
Will Sock,
Seneca George,
Chargrea.

A Cayuga Indian.
Thomas McKee, Interpreter.
Brother: 'When the two Indians, Will Sock
and Cayuga came to Conestoga, we
sent for Thomas McKee and desired
him to carry a Message to the Gov
ernor at Philadelphia; it was to this
purpose: We let the Governor know that
most of the Indians who now live at
Conestogoe, intended to remove
thence to a place sorae distance
above Shamokin; that where they
were at present the Women could get
no clothes nor their Young men go a
hunting; it was, therefore, deterrain
ed that the Woraen should take some
kegs of liquor with them and sell
them for skins that would procure
their women cloathes, and the Young
men with their hunting would supply
themselves with shoes and other nec
essaries. Now, as they intended to be
absent only one winter, they desired
the Governor by Thomas McKee, not
to think amiss of thera, for that they
had no bad designs. They said it
only was, that no Cloaths being given
thera they were become naked, and
this measure of going above, think
ing, for a while would procure them
Cloaths and other necessaries; at the
same time let the Governor know,
that as a fire was kindled at Cones
togoe that had burnt a long while,
and he was born there and lived there
all his life, he would not go with the
other Indians, but stay and lay his
Bones at Conestogoe; this, he added,
was the purport of one-half of the
String. The other half was that the
Women left their Homes, Hogs, and
Corn fields, and desired they rnight be
put under the care of Thomas McKee,
They further desired he might be or
dered to plant earn and take care ot
their Houses and cattle; for which
he should be allowed one-half and

373

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Indians were to have the other half.
Thoraas McKee said that this is the
String which the Conestogoe Indians
sent by hira and gave the String of
Wampum. Shahaise proceeded:
Brother: When this speech was delivered to
Thomas McKee, we had not received
the Governor's Message. After Mr.
Wright had delivered us your raes
sage, we considered among ourselves
and came to a .resolution to alter our
purpose and stay at home. Our
women not being able to provide
theraselves with Matchcoats and
Moccasins and other necessa.ries, was
the only reason that induced them to
go to Shamokin; but now all that was
over, and on what the Governor had
said to them, by Mr. Wright, they
were determined to stay.
A String.
The Governor made answer:
Shahaise and the other Conestoga
Indians: I am well pleased with the account
you have given of your Intention to
remove; and much more so- that you
altered your Resolution.
The Conestogoe Indians may depend
on my protection, and that I will sup
ply their wants, so as not to put them
under the necessity of removng Sha-
haise's determination to stay, even if
the others should have gone, shows
his love towards his Brethren, and
discovers a particular regard.
I have directed Mr. James Wright
to supply you with provisions, from
time to time, as usual, and ;ihall also
earnestly recommend it to the Com
missioners to send you some neces
sary Cloathing; at present you who
are come down shall receive a sraall
present. Shahaise then complained of Abra
ham, who had planted Indian corn
and sowed Hemp in a Piece of their

[Ground for Several years, for which
he proraised to give them every year
a piece of Linnen, but had not paid
them lor two years past. He desired
he raight be made to do thera Justice.
The Governor charged Thomas Mc
Kee to apply to Abraham, and 11 he
did not immediately pay them the ar
rears to let him know and he would
order hira to be sued and oblige him
to give a compensation lor the land
agreeable to his engagements.
Chagrea inlormed the Governor
that he was inlisted and had served
in the Garrison ol Fort Augusta, and
that there were six months' pay due
him, which he desired might be paid
him off.
The Governor directed the Pay
master, Mr. Young, to settle and pay
off Chargrea, which was done."
1760— Conestoga Indian Conference at
Lancaster.
In Vol. 8 ol the Col' Rec. p. 457, a
record is lound ol a conlerence be
tween the Government ol Pennsyl
vania and the Conestoga Indians,
growing out of the fact that the Con
estoga Indians are now complaining
that they are not well taken care of
and that they express great uneasi
ness at the neglect of them, on the
paxt of the Government. The Coun
cil is as follows:
"At a Conference with the Conesto
go Indians at Lancaster, the 15th day
of February, 1760.
PRESENT:
Richard Peters and Richard Hockley
Esquires. '
Sewees, Billy, Sock, John, 5 Youne
Boys.
Peggy, Interpreter.
Sewees, by a String of Wampum
did let us know that he was ex
tremely well pleased with our visit to
him; and enquiry after his health, and
that we took notice of the women aud
Children. He returns his thanks to us

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

374

lor this, and likewise lor desiring to
know whether he or his people were
in want ol anything.
He then told that he was old and
unable to get his livelihood; that his
young men had not so much as a bit
ol Powder or lead to shoot a bird
with. John Ross, when alive, proraised
him a supply ol necessaries but he
has received nothing since his death
and desires we will let the Governor
know this.
A string.
Canrach Caghrea:
I ara very glad ol the Opportunity ol
seeing you here; I have long wished
to have seen soraebody at Lancaster
that I could speak with; old Williara
Penn in particular had regard lor the
Conestoga Indians; he loved, indeed,
all the Indians, but there was a singu
lar love between him and the people
who came with him, and the Cones
togoe Indians. We are now but a few,
and I ara grown old. I give you this
Belt, and desire you will hold fast
your love and continue to be as kind
as ever; Deliver it to the Govemor,
and tell him that we have ever held
fast our Friendship with William
Penn's people and desire he will do
the sarae; I speak for my young men
and all the Women and Children,
whom I put under his protection.
You may perhaps think I will go
away, but I tell you I will always
stay at Conestogoe, and these that are
with me will stay too. You raust be
my mouth to the Governor and ac
quaint him with our intention and
that we hope he will be so kind to us
as William Penn and all the Governor
to this time.
N. B. This was communicated by
the Governor to the Provincial Cora
missioners, and two persons were ap
pointed to supply thera with neces
saries.

1760- Conoys Now Live at Chenango.
We have seen in a forraer itera that
the Conoys raoved up to the Mouth of
the Juniata, but now we are told at
this date they live farther West at
Chenango, (See Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec,
p. 492).
1762— Delaware Chiefs to Be at Lan
caster.
In Vol. 8 of the Col. Rec, p. 721,
there is set forth a statement that
an Indian conference was held at
Lancaster on August 11, 1762. This
conference lasted until the 29th day
of August. Some of the meetings
were held at the Court House but
the meeting of August 27th, was held
In Mr. Slough's House and on the
last day of the meeting on August
29th, the goods which the Indians
were to have as presents were ex
posed in Mr. Harabright's Malt House,
in Lancaster. It will be seen that '
this treaty lasted over throe weeks
and a great raany Indians were pres
ent. The record of this treaty covers
54 pages in the Colonial Records, ex
tending frora p. 721 to p. 774. In all
there were 557 Indians present,
being the largest treaty ever held in
Lancaster and one can imagine how
the little town was swarming with In
dians at that tirae. I find all the
tribes mentioned as being present ex
cept the Conestogas. Even the Conoys
were there, but if the Conestogoeg
were present at all they were there
not as a tribe but as a few individ
uals. It also appears that on the 27th
of August a conference was held at
the Old Lutheran Church, where the
Governor took some of the Indians
aside and held a secret conference
with them.
1763 — An Address from the Cones
togas.
In Vol. 9 ol the Col. Rec, p. 88, ap
pears the lollowing address Irom the

375

ANNALS of THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

Conestogas, whch is a sad, plaintive
wail. It speaks of the encroachment
upon their lands and various other
subjects. It is as follows:
"To the Honourable JOHN PENN,
Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and
Comraander-in-Chief of the Prov
ince of Pennsylvania, &ca , &ca.
"Brother: We, (the Conestoga Indians) take
the present opportunity, by Captain
Montour, to welcome you into this
Country by this String of Wampum
and as we are settled at this place by
an agreement of Peace and Amity
established between your Grand
fathers and ours, we now promise
ourselves your favour and protection,
and as we have always lived in Peace
and Quietness with our B.rethren and
Neighbors round us during the
last and present Indian Wars, we
hope now, as we are dep.rived from
supporting oux Famiies by hunting,
as we formerly did, you will consider
our distressed situation and grant
our women and children some
Cloathing to cover them this winter.
The Government has always been
kind enough to allow us some prov
isions, and did formerly appoint
people to take care of us, but as there
is no person to take that upon him,
and some of oux neighbors have en
croached upon the Tract of Land re
served here for our use, we would
now beg our Brother, the Governor
to appoint our Friend Capt'T.in Thos.
M'Kee, who lives near us and under
stands our language, to take care and
see Justice done us.
SOHAYS, his Mark,
INDIAN, his Mark.
or CUYANGUERRYCOEA,
SAG'UYASOTHA OR JOHN.
his
Mark.
Conestogoe, November 30th, 1763."
1763— The Conestogas Murdered
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 89,
appears the first news of the slaugh

ter of the Conestoga Indians and the
final act which resulted in the com
plete obliteration of the Indians from
Lancaster County.
It is as follows:
"The Govemor having received in
Friday last, a letter, dated the 14th
Instant, from Edward Shippen, Esq.,
at Lancaster, acquainting him that a
party of armed men had that morn
ing murdered Six of the said Cones
togoe Indians at their Town, laid
the same before the Board, which
was read viz:
A LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR
PROM EDWARD SHIPPEN,
ESQUIRE.
Lancaster, 14th December, 1763,
Evening.
Honoured Sir:
One Robert Edgar, a hired man to
Captain Thomas M'Kee, living near
the Borough acquainted me today
that a Company ol People Irom the
Frontiers had killed and scalped
most ol the Indians at the Conesto
goe Town early this morning; he
said that he had his inlormation from
an Indian boy who made his escape.
Mr. Slough has been to the place and
held a Coroner's inquest on the Corp
ses, being Six in number; Bill Sawk
and some other Indians were gone
towards Snith's Iron Works to sell
brooms; but where they now are we
can not understand; and the Indians,
John Smith and Peggy, his Wife, and
theix child and Young Joe Hays,were
abroad last night too, and lodged at
one Peter Swar's about two miles
from hence; These came here this
afternoon, -^Vhom we acquainted with
what had happened to their Freinds
and relations and advised them to
put themselves under protection,
which they readily agreed to; and they
are now in our Work House by them
selves, where they are well provided

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

376

for with every necessary. Warrants
are issued for the apprehending of the
Murderers, said to be upwards ol
Fifty men, well armed and mounted.
I beg my kind complements to Mr.
Richard Penn, and I am with all due
regards. Sir, Your Honour's Obliged
Friend, and most humbel servant,
EDWARD SHIPPEN.
The Honourable John Penn, Esqr.,
Governor.Whereupon the Council being mov
ed by the cruelty and barbarity of
the above action, and apprehending
that the Indians who were settled at
Conestogoe were under the protection
of this Government and its laws, and
that consequently killing thera with
out cause or provocation, amounted
in law to the crime of a murder, ad
vised the Governor to write imrae
diately to the Magistrates of the
Counties of York, Lancaster and
Cumberland, to exert themselves on
this occasion, and issue warrants
and do everything in theix power for
apprehending all the principals con
cerned in the said Crime, and their
accoraplices, and securing them, that
they may be brought to Justice, and
furthex, that a Proclamatioi be is
sued, ordering all Officers of Justice
to be aiding and assisting therein.''
1763— Governor Penn Sent An Or
der to Lancaster About the
Killing of the Indians.
On the 19th of December, 1763, the
Governor sent the following letter to
the Magistrates of Lancaster and
York Counties, found in Vol. 9 of the
Col. Rec, p. 92:
"Philadelphia, 19th December, 1763.
Gentlemen :
Having received information that
on Wednesday, the 14th Instant, a
party of men, armed and mounted,
did, without cause or provocation and

in defiance of all authority, proceed
to the Conestoga Indian town, in Lan
caster County, and murder six of our
Friendly Indians, settled there under
the protection of this Government
and its Laws. I do hereby direct and
require you iraraediately to exert
yourselves on this account and to is
sue warrants and take all other
Measures in your power for the ap
prehending all the Principals in the
murder of the said Indians and their
accomplices securing them in some of
the Jails of this Province, that they
may be brought to Justice and receive
a legal tryal fox the Crimes they
have committed.
I am. Gentlemen,
Your very humble Servant,
JOHN PENN.
To the Magistrates ol the Counties of
Lancaster, York and Cumberland.
1763 — Governor Penn Takes Further
Steps on the Killing of the
Conestoga Indians.
On Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 93,
the following letter was ordered by
the Council:
"William Logan, Richard Peters, and
Benjamin Chew, Esquires.
The Council taking into considera
tion the late conferences with Papou-
nan, and other Indians from Wighal-
ousin, as well as the unhappy affair ol
the Conestoga Indians were ol opin
ion that the lew friendly Indians left
at Wighalousin by Papounan should
be invited down to Philadelphia, and
be taken under the protection of the
Government, and that those of the
Conestoga Indians who escaped the
Fury of the Rioters ought to be im
mediately xemoved for their better
security, and therefore advised the
Governor to desire the Concurrence
of the Assembly in these measures,
and that they would provide fox the
necessary expense attending them, for
which purpose a draught of a Mes-

377

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

sage was imraediately prepared, read
and approved and the Secretary was
ordered to transcribe the same and
carry it to the House this evening,
and at the same time lay before them
the minutes of Indian conferences
therein xeferred to for their perusal."
1763— The Governor's Message to the
Assembly on the Conestoga
Slaughter.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 94,
in his Message to the Assembly
among other things, Govemor Penn
said, "I am also to lay before you a
piece of Intelligence I received from
Lancastex on Friday last, which has
given me the utmost concern. On
the 14th Instant a number 'jf people
well armed and mounted, went to the
Indian Town in Conestoga Manor,
and without the least Reason or Pro
vocation, in cool blood, barbariously
killed six of the Indians settled there,
and would probably have treated all
the rest with the same cruelty, had
they not been abroad at that time
and after burning all their Houses
the Perpetrators of this inhuman and
wicked action xetlred.
As the Indians were seated on the
Manor by the Government, and had
lived there peaceably and inoffen
sively during all our late troubles, I
conceived they were as much under
the protection of the Government and
its laws, as any others amingst us,
wherefore I thought it my duty to do
everything in my power for the im
mediate apprehending and bringing
to Justice the authors of this horrid
scene; and accordingly, by the ad
vice of the Council, I have dispatched
letters to the Magistrates of Lancas
ter, Cumberland and York Counties,
requiring and charging them to exert
themselves and endeavor by all pos
sible means to discover and secure
the principals concerned in ihis out

rageous act, and their accomplices. I
am also preparing a p.roclamation,or-
dering and requiring all officers civil
and military, and all his Majesty's
subjects in his Government, to be aid
ing and assisting to the Magistrates
in execution of the Laws on this un
happy occasion. Such of the Cones
togoe Indians as had the good for
tune to escape the fury of the above
mentioned lawless party, are now
taken under the protection of the
Magistracy at Lancaster and are se
cured in the work house there, but
are in great distress for want of nec
essaries and apparel having lost
everything they had except the little
they had on their backs, in their
Houses which were burnt.
As they do not apprehend them
selves to be safe where they are,
they have by a verbal Message by
one of Your Members requested of
me that they may be removed to this
city, or its neighborhood; and I am
very xeady to comply immediately
with the desire, provided you will en
able me to delray the Expense of it
JOHN PENN.
1763— Governor Penn Issues a Pub
lic Proclamation on the Slaugh
ter of the Conestoga In
dians.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Roc. p. 995,
the following proclamation to the
People was issued by the Governox:
"A PROCLAMATION
WHEREAS, I have received infor
mation that on Wednesday the four
teenth day of this Month, a number
of people armed and mounted on
Horseback unlawfully assembled to
gether, and went to the Indian Town
in the Conestoga Manor, and without
the least reason ar provocation in
cool blood barbarously killed six of
the Indians settled there and burnt
and destroyed all their Houses and

