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GOVERHOR qf VIRGINIA

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A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH

01"

HENRY A. WISE,

WITH A HISTORY

OF THE

POLITICAL CAIPAIGl IH f IRGIIIA IH I85S

TO WHICH IS A1>DEI>

A REVIEW OF THE POSITION OP PARTIES IN THE UNION,
AND A STATEMENT OF THE POLITICAL ISSUES :
DISTINGUISHING THEM ON THE EVE
OF THE PRESIDENTIAL CAM
PAIGN OF 185©.

BY JAMES P. HAMBLETON, M. R

J. W. EANDOLPH,
121 MAIN Sf llEfiT, RICHMOND, VA.
1856.

Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1856,
BY JAMES P. HAMBLETON,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States,
in and for the Eastern District of Virginia.

PRINTED BY JOHN NOWLAN.

TO THE
DEMOCRATIC PRESS OP VIRGINIA,
FOR ITS
POWERFUL INFLUENCE
IN THE
GUBERNATORIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1855,
THIS SKETCH
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
BY
THE AUTHOR.

PllEFACE.

The Gubernatorial Campaign in Virginia, in 1855, will long
be remembered as one of unprecedented excitement, of unu
sual bitterness, and of a character and caste unknown to her
States Rights citizens. When all other States had faltered "
and wavered under the wily and Protean forms of Federalism,
the true conservatives of all sections looked, and that not in
vain, we are proud to say, to the " Mother of States and
Statesmen," to bear aloft, untarnished and untainted, that flag
of principles, the strict adherence and unfaltering devotion to
which have alike made us the most powerful, the most happy,
and the most respected among the States of the Union. The
politics of Virginia in 1855, was never, in all her history, in a
more critical and alarming condition. Assailed, as she was, on
all sides and in all places, by emissaries, tricksters, and all man
ner of invisible influences, her situation at that time was one of
inexplicable delicacy.
The people of Virginia knew their responsibility; .and that
their course in the contest then pending, would more or less
govern the elections of the Southern States. With this know
ledge, animated by their love of Democracy, they resolved to
preserve the dignity and reputation of their State, and to rige
in all their majesty and power, as terrible as an army with ban
ners, and, headed by her noble and gifted son, who knew no
defeat, to fight the great political battle, then to, come off, of
the nation.
It is of him we now offer to give the merest sketch, leaving
the interim of his life, with the particulars of his antecedents,
which would fill volumes, and his subsequent course, which
will doubtless fill more, to be chronicled by one more skilled,
more competent, and more practiced, than the subscriber.
James Pinkney Hambleton, M. D.
Pittsylvania C. H., December 1855.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.

THE BIRTH, PARENTAGE, AND ANCESTRY OF HENRY A. WISE.
Henry Alexander Wise was bom December 3d, 1806, at Acco
mack court-house, called Drummondtown. The house in which his
father lived at that time is now (1855) occupied as a tavern-house by
William Waddy. His parents were John and Sarah. His father,
John Wise, was the son of John Wise, a commissioned colonel of the
king, and one of the earliest immigrants to the Eastern Shore of Vir
ginia. He was a man of distinction and consideration in his day.
He and his brother Tully, came from the North of England and pur
chased lands upon the Chesconessex and Deep creeks in Accomack.
John Wise, the great grandfather of Henry A., bought 1000 acres of
land, upon the Chesconessex, from the Indians, for seven Dutch blan-
•kets. Upon a farm of the old original Dutch blanket tract, called
Clifton, lie the bones of most of the Wise family. After the death of
Col. John Wise, this estate descended by primogeniture to John Wise,
the father of Henry A., at his death was devised to his two eldest sons,
George Douglass and John James Wise. George died unmarried and
intestate — and John James took the whole of the manor tract ; and his
two sons, John James and George Douglass Wise, (nephews) of Henry
A., now own it under the original grant. The mother of John Wise
was Peggy Douglass, one of the daughters of George Douglass, a
Scotch lawyer, who was the first immigrant of this family to this
country. His Law books, the old English Reporters, and elementary
works, such as a Natura Brevium of the first edition, Coke upon Lit
tleton, printed in 1629 — are still in the possession of Governor Wise.
The father of Governor Wise was married twice. His first wife
was Mary (called Polly) Henry, daughter of Judge James Henry of
Fleet's Bay in Northumberland county, Virginia. By her he had two
sons, George Douglass and John James. By his second wife he had
four children, William Washington, born in 1800, and died in 1813,
Margaret D. P.. Henry A., and John C. Wise who is now residing in

vm BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
Princess Ann county, near Norfolk, and has seven children living, four
boys and three girls.
The mother of Governor Wise was Sarah Corbin Cropper, the
daughter of General John Cropper of Bowman's Folly in the county
of Accomack, on the sea side. Her mother was Margaret, called
Peggy, Pettitt. The Croppers were English, the Pettitts Scotch.
This cross is called by some genealogists, the " Bulldog -with the
Mange," meaning the English for the Bull, and the Mange for a cer
tain cutaneous eruption that was at one time common with the Scotch,
called the " Scotch Fiddle.^' Governor Wise's grandfather. Gen. John
Cropper, was descended from John Cropper, one of the very earliest im
migrants, who came with Sir Edmund Bowman from England and set
tled at Folly creek. The first John Cropper, the great, great, great
grandfather of Governor Wise, was a carpenter by trade. He was fami
liarly known as the "Little Carpenter." The knight. Sir Edmund
Bowman, had three daughters, one married Col. Eyre, one Col. Scar
borough (called conjurer) the ancestor of the Hon. George P. Scarbo
rough, the man who put the Broad Arrow of Virginia upon the door
posts of the Q,uakers near Cambridge, Maryland. The third, and
youngest, married the "little carpenter" or Johu Cropper, against the
wishes of the aristocratic Bowman family. After the death of Sir
Edmund Bowman, the landed estate upon which he resided, called
Bowman's Folly, descended through the " little carpenter" to Colonel
John Cropper, from original grant, and remained in his possession until
his death in 1821, when it fell into the hands of Thomas R. Joynes.
The life of Col. John Cropper was eminently eventful and patriotic.
He was born to wealth, and at the age of eighteen married Peggy
Pettitt. At nineteen he was commissioned Captain in the Matthews
regiment in February 1776, and that year marched to the Northern
campaigns, leaving his wife, 7 months enciente with Governor Wise's
mother. He fought under Washington at Germantown, Princeton,
Monmouth, Trenton, Chadsford, Brandywine, and every where until
the war changed its scenes to the South. He returned, after an ab
sence of two years, upon furlough, a Lieut. Col., commissioned upon
the grounds of merit by General Marquis de La Fayette, the auto
graph of which is now in the possession of Governor Wise. On his
arrival home, he saw, for the first time, his daughter, then about
eighteen months old, whom they called Sarah Corbin Cropper,
and vvho in after life married the father of Henry A. Wise. In 1779
Congress commissioned him full Lieut. Col. of the Virginia Line on
Continental establishment. He was wounded in the thigh by a bayo-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. l.X
net thrust at the battle of Brandywine, where he fought as Major, his
Col. was killed and Lieut. Col. fled ; and he brought the ninth Vir
ginia regiment off the field, cut to pieces, under a Bandanna hand-
^ kerchief tied to a ramrod. Afterwards General Knox met him at
Chester bridge, when he sprung from his horse and exclaimed to Wash
ington, " The boy whom we thought lost is fo-und." This won for him
his spurs. When he returned to Bowman's Folly in the fall of 1778, it
was with a furlough of 190 days. But whilst at home within three
miles of Accomack court-house, he was aroused in the night by the
tories. Kidd, with his " refugees," had landed in barges, surrounded
the house and took him out of bed with his wife. They bored the
muzzles of their pistols in his temples and denounced him as a d  d
rebel, threatened his life, &c. Peggy Pettitt — his wife-^of whom he
always spoke as a "keen ground razor," procured for him a chance
to escape, by stealthily raising the latch of the eastern door of the
house, when with a powerful effort, he leaped the heads of the guards,
two soldiers with crossed bayonets, and made his way to Thomas
Bayly's, who had gone to his goose blind. But there he found a man
by the name of William Lilliston, a soldier of the army, who
had returned home with him. He and Lilliston procured three
old Tower muskets, which they well loaded, and returned to
his house. When they got in sight, the whole dwelling appeared
illuminated. His wife, with her daughter Sarah Corbin, had been
removed to a place of safety, whilst a train of powder was being
laid to blow up the old family residence. Just at this critical
moment Col. Cropper fired a gun and cried out "come on my brave
boys." Lilliston dropped his gun and fled; but Col. Cropper still
fired another and another, when the "refugees" took to their heels
and their barges !! ! Thus he saved his house from flames. When
he examined it he found it robbed and riddled. They had broken
open and sacked every piece of furniture iti the house, smashed all the
crockery, and carried off all of his jewelry and family relics, together
with his mother's and father's watches. They also had bound and
taken to their barges some thirty odd of his slaves. The next day
he sent a flag of truce by Lilliston, demanding his property, especially
his filial keepsakes, his fathers and mother's trinkets. The reply he
got was in substance thus : " The property whom you call slaves are
liege subjects of his Majesty George the 3d, who don't desire to re
turn to the bondage of a rebel subject. We have no other property
of yours except a paper of pins of the manufacture of your d  d
allies the French: in lieu of that we send you a paper of -pound pins

