4 1 V T 1 »Ji1 it« H 13s a* J) r \ f "> YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Theodore Edgar Potter 1832-1910 To the Wife Who Shared wiTn TnEODORE Kdgak Potter the Perils of Frontier Life and WnosE Devo tion and Companionship was the Source of iiir Greatest Jov, Tmib Hook, is Affectionately Dedicated. PREFACE. Theodore Edgar Potter, whose life story fills the succeeding pages of this book, died at his home in Lansing, Michigan, October 25, 1910. The manuscript of this autobiography was found in his library after his death. It is now published in conformity with his last wishes so that his children and grandchildren may appreciate the struggles, privations and dangers that marked the lot of those pioneers, who, like himself, gave their best years to the develop ment of the great western country. The story is told in his own words, — the few changes made have been in the arrangement of matter and in embodying in it incidents which ho mentioned in letters and other articles but which he did not chronicle here. The story is so complete l.lmL any addition may seem super fluous. Bui to the members of Mr. Poller's family, for whom this book is printed, it lacks the incidents of warm personal friendship that in their minds rendered his life so distinctive, and which he in his modesty failed to chronicle. The writer will be pardoned therefore if he calls attention in this preface to a few phases of Mr. Potter's life which arc of extreme interest and tender memory to his family. Theodore Edgar Potter was a fond husband and father. He lavished upon his family the affection that flowed so freely from his decj) and generous nature. To hint and his wife were horn five children, and to them all and their children in turn, he was endeared by his generous affection. The writer can speak for the grand children. He was especially interested in their receiving the bene fits of theeducation which poverty denied him in his youth, and never lost an opportunity to urge them forward in their studies. He was extremely anxious that they should learn the value of money and acquire the habit of saving. His plan of encouraging them to save is illustrated by his habit of giving each grandchild a dollar to invest at Chrislmas and offering prizes for those who could show the best return on their investments at the next. Christmas season. Undoubtedly the happiest day in his life was October 5, 1908, when v vi PKKFACH. in the midst of a gathering of all their children and all their grand children save one, he and his devoted wife celebrated their golden wedding. His death in 1910 broke the family circle, for his wife, five children and thirteen grandchildren all survived him. He was a public-spirited citizen. He answered the call of duty whether it demanded service on the battle field or in public office. He was twice a supervisor of the township of Vermontville. In 1896 he was elected alderman for the third ward in Lansing, Michi gan, a position he held for two terms, at the end of which time he refused rcnoininalioii for a third term. His public service was not rendered entirely through public office. Many a person in Lansing owed food and fuel to his generosity during the winter of 1893-4. He was a devoted worker in the Grand Army of the Republic and a member of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the Uni ted States. During the last few years of his life, after retirement from business, he devoted practically all his time to the work of the Grand Army of Ihe Republic. In 1898 he was elected Commander of the Charles T. Foster Post in Lansing, and in 1899 was reelected. In 1899 the department commander offered a silk flag to the G. A. R. post in Michigan gaining the largest percentage in membership during the year. Commander Potter went after this prize for his post and iu the year increased its membership from 191 lo 320. A small post in the slate having only eleven members won the prize by an increase of 100 per cent but the increase in numbers in the Charles T. Foster Post was so large that the Department Com mander had a second flag made and presented it in person to the Post. Mr. Potter's interest in the G. A. R. was not confined to Ihe local organization. From 1901 lo 1909 he was each year a special aide-de-camp of the Commander in Chief, and attended the national encampment during most of these years. In 1903 lie was appointed Special Aide in Charge of Military Instruction in the Schools of the State of Michigan. In his work in this field Mr. Potter aimed to inculcate patriotism, and accomplished this by offering a series of prizes for the best essays submitted on Abraham Lincoln. The contest was a spirited one and aroused much favorable comment throughout the slate. The influence of such a life as his cannot be measured. His country has expressed its gratitude for the years of patriotic effort PREFACE, vii on the frontier and in the battle line; his comrades in the G. A. R. have acknowledged the worth of his service in perfecting their organization; young men everywhere have testified to the influence which he had upon their lives; but the true measure of his influence will never be known because it will flow on through the lives of those whom he met and will in turn be transferred by them to others. May this book keep fresh in the minds of his children's children, and in turn their children, the story of the unfaltering steadfastness, the devotion to high ideals of service and the generous spirit that made unique the life of Theodore Edgar Potter. New York, October, 1913. G. C. S. CONTENTS PAGE Boyiioob Days 1 Across the Plains 25 In the Rockies 57 Across the Desert 79 Golden California 99 With the Sonora Grays 121 Under Walker in Nicaragua 137 Still a Wanderer 145 Early Days in Minnesota 151 The Sioux War 161 The Dakota Campaign 187 Under Thomas in Tennessee 203 The Capture or TnE Younger Brothers 221 THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THEODORE EDGAR POTTER THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THEODORE EDGAR POTTER Copykiciht 1913 By GEORGE C SPRAGUE THE UUMFORD PRESS Concoud, N. H. THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. CHAPTER I. Boyhood Days in the Woods of Michigan. I was born in Saline, Washtenaw County, Michigan, March 10, 1832. My father and mother with two small children had come to Michigan in the spring of 1830 from Cayuga County, New York, by way of the Eric Canal to Buffalo and thence by steamboat to Detroit, a journey requiring seven days' time. From Detroit they walked to Plymouth, a distance of thirty miles, carrying their two children in their arms. They stopped a few days with relatives at Plymouth and then walked on to Saline, twenty miles further, where they settled. -Here my father built one of the first frame houses in that part of the country which he used both as a house and as a tailoring shop, for he had learned the tailor's trade in his youth at Huntington, Pennsylvania, his birthplace. His father had died when he was a mere boy and he had been forced to cam his own livelihood from that time on. At the age of eighteen he had been one of a small party to survey through a line from Cleve land, Ohio, to St. Louis, Missouri, and 'at nineteen he had joined a larger party that surveyed a broad road through Ohio, Indiana and Illinois to the Mississippi River at Quiney, Illinois. In this way he had picked up the rudiments of surveying and gained some knowledge of the vast wilderness of the Great West, lt was doubt less the glamour of these youthful da3's as a surveyor that led him to leave the comparatively well-settled community in New York in which he lived for the wilderness of Michigan. My early life was spent like that of other boys born on the frontier. My earliest recollection is of an occurrence that happened when I was three and a half years old. Our family was then living in a log house on a new farm. My parents had gone to the home of a settler two miles away, to attend a funeral, leaving me with an elder brother and sister. There was a long ladder leading from the main room to 2 1 2 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the loft above where wc children slept, and in trying to climb this ladder I fell and catching one leg between the rungs broke the limb above the knee. I suffered great pain from the injury and my brother, who did not know that the leg was broken, carried me from one bed to another, my leg dangling, trying to stop my crying. It was not until four hours later that my father reached home. The nearest doctor was at Saline five miles away, and as father had to make the trip on foot through the woods in the night it was some hours before the physician arrived to find my leg badly swollen and causing me terrible pain. After the doctor had set the leg my father took a two-inch auger and, boring holes in one of the logs which formed the side of the house, drove long pegs into them and built a wide shelf upon these pegs. Mother fixed up a bed for me on this shelf and for six weeks I lay on this firm bed that could neither jar nor spring before I was allowed to get up. Another painful recollection that comes to mind occurred not long after. The year after my accident father made the trip to Detroit with his ox team to meet some relatives of ours who were coming on from the East to locate a farm near us. The newcomers, among other possessions, brought a bright new wagon. While my father and my mother's nephew Louis Phillips, the head of the family of newcomers, were away looking at the last piece of govern ment land left in our township I took an axe and chopped off the tongue of the new wagon. This was a serious offence and in those days the vigorous application of a green birch was the common mode of punishment for a four-year-old offender. But for the intervention of one of the newcomers, the wife of the owner of the wagon, I might not have survived the ordeal to tell this story. Soon after this painful occurrence we moved back to Saline where my father secured work as a surveyor which took him away from home much of the time for the next two years. At that time Saline was the largest village on the old stage route between De troit and Chicago, and when the six horse stage-coaches came in with a grand flourish, whips cracking, tin horns blowing and horses prancing, nearly every person in town was at the tavern, to see who had come or who was to go, and all business came to a stand still until the horses were changed and the stage had passed on. But even at that time the days of the stage coach were passing. I well remember when the Michigan Central Railroad was finished BOYHOOD DAYS. 3 as far West as Ypsilanti, and in celebration of this event all were invited to attend a barbecue there. My father went and took me with him. When we reached the town, early in the day, we found the one street decorated with flags and a brass band entertaining the visitors. We visited the place where the ox was being roasted over a huge log fire, to make sure with our own eyes that we were not to be disappointed in the great dinner we had come so far to enjoy. At the depot we witnessed the arrival of the first passenger train from Detroit carrying the officers of the road together with General Cass and other prominent men who were to speak at the exercises. About two inches of light snow had fallen that morning and when the train came in view on the slight up-grade near town we saw two men sitting on opposite ends of a cross-beam in front of the engine holding large splint brooms with which they swept the light snow from the track. Such was the railroad snow-plow of sixty-five years ago. The train consisted of several flat cars loaded with passengers, and two passenger cars for the officers of the road and speakers made like the old-fashioned Concord Coaches, with doors on each side. For a new country the crowd of people present was very large, and to a boy of eight years it was a wonderful sight. After the dinner of roast ox, baked potatoes, pumpkin pie and ginger-bread, the people formed in line behind the band and inarched to the stage where the railroad officials spoke eloquently of the great growth and prospects of Michigan. As my father had just returned from a surveying trip, he was called upon for a short description of a part of the new country. On reaching home late that night, my mother asked me what I had seen and heard that day. I told her that I had seen the roasted ox, a brass band, a railroad train, two men with brooms sweeping the railroad track, and had heard General Cass and my father make speeches to the people. Such were my boyish impressions of an event that typified so much in the development of a great state. Another event that appealed to me as of more than ordinary importance was connected with the presidential campaign of 1840. My father was a strong Whig politically, and when he learned that General Harrison, "Old Tippecanoe," was to speak at Fort Meigs in Ohio, seventy-five miles from Saline, he and a Mr. Parsons who owned a saw-mill in the village got up a party of sixty men to 4 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. go that distance to hear him. The trip was made in style, the party using their own conveyance. They fitted up a huge wagon by building a platform with rows of scats upon it which they attached to a set of large wheels used to cart logs to the saw-mill. There was a flag-staff near the driver's seat from which waved the Stars and Stripes and part way up this flag-staff was a platform to which two live coons were chained. At the rear end of the wagon was a miniature log cabin in which were two barrels of cider with faucets and cups to accommodate the oft thirsty passengers. A brass band of eight pieces and a team of sixteen horses completed the jolly outfit. As the grand cavalcade passed our log house on the road I remember that my father, who was in charge as marshal, stopped it long enough for the band to play one of its favorite airs and for the men to take another drink of cider and give three cheers for "Tippecanoe and Tyler too." Then the big train moved on, to return seven days later from its campaign with no other loss than the two barrels of cider and the time that had been spent. This was my introduction to politics. After the campaign of 1840, my father traded farms and moved three times within two years; the last time onto a well-improved farm of eighty acres near Plymouth, Wayne County, purchased of a relative who had turned Mormon, and gone lo Nauvoo, Illinois. This farm had good buildings on it and was near a district school. The school was a great advantage to all of us children and we improved our opportunities during the two and a half years we remained in the locality. Previous to this we had been pretty con stantly on the move (our family moved twelve times during the first ten years of my life) and when we did settle near a school, which was not often, there would soon be another moving. Two exciting events occurred during our stay at Plymouth. One was a cyclone which came in the night when we were all in bed, and carried away the roof of our house compelling us to seek shelter in the barn in the midst of a heavy rain storm. With the help of neighbors, we had a new roof on our house within two days, though we had to go to Ypsilanti for the materials. The other event, nearly a fatal one, occurred on Christmas day, 1814. A boy of about my age by the name of Clayton came lo our house lo get mo to go with him to hunt partridges. My father and eldest brother were away, and unknown to my mother I took the old musket BOYHOOD DAYS. 5 that my father had carried in the battle of Oswego, with its flint lock and steel ramrod, and went off hunting with Clayton. After shooting several times at squirrels and partridges, but killing none, we went to shooting at a mark. Tiring of this, we varied our sport by loading with powder only, without bullets, and firing at each other at a distance of three or four rods. In my excitement I forgot to take the steel ramrod out of the barrel after loading my gun, and when I fired the rod passed through Clayton's coat sleeve, drawing blood, but doing no serious injury. That ended the mimic warfare. We agreed to go home and keep perfectly quiet about our Christmas celebration. In 1856, I met Clayton at the State Fair in Detroit and he said he had not yet found the ramrod. Ten days after that Christmas hunt, our family was on the move again going to the then unbroken forests of Eaton County where we were to occupy a new double log house built in advance by my father and eldest brother. To young persons who may never have seen these pioneer shanties, much less have seen one built, a description may be of interest. The only tools used were an axe, a saw and an augur, with sometimes an adz. After clearing a plot of ground sixteen by forty-eight feet, the straightest beech and elm trees, ten to twelve inches in diameter, were cut into logs sixteen and twenty feet long, and hauled to the clearing. The thickest logs were selected for the front, so that when the structure was ready for its roof the front wall would be ten feet in height and the rear wall about seven feet, giving a good pitch to the roof. Bass- wood trees were cut for the roof, split in half and the centers dug out like a trough. A row of these hollowed logs was laid trough-side up from the front to the rear wall, then another row was laid trough- side down overlapping the upper edges of the first tier and making a waterproof covering, without cither rafters or shingles. For floors white ash trees were cut, split, lined, hewed to make straight edges, and laid. Each shanty was twenty feet long and stood eight feet from the other, both being under this one roof which gave a covered alley-way between them. The doorways were cut in the walls so as to open into this alley. The doors were made of hewn split ash, hung on wooden hinges, and closed by a wooden latch, with a piece of rawhide string to pull the latch up to open the door. Not a nail was used in the construction of these two shanties. All the money spent on them went to buy two windows, each containing 6 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. six 7 x 9 panes of glass. Fireplaces were cut through the logs, and slick chimneys were built upon the outside, laid and plastered with clay. It took four days to make the trip to the new home and required two neighbors with their ox teams to move the family, furniture, provisions and corn. Though I was not quite thirteen years old, my father sent me ahead one day in advance with a drove of stock, consisting of three cows, two yearlings, five sheep and four hogs. A neighbor's boy of about my age accompanied me and we were guided by a rough map which my father had made of the route, and by the names of the laverns where we were lo spend the nights. I was allowed six days to take the stock through and was not over taken by the teams until we reached Eaton Rapids on the fifth day. We had twelve miles to go ihe next day, four of them over a new road just cut through the woods which no team had ever travelled. We reached our shanty home before night, and re ceived a warm welcome from my brother who had been left by my father to guard the place. Cheerful fires were blazing to greet the family of seven children. As we had no fodder for the stock, and our only food was the corn in the ear which we had hauled seventy -five miles, browsing was the only hope of life for the cattle and our principal business for the next three months was in cutting down trees for them to feed on. Within two days after reaching our new home my eldest sister and myself came down with the measles, followed within the month by the rest of the children. My eldest brother had a relapse and came near dying from this disease; all his hair fell out, leaving his head as bald as a bare rock the rest of his life. In spite of our troubles we managed to clear seven acres of land and to get in spring crops, such as corn, potatoes, pumpkins, and squash. After selling his Wayne County farm and paying off the mortgage and settling other debts, my falher had $300 left with which to begin life anew and make another home. But necessary expenses until a crop could be raised reduced that amount to $100 which was just enough to buy eighty acres of government land. Father decided to go to the land office at Ionia, fifty miles away, and make the purchase of our land. The evening before going he laid the one hundred silver dollars out on the cherry table, the finest piece of furniture we had, and let us handle and count over the largest amount of money we , BOYHOOD DAYS. 7 children had ever seen. After he had gone we were greatly worried for fear he would be robbed, carrying so much money alone and travelling on foot, and talked a great deal among ourselves about it until he returned on the fourth day, safe and sound, to our great relief and joy. The crops on the seven acres of new ground proved very successful and when harvested, three acres were sown at once to wheat. During the winter my father hauled tamarack logs to the saw mill at Eaton Rapids to be sawed into lumber for a frame barn, giving half of the lumber for the sawing, and in the spring he built the first frame barn in that part of Benton Township, Eaton County. This was in 1846. The barn was thirty by forty feet in size and in its stable my sister taught the first school in that vicinity, having seven pupils, three of whom were from our own family. In the following July my father cut our three acres of wheat with a sickle, and I bound it and set it up. The next day he cut one acre for a neighbor, binding and setting it in shock, and taking three bushels of wheat for his pay. I went wilh him lo do Ihe binding. It was very hot that day and the field was surrounded by heavy timber which shut out all movement of the air. He drank fre quently and freely of cold water from a nearby spring, until we finished the work. It proved to be his last day's work. lie was taken very sick, became unconscious, and on the 2(ith day ot July, 1846, we buried him in the little wheat-field on his new frontier farm at the early age of forty-eight years. He left a widow with seven small children, whose only possession was a farm of eighty acres of which only seven acres had been cleared. As soon as my mother's two brothers, who owned fine farms near Auburn, New York, heard of my father's death, Ihey came out to see us with the purpose of taking us all back with them to New York and caring for us. But my mother would consent to no offer of theirs. They pleaded that the family could not support them selves in such a wilderness as Michigan then was, and that they could not leave us there to starve. But she replied that all she had to live for was her seven children, the oldest now nearly seventeen and the youngest two years of age, and that as she had moved fifteen times since her marriage she did not intend lo move again as long as she could keep the family together. The winter before my father's death my oldest brolhcr and sister had been sent to 8 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. Vermontville to school for one term and I was told that I should go the next winter, but my father's death put a stop to our school ing until four years later, when a district school house was built on the corner of our farm and a school opened, which greatly relieved the anxiety of my mother, lest her children should grow up without educational advantages. At the time of his death my father was planning to sell his farm and move on to the prairies of Wisconsin where he thought we could get a living easier, and this he would have done, no doubt, had he lived. But death put an end to the roving habits of eighteen years. My mother firmly decided to stay where she was as long as her children would stay with her. My father had been elected Justice of the Peace for two town ships in 1845, and Supervisor in 1846, and was filling both offices, so that his death was deeply felt by the community. The day after his burial we drew the wheat into the barn, and the day following, threshed ten bushels with flails and shelled five bushels of corn. The next day I was sent with our ox-team and the ten bushels of wheat and five bushels of corn to the Delta Mills to be ground into flour and meal. On the way I met a Mr. Nickerson with a horse and buckboard at a place in the road which was too narrow for the teams to pass each other. Having an axe with me, I went to cutting the road wider, and in doing so, stepped near a large rattlesnake, that warned me by his vicious rattling to keep out of his way. I killed the snake and we finally got the teams past each other. Mr. Nickerson learned who I was and told me that he was a lawyer and that he had tried a case before my father as Justice of the Peace at Dimondale, only four weeks before his death. I reached the mill before dark, but had to stay over night to get my grist. I slept that night in the mill, and got home next day with 'flour and meal enough to last us for three months. Early in the Spring we had chopped three acres of timber near the new barn, Jand mother wanted us to log and burn it and put it into wheat ithat fall. In September, we arranged to exchange work with two men to help do the logging. We cleared the ten acres, chopped the previous winter, and sowed it all to wheat in the fall, from which we harvested nearly four hundred bushels. About two months after my father's death I had my first ex perience with big game. We had only a small piece of cleared land and this we used for the growing crops, letting our cows run at BOYHOOD DAYS. 9 large in the woods to get their pasturage. In stormy weather they often laid out over night and it was my duty to look them up early the next morning. One morning after a storm I started out with my younger brother to drive home the cows. We could hear the cow bells at a distance of about a mile and so had little trouble in finding them. We had sighted the cows when the dog rushed forward and began to bark at a large buck deer. The deer had great antlers, and used them and his feet upon the dog. He was having a hard time of it and I ran up to help, whereat the deer turned upon me. I ran back, dodging from tree to tree, the deer striking at me with his hoofs and the dog snapping at his heels. My younger brother stood looking on about ten rods off, badly fright ened, and screaming at the top of his voice. The dog's biting worried the deer so much that he finally turned upon him and gave me an opportunity to pick up a dry oak stick which lay on the ground and which I used as a club. When the deer had scared away the dog, he renewed his attack upon me and we circled around an oak tree, he striking at me with his feet and antlers and I hitting him on the head with my club whenever I saw an opening. I filially succeeded in knocking him down and pounded him on the head until I thought he was dead. My brother came up and we attempted to drag the deer home, but soon found that he was too heavy for us. We forgot all about the cows in our excitement and started home on the run to carry the news to the family. We found our oldest brother at home with two neighbors who were there helping him with some work. We told them what had happened, but it was difficult to get them to believe our story. They finally concluded to go with us and see for themselves, and they were greatly surprised to really find the largest deer that they had ever seen. They dressed il and our family had plenty of venison for a whole week. The story was published in our only county paper and copied by Detroit papers and it was spoken of as a great adventure for a boy of only fourteen years. The most important result of the occurrence was that my mother told me that from that time on I should have a gun to carry whenever I went after the cows. There had been handed down in our family a revolutionary musket with a history that could be traced back to 1775. It had been used by my father at the Battle of Oswego in the War of 1812. It was an old smooth bore flint lock, with steel ramrod, cartridge 10 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. box and belt. This was my first gun and I was very proud of it. Whenever I had occasion to go into the woods I carried it with me, loaded, primed and ready for any large game that might appear. The same month that I killed the deer with a club I shot at no less than five deer and missed every one of them. My mother there upon said to me, "Ed, if you expect to supply the family with veni son, you had better trade off your gun for a dry oak limb. " One evening during that same fall, a messenger brought word that a bear was killing the hogs of a Mrs. Jones, our neighbor, two miles north of us and asking us boys to come at once bringing our guns and lanterns. The man who brought the word said that he would go after Lile Cogswell, who lived two miles farther away, and who owned bear dogs. My oldest brother and I started at once, he taking his rifle and I my old musket. When we reached the farm we found that the bear had injured one of the hogs badly, breaking its back, and had only been kept from killing and carrying it off by Mrs. Jones and her dogs. The night was very dark, but it was evident from the way the dogs were barking and howling that Bruin was not far off. We killed the hog and told Mrs. Jones to take the dogs to the house and shut them up, so as not to scare the bear away. We decided that we would drag the carcass of the hog to a log bridge that spanned a small stream nearby, place it on the bridge, which was about ten feet high, and then secrete our selves beside a large elm tree near the bed of the stream. My brother conceived this plan, declaring that as the bear was hungry he would follow the carcass to the place where we had drag ged it. We took our position several feet lower than the bridge, so that we could look up toward the sky and see the bear if he came onto it. We had not been wailing more than thirty minutes before Mr. Bruin made his appearance on the bridge. He evidentlyscented us and was suspicious of danger. As he squared himself broadside to us and looked down, my brother whispered, "Now is our time, give it to him." The bear made a jump at the sound of the guns, struck the bank within six feet of us, and ran into a large beech top a few rods away, groaning as if in great pain and breaking the branches near him. Not knowing what he would do next, we lit our lanterns and took up a position on the bridge, thinking that that was the safest place for us just then. In all new countries the settlers have certain signals for such occasions. In the timber, BOYHOOD DAYS. 11 where settlements arc few, the blowing of horns, ringing of cow bells and firing of guns are the usual signals. No sooner had we fired at the bear than we heard three shots from a distance, which meant that Lile Cogswell and his bear dogs were on the way. In a short time we heard the blowing of horns and the ringing of cow bells and within an hour from the time we had fired our first shots twenty men were on the bridge listening to our story and to the groans of the bear. Lile Cogswell and two of his dogs were selected to interview Mr. Bear at once. The dogs were let loose and we followed them with lanterns and guns. We found that the bear was so badly wounded that he could not run, but he made a desper ate fight with the dogs. One of them was killed by him, and the other was accidentally killed by one of the men in shooting at the bear. Cogswell, to save the rest of his dogs, rushed forward to within ten feet of the bear and shot him through the head. We then held a council and decided that two of the men should go wilh me to get my mother's ox-team and stone boat and draw the bear to our place that night and dress il. It was also voted that the next day should be a holiday, so that all the neighbors of that section could come and receive a share of the largest black bear that had ever been killed in that part of the state. It was a great relief to the settlers for miles around to know that this particu lar bear was dead. He had been a regular visitor for the past two years and had not slighted any farmer in the township who kept hogs. At least one hundred settlers visited our home the next day and received a portion of the carcass that had cost them so dearly in pork. The bear weighed, before being dressed, a little over four hundred pounds. It was found that both my brother and myself had hit the bear and that either of the shots would have proved fatal as they passed clear through his body. My mother then advised me to do my hunting after dark, as she said it was evident that I could see to shoot better in the dark than in the light. The year of our bear hunt the State Capital was located at Lan sing within twelve miles of us, settlers came in rapidly, new roads were surveyed and opened to the Capital from the surrounding towns and villages, and general improvement and prosperity was manifest. A company of ten men, surveying an air-line road from Battle Creek through Bellcvue and Charlotte to Lansing, stopped over night at our house, sleeping on the cabin floors, my mother 12 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. getting supper and breakfast for them. In the morning, the head surveyor needing another hand, and offering twenty-five cents a day and board until their return, I was selected to take the posi tion. My duties were to carry water, make fires, and do other mis cellaneous work as required. The foreman asked me if I was the boy who killed the buck with a club, and said that they had two guns in their party, but that they had killed no game except a few partridges and a woodchuck since starting. He told me jest ingly that they would expect me to furnish the party with venison, even if I had to do it with a club, although I might use their guns if I wished and could take time to hunt while they were at work on the way. Wc started early but made only three miles that day as the route from our place on was almost wholly through an un broken forest of hard wood timber, the only cleared land in the vicinity being my mother's farm. My first day's hunt netted seven partridges for supper. The next day we made less than a mile, crossing the Old Maid Swamp which was covered with a thick growth of tamarack and willow brush, with mud and water under neath. I cut brush and small trees for a path nearly all day. As soon as we reached solid ground I was ordered ahead to locate a good camping spot which I found near a stream of water. While preparing the camp I saw two deer coming towards me on the trot. I seized my gun, (hopped behind u log, and when they were within five rods of me I bleated, anil they stopped. I fired and broke the back of one. After cutting his throat I went back and reported to the party that I had located the camping place but said nothing about killing the buck. When the party came up they were all greatly surprised to find a deer, dressed and hung up ready for cooking. We had plenty of venison that night, and in fact during the rest of the journey. This was my first deer killed with a gun. My former failures were from excitement and aiming too high. After this I never had another attack of "Buck Fever." The fourth night we camped near the present location of Waverly Park, west of Lansing. Next morning we heard cow bells, and the sound of someone chopping. Some of us followed the sound, and on reaching Grand River saw a log house on the other side where a Mr. Cooley lived. He came across in his boat, told us we were within three miles of Lansing, and took one of our party in his boat to town. They returned about noon, accom- BOYHOOD DAYS. 13 panied by Charles Bush, a prominent citizen of the new capital. We pushed on and at four o'clock P. M. we were at the corner of Washington Avenue and Main Street, where they were then building the Benton House to accommodate the first Legislature, which was to meet in January, 1848. I had seen brick buildings before, but had no idea how they were put together until I saw them using mortar with the brick on the Benton House. The influx of people was so great, and the houses so few, that we could find no roof to sleep under that night. We followed Washington Avenue, which had just been underbrushed, north to Briggs' store where we bought supplies for our supper and then pitched our tent under a large elm tree just south of the store and camped for the night. Next morning most of the party, after breakfast, walked farther north, past the frame of the first capitol building on to North Lansing where there were two or three small stores, and a saw-mill. All the settlers around Lansing had been invited to the "Raising" of the capitol that day. Jugs of whiskey, and dinner and supper were provided free for all. The whole proceeding of the erection of the capitol building of the State was after the fashion of an old- style raising of the heavy frame of a barn or house. The most of our party assisted at the raising, and also at the dinner and supper and helped to empty the jugs, but all rallied at our tent under the the elm-tree that night, every man sober. Next morning we started on our return, following our previous trail for the first four miles, then making a new survey half a mile south of the previous one to avoid a part of the swamp. In after years the Peninsular railroad followed our first survey west of Charlotte most of the way to Lansing. On the tenth day after my leaving, I reached home much elated over my first visit to Lansing, the infant Capital and hub of the Slate of Michigan. In the following month of September, I made my second visit to Lansing, under the following circumstances. A man by the name of Corydon P. Sprague, a relative of my father, with his young wife, both school teachers, visited us on his way to Wisconsin. He went to see Lansing and concluded to settle there and open a school instead of going further west. Having no means to build a schoolhouse, five families of his relatives volunteered to go and build one for him and make him a present of it. So on September 10th, 1847, Samuel Preston, John Strange, George P. Carman, 14 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER.. Wm. H. Taylor, and Theodore E. Potter, who represented his mother's family, with axes and teams met in Lansing near the junction of Grand and Cedar Rivers, where Bush & Thomas had given a lot for the purpose and near the spot where the Potter Manufacturing Company's factory was afterwards built. We cut timber on the lands of speculators, who were not there either to consent or object, hauled the logs to the lot with our ox teams and in ten days had completed a two-story log schoolhouse and resi dence — the first schoolhouse ever built in Lansing — hauling the pine lumber for the floors and desks from Flushing, a distance of 40 miles. In this two-story log house Mr. Sprague and his wife lived und opened the first Select School in Lansing, having a full attend ance the first winter, Mrs. Sprague teaching the primary classes, and he the more advanced. During the summer of 1848, new schools were opened in other parts of the city, as most of the people were settling along Washington Avenue on the north side of the river, which left the Sprague school out of reach and incon venient of access. In the fall of that year Mr. Sprague opened but one department and his wife taught a district school at Delta Mills. The same year she was taken sick and died, and he became disheartened and returned to his former home near Auburn, New York. Afterwards he went to California, located at Sonora, and in 1850 was elected a member of the California Legislature, serving two terms. He laler moved to Oregon and began the practice of law, and still later returned to California. While building the log schoolhouse, old Chief Okemos, then eighty years old, and a few of his tribe were camped near us. They had been hunting near our home not long before, and he knew me; and also about the story of my killing the buck with a club. He delighted to prove his own bravery and many dangerous encounters by showing Ihe numerous scars he carried from conflicts with both Indians and white men, made by the tomahawk, knife and rifle. History tells of the British commissioning him as Colonel of an Indian regiment which fought the Americans at the battle of the Thames, and how he afterwards went to Detroit and agreed with General Cass to lay down the tomahawk and scalping knife and to become a good Indian, and how he never broke his agree ment. He look great interest in me, calling me his "Pick-a-nin-ne Shc-mo-ke-man" (white young man). He watched me intently BOYHOOD DAYS. 15 while I hauled and skidded logs with the oxen and a log chain. As it was very warm, I was working with bare feel, and he [minted to his own feet, and said — "Squaw make moccasins — you wear moccasin." That night he took me to his wigwam. The squaws looked at my bare feet and at each other and then began to shake with laughter. One of the men said they were making fun of my bare feet. Soon one of them handed Okemos a pair of new, nicely beaded moccasins and he asked me to put them on. I offered to pay him for them but he refused. I walked proudly around dis playing the moccasins in all the wigwams, greatly to the delight of Okemos. I did not go barefoot again in Lansing. Since that time I have been acquainted with numerous tribes of Indians but Okemos is the only Indian I ever knew to give a present to a white man. One day Okemos asked me to take a night hunt with him up the Cedar River. Three of us went in a large canoe, Okemos in the bow, I in the center, and another Indian in the stern to steer. We paddled up the river about two miles where we stopped until it was dark. The weather was warm and sultry, and the mosquitoes very thick and tormenting. As soon as it was dark torches were lighted, and the boat was permitted to drift slowly and silently down the stream. Okemos sat in the bow of the boat armed with a hatchet fastened to a long pole. In a short time we saw the antlers of a large deer protruding out of the water, his body immersed to keep off the mosquitoes, and his eyes shining like two small brilliant stars. Before we reached him we discovered the heads of two more submerged deer, all intently gazing at the bewildering lights and unconscious of danger until Okemos with his hatchet struck the antlered one in the head. With a quick movement he then struck one of the others, which made such a splashing in the water as to frighten the third one away. Before midnight we were back in camp with two fine deer. This was the first time I ever had a hand in this kind of a still hunt, though I had heard about it before, and often practiced it on the lakes and rivers of the West years after wards. Okemos lived to be over one hundred years of age, and died at one of his camps on the Looking Glass River east of DeWitt. His body was lashed to his favorite pony, and taken to Shim-le-con, an Indian Mission Village on Grand River, south of Portland, where it was buried. 