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

378

effects. AND .WHEREAS, so cruel
and Inhuman an Act was coraraitted
in the Heart of this Province, on the
said Indians, who lived peaceably
and inoffensivey araong us during
all our late troubles, and for raany
years before, and were justly consid
ered as under the protection of this
Government and its laws; calls loud
ly far the vigorous exertion of the
Civil Authority to detect the Offend
ers and bring them to condign pun
ishment, I have therefore, by and
with the advice of the Council,
thought flt to issue this Proclama
tion, and do strictly charge and en
join all Judges, Justices Sheriffs,
Constables, Officers, Civil and Mili
tary, and all other his Majsty's liege
subjects within this Province, to
make diligent search and inquiry af
ter the Authors and perpetrators of
the said crime, their abettors and
accoraplices, and to use all possible
means to apprehend and secure them
in the Publick Jails of this Province,
that they may be brought to their
tryals, and be proceeded against ac
cording to law. ,
AND WHEREAS, a number of In
dians who lately lived on or near the
frontiers of this Province, being
willing and desirous to preserve and
continue the ancient Friendship
which heretofore subsisted between
thera and the good people of this
Porvince, have, at their earnest re
quest been removed from their Habi
tations and brought into the County
ol Philadelphia, and seated upon
the Province Island and in other
places ol the Neighborhood of the
City of Philadelphia, where provision
is made for them at the Publick ex
pense. I do therelore hereb5' strictly
forbid, all persons whatsoever, to in
jure any ol the said Indians as they
will answer the Countrary at their |
Peril. i

Given under my hand and seal and
the Great seal ol the said Province,
at Philadelphia, the twenty-second
day ol December, Anno Domini, one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-
three, and in the Fourth year ol his
Majesty's Reign. JOHN PENN.
By his Honour's Command.
Joseph Shippen, Junior Secty.
G'OD SAVE THE KING."
1763— The Paxtang Boys Kill the Re
maining Conestoga Indians in
Lancaster JaiL
In Vol. 9 ol the Col. Rec, p. 100,
there is set larth the lollowing night
express frora Lancaster to Philadel-
phio, giving news ol the killing ol the
last remnant ol the Conestogas:
"Lancaster, 27th December, 1763, P. M.
Honoured Sir:
I am to acquaint your Honour that
between two and three ol the clock
this afternoon, upwards ol a hundred
armed raen, from the Westward, rode
very last into town, turned their
horses into Mr. Slough's (an Inn-
Keeper) Yard, and proceeded with
the greatest precipitation to the
work House, stove open the door and
killed all the Indians, and then took
to their horses and rode off, all their
business was done, and they were re
turning to their horses belore I could
get half way down to the work house,
the Sheriff, and Coroner, however,
and several others, got down as soon
as the rioters, but could not prevail
with them to stop their hands; sorae
people heard them say and declare
they would proceed to the Province
Island and destroy the Indians there.
I am with great Respect, Sir,
Your Honour's most Obedient
humble Servant, EDWARD SHIPPEN.

379

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

The Honourable John Penn, Esp.,
Governor."Upon this the lollowing action was
advised on the part ol the Council
also lound p. 100:
"The Council further advised the
Governor to dispatch the Express
back to Lancaster, with a letter to
Mr. Edward Shippen, desiring hira to
gain all the inelligence in his power
respecting the further designs and
motion of the lawless Rioters, and
to endeavor to learn the names of
any of the Ringleaders or persons
concerned in the Murder of the In
dians in the Work House and to ac
quaint the Governor from time to
time by Express, with every piece of
intelligence he should receive con
cerning them.
The Govemor was also advised to
write to Colonel Armstrong, at Car
lisle and the Rev. Mr. Elder at Pax
ton, to exert themselves on this oc
casion, by using all means in their
power, to discover and detect the
rioters and to supress all such insur
rections among the People under
their influence for the future."
1763-The Sheriff of Lancaster County
Sends a List of the Possessions
of the Indians Killed at
Conestoga to Phila
delphia.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 101,
the following statement appears be
fore a Council held , December 31,
1763: "A letter from the Sheriff of Lan
caster, of the 27th of December. In
stant, with the list of Conestogoe In
dians were read, and ordered to be
put on these minutes:
A LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR
PROM JOHN HAY, ESQ., SHPF.
OP LANCASTER COUNTY
Lancaster, the 27th December, 1763.
Sir:

Agreeable to your orders to me
when at Philadelphia, I herein en
close a list ol the names of the In
dians found killed at the Indian
Town in Conestogoe Manor, with the
names of the Survivors ( fourteen in
number) whom I found, had been col
lected and placed in the work House
of this County, by my Son, with the
assistance of John Miller and Robert
Beatty (who by appointment of
Messrs. Hockley and Peters, had the
care of the Indians belonging to the
Town), where they are properly
taken care of, and fed and wait for
your Honour's further directions re
lating to them.
I, likewise, agreeable to your order
give herewith, an account of the ef
fects and papers which have been
tound, belonging to the said Indians,
which now remain in the possession
of the said Miller and Beatty, tn trust
for the Indians, to witt:
Three Horses,
A writing on Parchment, purport
ing an article of Peace and Amity
concluded between the Governox of
Maryland and the Chiefs of the Con
estogoe and other Indians.
A Writing or Parchment, purport
ing an Article of Agreement between
Williara Penn, Proprietary, of Penn
sylvania, and the King ol the Indians
inhabiting in or about the River Sus
quehanna, and other Indian Nations,
dated the three and twentieth day of
the second month, called .April, In
the Year, one thousand seven hun
dred and one.
A Letter (which seems to be un
der the Lesser Seal of the Province)
signed W. Keith, dated Philadelphia.
May 26, 1819, directed to Civility, and
the rest of the Indian Chiefs at Con
estogoe. A Letter (which seems to be under
the Lesser Seal of the Province),
signed W. Keith, dated 5th May, 1719^

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

380

ani) the Indian Chiefs at and near
directed to Civility or Tagotelessa,
Cqnestogoe. A Writing purporting a Letter,
signed James Logan, dated the 22nd
of the 4th Month, 1717, directed to
CivJJity and the Other Indian Chiefs
at Conestoga.
A Paper (which seems to be under
thg Lesser Seal of the Province),
signed Jaraes Logan, purporting an
Order of Council at Philadelphia,
Septeraber 28, 1708, or a request to
the Indians to apprehend Nichole
Godin, on a suspicion of several
treasonable practices against the
Government. And two Belts of Warapura."
Qne or two points about this letter
are quite pathetic because it states
that among other things there was
found among the effects ol the poor
Indians the treaties which Ihey had
made with the whites and had kept,
and various other paper which show
that they were always on the best
terms with the whites.
1763- The Sheriff Sends Word of the
Killing of the Conestoga Indians
in the Lancaster Jail.
In Vol. 9 ol the Col. Rec, p. 103, is
the lollowing letter Irom John Hay,
Sheriff ol Lancaster County:
"December 27th, 1763, P. M.
Honoured Sir:
Since writing above the poor In
dians whom we Imagined were placed
in salety were destroyed. A number
ol persons, to the amount ( by their
appearance) ol fifty or sixty. Armed
with Rifles, Tomahawks, etc., sudden
ly, about two o'clock, rushed into the
Town and imraediately repaired to
the Work House where the Indians
were confined, and notwithstanding
all opposition to mysell and the Cor
oner, and many others, broke open
the work house, and have killled all
the Indians there, being the fourteen

mentioned in the list to have sur
vived the former affair at their Town.
After which they in a body left the
town without offering any insults to
the Inhabitants, and without putting
it in the power of any one to take or
molest any of them without danger of
life to the person attempting it; of
which both myself and the Coroner
by our opposition were in great dan
ger." 1763 — The Names of the Conestoga
Indians Killed in Their Town in
Manor and in the Lancas
ter Jail.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec. p. 103,
appears the following:
"List of the Indians killed at the
Indian Town in in Conestogoe Manor:
Sheehay, George, Harry, A Son
of Sheehays, Sally, an Old Wo
man, A Woman. Their Indian
names, — Sheehays, W-a-shen,
Tee-Kau-ley, Ess-canesh, Tea
wonsha-i-ong, Kannenquas.
List of the Indians belonging to the
Conestogoe Town in the Work House
at Lancaster: Coptain John, Betty his wife.
Bill Sack, Milly his wife, John
Smith, Peggy his wife, little John,
Capt'n John's son, Jacob a Boy,
Young Sheehays, a Boy, Chrisly,
a boy, little Peter, a boy, Molly,
a Little Girl, a little Girl, Peggy,
a Uttle Girl. Their Indian names,
— Kyunqueagoah, Koweenasse,
Tenseedaagua, Kaniinguas, Saq-
uies-hat-tah, Chee na wan, Quaa-
chow, Shaw e kah. Ex undas,
Tong-quas, Hy ye naes, Ko qua-
e un quas, Karen do uah, Canu-
kie sung.
The names taken from Peggy ,Wife
of John Smith, and Betty, Wife of
Captain John.
JOHN HAY.

381

ANNALS OF THE SUSQUEHANNQCKS AND

1763— The Govemor Writes to Gen
eral Gage About the Conestoga
Indian Slaughter.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 104,
appears the following letter to his
Excellency, General Gage, frora our
Governor :
"Philadelphia, 31st Deceraber, 1763.
Sir: I think it necessary to inform you
that on the 14th Instant, a numberof
Inhabitants on the Western frontiers
ol this Province, without any author
ity, assembled in arms and proceeded
in a party ol between fifty and sixty
men to the Indian Town in the Con
estogoe Manor, in Lancaster County,
and there. Without the least cause
cruelly put to death six of the Friend
ly Indians, who had peaceably and
Inoffensively resided there for many
years past, by permission frora this
Government, and after burning and
destroying their houses and effects,
precipitately retired. Upon receiving
Information of this barbarous out
rage, I imraediately dispatched or
ders to the Magistrates of the back
Counties to use their utmost endea
vours to apprehend and confine the
offenders, that they might be brought
to Justice, and likewise the enclosed
Proclamation. Notwithstanding which, these dar
ing rioters on the 27th Inst, again
assembled in arms and came down in
a large body to the Town of Lancas
ter, broke open the Work House, and
murdered fourteen of the Conestoga
Indians, who had before escaped their
fury, and were confined there by the
Magistrate for their security."
1763 — The Governor Sends a Letter
to WflUam Johnson on This
Subject.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 105 is
found a letter almost exactly the

same as the preceding one sent to
Sir William Johnson on this dastard
ly slaughter.
1764— A Reward Offered by the Gov
ernment for the Capture of the
Conestoga Murderers.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 107.
we find the following proclamation:
"By the Honourable JOH NPENN,
Esquire, Lieutenant Governor and
Commander-in-Chief of the Province
of Pennsylvania and Counties, of New
Castle, Kent and Sussex on Delaware.
A PROCLAMATION:
WHEREAS, on the twenty-second
day of Deceraber last, I - issued a
Proclaraation for the apprehending
and bringing to Justice a number of
Persons, who, in violation of the Pub
lic Faith, and in Defiance pf all Law,
had inhumanly killed six of the In
dians, who had lived on Conestogoe
Manor for the Course of Many years,
peacefully and inoffensively, under
the Protection of this Government on
lands assigned to them for their
habitation. Notwithstanding which, I
have received Information on the
27th of the same month, a large
party of armed men again assembled
and met together in a riotous and tu
multuous manner in the county of
Lancaster and preceded to the
Town of Lancaster, where they vio
lently broke open the work House,
and butchered and put to death four
teen of the said Conestogoe Indians,
Men, Women and Children, who had
been taken under the immediate care
of the Magistrates of the said County,
and lodged for their better security
in the Work House, till they should
be raore effectually provided for by
order of the Government- AND
WHEREAS, common Justice loudly
demands, (upon the preservation of
which not only the Liberty and Se-
i curity of every individual, but the

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

382

being of the Government itself de
pend, require that the above offenders
should be brought to condigne Pun
ishment; I have, therefore, by and
with the advice of the Council, pub
lished this Proclaraation and do here
by strictly charge and command all
Judges, Justices, Sheriffs, Constables,
Officers Civil and Military, and all
other his Majesty's faithful and liege
subjects' with this Province, to make
diligent search and enquiry after the
Authors and Perpetrators of the said
last raentioned Offence, their Abettors
and accoraplices; and that they use
all possible raeans to apprehend and
secure thera in some of the Publick
Gaols of this Province, to be dealt
with according to Law. And I do
hereby further promise and engage,
that any persons or person who shall
apprehend and secure, or cause to be
appehended and secured, and three of
the Ringleaders of the said party, and
prosecute thera to conviction, shall
have and receive for each the Pub
lick Reward of Two Hundred Pounds;
and any accoraplice, not concerned in
the immediate shedding of the Blood
of the said Indians, who shall make
discovery of any or either of the
said Ringleaders and apprehend and
prosecute thera to conviction, shall,
over and above the said reward, have
all the weight and influence of the
Governraent of obtaining his Majesty's
Pardon for his Offence.
Given under ray hand and the Great
Seal of the said Province, at Phila
delphia the second day of January, in
the fourth Year of his Majesty's reign,
and in the Year of our Lard, one
thousand seven hundred and sixty-
lour. JOHN PENN.
By his Honour's Coraraand.
Joseph Shippen, Junior, S.^cretary,
GOD SAVE THE KING."