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
of good and liege manufacture, knowing as we do that your women
have to go to the thorn-bushes to get the pins to tuck up their smocks."
That was all Col. Cropper ever got, except a remarkable death caused
by that very paper of English pound pins. Thus he was compelled
to ask for an extension of his furlough. He rode all the way from
•Accomack to Valley Forge to get it. The diary of his trip is still in
the possession of the family. The result was, his furlough was
indefinitely extended, in consideration that he had served through
the Northern campaigns, and was not drafted for the Southern under
General Greene. He returned, but remained active in service.
Governor Nelson commissioned him county Lieut, for Accomack,
and as such, he had to bring the cannon out against the tories
at Accomack court-house, and fought the battle of Henry's Point,
where his life was saved by his body servant George Latchom. He
took this command temporarily until he shpuld be again called into
the service. As county Lieut, he was in constant correspondence
with Governor Nelson, and furnished the army at Yorktown with
many supplies, particularly peach brandy, for which the Eastern Shore
has long been noted. At last his struggles for independence ended,
but not until the very last day of the Revolution. Kidd with his
"refugees" had been scouring the whole coast of Maryland and Vir
ginia. The States at that time had their separate fleets of barges.
Commodore Barron was in command of the Virginia, and Commodore
Whaley of the Maryland fleets. These fleets consisted of barges
about eighty feet keel, carrying sixteen oars and a swivel, or gun upon
the Long Tom principle, in the bow, upon the Chesapeake bay. Just
such had Kidd. The Accomack and Northampton regiment had been
cut up and taken prisoners at the battle of Germantown. Among
them was Capt. Thomas Parker of Accomack, afterwards Col. Parker.
He with Col. Levin Joynes were exchanged and came home. Com
modore Whaley with his second Lieut. Levin Handy of Md. came to
Accomack C. H. and told Cols. Cropper, Parker and Joynes, that Kidd
was coming down the bay, outside of Tangier, with six barges, and
that he had five in Watts' island or Pocomoke Sound, and that if he
could get another barge from Virginia, he could meet and capture the
enemy. Cols. Cropper, Parker and Joynes immediately volunteered
and got seventy-five picked men to join them upon condition that Com.
Whaley and his second Lieut. Handy was to command them. The
condition was accepted, and the barge Victory was then lying in Onan-
cock creek ready. She was hauled up and caulked, equ ipped and made

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XI
out into the bay. Kidd and his six barges were in the northwest, about
ten miles distant from the mouth of Onancock creek. Robert Handy,
first Lieut, and brother of Levin Handy, was about the same distance
in the north. Whaley made signal for the Maryland barges to join the
Virginia barge Victory. Instead of doing so they turned and fled to the
mouth of Pocomoke. This so chagrined Com. Whaley that he begged
the Virginians to fight, but declined to command thern to do so, as his
own barges had so ingloriously fled. His volunteers cheered him into
action, and one barge, the Victory, went up into action against 'six, gun
wale to gunwale, and had made three strikes, when alas, her magazine
took fire, blew up the barge and all overboard, dashing everything to
atoms, and killing every man on board except Cols. Cropper, Parker, and
a Scotchman by the name of Gibb. They were picked up out of
the water as prisoners of war. Col. Cropper received a sabre cut on
his head as he was taken into the barge of Kidd that well nigh cost
him his life. Col. Cropper said the last he saw of the gallant Lieut.
Handy (a few moments before the blow up) his right arm was hanging
by a shred of flesh, and with his left hand he was throwing cold grape-
shot at the enemy. This battle was fought the very day the definitive
articles of peace were signed at Paris. Maryland has Col. Cropper's
report of this bloody action, but has never told it to the world, as we
have ever seen or heard of, although her Goldsborough wrote a his
tory of Naval warfare. Her gaUant Whaley, the hero of the fight,
still lies upon the banks of the Onancock with not a stone to comme
morate his patriotic ashes. This was decidedly one of the bloodiest
engagemetits during the Revolution. The three prisoners were ex
changed at Accomack G. H., and the friends were dressing the wound
of Col. Cropper, when his wife appeared with her infant daughter, Mar
garet Bayly, (the mother of General Thomas H. Bayly,) sobbing, say
ing " you deserve it, a Continental army officer, to be leaving your
wife and children to fight sailors on the water." Her sobs were hectic,
and in pinning her child's dress with one of the English pound pins
in her mouth, she inhaled it into her lungs and was killed. Washing
ton gave Col. Cropper command of the fourteen lower counties, when
about to raise the Provincial army, with a letter of compliment, which
I suppose all the wealth- of the Indies could not buy away from
the pride of the family. Hei was President of the Cincinnati So
ciety of Virginia, was in the State Sen^iite, made and died a Brigadier
General of the Eastern Shore regiment in the month of January 1821,
aged 65 years. His mother was Sarah Corbin, the daughter of a Col.

xu BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
Corbin of a numerous family in the Low Lands. Col. Cropper's first
wife was Peggy Pettitt. By her he had two daughters, Sarah Corbin,
the mother of Governor Wise, and Margaret Pettitt, the mother of the
Hon. Thomas H. Bayly. His second wife was Catharine IJayley,
daughter of Thomas Bayly of Accomack. She died in 1854. Her
eldest son, Thomas Bayly Cropper, was for some time commander of
one of largest San Francisco steamers.
The POLITICS of Mr. Wise's ancestors — his education, profes
sion AND FIRST MARRIAGE.
The ancestors of Governor Wise on both sides were Virginia Fede
ralists. His father was a man of sound practical mind, charitable and
liberal. He acquired considerable fortune by his profession, the law.
Prior to 1800 he was Speaker of the House of Delegates, and accord
ing to the recollection of Judge Stanard, was a supporter of the cele
brated resolutions of '98 and '99. In the hasty arrangement of this
sketch, we have not had the opportunity to examine the House Jour
nal of that day. We are inclined to doubt the fact as to Mr. Speaker
Wise's supporting those resolutions, because their passage created an
epidemic iu the ranks of the Federal party and its aliases, from which
they have never recovered. At the time of the birth of Governor
Wise his father was clerk of the courts of Accomack. He died in
1812. After the death of Mr. Wise's father, in 1812, and his mother,
in 1813, he was taken to Bowman's Folly, the old family seat
of his ancestor, the knight, Sir Edmund Bowman. Soon there
after he was sent to Accomack court-house, and for the first time
put under the charge of an old friend of his father, a childless man
with a good wife, John Y. Bundick,to commence his education. He
was only suffered to remain with Mr. Bundick a very short time, when
he was placed under the care of two paternal aunts, at Clifton, on the
Chesconessex creek. His elder aunt, Mrs. Outen, taught him his let
ters and the Lord's prayer. He remained at Clifton two years, and
was sent to Margaret academy. This school is said to have been
wretchedly conducted. The boys that were sent there learned no
thing but mischief, and to murder Gree.k and Latin. Consequently,
the time he spent at Margaret academy was almost squandered. He
was sent from there, in his sixteenth year, to Washington college,
Pennsylvania. He reached there in 1822, and, with much difiiculty,

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XIU
entered the Sophomore class. The college at that time was under the
dominion of the Scotch Irish Presbyterians. Dr. Andrew Wylie was
the President and the head and front of the institution. It is said he
was a gentleman, a philosopher, a linguist, and a metaphysician — a blue
stocking who loved gallantry and high game in his pupils. He was also a
cavalier who loved virtue for virtue's sake, truth for truth's sake, and his
fellow creatures for their own sake. At the time Mr. Wise commenced
his collegiate course at Washington, Pennsylvania, there were two
most excellent literary societies, the Union and the Washington. He
joined the fornjer. It was the custom with these literary societies to
contest every spring with each other the palm of debating, of original
oration, of essay writing, and of select oratory. In the spring of
1823 Mr. Wise had given such evidences at this early hour of his
oratorical powers, that he was selected by his society as the champion
to deliver the original oration. Mr. Tomlinson, about twenty years of
age, from near Cumberland, Maryland, was the champion of the Wash
ington. The orations were delivered and decided by the judges iu
favor of Henry A. Wise. Mr. Tomlinson declared from that time
eternal hostility to all beards; for, said he, "it was the beard upon
my face that caused a child to strip me of my honors." Mr. Wise
was chosen orator by the Union society three times during his colle
giate career, gaining the victory twice, and the third time bringing the
judges down to a tie vote.
He graduated in 1825, a short time before he was nineteen ; divi
ding the. first honor with a young man by the name of Mitchell, from
Maryland. William H. McGuffey (Professor of Moral Philosophy at
the University of Virginia) woulfl have taken the same honor without
any opponent had he remained the session out. He was tried ai;id sus
pended for thrashing a fellow student. Mr. Wise volunteered his de
fence before the faculty. He pleaded guilty. His young attorney justi
fied his course, and came well nigh suffering the penalty of his client.
The standing of Mr. McGuffey was such that the faculty gave
him a diploma without examination. He left college before the
commencement. This was the first case in which Mr. Wise
appeared as a lawyer. How now stand these gentlemen of the
same Alma Mater ? One adorns the chair of Moral Philosophy in the
greatest, best regulated, best conducted and most Republican Univer
sity in the land ; aud the other presides over the Commonwealth of
Virginia. Mr. Wise left college in 1825, returning through Canada
and New York home. He commenced the study of law by reading

xiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
Blackstone, in the school of Henry St. George Tucker, in the winter
of 1825-26. He remained with Judge Tucker until the fall of 1828,
when he returned home and cast his maiden vote for General Andrew
Jackson for President in the election of 1828.
In 1827, whilst Mr. Wise was at Winchester, he addressed his first
wife, Miss Ann Eliza Jennings, daughter of the Rev. O. Jennings, D.
D. of Washington College. He became enamored of this lady whilst
at college, and never rested until the marriage rites were celebrated, on
the 8th day of October 1828, in the city of Nashville, Tennessee,
where her father had been called as pastor of the Presbyterian con
gregation of that place. Mr. Wise had made his arrangements pre
viously to leaving Virginia to settle in Nashville, which he did. He
soon formed a copartnership in the law with Thomeis Duncan, Esq.,
who was soon afterwards accidentally killed in Louisiana. Mr. Wise
had some cases in the Supreme Court of the State, and a respectable
practice for a young man and a stranger. But still he sighed for the
" milk of the ocean," his " own" native Virginia. To gratify his wife,
he made every effort to be satisfied in Nashville. But despite all that
he could do, he was unhappy outside his native State. There is some
thing peculiar about Virginians in this respect. We rarely if ever find
one, uo matter how well he may be doing, satisfied for any length of
time in any State but his own. Why it is, remains yet to be solved.
Finally, to gratify this wish of his heart, he determined, with the con
sent of his wife, lo return to Accomack : which he did in the fall of
1830. When he arrived home, the scenes of his boyhood exhilarated
and enlivened a feeble frame which had almost fallen a prey to melan
choly. The hallowed associations* of youthful days were brought
fresh to his recollection, and once more with buoyant spirits and a
hopeful heart, he was ready to launch forth into the world to breast
all storms, and to meet and grapple with every obstacle. As soon as
the spring opened, he entered upon the duties of his profession. He
found at the bar, as competitors, George P. Scarburg, Carter M. Brax
ton, P. P. Mayo, M. W. Fisher, and Vespasian Ellis, now editor of a
paper at Washington City called the Organ, which professed at one
time to be the mouth-piece of the late Know Nothing party, but now
shows strong proclivities for being an ally of Horace Greeley. Mr.
Wise's abilities and legal proficiencies soon brought him into com
raand of an extensive and lucrative practice, which he continued to
hold so long as his mind was drawn from political matters. His great
forte as a lawyer is his great power before a jury. He has no supe
rior as a criminal lawyer.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XV
The COMMENCEMENT OF Mr. WiSe's POLITICAL LIFE. HiS FIRST
ELECTION TO CONGRESS. DuEL WITH RiCHAKD CoKE. ReMOVAL
OF THE DEPOSITS. CaPTAIN OF THE AWKWARD SQUAD.
There is no politician who ever lived, who has ever been half as
much misrepresented as Henry A. Wise. Born, it is true, like a majo
rity of our early distinguished men, of Federal parents, yet he, as early
as 1824, when only eighteen years old, declared himself in favor of
Wm. H. Crawford of Georgia, the States Right candidate for Presi
dent. Owing to indisposition Mr. Crawford was withdrawn from the
field, when Mr. Wise declared in favor of General Jackson, and would
have voted for him had he been of age. In 1828, John Q,. Adams,
Henry Clay and General Jackson were candidates for the Presidency.
He cast his maiden vote, as we have before mentioned, for General
Jackson. He was sent from the York district in 1832 a delegate to
the Baltimore National Democratic Convention. In that Convention
he supported General Jackson in preference to any man, but when
Martin Van Buren received the nomination for the Vice-Presidency, he
arose and said, " Mr. President, in the vernacular of the negro's song,
' if I had had not come here, I would not have been here.' I will not
not vote for your nominee for Vice-Pres.ident, my vote shall be cast
for Philip P. Barbour of Virginia for that office." Mr. Wise, with
many others, voted for Jackson and Barbour. The electoral college
of Alabama did the same thing.
In 1832 and '33 the mania of Nullification raged. Mr. Wise es
poused the principle expressed iu the celebrated resolutions of 1798-
99, as reported by James Madison; "that each State for itself is the
judge of the infraction and of the mode and manner of redress."
Consequently he was opposed on the one hand to the Federal heresies
• of the Proclamation, Force bill, «fcc., and on the other hand to the re
medies of South Carolina. His views in full upon this subject are
set forth in his first address to the York district in 1833.
We will here introduce an extract of a letter, with the comments of
Father Ritchie upon the position Mr. Wise occupied at chat time.
Extract of a letter, from
"Norfolk Borough, March 21.
" I was at New Kent Court, this day week, where A. Stevenson delitered an
excellent Speech, opposed by Mr. Robertson who also spoke; and from what I
could see and hear, Mr. A. Stevenson's Speech was liked much the best. On
Monday last I was at York Court, where I heard more speaking. Mr. Henry

xvi BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
A. Wise from Accomack spoke for three hours, and Mr. Richard Coke rephed
to him, until he gave out, which was until night. Some parts of Mr. W. s
Speech bore very hard upon Mr. Coke. Mr. W. in the first place asked Mr. C.
if he was in favor of Nullification. Mr. C. replied in words to this effect ; if a
State was oppressed, she had a right to nullify. These might not be the exact
words ; but they amounted to this. Mr. W. then spoke of some letters which
Mr. Coke had written to gentlemen on the Eastern Shore, giving them authority
to contradict any report about his being a NuUifier — declaring that he waa no
Nullifier. — Mr. Wise asked, " If you are no NuUifier on the Eastern Shore,
where they are opposed to it, and a Nullifier at home, where they are in favor of
it, I do not know how you can be both." Mr. Coke then stopped Mr. Wise,
ani said that he spoke of private letters, and he should consider it as a personal
affair, and should treat it as such. Mr. Wise said, " very well, Sir, I am ready
for you in any way ; but I insist upon it, that these letters were not private, in
asmuch as you authorized these gentlemen to circulate what is contained in
them ; and no matter how disagreeable it is to you at this time, you must bear
it." I thought they would have made a personal affair of it, but it turned out
differently. Mr. W. also said how many copies of the " JeflFersonian and Vir
ginia Times" had been franked and paid for, and sent to persons in that section
who had never ordered it — Mr. W. is opposed to Nullification, and for Virginia
State Rights, and in favor of the present Administration. He said he had un
derstood that Mr. Ritchie had declared that he (BIr. R.) did not think he had
written his Address — but Mr. W. said that was a small matter, and they could
judge of that for themselves. He is a very clever man — about 27 years of age."
J8®° Mr. Wise has been misinformed. We have never uttered the idea that
he has attributed to us. We have not the pleasure of being personally ac
quainted with him — but every account that we have heard of him, from those in
whose opinions we confide, is of the most favorable character. We understand
that he possesses talents of a high order. His Address is a masterly refutation
of many of the errors of the day — the doctrines of Consolidation as well as of
Nullification. We had intended to lay copious extracts of it before our readers
— but the long talks of the Orators at Washington have hitherto prevented it.
We disagree with him in what he says of a Bank of the United States ; though
he does not seem to relish the present Bank. Mr. Wise has been bitterly as
sailed by the Nullifiers — but he is fully able to defend himself. He asks no
quarter from them — and he will give none. — Editors.
Upon examination we find that Mr. Wise sustained the administra
tion of General Jackson principally to preserve the Union at that time
from the threatening attitude of South Carolina, but still condemned
the course of General Jackson, thinking that oilier and milder means
should have been used at that particular crisis. Mr. Wise was as
much opposed to the cause that brought Etbout Nullification as John C.
Calhoun or any other citizen of South Carolina; but after a high pro
tective bill had passed he thought as Mr. Calhoun did, that the bill
was unconstitutional, and could be compromised before the ordinance
of South Carolina was passed, as it was afterwards. In sustaining the

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XVU
Proclamation, therefore, he was only supporting the executive of the
nation, and nothing more.
Iu 1833, Mr. Richard Coke of Williamsburg, the former incumbent
of the York district in Congress, was a candidate for re-election. Mr.
Coke had represented that district as a Jackson Democrat ; but after
the appearance of the Proclamation, he turned to be a Nullifier.
There was an appeal made from the Western Shore, for a candidate
to oppose Mr. Coke on the part of the Jackson party from the Eastern
Shore. Several gentlemen were solicited, amongst whom was Mr.
Wise, and when all others had refused to accept the nomination, he
consented to liecome a candidate, and announced himself as such at
Northumberland court, the second Monday in January 1833. He im
mediately wrote the address which we have before referred to. This
document we consider thoroughly States Right, and Democratic in
every particular, with the exception of its sanction and advocacy
of a United States Bank. Mr. Madison and the Republican party with
Mr. Calhoun at their head, adopted a scheme of this sort soon after
the war of 1812, not that they considered it constitutional, but be
cause that party considered it expedient and as a matter of sheer ne
cessity. Mr. Wise, from want of experience in legislation, contended
that if a United States Bank was necessary and expedient it was con
stitutional. This opinion was readily and quickly changed after ma
ture reflection. But to find a contrast of leading politicians of the
land upon this much mooted question, we have only to cite the hosti
lity of Henry Clay to a United States Bank at one period of his life,
and at a later period being its chief advocate. The speech of Mr.
Clay, made whilst opposed to the bank, could never be answered by him
or its advocates at any time during the popularity of that great engine
and vehicle of political corruption. 'Who is to be censured most, he
that advocates a scheme that is thought to be beneficial and whole
some, but finding it unconstitutional and baneful, turns from it with
loathing disgust ; or he that supports it, knowing it to be by experience
and by the laws of political economy the most dangerous, undermi
ning, unconstitutional and corrupting of all measures either State or
Federal ? This proposition we consider a clear one ; hence it can be
easily decided who is the most censurable, Henry Clay or Henry A.
Wise. The contest between Mr. Wise and Mr. Coke was severe and acri
monious. The result was the election of Mr. Wise by four hundred
ii