16 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. After going home from Lansing and finishing up the fall work, we bought eighty acres more of government land adjoining us on the east. During the winter we chopped twenty acres of the new land, burning a large part of the timber while green and gathering the ashes to make into "Black salts" at a neighbor's ashery. The black salts were sold to merchants in Charlotte, who had them made into potash, then drawn in wagons to Marshall and shipped to Buffalo, where they were made into saleratus, ready to be shipped back to the merchants and sold to the same families who had cut the timber and burned the logs. In those days this was the only paying way of disposing of Ihe now very valuable hard wood timber. As an example of the profit in black sails let me say that my eldest brother George filed a claim on forty acres adjoining us on the north, and before the time for payment expired he had made enough black salts from the timber which he cut to more than pay for the land. Hunting bee trees for honey was another business the settlers engaged in to their profit in the fall and winter. There were three methods of finding a bee tree. One was to make a box with a sliding glass top, put some honeycomb and honey in it, leave the slide open and set it in the woods in the sun where the bees would find it. The bees would fill up with the honey and fly straight for their home. The hunter would take his ax and mark the trees in line with the flight of the bees, then close the box with some bees still in it, move some distance lo the right or left in the sunshine, open the box and line the bees from that point. At the point where the second line crossed the first the' bee tree was sure to be found. Another way was lo follow the line of flight of bees on a warm day und detect the bee tree by their buzzing. Or again, when there was snow on the ground and there came a warm sunny day when the bees would come out, the settlers would locate the tree by the dead bees that had been chilled by the frosty air and lay on the snow at the foot of the tree trunk. Our family all enjoyed good health during this period except for the usual attacks of fever and ague. This complaint was very prevalent in Michigan during the early days and hardly a family escaped it. Ague shakes was the fashion, and quinine the remedy, some carrying it loose in the vest pocket so as to be able to take a pinch of it at any moment while at work. My mother said she filially drove il out of her system after a ten years' fight, by the bitter BOYHOOD DAYS. 17 help of that drug and that every fall all the children of our family were sure to have it but me. And, seeing the example of it around me so much, she said that I became an expert in imitating the shakes, although I never had a genuine experience of the bone- rattling, teeth-chattering and flesh-burning, which no amount of resolution, perspiration, quinine and cold water could fully prevent. Young people of today must not think that we young folks of those days had no fan. Amusements of various kinds were common, stlch as young people and children play in all ages and countries. Besides in that new country we had our house and barn raisings, huskings, apple-parings, spelling schools, coon hunts and other sports not known now, which have passed away with the pioneer days which were their only proper setting — amusements in which old and young participated. At these gatherings might be found practically all the people of the district in which the gathering was held. Many were the queer characters that were brought together, and many the stories that were told about them. I cannot vouch for the truth of all these stories, but from such incidents originated much of the gossip, story-telling, and amusement of the people in those days of scattered neighborhoods, sparse population and few books and newspapers. One of the characters of our neighbor hood was a man by the name of Bailey who lived about two miles north of Charlotte. He was one of the first settlers in the county, noted as a violin player and a very sociable and agreeable fellow. He was called "Rail Bailey" because of an exploit for which he was given credit at the first election held in our precinct. Here were gathered the voters of four townships and after voting they all stayed over to have some fun. Some had come on horseback, and for amusement Bailey offered to run a race of ten rods on foot, with a heavy fence rail on his shoulder, against a man on horseback from near Delta, the stake to be a gallon of whiskey. The Delta man, being a temperance man and Christian, be it said to his honor and consistency, refused to bet with whiskey or make any bet at all, but consented to the race. The conditions of the race were that Bailey, with the rail on his shoulder, which was to be selected by a committee from among the largest ones in a neighboring fence, was to start one rod in the rear of the horse, to get under way, and on getting even with the horse the word "Go" was to be given and both were to start together. Bailey won the race and ever after 3 18 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. went by the name of "Rail Bailey." Many other stories were told about him. Shortly after this, it is said, he went to a store in Charlotte to get a pair of rubber boots. Finding a pair that fitted him, he put them on and walked out into the mud and came back with them covered with mud and told the merchant that they suited him, and that he would like to keep them, but had no money to pay for them. The merchant replied that as he had soiled them so badly that no one else would buy them, he could keep them and pay when he was able. The old settlers still claim that Bailey never paid for those boots. The spring of the year when the race was run a new doctor came with his family to Charlotte and Bailey employed him. When his corn was ripe the doctor asked Bailey to take a hog he had received for doctor's fees, that had been fatted in part on beech-nuts, and to fat it on corn, when he was to kill it and dress it for half of the meat. Bailey consented, told him to bring the hog out next day and he would have a place ready. When the hog came he put it iu the pen, fed it corn that night and next morning, then killed and dressed il and look the doctor his half say ing that it was fat enough for his own use and he thought for the doctor's too. The doctor was angry but could do nothing but make the best of it, and he said afterwards that the story, circulated all over the country, gave him such a reputation that he had no lack of patronage. In the spring and summer of 1848 the jobs to open the State road from Battle Creek to Lansing which I had helped to survey, were let to different parties. Among the successful bidders were four men by the name of Gilkey, living near Lansing, who took four miles of the road near our home, making their headquarters at our house. I took a contract from them to build eighty rods of the road one mile east of our farm for which I was to have $250.00 in State land script, good for 200 acres of land anywhere in the State. I was in my seventeenth year and strong and rugged for one of my age. I first cut the timber four rods wide and then cleared the center of the road one rod wide by pulling out the stumps. Twenty rods of the road had to be corduroyed with logs 12 feet long. I always took my dinner and gun with me, and twice during my noon hour killed a deer near my lunching place. While on this job I had another hunting experience, one which lacked all the enjoyment of my other successes and which resulted BOYHOOD DAYS. 19 in a loss that was almost irreparable to our family. One noon I had left the ox-team for their rest, and carrying my musket had stepped into the brush when I saw three deer coming towards me and, as I thought, stopping within ten rods of me in the thick willow brush. I fired at the spot where I supposed they were, and the next moment my mother's best cow came rushing out towards me from the willows and fell mortally wounded within two rods of where I stood. I started back to my work broken-hearted, asking myself, "What shall I do? How shall I break the news to my mother?" I knew it would be a great loss to the family, as that cow furnished nearly all the milk and butter for a poor family of seven children. I be thought myself that the cow would at least be good for beef, and went back to where she lay to cut her throat and let the blood from her body. When I got there she was still alive and struggling for breath. She looked up at me with her great soft eyes as much as to say, "You have made a great mistake in shooting me." lt took all of the nerve I could muster to end her struggle. I couldn't work any more that day and started for home to break the sad news to my mother and the family. As I neared the two log shanties that constituted our home, I saw my mother and the smaller children standing in the yard, and when mother saw me she called out, "Ed, what is the matter? — What have you come home so early for?" I broke right down and cried, and told her I had killed "old Brinn." As soon as she and my younger brothers and sisters realized that what I said was true, they joined me and we all wept together. My oldest brother who was out at work was called in to hear the sad news and the only thing he said was, "I have always told you that Ed was too young to handle a gun." We hitched the oxen to a wooden sled made out of small logs, and my older brother going with me, we loaded the cow onto it and drew her home. When we got there I joined the family in another weeping time over our loss. We dressed and prepared the cow for market and started in the middle of the night with the ox-team for Charlotte, eight miles away, arriving there early next morning. As very little money was in circulation at that time we were obliged to trade the beef for groceries, dry goods and other necessaries for the family. The financial loss to my mother was not great, but the loss of milk and butter to the family was felt 20 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. painfully for the next two years. Since that time I have never killed a deer without its reminding me of my mother's brindle cow. After finishing my road job I sold $100 worth of my script in Lansing for $20 cash, and with the remainder located eighty acres of land in Kent County, and forty acres in Shiawassee County near Corunna. During the winter of 1848-9, we cut twenty acres of timber, and burned most of it to ashes to make black salts and saleratus. The California gold excitement at that time was taking many men out of the country, and would have taken nearly ull the young men if they had hud the means with which to go. I was only seven teen years old, and tried in every possible way to get enough money to go. I had 120 acres of land, but could not raise money with it for nobody had money to loan, and nobody seemed to want to buy land. In the spring we made three hundred new sap troughs out of split ash logs hewed out with an axe and charred inside to keep them from leaking, tapped four hundred maple trees and made eight hundred pounds of sugar to exchange for goods and family supplies. During the summer we harvested ten acres of wheat with grain cradles, threshed it with a horse power machine, and had a fine crop of over three hundred bushels for use and market. In October of this year a very distressing occurrence happened that kept the entire half of the county excited for some time. Four miles east of us, in Windsor township, stood a log schoolhouse in the woods. One day in October a boy of six years by the name of Wright, who was attending school, strayed from the path on his way home and got lost in the woods. Nearby settlers looked for him in vain that night. The next day people for miles around were notified, and a searching party of about two hundred men turned out to look for him. They found where he had rested over night, and during the day found his cap two miles southwest of the school- house. Next day fifty men from Eaton Rapids joined in the search. Towards night on the third day, I was on the extreme right flank of the searching party about three miles from the schoolhouse and south of Taylor's Lake near the head of Thornapple River. The willow brush was very thick here and I could make little progress. It was growing dusk and I was about to turn back to the main party when someone at my left fired at a deer. Instantly some- BOYHOOD DAYS. 21 thing that for a moment I supposed to be a wild animal sprang up in a thick clump of willows not more than ten feet from me. A second glance showed me that it was the boy, and I at once shouted to the others that he was found. He was so frightened and ex hausted that he could not speak, and his feet were badly frost bitten. We took him on our backs and carried him to the nearest house where he was treated by a doctor who was in the searching party, and then taken to his home. He never fully recovered from the shock and exposure. Four years later the boy was a pupil in the same school house of Miss Diantha O. DeGraff, whom I married in 1858. In the spring of 1850, I was still hoping some way would open to enable me to go to the gold fields of California. In the mean time one of love's romances occurred. My oldest brother, George, in attending one of the log house dancing parties met a young lady by the name of Gladden. It was a case of love at first sight and they were married the same month. He at once built a log house for himself on his forty acres which adjoined our farm and was living in it the month after their marriage, though still working and managing our mother's farm. In the following spring while making sugar, some differences occurred between us on the sub ject of his managing mother's farm, I wanting to work it and he claiming that I was too young. His decision and that of my mother left me nothing to do but obey his orders, with which I was not satisfied as I thought that they were not giving me the privileges to which I was entitled at home. There was helping me that spring in our sugar-making a young man twenty years old by the name of Verplanck, who was the eldest of eight children, of a very poor family living on a new farm near us. To him I confided my troubles. He in return told me that he and his father did not agree, and that he was planning to leave home and look out for himself. His father would not give his consent to his leaving home but he said that he had decided to go even if he had to run away. We finally agreed to go off together, tramp the forty miles to Jackson, and see if we could not get work on a farm or on the railroad. The next night we filled the large potash kettle full of sap, left it boiling, and taking a change of clothes tied up in a bandanna handkerchief and a fresh loaf of bread, some fried cakes and a cake of sugar as 22 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. provisions started out. We had about three dollars each in silver. On reaching Jackson the next day at noon we went to u hotel and told the landlord we were looking for work. He said that he had a farm near Jackson and wanted to hire some men to split rails for fifty cents a hundred and board. We told him that we were from the Eaton County woods and accustomed to that sort of work. After an agreement with him, he gave us our dinner, wrote an order to the tenant on his farm and gave us directions to reach the place. We reached the farm about three o'clock, and'found an Irish family in possession. The man gave us tools, took us to the woods and marked the trees we were to cut and split. We worked until night cutting logs 11 feet long, and after a good supper slept well. Early next morning we went to split up the logs we had cut, but found the white ouk so very tough that after working hard all day we had split less than 200 rails. The next day we worked until noon, and then told the Irishman that we could make no money on such timber und would have to quit unless our wages were raised. He took his horse and went to Jackson to consult the landlord, but came back saying there would be no increase in our pay. We told him he was welcome to the 300 rails we had split, but on leaving he gave us fifty cents each. We walked back along the railroad track to Jackson and thence to Grass Luke where we boarded a freight train for Ann Arbor, working our passage by helping unload freight along the way. At Dexter we heard of a farmer two miles out of town who wanted to hire help. We went to his farm, helped him do his chores that evening, and took supper with him. He told us he could pay us but $5 a month besides board and washing which was less than we cared to stay for. We stayed all night with him and helped him do his morning chores in return for the lodging and our breakfast, and he then offered us $6 a month, which we declined. We walked on to Ann Arbor, where we tried to get work on the railroad but were told we were too young. We now concluded that we had made a mistake in leaving home and decided to return unless on our way back we could find a good job. We walked to Whitmore Lake and stayed over night with a farmer, then went on west through a good farming country, paying our way with work. On the seventh day after leaving home we reached Eaton Rapids, and found one of our neighbors there who BOYHOOD DAYS. 23 had come to get a grist ground and had to stay over night to get it done. He had two bushels of corn to be ground for my mother. I asked him what she had said about my leaving home. He replied that she had told him that I thought too much of her to stay away long; and then said to me — "Your mother will be glad, but not surprised to see you return." We slept on the mill floor that night, and next day rode home with this neighbor. I was warmly wel comed by all our family and became fully convinced that my troubles were mostly imaginary, and that there was "no place like home." Verplanck was not so well received, his father telling him that he had hoped he would never return. In August of that year the "bloody flux" or dysentery, raged among the settlers and many died, among them my friend John Verplanck and his three younger sisters. All the people were greatly alarmed and nobody could be had to help care for the sick. Those who died were buried at night by the county coroner, without any funeral ceremonies. After my return home from my futile journey I diligently made up all lost time and learned to value home as never before, gave up my wild boyish habits and notions and concluded it was time to make more of a man of myself and do the best I could at home. So well did I do that when I was twenty years old my mother and brother obtained means for me to fulfil my long desire of going to California. In closing this story of my boyhood days I will copy an extract of a letter from my mother, written when eighty years of age to a grandson, Pitt R. Potter. After a sketch of Michigan life, she closed by saying: "I kept my family with me until they became men and women, and neither of my five boys, to my knowl edge, have ever used liquor or tobacco, and all have good homes and families." Thus she fulfilled her purpose formed at the time of my father's death, and kept the family together until she saw them all married and gone. She lived with her eldest daughter in plain sight of her old home and died at the ripe old age of eighty- three, a remarkable age considering the labors, trials and hardships she had gone through in a new country. Neither my father nor my mother ever united with any church organization, but I believe that they were Christian people, doing to others as they would have others do to them, and that they died as they had lived, in the full belief that all mankind would be ultimately saved. . ' ¦ At the Auk ok Twknty l(i'[irc>tllii-i'il fn.lii a iI:ikhitiv"Ijl»' lak.'H ill Marshall, Mil ¦liiu.-lli, mi tlu-ilay l'hro,l,, Miliar I'ol (rly went out that day we made a twenty- five mile drive before cai iping. A large number of Digger Indians visited us that evening. They were engaged at this season in gathering their winter supply of food. This consisted of mansoneto ACROSS THE DESERT. 87 berries and acorns, gathered from the nearby mountains, ground in stone mortars by the squaws, and the meal obtained from them mixed with the flesh of frogs and large while grubs which they secured in the loose black soil along the river. Their way of getting these oily grubs was to take a sharp pointed stick about three feet in length which they pressed into the loose soil and whirled around until the hole became larger than the stick. The worms and grubs came out of the soil and clung to the stick, and the squaws carrying woven willow baskets carefully drew out these sticks, scraped the grubs off into the basket with their hands and replaced the sticks for another catch. When grasshoppers were plenty, they used them instead of the grubs, as they could get them very quickly by driving them into the water, and scooping them out in long pointed baskets made for the purpose. These grubs or grasshoppers were mixed with acorns and mansoneto berries and then ground together and baked into bread, which was stored away in mounds along the river bank. During the winter months the tribe moved from one storehouse to another as the supply of food dwindled. The Digger Indians never use ponies or horses for any purpose. The doctor offered to drive the team on the morning of the twenty-seventh, and, as the roads were good and his arm nearly well we thought that it would be safe for him to do so, so Captain Smith, Uncle Billy and his dogs, Gondola and myself arranged to make up a hunting party that day, keeping along in the scattering timber of the foothills. Wc borrowed two of the ladies' horses and taking our noon lunch and canteens filled with cold coffee made for the hills. We rode all day through brush and timber, over hills and through deep ravines and travelled nearly forty miles before reach ing camp that night, but failed to find any game worth shooting. We had trouble finding water for our horses, but finally discovered a little lake of brackish water which was hardly fit for use even by animals. Ten miles farther back in the mountains we could have found plenty of game and pure water, but all of the streams that formed in the mountains soon disappeared after reaching the dry sandy plains below. Other trains that camped here for a few days and sent parties into the mountains found plenty of game, as we heard later. That night wc decided to send out no more hunting parties until we had crossed the desert and reached the timber in the Nevada Mountains. 88 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. We were now about forty miles from the Meadows, the objective point of this stage of our journey. The next morning we were on the road before sunrise, but by ten o'clock were forced by the ex treme heat to go into camp. At five o'clock that afternoon we broke camp and after a ten miles' drive went into camp about ten that night, it being understood that we would start out again at daybreak and after making ten miles would lay by during the middle of the day. This plan was followed out to the letter and we arrived at the Meadows lalo in the evening of the twenty ninth of August. On tho thirtieth we hold a council and decided to abandon four of our heaviest wagons and load their contents into the other five wagons. This arrangement would give us seven yoke of oxen to each wagon on the trip across the desert instead of five yoke as we hud had previously. We had planned to delay at the Meadows for Iwo days but the woullicr becoming cooler wo decided to start on the evening of the first day, and to make the first twenty miles to the boiling springs that night. A ton of hay was cut and loaded on one of our five wagons for we know wo would not find any feed for our stock for the next two days. We bade a final farewell to the four wagons that had served us so well for the past four months, and started on our night drive for tho Hot Springs, our next camp ing place, twenty miles nearer our final destination. We passed many booths that night, built of cedar and spruce boughs, whore whisky and water were sold at the same price for a drink. Our Michigan contingent invested four dollars iu a gallon of water, agreeing to leave the wooden cask encased in the cloth that held it at the Truckee River. During the night we passed hundreds of wagons abandoned by the roadside, and thousands of dead oxen whose lives had been sacrificed on the desert for greed of gold. Some of these animals had died three years before, but such was the influence of tho dry atmosphere that their carcasses remained in form, instead of docuying. We saw sonic of these carcasses propped up with gun barrels or with gun barrels thrust in their bodies and looking like small arsenals or forts, for years before guns and every thing else that could possibly be dispensed with by the emigrants were thrown away to lighten their burdens and save their lives. Hundreds of human lives were lost on this desert in the year 1849. The night was cool and a gentle breeze was blowing from the Nevada Mountains to the westward and had it not been for the ACROSS THE DElERT. 89 deep sand, and the entire absence of cvci ': green and growing thing, we could hardly have imagined that we were in the middle of a great desert. At twelve o'clock we halted for thirty minutes to feed our stock from the bundles of grass tied to the wagons and at five o'clock on the morning of August thirty-first we went into camp at the boiling springs. Not a living thing was in sight except emigrants and their stock. All was dry, bare, dreary desolation. The springs consisted of clear hot water boiling out from between deep and wide openings of solid rock, the water running over the rocky basins and disappearing in the sand. Wagon boxes had been sunk in the sand, corked tight and the hot water turned into them to cool for the cattle to drink, but the rays of the sun were so hot that it never really became cool. During the day we lay in the shade of our wagons, feeding our stock twice from the wagon load of hay. Not a spear of hay was left when we were ready to start at evening, so we used our hayrack for fuel to cook by and left the empty wagon to keep company with thousands of others abandoned near the Hot Springs of Nevada. At sunset we were on our way again. Our captain told us that the sand would now be much deeper than during the past twenty miles and said that wc should be very thankful if wc reached the Truckee River by noon of September first. ISofore starting we invested in another supply of mountain water, paying two dollars a gallon for it. Two booth saloons were selling whisky at twenty- five cents a drink and pure Truckee River water for one bit a glass, a drop in the price of water of 50 per cent, from prices of the day be fore. As we neared the mountains that night the air became fresher and cooler, but the sand grew deeper and deeper. When daylight came we had passed the highest point of the desert and could see the timber which skirted the banks of the Truckee River ten miles away. Our wagon wheels rolled in sand from six to eight inches deep, but our oxen now took on new life for they seemed instinc tively to know that they would soon reach good food and water. The head of each ox and horse was lifted high as it sniffed the cool and moist mountain air, laden with the scent of fresh water and grass so that although the sand grew deeper around our wheels our teams only travelled the faster, and at ten o'clock we were on the banks of the Truckee River, a gift of pure vatcr without price. We struck the river within five miles of Pyrnrtid Lake, where it loses 90 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. itself in the sands of the ¦ esert and after watering our stock drove on down near the lake, wncre we found good feed and made camp. Some of our parly visited the lake thai evening and caught a nice string of fish besides killing two doer. This locality was very interesting for the two great lakes, one at each end of the river, are indeed most beautiful. Lake Tahoe, six thousand feet above the level of the sea, is without doubt the most beautiful body of water to be found in the Nevada Mountains. Walled in by high mountains on the south and west it opens to let out the Truckee River, a large stream of pure mountain water, which rushes through deep canons and gorges with a fall of nearly two thousand feet in the first twenty miles; it soon widens into a narrow valley where it slumbers until it reaches Pryamid Lake, a body of water more than thirty miles long and fourteen wide, walled in on all sides by solid rock, leaving no outlet. Tho two lakes are about sixty miles apart. The mother lake which is the smaller of the two, is located on the eastern lino of Culiforniu and sends ils pure cold waters down into Ihe greater lake to keep il alive; there the massive rocky barriers rise up before it and seem to say imperatively, "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther," thereby constituting for this arid country one of the most splendid reservoirs of water ever created. Tho morning of September second dawned beautifully with a clour sky radiant with soft golden hues, und soon Ihe rising sun cusl brilliant glories over the rocky walls of the lake, giving us a sight so entrancing and magnificent that I believe the members of our train could not forget it as long as they live. From this point we had before us more than one hundred miles of up grade travel to reach the summit of the Nevada Mountains, and of this distance about forty miles lay up the narrow valley of the Truckee River towards Lake Tahoe. We started from camp about nine o'clock that morn ing making a good ten miles' drive and then camping for the night on the river bank. The mountain slopes on each side of the river were covered with a fine growth of fir and pine. We planned to make fifteen miles up the valley the next day and as we now had only four wagons, more of us were able to join the hunting parties although the large teams of oxen required two drivers to each wagon. I was one of tho hunters on that first day and us doer wore plentiful wo brought in four that night. The following morning the captain ACROSS THE DESERT. 91 ordered every man to stay with the teams all day, as the river had to be forded many times in going the fifteen miles and this was not now an easy matter since the water was high on account of recent rains in the mountains. We were up early that morning and started in advance of all the trains camped near us. We forded the river soon after starting and repeated the experience seventeen times during the day. That evening we came to a creek and valley entering the Truckee Valley from the northwest, which we were to follow until we reached Beckwith Valley, which in turn would lead us to the summit of the Nevadas. We camped for the night at the mouth of this creek, and here met parties from California who offered to buy all our stock and wagons and to allow those of us who wished to do so to keep on with the train iinl.il il reached Sacramento. The opportunity being a good one, we sold out lo them. Some of these men were miners and had plenty of gold dust with them. One of them told us of rich mines at Poor Man's Creek and said that wc would pass within five miles of the diggings. I made up my mind then and there that I would stop at Poor Man's Creek. It was nearly one hundred and fifty miles to that point and would take at least fifteen days to reach it, for travelling over the mountains was very slow. One of the stock buyers kept with the train in order to pick out camping places with good grass and to see that we did not drive more than ten miles per day, this being one of the conditions of the purchase, for the buyers intended to keep the stock in good condition so that they could readily dispose of them in California. Wc made only eight miles on the fifth and camped thai night at the foot of Beckwith Valley, which was hemmed iu with a heavy growth of timber. In this eight miles journey we had increased our altitude by fifteen hundred feet. On the sixth the road was rough and stony, and we went into camp in the same valley after a ten mile drive. We were now entering a country where large game was plentiful. Uncle Billy had seen a grizzly bear and the sight had worked upon his nerves until he talked of little else. On the seventh all the good hunters in our train were scouring the mountains on each side of the road for grizzlies, but not a bear was seen by us, although we found fresh signs of them and killed two deer. The next day twenty of our number renewed the quest, but again 92 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. failed to find any grizzlies; because of the thick timber and steep mountain sides tho hunting all had to bo done on foot. Thai night wo camped near the first and al ihut time Ihe oidy settler in Nevada. With his family of wife and nine children this pioneer had emigrated from Missouri and settled in the valley in 1849. Since then he had accumulated a fair fortune by picking up worn out stock from the passing emigrants, caring for them until they were in good condition and then driving them over the mountains to the California markets. We mot this interosting character that night and when he heard that wo wore anxious lo hunt grizzlies ho invited us to camp for a day und promised thai ho would take us on u grizzly hunt where we could both see und shoot them. The captain let us decide the question und wc voted unanimously lo take a day off and try real big gumo hunting. Our pioneer friend informed us that il was nearly five miles lo the place where bear could bo found and that this distance could be traversed only on foot. Ours was the first party having lady hunters, he said, that had ever camped in that valley and he was sure that his twenty year old daughter who was the best shot in the family, would welcome the chance to go hunting grizzlies with some of her own sex. He told us that it would be necessary to start by sunrise and since this would require very early rising suggested thai the ladies spend the night with his wife and daughters at their homo and Luke breakfast with them. Tho luetics were glad lo accept the invitation und were seemingly happy of the chance to get u breakfast Ihut had been cooked within doors. We were up early the next morning and just as the sun was rising thirty-four persons from our train, together with the pioneer, his daughter and four of his sons started to the hunting place. Our guide was made our captain for the day and it was understood that everyone should implicitly obey his orders. We found tho way rough and difficult, but the thought of the sport ahcud made us disregard all obstacles. The vulloy where wo wore to begin our hunt was finally reached and our guide and captain after noting tho direction of the wind and the bear signs stationed us in certain positions which we were to maintain while he and his sons beat up the game in a cross valley and drove them past our stations. The hunter and his boys had horns which they were to blow in case they started a bear. Orders were given that no one was to leave the spot where he was stationed, and that no shots were to bo fired except at bear or mountain lions. ACROSS THE DESERT. 93 Perfect quiet was necessary since the grizz'y bear is always very suspicious and on the lookout for danger and trouble, ready to run and hide at any unusual sight or sound. Contrary to general opin ion the grizzly is extremely timid a characteristic which is due, doubtless, to the fact that it is the most hunted of any of our mountain animals. Every hunter of any ambition wants to kill a grizzly sometime in his life. That was really the matter with us. What else but this ambition could have induced men who had killed almost all other kinds of game on the continent to slop a train of forty men a whole day, while thirty -five of them went out into the roughest kind of mountain country over five miles of rock and cliffs. For two hours we lay quiet, scarcely speaking a word, our ears keyed to catch the first sound that should tell us of the approaching game. The wait seemed never-ending to us, but at last we heard the sound of a horn, seemingly not more than a half mile away, followed quickly by a rifle shot. A herd or five deer passed us on the trot, but not a shot was fired al them for wc were after bigger game. A few moments later wc heard a half dozen shots from the point where the ladies were stationed and in another instant a bear and two cubs dashed up the ravine directly towards us only to turn a short distance away and make off down the mountain. Several of us saw them and fired as they turned, while Uncle Billy and the captain of our train started down after them, forgetting the orders of the guide in the excitement of the chase. A few moments later shots rang out again, and the two cubs runic into night once more again making towards us. Wc fired as they came into range and one of them fell dead, but the other escaped down the mountain. There was no more firing and soon we heard three blasts on our guide's horn which was a signal for all of us lo come lo them. As wc passed down the mountain wc cut the throat of the cub which we had killed and found Captain Smith and Uncle Billy standing proudly over the body of a big grizzly which they claimed that they had killed. The guide .and his boys had a large mountain lion which they had shot and when we reached the ladies we found that they had killed one large grizzly and wounded another, which had escaped into the woods. Several of us started in pursuit of the wounded bear whose trail was easily followed by the drops of blood. We were convinced that he was mortally wounded and soon came to him and found him in his death agony. The five shots fired by the 94 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. women had all found their mark. Two struck the wounded bear and three struck ihe one which was killed on the spot. The wounded one was said by our leader to be the largest bear thut had been killed in that vicinity, and the five ladies received the honors of the day. The large bear killed by Captain Smith and Uncle Billy had been badly wounded by our leader and his sons earlier in the chase. No one knew which of us killed the cub We dressed the game in short order, and soon had it ready to pack. The captain and I, with two of the boys, went to camp to get teams and wagons to bring back the game. Wo made the trip easily, met the party with the game at a previously designated point and by four o'clock in the after noon were all on our way back to camp. While we had been gone for Ihe teams the hunters had found the other cub which had been wounded, and had killed it as well as two deer, so that our bag for the day's hunt consisted of five grizzly bears, one mountain lion and two door. The skins of the five bears were given to the ladies, making a splendid addition to the collection of trophies which they had secured on the trip. We were royally entertained that evening by our Missouri host and his family, who related to us some of their experiences during the past three years in this wild mountain country. They described vividly tho terrible winter storms and told us how two years before they had boon snow bound for nearly half the year, when snow fell three foot deep in the middle of September and did not go off until April of tho next year. Only a short distance from this spot a Missouri wagon train of fifty-two persons was caught in a snow storm only a month after our visit, so we learned later, and all per ished. Evidence was discovered to indicate that in their sad and desperate sufferings they cast lots to decide which one should be sacrificed for food, in the hope that one or more might live to toll of their sufferings and fuLe to the world. This party hud been detained on the road by sickness und death, and only Iwo days before the storm had camped near tho house of our host who warned them of their danger in attempting to proceed further. In the blinding storm they wandered ten miles off from the main road, and consequently were not found until the snow had disappeared the next spring. Their camp was only thirty miles from the Missourian who hud wumed them of their dungor und who had plenty of pro visions to have kept thorn ull during the winter. He und his boys, ACROSS THE DESERT. 95 during the early part of the winter, spent many days searching for them but never found their out of the way camp where all had perished until the early part of April, 1852, when they discovered evidence that two of the party were still alive as late as the twentieth of March. The stories of early snows made us all mindful that it was now the eighth of September, and that it would be extremely well for us to be on the move and over the mountains just as soon as we could, if wc wished to escape the serious consequences of a possibly early winter. We were now camped about thirty miles east of the Cali fornia line, which was the summit of the Nevadas, and at the rate we were tavelling it would take us three more days to pass into California, the golden state to reach which we had been on the long weary road over five months. That night we resolved to spend no more lime hunting but to push rapidly on to our goal. Wc agreed that the day's hunt with its excitement and success would never be forgotten by any of us but thut it would be remembered by all as a grand wind up of a two thousand mile trip with ox teams and the best of all the many hunts that we had had. The morning of the ninth we were on the road early and made fifteen miles to the head of the valley, where we entered a dense forest of pine, spruce and hemlock. The next one hundred miles of our way was to be over the roughest country we had covered on our whole route. On the tenth pf September wc made another ten miles over this very heavy road and camped that night five miles from the Cali fornia border. Our camp was now six thousand feet above the sea, and after another five miles of up grade, our trail would be down ward for the remainder of our journey. AU our talk that evening centered on the cheering fact that we would pass the summit of the Nevadas the next day. The night was cool and wc secured a good rest. The grass was thin and scattering and as we let our stock feed until late in the morning we were slow in starting, but about noon we could see that we were on the down grade, and felt very happy at the prospect of soon ending our long journey. We camped that night on the head waters of a small creek that emptied into Feather River. All about us stood the heavily wooded mountains. The sole subject of conversation that evening was the question of where best to locate for mining. Some had decided to go on down into the California valleys. The ladies of our party were going to San 96 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. Francisco, but most of the men were anxious to try their hand at mining for the first thing. They had come for gold and gold they intended lo got. Nothing of special interest occured during the next four days. The roads were very rough, running through unbroken forests of pine and spruce timber, the trees towering from one hundred to two hundred feet high. On the seventeenth we came to a place called Eureka where there was a small saw-mill run by water power. Gold has been found in quartz rock here and a company hud been formed to put in u crusher with which to pulverize the rock and extract the gold,' but the plant was abandoned the following year as the ore was too poor to pay for working. We camped on this branch of the Feather River and most of the one hundred young men located at the mine visited our camp, each one eager to give advice as to the best place for us to go, which advice was offered. free to ull und without asking. But, while they were so free with advice as to what it would bo best for us to do in California to make money, it struck me from their uppcurunco thut it was doubtful if a single one of them in tho whole crowd had made enough since coming to pay his way back to his former home in the states. The one little saloon in the place seemed to be the groat attraction for them all, and was probably the depository of most of their earnings. The next settlement on our route was Onion Vulley, thirty miles uwuy, and five miles from Onion Vulley wus Poor Man's Creek, tho place I had selected fifteen days before us the spot whore I would try my fortune ul gold mining. The roud for Ihe first two miles out of Eureka lay through one of the worst mountain gorges we had anywhere found. The grade was steep and very sidling, so that in some places we had to hold our wagons with ropes to keep them from turning over. We were a full half day in making the distance of two miles. We could distinctly see Pilot Peak its top clad in perpetual snow; and above the timber line toward the foot of the mountain lay the little village of Onion Valley, the supply station for the mining camps in that vicinity. We made eight miles more thut day, and camped lor the night in a small open space where our cattle could find a little grass. They were so hungry after the day's hard trip that they trimmed and ate all the green brush around as high up as they could reach, and we cut down the willow bushes bordering the brook near us to feed to them. That evening ACROSS THE DESERT. 97 our talk was largely upon the probability of our meeting again after the separation that was soon to come. We had learned to esteem and care deeply for each other during the varied and trying experiences of the long journey, and the thought of parting was painful. As I had talked of Poor Man's Creek for the last fifteen days, all had come to look upon me as the first one who would leave the train. One of them said, possibly lo discourage me from stop ping there, "Now, Bully, if you settle down there, you will always be poor." I replied that as I had been brought up in poverty it wouldn't make any difference anyway but that I construed the name of the locality just the other way, and that it was so named because it was the only place for a poor man to get rich. Most of the party discouraged me saying that if I stopped up there in the high mountains. I would soon be snowed in and could do no mining for six months, for wc had been told the night before that the snow had been thirty feet deep during the past winter. But I held to my purpose and said that unless .something unforeseen happened before reaching Onion Valley I would leave Ihcm there. On the night of September twentieth we camped within five miles of the village and several miners from Nelsons and Poor Man's Creek visited our camp to induce us to locate at the mining camp. They showed us their buckskin sacks well filled with gold nuggets. Some of them wore willing lo sell their claims lo us as Ihey were now ready lo return to their homes iu "The Slates. " I was the only one of our parly who told them that I was going to do my first mining on Poor Man's Creek. The man who had bought our Michigan teams and wagons had agreed to pay us in full at Onion Valley. The next morning I packed what few clothes I had in my carpet sack, rolled up my two blankets and was prepared to leave the train as soon as we reached Onion Valley and received our pay for our teams. Wc made an early start and reached the village by ten o'clock. I sold my gun to a man in Onion Valley for five dollars and after receiving my share from the sale of our teams, pony and cow, found that I was about sixty dollars richer than when I left home one hundred and sixty seven days before without counting the knowledge, experience and pleasure I had gained on the journey. It was the largest sum of money I had ever possessed. The train halted long enough for our financial transactions and then all the members pressed up to give 8 98 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. me a shake of the hand and wish me luck. The four young lades insisted thai, us I was the youngest of the crowd und had been con sidered by all us the boy of ihe train, Ihey could not part with me with u mere shake of the hand, but must give me u farewell kiss, and this I received to tho greal merriment of the other members of the train although I have no doubt each one wished he might have filled my boots that day. It is now fifty-one years since I stood and watched that little train leaving Onion Valley and slowly disappear ing from my sight, and I have never since met but two of its members. These were Ed Spears (the Doctor) and William Sherman (Uncle Billy), both of whom did well in California, returned to their fami lies in Michigan and lived and died among their old friends, re spected and esteemed. CHAPTER V. Golden California. Onion Valley was located in a small valley at the base of Pilot Peak seventy-five miles cast of Murysvillo, Ihe head of steamboat navigation on the Feather River. It was then the supply station for the mines on the head waters of Feather River, as at that time teams could not cover the rough trail lo the mines and all supplies had to be packed in from Onion Valley on small Mexican mules or on the backs of men. From Marysville to Onion Valley supplies were brought by wagons carrying four to six tons. These were drawn by from eight to sixteen mules which were driven with a single line by one man who rode the near hind mule. Four and six horse Concord Stage Coaches ran daily between Marysville and Onion Valley for the accommodation of passengers who paid twenty dollars each for the distance of seventy-five miles. All mining towns on the branches of Feather River for forty miles north and east depended on Onion Valley for supplies, making it an important point. The nearest mines were on Poor Man's Creek, of which il was said that more poor men were here made rich than in any other surface digging iu California. At noon on September 21, 1852, 1 shouldered my satchel, blan kets, frying pan, coffee pot, a week's provisions, pick and shovel, a total weight of about fifty pounds, and started for Poor Man's Creek five miles away. With mc wore three other young men who had just conic in by boat, each of them carrying a similar pack. The first mile of travel was over a good trail, with no timber, although the grade was steep. The next four miles was through a dense forest, with deep ravines and gorges, and alongside rocky canyons, where the path was so narrow that I had to use my long-handled shovel to steady myself over dangerous places. I have often heard it said that the Mexicans could take their pack teams of loaded mules and broncos over any trail that a man could lake a pack over, but certain it is that up to this time they had been unable to get a pack train within three miles of Hopkinsville, the mining village at the mouth of Poor Man's Creek. Wc passed several men on 09 100 THEODORE EDGAR POUTER. our way who were constructing a trail for puck trains, which, however, wus not completed until the following spring on account of deep snow fulling early so that all supplies for the mines had lo be brought in on the minors' own bucks. Wc soon reuched a commanding spot on tho trail from which we could look down the narrow valley and see tho while tents of the mining village of Hopkinsville. Wo reached the village before dark und sheltered ourselves thut night in an abandoned miner's shanty of spruce boughs. That evening we looked for the first time upon the night scenes and excitements of a real mining camp. The little village had been hastily built during the past six months and the buildings were necessarily rude and cheap. The hotels, stores, gambling houses and saloons were all built of canvas with Ihe exception of the floors, which wore made of spruce lumber, sawed by hand und costing from five hundred dollars lo eight hun dred dollars per thousand feet. There wore ut least one thoiisuud minors in I lie village that night, and not a boy, nor u woman nor a gray huirod man did we see among them all. Board at the best hotel was twenty-four dollars a week in advance, including a sleep ing bunk made out of rough boards and built along the side walls of the dining room. Iu tho saloons all kinds of games of chance were being played. Two bars, one on each side of the room, dis pensed cheap whiskey, the signs reading, — "Plain drinks 25 cents, Fancy drinks 50 cents." My three new companions were from the state of Maine, strong, healthy young men who had been brought up in the woods of that State, and who had only just arrived in California via the Isthmus of Panama. The scenes and excitement of that evening were so new and interesting to us, that we did not think of going to our shanty for sleep until after twelve o'clock. In the morning wc prepared a good breakfast from the supplies wc hud packed iu the preceding day and leaving one man lo look ufler our camp und agreeing to keep together for the day started out in search of gold. We were full of hope, and took our picks and shovels with us, expecting to return at night with nuggets of gold iu our pockets. We went up the creek as far as gold had been found, but every claim had been taken and everywhere men were at work on them. At least half of the claims were for sale, bul of course, those wore the ones that were GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 101 not paying well. We passed one claim where four men had taken out forty thousand dollars worth of gold the day before, and others where the color of gold could not be found. These latter claims belonged to men who were willing to sell out and go somewhere where they could pick up gold out of the water or sand without having to labor hard with pick and shovel to find it. About noon we came to a store, at the back of which was a slaughter yard. Here about one hundred miners wore gathered, serving as a. combined jury, judge and executioner. The prisoner was accused of stealing his neighbor's frying-pan, and had been found guilty of the crime at this rude trial. He was tied to one of the posts used for hanging up beef, while a man chosen by lot gave him twenty-five lashes with a heavy whip. After this whip ping he was compelled to give up his interest in a good mining claim, and to leave that section of the country. This was the heavy penally for stealing small things like a frying-pan; it was death by shooting or hanging for anyone caught stealing articles over the value of fifty dollars. Civil courts were not instituted in these remote mining places until two years after I arrived in California. Few men were punished for stealing under the summary methods and severe penalties of the miners' laws for the criminal element soon learned to be honest if they had not been before. If guilty of crime, they did not find it so easy to escape punishment here as in other jurisdictions where courts were established and justice was not so swift. Many of the miners in the early days in California would leave the gold in their sluice boxes or long toms, from Monday until Saturday night and nothing would be touched. But conditions changed when civil courts took the place of miner's laws in 1854, and then every miner had to take good care of his gold every day or he would find that it had been stolen. On our way back to camp after getting this first glimpse of western justice one of my companions came across a man whom he had formerly known in Maine. This man and his three partners offered to sell their claim to ns as they wished to return lo their homes iii Maine before the winter set in. They told us that they had made good wages during the summer with two rockers, that is, boxes eighteen by thirty-six inches with a wire screen or sieve bottom, placed on rockers, into which one man would shovel the 102 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. sand and gravel, while the other rocked it with one hand and dipped water into it to wash it with the other hand. The gold being heavier than the sand settled to the bottom while the water washed the sand and gravel away, und left the shining gold in the