1764— The Governor Writes a Letter
To the Governor of New York
About This Killing.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 112, we
flnd a similar letter by Governor
Penn on the killing of these defence
less Indians, to Governox of N. Y.
And on p. 113 a similar letter to Gov
ernor Franklin on the same subject is
found.1764— The Colony of New York En
raged at the Conestoga Killing.
In Vol. 9 ol the Col. Rec, p. 121,
appear the proceedings that the Gov
ernor ol New York held upon the
killing ol these Indians at Conestoga.
This meeting was more necessary
Irom the lact that these Conestogas
were the subjects ol the Five Nations
and some ol those killed actually be
longed to the Five Nations.
1764 — Benjamin Kendal of Lancaster
Reports the Particulars of the
Conestoga Killing to the
ConnciL
In Vol. 9 ol the Col. Rec, p. 126,
appears the lollowing narration upon
oath by Benjamin Kendal ol the kill
ing ol the Conestoga Indians:
"CITY OF PHILADELPHIA, SS:
Benjarain Kendall, ol the City ol
Phialdelphla, Merchant, beln.g one ol
the People called Quakers on this
soleran affirmation declareth and
saith. That on Thursday, the 25th day
ol this Instant, January, he, this de
ponent, being on his return from the
Borough ol Lancaster, to the City ol
Philadelphia about two miles on this
side the sign ol the inhabitant ol the
said Borrough ol Lancaster, who, this
affirmant understood, had been, the
day belore, in the Township ol Pe
quea, or its Neighborhood; that this
affirmant, being acquainted with the
said Robert Fulton, stopped, and en
tered into some conversation with

383

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

him, in the course ol which the said
Fulton acquainted this affirmant that
he understood Captain Coultas, had
been appointed to xaise and comraand
Five Hundred men to guard and pro
tect the Indians in the said City of
Philadelphia, and that he was very
sorry for it, and that In ten days flf-
teen hundred men would come down
In order to kill the said Indians, and
that if Fifteen Hundred Men were
not enough Five Thousand were ready
to join them, and desired this affi.rm-
ant to tell Captain Coultas, from the
said Robert, to make his Peace with
Heaven, for that he (the said Coult-
tas) would not live about two weeks
longer. This affirmant answered, that
he was very sorry to hear him, the
said Pulton talk in that manner, and
as he understood that he, the said
Pulton, had a great deal of influence
with those people who intended to
come down on the above purpose, he,
this affirmant requested the said
Pulton to exert hiraself in persuading
them to desist from their crime or de
sign. The said Pulton then said, if
Gabriel, was to come down frora
Heaven and tell us or them (but
which of the words this affirmant can
not be sensible of) we or they were
wrong, they would not desist for it,
for that they were of the same spirit
with the blood ran, blood-thirst Pres
byterians, who cut off King- Charles
his head. This affirmant then said to
the said Fulton, 'I hear you are going
to kill the Quakers.' Fulton answered.
No, God forbid, but they or any others
who should oppose thera thoy would
kill.' That he (the said Pulton) had
heard the Indians were put in small
numbers into different families in the
City of Philadelphia, for Protection,
but that such families must tell
where they (the Indians, were, and
deliver them up, ox their Houses

would be fired over their heads. The
said Pulton further informed this af
firmant, that sorae tirae ago, when he
heard the said Indians were sent out
of this Province, he, the said Fulton
sent a letter to a nuraber of people
who were then preparing to come
down and cut the Indians off, to ac
quaint them of it, and stop thera from
coming. This affirmant further saith,
that a certain William Way was in
Corapany with the said Fulton during
this whole conversation, and from
what little he said that he seemed to
join in sentiraent with the said Pul
ton and among other things asserted
that he was lately in a store in that
Neighbourhood where there was a
magazine of three barrels of Gun Pow
der, and One Hundred small arms.
ready for the above expedition, and
that he verily believed a number of
men would come down to Philadel
phia to kill the Indians and further
this affirmant saith not.
BENJ.AMIN KENDALL.
Taken and Affirmed in the presence
of the Governor and Council, at
Philadelphia, January 28, 1764.
Before JOHN PENN."
1761— The Murderers ol the Cones-
estgoa Indians Put Up Flimsy
Justification.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, 142, ap
pears what is meant to be a justifica
tion for killing of the Conestoga In
dians. This justification is in the na
ture of a petition signed by raany
people who favored the killing and it
was laid before the Assembly on the
17th of February, 1764, it is as fol
lows -
'The Declaration of the Injured
Frontier Inhabitants, together with
a briel sketch of Grievances the
good Inhabitants of the Province
Labour under.

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

384

Inasmuch as the killing of those
Indians at Conestogoe Manor and
Lancaster has been, and may be, the
subject of much conversation, and by
invidious representations of it, which
sorae, we doubt will not, will indus
triously spread, raany acquainted with
the true state of affairs raay be lead
to pass a severe censure ou the Au
thors of those Facts, and any others
cf the like Nature, which raay here
after happen, they we are persuaded
they would if raatters were duly un
derstood and deliberated. We think
it therefore proper -thus openly to
declare ourselves, and render sorae
brief hints of the, reasons of our
Conduct, which we must, and frank
ly do, confess, nothing but necessity
itsell could induce us to, or justily us
in, as it bears the appearance ol fiy
ing in the lace ol Authority, and is
attended with much labour, lajtigue
and expense.
Ouxselves, then, to a raan, we pro-
less to be loyal subjects to the best
ol Kings, our rightful Sovereign
George the third, firraly attached to
his royal person. Interest and Gov
ernraent, and of consequence equally
opposite to the enemies of his throne
and dignity, whether openly avowed
or raore dangerously concealed under
a raask or falsely pretended Friend
ship, and chearfully willing to offer
our Substance and Lives in his Cause.
These Indians, known to be firmly
connected in Friendship with our
openly avowed embittered enemies,
and sorae of whora have, by several
oaths, been proved to be raurderers,
rnd who, by their better acquaintance
with the situation find, state of our
Frontiers, were moxe capable of do
ing' us mischief, we saw, with indig
nation caressed and cherished as
dearest Friends; but, this, alas; is
but a part, a small part, of that ex

cessive regard manifested to Indians,
beyond his Majesty's loyal subjects,
whereof we complain, and which to
gether with various other Grievances,
have not only enfiamed with resent
raent the Bxeasts of a nuraber, and
urged thera to the disagreeable evi
dence of it they have been con
strained to give, but have heavily dis
pleased by far the greatest part of the
good Inhabitants of this Province.
Should we here refiect to forraer
Treaties, the exorbitant presents and
great Servility therein paid to the In
dians, have long been oppressive
Grievances w^ have groaned under;
and when at the last Indian treaty
held at Lancaster, not only was the
blood of our many raurdered Breth
ren tamely covered, but our poor un
happy captivated Iriends abandoned
to slavery araong the Savages, by
concluding a Friendship with the In
dians, and allowing thera a plentious
trade of all kinds of Commodities,
without those being restored, or any
properly spirited requisition made of
them; how general dissatisfaction
those letters made and the Measures
gave the Murmurs of all good people
(loud as they dare to utter them) to
this day declare and had here infat
uated steps of conduct, and a mani
fest partiality in favour of Indians,
raade a final pause, happy had it
been; We perhaps had greived in si
lence for our abandoned, enslaved
B.rethren araong the Heathen; but
raatters of a later date are of still
raore flagrant Reasons of C-jraplaint
When last Summer his .Majesty's
forces, under the command of Colonel
Bouquet, marched through this prov
ince, and demand was made by his
Excellecy General Amherst, of Assis
tance to escort Provisions, etc., to re
lieve that iraportant Post, Port Pitt,
yet not one raan was granted, al-

385

ANNALS OP THE SUS QUEH.,ANNOCKS AND

though never anything appeared more
reasonable or necessary, as the Inter
ests of the Province lay so much at
stake and the Standing of the frontier
Settlements, in any manner, evident
ly depending under God, on the al
most despaired of success of his Ma
jesty's little army, whose valor the
whole Frontier with gratitude ac
knowledge, and as the happy means
of having saved from ruin a great
part of the Province; but when a
number of Indians falsely pretended
Friends, and having among them
some proved an oath to have been
guilty of Murder since the War began,
when they together with others,
known to be his Majesty's enemies,
and who had been in the battle against
Col. Bouquet reduced to distress by
the destruction of their Corn at the
Great Island, and up the East Bxanch
of Sasquehannah, pretend themselves
Friends and desire subsistance, they
are openly caressed, and the Publick,
that could not be indulged the liberty
of contributing to his Majesty's assis
tance, obliged, as tributaxies to Sav
ages to support these Villauis, these
enemies to our Great King and our
Country, nor only so the hands that
were closely shut, nor would grant
his Majesty's general a single farth
ing against a Savage Foe, have been
liberally opened, and the publick
money basely prosituted to hire, at an
exhorbitant rate, a mercernary Guard
to protect his Majesty's worst of
Enemies, those falsely pretended In
dian Friends, while, at the same time.
Hundreds of Poor Distressed Famil
ies of his Majesty's subjects obliged
to abandon their Possessions and fly
for their lives at least, are left, ex
cept a small relief at first, in the most
distressing circumstances, to starve
neglected, save what the friendly
hand of private Donations has contri

buted to their Support, wherein they
who are most profuse towards sav
ages, have carefully avoided having
any part. When last Summer troops
were raised lor the defence of the
Province were limited to certain
Bounds, nor suffering to any attempt
of annoying our Indians in their
Habitations, and a number of brave
volunteers, equipped at their own ex
pense in Septembex, up the Sasque
hanna, met and defeated their Enemy,
with the loss of some of their number
and having others dangerously
wounded, not the least thanks or ac
knowledgment was made by the Leg
islature to them for the Confessed
service they had done; nor only the
least Notice or Care taken of their
wounded; Whereas, when a Seneca,
who, by the Information of many, as
his own confessions, had been,
through the last War, oux inveterate
Enemy, had got a cut in his Head,
last Summr in a Quarrel with his
Own Cousin, and It was reported in
Philadelphia that his wound was dan
gerous, a Doctor was immedately em
ployed and sent to Fort Augusta to
take care of him and cure him if pos
sible. To these may be added that
though it was impossible to obtain
through the Summer, or even yet, any
premium for Indian Scalps, or en
couragement to excite volunteers to go
forth against them; Yet, when a few
of them known to be the fast friends
ol our enemies, and some ol them
murderers themselves, when these
have been struck with a distressed,
bereft, injured Irontier, a liberal re
ward is offered lor apprehending the
perpetrtators of that horrible crime
of killing his Majesty's Cloaked Ene
mies, and their conduct painted in the
most atrocious Colours, while the
horrid ravages, cruel murders, and
most shocking barbarities, committed

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

386

by Indians on His Majesty's t-ubpects,
are covered over and excused under
the charitable term of this being their
method of making war. But to re
count the many repeated giievances
whereof we might justly coraplain,
and instances of a most violent at
tachment to Indians were tedious be
yond the patience of the Job, to en
dure more, and better be expected; nor
need we be surpried at Indians inso-
Ince and Villainy, when it is consid
ered, and which can be proved from
the public records of a certain county
that some time before Conrad Weiser
died, some Indians belongin;.; 'to the
Great Island or Wighalousing, assur
ed him that Isiael Pemberton (an in
dent leader of that Paction, which
for so long a time have found
means to enslave the province to In
dians), together with others ol the
Friends, had given them a rod to
scourge the white people that were
settled on the Purchased lands, lar
that Onas had cheated them out of a
great deal of land, or had not given
near sufficient price for what he had
bought; and that the traders ought
also, to be scourged, for that they de
frauded the Indians, by selling goods
to tbem at too dear a rate; and that
this relation is a matter of lact, can
easily be proved in the County of
Berks. Such is the unhappy situation,
uder the Villainy, Infatuation and In
fluence ol a certain Paction, that have
got the Political reigns in hand, and
t.mely tyrannize over the other good
subjects of the Province. And can it
be thought strange that a scene of
such treatment as this, and the now
adding, in this critical juncture, to all
oux former distre'sses, that disagree
able burden of supporting in the very
heart of the Province, at so great an
expense, between one and two hun
dred Indians to the Great disquietude

of the Majority of the Good Inhabi
tants of this Province, should awaken
the resentment of the People grossly
abused, unrighteously burdened and
made dupes and Slaves to the In
dians? And must not all well dis
posed people entertain a Charitable
sentiment of those who, at their own
Great Expence and trouble have at
tempted ar shall attempt, rescuing a
laboring land from a weight so op
pressive, unreasonable and unjust? It
is this we design, it is this we are re
solved to prosecute, though it is with
great reluctance we are obliged to
adopt a Measure not so agreeable as
could be desired, and to which extent
alone compels.
1764 — Benjamin Franklin's View of
This KUling on the Conestoga.
As nearly all readers of History
know the most intelligence and the
severest denunciations of the dastard
ly killing of these Conestogas ap
peared in the form of a pamphlet by
Benjamin Franklin. It may be found
in the Historical Society at Philadel
phia. A great many other pamphlets
were written upon the subject and
numerous articles in the Pennsyl
vania Gazette and other papers of the
time. It caused a great excitement
throughout all Eastern Pennsylvania.
1764 — The Last Two Indians in Lan
caster County.
In the New Era of September 11,
1907 among the proceedings of the
Hershey family reunion appears the
following item:
"In a lonely spot in one of the
back pasture fields ol this Homestead
(The Old Hershey Homestead) the
visitors lound lour stone markers set
securely in the ground within whose
enclosure lie the remains of 'Michael
and Mary', the last two Indians ol
Lancaster County. These Indians

387

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS AND

were Iriendly and . during their de
clining years were cared lor by
Christian Hershey, who then owned
the homestead. The lollowing docu
ment was read by Mr. Hershey at this
spot, after prayer over the remains of
these last Children of the Forest, by
Rev. Hershey.
'Protection lor Two Friendly Indians
In Lancaster County, Pennsylvania.
By Ho'ble John Penn, Esq., &c..
To Whom It May Concern:
Greeting: Whereas, I ara given to
understand that the Bearers Michael
and Mary his wile are Iriendly In
dians who lormerly resided with
other Indians in the Conestoga Man
or, and have lor upwards ol fifteen
months last past lived with Christian
Hershey, at his plantation in War
wick Township, Lancaster Co., Pa.,
during which tirae they have con
stantly behaved in the raost Iriendly
and peaceable manner to all his Ma
jesty's subjects, I do hereby grant
the said Michael and Mary my pro
tection and do enjoin and require all
officers, civil and Military, as well as
all other persons whatsoever within
this Government to suffer to pass and
repass on their lawlul business with
out the least molestation or interrup
tion, and they are hereby also desir
ed to treat the said Indians with Civ
ility and to afford them all necessary
assistance. Given under my Hand and Seal at
Arms at Philadelphia, the 17th Aug.,
1764.' JOHN PENN.
'By his Honour's Command
JOHN SHIPPEN, Secretary.
Thus it will be noticed that the
Hershey family is honored with de-
ently burying the last Indians of
Lancaster County, and suitably mark
ing theix graves."
1768 — A Reference fo fhe Conestoga
Killing.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 409,
the Assembly sent a message to the

Governor, referring to General Gage's
and William Johnson's views of the
killing, and recalled to the mind of
the Govemor the fact that we did not
pay sufficient attention to the point
hat we were occupying the Indians'
lands without their consent. And
they also say that they can never for
get the horrid murder committed in
1763 on the remnant of the Cones
toga Indians at Lancaster.
1770— The Murder of the Conestoga
Indians Still Lingers iu the
Minds of the People.
In Vol. 9 of the Col. Rec, p. 683,
under the date of 1770, there is a
deposition by John Philip DeHoos of
the Tonnship of Lebanon in Lancas
ter County, In which he says that it
is understood that 200 Pounds were
still offered as a premium for the
persons who were concerned in mur
dering the Indians in the Lancaster
jail. 1775— Descendajats of the Cayugas
Claim the Old Indian Town in
Manor Township.
In Mombert's History of Lancaste.r
County at p. 280 we find the follow
ing: "At a Council held at Phl'adelphia,
on Tuesday 16th May, 1775.
PRESENT:
The Honourable John Penn. Esquire
Govemor. '
James Tilghman, Andrew Allen Es
quires.The Governor acquainted the Board
that eight Cayuga Indians came to
Town on Saturday last from Cones
togoe, on the Cayuga Branch of the
Susquehanna, on some Business with
this Government and that he now
proposed to hear what thev had to
f^^; ^^^Iiereupon the Board agreed
that they should be immediaiely sent
tor, and they were accordinely intrn
duced. 'uiiu

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

388

The Governor then acquainting
them that he was ready to hear them,
addressing hirasell to the Governor,
flrst went through scrae short usual
cereraonies ol clearing the Throat
and Heart, and opening the Ears, etc.,
and then producing a belt ol wara
pum, spoke as lollows, viz: That
three ol their Corapany, who were
present as the nearest surviving re
lations ol the old Seneca Sohaes, who
lived .lor raany years with his lamily
and connections on a tract ol land
within the Manor ol . Conestogo, in
Lacaster County; that the old raan
with his lamily and relations were
several years ago murdered there by
some wicked raen belonging to this
Government; and that the said Tract
ol Land containing about 500 acres,
now becarae the property ol his three
relations now present, one ol whom
is Sohaes' Brother; that they had
corae down at this tirae to see their
Brother Onos, and make sale ol the
said land to him; that the land is
very rich and worth a great deal ol
money, but as their brother Onas
was himsell well acquainted with its
value, they desired he would purchase
it Irora them at such a price as he
thought reasonable, and they would
be entirely satisfied. He then deliv
ered the belt ol Wampum to the Gov
ernor, and told him that he had fin
ished what he had to say.
The Governor thereupon acquainted
the Indians that he and his Council
would take their speech into consid
eration, and give thera an answer on
Thursday morning.
At a Council held at Philadelphia,
on Thursday, 18th May, 1775.
PRESENT:
The Honourable John Penn, Es
quire, Governor.
William Logan, Andrew Allen, Benja
min Chew, Edward Shippen, Junr.,
Esquires.