XVIU BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
majority and a duel with Mr. Coke. Mr. Wise accused him of great
inconsistency, having represented the district four years as a Jackson
Democrat, and as soon as Nullification turned up in 1833, denouncing
Jackson and going off with Calhoun, and dating his hostility to the
administration of the " Old Hero" as far back as the rupture in the
cabinet in June 1831. This Mr. Wise considered the grossest incon
sistency, when it was a notorious fact that Mr. Coke professed to be a
warm supporter of the Jackson administration until the njania of Nul
lification arose. Upon this point Mr. Coke suffered, and justly, se
verely. He was so chagrined at his defeat that nothing would atone
his grief but blood. Mr. Coke challenged, Mr. Wise accepted. They
fought the 25th day of January 1835, over the Eastern branch of the
Potomac, on the road leading across the Anacostia bridge, in Mary
land, not far from Marlborough. Mr. John Whiting was the second
of Mr. Coke, and Mr. John Wray the second of Mr. Wise ; both se
conds from Hampton, Virginia. Bailie Peyton, Eilbeck Mason and
James Love of Kentucky, attended as the friends of Mr. Wise, and
Dr. Hall of Washington City, as his surgeon. George Southall at
tended as the friend, and Dr. Byrd of Gloucester, as the surgeon of
Mr. Coke. General Roger Jones of the army attended as the friend of
both parties. At one o'clock P. M. they fired, Mr. Wise's ball frac
turing the right arm of Mr. Coke, but fortunately not maiming hira
for life. Thus ended this affair of honor. Mr. Wise was elected to
Congress in April 1833, and in the month of October of that year
General Jackson removed the public deposits. This act of the execu
tive was looked upon by many of both parties as high-handed and
bordering on absolutism. It had the effect of driving from his side
a number of his warmest admirers, Nullifiers and Anti-Nullifiers. And
amongst these were John C. Calhoun and Henry A. Wise. The ex
citement following the removal of the deposits was tremendous, long
continued, and of a most acrimonious nature. After much discussion
i^nd wrangling in the halls of Congress ou the subject, seventeen De
mocrats of the House and several of the Senate filed out of the Jack
son ranks. They were called the "Awkward Squad." This was
because they could neither go with the administration upon the remo
val of the deposits, nor with the Federal opposition. This act of
General Jackson, although attended at the time with a monetary de-
pression, eventually proved to be one of the best and most judicious
moves any public officer ever made.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XIX
Re-election to congress in 1835. Reminiscence ©f the death
or John Randolph of Roanoke.
In the spring of 1835, Mr. Wise was again a candidate for Congress.
He was opposed the second time by his former competitor Mr. Coke.
Mr. Coke was only a candidate for a short time, abandoning the can
vass at York, and forever afterwards voting at the polls for Mr. Wise.
Mr. Wise has been accused by his enemies of attempting to imitate
the eccentric John Randolph of Roanoke. This is a false accusation.
He never attempted to ape any pecularity or the eccentricities of
any man. He is a man sui generis. Mr. Randolph, it is true, was
elected to Congress in 1833, but died in the City of Philadelphia be
fore the session opened. Mr. Wise never, in all his life, saw Virginia's
distinguished orator and biting satirist. We hazard the assertion that
an imitator of John Randolph, in the strict sense of the term, never
did and never will exist. What Byron said of Sheridan, we think
equally applicable to Mr. Randolph :
" Sighing that Nature formed but one such man,
And broke the die — in moulding Sheridan !"
There was one thing that happened to Mr. Randolph that also hap
pened to Mr. Wise, when they took the oath as members of Congress.
Mr. Randolph being, it is remembered, elected at the age of 24, had a
very feminine and youthful appearance, so much so that the Speaker
enquired of him whether he was of the constitutional age, that is,
25. The tart reply was " Ask my constituents, sir." John Y. Mason
introduced Mr. Wise to Mr. Speaker Andrew Stevenson, when he
enquired, " Where is Mr. Wise ?" Mr. Wise then standing before him,
whom he took to be one of the pages of the House. Mr. Mason
whispered to the Speaker, and told him " that was the gentleman to
whom he. had just been introduced." The Speaker smiled, and pre
sented the Bible with a pleasant remark about his youthful appear
ance. In Mr. Wise's speech upon the removal of the deposits, he quoted
a remark of Mr. Randolph, about the " rara avis," the " Black Swan,"
and alluded, episodically, to the fact, that his death had not been an
nounced in that House, saying it was no fault of his. This called
out, a few days afterwards, Mr. Randolph's successor, Judge Bouldin,
who took the floor and commenced giving the reasons thus : " I will

XX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
tell my colleague the reason why" — here his head went back, the
veins in his temples became corded, his face for a moment was dis
torted, and he fell back a dead man ! What is strange about this whole
affair is, that the only allusion ^ to the death of Mr. Randolph ever
made in the House of Representatives, caused the death of him who
filled his seat t ! !
Presidential Campaign of 1836. Pet Bank system. Death of
Mrs. Wise. Re-election to Congress in 1837.
The Presidential campaign of 1836, opened with party rancor and
animosity, running mountain high. The National Republicans or
Federalists, who had gone for John Q,. Adams and his bill of abomi
nations, and his light-houses in the skies, in 1828, formed one reserve
that wished to elect a President. They held a Convention and nomi
nated Gen. William Henry Harrison of Ohio, for President, and Francis
Granger of N. Y. for the Vice Presidency. The regiment that had
wheeled out of the Jackson line upon the issues of Nullification and
the Removal of the Deposits, formed another reserve. These two re
serves at first made au effort to blend themselves into one great party.
They for the first time agreed upon a common name, that of " Whig,"
but still they could not agree upon a common ticket ; consequently,
the National Republicans, or Federalists, finding there was no chance
for an amalgamation, nominated Harrison and Granger. The Nulli
fiers and those who had been opposed to the removal of the deposits,
and had not confidence in the political honesty of General Jackson's
^^ favorite," Martin Van Buren, nominated for President Hugh L. White
of Tennessee, and John Tyler of Virginia, for Vice-President. The
Jackson Democrats put forth for President Martin Van Buren of New
York, aud Col. Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, for Vice-President.
The unbounded popularity and influence of Gen. Jackson insured the
election of his "favorite." Van Buren and Johnson were easily elected.
It seems that the leading Southern Democrats in 1836 would not have
been as hostile to Mr. Van Buren as they were had they not distrusted
him upon two questions that were of vital importance to the South.
And those questions were the subject of slavery and the annexation
of Texas. As it turned out, Messrs. White, Tyler, Calhoun, Poindex
ter, McDuffie and Wise were right in manifesting their distrust as to the
unfitness and dishonesty of Mr. Van Buren. Although he showed no
tangible signs of Abolitionism during his administration, yet he evi-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXI
dently retarded the annexation of Texas, and on his rejection by the
people in 1840, he soon showed that he was hostile, and that in the
most deadly shape, to the most cherished principles of Southern Demo
crats. Mr. Van Buren never would have been made President had he
not deceived the " Old Hero" upon the Texas question. Gen. Jack
son had the annexation of Texas in view as early as 1828 ; and his
^^ favorite" had given him every assurance whilst Secretary of State
and Vice-President, that he co-operated with him upon that favorite
question. Mr. Van Buren kept the cloven foot of deception concealed
from public demonstration until after his defeat. Then it was shown
in all its frightful and hideous deformities ; and with disastrous con
sequences to the Democratic party in 1848.
During the spring of 1837, before Mr. Wise reached home from
Washington, his dwelling-house with nearly all of his valuable books
and papers were consumed by fire. His family were removed to a
friend's house in the village of Drummondtown, and that house, in a
very mysterious manner, was set on fire also. This so affected the
nervous system of his wife, that she never recovered from it, and died
in the month of June following. She was the mother of seven chil
dren, but left only four living. Mary Elizabeth, wife of Dr. Alexan
der Y. P. Garnett of Washington City; Obadiah Jennings (the eldest
son), who received the appointment of Secretary of Legation to Ber
lin during the administration of Mr. Pierce ; Henry Alexander Wise,
Jr., who, at the writing of this sketch, was attending the Theological
Seminary at Alexandria, Virginia ; and Ann Jennings Wise, the second
daughter, is now with her father at Richmond, and who was an infant
at the death of her mother.
In 1837 Mr. Wise was a candidate for re-election without opposi
tion. He, stood before his district as the advocate of the principles
espoused hy Hugh Lawson White and John Tyler. That is, opposed
to the Pet Bank system, Benton's Sub-treasury, and the reference of
Abolition petitions to special or any committee ; and the fearless ad
vocate for the annexation of Texas, a tariff for revenue only, &c.
The Graves and Cilley Duel.
Upon no subject has there been so much misunderstanding, misre
presentation, and wilful and unblushing falsehood as upon the unfor
tunate meeting between Messrs. Graves and Cilley. And upon no sub
ject have there ever been such general excitement and deep-grounded