rocker. In those early days there were three ways in which to separate the coarse gold from the gravel on these small mountain streams. These were a rocker, as just described, a twelve quart sheet iron pan, and the long torn. Where the soil was very rich with gold, a man could wash out a good fortune in one summer with a pan; two men with a rocker could wash twenty limes as much dirt as one man with a pan; while with a long torn with four sluices attached and sufficient water running through them two men could wash out a hundred times more dirl than with a rocker. We got the lowest price at which these men would sell their claim, which was two hundred dollars, and then set out for our shack to talk the mutter over. The man who stayed in cump had a good supper roudy for us und we did full justice to it us we wore very hungry, not having had any food since breakfast. We discussed fully the matter of buying the claim and finally decided to test it the next morning. We went to the village again that evening and the excitement of the previous night was again experienced. In the morning, we packed our things and carried them to the claim we were to test. The owners showed us how to use the rockers and we went to work with the understanding that we wore to have the gold we look out thut forenoon in case we bought the claim. We worked like beavers for four hours, then cleaned up and found we had taken out something over one ounce of gold, worth about twenty dollars. We felt satisfied with the result and after taking dinner with the owners, paid them for the claim, including the two rockers, their tools and the log shanty in which Ihey lived. Thai afternoon wc worked busily again and by even ing hud about twenty dollars more iu gold dust. Several of our mining neighbors culled on us thai evening and advised us to put in a long torn, which they said would enable us to secure much greater results. We had no timber with which to make such a long torn and the sluices that were necessary. Graham, one of my partners, said he was good at running a whip saw and sug gested that we saw our own limber und one of the neighbors who gave us the advice offered to rent us a whip saw for two dollars GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 103 a day, and to sell us a long tom for twenty-five dollars. We con cluded to work with our rockers another day, and to defer our decision until then. The next day brought us less than twenty dollars for our work and that evening we decided to put in a long tom. Next morning while two of the men worked the rocker, James Graham and I went up on the side of the mountain in sight of our claim, where there was a pit and platform already made for whip-sawing lumber, and having borrowed a broadax and handax, chopped down a fine spruce tree eighteen inches in diameter and cut a log twelve feet long. We scored and hewed this log to two inches in thickness, rolled it onto the platform, lined it on both sides for one inch lumber and then began our work as sawyers. Graham took his position on top of the timber as head sawyer, while I went down into the pit under the timber, as second best man, where I had the benefit of all the sawdust in my face and eyes while under orders to look up and see that the saw followed the line on the under side of the log. By night we had six boards cut, each ten inches wide and twelve feel long, and by noon the next day wc had twelve boards, sufficient lumber to make four sluice boxes, with three boards to each box. At the village wc bought ten pounds of twopenny nails, costing fifty cents a pound, and by night had our sluices ready lo attach to the long tom, which we bought next morning at a cost of twenty dollars. We made a wing dam in the creek to turn the water into the sluices and that night had over one hundred dollars iu gold dust to pay us for a half day's work with our own long tom and sluices, which greatly en couraged us. The old miners who had spent a winter in the mountains were anxious to leave before the heavy snow came, which was expected very soon after the first of October. When vVe first reached Onion Valley we had been told that the snow was sometimes thirty feet deep in the mountains, and I remember that when we were coming over the mountains we had seen trees on the eastern slopes partly burned off fifty feet from the ground by fires kindled by emigrants who, being delayed in crossing the plains and getting caught in the heavy snows, had left their teams and attempted to save their lives by crossing the great snow belt on snowshoes. Hundreds of emigrants lost their lives in trying to cross the mountains during the fall and winter of 1849, 50, 51. But we gave little heed to 104 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the weather and kept on working our claim for twelve days, each day being more successful, so Ihut on the third duy of October wo washed out over six hnndrcil dollars worth of gold. That night the snow came. On the morning of the fourth it was nearly two feet deep, and falling so thick und fust thut we could not see a man len fool from us. Il snowed constantly for six days, then suddenly turned warm und ruined until the snow all disappeared. The miners along the banks of the creek became alarmed at the situa tion and many of them left their shanties and fled to the higher ground. At Hopkinsville tho whole town was torn up bodily and moved up on higher ground out of reach of the surging flood. The water in the creek rose twenty feet that day and the flood swept every movable thing before it, — shanties, tents, sluices, boxes and tools, everything that hud been snowed under and left was curried down the valley in the mud rush of the surging waters. How much gold was curried awuy in the flood no one could estimate. This flood wus the cause of the dissolution of our partnership. During the few days thai we hud boon able lo work our claim we hud succeeded in obtuining about three thousand dollars. But such was the danger from these terrible floods that two of our party packed up and went with many other miners forty miles to the weslwurd whore mining wus not so surrounded by difficulties. Giuliani anil I decided to slick by our claim and to slurt up our boiie-and-musclo saw-inill eurly in the spring so us to replace the sluices and boxes carried off by the flood. We had a chance to buy five whip saws at a very low price from miners who were leaving the vicinity, and soon we were at work sawing lumber, the demand for which we could not meet, even though we charged eighty cents a foot. We hired men to cut logs and hew them ready to be sawed, while we did only the sawing. In less than a week we were running two saws, Graham as head sawyer for one gang und I now promoted from the pit und recep tacle of fresh sawdust for eyes, nose and mouth, as head sawyer of the other, while each of us educated a new hand in the pit below to become a head sawyer at a future day, provided he liked the business. By this process of education we soon had all of our five saws running busily from morning until night, six days in the week. We made money very rapidly at the prevailing prices for we had nearly ull the trudc. "The Gruhum & Potter Saw-mill" GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 105 was soon known the length of Poor Man's Creek. Graham was in the early prime of life, twenty-six years of age, six feet and two inches tall, weighing over two hundred pounds, while I, though only twenty years of age, wciglied one hundred and sixty pounds, and was over six feet tall so that wc were conspicuous even in that region and day of strong men. Wc kept our five saws running steadily for two months, moving up or down the stream, wherever the miners wanted the lumber. The best of spruce timber lined the stream on either side, costing us only what it took to cut it, and as our saw-mill was very portable, we could go where the lumber was and there was little expense in hauling. The only real diffi culty in our work lay in the steepness of the sides of the mountains rendering it difficult to find a place which was level enough to set up the saw-mill. In December the snow had become so deep that it was impos sible for men to do any kind of work out of doors and we were compelled lo give up our sawing. Nearly all of the miners within three or four miles came into Hopkinsville and there was a winter colony there of about three hundred young men, with not a woman in all the town or district around. Provisions in town became scarce before February was over and it looked as if we would soon either have to be put on short rations, or else must leave our camp and attempt to get down to Ihe settlements in the valley. Eighteen, of us volunteered to go to Onion Valley and bring in supplies of food on our backs through the snow which was eight feet deep. The first two miles of our journey lay up the creek valley and was made quite easily, but when we left the creek and began to go up the side of the mountain wc found the going very hard. It was difficult to make a track through the deep snow, which was so light that one would sink into it up to his armpits. The only way we could make any progress through the snow was for the man in the lead to fall forward his full length, get up, walk forward his length, and fall again into the snow, continuing the operation until he was exhausted, then stepping aside and letting the next man take his place while he dropped into the beaten path in the rear. Most of Ihe men could make from four to six plunges in the loose snow before becoming too tired to advance, but James Graham, who was our leader that day, would make twelve plunges every time he was in the lead before giving up his place to another. 106 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. The snow was falling so thick that we could not clearly see one- half the length of our line of eighteen men. We had made about two miles up the mountain at a grade of about thirty degrees and were close to the top, from which we would have a comparatively easy down hill trail to Onion Valley, when, without warning, the deep body of light snow which evidently rested on a harder crust of older snow, started en masse down the mountain side towards Poor Man's Creek, from whence we had just so laboriously come, and carried with it our entire party of eighteen men. Such a "sliding down hill" none of us had ever experienced before. The snow was very light and the whole body of it moved at the same time so we were kept from being buried in it, and no one of us was injured except Graham who fell and struck his back and side against a rock, hurting himself quite badly. By the time we had collected our scattered party from the snow it was gelling late in the day ami as Graham was suffering from his injury wo decided to return to Hopkinsville for the night, and slurt anew in the morning. It took us an hour lo find ihe Iruil we hud come over, but when we had located it we had little trouble in following it. Graham proved to be badly injured and suffered so much pain that we had to carry him, and if it had not been for the brandy which several of the nieu had with them, he would never have lived to reach the camp. It was a difficult task, this carrying a badly injured man along the narrow snow trail. One man would go along on the side of the trail tramping the snow down to make the trail wider so that two men could lake Graham by his arms und drug him nlong between them. We kept this up until we reuched an abandoned miners' camp about a mile from town. There we made him as comfortable as possible with four men to care for him while the rest of us went on to Hopkinsville, reaching there about midnight. We aroused the only doctor in the village and started him with two fresh men on the way lo the shanty where Gruhum lay injured. One hundred men volunteered lo slurt early the next morning for Onion Vulley, over the sumo route wo hud tuken; but only n few of the men who were in our party were willing to try again. I had very little sleep that night, but felt sure that the trip could be easily made by one hundred men, and determined to go on. When the new party reached the cabin where Graham hud been left, we found him apparently betler and determined to go with us in spite of the GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 107 advice of the doctor and of all of us. It was snowing so heavily that wc could not see a person twenty feet away. At Graham's request I was chosen leader of the party for the day, and before starting I released them all from their promise to make the trip and advised all who were not willing to do their share in breaking the way to go back to camp. Twenty of the party turned back at this and after leaving four men at the log shanty to keep up a good fire and have some food on hand to care for any of our party who should give out and be obliged to return before reaching the top of the mountain, the rest of us, including Graham and the doctor, about eighty in all, started up the difficult trail. A few of the party tired and turned back before the top was reached for it took some time and much effort to break a trail through the avalanche of the previous day. As soon as we reached the hard snow which had been left bare by the slide we made rapid progress and reached the top of the mountain about one o'clock. From this point we were only about one mile distant from Onion Valley and we found il far easier breaking a road down the moun tain than it had been going up. When wc were within half a mile of town it ceased snowing, and we could see the roofs of the two hotels, but the rest of the village was buried under the snow. We were discovered by the villagers soon afterwards and they started out and broke a path to meet us. Graham had become exhausted in going down the mountain, and when the people met us Ihey hauled him into town on a large hand sled. Wc reached the hotels before dark, but to enter them by their doors we had to go down snow stairs nearly twenty feet, as the snow was over that depth in the main street of the town. During a period of six weeks that winter the only way of getting from one hotel to the other or to any other place in town, was by tunnels cut through the drifts of snow for that purpose. The houses were kept lighted night and day with oil lamps or candles. In a couple of days the weather had become settled again and many of our party returned lo Poor Man's Creek, carrying supplies on their backs, although a few of them were determined to go farther down into valleys where they would be out of the snow bell. The doctor and I stayed with Graham who was loo ill lo travel and ten days after his injury in the snow slide the poor fellow died. He knew that death was coming and very calmly lold us what he 108 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. would like to have us do. His personal effects and gold dust he handed over lo me to be sent back to his young wife in Maine. Ho uskcd tho doctor and me to make a coffin out of the timber he und I had sawed together in Onion Vulley und lo bury him in the snow until spring cume when we could dig his grave. We promised fuilhtully lo mark his grave plainly wilh his nunie und former homo so that his relatives might find his body when they came for it, as he was sure they would do. After he died I hastened over the trail to Hopkinsville, cut the lumber for his coffin into proper lengths and with the doctor's help packed it on my back across the trail to Onion Valley and laid all that remained of my good old partner Graham away to rest. Long before the snow disappeared we made his grave on the mountainside and marked it as he had requested. Gruhuin's death left, nic badly broken up. I fell that I could not stuy in the place where ho und 1 hud worked together so long, especially now that there was little lo do. I returned to Hopkins ville, and having sold our whipsuws and what lumber we hud on hand, started out for Marysville for the purpose of taking the steamer down the river to San Francisco. I reached Marysville the fifteenth of March, und sent Graham's gold dust and belongings to his wife by express, writing her a letter telling her the sad tidings. A year later I heard from her, und two years afterwards I learned that Graham's body had boon taken up and shipped to his old home in Maine. I paid twenty-five dollars for a first class steamer ticket down the river to the Golden Gate. Sacramento, the capital of the State was our first stop, and here we found the streets flooded with water, on which boats plied as though the streets had been canals, while most of the residents were living on the second floors of their houses. This flood was caused by the melting of the heavy snows in the mountains. A run of twenty-four hours landed us in San Fran cisco. Tho beautiful bay was crowded with vessels carrying the flags of all the nations of the world. It was said, and I think truly, that by stopping in the new city a single week one could hear spoken every language of the world. It was a novel and interosting sight to look out over the bay and see the many colored flags floating in the soft spring breezes, as if painted on the distant blue sky. I have often recalled und can never forget the beautiful GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 109 picture. But one did not spend much time in looking at the scenery here. When he turned from viewing the bay his eyes fell upon the crowded streets of the city, thronged with busy crowds of young men. There were few women, gray-haired men or boys; nearly all were young men, vigorous, stirring and energetic, each preparing to search for the elusive gold. Many of the vessels in the harbor had agents in the city trying to hire sailors, for their regular crews had descried and gone to the gold mines. In some cases even the officers had deserted their ships, so that the com manders of the vessels in order to keep their crews had been forced to forbid their men to go ashore. The most exciting happening in the new city was the arrival of mail. There were many thousands of strangers in the city, each anxious to hear front home and friends in the far cast. All the mail then brought to the Pacific Coast came by ocean steamer which arrived only once in two weeks. No wharves had yet been built and passengers, freight and mail had to be transferred from the steamers at anchor half a mile from shore, into smaller vessels or "lighters" and then taken to shore, which made a long tedious job. The mails, like everything else, were late in reaching the city distributing office, which always became a center of excitement, clamor, and sometimes violence, before the mail was distributed. The post office would be besieged by a dense crowd extending for blocks and its windows had lo be barred lo keep men out while the clerks were distributing what sometimes amounted to tons of letters, taking as long as two full days to sort. While the mail was being distributed a great crowd would be clamoring for it, sometimes becoming so impatient as to rush against the building, causing it lo shake and tremble as if there had been an earthquake. At the time of this, my first trip to San Francisco the post office had ten delivery windows, each window marked with initials, showing what letters might be obtained titere. Ten lines of people were formed in the streets, each person as he came taking his place at the foot of the line before the window bearing the initial of his name, where he awaited his turn as the line moved slowly on. No one could call for mail for more than one name and as soon as he received that he had to step out of the line; even under this rule which kept the crowd moving those at the rear end of the line had sometimes to stand five or six hours before they reached 110 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the delivery window. The business men of the city could not afford to lose so much time and often offered from five to twenty- five dollars for one's position near the window, und this practice led men who did not expect mail to go early and get a good posi tion which they would soil to someone who was in a hurry and willing to pay well for it. Some men who could stand the strain of standing still would keep this up, getting puy for their places three or four times in twenty-four hours, as for several days after a mail steamer arrived and the mail was ready to deliver, the long ranks kept formed duy and night. Men with supplies of hot coffee, cakes and oilier eatables passed up and down the line sup plying refreshments, and saloon keepers had their runners along the line selling drinks at exorbitant prices. I stayed in this city of crowds and excitement nearly ten days and then bought a ticket back lo Marysville which cost nic folly dollars, fifteen dollars more limn on my trip lo Ihe city, duo to the fuel Ihut it look u day longer to go up the river than to conic down. I had decided to go buck to Poor Man's Creek und work the claim in which I had a share, for it would be forfeited unless some one of its owners was back al work by Ihe fifteenth of April. To hold a claim il wus necessary to have it registered in ull the mountain districts, thai giving you the right to leave it during Ihe winter for a period of six months. Tho Register of Cluims wus the only paid officer in the district and his position was a remunerative one, as he received a foe of five dollars from everyone registering a claim. The San Francisco papers had been full of glowing ac counts of very rich diggings recently discovered in the northeastern part of the state, one of which was called Gold Lake, where it was said one could pick up nuggets of gold on the shore of the lake without any digging. Another great digging that was loudly advertised wus Rush Creek, about one hundred miles north und eust of Murysville. I was so smitten with the fever that when I reached Murysville I decided to give up my interest ut Poor Man's Creek and was caught and curried awuy in the new "'rush" for Rush Creek. The last fifty miles of the journey to the new camp could not be traversed by leanis and ull supplies had to be tuken in on the bucks of mules and men. I purchased sixty-five pounds of prospector's supplies und joined in tho exciting rush with many others who like myself wore eager to bo the firsl there. GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. Ill Hundreds of men who carried only their blankets and provisions, relying on being able to get extra supplies when they reached the camp, passed others who were more heavily laden. Some of them got there in three days, while others required six days. On the way four of us agreed to stake out our claim together, and stay by each other. We reached the new mining village called Rushtown at dark on the sixth day and found that there was still a great deal of snow on the mountains and that the water in the creek was very high. Miners were at work along the banks washing the dirt and claiming that they were making money very fast. Our party of four got bunks in a log hotel, and next morning started out to locate a claim, but for a considerable distance found the claims all taken and staked, and someone in possession. Wc located on the first vacant ground wc. came to, which was about five miles down the stream, and by night had built a temporary shelter of fir and cedar brush. On the following day wc built, a comfortable house of small fir trees, and il occurred to me thai if Graham with his whipsnw had been with us, we could have made quick money by sawing the pine, spruce and fir trees which lined the banks, and selling the lumber for which there was a good sale at one dollar per foot. I went to the village next morning to get a whipsaw, but learned there was but one on the creek, and thai that one was now in use. Through one of the merchants of Rushville I placed an order for two whipsaws, to be delivered as soon as possible by Mule Express. Soon after giving my order I met a company of miners from Poor Man's Creek, among whom was a good sawyer who had worked for Graham and me the preceding year. This man volunteered to go back to Poor Man's Creek and get three saws and two other men who had also formerly worked for us. The trip would take at least five days but I agreed to his proposal and told him that if he would start at once I would have the logs cut and hewn and ready to saw when he got back. I countermanded my order for saws through the merchant, and went back to camp where I told my three partners that I had a good job for them until the water went down enough to allow us to work in the creek. For the next five days we busied ourselves cutting sawlogs at different places along the creek, and before the saws came I had taken orders for five thousand feet of lumber at 112 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. one dollar a foot. The sawyers with the three saws came in good time and by tho seventh day ull three saws were running, cutting limber at tho rate of one hundred foot per duy for euch saw. For the next thirty days we did nothing but saw lumber for miners along the creek, and there was such a demand for it that the miners would themselves get the logs ready for us and we had only to saw them up into boards for which we received the regular price of one dollar a foot. Rush Creek was about twenty miles long, heading near the western summit of the Nevada Mountains, and flowing through a continuous gorge until it emptied into the Feather River. Rush- ville was located about throe miles from ils head. Every claim on the entire length of the creek was taken and recorded before the water subsided and the miners could get to work. We soon discovered that the paying claims wore confined to about two miles of the creek near the village of Rush town, which proved lo be very rich. Tho rest, of the claims were valueless so that most of the miners who hud hurried to this now district the first of April, carrying some gold dust in their pockets, left the country the first of June "dead broke." The only thing that saved me from going out in the same condition was our forty days' work with the whipsaws and the great demand for lumber. The failure of Ihe mines ruined the lumber business and the only thing left to do wus to find some other pluce to try mining operations uguin. When I left Marysville for Rush Creek in April, I told my associates thut I believed I was making a mistake in not going to Poor Man's Creek and working the claim I had bought an interest in the fall before; I oven offered them an interest in my claim there if they would go with me, but tho influence of the rush lo Rush Creek wus too strong und they declined my offer and we wont on lo our failure. A similar disappointment came to those who wool lo Gold Lake, for this development proved lo be a complete fraud gotten up by some merchants in Sacramento who shipped u large stock of miners' supplies there and then got out advertisements of the finding of gold which were published in most of Ihe California papers. When Ihe crowds of cM-iled miners learned of Ihe fraud Ihey organized a vigilance committee, took possession of the goods of tho guilly merchants which they distributed among themselves, urrcslcd the merchants, tried them GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 113 under the miners' code, and upon a verdict of guilty executed them on the spot. Their act was upheld by the miners throughout the state and put a stop to subsequent speculations and frauds of this nature. Before leaving Rush Creek I had decided to go to Poor Man's Creek to find out what had becoine of my claim there. I found that two of the men from whom my partners and I had bought the claim had returned and retaken it, as it had become forfeited because of our not remaining in possession and they told me that I had made a great mistake in leaving it, as they were making money rapidly. I explained to them that I had left because two of my partners had gone away and the other one had died. They invited me to stay over night with them, and in the morning offered to sell me a quarter interest with them for five thousand dollars but as I did not have the cash I could not buy. They showed me twelve hundred dollars in gold which they had washed out that day, and said that the pay had averaged one thousand dollars a day for fifty days, lt needed nothing more than this to show me what a great mistake I had made in abandoning the claim through the wild rumors of a place of which I knew nothing. But such was the fortune of miners who followed surface digging in California. In haste to get rich they were not satisfied at doing well, but made hazardous changes in the hopes of finding diggings rich enough to obtain a fortune in a day. My loss was gain to others. Before I left these men made me flattering offers if I would stay with them, but I told them I did not care to run in debt, and could make forty to fifty dollars a day running three whipsaws on Nelson's Creek during the rest of the season. On leaving they gave me a sack of gold weighing six pounds, saying that as I had once bought the claim of them, and no doubt would now be in possession of it but for the death of my partner, they would make me a present of their previous day's earnings worth twelve hundred dollars as part remuneration for my loss. I hesitated to take the gold but they insisted upon it, and said that if at any time I returned they would take me into partnership with them and give me a good chance. I thanked them many limes for their kindness and said I might return in two weeks, as I was going lo work my saws on Nelson's Creek which was only twelve miles away. As I walked towards Nelson's Creek carrying the six pounds of gold so kindly 9 114 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. given me, I asked myself if I would have given away twelve hundred dollars under similar circiimstuncos. IIow few would have done it. For fifty years the gift and ihe spirit which prompted it has enriched my memory. On arriving at Nelson's Creek I found that my lumber partners were all ready to slurt our thrct: bone-und-nnisclo saw-mills. The next morning we look a contract to saw ten thousand feet of inch lumber, to be delivered on or before the first of August (it was now the fifteenth of June) for which we were to receive fifty cents a foot, making five thousand dollars for the job. Our camp was about a half mile from Nelsonville, located at the spot where Nelson Creek emptied into Feather River. Good paying gold claims were located the entire length of Nelson Creek which was formed by the union of Poor Man's Creek and Hopkins Creek, at Hopkins ville, fifteen miles above us. The lumber wo wore under contract to saw wus to be used in the construction of a flume to divert the waters of Nelson Creek from the channel and curry them to the Feather River, and the work had to be done in August while the streams were low. If we could obtain help enough to prepare the timber as fust us wc could saw it we could easily finish our contract in twenty days und have lime to open a claim for ourselves and extend tho flume to it. We finally concluded to do this und staked out a claim, paying live hundred dollars for right, of way over other claims lo build a flume of three hundred feet to carry water to it. Our lumber contract and the opening of our new mine gave us plenty of work for six months. On the tenth of July we finished our contract and received our pay, clearing three thousand seven hundred dollars in twenty-five days. We then moved our camp up the creek to our claim, where our workmen had prepared three new sawpits and had cut timber, and by the nineteenth of July we had three thousand feet of boards ready for our own flume. The dum wus soon finished to turn the water into the flumes and on the lust day of the month the five-mile flume was completed. On the first of August mining operations commenced on every cluim in the bed of the stream. It wus necessary to carry on this work day and night, without intermission, until the claim was exhausted, or the men driven out by high water. More than one million dollars was invested in the claims along these six miles of river bed by young men who had carried in most of their pro- GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 115 visions and supplies over rough and steep roads while the work of preparation went on. It was an interesting and impressive sight, one not soon to be forgotten, to stand on Nelson's point, the location of the little village of five hundred people, its members gathered from nearly every state in the Union and to look down the stretch of the Feather River watching the six-mile flume of shimmering water running at a speed of twenty miles per hour, turning great paddle wheels in its progress to pump the seepage water from the claims back into the flume, while down in the bed of the stream hundreds of men could be seen busily washing out gold in rockers or long toms. Then one might turn and look south ward up Nelson's Creek for a mile and the same scene would present itself, hundreds of 3'oung men literally slaving day and night for gold, as if no other interest existed. Little gold was taken out during the first few days, but as soon as the claims were well opened large finds were made in both streams. Some claims failed to pay expenses, while others enriched their owners. Our claim failed to pay expenses the first two weeks, but on the fifteenth day wc struck a pocket in the bed rock from which we took out over two thousand two hundred dollars worth of nuggets in less than one hour. On the same day the fourth claim below us yielded sixty thousand dollars, which was said to be the largest amount taken on one day from any claim within a radius of six miles. Thai claim paid its four owners more than five hundred thousand dollars in two months. My partners and 1 worked our claim day and night whenever wc could get sufficient help. We would work for days and obtain very little and then perhaps the next day we would find enough to pay for a whole week's work. The claims on Nelson's Creek paid well, while half of those on Feather River were a failure. Many parlies became discouraged and left after a year's hard work with nothing to show for their toil and heavy expense, while often the purchaser of their claims did well. I had sent word to my kind friends at Poor Man's Creek, who had given me the six pounds of gold, asking them to come and spend some Sunday with us. Two of them came over and I spent the day in showing them the sights on Feather River, and in taking them to dinner at the best hotel in Nelsonville. They told me that their claim was paying better than when I had 116 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. been there, and that they had been offered $50,000 for it, but had refused to sell for less than $75,000 and had given an option on it at that price for one week. On the way back from the hotel we stopped and examined the claim where gold worth $60,000 had been taken out of a pocket iu a rock in a single day, and the owners showed us the gold which they had washed out that fore noon which was worlh $12,000, and said that there was as much more in the long tom to show for their afternoon's work. We remained and saw the gold as it was taken out of the box. In the course of our conversation the owners of this claim discovered that my friends from Poor Man's Creek were from the same state as they and on this basis they soon became warm friends. On reaching our claim towards evening we found that this hud been a successful day for us for our men were cleaning up the day's findings that amounted lo over $1,800. Tin; owners of the rich cluim we hud visited insisted that wo should ull go with them to the hotel for supper. There were nine of us in the purly, eight from Muine, and I alone from Michigan. We had a splendid visit that night without any aid from the saloon-keeper for we were all temperance men. When our party broke up I persuaded my friends from Poor Man's Creek to stay over night with the promise that if they would do so I would arrange to have them home at seven o'clock the next morning by supplying them with saddled mules. They accepted my invitation and started out early the next morning accompanied by one of my partners and one of their new made friends from the rich cluim, both of whom stayed with them during the day and were witnesses of the sale for $75,000 cash of the claim that eleven months previous I and three others had bought for $200, and then forfeited by our neglect. The day our friends left us we got over $1,200 from our claim and then for five days it failed lo pay expenses and seemed to be worked out and worthless. But we kept on working hoping to find a rich crevice or pocket in the bed of the rock where gold hud wushed in yours before and had not been moved by the current. For two weeks longer we labored on without success, but we resolved to keep at it until our claim was entirely dug over or we were driven out by high water. By the 10th of September half our claim had been worked over und been found barren and us the ruins und snows would soon be upon us, we decided to work a narrow strip GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 117 near one bank of the creek where there appeared to be loose seamy rock, in the breaks and fissures of which we might find gold. After working a distance of eighty feet we reached a seam in the rock from which we obtained three hundred dollars in one afternoon. To clear the bed of water we had to change the location of the water wheel and pump which took us a day and then wc found gold in paying quantities, obtaining over $(i()0 in a space only two by eight feet. Our hopes arose, and we hired extra men to remove the top gravel that was six feet deep over the crevice, hoping that if this crevice extended clear across the creek bottom we would obtain six or seven thousand dollars for it. By noon of another day we had cleared about twenty feet of rock, and in the afternoon began to take out and wash the gravel in the crevice as far down as gold could be found, running it through sluice boxes and the long torn, and keeping extra men at work all night paying them six dollars for each twelve hours' work. When Ihe crevice was cleaned up we had six thousand seven hundred dollars for our four days work, which caused us lo forget the many days of hard work when we had obtained nothing. Two old miners who visited us that day said they were sure this was the same j>ocket from which four New York men had taken $75,000 the year before, and I told them that I would like to meet those New Yorkers to thank them for the goodly amount of gold they had loft behind. The strangers asked permission to look into the riffle box, that held the gold under the long torn and after examining it one of them said that it looked to him as if this second crop were better than the first. We were much surprised the next day to be visited by hundreds of miners from the vicinity who had heard that we had made a find of $100,000 in one day and who came down to congratu late us and to take a look at the crevice in the rock of the creek bottom, now already filled with six feet of water, that had given its owners such a treasure. Even the owners of the rich claim below us came lo congratulate us "on the greatest strike ever made on Nelson's Creek." The slory was widely published all over the state of the $100,000 gold find in one crevice in Nelson's Creek, the rumor having its whole foundation in the statement of a miner who looked into a box of gold that had less than $7,000 in it. We only wished the story could have been true. Visitors did not ask questions, but seeing the "pocket" for themselves 118 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. concluded that the story was true, inasmuch as two of the oldest miners in the section had seen gold nuggets covering the bottom of a box three feel wide and six feet long, and were ready to swear there was a bushel of them. With such exaggoraled stories pub lished and believed, no wonder the life of a miner was an exciting and wandering one. On September twenty-sixth rain began to fall at the head waters of the Feather River, raising the water enough to carry off the five miles of flume on that stream, although the one mile of flume on Nelson's Creek remained undisturbed. We were able to keep at work until our claim was gone over, but did little more than pay expenses after working the pocket. On the twenty-first of October we sold our flume, long torn, pump, tools and everything connected with the claim for five hundred dollars to jiarties who owned the claims above us which they intended lo flume and work tho next souson. Il wus now eighteen months since I hud loft home and I had not heard a word from any of my people during the whole period. No post offices existed in the mountain mining districts. The nearest post office was Marysville, one hundred miles away, and to got mail one had to give an order on tho neurost post office to an official mail muu und puy him one dollar for ouch letter which ho brought. I hud oflou made out these orders but had received no mail. When leaving homo T had promised my mother to write her every mouth after reaching California, und this 1 had done. I was sure that my mother und oldest sister had written me, and that there must be letters for me somewhere in California. A miner told me that he had been in the state two years before he received a letter from his wife and that then he had advised his wife to address her letters to him in her name and that thereafter he had received them regularly and without expense, as no extra charge was made in California for delivering letters addressed to ladies. By his advice I at once wrote home, asking them to address all letters to Miss Louisa Potter, Marysville, California. As a result of this scheme I received three letters on the tenth of Febru ary, twenty-two months after leaving home. My two partners decided to return to their homes after finish ing our job on Nelson's Crock us they felt satisfied with the result of their six months' work, amounting to five thousand dollars GOLDEN CALIFORNIA. 119 each, two thousand from their whip-sawing and three thousand from mining. I had done equally well and in addition had the twelve hundred dollars which had been given me, and I also made up my mind to return home, and with my money buy the best farm in our home county. On the first day of November we shouldered our blankets and started for Marysville, going by way of Hopkinsville and Poor Man's Creek lo Onion Valley where we could take the stage. Wc slopped for dinner at Hopkinsville, and I was surprised to find only two men remaining who had wintered there the year before. We examined my old claim that had been recently sold for seventy-five thousand dollars and I made myself known to the present owners, who had heard of me in connection with the death of my partner James Graham. I asked them if the claim was for sale but they declined to name a price for it, having bought it for mining purposes. We learned from them that the men from whom they purchased had bought a claim at Forbestown, which was fifty miles away, out of the region of heavy snows where they could work during the winter. At their invitation wc stayed over night with them and saw them clean up over three thousand dollars worth of gold for their day's work. Starting out at daybreak we took the three mile up grade trail to Onion Valley on which Graham had been injured in the snow-slide ot the previous year. Al Onion Valley wc boarded the six horse Concord slagc. I slopped at. Forbestown and bade farewell lo my three part ners who were bound back East and whom I never saw again. One mile north of Forbestown, on a creek running into Feather River, I found the two men who formerly owned the Poor Man's Creek mine. They seemed glad to see me again and I told them that I had spent the previous night at their old claim where I had been informed of their present location and had stopped on purpose to see them again. The sides of the creek on which these two men were located had been worked over but the middle of the stream which was about one hundred feet wide, had not been worked, although it was reported rich. They owned three hundred feet of the creek bed and were planning to build sluices to divert the water around their claim, so that they could work the bed of the stream. The gold here was in the shape of dust, not nuggets as in the mountains, and they were planning on separating it from the other gravel by means of quicksilver. There had been three 120 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. partners originully but one of them hud gone home and his share of the claim wus for sulo, ami uflcr examining the cluim for two days the gold fever once more mastered me and I decided to try my luck again anil lo buy out this one-third interest. The purchase took all I had made during the past six months and left me with nothing but my share of tho claim. It wus un expensive cluim to open and one that could be worked only during the rainy season when there wus plenty of water for washing. By great effort we were ready to begin operations in December, the usual time when the rainy season began, but this year it was late and for long weeks we waited. About the first of January the rains came and we set to work with a large force of men on both sides of the crock, washing out the gravel. Wc were greatly disappointed for the daily clean-up for thai month was only six hundred dollars und our daily expenses were over two hundred dollars. We could work only during the rainy season, three months of the yeur, und so wo hired help enough to work duy und night from Junuury first to the 18lh of Murch, when the cluim wus ull worked out. In November I had put six thousand dollars into the claim and in April after five months' work, I went away with only two thousand dollars in my pocket. CHAPTER VI. With the Sonora Grays. My disheartening loss at Forbestown made it practically impossi ble for me to go back lo Michigan so I decided to keep al mining and to try my luck in Tuolumne County, one hundred miles southeast of Sacramento. My partners, to whom the loss had not meant so much as to me, decided to return home and spend the rest of life among their friends. As soon as our business matters were settled we took passage by stage for Marysville and at evening were on board a boat, my partners bound for San Francisco and I for Sacra mento. The next morning I bade my partners a final good-bye and left the boat to take the stage to Sonora, the county scat of Tuolumne County and the largest mining town in Southern Cali fornia. Our coacli was a largo six-horse one, with room for twelve persons inside. The first twenty miles was over a good level road, one of the interesting spots which we passed being old Fort Sutter. The second twenty miles was through the foot-hills of the Nevada Mountains, still over good roads, and the cud of this stage was Jackson, the county scat of Amadorc County and the first mining town on our road. The first forty miles was made in four hours, with a change of horses and drivers every ten miles and with a load of twenty-two. consisting of twelve passengers inside and ten China men on top. When we arrived at Jackson wc found it a center of great excite ment. A vigilance committee had the evening before executed a noted Mexican bandit and outlaw, and his body was still dangling at the end of a rope from a limb of a live-oak tree in the center of the town, the committee having given orders that it should hang there all day as a lesson to the robbers and bandits who were numer ous in that mountain district. Amadorc County is today one of the principal agricultural and fruit-growing sections of the State; Jackson still remains its county seat, and I am informed that strang ers who visit the town are shown the live-oak tree in the center of the town from which, it is said, more robbers and guerillas have 121 122 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. been hanged than from any other tree in California. We were de layed at Jackson at least an hour on account of this excitement. Mokeluiuno Hill, in Calaveras County, located on Calaveras River, a large rapid mountain stream, was the next mining camp. Soon after leaving Jackson we entered a mountain gorge leading down into the river valley which seemed to me the most dangerous road I ever travelled. Imagine a coach and six horses loaded with twenty-two passengers dashing down a steep, narrow, rocky gorge, around frequent sharp curves, at a speed of ten miles an hour with the coach rocking, swaying, and fairly reeling down the fearful descent, apparently about to be dashed into pieces at any moment, and you have some faint conception of that ride and my fear while taking it. But the driver sat on his seat with a coolness and com posure that seemed to me at the time to amount to either indifference or recklessness, handling his six linos and managing his brakes as carelessly us if ho were on u level road, whistling or singing some gay uir, seemingly totally oblivious to uny danger. It was not reckless ness, us I soon found out, but rather the result of long experience and familiarity with danger. At the end of the gorge we reached the half way point of our journey and made a half hour's stop for dinner. The next fifty miles to Sonora was through a continuous mountain district, as rough as could be found in California where a six-horse couch could possibly go. With fresh horses und only thirteen passengers, tho Chiiiamcu leaving us at Mokoluninc Hill, we stalled