The eight Cayuga Indians being
sent lor, attended at a Board in or
der to receive tbe Governor's answer
to their Speech on Tuesday last,
which the Governor In part delivered
to them; but as it appeared to the
Board that the Indians did not clear
ly and lully compxehend his meaning,
the person who undertook to inter
pret to them not being sufficiently
acquainted with their Lar(guage, and
the Indians expressing great dissat
islaction on being inlormed that this
land had already been purchased and
paid lor, it was agreed that Isaac
Still, a Delaware Indian Interpreter,
should be immediately sent lor, to
interpret the Governor's answer to
the Indians in Council, on Saturday
morning next
At a Council held at Philadelphia,
on Saturday 20th May, 1775.
PRESENT:
William Logan, Andrew Allen, Jaraes
Tilghman, Edward Shippen, Junr.,
Esquires. The eight Cayuga Indians, by de
sire ol the Governor, again attended
the Board, with the Indian Interpre
ter Isaac Still, and having taken their
seats, the Speaker repeated over the
speech he had delivered to the Gov
ernor on Tuesday last, which was
the same in substance as entered on
the minutes ol that day and the Gov
ernor returned them his answer,
which was lully explained by them
by Isaac Still, and is as lollows, viz:
BRETHREN: The tract ol land you
mention, consisting ol 500 acres, part
ol the Conestoga Manor, wnere old
Sohes dwelt, was included in a pur
chase long since made Irom the In
dians, notwithstanding which, I agree
that Sohaes and his Family had the
Proprietaries' permission to live
thereon as long as they chose to re
main in the inhabitant part ol the
country. Some tirae alter the death

389

ANNALS OP THE SUSQUEHANNOCKS .AND

of Sohaes, and all his Family that re
sided there in the year 1768, there
was a Treaty held at Poxt Stanwix,
to which I was invited by Sir Wil
liam Johnson,, in order to treat with
the Indians, concerning the purchase
of a large tract of land, part of which
lay in the King's Governments and
part in the Province of Pennsylvania;
at this treaty the last great Indians
purchase was made, for which I then
paid the Indians ten Ihousand Dol
lars. But before the treaty was fin
ished. Sir William Johnson informed
me that the Indians expected to be
paid for the 500 acres of land, part of
the Conestogo Manor, where Sohaes
dwelt; I accordingly agreed to pay
them for it. The price agreed on was
two hundred Pounds, York money, ox
$500, the value of which was then
delivered in goods to Togaiato, the
Cayuga Chief, to be distributed as he
thought proper, and the deed I now
show you, for the land of the Indians
I bought of the Indians at that treaty,
signed by he Chiefs of the Six Na
tions, expressly includes ths 500 acres
of land.
Having therefoxe, already purchas
ed the land twice, it can not reason
ably be expected that I should pay it
again. However, as you have come
from a great distance, under the ex
pectation of selling this land, and
perhaps did not receive as great a
proportion of the goods I delivered at
Fort Stanwix, as should have been
paid to the relations of Sohaes, and
to show you the desire I have to pre
serve peace and friendship with the
Indians, and that when they pay me
a visit they should not go away dis
satisfied; I am willing to make you a
present, which I hope you will think
a generous one; I, therefore, desire
you will except of these $300.
The Indians, accordingly very glad
ly accepted the $300, and signed a

receipt for the same on the back of
the deed executed at Fort Stanwix,
expressing it to be in full satisfac
tion of all claims of Sohaes' Family
to the said 500 acres of land."
From this we see that tbe Indians
were very willing to give up anything
they might lay hold to about the Con
estoga creek.
Indian Children's Sport with the
German Children.
The subject of this item Is put at
the end of these annals because it is
not practical to affix to it any date
but inasmuch as it has to do with
the children ancients, I have put it
at the close. It is as follows:
In Vol. 7 of Hazard's Register, p.
163 it Is found the following relative
to the above. It is a narrative of an
old time Mennonite or ..Amishraan
concerning the early doings about
Conestoga. "An aged member of the Araish or
Omraish faith relates, that he often
heard his grandfather say, that his
family was one of the first of the
Europeans who settled west of the
Conestoga. That the Indians lived
near them; and that the Gerraan and
Indian children would frequetly play
together in the neighborhiug wig
wam. Sometimes you would see thera
engaged in contests of foot race; in
which the Indian lads would excel al
though the German boys would dis
card their clothes, to put them on an
equality with the naked savages.
Sometimes with the bow and arrow,
but here the little Indians would all
show their superiority in skill, and
accuracy of aim. In wrestling, and
most of their exercises, the Indian
boys excelled; but in the mechanical
arts the little emigrants had the ad
vantage. I have often seen the Chiefs
reclining on the ground, leaning on
the arm, looking at the diversions

OTHER LANCASTER COUNTY INDIAN TRIBES

390

and amusements of the children; and
when the little Indian would excel
they would laugh very heartily.
Jt would not infrequently happen,
that the little German boys would
show some degree of anger, when
they were unsuccessful, by giving a
blow, or taking up a stone and un
ceremoniously hurl it at the head of
a competitor, which the little Indians
would receive with the utmost com
placency. I was one day amused by
seeing a struggle between an Indian
and a German; the former was
younger but moxe active than the lat
ter, and the little son of the forest
was evidently playing with the
strength of his adversary; the Ger
man became heated, and exerting
all his strength endeavored to throw
his corapanion on the ground; but
the wily Indian gave a sudden trip,
which caused the Gerraan to fall be
neath; who, rising angrily, seized a
stone and levelled his opponent to the
earth. The chiefs who were near
laughed very heartily, but the little
white faces did not wait to see the
result but ran hastily homewards,
dreading a severe castigation. In all
and every transaction we had with
the Indians, we found them'raild and
peaceable; and, as just related, not
disposed to revenge, when the act
appeared to be a momentary burst of
passion: I have often seen the little
Breneman's, children, of a Mennonite
emigrant, playing in the most sport
ive and innocent manner with the lit
tle red faces, and I ever know or
heard of one little white face receiv
ing an injury from their red breth-
xen; that is, no intentional injury.
I remeraber the hickory tree which
once stood in tbe centre of Lancas
ter. It was custoraary for the In
dians, when about to forra a treaty,
to select a tree which had an appear

ance ol vigor, health and strength,
and, I may add, beauty; then sur
rounding it, they would say, 'by this
chain thus linked together, raay it re
main unbroken as this tree has sur
vived the storra'. Again, 'il any ol
us shall violate this pledge, may the
lightning shiver such to pieces as a
lofty pine In a thunder storm.'
It was not until the introduction ol
spirituous liquor, that the neighbor
hood ol the Indians proved dangerous
to the whites, but not to us, lor we
gave them no liquor, and neither did
we trade with them, lor oux religion
forbade it.
It may be not unnecessary to add,
that the Indians had the most im
plicit confidence in William Penn;
whom they were always inclined to
respect as a superior being; and the
great confidence was Irequently xe
ferred to by them, in their several
talks at Lancaster and at Conestoga."
"The Brennemans' settled west ol
Conestoga in the year 1719."
We have now traced the history ol
the Indians that inhabited the sec
tion ol the Country, which afterwards
became Lancaster County, Irom the
earliest date upon which any authen
tic inlormation could be lound down
to the date ol the disappearance ol
the last ol them. These annals
therelore extend over a period ol two
centuries and a hall. The Indians
who inhabited this neighborhood
were at one time the mightiest tribe
in the Central Atlantic States. They
frightened all the Virginia and Mary
land Indians into subjection, includ
ing Powhatan's mighty tribe. They
conquered all the tribes around thera
North and South and during the per
iod Irora 1600 to 1660 were in the
height ol their glory and power.
They were duxing that period known
as the "Giant Susquehannocks." They
met their first conqueror alter the

391

ANNALS OF THE SUS QUEHANNOCKS AND

Five Nations ol New York began a
confederacy, and the mastery of the
Five Nations, even in their confeder
ated strength and only determined
after a 20 years' war begiuning in
1655 and ending in 1675. From that
date the Susquehannock Tribe was
divided, and one branch after march
ing through Maryland and Virginia
and Inciting the Bacon Rebellion,
came back to their old location on
the Susquehanna. The other portion
was taken by the Five Nations to live
with them iu New York, The com
ing of civilization was their death
knell. Only a small portion of them
staid in what is now Lancaster
County and faded away before the
white man. The Major portion of
them went west as the Prontiex
moved Westward and met theix Wat
erloo after Braddock's defeat on the
extreme branches of the Sus-iuehanna
and the head waters of the Allegheny
and Ohio Rivers.

The last remnant of those who re
mained here were cruelly butchered
as we have just shown in December,
1763. After the outrageous slaughter
their bodies were tenderly taken
charge of and buried in the ceme
tery. In the rear of what is known
as Martin's Hall on East Chestnut
Street, which I understand was
a Mennonite or Quaker cemetery
or both. When the Pennsylvania
railroad was cut through Lancaster,
which now lies in a deep cut, pass
ing back of the cemetery, the bones
of these poor old Indians rolled down
the slopes ot the cut from their
graves where they had lain or repos
ed over three-fourth of a century.
.And this concludes the annals of the
"Susquehannocks and Other Indian
Tribes of Lancaster County."
H. FRANK ESHLEMAN, Esq.,
January 21, 1909

392

INDEX. A
Argoll, Samuel on the Susquehannocks  14
Andastes or Susquehannocks  14
"Alaentsic" Grandmother of the World  19'
Analysis, Evans'  25
Alsop's Account of the Susquehanno cks  62
Attainder of Truman  92
Andros, Edmund, Invites the Susquehannocks Back to the River... 100
.Andros Stands by the Susquehannocks  103
Askin Sells Rum to the Conestogas  154
Airens, Rev., Preaches at Conestoga  169
Assembly Wants Larger Presents for the Conestogas  200
Albany Treaty  274
Albany and the Conestogas  280
Assembly on the Cartlidge Murder  281
Aston, George, Warns the Conestogas  290
Albany Treaty  315
Apples Grown by the Indians  319
Allegheny — Shawanese at  32]
Arrastrong, John, Killed near Lancaster  348
B
Big Indian Picture Rock  5
Barbarities of the Susquehannocks  18
Baptism ol a Susquehannock  21
Brent, Arrested lor Abandoning Expedition  29
Beaver Trade ol the Susquehannocks  45
Burial Customs ol the Susquehannocks  63
Baell, Ninian — Witness Against Truman  92
Brant, Captain, Reports the Susquehannocks and Senecas Invading.. 115
Beall, Ninian, To Slaughter the Susquehannocks  119
Beall, Ninian, Made Ranger  122
Beall, Ninian's Expedition and Slaughter  122
Beall, Ninian Helps the Susquehannocks to Slaughter Enemies  122
Basallion, Order .Against  142
Beall To Keep the Susquehannocks Out ol Maryland  148
Bizalion's .Trading House  155
Buck's Statement ol Penn's Visit  160
Bizalion and Letort Held in Bonds  172
Bizalion Again Suspected  173
Bizalion Takes Up Land Above Conestoga  193
Bizalion Acting Suspiciously  201
Butchery in. the South  239
Bacon's Rebellion — Susquehannocks Caused It  240
Baltimore, Lord Interleres With the Conestogas  276
Blunston. Letter to, by Gordon  297
Blunston's Letter to Logan  309
Blunston Fears the Loyalty ol the Five Nations  309
Bears Caught at Conestoga  320
Ball at Lancaster in 1744  344

393 INDEX
Billy Sock's Treachery  370
Breneraan Children played with the Indian Children 389
Burial Place of Murdered Conestogas  391
c
Cannibals, First Susquehannocks Cannibals  4
Chesapeake, Delaware Channel Proposed in 1613  lo
Claybourne on the Susquehanna  1^
Claybourne's Attack  1^
Claybourne Arrested for Treason  1 '
Cornwaleys Against the Susquehannocks  19
Claybourne Buys Susquehanna Valley  19
Claybourne Petitions King for Trade Rights  19
Claybourne Defends Purchase  20
Conestoga, The Limit of the Swedes' Purchase  21
Conawago, Limit of the Swedes' Purchase  21
Claybourne's Title Set Aside  '.  21
Claybourne's Difficulties  23
Claybourne Produces a Witness  24
Christian Susquehannock Speared to Death  27
Cornwalyes, Their Power Against Susquehannocks  30
Cruelty ol the Susquehannocks  36
Cries ol a Dead Chief  69
Cayugas Whipped by Susquehannock Boys  70
Cotton, Anne's Account of the Fall of the Susquehannocks  88
Collyer to Protect the Susquehannocks  104
Coursey, Henry, Ambassador To Make Peace With the Susquehannocks 107
Conestogas Agree to Watch the Shawanese  Ill
Conestoga, The Beginning Of  117
Conestogas, Origin Of  117
Conestogas Meet Penn  125
Conestogas Take Meat to Penn  126
Conestogas Sell to Penn  127
Canassatego Refers to Penn's First Susquehanna Purchase  129
Conestoga, Penn's First Visit to  129
Council of Pennsylvania Protects the Susquehannocks  135
Conestoga Road to Philadelphia  13S
Conestoga — French and Senecas Coming to Destroy  138
Conestoga — First French Traders Around  138
Conestogas — First French Traders Among  138
Chartier, Martin — First Appearance in Conestoga  138
Conestogas — Commissioner Sent Along  139
Conestogas — French Polluting  I39
Conestogas — Earliest Trade With Philadelphia  139
Campanius on the Minquays  139
Conestoga, Early — Campanius On  139
Conestogas — French Among  ' 14q
Civility, Captain  141
Conestoga Chiefs Visit Council  142
Council Visited by the Conestogas  142
Conestoga Trade Flourishing   -j^^o
Conestogas And Others Trade With Maryland  143
Conestoga — Ganawese Come To   ^^^
Conestogas' Great Sale to Penn  151
Conestogas Abused  -j^-^
Conestogas Guarantee The Conduct ot the Ganawese  154
Chalkley Visits Conestoga  155
Conestoga — Great Indian Capital  ' ' ' ^--