XXU BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
prejudices aroused. It was the peculiar and unavoidable misfortune
of Henry A. Wise to be connected with this sad affair. Not that he
could not have avoided it, but not as an honorable man, in an honor
able way, to an importunate friend. This subject has been a fruitful
theme with the enemies and traducers of Mc. Wise, to arouse, excite
and prejudice the popular mind. This effort of his foes has to some
extent been successful with those who were ignorant of the particu
lars of this duel, its antecedents, <fcc. We have used every exertion
to get possession of all the facts connected with the affair, which we
now submit in as condensed a form as possible :
In 1837 political excitement was greater than was ever known in
the Congress of the United States. The House of Representatives
was composed of a number of able and fiery debaters, and the issues
then before that body frequently brought the talent of the House in col
lision. The Hon. Jonathan Cilley of Maine took issue on one occasion,
upon some subject, with James Watson Webb, editor of the Courier
and Enquirer, of N. Y., and made what he considered a legitimate at
tack upon him. Mr. Webb took exceptions to the language used, and de
manded satisfaction. He called upon the Hon. Wm. J. Graves, of Ky.,
to act as his friend. Mr. Graves, without the knowledge, counsel, ad
vice, information, or suspicion of Mr. Wise, carried a letter from Mr.
Webb to Mr. Cilley. The letter that was carried has never to this
day been seen by Mr. Wise. Mr. Cilley declined to receive the letter,
as Mr. Graves alleged, on the ground that he did not choose to be held
accountable for words spoken in debate, and would not recognize Mr.
Webb's right to call upon him for words spoken of and concerning
him on the floor of the House. All this had happened at least a week
before Mr. Wise knew a syllable of it. Finally Mr. Graves took ex
ceptions to Mr. Cilley's not receiving the letter of Mr. Webb at his
hands, and consulted with Mr. Clay upon that point several days
before he mentioned the subject to Mr. Wise. When Mr. Graves
came to Mr. Wise for the first time for advice, he said to Mr. Wise
that his only anxiety was to do his full duty to his principal, and
nothing more. Mr. Wise then advised him that Mr. Cilley's ground
was perfectly tenable, and could not be excepted to, as he did not
choose to be held accountable for a constitutional privilege  for
words spoken in debate — because he did not consider that he had as
sailed the character of James Watson Webb as a gentleman. This
exjjlanation satisfied Mr. Graves in that respect ; but he said Mr. Cil-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXUI
ley had expressed his grounds to him verbally, and then refused to
commit them to writing iu the form which he had inferred from the
first interview with him. Mr. Wise then advised Mr. Graves to ad
dress Mr. Cilley respectfully, in writhig, and request of him to say
upon what ground it was he then declined to accept the note at his
hands from James Watson Webb. This Mr. Graves did, but not
through Mr. Wise. Mr. Cilley's answer was unsatisfactory in this :
that it did not admit what Mr. Graves had stated to have passed ver
bally between them in their first interview. This raised a question,
seemingly, of veracity. But still Mr. Wise advised Mr. Grav* not to
go farther than to demand whether Mr. Cilley meant to assail his state
ment as untrue. Mr. Graves then saw Mr. Clay as his chief adviser,
and after some day or two. of delay, came back to Mr. W^se to take
his challenge to Mr. Cilley. Mr. Wise declined to do so, and begged
him to sleep upon it at least for one night. The next morning he went
to Mr. Wise's room, and again urged him to bear Mr. Cilley his chal
lenge. Mr. Wise then discussed the matter, and told him he saw no
reason or ground for a challenge save that of a question of veracity : that
if he called upon that ground, he was sure Mr. Cilley would disclaim all
impeachment of his veracity, and there would be an end to the whole
affair. And in doing this, Mr. Cilley was still not bound to disclaim
imputation upon the character of James Watson Webb : — he could
plead his privilege only, without affirming or disclaiming anything as
to him. He then, at the instance of Mr. Wise, drew up his challenge,
placing it expressly on the ground that Mr. Cilley had assailed his
statement as to what . occurred when he first carried Webb's note.
Mr. Wise again refused to be the bearer of the challenge. Mr. Graves
then urged him to go with him to Mr. Clay's room. They went, and
submitted each their respective differences of opinion, when Mr. Clay
took the challenge which Mr. Graves had written, and pronounced it
to be improp/er, because he had based his call upon the wrong ground —
that of veracity. Mr. Clay said that there was but one issue in the
case and that was, that Mr. Cilley had declined to receive Mr. James
Watson Webb's note at the hands of Mr. Graves ; and unless Mr. Cil
ley would disclaim imputation upon Mr, Webb as a gentleman, that
he Graves, was bound by the code of honor to step into Webb's shoes,
and to challenge directly for that cause. Mr. Clay then threw the
challenge aside, as written by Mr. Graves, and drew the form of one,
which was afterwards taken by Mr. Cilley, with his own hand and
pen. Mr. Graves then copied it again, and proposed to Mr. Wise to

xxiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
be the bearer. He declined again, on the ground that he did not ap
prove the form in which the challenge was written ; and, moreover,
as the challenge then stood, it was upon a point of punctillio which
never could be adjusted in any case, without blood.
By this period of the interview, Mr. Menefee of Kentucky had come
in, and sided with Mr. Clay against Mr. Wise. Mr. Wise still declined
to bear the challenge. Mr. Graves appealed to Messrs. Clay and Menefee
to bear witness that on one occasion, in the absence of Mr. Wise from
the House of Representatives, he had, without asking the right or the
wrong *f Mr. Wise's controversy, taken up his personal quarrel, and
was ready to fight for him, — that he had more confidence in him than
any one else, as his friend, on the ground ; and that if he (Wise) suf
fered hinf to go upon the field without guarding his life and his ho
nor, and he was brought back a corpse, he desired his wife, his chil
dren and his friends to know that he (Wise) had failed to stand by
bim after he knew he was determined to fight, whether he (Wise)
went to the ground with him or not. Is there an honest, courageous
and chivalrous heart that beats in the breast of man that could have
withstood such an appeal, coming as it did, under such circumstances,
and at that particular time ?
After this appeal had been made by Mr. Graves, Mr. Wise told him
that if nothing else would do him but to fight, and that against his
advice, he would consent to guard his life aud his honor. Mr. Wise
then carried the challenge to Mr. Cilley, copied by Mr. Graves from
Mr. Clay's manuscript. Mr. Wise then -resolved in his own mind to
prevent, if possible, the hostile meeting. After nightfall, General
George W. Jones brought an acceptance, and the terms proposed —
eighty yards, with rifles. Mr. Wise demurred. . Mr. Clay instantly
exclaimed : " No Kentuckian can back out from a rifle." Mr. Wise's
object still being that of delay, he met Gen. Jones, the next morning
and said he must have time to go to Philadelphia for a rifle, as he did
not know where else to get one that was reliable. Mr. Jones replied :
" Certainly, sir, there must be a gun which can be relied on in the
whole District of Columbia!" At this answer Mr. Wise was some
what vexed, and replied, "if you know of one, sir, I would be glad
if you would furnish me with it." Thereupon, the next morning, a
rifle, powder flask, bullet moulds, &c., were found upon Mr. Wise's
table, with a polite note tendering the rifle, &c., to Mr. Graves. This
was no doubt done bona fide upon the part of Gen. Jones but it cer
tainly had the bad effect of hastening the duel. This doubtless would

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXV
not have happened had General Jones understood the object which
Mr. Wise had in view — that of delay. The arrangements being thus
far made, there was no time for parleying. Mr. Graves weiit out the
morning previous to the meeting to practice with the rifle. He proved
himself to be a very bad shot at a mark. His hand was so huge and
clumsy, his fingers so course, that he could not "taste" a hair trigger.
He would invariably fire before the word was -given, and could not
hit a barn door at eighty yards. By this time Mr. Wise had procured
a fine, large rifle from Mr. John C. Rives of the Globe, and filled it
with vinegar the night before the duel, for the purpose of cleansing it
of rust;. -and by the appointed time Mr. Wise had Mr. Graves ready
and upon the fiield. He was accompanied by Henry A Wise as his
armed second, aided by Hon. John J. Crittenden and Hon. Richard
H. Menefee, of Kentucky. Mr. Cilley was accompanied by Hon.
George W. Jones, as his armed second, aided by Mr. Schaumburg
and Mr. Bynum, and by Dr. Duncan, as surgeon. Before these gen
tlemen went out, propositions of adjustment were written for the
guide of Mr. Graves' second, in case an adjustment should be pro
posed. Mr. Graves won the position, Mr. Cilley the word. Mr.
Graves' second selected the west, because the wind was setting from
the northwest, from a knowledge of the fact that Mr. Cilley was a
crack shot, thinking that he would not make an allowance fopthe wind
against his ball, the variation of which, from the effects of the wind
in the distance of eighty yards, would be six inches. This arrange
ment, and nothing else,- saved the life of Mr. Graves. Mr. Cilley
stood east ; Mr. Graves west. They fired at one o'clock, P. M., nearly
across the rays of the sun ; Mr. Graves' face in the light, Mr. Cilley's
in the shade. Mr. Graves was ordered not to fire until he had good
sight, and at the Word " three." At the first fire Mr. Graves obeyed
orders coolly, but clearly missed his aim. Mr. Cilley's ball struck the
ground about forty yards from the place in which he stood. The
loss of his fire evidently made him anxious for another exchange of
shots. A second shot being determined on, Mr. Menefee placed the
rifle in the hands of Mr. Graves, and upbraided him for beiug so slow.
All being ready, and the combatants appearing cool and collected, at
the word " fire," the rifle of Mr. Graves went off, his ball striking
the ground about ten paces from his feet. Mr. Cilley raised delibe
rately and shot with dead aim at about two and a half count. All
eyes were then turned to Mr. Graves, who dropped the breach of his
rifle as his second ran up to him, thinking he was certainly hit ; but
iii