down the river, going for two miles over the road by which we came in, then turning off into another gorge similar to the one we had passed through but on the opposite side of the river and up hill instead of down. For three miles we toiled slowly up the grade and then after a rapid drive of five miles came to the Spanish town of San Andreas. Our relay of six fresh horses stood in the street all ready to be hitched on and three minutes after we drove up we were off again at a ten-mile rate for Murphy's Camp. At Mokelumno Hill, with the aid of u five-dollar gold piece, I hud ob tained permission from the driver to sit on the scut with him during the last fifty miles of our mountain ride, which was considered a great privilege. This driver, who had been on this ten mile section ever since the road was opened two years previous, entertained me with stories of vurious hold-ups, and showed me scars where he had been struck by bullets in attempting to escape from robbers WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 123 with his coach and passengers. At the highest point on the road he pointed out to me a high mountain three miles to the right and south of us, where in September, 1852, three of the most dangerous and desperate bandits that ever infested California were captured and executed. Since their capture and execution he said that not a slagc coach on that route had been held up. The drive to Mur phy's Camp, where we changed horses and drivers again was made in seventy minutes, seven minutes to u. mile. Murphy's Camp is noted as the point where stages leave for the Calaveras National Park, the home of the wonderful sequois and redwood trees which grow to a diameter of forty feet. The first grove of these trees is only twenty miles east of Murphy's Camp. There are also cele brated caves in the vicinity and a wonderful natural bridge spanning a river. In the spring of 1855 I visited all these interesting points, and again in 1880 I visited them with friends, finding the spot which had once been nothing but a rough mining camp then a great center for tourists. An hour's drive from Murphy's Camp brought us to Vallicita, a village settled by Mexicans as early as 1840, where they followed mining for gold in a crude way transporting the ore by mule teams to Mexican cities. The next mining town which wc reached was called Angel's Camp. All these little mining villages were located in Calaveras County in the narrow valleys made by small streams, on the upper range of mountains lying between the two large moun tain rivers of Calaveras and Stanislaus. The courses of these rivers we could trace with the eye from our route by the heavy growth of pine, spruce and cedar timber that lined their banks. Angel's Camp was strictly a Mexican or "greaser" town. Not a Yankee with his enterprise had yet invaded it or disturbed its lazy, dirty, half-civilized life. Its name could only have orginated from the loveliness of its situation since the appearance and reputation of its inhabitants showed them to be far removed from such a class of beings. The sun was sinking out of sight, in the wesl, throwing its bright rays over the mountains and covering them with a mantle of transient and splendid glory as we left Angel's Camp. Only from the top of a stage coach at such a moment, it seemed to me, could a person have any conception of the almost heavenly beauty of the mountain scenery about the village. Wc drove down the mountain ridge to reach the ferry across the Stanislaus River, our 124 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. driver, like the nine others who had preceded him, having perfect command of his teams as they trotted briskly down the steep road way. Tho ferry boat was attached to a heavy rope by a system of pulleys, the force of the current supplying the power to propel it across the stream. The grade up from the river was not so steep as to prevent our going at a trot most of the way until we reached the summit of the mountain, four miles further on. From there on we found good roads all the way to Sonora, which we reached about nine o'clock, one hour behind schedule, but having made the distance of one hundred miles in fifteen hours. It was Saturday evening and the one long, narrow street which ran the length of this, the largest mining town in the State, was packed with people, most of whom were Mexican Greasers, although there were representatives of practically every State of the Union. The principal places of attraction were two large gambling houses, one of them named "Miss Virginia; Saloon," owned and managed by a Mexican woman, und Ihe oilier owned and run by Americans and culled "The Long Tom Saloon." All the known gambling games were in operation at these places, and liquor bars were running in each, seven days of the week and twenty-four hours of the day. I had made this trip to Sonora partly that I might find an uncle by tho name of Corydon P. Sprague, who hud represented Tuolumne County iu the Slule Legislature for the past two years, but I learned that night Ihut he hud recently left the town und moved to Oregon. I was therefore ul soniewhut of a loss just what to do, but thut evening I found four brothers, by the name of Gilkey, whom I had formerly known in Lansing, Michigan. One of them, Edwin Gilkey, kept one of the hotels in Sonora and showed me the sights during the evening. I accepted his hospitality and took my first lodgings at his hotel, which was the only temperance house in town. It was a temperance house because Gilkey's wife insisted that he should not sell liquor and because of her position he was finally compelled to close it for want of patronage, for tem perance houses were never known to live to any groat age in a new mining town. The next day I visited tho father and mother of the Gilkey boys, who were living in Shaw's Flats a mining camp two miles from Sonora. lt wus Sunday and tho Mexicans were to have a Spanish bullfight at three o'clock that afternoon, to which Riley Gilkey WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 125 asked me to go. Sunday is the great holiday of the Mexicans. This was the second bullfight held in Sonora, and as a grizzly bear was to figure in the show everybody was anxious to see it. Two acres of ground had been inclosed by high pointed posts deeply planted in the ground and fastened at the top, and a grand stand was erected on one side of the circle large enough to accommodate all who would pay one dollar for a reserved scat. There must have been fully five thousand people in the stand thai day. A Mexican band enter tained the crowd with Spanish tunes, intermixed occasionally with Yankee Doodle and other American tunes, and kept the waiting crowd of many nations and peoples in good humor until the show began. The proceedings opened with the entrance of a small Mexican bull decorated with many colored flags. He stood still a moment, looking in bewilderment at the great crowd of people out of his reach, then circled the ring a few times, and finally tossed with his horns two dummies which were thrown into the ring, much to the delight of the audience. By a side door there now entered a Mexican dressed in a gay colored suit, carrying in one hand a red flag, and in the other a long, sharp lance. The band struck up a gay tune and the death struggle began. The bull dashed and plunged fiercely at his daring antagonist who skillfully evaded the thrust of his horns when il appeared lo us that he must certainly be impaled. Then after stepping aside from the bull's mad charge, he would prick him with his lance to enrage him the more, thus torturing the poor brute until it was time to close the first act in the tragedy by thrusting his lance into the heart o the animal. The band then struck up its music again while the audience cheered and waved their hats and applauded, ns if a noble deed had been done. The victorious Mexican proudly waved his bloody lance, made many smiling bows to the audience, and backed out of the ring like a great conqueror — over a poor little bull. The slain animal was then dragged out of the ring and act one of the cruel play was ended. The second act was still more repulsive and inhuman. Two bulls were put into the ring to mangle each other until they became exhausted, whereupon two Spaniards, worthy of their proud blood, exhibited their courage and prowess by entering the ring where they faced the dreadful danger of the two exhausted and mangled bulls. For a full half hour they tortured the poor suffering and 126 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. bleeding animals with sharp pointed swords to the delight of the crowd of onlookers, and finally when their lust for blood was satis fied, thrust Ihcir swords bravely and fearlessly into the hearts of the almost dead animals. The ring was now cleared for the final act, which had been arranged at the special request of the citizens of Sonora and which was to consist of u fight between a grizzly bear und the fiercest bull which the Mexicans had. The bear had been raised from a cub by one of the citizens, who could play with him as if he were a dog, but who had allowed no other man to luy his hands on him. The bear and its owner first entered the arena together and played with each other to the amusement of the crowd. The man soon left the ring and tho bull was let in. The bear took a position near the flag-staff in the arena, while the bull circled around him several limes, occasionally slopping lo bellow und paw up tho ground but upprouchiug ucurer und nearer each time. The bear quietly watched tho bull as ho drew near anil suddenly, springing forward, struck him with one fore.paw on the side of his head, the blow knocking him down, taking half the skin off his head and tearing out one of his eyes. The bear did not touch the bull again but resumed his upright position, and looked around the arena as much as to say, — "Bring on another." The bull got up and staggered away until he struck the wall, where he laid down. That closed the show. The bear's owner jumped into tho ring, and calling him, shook hands with him, hitched the leading chain to his neck und led him uway. He had made more by the show than the showmen had, for he had heavy bets on his favorite. This was my first and last bullfight. All my desire to witness such sport was then and there satisfied. I have never wanted to see another such exhibition of brutality. A country that allows such exhibitions has no right to call itself civilized. Nearly all the neighboring mining camps were represented at Sonora that day and excitement ran high until Monday morning. I had supper ut the Gilkey House that evening with the four Gilkey boys, their father, mother and sister, and they entertained me with the story of their experiences in those mining regions, while I told them some of mine in the gold fields of Northern California. They soon lourned thut my lust venture had been unsuccessful und lhat I was anxious to get at work again. Ed, the hotel keeper, said that he hud been estimating for one of the banks in the town on the WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 127 delivery of five hundred thousand feet of lumber from their saw-mill ten miles up the mountain. At his invitation I went with him to the bank and looked into the proposition. The lumber would have to be brought down a ditch only eight feet wide and three feet deep and delivered on the banks at a point where teams could reach it. It seemed like a difficult job, but I was desperate and after forcing the bankers to come up in their offer as far as possible I took the job for Gilkey and myself promising to have the lumber delivered within a month. The mill men promised on their part to have five hundred rafts of lumber in the stream in six days, ready to run down, to keep three feet of water running in the stream, and to furnish us with enough money to pay our help each Saturday night. I was to superintend the work, for which I was to receive two hundred dollars, provided wc made that much. I camped and lived with our hired men along the stream, working a night crew to keep the lumber moving, and by the second week we were slicking lumber at the landing, which proved to be Ihe hardest part of our work. At the end of the fourth week, as wc were finishing our job, Gilkey came into camp much excited, saying that a run had been made on the bank that evening which had forced it to close its doors. A mob of depositors had taken possession of the building nnd had broken open the vaults but had found no gold. All the deposits had disappeared with the bankers the day before. Two other banks, one at Jamestown and the other at Columbia, both of which were owned by the same parties, had then been taken possession of by the depositors, but very little money was found in either of them. The depositors, mostly miners, lost half a million dollars in the three banks. But Gilkey and I did not intend to be defrauded, and the next day we attached the lumber for our pay. The Columbia Company, which had contracted for the lumber through the bank, came forward promptly and paid all claims, and after we had paid the workmen we had eight hundred dollars left to be divided between us. Gilkey received three hundred dollars, although he had done but little, while I got five hundred dollars for the month's hard day and night work. The day following the winding up of our work for the lumber company I went with Gilkey up into the mountains on the Stanis laus River, about twenty miles from Sonora, to inspect a large ranch. There were five hundred acres of fine prairie land bordering on the 128 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. river, very level and entirely cleared, but surrounded with moun tains which were covered with a fine growth of pine, spruce and cedar. This ranch had been located two years before by a Missouri family who hud built a good log house and burn und had occupied it one year. They hud boon driven out by the deep snows of winter and had abandoned the place for a farm which was away from the mountain snows. Their claim on the land had become outlawed, having been abandoned one year, and Gilkey had paid the man fifty dollars for the buildings and his rights in the ranch. He wanted me to form a partnership with him and to take up the ranch and as I was much pleased with the land and its surroundings I agreed to do so. It wus now the early part of Muy, just the proper time to commence farming in the mountains, so we returned to Sonora, and made preparations for moving the Gilkey family out lo the farm. Wo purchased a team und two cows next duy, und on the duy following I look u load of supplies and the two cows to the ranch, while Gilkey promised to bring on the family within the next two days. I had been there but one day when a man named Lyons, who owned a large ranch near Sonora, drove up and asked me what I was doing on his ranch. I explained to him that Gilkey had bought the rights to the ranch, thai I had gone into partnership with him and that wo were going to develop it. lie replied that Gilkey had no claim lo the place that would hold because the man whose rights he had bought hud nothing to sell, for the ranch was his and he meant to hold it. He carried a revolver in his belt and I noticed a rifle in his buggy so I was afraid that he meant trouble. He came back after an hour or so and told me that I had better send word at once to Gilkey not to come onto the ranch, or otherwise he would get into a great deal of trouble. I knew that Lyons lived near Sonora so I advised him to see Gilkey himself and tell him what he had told me. I explained to him that I was a stranger in the vicinity and not acquainted with the facts in the case and that if he was entitled lo the claim I wanted to know so at once so that I could withdraw. I assured him that I didn't care for a ranch that belonged to another as I thought there were plenty of good claims in California without having to buy trouble with one. This seemed to cool him somewhul and he wenl away saying he would sec Gilkey. The visit from Lyons made me uneasy, and I was very anxious WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 129 until Gilkey and his wife and little girl drove in about dark. At the first opportunity I got him out of his wife's hearing and told him of Lyons' visit and of what he had said. He replied that this was the first time that he had ever heard of such a claim, and said that although Lyons had met him oil the road he had made no mention of the claim. It didn't make me feel any easier when Gilkey said that Lyons had the reputation of being the most dangerous man in the county, and that he had killed three men since coming lo Cali fornia, but that nevertheless he didn't intend to be scared out of hi3 claim but would hold it until he was cither bought out or killed. He thought, however, that there was little likelihood of Lyons molest ing us, as he had probably come out to take possession of the ranch and finding me here had tried to scare me off. But my fears of Lyons had not been groundless. The next morning we saw a tent located near our house and found Lyons and four other men with two loads of timber starting to build a house. Gilkey and I went over to the spot and asked Lyons on what he based his claim to this ranch. He replied that he had filed a claim on the ranch to take effect when the first man's claim ran out, that he was on the claim at that time, and finding me there had ordered me off, and that if we didn't want trouble we had better leave at once. When 1 asked him why he had not spoken to Mr. Gilkey about the mailer the day before as he had promised me, he replied that, he hail not wished lo start trouble in the presence of Gilkey 's wife and little girl. The discussion grew hot and both men became very angry and I feared lest they would use the pistols which they were carrying. I tried to cool them down by suggesting that we take the matter to court, but Lyons declared with an oath that no court in California would ever decide this case. I finally took Gilkey by the arm and drew hint away from Lyons. We took counsel at the house and I advised him to go at once to Sonora and consult with the judge and a good lawyer. Gilkey did not wish to leave his family and urged me to go in his place, and this I agreed to do. I reached Sonora before noon and laid the matter before the judge, who said that Gilkey would have to contest his case in the United States court, but that he had better leave the ranch at onec as Lyons was the worst man in the county to deal with. I told him the whole story and asked him to write a letter to Gilkey, repeating what he had told me as I feared that if he stayed at 10 130 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the ranch much longer there would be bloodshed. I took the letter which he wrote and called on a friend of Gilkey's who was a lawyer, and who also gave me a loiter advising Gilkey if he regarded his life as worth anything, to leave the ranch at once. I returned by way of the home of Gilkey's brother, where I took dinner and he gave me another note to Gilkey advising him to give up the ranch. I reached the ranch soon after dark and found a scene of excite ment. Lyons, it seems, had been to the house and ordered Gilkey off the ranch at once. Gilkey had opened fire on him and both men had emptied their revolvers at each other, but they were so excited that neither had been hit, although one ball had passed through the hair of Gilkey's little girl. I handed Gilkey the three letters without a word, and after reading them he said that although the advice was good he wus going to slay on the ranch. His wife begged him lo leave al once und 1, who was tired of the whole affair, told him Ihut I should leave Ihut. night as I regarded my life as of more value lo mo tliu.ii all the ranches iu California. He said that I was a coward to go and leave him, but I didn't bother to answer that. I offered to take the team and carry his wife and child back to Sonora, where they would be out of danger but he would not listen to it. After supper I made Mrs. Gilkey a present of my interest in the team and cows and started on foot for Sonora, carry ing my satchel. My five days' experience at farming in California had proved too exciting for mo and I wus determined to gel so fur away from that ranch that I would not be troubled with it again. I kept walking all night and did not halt until I reached a mining claim near James town, which was beyond Sonora, and here I stopped for breakfast. I then walked on until I reached Jacksonville, a mining town on Tuolumne River, seventeen miles from Sonora, where I found a Michigan friend who wus mining alone on the south bank of the river. I slopped at. his cluim and helped him that nflernoon. He hud built u wing dam to turn the water off from his claim and he said that he hud been making good wuges for the past four weeks und hud all the space he could work until high water cumc. The cluim looked good so I bought un interest in il, und having purchased a long loin, sluice boxes and a largo canvas hand pump, wont lo work in earnest. It proved a fine investment for inc. I hud been at Jacksonville two weeks when one day the man with whom I WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 131 boarded showed me an article in the Sonora Herald, giving a detailed account of the trouble between Gilkey and Lyons and speaking of me as Gilkey's partner who had left the ranch one night and had not been seen or heard of since. A large number of men had been searching the country for me, as they had concluded from my absence that Lyons had killed me. As soon as I saw the article I got a horse and rode to Sonora where I met Gilkey on the street. He seemed very much surprised as he had believed that I had been killed. He said that his family were still at the ranch, and that he was going to hold it. I went with him to his brother's house and after an hour's persuasion got him to agree to leave the ranch and settle the matter in the United States court. I gave him one hundred dollars and sent one hundred dollars to his wife, on his promise that he would leave the ranch at once. I returned lo Jacksonville that night and worked out the claim, and once more found myself possessing a good sum of money. My partner returned lo Michigan while 1 went to Columbia, where I found Gilkey again keeping hotel. At Columbia I bought another claim. The soil here was a blue clay which had to be dug, then dried in the sun and kept under cover where it would stay dry until the rainy season set in, when there would be water to wash the gold out. Some of these claims were very rich. This gold-bearing clay lay between cliffs of while limestone rocks which pointed up to or near the surface of the ground, and dipped down on some claims for two hundred feet. At the bottom of these clay beds was a bed of fine gravel, which was easily washed without drying, and which was rich in gold. Mining in this clay was an expensive proposition. One set of men dug out the clay in the pit, then hoisted it with ropes and pulleys and man-power to the surface, where others spread it out to dry, pounding and mashing the lumps into smaller pieces to facilitate the drying, while still another set of men wheeled the dried dirt into mounds and covered il with canvas or boards to protect it until the winter rains came. Then with the coming of the rainy season the long toms were put to work and all hands were kept busy reaping the golden harvest. Like other claims some of these made their owners rich, others gave them fair wages and still others were a dead loss. The Water Company charged so much for the use of their water that the claims could not well pay much. This robbery, as it was 132 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. called, led to the assembling of a convention of miners who organ ized a stock company for the purpose of building a ditch to carry water from Stanislaus River, a distance of thirty-five miles. The day following the meeting stock enough was taken to build it and a surveyor was at once put to work. I spent a month assisting the surveyors in this job and luler three men und I as partners took one mile of this canal to dig. Our portion of the work was fifteen miles up in the mountains east of Columbia. The canal was to be twelve feet wide and six feet deep and forty rods of our mile ran through solid rock, which had either to be blasted through or buill over by a flume. One-half of the contract price was to be paid in company stock and the other half iu cash. We built a log shanty to live in, and on the twentieth of May, after about three months' work, our job was finished. The lower fifteen miles of canal was now finished, but the upper ton miles could not be com pleted until the snow went off. For a lime wc helped iu the con struction of u suw-mill which the company was building on the mountain-side near Ihe section of tho cunal which we had completed, and a ter that was finished returned to our claim and commenced digging out blue clay again and drying it in the sun. On account of our new canal, the slock of the old Tuolumne County Ditch Com pany that had boon selling at un advance of five times its par value wont down below par. The now company agreed to furnish water at one-fouilh Ihe price of the old company and every claim which Ihe new ditch could reach wus taken up and worked, the increase of business giving new life to afl the surrounding towns. I aguin boarded at the Gilkey House. Mrs. Gilkey set a very good table and, as she would not allow the sale of liquor in her house, she had a quiet and orderly lot of boarders. One Suturduy evening, about the first of July, I happened to be at Sonora when a telegram came to tho sheriff advising him that a prominent man had boon killed by his partner at Columbia and that a mob was determined lo hung the murderer. The message culled on tho sheriff to send the Sonora Grays, a militia company, to protect the man. The wire wus cut by the mob after this message was sent and we had no further communication. About thirty of the company and ten citizens armed with revolvers, I among them, started for Columbia on the doub e quick, led by Ihe sheriff and the captain of the Grays. When we reached Columbia we found that WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 133 the mob had torn the iron door from the calaboose, and had dragged the prisoner, with a rope around his neck, to the trestle work of a high flume. Here, by the light of a bonfire, they were giving him a mob law trial. There was a crowd of probably three thousand men, most of them shouting for his execution before even any kind of trial was had but some of the belter and more level-headed citi zens risking their own lives in attempts lo prevent the outrage. The prisoner who was exhausted by the violence which he had already suffered at the hands o!' the mob had given up hope, and asked only for time to make his will and for a lawyer to draw it for him. Before the will was finished the crowd heard that the sheriff and the Sonora Grays had arrived. The sheriff ordered us to fire our revolvers over the heads of the mob and to make a dash for the prisoner. Wc found him with one end of the rope around his neck and the other over the flume. The mob yelled madly to haul him up. The sheriff cut the rope only lo have another noose thrown over the man's nock. It was a terrific fight for the prisoner's life. Time and again we cut the rope only to have another one take its place. Once, in the wild excitement, a rope was placed around another man's neck, and he was drawn six feet into the air before the mob saw the mistake. For about ten minutes the struggle went on and for a time we thought, we could save Ihe prisoner but he was so injured thai he could not. help himself, and at lust we were overpowered and he was hauled up more dead Ihuii alive. Ilul the ci. plain of flic (bays had yet another trick to play, for ns soon ns the prisoner was pulled up above the heads of the mob, he ordered his men to fire at the rope, and the body fell to the ground again. It was a vain effort for the mob drew him up once more, and the leaders, to be sure of their victim, filled his dangling and senseless body with revolver balls. The mob leaders then gave orders to leave his body hanging there until Sunday night, and although thousands of men went to see the dangling corpse that day no one had the courage to take it down and bury it. I had heard of men being hanged by mobs before, but this was the first lynching I had seen. During the fight two other men had been so badly injured that they died the next day. When I witnessed the bull-fight in Sonora, and saw the brutality of man towards dumb animals, I had concluded that these men had become mere brutes themselves and had struck their lowest level. But when I saw this 134 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. worse than brutul mob, composed of people professing to be civilized, I made up my mind thai human beings sometimes fall far below tho brutes, becoming more savage and inhuman than animals, and possessing the full nature and spirit of demons of the lowest pit. During that same month a mob took a horse-thief from the jail at Sonora and hung him from the limb of a tree, in the middle of the street, and left his body dangling all day as a pretended warning to all horse thieves. Some months later two Mexicans were legally tried and convicted of murder before a jury in Sonora and theirs were said to be the first executions ever performed in accordance with the law in a California mining town. That night when marching with the- Sonora Grays to Columbia, I became acquainted with the sheriff and with several men of the military company, who invited me to come and drill with them once u week. This 1 did for four weeks, thus securing my first lessons in military tactics. I learned easily and the captain said thut if I would join the company, Ihey would make me their captain the next year. But I told him that 1 had been a lloulor since reaching California and had not stayed long enough in any one place to hold such a position. The Sonora Grays was the only state militia com pany located iu a mining town in California and was composed mainly of young men who were not permanently located, so that it wus difficult to keep up the organization. Those four nights of drill in the use of the old bungling flint-lock musket, with that company of daring spirits, fired the military spirit in me and poured a. feeling of patriotism through my youthful system which kindled in me a soldierly ardor that has never quite died out. General William Walker, of filibuster fame, had at this time just conducted an unsuccessful expedition into the State of Sonora, in Northwest Mexico and had been driven out with most of his men, barely escaping with his life. He was now getting up an expedition to Nicaruguu, ncurly three thousand miles down tho coast. I told my partners that if 1 could sell my mining interest ul a fair price I would join tho expedition, for I believed Walker would succeed and Ihut Nicaragua would become a prosperous country. But they told me thai it would be sure death to join his expedition, und ufter learning more about tho country and its climate, I decided thut it was a doubtful proposition and stayed on our claim until it was all worked out. WITH THE SONORA GRAYS. 135 January, 1856, had come, and I was again out of business with nothing in sight, unless I searched for another claim. It looked to me as if mining for gold was an uncertain business. I was still boarding with Gilkey. Lyons was as yet in possession of our ranch for the court had not decided the question of ownership. Gilkey had become discouraged and despondent over the trouble and was morose and ill-tempered, making it unpleasant for his family and friends. The father and mother of this family, who once owned a fine farm on the banks of the Grand River in Michigan and were fairly prosperous there, died of old age soon after reaching Cali fornia, and I have learned that afterwards the boys became rough characters, often getting into trouble, and that three of them died at different times with their boots on. Similar stories can be told of too many once happy families who left pleasant and promising homes to go to the Pacific Coast in the days of "Gold Fever," in the hope of quickly gaining wealth. I decided to return to Michi gan and sold my three thousand dollars worth of stock iu the new canal for two thousand dollars, which I added to the fifteen hundred I had made working our last claim, packed my clothes in my carpet bag and started for San Francisco. I travelled by stage to Stockton where I stopped one day and then took the boat to San Francisco. CHAPTER VII. Under Walker in Nicaragua. I found San Francisco bustling with excitement. General Richardson had been murdered by gamblers, and as the author ities seemed unable to do anything to improve conditions a vigilance committee consisting of the best men in the city was organized, proclaimed marshal law, and ordered every gam bler a.nd outlaw to leave within three days. The committee also arrested, tried and executed two gamblers named Corey and Casey for the actual murder. At Ihe end of the three days of grace all the gamblers, outlaws and pugilists remaining in the town, numbering over four hundred, were arrested, photographed and measured and then placed upon a sailing vessel bound for Australia with the warning that if they ever returned they would be summarily hanged. The city was intensely excited over this exodus when I arrived and there were also stories in the air regarding Walker's expedition to Nicaragua that increased the excitement. News had conic that this expedition was practically sure of success, ns the filibustering forces had taken possession of a large part of Ihccounlry. Several of Walker's officers were in Ihe city actively engaged in collecting funds lo aid him, and secretly recruiting men for his force. This had to be carried on under cover as United States officers were watching every move and arresting anyone found to be engaged in filibustering. Two of Wralker's lieutenants had been arrested and were in prison awaiting trial at the time of our arrival. But the recruiting was not stopped by these arrests. Even while the trial was going on I, in company with three young miners from Wisconsin, enlisted in the Filibuster's service. Our enlistment was under the following conditions. First, each of us took oath to divulge nothing as to our enlistment, nor to speak of it to anyone outside of our party of four. Secondly, the recruiting officer promised lo furnish us with the money for the purchase of tickets lo New York via Nicaragua on the regular passenger steamer Sonora which was the next boat to leave. Thirdly, we were to serve in Walker's regiment and in case the expedition was a success, 137 138 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. were to be given our choice of a large tract of either funning or mineral land, and wore also to have positions us officers in Wulker's army. If the Sonora arrived on lime, she would leave Sun Francisco twelve days after our enlistment. The time until then was ours to use as we pleased. The first thing that we did was to send home what extra money we had on hand, and after consultation with a banker we did this by means of duplicate drafts, the buyer keeping the original and a duplicate being sent to the one who was to receive the money in case the buyer and the original draft did not appear. Two of the Wisconsin men who were with me sent home thirty thousand dollars and I remarked that if I had half that amount I would never join a filibustering party. They replied that they had left good homes to make a fortune, and did not consider thirty thousand dollars a fortune, that Ihey believed if Nicaragua wore conquered it would mean the fortune of every man who hud a share iu il. Wo spent, most of our lime until ihe Sonora arrived in seeing Ihe sights iu the city, und in visiting the vessels in the hurbor. The only exciting occurrence that happened during this time was a mild earthquake that shook us out of our beds about midnight one night and sent us hurrying into the streets in our night clothes. The quake caused plenty of excitement, but aside from cracking the walls of some now brick buildings it did no damage. The Sonora came iu on time and went through the customary process of unloading passengers, cargo, and several boatloads of mail. Again the long lines formed at the postoffiee; I suggested to my friends that if we took places in the lines and sold them to the highest bidder we would muke more money in a day than Walker would give us for a month's hard service carrying a musket over the mountains and valleys of Nicaragua. They took up with my suggestion and so when the delivery windows wore opened we were in line wit.li our dinners uud camp stools at window "S", tho throe Wisconsin men saying that I here wore probably more men doing business in the city under the name of Smith than under any other and lhat our chances of selling our positions would bo better under the leLlcr S than elsewhere. About one hundred men were in line when wo took our places. Il wus three hours nfter wo got in lino before the window opened and men at the head of the line then UNDER WALKER IN NICARAGUA. 139 sold their places for twenty-five dollars each but before we got near the price was down to fifteen dollars. We four had agreed among ourselves to sell out jointty for fifty dollars and just before we reached the window four business men paid us this amount for our places. We went to the rear again in a line now including two hundred men. To buyers who passed along tho line wc said that the four of us would sell our places for forty dollars, and one buyer offered to pay us that stun if we would hold our places until we got within ten men of the window. We accepted his offer, and he gave us ten dollars to bind the bargain saying that if he was not on hand to take our places at the time mentioned the deposit was ours. He was on hand with three other men at the appointed time, paid us the additional thirty dollars, and again wc went to the foot of the line which was now longer than before. We repealed the performance for the third time, again getting forty dollars for our four positions, and then the business men having secured their mail and our ship soon being due to sail we gave up the profitable business. The Sonora sailed with more than seven hundred passengers on board. The trip took fourteen days, with one stop at All- chapulco for coal and water. At this stop the Mexicans came on board by hundreds and amused us by diving from the upper deck after small silver coins which wc threw into the water and which they caught before Ihey reached Ihe bottom. The climax of the exhibition came when the captain threw a silver dollar into Ihe air and ten natives dove from the wheel house for the prize. Our trip was a very pleasant one, as we had a well furnished table, good weather and no sickness. We had no means of knowing how many recruits there were for Walker on board as each man had been sworn to speak to no one as to his destination and purpose. On the morning of the fiftecnlh day wc anchored in Salinas Bay, San Juan Del Morte, where wc wore landed in' small boats, the recruits going first. A box of old muskets went with the first boatload of twenty-five men and there was an officer on shore to receive the men, form them into line and give them their arms. My partners and I were in the second boatload and in half an hour after we reached shore one hundred and sixteen young men, all from California, had been landed, armed and equipped for active military duty. The officer who received us read his orders, 140 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. assigning as our first duty the guarding of the gold that was on board the steamer to Virgin Bay, on Lake Nicaragua, about twenty miles distant. This California gold, in its native state, was packed in strong boxes and was on the way to the mint in Philadelphia. As General Walker was in control of the district the navigation company had called upon him to protect the treasure over the twenty miles of land transportation. At ten o'clock that morning two six mule teams started with the treasure for Virgin City and our company fell into line, half in front of the teams and half behind, with orders to be ready for an attack at any moment. It was a strangely dressed company of adventurers. Every man was dressed to suit himself. More than half of us were clothed just as we came from the mines of California, with thick boots, heavy wool trousers, a leather belt al the waist lo hold up our trousers und to curry a revolver, a heavy woolen shirt worn outside the trousers with from from two to four rows of bullous extending from the shoulders down the front lo Ihe waist, and with hats of every style from a close fitting skull cap to a broad brimmed Mexican straw hat. One man, who had evidently been employed in an office, was dressed in a swallow tailed coat and high silk hut. Four Englishmen, seemingly just come over, wore dressed in knickerbockcr corduroy suits. Tho command was given and we started on the first ten miles of the up grade trail, all of us in good spirits after our twenty-five hundred mile voyage. When we reached tho top of the watershed, we could look down upon the great fresh water lake of Nicaragua, a splendid body of inland water, forty miles wide and more than one hundred miles long. At this point many of the passengers from our steamer who were mounted on bronchos passed us as they wore anxious to reuch tho harbor on the lake and gel aboard the other bout for the night. We made the twenty mile trip in six hours, and went into camp with a few others of Walker's soldiers who were guarding Ihe town which had been captured only u few days previous. There were no wharves and the big steamer was forty rods from shore. As the lake wus rough und unsafe for small boats thut evening, the disappointed passengers wore obliged to spend tho night in the small Spanish town which had no hotel UNDER WALKER IN NICARAGUA. 141 nor any kind of decent accommodations. Half of our company were kept on guard during the night, while the other half slept in five tents and were far more comfortable than the six hundred passengers who were stranded in the town. The wind went down towards morning and the people were taken on board. Wc received orders lo go on board the steamer, cross the lake and proceed down the San Juan River lo Fori San Carlos, where we were to await further orders from General Walker who was with his main force near Managua, the capital of Nicaragua, eighty miles cast of us. Before the steamer was ready to sail, word came by special messenger that Walker and his men had been compelled to surrender and that the General was being tried by court martial at Managua. Our captain did not believe the story, which if true meant the downfall of all our hopes, and said that he would follow his instruc tions and lead us to Fort San Carlos. At the foot of the rapids on the San Juan River the passengers and baggage were unloaded from the lake boat and transferred two miles by land around the rapids to a river boat. Here we again did duty as guard for the gold which we were protecting. The San Juan River forms the boundary between Costa Rica and Nicaragua, and runs through a tropical forest so dense that we could not sci! five rods back from the banks of the river. Alligators lined the banks, monkeys frisked and played in the trees and parrots flew screeching over our heads as wc went down the river. Wc camped at the rapids thai night and the next morning boarded two river boats. Al noon wc lauded al Fort San Carlos where we found a company of fifty men, all Californians. I knew the lieutenant in command of this force for he had been a miner at Poor Man's Creek. He had heard of Walker's surrender and had determined to disband his company and to leave the country at once in order to avoid trouble. Our captain after hearing his story became convinced that the game was up and calling us into line explained the situation to us, advising us to get out of the country as soon as wc could. He said that although he was a nephew of General Walker he meant to get back to the United Stales as soon as he possibly could as there was nothing that could be done here. He told us that wc might take our guns with us, if wc wished, as we would probably 142 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. receive no other pay for our brief military service. Some of us carried our guns along and started for the river boat which was on its way to Graytown, where we could take a regular passen ger steamer for New York. Eighty-five of our company decided to go to their homes in the different states while the balance of our number crossed the Isthmus again and returned to California. Those of us who were going back to our homes in the States boarded the river boat which carried us to Graytown where we secured transportation on a New York steamer leaving that night. Wc were only too glad to bid farewell to Nicaragua. The trip required ton days, our only stop being at Havana where we delayed six hours taking on coul. I went ushore for a few hours and thought myself well repaid by tho sights of the old Spanish town. The news of Walker's capture had been received by the Spanish with great rejoicing as his first expedition hud been nia.de lo Cuba, where he. had been captured and court inarlialed and where but for the interference of the United Stales authorities ho would prob ably huvo boon executed. Al Managua tho court martial sentenced him lo be shot, but uguin the United Stutes consul saved his life us well as the lives of several of his staff. But his failures and narrow escapes did not deter him. Tn 1858 he planned an expedition against Honduras, and he and his men, while on board a sailing vessel, were cuptured by a British man-of-war near the custom coast and their plans came to naught. Once more and for the lust time he left Now Orleans in 1800 with over one thousand well armed recruits, landed them on the northern coast of Hon duras and having captured several towns, proclaimed himself president. But the forces were too strong for him and he was finally compelled to surrender, and after trial by court-murtial at Truxillo, ho wus shot on the plaza of the capitol grounds in September, 1800. Wo encountered rough weather all the way from Havana to New York and most of us had a bud time with sou-sickucss. We were seven duys in muking the usuul five days voyage and land never looked so good lo me us it did when wo reached New York Buy. Some four hundred of the passengers, myself included wore dressed in miners clothing and our first act upon reaching shore was to buy now clothes. My throe comrades iu the Nica- UNDER WALKER IN NICARAGUA. 143 ragua campaign left for their homes in Wisconsin and I accom panied them as far as Micliigan. The last stage of my journey was made on horseback, through the woods, to my mother's home where I was warmly welcomed by mother, sisters and brothers after my absence of four years. And now at the age of seventy-two, as I write from memory the story of my experiences during those four years, it all seems to me like a far distant and pleasant dream. CHAPTER VIII. Still a VVandioiirh. The first few days after reaching home were spent in visiting rela tives and friends and in telling them the story of my experiences and the time passed very pleasantly. But after the novelty of being at home had passed I grew uneasy and restless and once more faced the question of what I should do. The ways of the people at home were so different from what I had grown accustomed to in my four years' life in California that I felt out of place, and determined to return to the Golden West at my earliest opportunity. The op portunity came through the excuse of visiting relatives in New York and placing my favorite sister iu school there. We went by way of Niagara Falls where we stopped over for a day to sec the sights, and then we visited our relatives in New YTork State. Having concluded my visit and placed my sister in a good school, I bade my relatives goodbye, anil started for New York City intending to take the first steamer for Panama. I reached the city al evening and went at once to the dock, where I found that every berth on the boat had been taken and thai, if I sailed I would have lo sleep on my blankets on the lower floor. In spile of the fact that 1 had roughed it for years I didn't like this idea and so decided to go to New Orleans with some other miners and sail on a boat which was due to leave there two weeks later. The trip appealed lo me as it would give me an opportunity to visit Philadelphia, Washington, Baltimore, Cincinnati, Louisville, Harrisburg and Pittsburg. The next morning therefore I took the train for Washington ar riving at noon, and spent the afternoon in looking over what seemed to me to be a very dirty and dilapidated place for the Capitol of such a great nation. The next two days I spent in Philadelphia and Baltimore, which seemed more interesting to me than Washing ton. From Baltimore I went by rail to Harrisburg and thence had a delightful daylight ride through the mountains to Pittsburg. I took passage on a river boat that night to Cincinnati where I spent the following day. The journey from Cincinnati lo Louisville 11 145 146 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. was made by a small river boat and at Louisville, after a twenty- four hours' wait, we took a large Mississippi packet to New Orleans. In all the cities near the border of the slave states, and on all the river boats the only public question which we heard agitated was that of slavery. Every man from the north seemed to be closely watched, and if he spoke a single word against the "beautiful southern institution " someone was sure to call him to order, or make dire threats against him. Our party of ten soon saw that it would be our best policy to keep discreetly quiet on that subject while in a section entertaining views to which our own were hostile. It was during Fremont's campaign for the presidency, four years before the election of Lincoln and the beginning of the War of the Rebellion, yet steamboats had already been stopped on the Ohio River, north ern men had boon taken from them and landed on tho Indiana and Illinois shore and told lo return home ami slay there and not to meddle with the peculiar institution of the South. Some of the Southerners on Ihe boat inquired what our business wus on Ihe lower Mississippi River. Our reply ihut we wore going to Now Orleans to take tho Panama steamer for California seemed to satisfy them, and to allay their fears of an invasion by us ten young men for the purpose of breaking up their "groat and lawful institution." There were slaves on our boat who had been bought in Kentucky by southern slave holders. They wore chained and handcuffed to gether, some of the younger and more powerful ones being chained singly, on the lower deck, lo prevent escape. Our bout stopped at many places for passengers or freight and the towns and cities which we saw looked dull und dilapidated, as if dying for want of the enter prise und intelligence which would not enter as long as slavery was alive. Upon reaching New Orleans wc found that the boat from Panama wus not yet in, and as it was not duo lo leave until five days uflcr its arrival we sought boarding places for the length of our stay. After spending three days viewing the sights of the city, wo learned Ihut the steamer wus quaruiilincd ul the mouth of Ihe river one hundred miles below the city, because of cholera on board. The word cholera ended our hopes of reaching California by this route und of uny desire wo may have had for slaying on in New Orleans. The next day we look a bout up the river to St. Louis, twelve hun dred miles north, quite undecided as to what wo were to do when we STILL A WANDERER. 