INDEX 394
Conestoga Great Road  156
Conestogas Trade With Philadelphia  156
Conestoga — Letort Leaves For Canada  158
Cassawetoway, alias Indian Harry  158
Chew, Samuel, On Penn At Susquehanna  160
Conestoga — Treaty on Parchment  160
Conestoga — Great Treaty of 1701  162
Chiefs, Forty Chiefs at the Treaty  164
Conestogas Give Penn Good-bye in 1701  165
Conestogas and Indian Rum Trade  165
Conestogas Great Friends of Pennsylvania  167
Columbia, Skeletons At  167
Chartier — Survey on Susquehanna  168
Christians at Conestoga  168
Conestoga, Christians At  168
Conestoga, Earliest Settlers At  169
Conestoga — First Preaching to the Indians  169
Conestoga, Earliest Settlers At  169
Conestoga — First Preaching to the Indians  169
Conestogas' War Expedition South  170
Chesapeake, Penn Wants Settlement On  171
Conestogas Do Not Visit Philadelphia Now  171
Chalkley— Anothe'r Visit  172
Conestogas — French Weaning From' the English  172
Conestogas, Sorae Leave Home  173
Conestoga Depredations  175
Conestogas Suffering — The Winter of 1714  176
Conestogas Killed by Strange Indians  176
Chartier — Suspiciously Intends to Leave Conestoga  177
Conestogas Swear Letort into Jail  177
Conestogas Fear Maryland  178
Conestoga, Logan's First Treaty  179
Conestogas, Fraud On  182
Conestoga Trip, Logan  182
Conestogas, et. al. Go to Philadelphia  183
Conestoga Treaty — Logan's Cost of  184
Conestoga Treaty by Evans  184
Chalkley — Another Visit to Conestoga  186
Conestoga — Palatines Buy Land  187
Conestoga — EJvans Arrives July 1, 1706  190
Cartier, Martin— Death Of  193
Conestogas Coraplain — The French Building Houses  194
Conestoga — Missionaries at, in 1808  194
Conestogas Willing to Help English Go Fight thei French  195
Conestogas Inquire About Further Treaty  195
Conestogas Go To See Governor Gookin  197
Conestogas Corapelled to Pay The Five Nations Tribute  198
Conestoga, Whites Begin Real Settleraent  199
Conestogas — First True Settleraent cf Whites Among  199
Conestoga Queen Goes to Philadelphia  200
Conestogas — Larger Presents For  200
Conestogas Receive Mysterious Belt  200
Conestoga — A Reply To a Sermon  .*  204
Conestogas And Hell  ¦  205
Conestogas, Their God  206
Conestoga — Great Meeting of Chiefs  206
Conoys At Philadelphia   206
Conestoga — ^Expense of Treaty At  207
Conestoga— Gookin's Treaty of 1711  208

395 INDEX
Conestogas — A Delegation Goes to Philadelphia  207
Conestoga, Mennonites Arrive  210
Conestoga Chiefs Ordered to Come to Philadelphia  210
Conestogas — Another Body Come to Council  211
Conestogas — War With the Tuscaroras  215
Catawba Boy Captured at Pequea  215
Chalkley Preaches to the Susquehanna Indians  216
Civility of Conestoga, Message to Council  216
Conestoga Indians Visit Council  217
Conestoga Road, Beginning of, in Lancaster County  218
Conestoga Treaty^Goods Used  218
Conestoga Town Moved Twenty Miles  ,  219
Conestogas Explain Removal of the Town  221
Conestogas Treat With Virginia  223
Cartlidge, John and Disturbance at Conestoga  223
Conestoga Treaty, Minutes Lost  223
Conestogas In Fear Beg a Treaty  '.  223
Conestoga — Great Treaty At  224
Catawba Captive Among Shawanese  226
Conestogas Complained .Against by Virginia  228
Conestogas, Their Town Fenced In  228
Cartiledge Made Protector of the Conestogas  228
Conestoga Treaty, Minutes Of  228
Conestoga Indian Town  229
Conestoga — Land Survey At  229
Conestoga Manor — Town Laid Out  229
Conestogas March to Philadelphia in 1718  230
Conestoga Treaty — The Presents  233
Conestoga Treaty — An Indian Signer  234
Conestoga Road — Additional Proceedings  234
Conestogas Jealous of Palatines (Mennonites)  235
Conestoga Treaty by Colonel French  235
Cartiledge, John — Account of costs  238
Conestogas Accused of Southern Outrages  239
Conestogas Complain of Southern Attack . . _.  240
Conestoga, Many of the Five Nations Living' at  240
Conestoga — Treaty By Logan in 1720  241
Civility at the French Treaty  246
Conestogas Compelled by the Five Nations to Fight in the South.... 248
Conestogas Pear the Five Nations Will Exterminate Them  248
Cost of the Second Conestoga Treaty  250
Conestogas Go to the Wabash To Fish  251
Conestogas' Message of Peace to the South  251
Conestoga Treaty— ^Pive Nations Come To  251
Conestoga — The Great Treaty of 1721  252
Conestoga Treaty of 1721 — Bradford's Pamphlet Of  ''  252
Conestoga Treaty of 1721 — Irish Reprint  252
Conestoga, Description of, in 1721  253
Conestoga — Kindness of the Mennonites  253
Conestoga — Great Treaty of 1721 Continued by Logan   261
Conestoga King Killed   264
Civility — A Descendant of the Ancient Susquehannocks!!!'!!!^  264
Cocalico — Nantikokes Move ^o   265
Cartlidge Kills A Conestoga Indian  !!!!!!!  265
Conestoga — Killed by Cartlidge "  !!!!!!  26"
Conestoga Murder — Action On  !!!!!!!!!!  265
Cartlidge Murder, Action On   ofiK
Cartlidge, Edward — Indian Murder  [  26"
Conestoga, Council at, in 1722  '  gfip

INDEX 396
Civility and the Conestoga Murder  272
Conestoga Murder, Action of the Government  272
Cartlidge in Jail  272
Cartlidge, Mrs. — Indians, Comlort  273
Conestoga Murder — Five Nations' .Attitude  273
Conestoga Murder, Local Indians Much Excited  273
Conestoga, Land Claimed at. By the Cayugas  377
Cayugas Claira Land at Conestoga  .'  277
Conestoga Indian Town, Location  277
Conestogas, Delegation ol, at Philadelphia  277
Cartlidge, Indians Want Him Pardoned  278
Conestoga — Five Nations surrender all Claim to the Penns  278
Conestoga Treaty With Virginia  278
Conestogas, et. al. — Message Sent to  279
Conestogas Answer the Message  279
Cartlidge Murder — The Assembly On  281
Conoys Go 'To Pay Tribute  281,
Conestoga — Warrant Made Out by Keith At  .'  281
Conestogas Have a Copy ol the Treaty ol 1682  281
Conestogas Reraeraber Penn  282
Conestoga — The Indian Murder Disci ssed  285
Conestoga Chiels at Philadelphia In 1727  286
Conestogas Threatened by the Five Nations  290
Conestogas — Treaty to be Held With  292
Conestogas — ^No Treaty lor Six Years ....".  292
Conestogas Coraplain Against the English  293
Civility's Letter to Council  294
Conestoga — Captain's Letter to Council  294
Conestogas Killed by Shawanese  294
Conestogas Want to Fight the Shawanese  295
Civility — Gordon Sends Word To  297
Civility's Message to Governor  299
Civility's Second Message to the Governor   300
Civility— Death ol His Child  300
Cartlidge, Edward — Letter About Shawanese  301
Conestoga Treaty, The Great ol 1728  301
Conestogas Hunting  302
Conestoga Indian Murder — Word to General Gage  381
Conestoga Murderers — Reward Offered For  381
Conestoga Indian Murder — Letter to William Johnson  381
Conestoga Indian Murder — Word to New York  382
Conestoga Indian Murder — New York Enraged  382
Conestoga Indian Murder — Five Nations Enraged  382
Conestoga Indian Murder — Benjarain Kendal's Report  382
Conestoga Indian Murder — Robert Fulton Sr.'s Position  382
Conestoga Indian Murder — Justification  383
Conestoga Indian Murder — Franklin's View  386
Conestoga Indian Murder — Echo ol, in 1768  387
Conestoga Indian Murder — Memory cf, in 1770  387
Conestoga Indiantown — Indian Descendants Claim  387
Conestoga Indian Bones — Pennsylvania Railroad Cut  391
Conestogas Told to Prepare For a Treaty  302
Conestoga Treaty of 1728 — Presents For  302
Conestoga Treaty — Gordon Attends  302
Coenstoga Treaty — The Stipulations  303
Conestoga Treaty — Gordon's Reception on Return  307
Conestoga Treaty — Kindness of tlie Inhabitants  307
Conestoga Treaty — Large Company on Horseback  307
Conestoga — Disturbed Condition  308

397 INDEX
Conestoga Chiefs at Philadelphia  309
Conestoga — Five Nation Chiefs At  309
Conestoga Indians At Philadelphia  310
Conestoga Treaty — Tawenna's Speech  311
Conestoga Treaty — Civility's Speech  312
Civility's Speech at the Conestoga Treaty  312
Conestoga Treaty^Gordon's Speech  312
Conestoga Treaty, Ganawese, Delawares and Others Present  313
Cow Killed By the Indians, Paid Por  313
Conestogas Killed by the Southern Indians  314
Civility— Letter on the Slaughter of the Qonestogas  314
Conestoga — Germans Disturb the Indians  318
Court House, Partly Frame  319
Conoys Have Captured a Mulatto  319
Cartlidge's Indian Treaty  319
Cartlidge Treats at Conestoga  319
Cartlidge's Testimony  320
Conestogas Wrongly Accused  322
Complaints of the Ganawese  323
Conestoga — The Governor's Secretary Visits  324
Charles, Robert Visits Conestoga  324
Conestogas Receive Much Rum  324
Chartier, Peter Brings Rum to Conestoga  324
Civility Sent for' by the Government  324
Conestoga Indians Coraplain against the Traders  325
Conestogas Show Penn's Treaty  326
Conestoga— Treaty ol 1735  326
Conestoga — Indian Depredations At  331
Conestoga — News ol Murder  334
Conestoga — Shawanese Chiefs at  325
Conestoga — Another Treaty At  335
Conestogas at the Five Nation Treaty  337
Conestogas — Names of at Treaty  338
Conoys Claim Land  347
Conestogas at the Lancaster Treaty of 1744  347
Chartier, Peter Joins the French  348
Council Fire at Lancaster  350
Conoys ot Ohio Claim Conoytown  351
Conestogas — Conference With in 1750  353
Conestogas — Shickalaray's Sister With  363
Conestoga — Friendly Indians Invited to  364
Conestogas Very Poor  365
Croghan's Conference At Harris's Ferry  368
Conestoga at Croghan's  368
Conestogas Must Have Clothing  368
Conestogas Threaten to Leave Lancaster County  359
Conestogas — Satisfaction to be Made to  370
Conestoga — Another Council Held in 1758  372
Conestogas — Conference at Lancaster in 1760  373
Conoys at Chenango  '  ' ' 374
Conestogas Murdered  375
Conestogas — ;Addresses from  '' 37^
Conestoga Indian Murder — Penn's Message  3Yg
Conestoga Indian Murder — Further Steps by Penn  ! . ' 373
Conestoga Murder — Governor's Message  377
Conestoga Indian Murder — Penn's Proclamation  3YY
Conestoga Murder — Lancaster Jail  3Yg
Conestoga Indian Murder — Lists of Goods  ! ! ! ! ! 379
 380

Conestoga Indian Murder — Sheriff's Message

INDEX 398
Conestogas — Names of Those Murdered  :  380

Dress of the Susquehannocks  8
Dutchmen About Chesapeake  .10
Delawares Made Women  15
Dutch Give the Susquehannocks Firearms  16
DeVries Meets the Susquehannocks  18
Dress of the Susquehannocks  33
Devils of the Susquehannocks  43
Dungan's Opinion of the Five Nations  110
Dungan's View of the Defeat of the Susquehannocks  110
Dungan Buys the Susquehanna River  128
Dungan and Penn Disagree about the Susquehanna  128
Dungan Criticizes Penn  133
Dungan Proposes a Port on The Susquehanna  133
Dungan Wants Susquehanna Indian Trade  133
Delawares of the Susquehanna Visit Philadelphia  142
Dungan Leases Susquehanna to Penn  144
Dungan Sells Susquehanna to Penn  145
Deed — Copy of Dungan's Deed to Penn  145
Deed to Penn for Susquehanna  151
Deed for Susquehanna Recorded at Philadelphia  152
Delawares Still on the Schuylkill  156
Deed lor Conestoga  164
Debauchment ol Conestoga Squaws by Governir Evans  185
Dream ol the Conestoga Queen  186
Denkanoagah or Washington Borough  187
Delawares Move to Susquehanna  198
Delawares Show a Strange Belt  211
Delawares Now Live at Conestoga  224
Delawares Turning Against the English  292
Delawares, A Council Held With  292
Delawares Claira Their Lands Are Taken  292
Delawares — Their Claira Reluted  293
Death ol An Indian Investigated  319
Delawares Move West  332
Deer's Hair — Shawanese Custora ol  337
Delawares Threatened by the Five Nations  338
Dance at Lancaster  344
Delawares in Treaty at Philadelphia  348
Delawares Kill Arrastrong  348
Deed — Indian Dated 1753  ¦  354
Dungan — The Old Purchase Re-called  355
Dungan Purchase paid lor Again  355
Dungan Purchase Again Relerred to. . .'  356
Delawares Desert the English  358
Delawares Scorn the English  363
Delaware Chiels at Lancaster in 1762  374

Earliest Appearance ol Pennsylvania Indians  3
Eitienne Brule On Susquehanna In 1615  15
Evelyn, Robert — A Witness For Claybourne  24
Expedition Against the Susquehannocks  28
Expedition Abandoned  28
Evelyn's View ol the Susquehannocks  32