XXVI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
it turned out that he had only been pulling at the trigger, when he
very calmly blew into the muzzle, exclaiming : " Why, the gun is
off." He did not think he had fired. This mortified him. Then
came his time for demanding a third fire, for the same cause that in
duced Mr. Cilley to desire a second shot. Mr. Graves demanded,
and would have a third ^?-e. Had Mr. Graves' coat been unbuttoned,
the second ball of Mr. Cilley's rifle would have passed through the
lapel of his coat. This conclusion was arrived at from the position
in which Mr. G. stood and where the ball struck the fence behind
him. As to the propositions of settlement, they were never made, except
to enquire what was then to be done. Mr. Cilley yielded nothing ;
and there was still cause for the duel unmoved, unexplained, unad
justed, and a point of punctillio which can never be explained. Mr.
Cilley was obliged to demand a second and Mr. Graves a third fire.
Being ready for the fire, they both appeared cool and collected, and
there was never a fairer exchange of shots. Mr. Cilley fired a little
first, and in one fourth of a second received his mortal wound in front
of the left hip, the ball passing entirely through him, severing, no
doubt, the aorta. "His rifle fell out of his hands, he beckoned to
his second, and died in a few moments, without a struggle or appa
rently a pang."
After the death of the unfortunate Cilley, the public mind was so
excited and indignant by the innumerable falsehoods and slanders ema
nating from the misinformed, and the enemies of those who were en
gaged at oue time in an attempt at reconciliation and adjustment, that
the House of Representatives appointed a committee of investigation,
the report of which now stands as a public recprd. When the com
mittee sat, one of the objects was to throw the omis of the whole
affair upon Mr. Wise. Mr. Clay heard of the intentions of the com
mittee — told Mr. Wise to tell them to call upon him — that althongh
he had shed tears over the " nine days bubble," yet he was cognizant
of all the connected facts, and would take great pleasure, at all times,
in setting the misrepresented in their true position.
Mr. James Watson Webb, in 1842, alleged, in the Courier and En
quirer, that Mr. Wise had instigated the duel. Such a charge was
totally unfounded, unjust and cowardly, from the fact that anything
of the sort should emanate from a man like Mr. Webb, who was di
rectly and knowingly connected with the whole affair. Soon after
this slanderous and malicious allegation appeared in the Courier and

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXVII
Enquirer, Mr. Wise published the facts of the case in the Madisonian.
Mr. Clay, finding that explanation might injure him for the Presidency
in 1844, or some future time, wrote to Mr. Graves, and got him to say
that he (Clay) had no part whatsoever in the advice, counsel, or pre
paration of the duel. Mr. Clay published that letter in the National
Intelligencer as true. Whereupon Mr. Wise wrote to him categorical
questions, which he placed in the hands of Dr. Linn, of Missouri.
Mr. Clay replied, and admitted his whole part in the affair, and gene
rally justified Mr. Wise as well as himself For this act of injustice,
Mr. Wise could never (nor justly) forgive Mr. Clay. How unjust and
unkind is it to accuse innocent men of being the instigators of that
which is at all times exceedingly offensive to the masses !
Mr. Wise used all possible and honorable means to prevent a hostile
meeting between these gentlemen ; and never did he consent to ac
company Mr. Graves until he told him that he was determined to go
upon the field, whether Mr. Wise accompanied him or not.
Mr. Wise once put a challenge iuto the hands of Hon. S. S. Prentiss,
of Mississippi, for Hon. Mr. Gholson, of the same State ; but Mr. Pren
tiss refused to carry it because he said the onus was upon Mr. Gholson
and not upon Mr. Wise.
Mr. Wise also challenged Hon. Thos. H. Bayly of Acomaek, but
he refused to accept, upon what grounds we have never heard.
Re-election to Congress in 1839. Presidential Campaign in
1840, Second marriage.
In 1839 Mr. Clay, no doubt, was more anxious to receive the nomi
nation for the Presdency than he was ever before or afterwards. And
to make the chances of his nomination more certain, and his election
a fixed fact, it was necessary in the opinion of himself and friends, to
procure the support and influence of that portion of the Democratic .
party that had favored the election, in 1836, of Hugh L. White and
John Tyler. For this purpose to be secured. Judge White had to be
consulted. Mr. Wise being a bosorn friend of Judge White, Mr. Clay
got him to make the requisite enquiries. In reply to the enquiry whe
ther or not he had any aspirations for the Presidency ? he said he had
none and should not have allowed his name to have been placed in
that situation in 1836, had it not been to assert his political and per
sonal independence. As for supporting Mr. Van Buren, whom he con
sidered unsound in toto upon the. questions of Slavery and Texas, he

X.XVIU BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
could not think of such a thing. As for Mr. Clay, he held him in the
highest personal consideration, but politically, as he understood his
policy, they were diametrically opposed to each other, upon the five
great cardinal principles that divided the Federal and Republican par
ties. He could not support Mr. Clay or any other man who advocated
a U. States Bank, Protective Tariff, Internal Improvement by Uie Ge
neral Government, Distribution, and the right of Congress to Elbolish
slavery in the District of Columbia and the Territories. Mr. Clay au
thorized Mr. Wise to say to Judge White that he stood thus upon
these five cardinal issues :
1. Bank. "He said he had not changed his opinions since 1816.
That he had avowed some change in respect to the constitutionality
of that measure, which he had always regretted. That he was sorry
he had not adhered to the grounds that he had first taken upon that
subject. But then, though he believed in the constitutional power of
Congress to incorporate a Bank for Treasury purposes, yet such was
the force of circumstances and events, existing then in 1839, he was
compelled to conclude that a re-charter for many years would be im
politic, unsafe, and inexpedient. It would never be safe to re-char
ter a U. States Bank whilst there was a popular minority even op
posed to its institution. The friends of such an incorporation were
bound to await the arbitrament of enlightened public opinion." — " And
that he would never again recommend a re-charter of the U. States
Bank, unless it should be called for by the popular voice, approaching
such unanimity as would increase general confidence and safety."
2. On the Tariff he prided himself as being "its Pacificator, in be
ing the author of the Tariff Compromise of 1832. He considered
that the North had obtained its consideration in the first five years of
the act, and that it would now be bad faith to deprive the South of
the benefits it had bargained for in reduction and in equalization of
duties upon protected and unprotected articles alike." He emphati
cally pledged himself no^ to disturb hi$ own compromise, but to allow
it a full and fair operation.
3. Upon Internal Improvements, he said, " the great design of his
' American' system, as it had been called, was to stimulate the States
to enterprises of improvement : that he had never thought that these
works could be accomplished as economically and as faithfully by the
General Government as by the States, and by private companies and
individuals acting under State authority. That he had effectually at-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXIX
tained his end. By the appropriations to works, and to surveys al
ready then made, the. States had been stimulated to intoxication.
That they had run into an enormous debt of 200 millions. He
would rather then assuage the fever, and would arrest all farther sti
mulus until the State debts were paid."
4. Upon the sujbject of Distribution of the Proceeds of the Public
Lands, he said, " He never proposed a distribution of the proceeds,
except w,hen there was a large surplus in the treasury. That by his
bill in 1832, he had limited the operation to such a time, only five
years, as would exhaust the surplus. As long as the revenue was re
quired for the payment of the public debt, or for any proper object of
expenditurp, he would never propose a distribution amongst the States.
There was then, 1839, a debt of about forty millions, and likely to
be a deficiency of revenue unless the tariff was raised, which could
not be done without violating his compromise. It was morally cer
tain, then, that if he was nominated and elected, there would be no
surplus during his term. He would not distribute a deficiency at all."
5. On the subject of Slavery, he admitted that he had advocated the
opinion that Congress had power to abolish slavery in the District of
Columbia and in the Territories ; but further remarked, that he had
openly avowed since that time, in the Senate, that he regarded the
exercise of that power by Congress, without the consent of the States
of Virginia and Maryland, inexpedient and dangerous, and that, he
would resist the wrong with arms ; that he would resist the exercise
of the power, as if the power was unconstitutional.
Thus we find Mr. Clay in 1839, although on constitutional grounds
opposed to the Democratic party upon every cardinal issue, yet pledg
ing himself to be practically with that party. These pledges being
given by Mr. Clay through Mr. Wise to Judge White and his friends,
they immediately advocated his nomination in preference to that of Mr.
Van Buren. But before the pledges were made, Judge White predicted
that Mr. Clay would be shelved by the influence of Mr. Webster, and his
influence by what was called "the " Triangular Correspondence." This
name was given to a correspondence that had sprung up in Rochester,
Utica and New York for the purpose of throwing a damper upon the
claims of Mr. Clay previous to the meeting of the National Whig
Convention at Harrisburg. Judge, White was right in his predictions.
The name of General Scott was used to defeat Mr. Clay through the
Webster influence ; William H. Harrison and John Tyler receiving