147 reached there. The prospect of an invasion of cholera put a sudden quietus to the slavery question, and on our way to St. Louis we heard very little said about it. I was the only one of our party who had been in California and the rest expected me to answer the question of what to do next. I told them that there was yet plenty of time to reach California by cross ing the plains, provided wc could get mustangs to ride. Before reaching St. Louis we had decided to go to Fort Leavenworth on the Missouri River where we thought we could get an outfit for the trip. We stayed but one day in St. Louis, then took a Missouri River boat for Fort Leavenworth, where we found we could get our outfit. The commandant at the Fort told us it would be a hazardous undertaking to cross the plains at this time, however, as the Mormons were in rebellion and had stirred up the neighboring tribes of Indians to assist them. A large force, he said, was then being organized to subjugate Ihe Mormons and to enforce the territorial laws of Utah. This body of troops was expected at the Fort within ten days and he offered us good employment until the expedition should start saying that we could accompany it. I told him that I had crossed the plains a few years before over the same route, and upon hearing this he asked me into his private office, questioned me about the country and said that if 1 would wait until the expedition was ready to start he felt sure that he could gel me a position on the com mander's staff as my knowledge of the plains would be of value . In the meantime he offered me a job superintending the construc tion of a long line of temporary barracks and, as this was just the kind of a job I was accustomed to, I accepted it. The next morning all the men who had been with me for the past two weeks went to work for the government. Within a few days troops began to rendezvous at the fori, most of them coming by boat up the Missouri River. Two large trains of supplies composed of six mule teams with a few troops had already been sent forward to Fort Kearney, three hundred miles further wcsL, and by the twenty-fifth of June, the main body of troops numbering three thousand men and com posed of cavalry, infantry and three batteries of artillery were ready to move forward. At the last moment orders were received not to undertake the expedition until the next spring because of the late ness of the season. This order caused me to change my plans once more and I con- 148 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. eluded to return home and make a new start. Some of my associates left for their homes, two enlisted in the Light Artillery and two others were given steady work at tho fort as carpenters. I was offered a good job but declined it and went back home by way of Chicago. The last eight miles of my journey was made on foot in the night. I found ull the family asleep, and without awakening anyone went lo the room I had occupied three months before, and on the next morning (July second) surprised them all by walking out lo the breakfast table just us they were silting down. The surprise and shock wus too much for my mother, who supposed mo lo bo in Culiforniu, und she broke down und sobbed on my shoulder. I told them of my recent movements and of tho incidents which hud kept mo from getting back to California, and ended by celebrating the anniversary of our independence wilh our fumily ul home. I decided lo slay iu Michigan until the next spring und then make another start for the West. But my mother asked me why I could not settle down among my friends, as I hud u good piece of land und money with which to improve it. She reminded me that I would soon be twenty-five years old, and said that it was time for me to cease being a wanderer and to make a home of my own. She urged me so hard that I finally promised her that I would do as she wished. On tho sixth of July, therefore, I left my mother's homo fully de termined lo go and clear the piece of new laud I had houghl of the government before I left for California, which was located twenty miles north of (baud linpids. There was no slagc route to my claim so 1 was obliged to walk Ihe distance of seventy miles carrying my satchel and a new ax, the most important tool in a new and heavily lumbered country. The second night after leaving I reached tho home of an uncle, within eight miles of my land. I told him of my plans and asked him to recommend a good chopper who would do his share of charing forty acres of land by the first of September. Ho recommended a man whom he had hired recently, but said that I would huvo to pay him the high wages of twelve dollars per month and board, as ho was a first-class worker. A message was sent to this man and he came to see me that evening, and as I liked his looks I decided to hire him for three months. He wanted thirty-six dollars for tho throe months wages, and I told him that this wus sutisfuctory and that if wc got forty acres chopped in good shape in three months, I would pay him STILL A WANDERER. 149 forty-five dollars. The next morning my uncle took his ox team and wagon nnd made the trip to the nearest store, six miles away, whore he purchased a load of supplies for me and carried them lo my claim. In the afternoon of the following day wc began work putting up a log shanty, which wc completed by noon of the second day. On the tenth day of September the forty acres of limber along the south side of my claim were chopped into five windrows, each eight rods long. I paid my man his forty-five dollars, left my ax and cook ing utensils with a neighbor and started for my uncle's house. The next morning my uncle took his one horse buckboard and drove me to Grand Rapids, and from there I walked to my mother's home. The following week the Michigan State Agricultural Fair was held in Detroit, and my eldest brother and I attended it. We walked the forty miles to Jackson to reach the Micliigan Central Railroad. At Ann Arbor we stopped off for two days and visited relatives at Saline, my birthplace. From Saline we walked the fifteen miles to Ypsilanti and there took the train again for Detroit and the Fair. On our return home we visited the Stale Prison at Jackson, where the warden, William Hammond, who was a friend of ours, offered me a position as guard, which I accepted. The following day found me walking my beat as an armed guard on top of the high stone wall surrounding flic prison grounds, with the promise of a place ns over seer in the prison in three mouths. On January 1, 1857, I received notice of promotion to a position as overseer iu one of Ihe shops of the prison with an increase in pay. But the inside work was not what I liked and I soon gave notice of my resignation, lo take effect the first of March. In the meantime I had written the officer in command at Fort Leavenworth, asking him if I could have the posi tion which he hud promised me the preceding spring in the expedi tion to Utah, if I returned in the sluing. My letter reached him on the Rio Grande River, where he was stationed wilh his company on guard duty along the Mexican border. He replied that he had written about me to General Sidney Johnson who was in command of the expedition, and advised me to write to him personally. I accordingly wrote General Johnson informing him of my experience on the plains. I received answer that every staff position was filled, but that I could have an appointment as assistant wagon master if I would enlist in the regular service. This I declined to do. CHAPTER IX. Early Days in Minnesota. When the first of March came I left the prison service and went home, but the western fever had its hold upon me and I was restless and dissatisfied. Crowds of settlers were at this time rushing to the new territory of Minnesota and I decided to follow them. Soon after I reached home from Jackson, I started for St. Paul by way of Galena, Dubuque, La Crosse and Winona, getting the first boat that broke throught the ice to St. Paul that spring. At St. Paul I took passage on the Time and Tide for the Sioux Agency, five hun dred miles up the Minncsola River, beyond the historic Indian town of Mcndota on the left bank and Fort Snelliug on the right. Fort Snelliug was located on a high rocky bluff, near the junction of the Mississippi and Minnesota Rivers, and was for many years the headquarters of the United States forces in the Northwest. Twenty- five miles above Fort Snclling the boat made its first landing at the stirring young town of Shakopee, named in honor of a cele brated Sioux chief. Fifty miles above Shakopee was Shuska, mi Indian village, and following il came llelle Plain, a county scat of some importance where many of the passengers left the boat looking for land and many more came on board to go farther up the river in search of better locations. It was said that every piece of good land for two hundred miles above St. Paul had been located and laid out as a village plot or town site, with a hotel or store of some kind erected to start the place, and a saloon and blacksmith shop added as soon as the population made it possible. All those enterprises had becti started during the two years time thai had elapsed since the land had been purchased from the Sioux Indians. The river formed the line between counties and laud speculators had located many "county scats" on the river, so that there was no plot of land which they offered for sale which was not "near a county seat." We passed many new towns bustling with the constant coining of settlers from the eastern states and from Europe. At Lc Sueur, one hundred and fifty miles above St. Paul, two hundred passengers left the boat and about one hundred came on board. We were carry- 151 152 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. ing u heavy loud of freight for the Indian agencies, and this, with our crowd of passengers, made il very difficult ul limes for the stern wheeler lo make much progress against the swift current. When wc came in sight of Kusola, Colonel Flundruu, the Indian agent on board, told some of us thut although it was ton miles by river to St. Peter, it was only one mile on fool over a good road and invited us to walk across and lighten the boat. Nearly all of us took the walk. The bout did not arrive until lute und the captain announced to the crowd thai wus waiting, that he would not leave until four o'clock the next morning. Morton L. Wilkinson, a young lawyer whom I hud known at home, who wus now u member of the Minnesota territorial legisla ture and also a member of the Constitutional Convention which was soon to be held at St. Paul, hud been a passenger on the boat with Agent Flundriin and invited me lo go to the hotel anil slay over night with them. Colonel Flundruu wus u young westerner who had lived wilh the Sioux Indians for several years. lie was dressed in u buckskin suit, wearing his long, straight, light-colored huir bung ing down to his shoulders. Ho had a kind and pleasant word for everyone and was a favorite among ull tho passengers. While at the hotel thul night ho became interested in my California experiences und kept nic tolling stories most of tin: evening. Wilkinson hud left Michigan for Minnesota the same year thai I went lo Cali fornia, and he told Flundruu thul night that the reason ho had not gone lo California wilh me was because ho could not raise enough money lo buy an ox loain. Before und during the Civil Wur Wil kinson was United States senator from Minnesota and was consid ered one of the ablest and most loyal men in the Senate. After a night's rest in a real bed, we boarded the boat early and were soon on our way up the river again, with one hundred less passengers than tho previous duy. Our next slop wus Mankuto, thirty miles by river und ten by land, and il took us six hours to make the distance. Mankuto was then the largest town on the river but our stop was only long enough to let off some passengers, none being taken on. Now dim, a town settled by Germans from Cincinnati, sovcnly-fivo miles further up tho river, wus the next slop; here over one hundred Germans Iofl the bout, while fifty others came on board for the trip up to the Indian agencies. Three miles above Now Uhn we came to the luuds owned by the Sioux EARLY DAYS IN MINNESOTA. 153 Indians, which lay on both sides of the river and extended north to Big Stone Lake at the river's head and lo the Dakota line. Soon after dark we reached Fort Ridgcly where a large quantity of gov ernment supplies were unloaded, delaying us so that we did not leave again until daylight. At noon wc arrived at the lower Redwood Agency, located on a beautiful prairie, skirted with limber and about two hundred feet above the river. Colonel Flandrau and Mr. Wilkinson invited the passengers to visit the agency to get an idea of the inside management of a United States government Indian Agency, during the distribution of the government supplies. Several thousand Indians were gathered from different parts of the reservation, all awaiting the distribution of the government supplies which were brought for them. Many of the Indians were at the lauding place and cordially welcomed their agent, Colonel Flandran. Handrail invited Wilkinson and myself to a good supper and lodging at the agency that night. The next day Wilkinson and I took the boat for Yellow Medicine or Upper Indian Agency, one hundred and fifty miles by water, where Flandran met us, having driven across the forty miles of prairie with his team of Indian ponies. The Upper Agency was two miles from the landing place, and since it was late in the day and the boat was to slay there two nights before starling on the return trip most of the passengers remained on board until the next morn ing. Wilkinson and I, however, got off and walked up the pleasant valley of Yellow Medicine River to the agency, which was located in a fine oak grove, one hundred feet or more above Ihe river valley. The Agency buildings were of brick, which had been made by hand by the Indians. Here again we met Colonel Flandran and also Major Gclbraith, another agent, who had been sent as one of three men to investigate the condition and needs of those Indians who had sold their lands to the government for a small sum and had received their payment in goods for which they had paid exorbi tant jiriccs. Here I found another friend from Michigan, who had filled the contract for erecting the buildings of the agency. He was living at the agency with his family and I stayed at his house for two days. At the end of our stay three other men and I hired Indian ponies, and, accompanied by an Indian guide, made the journey across coun try to the Lower Agency. It was a ride of forty miles, over a beauti- 154 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. ful prairie dotted with fine growths of timber bordering the streams and lakes. We passed a number of small brick houses, built by the government for Indian families who had chosen to adopt a civilized mode of life, and to follow the business of farming. To each of these families had been allotted eighty acres of land, a brick house, sixteen by twenty-four feet in size and one and one-half stories high, and the necessary agricultural implements. A white man had been appointed for each group of several families to act as instructor in teaching them the white man's way of farming. On this ride wc frequently passed Indians dressed like while men, work ing with plows and harrows iu ihe fields or making bricks, and we saw two well built Indian churches. All those changes were the result of two yours of white men's control of these once wild savages. Reaching Redwood Agency, I obtained lodgings with one of the Boss Indian farmers who lived in good style iu a new brick house. The following day was flic semi-annual payment day when the Great While Father guvo out supplies lo his red children. The payments were made partly in gold, but mainly iu provisions, blunkots and other goods. A company of troops had come in from Fort Ridgely to keep order during the payment. The Sioux braves wilh their families, from as far north as the Canadian border and for two hundred miles west, were on hand lo receive their govern ment pay at the two agencies. Children and the aged and feeble who were unable to walk came on conveyances made of two long poles fastened ul one end lo ouch side of a pony, the other end drag ging on the ground and the polos covered with skins. Several hundred such conveyances which had been drawn for hundreds of miles, were in sight that day. Payment was made by number, each family having been given a registered number. When the number wus culled the head of the family presented himself for his allowance for tho next six months, less the amount which ho hud traded out in udvuucc wilh such traders as were licensed by the government to sell lo tho Indians. Very many of those Indians found but little coming to thorn and were left poor for the next six mouths, while the traders who hud made enormous profits on their goods, as the Indians had no real idea of the value of money, reaped a golden harvest. This ignorance on Ihe part of the Indian and greed on the part of the trader cutised a great part of the dissatisfaction and trouble, violence and war which this country has suffered in Indian EARLY DAYS IN MINNESOTA. 155 history. This Indian pay day was the only one I ever saw and it was very interesting to me. The following day four of us hired a double team and driver to take us twelve miles across the prairie to Fort Ridgely. We crossed the river by ferry and were soon riding over a beautiful, unpopulated prairie. Wc reached Fort Ridgely at nine o'clock in the morning, where we found five companies of United Stales troops and two batteries of light artillery. Wc remained four hours, visiting the Fort and taking dinner with the soldiers. The fort was situated on a government reservation of several sections of land which had been selected when the treaty was made with the Indians and they were placed upon the reservation. A celebrated war chief named Ink-pa-du-ta and his band had never consented to the sale of the Sioux lands, had declared themselves independent, and early in March of this year had made an attack on the scattered settlers around Spirit Lake, near the northern line of Iowa, one hundred miles northwest of Fort Ridgely. They had killed all the settlors near the lake, and several families on the Des Moines River in Min nesota, carrying with them as prisoners four women whom they held for ransom. The names of these women were Mrs. Noble, Mrs. Thatcher, Mrs. Marble and Miss Gardner. Mrs. Noble and Mrs. Thatcher wore unable to keep up with the baud and were killed soon after their capture. Mrs. Marble was ransomed by two friendly Indians who had been sent out for the purpose by the missionaries Riggs ami Williamson and who gave for her freedom all the horses and guns they had, being later reimbursed by the governor of the territory. It was learned that Miss Gardner had been sold to a Yankton warrior and many friendly Indians offered their serv ices to undertake her rescue or ransom. Three prominent members of the Indian church wore scleclcd for the work, one of whom, by the name of Otherday, later proved of great friendship and service to the whites at the time of the terrible Sioux massacre in 1802. These throe men were furnished with four horses valued at six hun dred dollars, 11. double wagon and harness valued at one hundred dollars, blankets and squaw cloth worth one hundred dollars and other articles amounting in all to one thousand dollars, wilh which to ransom the captive. They left on their mission on the twentieth of May and on the thirtieth reached the Indian camp of one hundred and ninety lodges of Yankton warriors and three of Ink-pa-du-ta's 156 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. band. They succeeded in ransoming Miss Gardner for two horses, seven blankets, two kegs of powder, one box of tobacco and several small fancy articles, bill to secure themselves uguinsl Ink-pu-du-la and his fierce warriors, ihey hud lo obluin Ihe escort of two sons of the Yankton chief back to the agency. While this rescue party was currying out ils work the governor and Ihe commander ul Fort Ridgely were planning a movement against Ink-pa-du-ta and his band to bo begun just as soon as Miss Gardner was safe. On the day that the commander at the fort learned of her safety he received orders lo join General Johnson wilh his force iu the expedition against the Mormons; this put un end lo ull hope of punishing the Indians thut Spring. Only a few of those events had transpired at the time of our visit at Fort Ridgely but the entire story is told here as it had a considerable effect on my movements. The news of the Spirit Lake massacre was brought lo the fort by the livery man with whom wo were lo go on lo New (Jim und caused grout excitement ut the post. The ride across tho plains was u lovely one. It was the most beautiful country we hud seen. We reached our destination at sun set and put up at a German hotel which furnished good accommo dations. There was but one American born citizen iu this town of fifteen hundred people und he wus a veteran of Ihe Mexican War. He owned the largest general store iu town, which was housed iu the only brick building yet erected, from tho top of which tho Stars und Stripes flouted every duy of the your. Ho kepi both Indian und German clerks in order to accommodate all his customers. The first inhabitants of this town had come from Cincinnati two years previ ous, and since then more than five thousand other Germans had set tled in the town and on farms in the vicinity. There wore two beer gardens in the town; one of them had an opera house connected with it, which we attended that night, where wo witnessed a German play. The Ink-pa-du-ta massacre at Spirit Lake had greatly alarmed the farmers in the vicinity and many of them left their homes and brought their families into New Ulm for safety that night. The leading men advised the building of a fort for their protection in case of an Indian attack and a militia company was organized. Settlors out on the Big Cottonwood River towards Spirit Lake, twenty miles from Now Ulm, came into town in large numbers und added greatly EARLY DAYS IN MINNESOTA. 157 to the excitement and fear. In consequence of this alarm our night was a sleepless one. The next morning we secured conveyance by lumber wagon to Garden City in the Blue Earth Valley, twenty-five miles southeast of New Ulm, where the men who were with me had friends and rela tives living. Our journey lay through a fine prairie country, across the Big and the Little Cottonwood Rivers and past several small lakes bordered wilh limber. On each of the streams and lakes we found settlers living in log houses whose first inquiry was for news concerning the Spirit Lake massacre. Each one was ready to move his family to some place of safety at a moment's warning. We reached Garden City a little after noon and found the people at work building a log fort around a large boarding house which was owned by the company creeling the grist and saw mill ou the river. My friends found their relatives all al work on the Fort, for many families had left their farms and had come into town for protection. Most of the people in this section had come from Bos ton, Massachusetts, and knew very little about western life, or of the handling of an ax, the principal tool of the pioneer. After dinner I saw how they were situated, bought a good ax, and went to work with them on tho fort. Before night I hud gained such a reputation at. that kind of work that I was chosen to boss the job. Iu two (lays we had a half acre surrounded by a wall of logs ten feel high. After it was finished and the women and children were placed inside, all felt more secure. Reports continued coming in that made the situ ation look worse every hour. Some families had already left the territory until the Indian question was settled. I tried to quiet their fears by telling them that the New Ulm people had organized a militia company and had sent a committee to the governor for arms and ammunition. Reliable news soon came direct to us from Fort Ridgely and the Indian agencies that Ink-pa-du-ta and his warriors had gone westward into Dakota. The messenger bringing this news had letters with him from Flandran, Riggs and Williamson, and also from the Commander of the Fort, advising all the settlers to return to their homes as the danger had passed. By the end of the week most of the settlers had returned home and were at work again on their farms. I was given a good job in one of the mills which were being built. I had been working at the mill for two weeks when a Norwegian 158 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. settler living on the south branch of the Wattonwan River, twenty miles southwest of us, came riding into the village with the news that the Indians wore burning and robbing the homes of the settlers on the river and that they were fleeing from the country. In less than two hours families that had left the log fort two weeks before wore returning lo it again, and that night it sheltered more people than formerly. Each report that came in was to the effect that the Indians were advancing down the river, plundering the vacunt homos and stealing the slock which the settlers had failed to drive off with them. No one had been reported killed but every selller was on the run to save himself and family. Two days pre vious to this raid word had been received that Colonel Alexander's Regiment had left Fort Ridgely by bout und gone to Fort Leaven worth to join the Mormon expedition, so that there wore no troops ou the frontier for the protection of settlers, with the exception of the handful left, lo protect Ihe I'Wl. This fact caused the settlers lo lose courage for Ihey felt, that without the regulars there was no hope or safety for thorn except tho entire abandonment of the country. Nothing gives a settler on the Indian border such confidence as the knowledge that he is protected by his government through the presence of an adequate force of regular soldiers. Tho regulars arc the only force ihut the outlawed savages fear und that can keep them from plundering and killing scattered settlors. In tho absence of regular troops the best thing for settlors to do is to organ ize militia companies. That evening, in our log fort, sixty men volunteered to sign the roll of a territoriul mililia company and I was elected captain, with a young man by the name of Pease for lieutenant. Pease was a picturesque figure; he had been brought up on the frontier and always wore buckskin. We raised one hundred dollars that night and this sum was turned over to me with instructions to go al once to St. Paul, got arms and ammunition for the company and return us soon us possible. A teum took us twelve miles to Mankuto thut night, und early in the morning wo boarded a steamer down the river that landed us at St. Paul the next morning, in time to visit Governor Medary at his house before he was out of bed. He invited us to breakfast with him and at once ordered a team to be in readiness to take us to Fort Snelliug. We first drove to the residence of Senator II. M. Rice, and the four of us were at Fort Snelling at nine o'clock where we secured sixty EARLY DAYS IN MINNESOTA. 159 Springfield rifles with cartridge boxes and plenty of ammunition. After dinner at the Fort, Senator Rice gave me his personal check for two hundred dollars, with instructions to use it in the best way possible to make our new territorial militia company comfortable. At two o'clock p. in. we had our equipment on board the steamer Favorite, the best and fastest boat on the river, and the next morning at ten o'clock we reached Mankato. Teams and wagons from Gar den City were waiting for us and wc reached our blockhouse in time to give "The Garden City Sharp-Shooters, " as we named ourselves, a drill that afternoon. The experience and knowledge I had gained with the Sonora Grays in California, less than two years previous was of value to me now. The boys thought from the way in which I formed them into platoons and drilled them in primary tactics that I must have been in the regular service. For two weeks wc kept up this drill daily, and stayed close to our guns waiting for orders. Letters from the governor and Indian agents which reached us at the end of the two weeks informed us that no one had been killed during this last raid, that only one house had been burned, a few cattle and horses stolen and several abandoned houses entered and goods carried off. Less than forty Indians had been engaged in the raid, and these apparently only for the purpose of theft, and of frighten ing the settlers into leaving the country. Wc also received the welcome news thai two companies of regular infantry had been ordered to Fort Ridgely lo protect the settlers from furl her depreda tions, and that Ink-pa-du-ta and his followers had had nothing to do with the raid, but were in Dakota. The settlers now went back to their farms and for years suffered no disturbance. The citizens of Garden City and vicinity took a lively interest in our home company and raised four hundred dollars to build an armory on the public square for use as a drill room. Our organiza tion was kept up until the Civil War broke out and its presence gave the settlers in the vicinity a feeling of security from 1857 lo 1801. With the beginning of the war the government ordered our guns and outfits sent back to Fort Snelliug where they were used in arming the First Regiment of Minnesota Volunteer Infantry, said to have boon the first volunteer regiment offered to the government in the war of the Rebellion. This regiment had the credit of losing the largest percentage of men of any regiment during the four years' struggle for national life and liberty. The guns which our home Militia 160 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. Company had used received their baptism of fire in the First Battle of Bull Run. The financial crisis of 1857 struck Minnesota like a blight. The territory had experienced a great boom, in common with other new frontier territories. Villages and cities had sprung up like mush rooms in nearly every county in the eastern half of the territory, most of llioin built on borrowed capital on which interest was paid al. from one lo three per ce.nl a month. When the panic cume most of the now improvements became a dead loss to both borrower and louder. What little money I carried into tho territory soon dis appeared and in 1858 I could figure out without the aid of higher mathematics that my six years of hard labor in the west had been a financiul failure. I now decided not to try life any longer single-bunded, and re turned to Michigan where I married Miss Diantha O. DoGraff, to whom I had been engaged a short time, and whom I had known when a boy in Michigan. In November, 1858, wc returned lo Garden City and commenced keeping house in purl of the log Fort which I had helped build during the previous year. My wife was an experienced school teacher and started a private school in our rooms which gave her pleasant occupation during her first winter in the new Northwest country. This was the first private school opened in that pari of the country. I ran the only grist mill in operation that winter. About the first of January, 1859, il be came so colli thul the river froze nearly solid and the water wheels in the mill became u muss of solid ice. Wo could not slurt tho wheels again until the following March, and most of the settlers had to grind their corn and wheat for food in hand coffee-mills or pound it in a nioitar. As I lived iu part of the house owned by the miller and worked for him, we managed to save out enough flour, nicul and buckwheat to lust until the mill run again. CHAPTER X. The Sioux Wak. During the years 1859 and 1860, Minnesota filled up rapidly with settlers. The government had a strong force of troops along the borders of the settiemenls and the Indians were kept on their reservations. But in 1801, soon after the Civil War began, the Sioux became bold and defiant and left their reservations with out permission; scattered settlers on the frontier lost horses and cattle, and in two instances children disappeared, all of which occurrences were charged up to the renegade Sioux. In the spring and summer of 1802, Minnesota was called upon to furnish seven regiments of volunteers for the war. Two companies were enlisted from the Sioux reservations in the State. The Indian agents were nearly all opposed to the war and openly showed their joy at any reverse to our arms. The Indians, learning that the north was divided, became more bold, passing at will through the border settlements and causing an unusual feeling of uneasiness and alarm. Many families fled for safety from their homes to the larger and older settlements. An instance in our own family will serve to illustrate the annoyance wc suffered. One day when my wife was alone with our litllc two-year-old daughter, two powerful, six-foot Sioux warriors came into the house without warning. One of them picked up the child as if to carry her off while the other offered my wife a large new brass kettle. My wife as decidedly as possible rejected their offer and they finally left, only to return later bringing two more Indians with them. They had the same brass kettle and carried in it a hog's head which they had stolen. They set the kettle heavily down on the floor, and offered it and the hog's head for the child, and, when they were again refused, went away deeply disgusted and displeased. These Indians were thirty miles from their reservation. When we told the inci dent to our neighbors we were warned to keep close watch over the child, lest she be stolen away by them. Six months afterwards these same Indians were massacring hun dreds of settlers all the way south from the Canadian border to 12 101 162 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the boundary of Iowa. In 1863, after the Sioux had been driven from Minnesota, it was learned that these prowling bands of Indians, one of which had visited us, had been sent out by Little Crow, the most warlike chief of the Sioux, for the purpose of locating the settlements, spying out their situation and strength and learn ing where to strike most safely and successfully when they com menced war the following August. The Sioux planned to involve the Winnebago tribe, and obtain from them over five hundred ad ditional warriors to assist them in the attack on the Minnesota settlements. The situation looked so gloomy that in the early summer of 1862 I sent my wife and two small children to Michigan, where they would be out of danger. I did not see them again until the hostile Indians had been driven westward out of Minnesota. This hostile feeling on the part of the Indians located a few miles west of us, and of those on Ihe Winnebago reserva tion, only two miles east of Garden City, taken together with the recruiting of the best of our young men for service in the war of the Rebellion, contributed to muke the situation very unsafe for the people of the border settlements. The United States troops had all been ordered south from Forts Ridgely, Ripley and Aber- crombie, only a sergeant with a handful of men being left to hold each fort and to protect its property. Every night for weeks, the hostile Indians held councils up to the time thut Little Crow took the war-path. On the morning of the nineteenth of August, 1862, two citizens from New Ulm came riding into Garden City with the news that the Sioux were massacring the settlers near Redwood Agency and Fort Ridgely. The advancing bands of savages were within a short distance of New Ulm at the time these messengers had left and couri ers had been sent to all the valley towns, warning the settlers of the danger and appealing to tlicm to hasten to the aid of New Ulm, Ihe largest town in the Indian country west of Mankuto. Within four hours from the time we received the news sixty men were en listed, armed with such guns as could be found and mounted on farmers' horses. The men elected me their captain. During the excitement of preparation the ladies of the village prepared a good dinner and rations for our journey. At noon we formed into line and started for New Ulm, twenty-five miles to the northwest, the men and women who stayed behind cheering us bravely on and THE SIOUX WAR. 163 bidding us Godspeed as we rode away. All the men wanted to go wilh us but there were not enough horses to go around so some had lo content themselves with wishing us good luck and warning us not to lose our scalps. Wc followed the Mankalo road three miles until wc slruck a fresh Indian trail leading from the Winnebago Agency towards the Sioux Agency and became convinced that a party of Winnebagos had joined the Sioux. We followed this trail a short distance, then turned to the right and struck out for the Mankato and New Ulm wagon road which ran on the south bank of the Minnesota river. We reached this road at the point where it crossed the Butternut Creek, about ten miles from New Ulm, where we passed through the first timber since leaving Garden City. At Butternut Creek we met four families who were greatly excited and were fleeing lo safety with their teams and stock. They told us that it was sure death for us to go on as the Indians were out in large numbers, massacring all they could find and begged us to escort Ihcin lo Mankato. They admitted, however, that they themselves had not seen an Indian for a week. This incident had the effect of alarming some of our boys for the safety of the families they had left at Garden City, and four of them decided to return home. They agreed to go with the four families and protect them as far as the fork where the main road to Garden City branched off. Our little band was now decreased lo fifty-six men. Soon after crossing the Creek we reached a large log cabin occupied by a Mr. Shaw who was the oldest settler in the country. He was over seventy years of age and for ten years his house had been a stopping place for all who travelled the road. We found him and three of his neighbors busy preparing the house for a siege. He regarded this work as merely precautionary, for he thought the Indians would not harm him and his wife, as he was well-known to the chieftains and had always treated them kindly. While we were talking with Shaw a double team drove up with a party of four land seekers, who intended staying over-night with "Uncle Shaw." They said that they had met and talked with a mounted party of Winnebagos about one hundred in number and that all in the party were young braves, well armed and decorated for war. These men were young fellows from Wisconsin and well armed. They had heard nothing 164 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. of the uprising until we told them, when they at once decided to go with us. This addition made our original number good. From Shaw's house on Butternut Crook we had five miles of open prairie before reaching Little Cottonwood River, and from the Little Cottonwood it was three miles to the Big Cottonwood. We made fast lime, for it was getting late in the day and we were anxious to reach New Ulm before dark. While making the three miles between the Big and Little Cottonwood rivers we saw, about two miles to our left, a parly moving towards New Ulm. At first we thought that this was a band of Indians, but our Wisconsin friends took a look at them through a field glass and said that it was a group of settlers with ox teams. As we galloped along the high bluff of the Big Cottonwood, wc could look over the intervening timber and see the buildings of New Ulm nearly three miles distant. There wus a beautiful clear sky and wo could see the town plainly. Several buildings in the western pari of the city were in flumes and wo concluded thai Ihe Indians hud arrived. Wo had lo go through a half mile of timber and willow brush to roach the open ground on the opposite side of the river, and many of us thought of the death that might be lurking behind those very willows if the Indians were in ambush. There wus hesitation among my men as wo neared the ravine, but I reminded llicni that wc hud already passed through two places fully us bud as this for un ambush and thai if wc turned back now we would have to puss through them again. I also told them thut il would bo far safer to go on into Now Ului from the eastern side than to go buck, for if the Indiuns knew wc wore muk- ing for home over the road they would undoubtedly ambush us on our way. The situation was a critical one and there was no time to lose. My men still hesitated. Once more I urged them, telling them that I had been elected their captain but eight hours before, that we had fully agreed to go to the relief of New Ulm, and that if wc retreated now after we were in full sight of those who so badly needed our help we would be disgraced forever. This was sufficient. There was a cheer from the company and a shout to lead them forward. I ordered them to follow in single file and putting our horses on tho run we broke through the ravine and onto the prairie on the other side of the river. In less time than it takes to tell the story we were formed into columns of four and with our horses on the gallop entered tho eastern part of the city. THE SIOUX WAR. 165 As we reached the road running down the Minnesota River Valley, we met two companies of militia, one from St. Peter under com mand of Captain Dodd, the other from Le Sueur, commanded by Captain Saunders, one of the leading ministers of the Minnesota Valley. Both of the companies were mounted and they aggregated about one hundred men. We had just joined forces when down the road over which we had come there galloped a company from Man kato, under Captain Bearbour. This company consisted of about fifty men and raised our strength to a full two hundred. With Captain Saunders at our head, we swept four abreast through the main business street of the city as fast as our horses could carry us. We were within a half mile of the Indians before they knew of our presence, and we took Ihcm completely by surprise. They dropped their torches and scalping knives, mounted their ponies in the utmost haste and scattered each one for himself in the direction of the reservation. There appeared to be about one hundred of them. They had burned two of the breweries and twenty-one houses, and had it not been for our arrival they no doubt would have burned the entire town and massacred all the people that night, as there was no other armed force to check them. We could not follow the Indians in the dusk, and so after they had scattered wc returned to the city and took care of our horses as well as wc could. Coffee was furnished us by the ladies, and wilh the rations which wc had brought from home wc had a good campaign supper that first night out. Colonel Charles E. Flandran, the Indian agent whom I had met at the Redwood Agency six years previous, had arrived from St. Peter during the afternoon and taken command of the city. He had placed the town under martial law and stationed guards on all roads leading out of the city with orders to allow every person to come in, but no one to pass out except such as held a permit from him. Nineteen dead bodies, mostly those of women and children killed inside the city limits, were brought in that evening. All had been scalped and ter ribly mutilated. They were laid out in a row on the floor of a. black smith shop for identification and it made a scene such as none of us had ever witnessed before. Most of those who had left their families that morning to rescue others now felt anxious to return at once to the protection of their own homes. In eight hours after leaving our homes twenty-five miles away we had met the Indians in our 166 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. first skirmish and driven them away; had seen the destruction of homes by fire, and gazed upon a score of mutilated bodies of women and children who had been tomahawked and scalped by the savages. Many of my men that night asked for passes to go home, but Colonel Flandran refused them, saying that if we all stayed we could whip the Indians here and prevent them from penetrating the more settled country to the east of us, while if we abandoned New Ulm we might lose the entire State. Most of my men were de termined to go for they feared that their own families might now be in danger; four of them left their horses that night, escaped through the guard on foot and started for home. Two of these men went in the wrong direction and nearly lost their lives before reach ing home. The next morning all but fifteen of my company signed a petition asking for passes to return home that they might protect their own families, und the percentage in the other companies wus fully us large. Colonel Flandran culled Ihe cupluins together for consultation and the officers ull agreed lo stand by him. We admitted, however, that if our men were determined to leave that they would be of little use in case of an attack. My men had said to me that morning, — "If our families were in the east like yours, we would gladly stay and fight it out here. But place yourself in our positions and then answer the question as to what you would do if your own family was within twenty-five miles of you and ex posed to slaughter?" I admitted that my first duty would be to protect my family. The meeting of the officers that morning resulted in the deci sion to give passes to all the men who had families. Some of the men on leaving exchanged their rifles with those who stayed and who had only shot-guns, which were of little use in Indian warfare; others left their exlra firearms and ammunition, for they all felt that we would have a hard fight ou our hands. When those re ceiving passes had left 1 had fifteen out of my original sixly men re maining and this was about the proportion with the other companies. Some of tho officers were in favor of evacuating the town but Colonel Flandran and most of us would not listen to this, as there were over two thousand recruits stationed at Fort Snelliug who could be armed and sent lo our relief within forty-eight hours. We de cided to hold the town as long as we possibly could. It was Wednesday, August twentieth, when most of our men THE SIOUX WAR. 167 left us. The previous day the Indians had murdered people all along the western line of Minnesota, and by Thursday night five or six hundred refugees, many of them wounded, had straggled into New Ulm seeking safety. Rude hospitals were made up for the sick and wounded, while the few physicians in the town worked night and day and the women volunteered as nurses. We were greatly encour aged by the arrival of four companies, one from Blue Earth City, one from Shclbyvillc, one from Waseca and one from Henderson, in all about two hundred men. On Wednesday night news was brought in by two men, one of whom had an arm broken from a rifle bullet, that fifteen miles away in a swamp near Leavenworth on the Big Cottonwood River a party of one hundred settlers had