399 INDEX
Evans, Lewis, On the Deleat of the Susquehannocks  Ill
Empson, Cornelius — The German Tract  172
Evans, Governor — Treaty at Conestoga  184
Evans' Treaty Scandal  185
Evans' Second Treaty At Conestoga  187
Evans' Second Treaty, Cause lor  193
English Settlements Not To Encroach On Indians At Conestoga  285
English, The Delawares Becoming Their Enemies  292
English Hated by the Delawares  363
Easton, Great Treaty At  368
F
Fire Arms Given the Susquehannocks by the Dutch  16
Pleete — His Commission Against the Susquehannocks  31
Port Built in 1646  36
Pur Trade Destroyed by the Susquehannock War  50
Five Nations Appear Against the Susquehannocks  60
Prance — King Sees A Susquehannock  62
Five Nations Determine to Exterminate the Susquehannocks  73
Five Nations Very Haughty Since Deleating the Susquehannocks.... 74
Five Nations — Maryland Makes Peace With  76
Fall of the Susquehannocks — The Attack  79
Pall of the Susquehannocks — The New Port  81
Pall of the Susquehannocks — The March  84
Pall of the Susquehannocks — The Siege  86
Fall of the Susquehannocks — Evacuation  86
Fall of the Susquehannocks — The Retreat  88
Fall of the Susquehannocks — Anne Cotton's Account  88
Fall of the Susquehannocks — Slaughter in Virginia  89
Pall of the Susquehannocks — Extinction As A Tribe  89
Fall of the Susquehannocks — Attainder of Truman  90
False Reports Against the Susquehannocks  '.  103
Five Nations Break Their Peace With Maryland  110
Five Nations Determine To Exterminate the Susquehannocks  110
Five Nations The Most Warlike Indians in America  11
Fort — A New Susquehanna Fort ..Applied For  120
Five Nations Oppress Their Susquehannock Slaves  120
Five Nations Sell to Dungan  I99
Fretwell, Ralph At Susquehanna   130
Five Nations Oppose Penn's Settlement of Susquehanna!!!!!!!!!!!!! 134
Fretwell's Visit to the Susquehanna River  136
Fort Demolished: Limit of the Walking Purchase  ! ! ! ! !  137
French About to Fall on Conestoga  ! ! ! ! !  138
French and Senecas Conspire Against the Conestogas  !!!!!! 13s
French Traders First Among the. Conestogas  ! ! ! ! 13S
French Suspected Among the Conestogas  ! ! '  139
Five Nations .loin the French  !!!!!!!!!  143
French Protestants on Schuylkill  !!!!!!!  143
Portv Susquehannocks Left   ...f.
Frisby, James Sent to the Susquehannocks  ! ! ^ ^  i^o
French Living Back of Conestoga  ! ! ! ! !  154
Port, Old Susquehannock Four Miles Ncrth of the Mouth of the 
Conestoga  '  .(.„
French Creek and Penn's Visit  ..„..
French Weaning Conestogas Prom the English  -fo
Five Nations Intend to Carry Off the Shawanese. . . . !  174
Five Nation Chiefs Make Treaty at Philadelphia. .!!!!!!!!!!!  17-;
French Trader About to Leave Suspiciously  i---

INDEX 400
Fort Susquehanna — Location At This Time  182
Fraud On The Conestogas  182
French Colonel — Messenger to Conestoga  202
French Colonel — Expense of Conestoga Treaty  210
Five Nations — Five Hundred at Susquehanna  228
Five Hundred Iroquois At Susquehanna  228
French, Colonel — Treaty With the Conestogas in 1719  235
Five Nations — Many of Them at Conestoga  240
French, Colonel, Lately at Conestoga  241
Five Nations Frighten and Ridicule' the Conestogas  248
Five Nations Compel The Conestogas To Fight Southern Friendly
. Indians  248
Fishing — Conestogas Go To Wabash  251
Five Nations' Presents At the Conestoga Treaty  251
Five Nations and the Conestoga Murder  271
French and Logan Probe the Conestoga Murder  271
Five Nation Provisions at Conestoga  277
Faraine Among the Shawanese  281
Five Nation Claims at Conestoga  288
Five Nations Threaten Conestoga  290
Five Nations Ordered Delawares To Fight the English  292
French Rumored Seduction of the Five Nations  302
Five Nations' Rumored Love for the French  302
Five Nation Chiels Come to Philadelphia About Conestoga  309
Five Nations — The "VvTiole Tribe Coming  309
Funeral of a Shawanese  324
Five Nations' Victory over the Susquehannocks Re-called  328
Five Nations — Another Treaty With  337
Five Nations Threaten the Delawares  338
Five Nations — The Shawanese Move Away From  348
French Seduce Chartier  348
Five Nations .Advise War on the Shawanese  348
Five Nations Give Another Susquehanna Deed  349
Furney, Adam Wounded at Lancaster  353
French & Indian War — Lancaster Teams at  358
Five Nations — The Delawares Defy Them  363
Fulton, Robert Sr. On the Killing of the Conestogas  382
G
Gordon On the Earliest Appearance of Pennsylvania Indians  3
Guns-r-Early Susquehannocks, Pear Of  36
Grief Among the Iroquois  61
Gospel Araong The Indians  67
Guss, A. L. — View of the Susquehannocks, Twenty Years of War.... 98
Ganawese Settle on the Susquehanna River  147
Garland And Askin Sell Rum To the Conestogas  154
Ganawese Move to Pennsylvania  15*
Ganawese Sick  154
Garland, Sylvester, Arrested for Selling Rum To The Indians  157.
Gap — Monuraent to Penn's Visit  161
Gap Spring — Penn's Visit To  161
Ganawese at the Gi-eat Treaty ol 1701  162
Gerraan Tract, The New  171
Godin, Nicole, Reports Depredations at Conestoga  175
Gareau, Niabolos, Suspicious Actions at Conestoga  175
Gateau Accuses Godyn  176
Ganawese Come to Conestoga  178

401 INDEX
Germans Buy In Land At Conestoga  18^
Godyn Captured at Conestoga  19"
Gookin Invites the Conestogas To Help Tbe English In War  194
Gookin Attempted to Go To Conestoga, Sick  196
Gookin Visits the Conestogas  201
God ol the Conestogas  205
Gookin — Another 'Treaty at Conestoga  208
Griest, John, Wrongly Takes Conestoga Land  264
Ganawese at the Cartlidge Inquest  |  267
Ganawese — Conlerence With Keith  281
Great Treaty ol Conestoga and Copy  281
Germans — Indians Complain ol Encroachments  293
Gordon Places Guardians Over Shawanese  296
Gordon Prepares Por Conestoga Treaty  301
Godon Attends Conestoga Treaty  302
Gordon Explains His Absence Prom Conestoga  310
Gordon on the Attack ol the Conestogas  314
Governor's Report on Indian Depredations  317
Germans Settle Among the Indians  318
Gordon Reminded of Penn's Promise  318
Governor's Secretary Visits Conestoga  324
Ganawese Live Above Conestoga  323
Government Sends for Civility  324
Great Lancaster Treaty of 1744  340
German Children's Sports with the Indian Children  389
H
Hudson River Visited by the Susquehannocks  6
Hurons and Iroquois Go and Fight  37
Hurons — Susquehannocks Offer Them Help  37
Hurons Send to the Susquehannocks for Help  38
Hurons .Again Appeal to the Susquehannocks  40
Hurons, Too Weak to Help Susquehannocks  44
Hogs, Susquehannocks Kill  50
Heckwelder Comments on the Conestoga Massacre  125
Hans, John and the Susquehannock Indians  ' 150
Harlan, Ezekiel, Interpreter  282
Harris's Ferry — Friendly Meeting at  358
I
Iroquois On the Susquehanna  13
Indian Paths About Susquehanna  _[ 21
Iroquois and Hurons Fight  ^ . 37
Iroquois Retaliate on tbe Susquehannocks  ! . ! 40
Iroquois Susquehannock War  40
Iroquois Held at Bay by the Susquehannocks  49
Iroquois Expedition Down the Susquehanna River  ! ! ! ! 53
Iroquois Attack the Susquehannock Port  ! ' . . 53
Iroquois Fight the Susquehannocks in Manor  53
Iroquois Lose Jesuit's Favor   55
Iroquois Again Attack Susquehannocks  ' 55
Iroquois Repulsed at Susquehannock Fort  ^^
Iroquois Mourn Their Dead Warriors   gj
Iroquois Pray to Their Gods  ! ! ! 67
Iroquois Ask Vengeance of the Gods on the Susquehannocks  67
Iroquois in Terror of the Susquehannocks  68
Iroquois Fortue Telling Against tbe Susquehannocks  69

INDEX 402
Iroquois Beg More Help to Whip the Susquehannocks  71
Iroquois Fear the Susquehannocks' Invasion  71
Iroquois Jugglers Warn Against the Susquehannocks  71
Iroquois Pear the Susquehannock Invasion  71
Iroquois Distress the Susquehannock Ndtion  72
Iroquois Very Bold  121
Iroquois Threaten to Kill All Remaining Susquehannocks  121
Indian Trail from Susquehanna  136
Inquirer, Lancaster On Penn's Visit  161
Indian Harry at Philadelphia  170
Iroquois — French Make Peace With  171
Indians, Whites Among  174
Indian Harry's Brother  174
Iron Ore at Conestoga  192
Indians Dig Ore at Conestoga  192
Iroquois Deraand Annual Tribute by the Conestogas  198
Indian Traders, Attack On  240
Inquest on the Death of a Conestoga Indian  266
Indian Damages in Lancaster County  313
Inquest — Death of a Lancaster County Indian  316
Indians Disturbed by the German Settlement  318
Indian Trade— Cartlidge  319
Indian — Death of. Investigated  319
Indiantown — Location  322
Indian Deed for Susquehanna Lands  328
Indian Release for Susquehanna Lands  330
Indian Religion  331
Indian Depredations at Conestoga  331
Indiantown — Descendants Claim  387
J
Jessuit Relations  17
Jessuits Opinion of the Susquehannocks  37
Jessuits Glad the Susquehannocks Checked the Iroquois  49
Jessuits Suspicious of the Iroquois . . . .'  55
Indian, Randal Goes to the Susquehannocks in 1707  173
Joshua Lowe on Inquest  317
Jews in Lancaster  344
Jail at Lancaster — Indians Killed  378
K
Kent Isle and Susquehanna Conspiracy  IS
Kings of the Susquehannocks  32
Kidnapping the Susquehannocks Threatened by the Senecas  105
Kekelappan Sells to Penn  126
Kyanharro and Orites, Two Susquehannocks Visit Council  142
Keith and the Conestoga Treaty  224
Keith on the Iraportance of the Treaty of 1720  247
Keith's Great Treaty of 1721  252
Keith's Indian Council at Conestoga in 1722  274
Keith Leaves Conestoga for New Castle  276
Keith Objects to Spotswood's Treaty  279
Keith's Speech to the Shawanese  284
L
Lenepe, First Appearance  3

403 INDEX
Little Indian Picture Rock  *
Lancaster County — First White Man in 1615  1^
Lancaster County Indian Paths  21
Liquors First Given by the Dutch  2b
Letter Carriers Between Maryland and the Susquehannocks  51
Lord Baltimore — Peace With the Susquehannocks  102
Lancaster County — Penn's First Effort  130
Letort — First Appearance in Conestoga  138
Letort Suspected  l'*l
Letort, Anne — Order Against  142
Letort Appeared in 1686  143
Lease — Copy of Dungan's to Penn  144
Location of the Remnant of Susquehannocks  147
Letort Leaves Conestoga  158
Logan, James — Statement  159
Logan's Statement of Penn's Visit  159
Logan Tells of Penn's Visit  160
Land Granted — Earliest in Conestoga  169
Logan, James — Earliest Visit to Conestoga  170
Letort and Bizalion Held in Bonds  172
Logan's Intended Trip to Conestoga in 1703  173
Letort in Jail at Philadelphia  177
Logan's Treaty of 1705 at Conestoga  179
Logan's Conestoga Trip — Letter on  182
Laws Explained to the Conestogas  183
Logan's Treaty — Costs ol  184
Lutheran Missionaries at Conestoga  194
Lancaster County's First Real Settlements  199
Letort — ^New License to Trade  215
Lost Treaty (Conestoga) , Minutes of  223
Location of Sawanna Town  234
Logan, James — Again at Conestoga  241
Logan and French Probe the Murder  271
Logan Continues the Great Treaty  2S1
Land Purchases from the Conestogas  287
League of Friendship with Penn  288
Logan — Convinces the Delawares  293
Letort's Letter — Shawanese Hatred  286
Lancaster County — Shawanese Leave  300
Lancaster County Organized  309
Lancaster County — Near Chester Indian Damage  313
Lancaster County Whites Assaulted by the Mingoes  315
Lancaster County Indian Depredations  317
Lancaster Court House — Blunston Helps to Raise  :  319
Lancaster County Indians Migrating  32o
Letort's Cabin Burned  322
Lancaster County Lands to Be Bought  ! ! 328
Lancaster Indian Excitement   34O
Lancaster — Great Treaty at. In 1744   340
Lancaster in 1744 — Marshe's Opinion   343
Lancaster — Jews at, in 1744  '  !!!!!!!!!  344
Lancaster — Dance in the Court House  !!!!!!  344
Lancaster — Indian Feast in the Court House  !!!!!!!!  344
Lancaster — Whites and Indians Arm for Defence .!!!!!!!  349
Lancaster County Must Be Protected  !!!!!!!!!  349
Lancaster — Shamokin Indians Visit   040
Lancaster — Council Fire at  '  ^rn
Logtown — Its Location   V-q
Lancaster — Another Great Treaty at   oca

INDEX 404
Lancaster Treaty — Expense of  351
Land on the Susquehanna — Another Purchase in 1754  354
Lancaster Indian Deed for Land inl753  354
Lancaster County Petitions for Protection  356
Lancaster — Danger and Confusion in  357
Lancaster County — Teamsters for the War  358
Lancaster^Renewed Excitement in  359
Lancaster — Reported Burned  260
Lancaster County Troops Raised  360
Lancaster — Indian Council at in 1756  361
Lancaster — Conestogas Enraged at  361
Lancaster Treaty of 1757  357
Lancaster — More Strange News  367
Lancaster Treaty of 1757 Opened  367
Lancaster — Murdered Indians Exhibited at  368
Lancaster County — Conestogas Threaten to Leave  369
Lancaster — Delaware Chiefs at  374
Lancaster County — Last Indians in  ;  386
Lancaster County Indians — Papooses and White Children  389
M
Miqua Narae on Slaten Island Deed  5
Massaworaekes  9
Mohawks or Massawomekes  9
Mohawks, Enemies of the Susquehannocks  10
Mohawk Susquehannock War  13
Maryland vs. Susquehannocks in 1639  23
Mountain — Susquehannocks Live on  26
Maryland Afraid to Fight the Susquehannocks  29
Maryland Tries to Make Peace with the Susquehannocks  31
Marriages of \he Susquehannocks  33
Maryland Government Disowns Interference with Susquehannocks.... 35
Maryland Governor and Council Disagree About the Susquehanocks.. 35
Maryland, Cost to Watch the Susquehannocks  39
Mowhawks and Others vs. Susquehannocks  41
Maryland — Susquehannocks Beg Help frora the Iroquois  43
Maryland — Treaty with the Susquehannocks  43
Maryland Deprives the Susquehannocks of Guns  45
Maryland Declares the Second War Against the Susquehannocks.... 46
Maryland's Second Peace with the Susquehannocks  47
Maryland — New Treaty with the Susquehannocks  50
Mianor Township — Fight Against the Port  >  53
Maryland Again Helps the Susquehannocks  54
Minquays, Swedish — Eight Hundred to Help the Susquehannocks.... 54
Maryland Again Helps the Susquehannocks  '.  56
Mohawks Defeated b,y the Susquehannocks  59
Maryland Co-operates with the Susquehannocks  59
Maryland Helps the Susquehannocks Agaihst Five Nations  60
Maryland Declares War ...Ygainst the Five Nations  60
Maryland — Peace with the Susquehannocks  65
Maryland Raises Men to Help the Susquehannocks  66
Maryland — Heavy Tax Needed to Protect the Susquehannocks  70
More Susquehannocks Tortured  71
Maryland Admits Susquehannocks' Defeat by the' Iroquois  73
Maryland Corapels Five Nations to Cease to War on Susquehannocks 74
Maryland Protects Susquehannocks on the Potomac  75
Maryland Declares War Against the Susquehannocks  99
Maryland Asks Virginia to Join ...igalnst the Susquehannocks  78