XXX BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
the nomination. But before the Harrisburg Convention met, and af
ter Mr. Clay had made his Anti-Whig pledges to Judge White, he pre
pared an elaborate speech, the notes of which he showed to Mr. Wise
previous to going to the Taylorsville dinner. Mr. Clay delivered this
speech with great force, beauty of style, and with the happiest effect.
Mr. Wise was invited with Mr. Clay to attend the Taylorsville festi
val, but it so happened he could not go, but wrote thus to the com
mittee of invitation : That " the Presidency could not add one cubit
to his statue, and I wish all the world could be there to hear him."
Mr. Wise wrote thus, aud wished thus, because he knew what Mr.
Clay would say, as he had just made the foregoing pledges and shown
him the prepared notes from which he would speak. The policy
which he promised to carry out, should he be made President, was,
beyond question, practically Democratic. Moreover, there was a de
sire to get Mr. Clay back iuto the ranks from which the " Puritan'.'
had enticed him, and with his powerful arm to strike Nationalism or
Whiggery a crushing blow. This intention was certainly laudable,
righteous and patriotic. When the Nationals or Whigs met in Con
vention at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, having largely the majority
over the anti Van Buren Democrats, they claimed the privilege of
placing on the head of their ticket General Harrison. Aud as John
Tyler had been upon the ticket with Judge White in 1836, the anti
Van Buren Democrats, knowing that the Senate of the United States
was nearly divided upon many issues of momentous importance,
claimed the right to nominate a man who, by his casting vote in the
Senate, would guard and protect the principles of the States Right
party. Consequenty Mr. Tyler was placed upon the ticket for the
Vice-Presidency by the anti Van Buren or States Rights Democrats.
They could safely do this because the Nationals or "Whigs were
pledged by their greatest leader, Henry Clay, against Bank, Tariff,
Internal Improvement, Distribution, Abolition of slavery in the District
of Columbia and the Territories by the power of Congress, &c.
When the Nationals or Whigs assented that Mr. Tyler should be
placed on the ticket for the Vice-Presid'ency, with General Harrison,
it was considered a sure guarantee of the pledges made by Mr. Clay.
Mr. Tyler received the nomination as a sort of compromise, indepen
dently of Mr. Clay's pledges, through the instrumentality of Mr.
Wise. Yet this compromise was not effected without some diffi
culty by the anti Van Buren Democrats who distrusted the Nation
als or Whigs from a knowledge of their antecedents, notwithstand-

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. - xXxi
ing their pledges. This was arranged by Mr. Wise, very adroitly and
justly. William C. Rives had expunged Mr. Tyler from the United
States Senate, and in turn had become a Conservative late in the day
upon the Specie Circular, and appealed to the opposition votes in the
Vhginia Legislature to send him back to the Senate. The question
then arose before that body, " Shall the victim or the instrument of ex
punging be sent to the, Senate ?" But what was strange about the affair
was, that Mr. Clay and his friends, favored the return of Mr. Rives to the
Senate. At that time Mr. Wise had a few friends in the Virginia Legis
lature, at the head of whom was John M. Gregory now of Richmond.
These friends held the balance of power in that body at that time. The
day for au election of United States Senator finally came off, when the
ballotings comparatively were almost as numerous as they were for
Speaker at the meeting of the 34th Congress, when Richardson, Banks
and Fuller were candidates — and for some time with the same effect.
The Legislature refusing to elect Mr. Rives, caucuses were held at
Washington City and emissaries sent to Richmond ; but still no election
could be had. Finally it was found out that Mr. Wise and his friends
checked their operations, and then an effort was made to bully him into
subjection and party influence, but to no purpose. The party at
Washington, then arraigned Mr. Wise. in caucus, when he defended
his position by telling them that " he never intended as long as it was
in his power to prevent it; that the instrument of expnnction should be
placed over its victim by Whig or anti expunging votes." At last Mr.
Wise suggested a compromise ; and it was, that his friends would allow
Mr. Rives to be elected, if Mr. Clay and his friends would allow Mr.
Tyler to be placed on the ticket with General Harrison, to preside over
Mr. Rives, and by his casting vote guard the cherished principles of
the States Rights Democracy. This proposition was ireadily assented
to, but unavoidably by the Whig party. And but for Mr. Tyler be
ing placed, upon the Whig ticket in 1840, Mr. Wise would have re
mained neutral in that contest. He never would have voted for Har
rison and Granger regardless of the pledges of Mr. Clay. He was
from, the beginning a Tyler advocate, knowing that Mr. Tyler was an
undeviating and unflinching defender of States Rights. It was under
stood that if Mr. Rives was elected to the Senate, that Mr. Tyler should
be the nominee for Vice-President. These facts will certainly show
to the world that the election of John Tyler to the Presidency, was the
overthrow of the United States Bank and many other odious Federal
favorites ; and will account for Mr. Wise^s being the main stay and

XX.\ii * BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
bulwark of the Tyler administration, which will compare in point of
ability to any, Jas. K. Polk's not excepted. Mr. Wise was actuated in
the course he took in 1840, through the most strictly Southern Rights
conception of the Constitution. And through Mr. Wise, as we have
before stated, John Tyler saved the country from Van Bureuism, whigh,
like Know Nothingism, is but another name for Abolitionism, or the
essence and quintessence of all that is rotten, corrupt and loath
some. On the 4th of July 1840, Mr. Wise was in the city of Philadelphia,.
and uttered that senticnent which became so general a watchword of
influence, " The Union of the Whigs for the sake of the Union."
This was a piece of pure philosophy, as well as a watchword of party.
It recommended a union of the Whigs, or those who stood upon the
pledges that Mr. Clay 'had given to Judge White through Mr. Wise,
with the National Republican Whigs, not for themselves but for the
Union. This expression, in fact, was a hint to the Nationals or Whigs,
that they were to respect, and sustain the principles of the Democratic
party. That they were not to use their party for a selfish policy,
but to unite with the Democracy to protect the country against the
party of Martin Van Buren. The convictions arrived at by Mr. Wise,
and that portion of the Democratic party which acted with him, were
as true as prophecies, and by his almost superhuman exertions in plac
ing John Tyler upon the Harrisburg ticket, he saved Texas and the
Union, and placed the country and the Democratic party in an attitude
that insured their success brilliant under the banner of Polk and Dallas
in 1844.
In November 1840, Mr. Wise married his second wife, Miss Sarah,
third daughter of the Hon. John Sergeant of Philadelphia.
Extra Session of Congress, 1841. Rejection for the Mission
TO France. Re-election to Congress. Elected Minister to
Rio Janeiro, Returns Home in 1847.
The last session of Congress that met under Van Buren was in 1840
and '41. In the spring of 1841 Mr. Wise met with Mr. Clay and
Thomas W. Gilmer soon after the election, and was congratulating
himself to Mr. Clay thus : Well, sir, said he, " We have fought a good
fight in Virginia, sir, and although we did not exactly win the victory,
we came off with the honors of war." Mr. Clay replied : " I congra
tulate rayself, sir, that Virginia has gone for the enemy." Why, said

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH. XXXIII
Mr. Wise, " I thought you once saidj you would prefer defeat with
your mother- State for you, to victory with her voice against you."
" Sir," said Mr. Clay, " we will no longer be embarrassed by her
peculiar opinions." This was the language and sentiment of that
great, adroit, astute and disappointed politician Henry Clay. Mr.
Clay's interpretation of the whole matter was this : as he had not re
ceived the nomination for the Presidency over General Harrison at
the Harrisburg Convention, he no longer considered himself bound
by his pledges to Judge White. The question now arises, would he
have abided those pledges had he been made President ? What does
the philosophic politician say? For ourselves we shall not hazard an
opinion of the man of whom John C. Breckenridge said, " His country
men had wove for him a laurel wreath, and with common hands had
placed it upon his venerable brow and sent him crowned to history."
The first thing that was done after the Log Cabin triumph in 1840, was
to call an extra session of Congress — so anxious were the successful
party to commence the war of extermination, and. disvow every pledge
to which they had sworn eternal fidelity, and promised a sacred allegi
ance. Very soon after Mr. Wise reached Washington in the spring of
1841, he saw that it was evidently the intention of the victors, under
the leadership of Mr. Clay, to call an extra session. To make all ne
cessary arrangements for this purpose, they assembled in caucus, and
gave evident signs by what policy they were dictated and influenced.
Mr. Wise not only opposed the extra session, which was gotten up to
snatch a bank charter from the arbitrament of enlightened public opi
nion, which was not be waited for, but to pass harbor and river im
provement bills ; to distribute a deficiency in the Treasury ; to revise
and increase the Thrift'; to violate the Compromise of 1832; to give
new life to Protection ; and to agitate a Slavery issue ; but he opposed
the whole Federal scheme from beginning to end, in a speech deli
vered in the House of Representatives in the month of January pre
vious to the inauguration of General Harrison, and at a time when the
Whig party had just swept nearly every State in the Union.
Immediately after the d.eath of President Harrison, Mr. Wise was
the first man that rushed to the side of President Tyler and advised
him by all means to veto the United States Bank bill, and use every
effort to procure the speedy annexation of Texas. Mr. Tyler was de
nounced as a traitor by a party themselves false and faithless to the
most sacred pledges.
Mr. Tyler's political career, which has been eminently States Right