been surrounded by Indians. A force of one hundred men was at once organized to go to their relief, leaving one hundred and fifty to protect the city. During the day we had heard the cannon booming at Fort Ridgely at the Sioux Agency, eighteen miles up the Minnesota River, and we took this to mean that the main body of the Sioux had attacked the fort. Before starting ou this re lief expedition which would lead us within ten miles of Fort Ridgely, Colonel Flandran, who remained in command at New Ulm, gave us orders to return at once if the firing at Fort Ridgely ceased. We .started out, well mounted, taking several wagons to bring in the sick and wounded. Ilcforc wc got out of sight of the city we began finding dead bodies, and before reaching the be sieged settlers we had discovered sixty-five bodies of those slain by the Indians. The firing at the Fort still continued. Though we saw many scattered bodies of Indians, they all kept out of range of our rifles. The settlers whom we relieved were all foreigners, very few of whom could speak a word of English. After much diffi culty we found out that they had been attacked by the Indians on Tuesday, the nineteenth, and had been surrounded in the swamp for three days, during which time six of their number had died and still lay unburied. The wounded and the women and cltildren were put in the wagons and we started to return at once, not even taking time to bury the dead, for an hour's delay might mean the death of us all. Wc had only fairly started, when a man came gal loping up to tell us that three families with their teams were sur rounded by the Indians only two miles away. We halted at once while half the force went to the rescue. We found the wagons 168 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. within a half hour from our departure but even then we were too late to save Ihe occupants, for all hud been murdered and scalped. We had just resumed our march when the sounds of the cannon at Fort Ridgely died out and we saw smoke and flames from that direction. This could mean but one thing and that was that the Fort had boon captured by the Indians, who would now doubtless attack Now Ulm wilh fresh forces. It was nearly dark and we were still fifteen miles by tho shortest route from New Ulm. If we took this short route we must cross the Cottonwood River three times, each time passing through a ravine where the Indians might easily ambush us. Small groups of Indians were in sight watching us, and we knew that the main body was being kept informed of our movements. We decided to outwit them if possible, so, late thai afternoon, made camp. As soon ns night cume we left our cump fires burning und moved uwuy over tho river road, reaching Now Uhn before daylight on Saturday, August twcnly-third. The four Wisconsin men who hud joined us ul Hulloruul Creek while on our way to the relief of Now Ulm proved lo be made of the right kind of stuff for Indian fighting and acquitted themselves well. One of them was taken violently sick on Friday while on the Cottonwood trip, and on Saturday morning desired to start for his homo. Ilis companions promised him thul lie should go uud early that morning those four men stalled for St. Peter, thirty miles down the river, where Ihey were to cross by ferry. Soon after reaching the river they were ullackcd by u bund of Indians, who had been sent out from Fort Ridgely after its capture to destroy the ferry, and three of them were killed. After destroying the two ferries at New Ulm and the one on the road to Fort Ridgely in order to prevent escape from the town by those routes, the entire force of Indians who had been besieging Fort Ridgely for throe days appeared at New Ulm and at nine o'clock Saturday morning made a desperate attack on the west side of the town. Il was their plan lo burn Ihe city, murder all who were in it, und then lo strike Mankato und roach the Winnebago Agency, where they felt sure they could persuade several hundred Winnebago warriors lo join them in massacring the whites. They had been greatly disuppointed in not cutting off our party that night on the Cottonwood River as they had planned to do; but our night march deceived thorn, and no doubt saved our lives. THE SIOUX WAR. 169 This march was also one of the causes which saved the city and its people from destruction for if our force had been cut off the city could soon have fallen. During the opening of the attack on Saturday two white men were seen, almost in front and a little to the right of the Indians, running towards the city from a narrow skirt of timber on the west side of the river bluff. They turned out to be W. W. Doolcy and Henry W. Smith from Lake Shctook, sixty-five miles west of New Ulm, where there was a settlement of about one hundred persons, the farthest west of any settlement in the State. On Monday, the eighteenth, the Indians had attacked them and after defending themselves as long as possible, these two men, with their wives, who were sisters, and their six children stalled for New Ulm. Early on Wednesday the Indians had overtaken them nnd Ihey were compelled to abandon their wagon and conceal themselves in the tall grass. During the day the Indians killed the six children and captured the two women, who were held prisoners for eleven months, until the Government ransomed them. The two men made their escape, and, supposing their wives as well as children to be dead, worked their way through the tall grass to the river and thence down to New Ulm. Their story is told here because they were later members of the cavalry company 1 commanded, though, before wc were mustered into service, Doolcy was made chief of scouts over seventy-five loyal Indians, wilh the rank of captain, which position he held until the close of the Indian war. II. W. Smith was a first-class soldier and served in my company until the regi ment was mustered out. Both of them were out on the Dakota plains doing good service at the time their wives were ransomed and brought in and presented to them on the Missouri River. Who can imagine the feelings of Ihose men at that happy surprise? Both men have since passed away, but the two wives and sisters, when last heard from, were still living together in Blue Earth County, Minnesota. But let us return to the battle of New Ulm. This second attack was made oh the west side of the city where many of the buildings had already been burned. The savages came on with their ponies on the run, yelling and whooping and singing their war songs, their naked bodies painted in all colors, and their feather head-dresses flying in the wind. They made a bold dash to cut 170 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. off Dooley and Smith and this attempt cost them the lives of several of their warriors. For three days we had been busy throwing up breastworks at different points around the borders of the city, and between two and three hundred men were behind these breast works, besides fifty or more men who were on horse-back. The Indians spread out before us like a great fan, riding back and forth, coming closer and closer, leaning on the opposite side of their ponies, and firing at us from under their horses' necks, their yells and war-whoops becoming more hideous as they came nearer. Suddenly a panic seized our men in the trenches and they made a wild rush for the center of tho city, followed by the Indians, who yelled and whooped louder and more hideously than ever. When they reached the houses the savages stopped to plunder and set them on fire, and this looting alone saved us for il gave us a chance to check the panic of our men. Captain Saunders, the minister commanding the Lc Sueur Company, wus seriously wounded and fell from his horse. My horse was shot and killed from under me, either by the Indians or by my own panic-stricken men who fired as they retreated. Several men were injured while trying to check and rally the fugitives, some of whom never stopped, however, until they reached their homes from ten to forty miles away. Most of these runaways were killed by Indian scouts who had been sent out to guard the roads leading eusl from the city und to prevent our escape. During the previous night Colonel Flundruu hud ordered a barricade built through the main street to serve as a protection for the refugees and their families who had come into the city, and also for a central rallying point if our men were driven in. This blockade consisted of wagons formed in two lines, one on each side of the street, each wagon stutioned u few feet from the next one and a plank run in between lliem. This barricade was about forty rods long, with u space of eight fool between the two rows of wagons. It wus almost completed when the panic occurred and most of our men stopped when they reached il. This, together with the faet thul the Indians hud stopped to plunder und burn houses, gave them time to recover their confidence and courage. That delay of an hour on the part of the Indians was our salvation. We rallied our men and determined to give the Indians the best fight they ever had. By noon they were burning houses in nearly all THE SIOUX WAR. 171 directions on the outskirts of the town. Up to this time no help had come. We had learned that one thousand men under General Sibley were at St. Peter, well-armed, but without ammunition. A large body of men ajipcarcd on the opposite side of the river near the lower ferry, which had been destroyed, but they left, being unable to cross. Wc found out later that they were two companies of militia from Henderson and Shakopee, who, seeing the city on fire and the ferry destroyed, concluded to return to St. Peter. About two o'clock the wind began to blow strongly from the east and the Indians decided to set fire on that side, and burn us out completely. For that purpose about five hundred of their braves approached from the east. This was the direction from which wc were expecting aid, and the report started that the advancing body of men, under Sibley, was coming to our relief. Captain Dodd was so certain of this that in spite of our protests he started out on his fine black horse to meet them. In vain we tried to stop him; he went on at full speed, until the Indians fired a volley at him, then turned back and fell dead before he reached us, pierced by many bullets. As the Indians would surely burn us out if they succeeded in setting fire to the eastern side of the city, Colonel Flandran saw that something must be done at once, and called for volunteers to drive them out of a thick piece of oak brush which ran alongside the Mankato road of which Ihey hail taken possession. As the call for volunteers was made I was struck iu my left cheek wilh two buck-shot and momentarily stunned. I fell, and those with me, seeing that I was hit in the face, thought I was dead, and took my Sharp's rifle, Colt's revolver, and ammunition and were about to leave me, when I sat up. I walked to a nearby temporary hospital, where the doctor took the shot from my face and gave me a stimulant. All this occurred in such a short time that I was able to get my arms and join the volunteers in driving the Indians from their shelter in the brush. We had about one hundred of our best men, well armed and led by Colonel Flandran; we dashed into that brush with a rush and a war-whoop that made the Indians conclude we could fight and beat them at their own game. It was a bloody, close range, desperate baltlc. Many on each side were killed. Colonel Flandran's clothes were pierced with bullets in many places and his gunstock was shattered. A fine young man at my side was shot in the mouth, his tongue cut off, and he died 172 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the next day. In fifteen minutes we had driven them out of their ambush and they made no further attempt to burn us out again that duy from thut direction. From movements of the Indians during the afternoon, we felt sure that they expected reinforcements and that then another attack would be made. When night came they built fires to the south and west of us, out of range of our guns, and hold war dances all night long, preparing for the next day's battle. Colonel Flandran called a council of the officers, and we discussed the situation in all its phases. Some were for vacating the place that night, but others who knew the Indians better were certain that such a move would result in death to us all. We finally decided to burn all the build ings that were in the way of our rifle fire or that might afford shelter to the Indians in au attack upon our barricade. We burned about forty such buildings that night, barricaded the remainder as much us possible and lined their sides wilh loop holes. Our best marks men wore placed in these houses, with instructions not lo fire until the Indians came within close range. Ammunition wus source and every shot must count. The women were engaged throughout the night in casting bullets, preparing bandages, or making coffee and carrying it around to the men, while the men kept busy strengthening the fortificutions in every possible way. Some few who fell sure we would ull be mussucred the next day stole away and loft for their homes; some of those reached home but more did not. When Sunday morning came, our courage was high and we all felt confident that the Indians could not conquer us. During the night some of the men had made dummy cannon out of stove-pipe mounted on wheels and had placed one at each end of our barri cade, where the Indians could see them. Indians are supersti- tiously afraid of cannon. Near the "cannon" we placed blucksmith's anvils to do the firing with, in cuse un attack was made iu force. Soon after daylight we could see the Indians forming in lurgc bodies to the eust und south of the city. About fifty of them soon appeared to the westwurd for the purpose of drawing our men out of the barricade in that direction. They put on a bold front, came within rifle range and dared us lo como out for a fair fight. But our men kept under cover und hold their fire. In the meantime the main parties from the south and eusl ad'auccd iu buttle array, their THE SIOUX WAR. 173 leaders mounted on ponies. They made a great display, beating Indian drums and other instruments, the noise of which, mingled with their war-whoops, seemed to encourage them to their work of slaughter. As they came nearer, it was clear that heavy reinforce ments had been received during the night. Occasionally a gun was fired by them, but not a gun had as yet been fired by us. They were led by a chieftain dressed in while man's clothes, wearing a tall silk hat and mounted on a fine American horse, all of which he had stolen. They halted within twenty rods of the cast end of our barricade, and then orders were given our men to fire. Such a volley as Indians rarely experience poured into them from the houses and the east part of the barricade. As soon as the smoke cleared away we saw the fatal effect of our fire, for the enemy were in disorder. Al the instant of firing the volley, the anvils were also let loose several times for the moral effect, and wc afterwards learned that the Indians believed wc had secured cannon during the night. They did not make a second attack, but withdrew about two miles to the westward where they held a short council on the high bluffs in plain sight from our blockade, and then disappeared from our view. As soon as they had disappeared we decided to evacu ate the town. There were about two thousand people iu the city, eighty of whom were wounded and flying for want of proper care, and there were less than thirty houses left standing for shelter, and provisions for only twenty-four hours. There seemed no prospect of relief from the towns below, so orders were given to have all the teams made ready to carry the sick and wounded to Mankato. By noon we were ready to start on our retreat. No sadder sight could well be imagined than that which attended our going. For five days the bodies of men, women and children had laid unburicd in the little city and we could not stop now lo bury them. Most of the buildings were smouldering ruins. Every in habitant was a fugitive from his home, and scores of them were badly wounded. We knew that our hope of escape was a slim one, for if the Indians learned of our retreat they might ambush our column and massacre us all before we reached Mankato. It was a sad procession that started out from the ruins that noon. When about ready to start wc found that a number of wagons were loaded 174 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. with household stuff and this we unceremoniously dumped out in order to give space for the wounded and the women and children. When nearing tho Cottonwood River we met a relief train con sisting of Captain Cox with two hundred men. But they had no provisions and so we did not turn back. Captain Cox counter marched his men and returned with us. Reaching the bluff of the Big Cottonwood, Senator Swift, who afterwards became governor of Minnesota, and who was al this time in command of the rear guard, noticed thai the stars and stripes had been loft flying from the Fuller Block, the only brick building in the city. He halted his men and called for volunteers to go back for the flag. His men hesitated and told him they thought it unnecessary to spend the time and run the risk simply for the flag. The sentiment attached to that flag of battle seized me and I offered to go back alone for it if he would loan me his own horse which was much better than mine. My offer was accepted and the rear-guard was halted to wait for me. The horse was a good one and I made the trip quickly and safely, and upon my return received the cheers of the men who thought the deed a dangerous one. We soon overtook the rest of our column and early on Monday morning reached Mankato, having kept on the march all night. Nine of the wounded died on the way. One of the women in the wagons was a Swede whose husband and three children hud been killed in the rush to New Ulm, while she herself hud been wounded. On that retreat from New Ulm to Mankuto she guvo birth to u baby boy, and I have re cently learned that al the present time this boy, who was in truth born on the battlefield, is now living in Montana and is one of the millionaires of that State. Upon reaching Mankato we found that most of the settlers in Minnesota were leaving the Stale for Wisconsin, being determined to place the Mississippi River between them and the hostile Indians before stopping. The stampede was caused largely by the burning of New Ulm on the previous Saturday and the report which had been circulated that all its inhabitants and those who had gone to their relief had been murdered by the Indians. Colonel Flandran decided that something must be done at once to stop the stampede, and called for three volunteers to take good horses and follow the three main roads through the State telling the people that the Indians had been whipped and were returning to their reservations. THE SIOUX WAR. 175 I was one of the volunteers. I secured a good horse from Daniel Tyner, the sheriff of Blue Earth County, who had been in the siege of New Ulm and whose horsclhadriddcnafterinyownwaskilled. While the horse was being fed, I took breakfast with a Mr. Piper and his wife from Garden City. My shirt and left side were covered with blood from the wound in my face and Mrs. Piper wanted me to put on some clean clothes before I left. This I decided not to do, as I felt that my bloody clothing would be belter evidence than any words of mine to the fleeing settlers that I had been in the fight at New Ulm, and would lead them to believe my message. Upon starting, Colonel Flandran handed me the following order: — "I have ordered Captain Potter, who has been with me for five days in the siege of New Ulm, to inform all settlers who are leaving the State on account of the Sioux War that the Indians have been whipped at New Ulm and driven back onto their reservations; and he is authorized to say to you that it will now be safe for you to return to your homes. I have empowered him to place guards on all roads and bridges to give this information, and also empower him to press any horse he needs into his service for these purposes. Charles E. Flandran, Commander in Chief of State Militia." As I mounted my horse to start on my mission, a stranger stepped up to me and handed over a new Colt's revolver, belt and ammuni tion, wilh the words, "You may need this, keep it until I call for it." I strapped Ibis belt over my own pistol belt and bidding the boys good-bye rode rapidly away. The first twelve miles was through a timbered country and I made the distance in an hour and a quarter. My first stop was at the Winnebago Indian Agency where I gave the agent the first news he had received of the result of the fight at New Ulm. Many of the Winnebagos were present and greatly excited. The agent told them the news by means of an interpreter and then called on one of the Boss Farmers to take six of his most reliable Indians and escort me through the reservation to Wilton, in Waseca County, just outside the reserva tion lines. We passed many settlers on the way, with their families, in wagons, and I told them of the defeat of the Indians and ad vised them to return to their homes. At Wilton we crossed Le Sueur River on a long wooden bridge where I stationed a guard with orders to let no teams pass going east, and to post copies of my orders on the bridge for all to read for themselves. Some of 176 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the settlers became very angry and were disposed to force their way across. As an illustration of the panic, I will mention the case of one man who lived six miles south of Garden City, and who owned six hundred and forty acres of land. He had left his home in the night, with his family and two wagon-loads of household goods and was determined to cross the river. He insisted that he had soon Garden City on fire at the time he left, und ulthoug he knew I had been in tho fight at New Ulm believed that I was only one of a few lo escape, and that within a week the entire State would be in the hands of the Sioux. He offered to give me a deed to all his land, if I would give him enough for it so that he and his family could get across the Mississippi River. I laughingly declined his offer and prophesied that he would be back in his home within ten days, which prophecy proved true. From Wilton, accompanied by two other mounted men, I hurried on to Waseca fifteen miles further east. On our way we met a company of sixty mounted men from Dodge County to whom I showed my orders, whereupon ihey returned with us to Waseca. I had ridden my horse forty miles in less than six hours and he now began to show signs of giving out. I told the captain of this company that it was neccssaiy for me to go on to Owatona that night, and that I must have tin; best horse in Waseca. I also asked him to have Colonel Flandran 's orders printed and poslcd on each road in the vicinity. While a horse was being secured the print ing wus done, und, before I loft, copies of the orders were curried in every direction by tho captain's men. By this time the buck shot wounds in my face had become very painful. I had a phy sician in Waseca examine them, who advised me to have them attended to at once, as there was danger of blood-poisoning. I told him that I would at lend to the wounds as soon as I reached Owatona but that there was no time for it now, as it was nearly four o'clock and I had twenty-five miles yet to ride. Two men of the militia company lived in Owatona and their captain ordered them to accompany me. We passed many settlers hurrying east across the Mississippi River, all of whom we advised to turn back to their homes. Among them were several men who knew me. The wounds in my face, my blood-stained shirt, and the revolvers in my belt, convinced them thai I had really been in the fight and was telling them the truth. We reached Owatona at THE SIOUX WAR. 177 seven o'clock, and gave the inhabitants their first information of the defeat of the Indians. After having my horse cared for, I asked the landlord for a good surgeon to attend to my wound, and in less than five minutes two physicians were at work. In probing and cleaning the wound, they found a sliver which had been driven into my face. The shot had evidently first passed through the board of a fence which had afforded us a slight protection al the lime 1 was wounded. I told the doctors that I had not removed my clothes for six days, and that I did not remember having had any sleep during that time. They brought me a clean shirt and pair of trousers in exchange for my bloody ones, but I told them that I believed my bloody clothes and wounded face, taken with Colonel Flandran 's order had done more than anything else that day to keep hundreds of people from leaving the State and that I had better wear them to the end of my journey. 1 scrubbed up, however, and after ordering a fresh horse or team to be ready to start at twelve o'clock that night for Albert Lee, forty miles south of Owatona, and arranging with the doctors to have Colonel Flandran 's orders printed during the night and distributed the next day I borrowed a night-shirt and went to bed. I got four hours of good sleep, my first in six days, and at twelve o'clock was called to lake the night ride lo Albert Lee, which I made with a good team and driver. During our six- hours' ride we were halted four limes by camp guards pul out to watch against Indians. We were well supplied with copies of the paper containing Colonel Flandran 's order and the news from New Ulm, and these wc distributed in all the camps of settlers along the road. At seven o'clock Tuesday morning wc were at Albert Lee, bringing in the first good news they had received from New Ulm. We found here a great crowd of settlers rushing out of tho State, as nearly all those located south and west of Mankato had taken a southern route to avoid crossing the Winnebago reservation. At this point there were two roads leading cast to Ihe Mississippi River, one crossing at La Crosse, the other going into the northern part of Iowa and crossing at Trairie Du Chien. Mounted mes sengers were sent out al once to notify those who hud passed through town during the preceding day of the needlessncss of their going farther. I concluded to stay over until noon and then ride to Wells in Faribault County, forty miles west. By this delay I got another 13 178 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. short sleep, which I greatly needed, and also a fresh poultice for my face. My bloody clothes attracted much attention, and many wild and foolish questions were asked me by men who were still so frightened that they insisted on getting the great river between them and the Indians. After a good dinner I mounted a fresh horse and in less than six hours was in Wells. Here the news of the defeat of the Indians had already boon received, and most of the refugees had gone into camp awaiting its confirmation before sturling back to their homes. I found one cam]) where they were burying a woman who had died from fright; and another where a woman had died from exposure during the flight, showing me that there hud been suffering other than that caused by the bullet or the tomahawk. I stayed over night at Wells where I found several niou I know, four of whom had gone with mc to Now Ulm and taken part in Ihe first day's light, and had then returned to care for their families. Next morn ing, the excitement ul Wells huviug subsided und most of the families now preparing to return to their homes, I made arrangements for a fresh horse to take me back to Mankato via Minnesota Lake, Mapleton and Garden City, a distance of fifty miles. I met but few loams or camps on the way and the persons whom I did see were on their way home. Al Mapleton I found most of our Garden City people iu camp uwuiling my coming, us they had heard that I wus to return to Garden City that way. As I rode into their camp they gave me three cheers. The muu in command of the camp was the one who gave me his horse lo ride when I left for New Ulm in command of our militia company and the first question he uskcd me wus what had become of his horse. I told him that in our fight the Indians had taken his horse with them to their happy hunting grounds beyond the clouds where ho probably would be well cared for, us they knew he was a "bravo" horse, becuuse he wus killed in the lino of buttle along with a number of them. lie muttered that it was a good horse and someone would have lo pay for it, whereupon I assured him thai ho should be paid if I hud to pay him myself. I took dinner with the campers and tried to get them to go buck to Gurden City with mc, but they declined lo go until they were ubsolutoly sure thut ull wus safe. I reached Garden City at sunset, without meeting a person ou the lonely fifteen-mile ride. Of the population of four hundred in THE SIOUX WAR. 179 this village the week before, not one was now left. I put my horse in the stable and then went to some of the stores, Two of which I found open, and helped myself to coffee, crackers, cheese and sardines. I took these provisions to my own home, made a fire and got a good, hot supper. After supper I washed my week- old, blood-stiff clothes and exchanged them for clean ones, and having cared for my horse, went to the Williams store and camped out for the night. My bed was a bolt of cotton cloth laid on the floor and I had a roll of cotton-batten for a pillow, but no sleep could have been sweeter or sounder than mine. After breakfast I rode around town to most of the houses, finding the doors locked and everything undisturbed and then started for Mankato suppos ing that I had been the only person iu the town that night. I after wards learned, however, that a Polish doctor with his wife and six children, for whom there had been no conveyance when the rest of the people left, had stayed over night in the log school-house. They barricaded the doors and windows, making it practically a block house, and stayed there for four days until Ihe people came back to their homes. On the way to Mankato I met the Williams brothers, merchants of Garden City, with two other men going back home, and assured them that the village was all right and that their store was undisturbed except that 1 had forgotten lo make up my bed there. They said that the people in Mankato believed the Lydiau War was over, and were awaiting my report as to the condition of the country I had been through. I rode on and soon reached Mankato reporting at the headquarters of Colonel Flandran, where I was highly complimented upon the execution of my mission. Colonel Flandran informed me that he had been ordered to establish his headquarters at South Bend, three miles west of Man kato, and asked mc to act as one of his aides with the rank of first lieutenant, my work to include the carrying of dispatches through the Indian country and the command of special details of troops sent out from headquarters. He also told me that I had been elected the day before as first lieutenant of a company to be sta tioned at South Bend and that I would have all the work I was looking for during the next thirty days. That night we took up quarters in a large hotel at South Bend where our company of sixty men, mounled on the best of horses, awaited special duty. My first outside duty was the carrying of it dispatch to General Sibley 180 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. at Fort Ridgely where he was stationed with two thousand men, preparing to follow up and punish the Indians for Ihe recent depredations and murders. 1 hud u dctuil of twenty men ou the trip and spent the night at the fori. While here I visited the hospi tal and saw ton wounded men, the only ones of Captain Marsh's company to cscupo deuth ut the Indian ambush at the ferry crossing of the Redwood Agency. I also met others who had been wounded in the ambush at Birch Cooley near the Redwood Agency. These two massacres, with the later umbush of General Custer on the Little Big Horn in 1876, were the deadliest assaults made by the Indians in the nineteenth century. My next dispatch duty of any importance occurred soon after wards when I carried the news of General Sibley's victory over the Indians in the buttle of Wood Luke, near the Yellow Medicine Agency, to Fort. Snelliug scvcnly-livo miles awuy. I took only one man with mc on this trip, as there wus little or no danger. We made the ride in one day. After slopping a day at the fort, ami at St. Paul, 1 wus ordered lo tuke u picked body of sixty mounted men and report to Captain Cox who had been sent to Madelia with a company of soldiers to build a block-house for the protec tion of the solllors ou Ibis exposed point of the frontier. Wo started about dark, taking the shortest route straight across the unbroken prairie passing Loon und Crystal Lukes. We were aided by the bright moonlight until about midnight when clouds obscured the heavens and a driving ruin commenced. We kept on through the rain and darkness, only being ublc to keep the truil by having a dismounted scout, carrying a tallow candle lantern, lead the way. It was nearly two o'clock in the morning when we reached our destination and were halted by the guard at tho block-house. The garrison had finished their fort with the exception of the roof. Our coming was u great relief to them, for four persons had been killed by the Indians in sight of the village during the preceding day and their dead bodies had been brought in. At ten o'clock that night a wounded Norwegian settler hud come in from his home eight miles southwest of Mudoliu, on the soulh fork of the Wultonwun River, und reported thul four members of his family hud been killed, he ulone having escaped, lie said thai Ihe Indians were making their way up the river towurds a settlement consisting of about twenty five families of foreigners who hud just returned to their farms. THE SIOUX WAR. 181 thinking their troubles ended. I heard this story as soon as I reached Ihe block-house and told Captain Cox that it meant sure death to these exposed families unless wc went lo their protection. He re plied that he could not leave his post without orders. I told him that I had not been assigned to the post but had been placed under his orders and asked him if he would be willing to let me take my men to the rescue. He finally consented, but warned me that we might fall into an ambush and be annihilated as the St. Paul company had been at Birch Cooley only two weeks before. I knew that some of Captain Cox's men wanted to go with mc and asked him if he was willing to let them go, but he would not consent as he said his company was under orders to protect the block house. My company had rations with them, the cooks of ('ox's company made us coffee and after a hurried breakfast we look the trail to the threatened valley. It was four o'clock in the morn ing when wc started, only two hours after our arrival, and so dark that I could not tell how many men I had. As soon as it was suffi ciently light to see, after we had gone several miles from the camp I rode down the double line and found that I had one hundred mounted men and three wagons loaded with infantrymen, instead of the sixty men of my own command. Occasionally a man volun teered that he belonged lo Cox's company but intended to go with us. About daybreak a dense fog settled down and we could not, see a rod in front of us. I was riding al the head of the column with two pioneer guides, who were showing us the road, when a man suddenly appeared before us. He could not speak a word of English, but a number of my men were Norwegians and we soon learned his name. lie proved lo be one of those whom wc were hastening to relieve. He had been shot in the breast just al night fall and was holding his straw hat, which had been pierced with two balls, against the wound to stop the bleeding. He was sure that his wife and two boys had been killed at the limche was wounded. We learned that we were near his home, which was at a ford of the river, and that by crossing the river here we could save eight miles in reaching the settlement. Some of the men thought it dangerous to go down into the brush al the river bottom which would afford a fine ambush for the savages, but I knew that if we expected to reach the threatened families ahead of the Indians 182 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. wo must take every chance and gave orders to cross ul once. When we struck the river bottom the fog was still so dense thai we could hardly see twenty feet ahead of us, but, us soon as we reuched the high bunk on the other side, we wore ubove the thick fog und could see quite clearly. Here we found the badly wounded wife of the wounded Norwegian, hidden in a thick grove of plum trees near their log house, and told her thut her husbund wus still alive and that Ihey would at once be sent buck to Mcdulia for medical treatment. Leaving ten men to take care of the wounded couple, we hurried on to the larger settlement, travelling rapidly over the open prairie. About eight o'clock we reached the first house in the valley and found it deserted, but a kettle of potatoes was boiling on the fire and there wus no evidence thut the place had been disturbed. It seemed lhal the settlers had seen us coming und, believing us to be Indiuns, hud spread the alarm und fled. Il was three hours before wc found Ihcin, the entire settlement having gathered in one house throe miles further up tho river where they hud planned to defend themselves. It was one o'clock before we could get the people together with their teams und more valuable possessions and sturt buck for Mcdulia. There were twenty-seven wagons in lino and wilh the crowd of women and children wc decided to tuke no chuncos but to return by tho long trail over tho open coun try. Il wus u distance of twenty-eight miles und proved n tedious trip for the people who hud only just got buck lo their homes from the first stampede of over two hundred miles, as well as for us who had been in the saddle all night long. Late in tho afternoon wc saw four mounted Indian scouts on the opposite side of the river riding in the same direction as we were. They fired at us and then rode out of sight in the timber. This incident gave me some anxiety and I decided to send a dispatch to Captain Cox asking for immedi ate assistance. The two men wilh this dispatch returned ut nine o'clock that night, saying that Captain Cox could not reinforce us, us most of his men were already with us and as he himself was in danger of being attacked in the morning. Wo continued our march without a slop und reuched Mcdulia safely ubout two o'clock the next morning. At the trial of the Indian chieftains which took place the next December at Munkato, it was shown thut only twenty-five Indiuns took purl in the ruids and massacres around THE SIOUX WAR. 183 Mcdulia, but that this small number had killed seventeen settlers and wounded as many more, and had captured two white women whom they carried for fifty miles and then murdered upon hear ing of the failure of their cause. The chief of this party was one of the thirty-eight hanged at Mankuto on December 20, 1802. Wc remained at Mcdulia until these Indians were driven away, and then returned to South Bend. Our thirty days' enlistment had now about expired. Colonel Flandran had received notice that Colonel Montgomery with the 25th Wisconsin Volunteers was to be stationed at South Bend, that the militia was to be mustered out and the Indians were to be pursued by United States troops under General Pope, whose headquarters wore to be at Fort Snelliug. The National govern ment, however, was short on cavalry and called for a regiment to be raised in Minnesota for the Indian War. I received a commis sion to recruit one of the companies in this regiment and the day after the expiration of my thirty days' commission I led seventy- five men to St. Peter where we were to unite with twenty-five others whom Horace Austin had recruited. I was entitled to the command as captain from the fact that I had recruited most of the men. Austin who was well-educated and a brilliant lawyer wanted tho command, and in order mil lo cause uny delay in gelling our muster rolls lo headquarters first so as to become enlilled to the coveted position as Company "A"' in the regiment, I waived the point in his favor and was sworn iu as first lieutenant. Austin had already served as captain in the militia and remained captain of our company until the regiment was mustered out. After the war he was elected circuit judge for a term of six years, leaving the bench to become governor of the State for two terms. He is now living in California, where I had the pleasure of meeting him again at the National G. A. R. encampment in San Francisco in 1903. Thomas F. West was elected second lieutenant. As I write this he is eighty years of age and living at Medford, Oregon. As soon as the company officers were elected, Captain Austin and I took the stage for St. Paul, which wc reached the same day, and handed in our company muster roll. Wc wore told that ours was the first company to be put on record. By some kind of wire pulling a Minneapolis Company was given letter "A," however, 184 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. and we hud to put up with second pluce und be called Company "B." The horses for the regiment soon arrived and were held at Fort Snelling. Company "A" hud the first choice of horses and selected bays, while we selected all grays for Company "B." The captain returned to St. Peter to look after his men, while I remained to look after the horses until arrangements could be made to get them and our equipment to St. Peter. In less than a week wc wore mustered into tho United Slutcs service, were uniformed, armed and mounted, and ready for orders. Most of the hostile Indians hud now been driven out of the Stuto into Dukotu, und the season wus loo lule to follow them that fall. Many had been captured and were under trial by court- martial at Camp Release, one hundred miles up the river from St. Peter. The court wus iu session nearly throe weeks, and condemned to death three hundred and Iwonty-ono of the Indians who had been implicated in the murders of defenseless settlers in Ihe Slab:. The prisoners were brought to Mankato chained in puirs, where they were confined in the barracks and guarded by our soldiers until the president could review the proceedings and pass upon the verdict. President Lincoln was not busty in coining lo a de cision, und a grout muny in the Stale begun to think thut the con demned Indiuns would bo set free, us muny petitions hud been sent to him from people in the Eastern Stales asking for their release. Four lest, these guilty wretches should escape justice led to several attempts by the enraged settlers, who had suffered so terribly, to surprise and kill all of the condemned prisoners. One attempt came near execution. One hundred and fifty men, who had lost members of their families in the attacks, banded together tinder oath to kill Iheso prisoners and wore armed with revolvers and officered by some of the best and bravest men iu Minnesota. The day and hour wus fixed for the deed, bill al tho lust moment one of their own number betrayed the secret to Ihe colonel command ing the regiment which guarded the prisoners, und their attempt was frustrated. About, the fifteenth of December President Lin coln's message was received ordering Ihe execution of thirty-nine of the chieftains included in the list of throe hundred and twenty- one who hud boon condemned. Tho order read as follows: THE SIOUX WAR. 185 "Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C, December 6, 1862. "Brigadier Gen. Sibley, St. Paul, Minnesota. "Ordered, That of the Indians and half-breeds sentenced to be hanged by the Military Commission composed of Col. Crooks, Lt. Col. Marshall, Capt. Grant, Capt. Bailey, & Lieut. Olin, and lately sitting in Minnesota, you cause to be executed on Friday, the 2fith day of December, instant., the following named, to-wit: — (list of names of thirty-nine.) The other condemned prisoners you hold subject to further orders, taking care that they neither escape nor be subjected to any unlawful violence. "Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States." On the morning of December twenty-sixth our company was ordered to march to Mankato and act as guard al the execution. Wc were in our saddles and on the way before daylight. The dis tance was only twelve miles, but the thermometer registered thirty- five degrees below zero, and before we reached Mankato many of the men had frozen ears and feet, and all suffered severely from the intense cold. At Mankato we met several other companies of our regiment who had been ordered here for the same purpose as we. Hundreds of angry men who had suffered at the hands of these savages were camped within sight of town. They were well armed ami officered and were determined that the two hundred and eighty-two Indians who were not lo be executed thai day by the law, should suffer execution al, their hands. Colonel Miller, who was in command of the troops hail a force of fully two thousand men, including one buttery of artillery, with which to protect his prisoners. The execution look place iu the early afternoon. The thirty-nine Indians were ranged on one long platform and executed at the same moment, in sight of a vast multitude of people besides the two thousand troops. At the appointed moment W. W. Doolcy, a former member of my mililia company and a chief of scouts, whose family had been killed by the Indians at Lake Shetook, stepped forward and cut with an axe the two-inch rope that held the scaffold suspended and the entire number were plunged to death. The prisoners met their end like true soldiers of the plains. Missionaries who had been with them for years were permitted with them during their last days. When the time came for them to go to the gallows the braves asked lo have the chains taken from their 186 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. legs so thut they could go in Indiun style, single file. This was allowed, and they marched to the scaffold singing their Indian war- song, which wus joined in by all the other prisoners. Each Indiun pluced the rope around his own neck and sang while the death cap was drawn down over his eyes. For five minutes after the scaffold fell everything was as hushed and silent as death itself. Then the crowd began to quietly disperse. The settlers who had formed in companies prepared to make un utlack on the barracks, but Colonel Miller had his force well disposed to repel any attack, and tho people saw that il would bo foolhardy lo make an attempt to storm the jail protected as it was by tho force of disciplined soldiers. Nearly all the soldiers present were Minnesota men and many of thoin had had friends killed by the Indians, so that their sympathies were with the settlers and il wus well understood among them Ihut if un attack wus made on the barracks, and Ihey were ordered lo (ire on their own friends, Ihey would do so indeed, bill would sec thul none of the attacking parly should gel hurl. Fortunately the ultuck wus not made and the settlers dispersed. The executed Indians were ordered buried on an island in the river near the spot of their execution. All were to lie in one grave and a strong guard was stationed to protect their remains. That night our company returned to St. Peter. On the way several sleighs passed us ut different times with only two men in each sleigh. The surgeon of our regiment, a Dr. Weiser, who was riding at my side, remarked thut it looked us if those sleighs might have dead Indians in them in spite of the guard at the grave. I jokingly as sured him that even if there were dead Indians in those sleighs, there was no danger of his losing his sculp to them. That night uflcr reaching St. Peter and supper at the Nicolet Hotel, the doctor invited mo upstairs to the third floor, saying that ho hud some valuable Tndiau relics he would like lo show me. There on the floor lay throe of Ihe Indians thai had boon buried Ihut afternoon und pluced under u guard consisting of a full company of live Minne sota soldiers. The great mystery was how those Indians were smug gled out of the grave, in spite of the watchfulness of those guards. It wus soon known to ull thut their bodies had escaped the grave and were distributed among museums and hospitals in this country and abroad. CHAPTER XI. Tiif, Dakota Campaign. About March 1, 1863, four companies of our regiment were ordered to Fort Ridgely where we were thoroughly drilled for a month in preparation for the expedition planned by General Pope to enter Dakota in the early spring and punish the hostile Indians who had escaped the previous fall. The winter had been severe and many Indians had died from cold and hunger. Yet in spite of the severity of the winter several war parties returned to Minnesota in April and commenced their work of destruction. Our battalion had plenty to do to protect the settlements. One party of fifteen passed within three miles of Fort Ridgely and killed several people near New Ulm. Our entire battalion was ordered out by companies in different directions to capture this parly. As Captain Austin was on courl martial duty I was ordered to take the Company and strike the Cottonwood River near Sleepy Lake. Soon after starling we saw Indians on the opposite side of the river hurriedly making their way west, leading horses which Ihey had evidently stolen from the settlers. They saw us as soon ns we saw ihcm and hurried off, bill we gained on them so rapidly that they abandoned their stolen horses and scattered in different directions, each by himself. We had with us four half-breed scouts besides W. W. Dooley and his brother-in-law Smith, both noted scouts who had been in the siege of New Ulm. These men agreed that the Indians after separating would make for a certain point where they would meet, and that if wc could make this point before they did we would stand some chance of capturing them. We started at once for this spot deciding to make Walnut Grove, twenty miles away, that night where we knew we would find hay for our horses, and log houses for shelter. We reached Walnut Grove about midnight and, after feeding our horses and making coffee, rolled up in our blankets for a few hours' rest with orders lo start at day light for Lake Shetook, fifteen miles away. Six miles brought us to the spot where Dooley 's and Smith's families were overtaken and murdered the previous August. The men had not been there since 187 188 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the occurrence and were greatly disappointed to find the swampy ground covered wilh water, making it useless to search for the bodies of their families. At nine o'clock we came to Dooley 's and Smith's homes at the south end of the lake and found that their hay and grain hud all boon used by troops thul hud stopped there in Ihe fall. Here I divided our force sending twenty men under W. W. Dooley seven miles up the oust side of the luke lo the Ireland Farm ut Ihe north end when; Ihey were to secrete themselves und watch for the Indians, while the rest of us returned to the south end of the lake, crossing the Des Moines River, which was then high and full of floating ice. The floating ice came near causing us the loss of three men and horses in crossing. Be3'ond the river we found stacks of hay and two log houses whose occupants hail been killed by the Indians, und here wo made fires, dried our clothes and fed our horses. Wc then divided the company again, leaving ten men with the poorest horses lo remain until five o'clock iu the afternoon when Ihey were lo go up (he west side of the lake, while I look thirty men und wont lo the Great Ousis, Ion miles wosl, nour the Pipe Stone, u pluce of grout resort for the Indiuns of the Northwest because of the quantity of soft rod stone out of which they made their pipes. We met that night al Ireland's Farm without having scon un Indiun. We were now sixty miles from Fort Ridgely but concluded to return by way of the Redwood River Agency which would make the distance eighty miles. This route would enable us lo obtain forage und replenish our meagre rations ul the agency, and would ulso give us u chance lo gel game, so the hull-broods lold us, in the timber along the Redwood River. Wo started early, our route taking us over an open prairie. A few men were sent out as scouts on each flank, with the double object of locating the trail of the hostile Indians, and of finding game which would be very welcome to sixty men who had boon living two days on dry bread and coffee. The scouting parties and the main column wore to meet ut. Linn's Crossing on the Redwood River twenty miles from our starling point. When Hearing tho Redwood the scouts ou the east flank saw five mounted Indians making north ul a rapid pace, and ut once gave chase. The Indians crossed the river ul, Linn's Ford und our main force cume up jusl iu lime to sec Lhcm puss out of sight on the opposite side of the river. Twenty of us, mounted on the best horses, crossed the river and followed them rapidly until THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 189 we again came in sight of them, when they separated and scattered in different directions making pursuit useless. Wc returned lo the ford where the rest of the company had arrived and found that our hunting parties had secured quite a variety of game during the forenoon, including prairie wolves, foxes, badgers, and wild geese, which was already in the process of cooking when we arrived. The fresh meat afforded us a fine change from our bread and coffee. By riding twenty miles that afternoon we would shorten our dis tance so as to be able to reach Fort Ridgely the next day. We made this ride and went into camp on the south bank of the river under very unpleasant conditions. It was u cold, dark April night. We had but one full ration of bread and took our supper on a half ration with our coffee. The horses hud only dry dead grass with a. Utile corn. It, was so cold that we could not sleep, and sleepy and hungry as we were, we were not in very good humor. Our situation was so bad that we decided to push on twenty miles to Redwood Agency. Wc started at midnight. We were in a section of the country that had not been settled by white men and there was nothing to guide us but the narrow and almost indistinguishable Indian trails. Often our half-breed guides had to dismount in the darkness and feci for the way on their hands and knees and we made slow progress. Not even the glimmer of a single slur broke the gloom of the night. We rode four abreast, and many of the men fell asleep on their horses. It, look us eight hours to make the dis tance of twenty miles over the trackless plains. The Agency was deserted, but we found shelter, plenty of hay and about five bushels of corn in the ear. We used the logs of some of the Indian camps for wood to warm ourselves and cook by, nud having divided the corn wilh our horses, roasted our share by the log fires and enjoyed it very much. Wc stayed here until noon and then pro ceeded on our way, reaching Fort Ridgely that evening, without the capture of au Indian or the loss of a man. 