405 INDEX
Maryland Presents to Allies to Help Defeat Susquehannocks  99
Maryland— Susquehannocks Beg Peace with  99
Maryland Will Make Peace with the Susquehannocks  101
Maryland Citizens Say Susquehannocks Are Abused  lOi
Maryland at a Great Expense by Fighting Against Susquehannocks . . 105
Maryland Takes Hands Off  10»
Maryland— New Treaty with the Susquehannocks  106
Macques Agree to Peace with Maryland  109
Macques Accuse the Susquehannocks  jjO
Maryland Helps the Piscataways Against the Senecas  112
Maryland Helps the Piscataways Against the Susquehannocks  112
Maryland Helps the Piscataways Against the Susquehannocks  116
Mattawomans Pear the Slave Susquehannocks  117
Maryland to Drive Out the Susquehannocks  118
Maryland to Slaughter the Susquehannocks  120
Maryland to Be Invaded by the Senecas  121
Maryland Impeaches Young  123
Maryland^Peace with the Five Nations and the Susquehannocks  124
Manor Township — Susquehannocks Move to  126
Machaloha Sells to Penn  127
Maryland — Peace with the Susquehannocks  140
Markham's Letter  143
Maryland's Last Treaty with the Susquehannocks  148
Maryland — Protection Against Susquehannock Invasion  148
Maryland's Treaty with All the Conestoga Indians  149
Maryland to Treat the Susquehannock Free  150
Marshe's Project (Susquehanna)  158
"Mount Misery" and Penn  161
"Mount Joy" and Penn  161
Mitchell, Louis — French to Fall on Conestoga  178
Maryland^ — Intend to Fall on Conestoga  178
Minquays at Conestoga  187
Missionaries at Conestoga  194
Mennonites Settling ..\mong Conestogas  207
Mennonites Settling Among Conestogas  210
Mennonites — Indian Jealously Against  235
Mingoes Corarait Depredations  315
Mitchell, James Wants Pay for Services to the Indians  315
Miranda, Isaac Complained Against  315
Mulatto Captured by the Conoys  319
Migration ol Indians  320
Murder at Conestoga  334
Marshe, Witman's Opinion of Lancaster  343 «
Murder of the Conestogas  375
Murder of Conestogas — Killed in Jail  378
Murdered Conestogas — List of Their Goods  379
N
New Sweden, Map of  22
New Albion in 1646  32
Nimbleness of the Susquehannocks  33
New York, Susquehannocks Annex Their Lands to  33
New York Governor, a Friend of the Susquehannocks  101
New England Nearly Ruined Five Nations  Ill
Norris, Isaac's Letter on Penn's Second Visit  I59
New County — Janney Interested  I73
Nantikokes at Governor Evans' Treaty  188
Nantikokes Move to Cocalico  265

INDEX 406
Nottingham — Governor Left for Philadelphia  276
Nantikokes Have Moved  350
Nantikoke in Lancaster Jail  354
Nantikokes at Cocalico  369
O
Origin ol Pennsylvania Indians  3
Onondagoes Pear the Susquehannocks  40
Ontario Lake — Susquehannocks Hunt Near  41
Ontario — Susquehannocks Still Hunting at  45
Obder, Captain — To Help the Susquehannocks  48
Ontario — Fort ol the Susquehannocks  58
Oniedas Co-Operate with the Senecas Against the Susquehannocks.... 67
Onondagoes Kill the Whites, Not the Susquehannocks  109
Onondagoes Blame Their Murders On the Susquehannocks  109
"Old Surveys & Land Warrants"  137
Old Fort — Susquehannocks at  "  148
Octoraro, Upper — Shawanese Town  155
Octoraro — Mouth ol Settled by Pennsylvania  155
Owen and Shippen with Penn at Susquehanna  159
Onondagoes at the Great Treaty ol 1701  162
Octoraro Settleraent and Trade  173
Opessah Met Governor Evans at Pequehan  188
Ore — Shawanese Digging Ore Near Conestoga  199
Opessah, Late Shawanese King  219
Opessah Visits Philadelphia  219
Opessah, Council with  219
"Old Shawanna Town" — Location ol  234
Octoraro — Shawanese Wigwara on  240
Ohio — Shawanese Have Moved to  ;  286
P
Pennsylvania Indians, Earliest Appearance  3
Pictographs On Susquehanna  ....•'  i
Perlidy ol the Susquehannocks  33
Piscataways Coraplain ol War  40
Paint (War Paint) ol the Susquehannocks  63
Piscataway Emperor Visits at Susquehanna  68
Pennsylvania, Map ol, in 1671  70
Potomac — Susquehannocks Driven to, by the Senecas  75
Peace — New Treaty with the Susquehannocks  106
Peace with the Senecas  107
Peace — First Steps  107
Palraer's Island  108
Perfidy ol the Susquehannocks  109
Peace Song by the Macques  110
Pequea Creek — Shawanese Arrive  Ill
Pittsburg — Red Pole Buried at  112
Piscataways — Susquehannocks Fall On  112
Piscataways Frightened by the Senecas  114
Piscataways Come to Council  115
Piscataways Blame the English lor the Susquehannocks' Enmity  116
Piscataways Frightened by the Susquehannocks  118
Penn Meets the Susquehannocks  125
Penn Meets the Susquehannocks  125
Penn Meets the Conestogas  125
Penn's Treaty — Minutes of the Conference  125

407 INDEX
Paxtang Murder^Heckwelder's Comment  125
Penn's First Purchase from the Susquehannocks . . . .•  126
Penn's Second Purchase from the Susquehannocks  127
Penn and Dungan Disgrace About Susquehanna  128
Penn's First Visit to Conestoga  129
Penn's Projected City on Susquehanna  130
Penn's Journey Back  132
Penn Criticized by Dungan  133
Penn's Title to Susquehanna Disputed  134
¦ Penn's Walking Purchase to Susquehanna  134
Philadelphia's Earliest Trade with the Conestogas  139
Penn Leases Susquehanna from Dungan  144
Penn Buys Susquehanna from Dungan  145
Pequea — Shawanese Arrive when  146
Penn — Susquehannocks Deed to  151
Part II  154
Pequea Indians Complain of Rum  157
Potomac Indians Settle Near Conestoga  158
Penn Wants to Navigate the Susquehanna  158
Penn's Second Voyage to Susquehanna  159
Penn at the Conestoga King's Palace  159
Penn's Route to Susquehanna  159
Penn's Route Home from Susquehanna  159
Penn Called, "Onash"  160
Parchment Given Conestogas by Penn  160
Penn's Treaty with the Mongoes  160
Penn's "Second" Visit to Susquehanna — Watson  160
Penn's Visit — Monument at Gap  161
Penn — Lancaster County Indians Give Him Good-bye  165
Penn's Speech to the Conestogas On Returning to Eglaud  165
Pequea Creek — The Shawanese Home  16g
Preaching — Earliest at Conestoga  Igg
Palatines Buying Land at Conestoga  I87
Palatines Settling Among Conestogas  207
Palatines — Indian Jealousy Against  ' 235
Passalty's Testimony on Conestoga Murder  ' ' 269
Parchment Signed by Penn with the Conestogas  ' ' 274
Pardon for Cartlidge  278
Penn — Conestogas Will Always Remember Him  eg-?
Penn — Conestogas Say They Saw Him  ogo
Penn's Speech — Conestogas Repeat It  ' ' ' ^g?
Petticoats — Five Nations Threaten Shawanese with  ! ! ! ! 9er
Penn — William's Son Born in Pennsylvania  288
Paxtang and the Rum Trade  ' " " 29A
Palatines — Indians Complain .Against Them  ' ' ' ' 99.3
Philadelphia — Conestoga Indians Present at a Treaty  ""' r,..„
Penn Promised the Indians Peace on the Susquehanna  ' ,, „
Philadelphia, Shawanese Treaty Held at  ' ' ' tJ^
Pennsylvania, Indian Town in  ' ' ' „~
Penn's Treaty Shown by the Conestogas  „„"
Protection from the Indians  " ' ' „.^
Presbyterians on the Protection Against the Indians  ." ' ' ,09
Paxtang Boys — Justification of Murder  ' ' ' „^-
Papooses Playing with the White Children  ' '" ' fti
R
Rock Pictures on Susquehanna 
Red Hot Irons On Scalped Enemy   „t
 uti

INDEX 408
Religion of the Susquehannocks  64
Red Pole— The Last Shawanese  Ill
Robberies Committed by the Susquehannocks  118
Rum Araong the Conestogas  133
Riding Purchase  135
Rura Sold to Conestogas  154"
Religious Teaching to Indians  . 155
Rocky Run  156
Rum Selling Petitioned Against in Assembly  157
Rum Difficulties at Conestoga  165
Road to Susquehanna First Mentioned  169
Road — Conestoga to New Castle  177
Rum Trade at Conestoga  177
Religion — Chalkley Teaches Conestogas  186
Religious Services by Chalkley  216
Religion of the Conestogas  218
Rura at Conestoga  280
Religion of the Conestogas  . 218
Rum at Conestoga  280
Rura Causes Accident on the Delaware  319
Rum at Conestoga  324
Rura, Conestogas Complain Against  325
Religion of the Indians  331
Rum — Indians Protest Against .'  334
Rum — New Proclaraation Against  349
s
Susquehanna, First Appearance of Indian On  3
Susquehanna Rock Pictures  ~  4
Susquehannocks Before 1600  4
Susquehannock's Earliest Trade  5
St. Lawrence — Susquehannocks Trading On  5
Susquehannocks Trade On the St. Lawrence  5
Susquehanna, The & Smith  6
Smith and the Susquehannocks  6
Smith's Captain John, "True Relation "  6
Smith's General History On Virginia  7
Susquehanna, Smith's Praise of  7
Susquehanna, Smith Stranded On the Rocks  7
Susquehannocks, Description of  S
Susquehannocks — Dress and Weapons of  8
Susquehannocks — Sixty Visit Smith —  8
Susquehanna — Smith's Second Voyage  9
Smith's "Mappe "  11
Susquehanna Early Towns  11
Susquehannocks — Early War Custoras  13
Susquehannocks — Early Wanderers  13
Susquehannocks and Mohawk Fights Before 1600  13
Susquehannocks Mohawk War  13
Susquehannocks, General War  14
Susquehanna Delaware Channel Proposed in 1613  15
Susquehanna — Earliest White Man On  15
Susquehanna Trade Posts in 1615  15
Susquehanna Trade Thriving  16
Susquehannocks Attack Kent Island  16
Susquehanna Mowhawk War of 1629  17
Susquehannock Petit Wars  1"
Susquehannock Victorious Over All  17

409 INDEX
Susquehannocks Taught by the Swedes  1^
Swedes Teach the Susquehanocks   |°
Swedes Teach the Susquehannocks  j°
Swedes Hire Soldiers to the Susquehannocks  1°
Susquehannock Barbarities  l^
Small Pox Spread by the Susquehannocks  ^^
Susquehannocks' Mythology  19
Susquehannocks Sell the River in 1737  19
Susquehanna Valley Sold to Claybourne  19
Swedes Buy Susquehanna Lands  20
Susquehannocks Sell to Swedes  20
Susquehanna Valley Taken from Claybourne  21
Susquehanna, A Converted  21
Susquehanna Indian Path to Delaware  21
Susquehannock Customs  22
Susquehannocks Angered at Maryland  23
Susquehannocks' Location  25
Susquehannocks — Extent ol Possessions  25
Susquehannocks On a High Mountain  26
Skins, etc. — Trade with the Swedes  26
Swedish Trade with the Susquehannocks  26
Susquehannocks — ^Number ol  27
Spears ol the Susquehannocks  27
Speared Through the Body  27
Susquehannocks Declared Public Enemies  27
Swedish Land Purchase — Extent of  27
Schuylkill — Susquehannock Trappers On  28
Susquehanocks Defy Maryland to Fight  29
Susquehannock Expedition a Failure  29
Susquehannocks — Third Expedition Against  30
Susquehannocks — Maryland Advises Peace  31
Susquehannocks — Robert Evelyn's Estimate of  32
Susquehannocks Go in the New York Government  33
Swedes and Dutch — Rivalry for the Susquehannock Trade  34
Susquehannock Location and Trade in 1646  36
Susquehannock Port in 1646  36
Susquehannocks to Be Peace Makers Between Hurons and Iroquois.. 37
Susquehannocks Offer to Help Hurons  37
Susquehannocks Interfere in Iroquois Huron War  38
Susquehannocks Send Trade to Iroquois  38
Susquehannocks Have 1300 Warriors  39
Susquehannocks, Cost of Watching  39
Susquehannocks Terrorize Onondagoes  40
Susquehannock Iroquois War  40
Susquehannock Iroquois War  41
Susquehannocks Fought by Mohawk Combine  '.....!! 41
Susquehannock Iroquois War Progresses  42
Susquehannocks — Crushing Blow from the Iroquois  42
Susquehannocks Beg Alliance with Maryland  43
Susquehannocks — Treaty with Maryland  43
Susquehannocks to Be Deprived of Guns  45
Susquehannocks Hunting at Ontario  ' 45
Susquehannocks — Maryland Declares the Second War Against  46
Susquehannocks — Hard Luck in War  4g
Susquehannocks — Maryland Co-operates with  4g
Susquehannocks Hold Iroquois at Bay  4^
Susquehannocks and a Broken Up Pur Trade  5q
Susquehannocks Ungrateful to Maryland  50
Susquehannocks Steal from the Marylanders  5q