'The companies which had been sent out in other directions returned either that night or the next day with the exception of the company ordered up the Minnesota River to Big Stone Lake, which returned on the sixth day bringing a single Indian who claimed to be a friend of the whites and who had voluntarily surrendered. Two days later I was detailed to take this Indian to Fort Snelling and deliver him to General Pope. David Quinn, a half-breed govern- 190 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. ment interpreter who accompanied me was positive that this Indian was one of the outlaws who had participated in the last raid. We took our shackled prisoner in a two-horse wagon to St. Peter, placed him in the county jail that night, and after a day's stage ride deliv ered him to General Pope. The interpreter, Quinn, made an inves tigation of this prisoner and finally obtained positive evidence of his participation in the massacre. Ho was thereupon tried, found guilty and hanged ul Fort Snelling in the full of 1803. I went on from Fori Snelling lo St. I'uul us 1 wus expecting my wife and two small children from Michigan as soon as navigation opened on the river. Boats had already conic up as far as St. Paul and the first one after my arrival brought my family, on their return to our home in Garden City. I went to General Sibley and obtained a furlough for one week so Ihut I might go home with them and set; llicm comfortably settled. The duy uflcr their arrival al. St. Paul wo look passage to Mankuto on one of the first bouts up the Minnesota River thai spring, and thence obtained conveyance by wagon lo Garden City. Wc found that most of the people hud returned to their homes. Two companies of troops hud been stationed in the village early in the winter and had built good log barracks, which gave the citizens a feeling of confidence and safety. In four days I had everything comfortably arranged for my family and then returned to Mankato, taking the first boat up the river to Fort Ridgely. We had a busy time preparing for the summer campaign in Dakota. A largo amount of supplies was scut up the river by boat to Camp Pope, which was the rendezvous of the expedition. Our entire force was composed of Minnesota troops consisting of three regi ments of infantry, one of cavalry, two batteries of light artillery, two companies of half-breed scouts and one company of pioneers — in all over four thousand men. On account of the wild und un settled iiulurc of the country the expedition hud lo depend ou its own supplies und wc wore uecompunied by two hundred and twenty-five six-mule wugons of provisions und u pontoon train of forty six-mule loams for use in crossing the Missouri or other large rivers if necessary. Our expedition moved from Camp Pope ou June 16, 1863. Our course was northwest, keeping to the valley of the Minnesota River, crossing many small tributaries and making from fifteen to twenty miles a day. The scouts THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 1<)1 were kept busy in advance and on both flanks, with orders to report at once if any hostile Indians were seen within ten miles of us. The pioneers located our camps and constructed earthworks every night. Ten days of this progress brought us to Big Slonc Lake, near the eastern line of Dakota, where we camped one day in Brown's Valley, noted on account of its being the source of the headwaters of the Minnesota River flowing southeast into the Mississippi, and of the Red River of the North, flowing north into the Hudson Bay. From here our march continued northwest towards the big bend of the Cheyenne River, over one hundred miles away. After about fifty miles of this journey the scouts reported that the grasshoppers had destroyed all the grass in front of us and wc halted while the extent of the devastated area was ascertained, ft was discovered that it extended only about twenty miles, so the next day we crossed the barren prairie where not a spear of green grass was to be seen. We reached the big bend of the Cheyenne River on July third, crossed the river and made our camp in a beautiful valley, where we remained while a detachment was sent to Fort Abcrcrombic, sixty miles northeast on the Red River, for news from General Pope and for the mail for our command. General Sibley assigned to mc the duty of making the trip to Fort Abcrcrombic and offered me a force of five hundred men if I desired them, as he said he considered it a dangerous mission. I replied that if he would furnish me with sixty men from my own company, forty from any other companies he might select and fifty half-breed scouts under the command of Captain Dooley, I would undertake the service and would be back in three days. As the weather was hot I told the general that I thought it best to start at midnight. I returned from the general's quarters to my company, called the men into line and asked them if there were sixty who would volunteer for the service. Every man offered logo. At midnight we were in our saddles ready for the start. The scouts told us we would find water half way to the Fort, but nevertheless f halted the column as we crossed the river and ordered every man to fill his canteen as we were to pass through an enemy's country and might be delayed before getting half way. The night was warm and clear, a full moon was shining and we made good progress, so that by daylight we were twenty miles from our camp. Before leaving General Sibley s orders were read to us. These 192 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. required us to keep scouts out in front and rear and on both flanks and to kill no game going or returning. Two sutlers' wagons, each drawn by ten mules, accompanied us to bo loaded with supplies at the Fort. At daylight u dense fog settled down that detained us over two hours and when it lifted we saw within close gun shot six fine elk standing and looking directly ut us. It wus a severe test to the self restraint and military discipline of our men and lo the power of Ihe orders given by our commanding general. Some of the men looked at me as if lo ask if I did not want elk for dinner. I shook my head and not u shot was fired, but how tho spirit und appetite did rebel against tho orders! The sun soon came out bright aguin und we were on our way. It became very hot, but we kept moving, our scouts always on the watch for fresh signs of Indiuns. When in sight of u vulley covered with scattering limber whore the scouts hud told us wc. would find water, a herd of buffalo thai hud been started up by the scouts cume rushing down u ravine near the sutlers' wagons. The sutlers, who had probably not hoard the orders road, or else did not think themselves under strict military discipline like the soldiers, fired into the herd killing one and breaking the leg of another, and before I fairly knew what was up, or could interfere, many of my men had joined the chase. Corporal Dudley of my company wus charged by a large wounded bull and wus so excited ihut in using his revolver he shot his own horse in the lop of its head so Ihut it foil as if dead. Seeing the danger of the fallen corporal from the enraged animal, 1 shot the buffalo iu the head with my Sharps Carbine. Tho sup posed dead horse recovered, and proved to have received only a scalp wound and Dudley rode him until mustered out. This incident und the dressing of the game detained us another hour. When we reached the stream where we expected water, there was none to be found. Tho next watering place was al Wolfe Creek, twonly-fivo miles further on, and men and horses wore already very thirsty. The scouts now cume in with reports of a fresh Indiun trail where a bund hud camped the day before, and Captain Dooley, their commander, was very uneasy. About noon we crossed another Indian trail which led like the other in the direction of the Canadian line. Later we learned that the Indians who left these trails had started out for Minnesota to renew their depredations on the settlers but that upon reaching Lake Traverse, THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 193 a few miles north of Big Stone Lake and learning of the approach of General Sibley's expedition, had returned lo a position near the Canadian line, where all the hostile Indians of Minnesota were then assembled. They hud chosen this spot so thai if attacked by our forces and overpowered, they could lake refuge in Canadian terri tory, whore our forces could not follow them. They also expected lo receive reinforcements from the tribes located in Canada. After striking this last trail we moved cautiously. Wc reached Gooso Creek Valley about four o'clock and within another hour found abundance of water to relieve the sufferings of the men and of the animals, whose tongues were parched and swollen from thirst. Major Camp, in command of Fort Abercrombie, had been notified of our coining and when he caught sight of us started out at once with fifty cavalrymen to escort us to the Fort. We were well provided for at the Fort after our continuous sixty-mile ride during the extreme heat of that fourth of July. We had brought with us a six-mule wagon for the purpose of taking back the mail for the men of our expedition, which the major showed us, all ready to be loaded. I informed him that my orders were to stay at the Fort one day and to return the next, and so on the fifth we rested. The veterinarian of the Post informed me that five of our horses were unlit lo return, and Ihe post surgeon told me that three of our men would not. be able lo be back with us. On the morning of the sixth everything was ready for us to slurt. on our return and wc set out at two o'clock in the morning. Major Camp with one hundred men accompanied us part of the way. We reached our camp the next evening just at dark, without any incident of note having occurred and I delivered the mail at headquarters, made a verbal report — not including Ihe story of our buffalo hunt — and received the thanks of the general for the success of my service. Next morning the expedition was on the march again up the valley of the Cheyenne River. On the seventeenth of the month the general learned of a movement of the Indians Southwest from the border of Canada towards the Missouri River, news which was con firmed on the twentieth by three hundred half-breed Chippcwas who were on their summer hunt for buffalo meat and skins and who visited our camp. This information necessitated a change of plan in order to prevent the Indians from escaping. About fifty miles south of Devil's Lake General Sibley established a fortified camp, 14 194 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. leaving there under a strong guard, the major part of his wagon train, together with tho sick and injured men and animals. Travel ling in light marching order and carrying twenty-five days' rations the balance of the command, eighteen hundred infantry, six hundred cavalry, 0110 hundred pioneers, one hundred scouts, and two bat teries of artillery started on a rapid inarch to intercept the Indians before they reached the Missouri River. On the twenty-second we crossed the James River, fifty miles west of the camp and on the twenty-fourth tho scouts reported hostile Indians iu large numbers under the command of Red Plume and Standing Buffalo near Big Mound, about sixty miles north of the Missouri River. Positive orders had been issued against the killing of game, but those orders were not always obeyed. Lieutenant Freeman of my regiment und u few of his friends found Ihe temptation loo grout for them, and while outside the lines hunting buffalo wore ambushed mid four of Ihe parly killed. A sergeant wilh two arrows iu his body escaped lo bring the news lo the general. The scouts soon came in reporting that the main body of the Indians wore within five miles of us. We moved forward a short distance and went into camp near the east bank of a large lake just west of the Big Mound. The pioneers started throwing up earthworks and the cavalry and infantry wore drawn up in line of battle while Riggs and Williamson, the Indians' former missionaries were sent to treat with them. Large bodies of Indians appeared in plain sight near the top of Big Mound, und Dr. Weiser, surgeon of our regiment, who hud lived with the Indians several yours, mounted his horse und rode up to the puintcd wurriors, several of whom he greeted as old friends. As he rode back und passed our lines, Colonel McPhnil said to him, "Doctor, I expected to see you killed." The doctor replied, "They will not kill a medicine man. They are my best friends." He stated that there would bo no fight, thul. duy, us the Indians said they intended to surrender. Nino companies of our cavalry hud boon silting their horses for three hours, drawn up iu lino of battle under a blistering sun, awaiting orders. Riggs und Williamson finally returned, bring ing wilh llicm two while boys whom the Indians hud lukou iu Minne sota the year before and whom they now returned as an earnest of their good faith. Tho savages asked thul General Sibley moot Ilium in council. At this news Dr. Weiser became so confident of their peaceful THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 195 intentions, that he again mounted his horse to visit them. He disobeyed orders in doing this and paid no attention lo our attempt to dissuade him. Off he went up the hill, dressed in full uniform and his horse on a gallop, but before he reached their lines a number of shots rang out and he fell dead, pierced wilh many bullets. His orderly who was with him returned unharmed. The battle was soon raging. The Indians spread out and advanced rapidly upon us, some on horseback, others on foot, all shouting their terrible war cries. Colonel McPhail ordered our nine companies of cavalry forward at a gallop, while Colonel Brooks with the 6th Minnesota Infantry on the double quick made for the left flank of the Indians to cut them off from their camp. Both batteries followed close uflcr Ihe infantry and cavalry. The Indians were soon on the run and we hot after them. As wc reached the lop of the hill n heavy thunder storm broke over us. As we charged down the opposite side of Big Mound, Indians firing at us from front and righl flank, private Murphy and his horse fell dead at my left. At. the same instant Colonel McPhail, who with drawn sword was directing our men to cut off the Indians directly in front of us from their main body on our right, had the sword struck from his hand, while my horse fell to the ground. My horse was soon on his feet again and after a few staggers went forward in the charge as if nothing had occurred. 1 thought that he had been shot, but after the fight when wc went back to get Murphy's body we found that a bolt of lightning had struck him, killing him and his horse, disarming the colonel and knocking my horse to the ground. On we went in the charge as fast as our horses would carry us, driving the savages through their camp, which they abandoned, leaving behind tons of buffalo meat and other heavy articles which they could not carry in their hasty flight. Colonel Crooks' Infantry and the batteries soon came up and wo sol fire to the camp and abandoned articles, and took up the trail of the fugitives directly towards the Missouri River. Wc soon overhauled them and then began a desperate running fight. One of Sibley's aides reached us with orders to return to headquarters, but Colonel McPhail did not understand the orders to mean to return at once, so wc did not slacken our pace. The fugitives finally turned upon us in their desperation, but we quickly put them to flight again and in the last five miles of the running fight before darkness overtook us forced 196 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. them to abandon nearly everything they had stolen the previous summer from tho Minnesota settlers, as well as valuable furs und buffalo robes which they hud tuken since leuving their rosorvutions. Muny of our soldiers found bundles of mink, otter, and beaver skins, and it wus said thut one of the sutlers hud u wugon loud of valuable furs when the regiment returned lo St. Paul. As the darkness cume on another aide galloped up with emphutic orders to return lo head quarters ul once. Wc were now eighteen miles awuy from head quarters and uflcr the severe service und oxcitemonl of tin: day hud a long and trying march buck, urriving ut headquarters just ut daylight, thoroughly worn out. Wo were all disgusted, feeling that Sibley ought to have brought his headquarters to us on the field, as then we would huve been able to capture the Indians before they crossed the Missouri. The next day we laid over to bury our dead consisting of two officers and seven men. There were more than one hundred dead braves stretched out on the route of our pursuit. I hud iu my company of cavalry a fine young man by the iiume. of Andrew Moore who cume from the Blue Eurth Vulley, south of my home in Garden City and who stood six feet two inches in his bare foot. In Ihis fight ul Big Mound three Indiuns hid in u buffalo wallow on a hill ul our righl from which they kept up u persistent fire upon us. Colonel McPhail gave orders lo Captain Austin lo deploy to the right, under protection of the hill, cut off these marks men if possible and drive them from their position. Within two minutes we wore in their rour. They fired ut us und then tried to escape. Two of them wore killed and Ihe other one Lhrew down his gun und offered to surrender, but some of the men fired and wounded him. He instantly turned, ran for his gun and fired before any one could shoot him, the bull striking Andrew Moore in the abdomen. He, us well as we, knew from the nature of the wound that ho could not recover. We curried him in un ambulance wilh us to the Missouri River, but being on the move and having no proper treatment, he died on the twenty-fifth, and we buried him with military honors on the bank of a beautiful lake. We marked his grave with a lurge mound of stones and named the lake after him. The most pathetic feature of the case was that while he knew ho could not live lie hoped and longed lo be able to roach homo and look once more upon the faces of his wife and children before he died. Ten years after his death the valley in which he was buried THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 197 was well settled, and a railroad ran along the bank of this lake, which was still known as Moore's Lake. When wc overtook the savages again they were within twenty miles of the Missouri River. They had received reinforcements and gave us battle at Stony Lake. The whole country in our front seemed covered with mounted Indians. Our columns were halted while our batteries threw a few shells into their midst which put them to flight. Indians cannot stand the fire of artillery and the bursting of shells when the range is too great for them to use their rifles. This fight, which occurred in the morning, did not last over thirty minutes and by nine o'clock Ave had driven them back until wc reached a point several miles front the river's bank, yet over looking the broad valley. It was n beautiful duy, the sun shining bright and clear. Across the river on the highland opposite, some fifteen miles away, wc saw bright flashes of light reflected to us. At first we thought Ihcsc to be the glitter of the sabers of General Sully's command, which had been ordered up the soulh side of the Missouri, to act in concert with us in the capture of these Indians. But our scouts soon disillusioned us by saying that the flashes of light were from small oval looking-glasses which the Indian warriors were proud of wearing, and which they used both for ornament and for signalling. These (lashes, Ihey said, were made by Indians who had crossed the river and were signalling lo those who were still on this side. General Sibley had relied on capturing the families of Ihe Indians before they could cross the river, believing that if he had the women and children in his hands the warriors would quicldy sur render. The half-breed scouts told him that the Indians could quickly make rafts out of willows overlaid with buffalo skins lo lake their women and children over and thai unless we hurried they would escape capture. Seeing a large body of Indians making for the timber that skirted the river, wc galloped rapidly forward to reach them. As we were entering the river bottom the scouts brought in several Teton Sioux whom they had just captured. This tribe belonged on the other side of the river, and said that a large body of their tribe had come to assist their brothers in crossing the river, and that they hud seen nothing of General Sully's white soldiers. The timber was too thick to get our horses and artillery through and we delayed while the pioneers chopped a road through it for us. When wc reached the bank the Indians and their families 198 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. could be seen on the opposite side. A few shells from the cannon quickly drove them from sight again. Convinced now that the Indians hud escaped him, General Sibley sent his favorite aide, Lieutenant Beaver, to order the artillery to return, but before reaching his destination the lieutenant was shot down by Indians, still secreted in the lumber. A second aide reached the destination, the artillery was recalled and we went into camp about durk on a level mound with Apple Creek bordered with a thick growth of willow brush on one side and a heavy body of timber on another side. The mound was from ten to twenty feet higher than the bottom on which the creek willows grew and its banks were steep, so that it was an excellent camping place. Strong earthworks were thrown up and a heavy guard placed that night. Just at day break several shots were fired from the timber, four of them passing through our company officers' lout, though loo high to do damage, und one of fliein wounding my horse und disabling him for sovorul weeks. A small purly of Indiuns ulso made their appearance from the brush along Apple Crook and tried to stampede our horses, but we stopped their little game with a few shells from our batteries and all was quiet again. The rest of the Indians evidently escaped across the river that morning. Alarmed and mystified at the failure of Sully's command to co-operate wilh him, Sibley sent his scouts down the river to learn what had become of them. They returned ou the second day with the news that Sully's supply boats had grounded on a sand bur one hundred und fifty miles below, and thut he hud been unable to push on. While tho scouts wore out on this duty, wc buried Lieutenant Beaver and his orderly with military honors. Beuver was a young man of English birth who had hunted large game in Africa and had come to St. Paul with two other young Englishmen to spend a season hunting large game on the plains and iu the mountains of the west. Finding that it was inadvisable und dangerous to curry out their plans while the Indiuns were at war, they offered their services to General Sibley for his expedition, were given lieutenants' commissions, and served on his stuff us volunteer uides without puy. They were well educated and we understood that they belonged lo noble families. Lieutenant Beaver was the oldest of the three und ulwuys claimed the honor of currying dis patches where the bullets flew thiekest, and now after three months' faithful and courageous service, he laid down his life on the banks THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 199 of the upper Missouri River, five hundred miles west, of the border of civilization. His two comrades felt his loss keenly and resolved to avenge his death. They continued to fight the Indians and both of them lost their lives on the frontier before the war closed. On the third day after the Indians had crossed the Missouri, co-operation with General Sully having proved a failure, Sibley ordered a return to Fort Snelling. It took us four days to reach Camp Atchison, the fortified camp where we had left our supplies and a part of our force. On reaching this camp we learned that the scouts who had been left here during our absence had captured the son of Little Crow who was the chief disturber in bringing on the Indian War. Little Crow's influence had been so great that he had actually persuaded the Indians thai they would drive all the settlers out of the country west of the Mississippi River if they would follow him. They followed him but instead of the glory which he had prophesied they had found themselves driven away from their reservations and homes out onto the bleak plains of Dakota where they suffered and starved the next winter as the result of their war with the whites. Then Little Crow's followers had turned against him, saying that he had deceived them and could lead them no longer, nor live among them, and that il. would be safer for him lo go and live in Ihe while men's country than to slay with them. So he left them and taking his son returned to Minnesota, where he was recognized by a settler who shot him on the spot. His son escaped and fled into Dakota again, and there while searching for his mother's family had been captured by our scouts near Devil's Lake. He was taken to General Pope's headquarters at Fort Snelling where valuable information was obtained from him. He was then imprisoned at Rock Island with the Indians who had been condemned to death by court martial but had been saved by the reprieve of the president. Later these murderers were taken up the Missouri River and liberated in Montana, where, in June, 1876, most of them took part in the battle of Little Big Horn River, aiding in the massacre of the gallant Custer and his five companies of cavalry. 1 1, was believed at that time, and is still thought by the old settlors, that if those Indians condemned to death by court martial had all been executed at Mankato, the battle and massacre on the Little Big Horn would never have occurred. The bitter 200 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. enmity of these savage chieftains and their burning spirit of revenge, was in my opinion the direct cuuse of the Montana uprising. The day before we reached Cump Atchison, u body of one hun dred men under command of a Captain Fisk, all well mounted and well armed and carrying two pieces of artillery stopped at the camp on their way lo the newly discovered gold fields in Montana. Major Atchison, who was in command, Iried to persuade them not to go on as they wore almost sure to bo attacked by the Indians. But Ihey fell confident that they would huvo no trouble, since they wore well mounted und armed, and wore sure that they could protect themselves until they reuched Fort Benton, ut tho greut North Bend of the Missouri River, where there wus u sinull garrison of United States troops, so Major Atchison's words had little effect and they moved on. When they were about fifty miles from Cump Atchison Ihe Indians ul lacked them one morning before they hud broken cump, und killed four of them ul their first lire. They held the Indians off with their artillery the first duy und that night two of their best men crawled through the Indian lines and hastened to Fort Atchison for assistuuee. These couriers reached Camp Atchi son just ut daybreak. Our force had come in the day before and General Sibley soon had four hundred cavalrymen and one buttery on the wuy lo their relief. Wo reached theni at twelve o'clock thul night. The next morning ubout two hundred Indians came in sight to reconnoitre, and perhaps to make an uttack. Before they fairly knew whutwus up the charge was sounded and four hundred mounted men were on their heels and a battery pouring shells among them. This reception was too much for them and they quickly scattered over the plains as fust us their ponies could curry them. We soon returned from the chase, reporting five Indians killed. Thus deliv ered, Fisk and his men were glad to return with us and acknowledged that but for the prompt relief they must ull have been slaughtered. We were soon on our way back to camp and within forty hours after setting out on the relief expedition wc wore safe in the fort again without the loss of a man. The morning after our return Camp Atchison was broken up, General Sibley with the infantry and one battery, marching by way of the Cheyenne River and Fort Abcrcrombic, while Colonel McPhail with six companies of cavalry and the other battery, took an easterly route running south of Big Slone Lake to Fort Ridgely. I was in THE DAKOTA CAMPAIGN. 201 McPhail's division and we saw no signs of Indians on our way. Colonel McPhail was a Minnesota farmer and knew but. little of military tactics or discipline. He knew that there was little possi bility of meeting hostile Indians and so gave us an easy lime on our home march. Buffaloes were plenty and wc had hunting parties out each day, bringing in an abundance of fresh meat for the com mand. Wc arrived at Fort Ridgely about the tenth of September. During our absence General Pope had constructed two lines of stockades, reaching from the northern line of Iowa to the border of Canada. These stockades were from ten to twenty miles ajwrt, depending upon convenience to wood and water, were made of prairie sod and included accommodations for men and stables for their horses. The first lines of stockades ran on a line parallel with Now Ulm, and the other was from ten to twenty miles west and parallel with it. A small force of cavalry was stationed at each of these stockades to assist in capturing any bunds of Indians lh.it might come within these lines which practically covered the entire settled portion of the slate. These stockades proved of great bene fit, as the Indians soon learned that it meant capture or death for them to venture within them. As our regiment, by the terms of its enlistment, could not be sent into service in the Civil War and as the Indian war was now practically over, after two months at. Fori Ridgely we were ordered lo Fort Snelling lo be mustered out. The Sioux War on our north west border occurred during the intense anxiety of the Civil War. Although it was of considerable magnitude itself, and was fairly successful as a campaign, it was hardly noticed by the country at large for the attention of all was absorbed in the changing fortunes of the far greater and more important conflict in the South. ( 'attain TiiKonoitK Kim; a it I ** >'i lint I- mm t) plim.ogrBpli hiUt'ii .il, Ml. t'iiiil, MiiiiumiI,!, in ISlil. in lit.- Miiuii'dnlii infiinli y »f tin- I I.I, CHAPTER XII. Under Thomas in Tennessee. After our regiment was mustered out. many of the young un married men re-enlistcd and went south to take part in the War of the Rebellion. I went home to Garden City and spent the winter with my family. In the spring Indian war parties again entered the State and began their depredations and murders. One evening a band of fifteen attacked a small settlement at Willow Creek, only twelve miles southwest of Garden City, killing several families and stealing a number of horses. I learned the news at ten o'clock the same night and saddling the old war horse that had borne me through the Dakota campaign started for the nearest stockade, which was twenty miles west of us, to notify the garrison. I passed through Madelia where I gave warning to the settlers, then hastened on to the stockade. The commander immediately dispatched a courier to the next stockade in the line, twenty miles west. He furnished me with a fresh horse and I rode twelve miles north to the next stockade, where my sudden arrival iu the night, stampeded some of the cavalry horses. Twenty-five mounted men were im mediately sent southwest to try to pick up the trail of the murderers. After breakfast at the stockade I returned to the post where I had changed horses, intending to return home by way of Willow Creek. Here, however, I found that the entire force had been sent out to the northwest and that no warning had been sent to the stockade ten miles southwest of them. I therefore mounted my own horse which was now rested, arid carried the news to this stock ade and finding that there were others that hud not been warned rode on south to still another one. At this last stockade the news had just been received and ihe cavalry were in their saddles ready to start when I rode in. I gave them what information I had, especially as to the direction taken by the troopers from the other stockades. Il was now ten o'clock in the morning and ns I had ridden fully sixty-five miles in twelve hours, I felt the need of a little rest. I remained at this post for dinner, then started home for Garden City, forty miles away. I passed through Willow Creek, 203 204 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. the scene of the massacre on my return, and found that five persons had been killed and ton horses stolen. I reached home at nine o'clock thul night, having boon gone twenly-thrce hours, during which time I hud ridden over one hundred miles und had not had a wink of si eo]>. As the result of my journey the parly from the second stockade which I notified struck the trail of the Indiuns about ten o'clock that morning und soon overlook Ihem. The Indiuns hid in the thick brush nour a bluff und finally escaped in the night leaving the stolon horses behind them. The next morning another party of troopers struck their trail and followed it until they hud killed or captured the entire band. That ended the Indian raids in that part of the state for the spring und summer of 1864. Such was the animosity against the Indians after this massacre that one of them could not have passed through the stale safely oven if he hud had tho stars and stripes wound around him. Major Braekct.l, who had taken au ucilvo pari in the pursuit of the Indiuns, obtained a commission to ruiso u battalion of cavalry to be mounted on Canadian ponies for frontier service. He asked me to raise one of the companies, but my wife objected so seriously thai I declined. I sold my old war horse, that had seen service in the Sibley campaign, to M. T. Full of Garden City, who wus com missioned as first lieutenant in Bruckotl's battalion, and so il saw two years more of service iu Indian fighting. Soon after litis raid I ho federal government called upon Minne sota lo furnish another regiment of infantry for service iu the south and Governor Miller sent me a commission to raise one company of this regiment in Blue Earth Valley. The command of this company was promised to me if I desired it. I soon had the company made up, consisting largely of men who had already seen service in the Indian war. My wife believed thai I hud fully done iny purl und thut I ought now to slay at homo with my family. I told her thai the war would soon be over und that I thought il was my duty to go. The company gathered at Mankato lo choose their officers before starting for Fort Snelling and I told them that, although I hud recruited the compuny and wus by right entitled to the command, yet on account of the fuel thut my wife was confined in bed, our youngest child being only five days old, I would relinquish my right to the command. But the men would have none of this, telling mo that 1 had recruited UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 205 them and was their choice for captain and that they would not be satisfied to go to the front under another officer. Iu spile of my objections they unanimously elected me captain, and left the choice of the other company officers until we reached Fort Snelling. There was nothing for me to do but to go if my men were lo go at all and I proceeded with them to Fori Snelling, making this distance of seventy miles in two days by wagon train, where we were mustered in as "Company C" of the Eleventh Regiment of Minne sota Infantry. As soon as wc had been mustered in I called on the governor and told him how things were at home. When he had heard my story he granted me a furlough so that I could stay with my family until the regiment was ready to leave for the south and said that if my wife was not well enough for mc to leave by the time of the departure of the regiment he would have Ihe furlough ex tended for me. I returned home where I found my wife much bettor and reconciled to my going south. I remained at home a week and so arranged affairs that my family would be comfortably provided for during my absence, and then returned to Fort Snelling just in time to go South with the regiment. We marched from Fort Snelling to St. Paul, where we were taken aboard a river steamer which had two large barges lashed one to each side, the whole furnishing comfortable quurlers for the one thousand men. Our regimental band played "The Girl I Left Hehind Me" as we left the city. We debarked at. l.uCrosse, Wisconsin, which was the nearest point to a railroad, and the next day proceeded in freight cars to Chicago where we camped for two days in one of the city paries before we could obtain transportation for Louisville, Kentucky. At Indianapolis wc were transferred from the cars which wc hud occupied from Chicago to the airy upper decks of two freight trains which were filled with fighting humanity below. This change detained us another day. At Jcffcrsonville, just opposite Louis ville, wc camped for one night and the next day crossed the Ohio River to Louisville by ferry. Here we were detained three days, for our officers were determined to have something better in the line of transportation than the tops of old freight cars for the balance of our trip to the south. In Louisville we were soon made aware of the fact that wc were in an enemy's country. All the way from St. Paul to Jeffersonville wc had been greeted with hearty cheers and demonstrations of 206 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. loyalty. But no sooner had we crossed the Ohio River than the cheering slopped and wc met with the frowns, scowls and sneers of people who did not dare express their insults openly but who showed us as plainly as they dared how they hated the soldiers wearing the Yankee blue. Upon reaching Louisville wc inarched up one of tho finest residential streets of the oily whore the homes of the wealthy rebels wore situated. We were hulled in this street while our regiiuenlul officers arranged for transportation to Nushvillc, Tennessee, und during this hull il commenced to rain heavily. We hud become thoroughly drenched when Lieutenant- Colonel Ball, who had seen hard service in the First Minnesota In fantry and who was temporarily in command, sent orders for us to take shelter from the rain on the porches of the residences which lined the street. This gave much offense lo the disloyul and wo wore ordered off the porches by the owners but wc paid no alien I ion to such orders, maintaining our protected positions. Wo remained ou these porches for five hours when the order came lo full iu and wo marched buck, us wc supposed, to entrain for Nashville. Instead of this we marched to a largo tobacco warehouse which was nearly empty and which the owners had been requested to throw open to us for shelter until transportation was provided. The owners, being rebels, had refused and had guards at the locked doors lo keep us out but these were thrust aside, ihe doors broken open, and we secured good quar ters for the balance of our stay. Up lo this lime our regiment had been in command of Lieutenant- Colonel Ball, as Colonel James B. Gilfillau, who hud boon promoted to the leadership of the regiment from a captuincy in one of the Minnesota regiments then in New Orleans, had not yet arrived. Lieutenant-Colonel Bull had received a telegram from him that he was on tho way by boat and would join us at Louisville. He was one of the early pioneer settlers of Minnesota and so we officers decided to give him a real western pioneer reception on his arrival. We met him at tho boat and escorted him to the United States Hotel where Lioulonunl-Colonel Bull hud secured the lurgest parlor for the occasion. Nearly all the officers had served in the Indian war und wo conducted Ihe reception in approved Indiun style. All except Lieuleiiuiil-Colonel Bull sul iu a circle on the floor wilh our feet curled under us, while he brought the colonel into our circle and introduced him as our Great War Chief, whereupon we uttered UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 207 ugh! ugh! in recognition and welcome. The colonel then made a war .speech to us, his braves, saying that if his warriors would follow him the great war would be closed before many moons. When he had finished his harangue the colonel was handed a large Sioux chief's pipe made from the famous red pipe stone of Minnesota that one of our men had brought with him and he smoked with us the pipe of peace. At the close of these ceremonies refreshments con sisting of some of the best of coffee and some of the hardest of hard tack were served. After refreshments an officer started a Sioux War Chant, which brought us all to our feet and we took part in an Indian war dance which closed the exercises of the evening. I wonder whether any other military officer during the Civil War was ever given just such a reception by his comrades? The day after our colonel's arrival the regiment was culled into line and marched through the main street of the city to a large open field where we had our first regimental drill. Reports showed that every company was full and that there was not a man on the sick list. Most of our men had seen service before, so the officers found their task as drill masters an easy and pleasant one. The regiment made a fine appearance with its full complement of men. In 1864 it was a rare sight to see an infantry regiment with its full quoin, of one thousand men. Old soldiers who had served three years inquired what brigade was going lo the front as wc marched by, newly uniformed. Many questions were asked, and remarks made about this Minnesota Brigade for we were not taken for raw troops. The day following our first regimental drill we left ut noon for Nash ville via the Louisville & Nashville Railroad, our travelling accom modations being the best wc had had since leaving St. Paul. We reached Bowling Green at dark where wc were detained until next morning, ns guerillas had burned a freight train on the track. Thai night our men received ammunition and the next morning our two trains moved out cautiously, passing the wrecked freight train where an immense amount of army stores had been destroyed. At several places on the line we saw spots where trains had been destroyed. At the railroad tunnel thirty miles north of Nashville, the guerilla General Morgan had earlier captured a passenger train, robbed its passengers and then run the train into the tunnel and set it on fire, thus putting the tunnel out of commission for several months, during which time passengers and freight had to be transferred over the 208 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. hills by six horse mule teams. The tunnel, however, had been en tirely repaired when we pussod over the roud. Wo reached Nashville ubout dark und wore inarched a distance of about three miles to a camping place near Fort Nigley and the Chattanooga Railroad. For the next ten days we were stationed at this place, details being made from our regiment each day to guard freight trains to Chattanooga, the guards riding on top of the louded curs. This wus u dangerous duty in a country infested with bunds of guerillas, who wore worse to fight than even the wily and treacher ous Indiuns. After ten days of this duty orders wore received to full in und inarch to the Louisville and Nashville Depot. Wo were delighted at the orders expecting that we were to be sent to Sher man's Army, but to our great disappointment we were detailed by companies for guard duly lo keep the ruilroud communication open from Nashville lo the Kentucky line. Our