INDEX 410
Susquehannocks, New Treaty with Maryland  50
Susquehannocks Do Not Appreciate Help  52
Susquehannocks Will Not Assist in Their Own Protection  52
Susquehannocks Blockaded in Their Port  "  52
Senecas Blockade the Susquehannocks' B'ort  52
Susquehannocks Burn Twenty-five Iroquois  53
Susquehannocks — Help frora Maryland  54
Susquehannocks Get tbe Better of the Iroquois  55
Susquehannock Port, Second Attack Against  55
Susquehannocks in Favor with Maryland  56
Susquehannocks Defeat the Iroquois  56
Susquehannocks Take Charge of the Iroquois War  56
Seneca Susquehannock War Begins  57
Seneca Susquehannock War Progresses  58
Susquehannocks — Octoraro Fort  58
Senecas Rob Pennsylvanians  59
Susquehannocks Have Maryland Hei p  59
Susquehannock Presented to the King of Prance  62
Susquehannocks by Alsop  62
Susquehannocks Beg Peace with the Iroquois  65
Susquehannocks Beg Help of Maryland  66
Susquehannock War Sends Gospel to the Iroquois  67
Susquehannocks Go to the Jessuits for Religious Instructions  67
Susquehannocks, Two Tortured by Onondagoes  68
Susquehannocks — Christians Burned to Death  68
Susquehannocks Terrorize the Iroquois  68
Sorcery of the Iroquois  69
Surquehannocks Cause Iroquois to Seek Forgotten Trader  69
Susquehannocks Go to the Jessuits  69
Susquehannock Port in 1670  69
Susquehannocks — New Treaty with the Whites  69
Susquehannock Boys Whip Cayuga Men  70
Susquehannocks Captured and Burned to Death  71
Susquehannocks Great Chief — Plan of Capture  72
Susquehannocks Losing Against the Iroquois  72
Susquehannocks in Pinal Overthrow  73
Susquehannocks Overthrown by the Five Nations  73
Susquehannocks to Be Exterrainated by the Five Nations  73
Susquehannocks Driven from Their River  74
Susquehannocks Move to the Potomac  75
Susquehannocks — Twenty Years' War Ended in Their Defeat  74
Susquehannocks — Maryland Starts to Fight Them  77
Susquehannocks — Maryland and Indian Tribes Move on Susqueh'ks 78
Susquehannocks, Slaughter ol — Truman and Washington Expedition. . 78
Streeter, F. S. — Fall ol the Susquehannocks  79
Susquehannocks, Pall ol  79
Susquehannocks, Fall ol — See Fall ol the Susquehannocks  79
Susquehannocks — Slaughter ol, by Truman  91
Susquehannocks — Slaughter ol — Trial of Colonel Truman for.. 91 to 98
Susquehannocks in Great War; Opinion by Guss  98
Susquehannocks — Present by Maryland to Indians Who Helped to
Defeat Them  99
Susquehannocks Beg Peace with Maryland  99
Susquehannocks — Partial Peace with the Senecas  100
Senecas — Partial Peace with the Susquehannocks  100
Susquehannocks Port — Its Location  100
Susquehannocks Invited to Return  100
Susquehannocks Leave Potomac  101
Susquehannocks Go Back to the Susquehanna  101

411 INDEX
Susquehannocks and Other Tribes at Peace  102
Susquehannocks Have the Sympathy of Maryland  103
Susquehannocks to Be Protected — Collyer  104
Susquehannocks and Senecas — Small Fight  104
Senecas and Susquehannocks — Small Fight  104
Senecas Threaten to Kidnap the Susquehannpcks  lOo
Swedes at Upland Protect Susquehannocks  105
Susquehannocks — New Treaty with Maryland  106
Susquehannocks Among Senecas in New York  107
Susquehannocks Considered Perfidiou s  109
Senecas Falsely Accuse Susquehannocks  109
Senecas Deceive the English  109
Susquehannocks Accused of Crimes of Others  109
Shawanese Come to Lancaster County  Ill
Susquehannocks — Incite Senecas to Invade Maryland  112
Senecas Fall on the Piscataways  112
Susquehannocks and Senecas Surprise Piscataways  112
Senecas at the Old Susquehanna Port  112
Senecas Make Tools for the Susquehannocks  112
Senecas Fall on the Piscataways  112
Susquehannocks Divided Among Senecas  11.3
Susquehannocks — One Branch Carried Away the Senecas  113
Senecas Carry Away Susquehannocks to New York  113
Susquehannocks Back from the Slaughter Trip to Virginia  113
Susquehannocks Build a New Port  115
Senecas Help Susquehannocks to Build a Fort  115
Susquehannocks Pire On the Piscataways  116
Senecas Pire On Piscataways  116
Susquehannocks Stealing On Piscataways  117
Susquehannocks Desert the Senecas  117
Susquehannocks Slaves of the Senecas  117
Senecas Enslave the Susquehannocks  117
Susquehannock Fort — Its Location  -.  118
Susquehannocks Are Thieves and Robbers  118
Susquehannocks to Be Driven Out of Maryland  118
Susquehannocks Pear the Senecas  119
Senecas Pall On Sachariah Port  119
Susquehannocks Slaves Among the Senecas — Their Condition  119
Susquehannocks — An Escaped Slave Tell Tale  119
Susquehannocks — No Quarter to Be Given by Maryland  120
Susquehannocks Suffer Among Five Nations  120
Slaves — Susquehannocks in Slavery  120
Senecas Prepare to Invade Maryland  121
Susquehannocks Get Senecas to Invade Maryland  121
Susquehannocks Among Senecas .-  .'. 124
Susquehannocks — Peace with Maryland  . 124
Susquehannocks Meet William Penn  125
Susquehannocks Move to Turkey Hill  126
Susquehanna Land Sold to Penn  I27
Susquehannocks Second Sale to Penn  !!!!!! 127
Susquehannocks Report the Penn Sale to the Five Nations...!!!!!! 128
Susquehannocks Sell to Dungan  128
Susquehanna River — Penn Visits  I29
Susquehanna Land — Fertility of   j3q
Susquehannocks Debauched by Maryland Rum  • . ¦ ¦ . ^^_^
Susquehanna Settlement — Five Nations Oppose  ! 134
Susquehanna — Walking Purchase Reaches   134
Susquehannocks Not to Be Offended  !.!!!!!!!!! 135
Susquehannock Port — When Destroyed   137

INDEX 412
Susquehannocks — First French Traders Among  138
Susquehannocks — Commissioners Sent Among  139
Susquehanna — Senecas Coraing to Live _0n  139
Senecas Move to Susquehanna  '.  139
Susquehannocks Want Peace with Maryland  140
Susquehanna — Indian Expedition Up  140
Susquehannock Chiefs Visit Council  142
Susquehannocks — Five Nations Try to Force Them to the French..
Susquehannocks, Senecas and Shawanese — All at Peace with
Maryland  143
Susquehanna Leased Back to Penn by Dungan  144
Susquehanna Sold to Penn by Dungan  145
Shawanese Reach Pequea, When  146
Steelman — A Spy on Susquehanna River  146
Susquehannocks — Only a Remnant Left  ,  146
Susquehannocks Remnant, Location  147
Susquehannocks at Their Old Habitation  148
Susquehannocks — Fear They will Invade Maryland  148
Susquehannock BYiendship and Maryland  149
Susquehannocks to be Treated with Respect  150
Susquehannocks Make General Treaty of Peace  151
Susquehannocks Renew .All Former Treaties  151
Susquehannocks' Deed to Penn  151
Susquehanna Valley — Whole Sold to Penn by the Indians  151
Setting Sun — Penn's Deed Extends to  151
Susquehannocks — Fragment of  156
Steelman Gives Rum to the Conestogas  157
Susquehanna — Penn's Second Voyage to  159
Shawanese at Conestoga — Treaty of 1701  162
Susquehannocks Give Penn Good-bye in 1701  165
Shawanese Lament Use of Rum  165
Piscataways, Rumor of Coming to Conestoga  165
Skeletons Near Columbia  167
Susquehannocks — Remains of, at Col umbia  167
Shawanese Location  168
Susquehanna Road First Mentioned  169
Susquehanna — Visit by Chalkley  172
Shawanese to Be Carried Off  174
Sufferings at Conestoga in 1704  176
Swedish Indian Road from Conestoga to Delaware  177
Susquehannock Fort — Location •  182
Skins, Deer, Fox and Raccoon at Conestoga  184
Squaws — Dbauchment of, by Evans  185
Swedish Missionaries at Conestoga  194
Susquehanna — Delawares Move to  198
Slaves — Conestogas Under the Iroquois  198
Shawanese Digging Ore Near Conestoga  199
Shawanese — Gookin Visits  201
Sermon — Conestoga Replies to a Swedish Minister  204
Swedish Sermon Answered by a Conestoga  204
Shawanese at Pequea Capture an Indian  215
Shawanese — Treaty with  219
Smith-Christopher — Account of Conestoga Treaty  225
Spotswood, Governor of Virginia, Complains Against Conestogas.... 228
Surveys at Conestoga  229
Shawanese March to Philadelphia  '  230
"Sa-wanna Town, Old" Location of  234
Southern Indians Attack Conestoga  240
Shawanese Wigwams On Octoraro  240

413 INDEX
Susquehanna — Tuscaroras Live On  241
Shawanese in Treaty .  •  246
Southern Indians Retaliate  250
Shawanese Present at Logan's Treaty  250
Springetsbury Manor  274
Susquehanna — ^No One to Settle Opposite  275
Spotswood's Treaty .with the Conestogas  278
Spotswood— Keith Objects to Him Holding a Treaty  279
Shawanna King to Govenor Keith  280
Shawanese— Great Hardship Among  281
Shawanese Go to Pay Tribute :  ;  281
Springetsbury Manor — Warrant Por  281
Susquehanna Indians' Message to Philaedlphia  282
Shawanese Message to Philadelphia  283
Shawanese — Why Moved  286
Southern Indians — Susquehannocks Will Net Hurt  286
Susquehanna River — Indian Tribes Living On  283
Shawanese Kill Two Conestogas  294
Shawanese Started to Move  294
Shawanese— Conestogas Will Fight Them  295
Shawanese Annoy Other Tribes  295
Shawanese, When They Arrived in Pennsylvania  296
Shawanese — Guadians for  296
Skins — Great Number at Conestoga  300
Shawanese Leave Lancaster County  300
Shawanese Leave Conestoga from Fright  301
Susquehanna Indians Frightened  308
Southern Indians Kill the Conestogas  314
Susquehanna Indians Not to Be Disturbed  318
Shawanese Leaving  ,  320
Shawanese — The Governor Invites Them to Come Back  321
Shawanese Hold a Treaty at Philadelphia  322
Shawanese — Funeral Expenses of  324
Susquehanna River, Lands to Be Bought  328
Susquehannocks — Their Defeat by the Five Nations Mentioned  328
Susquehanna Lands, Deed for  328
Susquehanna Lands — Indian Release of  330
Southerland Stabbed by an Indian  332
Senecas Sell Land in Lancaster County  332
Shawanese Excited Over the Senecas' Sale  332
Shawanese Chief at Conestoga  335
Shawanese Customs  337
Shawanese Break An Agreement  339
Shawanese — Five Nations Advise War On  ,  348
Shawanese — Five Nations Advise War On  349
Shickalamy Sick  349
Shamokin Indians Visit Lancaster  349
Susquehannock Lands, Another Deed for  349
Susquehanna Indians Urged to War  350
Six Nations Command the Susquehannocks to Go to War  350
Shawanese Pardoned  351
Susquehanna Land Granted  352
Susquehanna — Land Purchased On  354
Shawanese Desert the English  358
Shickalamy — His Sister at Conestoga  363
Susquehanna Lands in Controversy  366

INDEX 414
T
Turkey Tribe, First Appearance  3
Turtle Tribe, First Appearance  3
Turtle and Turkey Tribes, the First Susquehanna Indians  3
Trading — Earliest Among Susquehanna Indians  5
"True Relation" by Captain John Sraith  6
The "Deraollshed Fort" on^ Susquehanna  22
Trade with Susquehannocks — Coraraodities  26
Trade of Susquehannocks — Whites Jealous  34
Torture of Scalped Eneray  36
Truman — Charge Against for Slaughtering Susquehannocks  91
Truman — Proceedings Against  92
Truraan — Witnesses Against  93
Truman — ^Articles of Impeachment  94
Truman — ^Answer to the Charge  95
Truraan — Proceedings  96
Truman — Attainder Verdict  97
Tribes, Various — At Peace with the Susquehannocks  102
Taxes Made High by the Seneca War  105
Tachanoontia On the Overthrow of the Susquehannocks  Ill
The Senecas Tricky  120
Turkey Hill — Susquehannocks Move to  126
Talbot Threatens to Capture Penn at Susquehanna  130
Treaties — All Forraer Renewed by the Susquehannocks  151
Tbomas Holme's Map  156
The New German Tract  171
Traders, French, Live with the Indians  172
Tobacco to Be Shipped Down the Chesapeake  173
Treaty Proceedings  233
Tuscaroras On Susquehannocks  241
Treaty, The Great — Conestoga Have a Copy  281
Tawenna's Speech at Conestoga Treaty  311
Treaty of Shawanese at Philadelphia  322
Traders — Complaint Against  325
Traders in Danger frora the Indians  340
Thoraas, Governor Sick  349
Treaty at Lancaster in 1748  350
The Last Two Indians in Lancaster County  386
W
Weapons of the Susquehannocks  8
War Custoras of the Susquehannocks  13
War Declared Against the Susquehannocks  27
War Dress of the Susquehannocks  36
War and Sraall Pox Among the Susquehannocks  54
War Howls of the Susquehannocks  62
Women of Susquehanna  63
Washington, John ol Virginia Leads the Army Against Susquehan'ks 78
Walking Purchase Stretches to Susquehanna  134
Walking Purchase — Boundary ol  136
Widaagh, et. al. — Deed to Penn  151
Wright, Jaraes Appointed to Look Alter Indians  155
Walking Purchase — Boundary ol  156
Walker, Isaac's Monuraent at Gap to Penn's Visit  161
Whites — Earliest Land at Conestoga  169
White Men at Conestoga  168
Whites .Araong Conestogas  174

415 . INDEX
Washington Borough — Governor Evans' Treaty at  188
Wampum — Mysterious Belt ol  200
Worley, Henry — Messenger to Conestoga  202
Weiser, Conrad — On Indian Religion  218
Wigwams On Octoraro  240
Warrat lor Springetsbury Manor  281
Whiwhinjac — King ol the Ganawese  282
Walking Purchase — Trouble About  286
Wright, Thomas, Killed Near Conestoga  291
Wright's, John, Letter About Enmity ol Shawanese  295
Whites Not Killed by the Conestogas  322
Walking Purchase Mentioned  324
Walking Purchase Again Mentioned In 1757  366
V
Virginia Will Make Peace with the Susquehannocks  101
Valley Forge and Penn  161
Virginia, Governor ol and Conestoga Treaty  224
Virginia Dissatisfied with the Conestogas  251
Virginia — Treaty with the Conestogas  '.  278
U
Upland Court Protects Susquehannocks from Kidnapping  105
Y
Yaowacoes and Susquehannocks  17
Young, Jacob — Seneca Fight at ' House  104
Young Sent to the Old Susquehanna Port  112
Young, Jacob — Impeachment  '.  123
Young, Jacob — Married Susquehannock Squaw .  123
Young's Answer  124
Young's Service For Maryland  124
Young, Jacob — His Conspiracy Discussed  126
Z
Zachariah Port  119

END.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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