regimental headquarters was established ul Gallatin, a town of about four thousand popu lation, twenty live miles north of Nashville. A negro regiment had preceded us in this guard duty und hud built stockades of poles und split logs sot upright which ufforded rather poor shelter. My com pany was stationed at Richmond Station, five miles north of the Kentucky border, and the first work that we did was to build ten small log houses, each accommodating ten men, which made com fortable quarters for all of us. We sent out patrols of six men each twice a duy und these met similar patrols from the stations to the norlh and south of us, ouch compuny muking duily reports lo houd- quurlers. The country neur our stution was well settled. There were several large plantations in the vicinity most of which had been abandoned by their owners who had enlisted in the rebel army, while the young est and ablest of the slave men had joined the Union forces. The non-slave holding population was mostly loyal and many of the men of this class had entered the Union ranks. The section was therefore almost equully divided iu sentiment und there wus now dcudly animosity between former neighbors und friends. We wore told thut during the six weeks of their stuy, the colored regiment thul had been ou guard before us hud losl Hourly one third of their number by guerillas who hud picked them off, thul the government hud found il almost sure death lo use them as ruilroud guurds, und so hud sent them lo the front where they made good soldiers. UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 209 In sight of our camp lived a family, consisting of a man and his wife, three sons and one daughter. They had a small plantation and ten slaves. The father was a pronounced Union man, and had offered himself for service in the Union armies but had been refused on account of his age. His three boys enlisted in the Confederate army and his daughter entered the Confederate hospital service while the mother claimed to be neutral. The two youngest boys were killed in battle and the girl came home. The oldest boy had become captain of a band of guerillas which operated in the rear of Sherman's army, destroying railroads and murdering Union soldiers and even non-combatants. This band was known as Harper's Guerillas and operated in unison with another band of outlaws known as McKay's Guerillas, both bands doing most of their work along the line of the road wc were guarding. McKay shortly previous to our arrival had been surrounded with a few of his men in a log house near Gallatin and upon their refusal to surrender, the house was set on fire and all had perished. The survivors of McKay's bund joined Harper, thus giving hiin a party of one hundred and fifty men with which he committed an outrage nearly every day. As Harper's old father, mother and sister lived near our camp he was careful not to let his band kill our patrols, because ho feared that if he did so his people would he molested. The camps on either side of ns did not fare so well. One Sunday two men from the station five miles south of ours left their cum)) without leave, taking their guns wilh them, and went, lo a church two miles away from the railroad. During the service some guerillas of Harper's band rode up to the church and called on them to come out and surrender. After they had surrendered and given up their arms, they were shot down in cold blood and their bodies more savagely mutilated than any which I had ever found mutilated by the Sioux Indians. Word was left wilh one of the church members to tell the officers of these men to come and lake care of their bodies. I later talked with men who were present at the church at the time and who told me that the occurrence caused very little excitement, the preacher going on with his services and closing them at the usual time as though nothing unusual had happened. Government engineers came to our camp soon after our arrival and located a place for us to build a strong block house of hewn tim bers twelve inches square. This block house was of octagonal shape 15 210 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. and large enough to accommodate one hundred men. The building of this block house, with our patrol duties, kept us very busy up to the Battle of Nashville. As soon as it was known that General Hood with his army was marching towards Nashville the guerillas became more active than ever in our vicinity, attempting to destroy all ruilroud connection between Nashville and the north in order to hinder the bringing of reinforcements and supplies to General Thomas. For four weeks before the battle of Nashville not a duy pusscd during which the ruilroud or telegraph linos between Bowling Green and Nashville wore not cut. At the lime of the battle of Franklin Harper's Guerillas cut the railroad ten miles north of our station at a point where there was a steep grade, derailed two engines pulling a train of thirty curs loaded with army stores, uncoupled the cars near tho engines, and lot the train run down the steep grade und crush into another (rain which wus coming up, finally selling fire lo the wreckage of the two trains. Throe soldiers in charge of some officers' horses were ou one of those trains. As soon us the news of the wreck reuched Nushville, 1 wus ordered to tuke fifty men and proceed at once to the scene of disaster. We reached the spot about two o'clock in the morning and found a condition of appalling confusion. Among the wreckage were the remains of these three soldiers. They had been shot and their bodies cut up into small pieces by sabres to gratify the brutal lust of these worse than savages. Fully one thousand soldiers were soon on the spot us witnesses of this ghostly atrocity. Willi the entire force wo cleared the road of wreck uge und enabled trains lo pass lo Nashville that evening. Within the next week we caught and executed five of the savage brutes who perpetrated this outrage but this only rendered the others still more desperate, causing them either to drive every Union family out of that part of tho country or to kill them in cold blood. Many of the refugees sought shelter iu our camps, appealing for protection. An old man of eighty years wilh his wife, who had been a neighbor and friend of the Harpers, was ordered to leave his home but did not go. Thereupon the brutal guerillas, many of whom were from well-bred families, look all uuiinuls which the old folks owned, killed them in their dooryurd in front of the house und threatened lo shool the old man if he attempted to move the curcusses. Friends in Louisville heard of the plight of this family and took care of them. A man by the name of Purdue, over sixly-five yeurs of uge, was UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 211 driven from his home. He sent his wife and daughters to the north while he himself came lo our camp, where he was of great service as a guide and scout. He was well acquainted with the country aud people and was absolutely without fear. He led our men to the guerillas' haunts where we destroyed many of them. Throe days before Hood arrived in front of Nashville a large force of Union troops under command of General Green made a forced march over the Louisville and Nashville Pike, and one night camped only six miles west of our station. Foraging parties were sent out in different directions. One of these parties, which was composed of sixteen men, was cut off from the main force by Har per's Guerillas, and compelled to surrender. After giving up their arms they wore all shot in cold blood, except one, a teamster, who was sent back to headquarters lo notify the commander of what had happened to his party. That night Harper visited his old father and mother to carry to them the story of his complete destruction of this party. Soon after this incident we heard the booming of cannon at Nash ville and on the river below where batteries had been planted by the rebels to block the river against our gunboats. Wc hoped and prayed for orders to proceed lo the front. Instead of being called into battle, however, we received reinforcements of two more regi ments which were sent, up lo help us guard the railroad. This road was the only railroad running north over which supplies mid reinforcements could be brought into Nashville and it was of such importance to General Thomas that he had given orders to keep it open even if it took twenty regiments to perform the task. The rebels made several attempts to cross the Cumberland River both above and below Nashville and to get possession of this road, cutting off communication wilh the north, but they were defeated each time. During the battle of Nashville, guerilla bands, antici pating the defeat of Thomas by Hood, made desperate efforts to destroy the road and telegraph lines and cut off any retreat north. Scarcely an hour passed during these few days that the road or the telegraph lines were not broken in some place. The fate of the battle turned the tide. Instead of Thomas having to retreat. Hood lost his army aud whole regiments of Kentucky and Tennessee troops, now sick of fighting, surrendered to our forces and were sent north as prisoners of war over the road wc were guarding. 212 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. They were ragged, bedraggled and half starved and orders were given to all the guards along the railroad to give these men on the way north to prison all the hardtack and coffee that could bo spared. For three days, after the battle, our principal work was in feeding these poor, ragged, starving foes from boxes of hardtack which we had piled up near the track and from pails of hot coffee which we dealt out to them. The conductor of one train of five hundred prisoners ordered his train slopped al our camp for ten minutes for refreshments. Our men were transformed into wuilers for the occasion and served the rebels us liny sul iu their box curs us temporary prisons, wilh two Union guurds ut each door. Never could u, lot of men receive a happier service than was given by us, their enemies, during those ten minutes. When the train started on, three as hearty cheers as ever men could give went up to their foes from those five hundred refreshed prisoners. Such was the treatment which was accorded them ull along Ihe wuy until they reuched the army prisons. After ihe victory of Nashville und the destruction of Hood's army, our regiment wus assigned to the Sixteenth Corps under General A. J. Smith and received the credit of having been in the battle of Nashville, which was true as far as our desires were con cerned but not true in respect of our position, unless guarding the important ruilroud und fighting off guerillu attacks can be suid to have been in some sense participating in the battle of Nashville. After this victory ull the guerillu bunds except Hurper's ceused their operations in our vicinity. Hurper's band, however, continued to muke it lively for us until ufter Lee's surrender, often teuring up the track and cutting telegraph wires causing more annoyance than real daniuge. Everybody felt that the war would soon be over and our men talked constantly of the probability of early orders to return home. In February, 1865, nearly all of us suffered severely from jaundice and several of my men died. Wc would much rather have borne the brunt of hat tie than have endured such a siege of the poisonous yellow enemy, the results of which never entirely left some of us. In the midst of our scourge came the stunning und paralyzing news of Lincoln's ussussinulion. What effect it would have upon the war, whether or not it would stimulate the South to renewed effort, wus to us u much debated subject. For awhile after the assassination UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 213 the guerillas became more bold and active, but this was not for long and there was quiet as soon as it became known that Johnston had followed Lee's example and surrendered. Upon the arrival of mail at our camp from headquarters one spring morning I received a letter from my wife at Garden City, on the back of the envelope of which was written, in the handwriting of the postmaster at Garden City, the following note: — "A. J. Jevvett, his wife, four-year-old boy, his father, mother and wife's sister, were all murdered and scalped by Indians this morning. If possible, return home at once." Under this was written the following memo randum signed by Colonel Gilfillan, "If you wish to return home, come to headquarters on the first train, and I will see that you have a furlough and transportation." I took the first train to Gallatin but after talking with the colonel concluded not to start for home until I received further news, as the murder had taken place at a time when hostile Indians were not known to have been within three hundred miles of the section. The Jewctt family and mine were intimate friends and I felt a deep interest in the case. A few days later I learned the facts. An Indian half-breed by the name of Campbell, who had been an interpreter for the whites through the war with the Sioux, had accompanied lirueketl'fl Hullalion lo Fort Rice on the Missouri River for the winter of 1864 186,'!. Lieu tenant Full of the battalion, who came from Garden City and to whom 1 had sold my Indian war horse, was a relative of Mr. Jewetl's, and was in the habit of sending his surplus money to Jewell for safe keeping. Campbell knew of this and left the battalion secretly, en gaging six desperadoes from the renegade Sioux to go with him. They made the winter's journey of four hundred miles across the plains on foot, with three ponies to carry their supplies. They reached Jewctt's farm, two miles cast of Garden City, before the snow was gone, attacked the family just at daylight, murdered them all, ransacked everything in search of the money, even cutting open the feather beds, cooked themselves a breakfast, then divided the spoils and separated. The six renegade Indians took the ponies, while Campbell dressed himself in Jewett's best suit of clothes and started ou fool, for Mankato intending to visit his father's family at Hen derson, twenty miles down the river. A neighbor of Jewett's, who was returning home from Mankato with a horse and buggy, met Campbell and spoke with him and noticed that the half- 214 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. breed appeared to be in a great hurry. He drove on thinking there was something wrong about the man and when he got to Jewett's place he met two neighbors who told him of the crime. He immediately turned his horse around and, asking one of the men to accompany him, started on the road to Mankato to try and catch Campbell whom he now felt was at least a suspicious person. They hud reuched the hill overlooking the town when they saw ihe fugitive hurrying along the road. As ihey came nearer they both noticed thut he wore u suit of Jowotl's clothes, und draw ing their pistols halted him und ordered him to throw up his hands. They took uwuy his two revolvers, made him get into the buggy wilh them at the point of their pistols and in less than ten minutes had him in the prison in Mankato before anyone in that city had heard of tho murder. The courthouse bell and the church bells were rung as an alarm, and in a few minutes nearly all the citizens hud gathered around tho courthouse und jail. Campbell realized thul his shrift of life wus u short one, und asking for u Catholic priest confessed the whole crime und turned over four hundred dollars which wus his share of the plunder. He also gave information as to where tho other six murderers could be found. After his confes sion he wus given un hour to prepare for death and al two o'clock thut afternoon, less than ten hours uflcr the murder, the guilty wretch wus bunged ut the end of u rope thrown over the limb of u tree in the courthouse yard in the presence of practically the entire population of the oily. Thus closed iu ignominy the career of one who had been of much service to the whites during nearly three years of Indian warfare. The leader of the band having been so promptly disposed of, the whole country turned out armed to kill or capture the other six Indians before they reached their homes in tho wilds of Dakota. Tho soldiers in all the stockades were notified and parties were sent out into the large timber south of Mankuto, where Campbell had said that the renegades would be found. The duy following his death their hiding place was discovered and they fired on the small squad of soldiers that surrounded them, killing one and wounding another, escaping for the lime. They wore not heard of uguiu for ton duys, but the search and pursuit was kept up so persistently thai Ihey ull were killed before reaching Dukolu. UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 215 When the bodies of Jewett's family were examined it was found that the four-year-old boy, who had been struck on the head by an Indian war club and had been left for dead, was still alive aud the doctors finally succeeded in restoring him. Jewett's relatives came on from Boston, settled up his estate and took the boy home with them. They gave him a good education and the last I knew of him he was a prominent lawyer in Boston carrying a distinguishing mark which no other carried — the imprint of an Tudian war club on the to]) of his head. The people of Minnesota were vcr}' much wrought up over this murder and the county commissioners of Blue Earth County voted the sum of one thousand dollars for the purchase of bloodhounds with which to run down the bands of Indian outlaws who still in fested the country. The county clerk wrote to me inquiring if bloodhounds could be purchased in the section of Tennessee where we were situated and I replied that there was a man in the vicinity who had them for sale. A later letter informed me that the com missioners had appointed a Garden City man named E. P. Evans to come to Tennessee and make the purchase. Evans soon reached camp and in a few days we had secured six fine blooded hounds to be taken back to Minnesota. It was a considerable undertaking to transport these dogs to Minnesota. F.vnns had with him a letter from the governor of Minnesota to Colonel Gilfillun, asking him for a detail of two men from the regiment to accompany hiin and the dogs on the journey. The main soul hern armies had surrendered and the war was practically over so the colonel told Evans that as he felt sure the regiment would soon be on the way to Fort Snelling to be mustered out it would be belter to wait and take the dogs with them, thus saving transportation charges. He promised that in case orders for the return home were not received by the first of July, he would make the detail as requested. Our orders arrived before that time and the dogs went with us. Upon trial, it was found that, although these hounds had been trained to follow the scent of a negro to his death, as soon as they were placed on the trail of an Indian they stuck their tails between their legs and made a cowardly sneak in the opposite direction. So Blue Earth County lost its one thousand dollars, so far as the specific object of the expenditure was concerned. Returning now to the remainder of our story in the South: 210 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. Following the Buttle of Nashville wc still kept our stations guarding the railroad although the guerillas were very quiet. A Methodist camp meeting was held in the church about two miles from our camp, in the same church where tho two men of our regiment had been so brutally murdered by guerillas one Sunday. I received orders from headquarters one day, during the continuance of this camp meeting, to take my company with two other companies of the regiment, surround the camp grounds and search the crowd for some of Har per's Guerillas who were understood to be present. We executed the orders to the letter but failed to gel our men, as they had learned our purpose by some underground means. The week before orders reached us to return north Harper sent word to Colonel Gilfillan that he and his company of guerillas would sur render. The surrender took place a short distance from Gallatin and seventy-five men laid down their arms, took the same oath as Lee's army had taken and were permitted to return to their homes. The officers wore allowed lo retain their side arms and horses. Such wus the feeling uguinsl Harper and his two lieutenants thut they thought il best lo leave the slulo until their Union neighbors hud forgotten their depredations. A guard wus given these officers for their pro tection while they visited Harper's home, near my headquarters, to say farewell before leaving the state. This guard consisted of fifty men from my company, my first lieutenant and I accompanying them to see that protection was really afforded. Our guard lasted from 10 A. M. until 2 P. M. and during our stay the family prepared dinner for us ull. The three ox -officers wore constantly ou the watch for danger, two of them watching the roads while the other ate his dinner. While my men were having their dinner inside Harper asked me and Lieutenant Neal to stay outside with him, as he had something to say to us. This we did and he told us that he and his lieutenants were planning to go to Mexico as they could not with sufcly stuy in Ihe slate, hundreds of men having sworn to shoot them on sight. He asked me if Pardue, a former neighbor, was still at my camp saying that he was his worst enemy and that his life would not bo worth u shilling if Purdue know thul he wus ul homo. 1 freed his mind of most of his fours by tolling him thul Purdue wus in Nush- villc on duly und hud not even hoard of his surrender. During this conversation he was free lo loll us of several narrow escapes from capture or death when my company was on his trail. UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 217 At one time he was staying over night at a plantation when he was informed of our approach by the slave of a neighboring planter and escaped by a back path as we marched up in front. Again he told us how one night he had visited our encampment with ten men when he had come so close to our guard line that he could see us distinctly through the lighted windows of the house and might have killed some of us by firing. His company had had several opportunities to kill members of my company, he said, but he had given strict orders not to kill any of them unless attacked, as he feared that by so doing he would draw down our vengeance upon the families of himself and his friends. This story we discounted as we felt sure that none of his men would let pass any chance of shedding human blood. He also told us of an attempt to capture Lieutenant Neal and myself at our boarding place, about, a hundred rods from our quarters, which had been unsuccessful because we hud just changed boarding places. Orders had been given to kill us if wc resisted, he said, and Neal replied by saying that wc would never have been taken alive as we understood only too well that surrender to a guerilla meant a death of the crudest kind. Neal asked Harper how he and his lieutenants happened to have U. S. A. saddles on their horses and he answered jovially that they had taken them from the freight trains they had wrecked leu miles from Richmond Station. I asked him if he and his men were re sponsible for the killing and mutilating of the three soldiers whose bodies wc had found there and he responded, without any show of feeling, that they were. Neal then spoke up and told him that we had been through the worst of Indian wars, had seen the results of Indian massacres and witnessed many horrible butcheries, but that in all our experience we had never looked upon bodies so horribly mutilated and mangled as those of the three soldiers whom his men had killed. He replied that it was war, and that his actions were justified. But we told him that such inhuman brutality as this on the part of an intelligent man was enough in our minds to justify us, his victors, in taking his life even though he had surrendered and was under our protection. But we were soldiers under orders to give him protection and in spite of our convictions those orders had to be carried out. If our men had known the story then, as well as their officers, I doubt if we could have prevented them from shooting down those three gentlemanly brutes. 218 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. Our conversation ended with the call to dinner with the family. It was an excellent farmer's meal and we partook heartily. After the meal there was an affecting farewell scene between Harper and his family; although they were divided in political opinion and loyalty they were an affectionate family. Harper asked for a guard to the pike five miles west of Richmond, but I had no authority to furnish this and refused; when we came to a by-path that led into the woods on the way to our camp, he thanked us for our kindness and bade us good-bye. I was immensely relieved to be rid of the loathsome duty of protecting one who had no moral right to protection, and congratulated myself upon seeing the last of this wretch. If he went to Mexico he made a quick trip of it, for I later learned that ho was back home within two months, and ut work uguin killing his enemies. Purdue, our well loved scout, wus one of those whoso life was taken by him thul next fall. This enmity between the Union men und guerillas iu that country was so bitter that assassinations continued until both parties wore prac tically destroyed, doubtless Harper among ihe number. Our regiment was relieved from duty the latter part of June and we started for home. All along the way, after leaving Kentucky, we received the same welcome and hospitality as that received by others who had served longer and had been in scores of battles. One Sunday the train carrying us was sidetracked near u small town in Indiana and the engine detached, the intention being to leave us there until Monday. But we were too eager to get home to be sidetracked that way and pushed the train a mile into town and cheered until an engine was attached to it. We reached Chicago that evening, having stopped at Indianapolis long enough for a sumptuous dinner. On this trip our six bloodhounds attracted more attention than the nine hundred soldiers and officers. We had decorated them with the stars and stripes and had printed the following words on a cloth blanket which each wore: "Purchased by Blue Earth County, Minnesota. No more slaves lo run down. Enlisted with the U. S. A. for the Sioux War. Deserted our Rebel Muster und bound for Minnesota, or bust." That night in Chicago the entire regiment, except for a few of the officers, rolled themselves in their blankets und slept ou the soft side of the pavement on Michigan Avenue with tho oool breezes from Lake Michigan to dispel the intense heat. Hundreds of people came to our spacious UNDER THOMAS IN TENNESSEE. 219 bedroom for a look at the "war worn veterans," and more often the "Tennessee recruits." Early flic next morning we inarched to the station and took the train for LaCrosse, Wisconsin, where we were to embark on steamboats for the journey up the Mississippi River. At every station in Wisconsin flags were flying from the house tops in our honor and ladies were at the train with flowers lo pin ou our coats and baskets of fruit and food to distribute among us. The nearer we got to home the greater became the enthusiasm. At LaCrosse, which we reached just at dark, the mayor and citizens prepared us fine quarters for the night in the courthouse and the city hall. In the morning two large boats were at the wharf ready to take us on board for the fine daylight ride up the "Father of Waters," and through historic Lake Pepin. Il was Ihe morning of July fourth and it looked as if nearly all the people of the city wished passage with us on those boats, so great was the crowd at the dock. Half the regiment went ou each boat and after the soldiers had boarded, others were let on board lo the full extent of the boat's capacity. It was staled that the War Eagle, the floating palace of the Mississippi at that time, had fully two thousand passengers on board that day. There was a fine brass band on each boat which afforded a pleasant attraction, but ninny said Ihut. our dogs, the like of which they had never seen, provided u greater attraction than the band. Winona, Red Wing, Wabashaw and Lake City where we stopped were wild with enthusiasm over the return of the 11th Regiment. None of the men were allowed ashore, but baskets of flowers and refreshments were sent on board and dis tributed among them, for which we returned our thanks to the kind people by exhibiting our dogs to the crowd from the hurricane deck. Just before dark wc passed Hastings where wc were saluted by the firing of cannon and at eight o'clock reached St. Paul where the city had provided every comfort for us. Such recognition of our services on the part of people everywhere, such a hearty welcome back, such overflowing kindness and hospitality as we received can never be forgotten and was in itself almost enough to repay us for the hardships and exposures we had passed through. The next day we marched to Fort Snelling with nine hundred men, one hundred less than when we left and on the eleventh of July were mustered out of service and discharged. We had 220 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. served less than a year, and had been in no important battles; but many lives had been sacrificed by exposure, hardship, and strenuous service against the guerilla bands of northern Tennessee. The grass-covered mounds where our comrades lie buried at every station along the Louisville and Nashville Railroad from the Ken tucky line to Nashville bear mute witness to the fact that the Eleventh Minnesota, though late in the field, contributed its portion to the Union of Stales and the salvation of the Nation. And of those who returned, nearly ull carried wilh them the seeds of disease that had been sown iu their systems by such exposure and hardships as were unavoidably incidental to army life. After being mustered out the members of my company were furnished conveyance by govern ment wagons to Mankato and thence wont to their homes in the Blue Earth Valley where nearly all of them had enlisted, as we wore mostly farmers and farmers' sous. After our separation at Mankuto I returned lo my home in Garden City, lo enjoy once more tho blessings of peace iu the undisturbed society of my fumily und friends. CHAPTER XIII. The Capture oe the Younger Brothers. Soon after reaching home from the South 1 purchased the beauti ful farm of Colonel J. H. Baker, on the Watlonwan River one mile from Garden City. Here we lived in happiness for the next ten years. Minnesota during this period became a great and pros perous state. Railroads were built to reach nearly every county in the southern part of the state and the two former Indian reserva tions were opened and transformed into a populous and prosperous farming district. The three years of Indian warfare, in which the lives of one thousand five hundred settlers were sacrificed, were now almost forgotten except by those of the oldest residents who had had a hand in driving the savages out of the state. The Indian War, notwithstanding its cruellies and sufferings, proved a final benefit since it resulted in ridding the very best agricultural part of the state of its dangerous occupants much sooner than could have otherwise been done. In the summers of 1873-4-fl the grasshoppers from the plains west of us came into the slate in such vast numbers as to destroy nearly nil the crops during those three years. Such wns the devasta tion that most of the farmers who remained on their farms were obliged to accept aid from the stale or to borrow from friends out side the state. Every possible plan was tried to drive off the locusts or to kill them off but we found that though we could drive off and kill off the Indians the locusts were too much for our skill and power. Our county commissioners voted a bounty of ten cents a quart for them and the schools were closed to allow the children, as well as adults, to catch and destroy them. The princi pal of the Garden City School and his pupils spent one day on my farm with their canvas nets. My nearest neighbor attached a canvas net to his hayrake and hauled in the pests by horse power. Other improved methods of getting grasshoppers so increased the catch that the bounty was put down to five cents a quart on the second day and after the third day's harvest the crop was so great that it was taken off entirely for fear of bankrupting the county. 221 222 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. One farmer in the vicinity attached a funnel-shaped net to two hay- rakes which ho fastened twenty feet apart and drew up and down his fields. His one day's catch filled us many grain sucks us could be loudod on u huyruck und required four horses to draw them to the place whore tho bounty was paid. The locusts were killed in the sacks with kerosene oil and the supervisor of each township had to attend lo measuring them and burying them in long deep trenches, lint all efforts availed nothing. Thousands of farmers wore compelled lo leave Ihe slate, taking their stock with them and moving into other western stales. I hud now lived west of the Mississippi River neurly twenty-five years and hud hud my share of a pioneer's troubles, so after the three barren years I concluded to go buck to my nutive state until Ihe scourge had passed awuy, when I would return again to my farm and lo making a living by hard labor without having the results of my labor destroyed by insects. Wilh this cud iu view I rented my farm to a man who hud no means with which lo leave the country and who depended ou the slulo lo furnish him seed for the next season's planting, sold my live stock to parties living outside the scourged district and in tho full of 1875 started with my family for Michigan. The following winter I travelled us u book agent, but, my health being poor, I abandoned thut employment und decided lo go once more to funning. During the summer of 1876 I wont buck to Minnesota to see how my farm, which I hud rented, wus doing und by chance be came involved iu another of the most stirring incidents in Minne sota's history. One day a couple of well-dressed men drove up to my farm and asked me what I would take for it. They said that they had capital and intended buying up a group of the farms which had been practically abandoned because of the scourge of grasshoppers. My price seemed to be too high for them however and they rode on towards Mankato. The next day I met these same men with six others on the streets of Mankuto. They were nogotiuting wilh several furmois for tho purchase of their farms and seeing me inquired whether I hud not now decided to take u lower price. Our conversation wus disturbed by the pass ing of a procession, led by a brass bund, und the land buyers soon mounted their horses and rode off to St. Peter. At St. Peter, these men, as f later learned, put up ul the best hotel in town und CAPTURE OF THE YOUNGER BROTHERS. 223 during the curly afternoon called on some of the principal business men aud went to the bunks lo get some bills changed. After those business errands were ended they relumed lo the hotel and sat on the hotel porch during the balance of the afternoon, amusing them selves by throw ing coins into the street for the small boys lo scramble for. That evening they had many offers of cheap farms which they promised to go and sec. The next morning they left St. Peter and rode east through Le- Seuer County and on the second day took dinner at a restaurant in Northfield, Rice County. After dinner six of the men mounted their horses while the other two went to the only bank in the town, leveled their revolvers at the cashier and ordered him to hand over all the money there was in tho bank. The cashier did not obey but closed the doors of the money vault, and was instantly shot dead. The robbers also shot down the janitor of the bank and wounded a cus tomer who was in the building. At the sound of the first shot in the bank the six men stationed outside rode up and down the street firing their revolvers and ordering all persons to keep indoors. But the citizens were quickly aroused and in a moment a deadly fire poured out on the mounted robbers from windows and doorways and two of them fell dead and two others were badly wounded. The two bandits who wen- in the bank look what, little money wus in sight, joined the others outside, mounted hurriedly und lied to the woods a few miles from the village. Mere Ihey remained iu hiding for several days until they thought the excitement was over and the search for them ended, and then leaving their horses behind started on foot to get out of Minnesota. A search of the two dead robbers brought to light maps and documents which were positive proof that this was the gang of the James and Younger brothers, outlaws and robbers from Missouri, composed of the refuse from the Civil War who hud found it impossi ble to settle down at the end of that struggle and had organized to prey on society. The survivors in their attempts lo get safely out of the state entered a farm house by night, four miles east of Mankato, ordered the family to prepare them a good supper, the first real meal they had been able to get in eight days, paid for it and then left for the woods again. News that the robbers had been seen again caused the utmost excitement. Special trains were made up on all the railroads and word was sent out that all who would 224 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. volunteer to run down this robber band would be given free trans portation. Immediately the whole southwestern part of the state wus under arms und hastening lo the conflict. Old Indian lighters and Civil War veterans rendezvoused ut every available point with the arms they had used in their former campaigns and, before an other night, guards and putrols were stutioned at all bridges over Blue Earth River which was now swollen by recent ruins und which the robbers would huvo to cross in order to gel out of the stute towards Missouri. At the covered wagon bridge, one mile west of Mankuto, some one threw stones into the east end to uscertuin if there wus a guard inside about ten o'clock one night, but did not attempt to cross. About thirty rods south of this wagon bridge was a long high railroad bridge which was guarded by railroad section men. The robbers fired at these men that same night, causing lliom to floe for sufcly, whereupon they crawled over the bridge on their hands und knees, stole Iwo horses on which they mounted their wounded comrades und look the roud to Luke Crystal. On reaching the Garden Cily road the baud wus fired on by guurds who were stutioned there and separated. The James brothers stole two farm horses belonging to the Reverend Mr. Rockwood, a minister living in Garden City, and at daybreak next morning were seen riding them bareback one mile north of Madolia. That morning Cupluin Aru Burlou, sheriff of Rice County, who hud served with me in the cavalry regiment through the Indian War came to Garden City seeking information about the horses stolen from the minister and asked me lo go with him on the robbers' trail. I told him that I had been in Michigan with my family for the last eight months and that I was now only a visitor here, that my health was far from good and that I thought I could not stand the hard riding that it meant. He urged me so persistently that I finally yielded and taking the carbine anil revolvers I had used through the Indian War, rode with him to Lake Crystal where we boarded the first train for St. James, thirty miles west. At St. James we hired a team to take us north with the idea of heading off the robberS, but before we started a man came in on horseback to inform us that they had passed five miles north of us only an hour before. We unhitched our horses, gol sonic section men lo take eight of us on two huud-curs lo Windom, thirty miles further west, where we urrived at two o'clock P. M. Hero we gol our dinner CAPTURE OF THE YOUNGER BROTHERS. 225 and secured a good team to take the eight of us twenty miles north west to a ford on the Des Moines River for which wc felt the robbers were aiming. Wc reached the ford about dark and immediately stationed guards to let no one pass. The next morning we learned that the James brothers had spent the night with a settler ten miles northeast of us, and this news was encouraging as it meant that we were now ahead of them. No further news being received we rode forty miles irtto Pipestone County close to the west state line but got no further track of the fugitives. The fol lowing day we rode south to the railroad where we boarded the first train east towards home. On reaching Madelia we learned that the hiding place of the other four robbers had been discovered five miles north of that town. Two hundred armed men .surrounded their camp that afternoon and before night one of the fo'ur robbers lay dead and the three Younger brothers, all wounded, were in Sheriff Barton's ha'mds. As soon as the news reached St. Paul a large delegation came by special train to take the prisoners to the capital, but Sheriff Barton insisted that as the crime had been committed in Rice County and in his jurisdiction he should take the prisoners there for trial and refused to give them up. The St. Paul delegation thought that if the prisoners were taken to Rice County by the way of Owalonn, they would be captured and hanged by a mob before we reached the jail; as wc would have to change ears twice during the journey. The sheriff had legal possession of the prisoners and a strong guard to protect them, however, and refused to take them to St. Paul, so the dispute was finally settled by allowing them to take the body of the dead robber to St. Paul while the sheriff took the live ones on to the Rico County jail. The three robbers, whose wounds had not yet been dressed, were taken into a passenger car and a doctor called in who, after au exumination, said that two of them would probably die before reaching their destination. Cole Younger, the oldest of the three, was able to sit up and willing to tell his story of all they had passed through since coming into the state. I was one of his guard and sat in the seat with him. He asked me many questions about our pursuit and said that he remembered looking at my farm. One of the leading Mankato bankers was on the train and Younger said that he would like to speak with him. I went to Mr. S. and told him the prisoner was anxious to see him. 10 226 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. Younger said, "I was in your bank fifteen days ago to get a $20 bill changed, aud talked with you about some farms you hud for sale." "Y'es," said Mr. S., "and you agreed lo return or let mo hear from you." Younger replied, "I did not lie, I have done both. I have returned and you now hear from me. Our plans were laid lo rob your bank and make our escape through the unsettled country near Mankato, but that band came along the street just as we were ready to begin the game, ull the people cume out into the street to heur the music und we lost our nerve und our chunce. We loft Mankato and rode on into the thickest settled part of the state to our death. I hear that the two James brothers have been killed and that we three brothers are all that are left of the eight who visited your city fifteen days ago." Mr. S. then started in to lecture him on the bad business he was in, whereupon Younger asked him if he would like lo know the difference between the business ho was following and thai of the banker. Mr. S. said that ho would und Younger said, "In your business you arc robbing Ihe poor and iu mine i am robbing the rich." Another man from Mankuto who stood by suid, "Less than fourteen years ago we hanged thirty-eight men ou one scaffold in our city, and every one of them was as good if not better than you are." Younger re plied, "I expect to hung before I leave your oily, but those two boys are iny brothers, both mortally wounded and one of them under twenty yours of uge, this being his first raid. I blame myself for their being hero. All I ask of you people is not lo hang those boys but to let thoni die as Ihey urc." The train soon reached the city where a crowd of several thousand people was waiting to see the robbers. Here we hud to change to another railroad a quarter of a mile away and we feared trouble. But when the crowd saw how badly wounded the men were their feeling of murder gave way to one of pity. At Owntona another transfer was made and here again it seemed that the entire popula tion of the city and country round about wus out to get u glimpse of the captured outlaws but no demonstration was made. At Owatona the sheriff received a telegram thai a mob of thoiisunds of angry people hud gathered ul Fuiribuiill und hud determined lo hung the robbers, llurlou telegraphed back Ihut. he would bo ut Fuiribuiill with his prisoners on the regular truiu ul throe o'clock, thut ho hud u strong guard und thai any one who tried to take posses- CAPTURE OF THE YOUNGER BROTHERS. 227 sion of his prisoners would be shot to death. Instead of taking the regular train, however, wc boarded a freight that started earlier than the passenger tram and stopped a mile south of the Fairibault depot. Two teams were ready for us here and prisoners and guards were driven direct to the jail. By this unexpected move we had the prisoners inside the prison walls and under the doctor's care before the passenger train pulled into the depot. There was talk for a time of storming the jail but when the news was received that the men were so badly wounded as to be practically dying the mob decided to let the law take its course with them. At the request of Sheriff Barton I stayed on at the jail for five days helping him. At the end of this time, the excitement hav ing quieted down, I returned home to Garden City, leaving my army carbine to be used by a guard who the next night killed a man with it who approached the jail without halting at his order. Twenty years after the event I wrote Captain Barton asking him to send me the carbine by express, as I desired to have it go to my posterity as a relic and souvenir of the Indian wars in Minnesota. He informed mc, much to my sorrow, that it had been destroyed by fire. All three of the Younger brothers recovered from their wounds and were brought to trial. They pleaded guilty and were .sentenced lo life imprisonment at. hard labor. The slate law was such that the penalty for a murderer who pleaded guilty, was life imprisonment instead of hanging. The five days which I spent in the attempt to capture the two James brothers and in the capture of the three Younger brothers were fully as exciting, though not as dangerous, as my experiences in the Indian War. It showed me that the jieople of Minnesota had not forgotten how to defend themselves and Ihut they would never allow robbery and murder without instantly rallying und making a brave fight. for lives and properly. After the exciting occurrences connected with the capture of the Younger brothers I returned to my family iu Michigan. They were anxious to remain in Michigan and as I had a good opportunity at this time to exchange my Minnesota farm for one at Vcrmont- ville, Michigan, I decided to settle definitely there. Here we lived until our family of five children were all of age. During this time in addition to my farming I also engaged with two of my brothers in the hard wood lumber business al Pottervillc, Michigan, about 228 THEODORE EDGAR POTTER. fifteen miles from my farm. In 181K) I sold my Vermontville farm and bought another in the sume county, locuted on the new line of ruilroud being built by the Pore Marquette Ruilroud where I laid out the present village of Mulliken, Michigan, und continued a few years longer as a farmer with an incidental lumber business. My Mulliken farm I soon sold to my eldest son and purchased a quarter interest in tho Pott or Furniture Manufacturing Company at Lansing, Michigan, which ('ity has boon my homo during tho past thirteen yours. My life has not boon filled wilh such important und thrilling events as have the lives of some other pioneers. But such incidents as have occurred in my life in their relation to the growth of a nation I have considered worthy of record, if for no other purpose than to teach my posterity of the labor und toil on the purl of ull who helped lo curve a great country out of u. wilderness. Though I did not suffer any great hardships in my experience still there have been muny exposures, trials und (lungers. As I now look buck upon those curlier experiences of pioneer uud army life, they seem through the distance more like pleasures than hardships or perils. And now, at seventy-two years of age, man's usual life limit, as I find myself still enjoying the companionship of the wife of my youth and thul of ull my five children und thirteen grandchildren, not u death having yet occurred among us, enjoying the unbroken love as well as the companionship of all these, I ask what more can I have to comfort me in this life except to know that after this mortal body is cured for there will be un immortal body and a still happier home. This preservation photocopy was made at BookLab, Inc. in compliance with copyright law. The paper meets the requirements of ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992 (Permanence of Paper) <8S> Austin 1995