xxxiv BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH.
and Conservative, stands now upon the public records of the nation
for the judgment of posterity.
In 1842 Mr. Wise's name was sent to the United States Senate,
through the instrumentality of his friend, Bailie Peyton, for the mis
sion to France. A Whig Senate rejected him. In the spring of 1843
he was a candidate for re-election. Mr. Hill Carter of Shirley, was
his opponent, who was induced to run by a Whig clique in the city
of Richmond ; but although the district had just given Harrison and
Tyler 1600 majority, they sustained Mr. Wise against a Whig Senate
and triumphantly returned him to Congress by his old majority. 400.
On Mr. Wise's return to Congress it was discovered that his physical
health was giving away rapidly from the constant excitement of about
ten years. Consequently his friends sent his name again to the Senate
for the Court of Rio Janeiro. The same influence that had defeated
him for the French mission was about to be brought against his name
again, with the additional offence he had committed in denouncing
the great leader of the Whig party, Henry Clay, in his then recent
canvass with Mr. Hill Carter. But before any decision was made in
his case, William S. Archer, Senator from Virginia, sought an inter
view with Mr. Wise, and asked him, why was it he had been so bitter
in his late canvass against the apostle of Whiggery, Henry Clay ? Mr.
Wise then enquired of him "if the French mission, the Brazilian
mission and all the rest of the missions belonged to Mr. Clay ? And
was subserviency to him a necessary qualification for ofiice ? Were
personal differences, and not public considerations, to govern in select
ing foreign ministers ? That it was the office of a Senator to enquire,
not whether the nomination is fit, is he faithful to the country, but is
he a friend of a political favorite who was not in power ? In conclu
sion, he informed Mr, Archer to go back to his friends and tell them
that if they would act like men worthy to be called friends of their
idol, they would resent his insults, and would do so in their proper per
sons, and would not do it by abusing their public offices."
Mr. Archer made no report to the caucus, but demanded that Mr,
Wise should be sent to Rio Janeiro, which was done.
On the 8th day of February 1844, he resigned his seat in Congress,
and sailed from New York for Rio in tlT.e month of May following his
resignation. His course in Brazil met with the entire approbation of
Presidents Tyler and Polk, and their Secretaries of State, Calhoun and
Buchanan. He returned home in October 1847.

biographical sketch. xxxv
Retires to private life. State Elector for the State in 1848.
Election to the State Convention. Death of fiis second wife.
Elector again for the State in 1852. Third marriage. Per
sonal appearance. Conclusion.
After Mr. Wise returned from Brazil he retired to private life, in
tending to resume his profession, having been in public life from 1833
to 1847. But the campaign between Cass and Taylor coming on, he
was called by the Democratic party of the State to act as one of the
electors at large. He immediately buckled on his armor and went
boldly to work. In 1850 he was elected to the State Convention
which revised the Constitution. His course there is recently known.
During the session of the Convention he received intelligence of the
death of his second wife. She was the mother of seven children,
leaving at her death only four living ; Richard Alsop, Ellen, John
Sergeant, and Spencer Wise.
In the month of November 1853, Mr. Wise was married the third
time, to Miss Mary Elizabeth Lyons of the city of Richmond, sister
of Mr. James Lyons, a distinguished lawyer of that place.
We shall see, in future pages of this volume, under what circum
stances and in what manner, he was elected in May 1855, by the peo
ple. Governor of the Commonwealth of Virginia for four years, com
mencing January the 1st, 1856.
Mr. Wise is five feet eleven inches high ; his average weight is 130
pounds ; he is remarkably lean ; was originally fair skinned, but is now
swarthy ; , his hair is a light auburn, and was, when young, almost
flaxen, which he generally wears long, and behind his ears ; his head
is large, with great depth between the temples ; his forehead is low,
but broad ; his eyes large, gray and deep set, arched by a heavy and
remarkably expressive brow, which by turns shows all the workings
of the inner man ; his nose is large and prominent, and is what might
be terrhed a Virginia nose; his mouth is capacious; his lips rather
thick ; his jaws lank and florid ; chin broad and prominent, with fur-
rouo-h from the centre downwards; he was originally very strait and
active, but begins to stoop a little. Upon the whole he is not a hand
some man, but one that will in auy assemblage impress the beholder
with his manly and defiant features. He is an excessive chewer of
tobacco, but never smokes, and rarely drinks anything of an alcoholic
character. Mr. Wise is remarkably abstemious and regular in all his
habits except chewing tobacco.

XXXVI BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH,
Thus we have sketched, in as succinct a manner as possible, the life
of one of the most illustrious men ever reared in this comnionwealth.
Mr. Wise combines qualities that eminently befit him to steer the helm
of State through troubled times, especially through this threatening cri
sis. Thoroughly acquainted and largly Experienced in the machinery
of government, possessing wide and comprehensive views of the re
quirements of the nation, firm, decided and inflexible, the fearless tri
bune of the people, he is competent to the highest duties of State.
His course, and triumphant defence of the Democratic faith in the late
gubernatorial campaign in this State, entitle him to the highest consi-
sideration and lasting endearment of all who love and wish to per
petuate the Union of the States.
Jefferson has made his memory immortal as the author of the
Declaration of Independence and Religious Toleration ; Mason as the
author of the Bill of Rights ; Jackson by severing Bank and Govern
ment ; and Henry A. Wise by " crushing out," from all law-abiding
States, that most detestable, insidious, loathsome. Protean-like, bane
ful, and contemptible of all isms — Know Nothingism. He is the
great benefactor of the people of the nineteenth century. Long may
he live to enjoy with his fellow citizens the fruits of his labours.
May he wear, with republican simplicity and fidelity, the honors of
his country, and preserve unsullied and untarnished those that still
await him.

A HISTORY

OP the

POLITICAL CAMPAIGN

IN VIRGINIA

11^ 18 5 6;

with a

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF

HENRY A. WISE:

BY JAMES P. HAMBLETOI, M. D.

? ..<  u.

J. W. EANDOLPH,
121 MAIN STREET, RICHMOND, VA.
1856.

Entered according to Act of Congtesg, in the year 1856, by
JAMES P. HAMBLETON,
In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States, in and for the
Eastern District of Virginia.

JOHN KOWLAN, PRINTER,

TO TSE
DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF VIRGll^IA,
FOB XHEIB UNFLINCHING DEVOTION TO THEIR TIME HONORED
PRINCIPLES:
THE CONSTITUTION AND STATES RIGHTS;
AND FOR THEIR UlTCOMPROMIglNfJ HOSTILITT TO ALL ISMS
OPPOSED TO THE
PURE JEEFERSONIAN DEMOCEACY,
THIS WORK IS RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED, BY
THE AUTHOR;

INTRODUCTION.

In presenting this work to the public, it is our aim to give
a full account of the operations of the secret political society known
as the Enow-Nothing Party, in Virginia, in 1855. In doing thip,
we hope to present -something useful to the living, and which may
guard the unthinking in after generations against the machinations
of any secret sect, clique or pafty, that may have for its object a
usurpation of the government and its spoils, by other tenure than
the popular voice. If we succeed ip this we .shall have accomplished
our chief aim . - We shall present the arguments of the ablest raon
in thela-nd, both as speakers and as writer^, against Know-Nothing-
jara, coupled with their defence of the time honored principles of
the Democratic party. This work will be compiled principally of
such newspaper articles and speeches as were elicited in the war
against Know-Nothiiigism during the gubernatorial canvass of 1855.
The newspapers from which we have drawn most copiously, are the
Eichmond Enquirer, Examiner and Whig. In prefacing these
compiled extracts^ we have given ouf opinions succinctly, conscien
tiously, fearlessly, and un^setvedly. James Pinkney Hambleton, M. D.
Pittsylvania O. S. Va. 1
December^ 1855. 5

CAMPAIGN OF 1855.

DEMOCRATIC MEETIN(3- I]^-N0KF0LK COUNTY IN THE
FALL OF 1854.— HON. HENRY A. WifeE'S LETTER UPON
KNOW-NOTHINGISM.
During the latter part of the summer of 1854,'the newspapers of Virginia
began to direct their attention to the gubernatorial canvass that was to come
off in our state in the next year. Various prominent individuals were
spoken of by their respective friends, when, in the early part of September
1854, 'the citizens of Norfolk county determined to hold a meeting and cor
respond witji these distinguished gentlemen in order to obtain from them
an expression of opinion in regard to,, the jiew party then said to be organ
izing in the state, under the'cpgnomen of Know-Nothings. The committee
of correspondence appointed by this meeting wrote to the following gentle
men, viz: Ex-Governor William Smith, Lieut. Governor S. F. Leake, Hon.
John Letcher, Hon. Jaraes A. Seddon, and Hon. Hertry A. Wise. All of
these gentlemen very promptly answered, and all satisfactorily, with the
exception of Ex-Gov. Smith-- He answered after along time, but evasively.
Mr. Wise's answer was prompt, plain, s?,tisf£^ctory and elaborate. In his
letter to this committee was recognized the true spirit of a southern republi
can and- statesman. There was no document that appeared on' the subject
which bespoke .so truly the sentiments^ of the Democratic party of Virginia in
their utter detestation of secret political societies and religious intolerance.
We give this masterly prodiictipn an appropriate insertion in the beginning
of this compilation : Only, near Onancock, Virginia, )
September 18th, 1854,' J
To  r-:
Dear Sir : — I now proceed to give you the reasons for the opinions I
expressed in my letter of the 2nd instaiit, as fully as my leisure will pern^it:
I said that I did not "think that the present state of affairs in this country
is such as to Justify the formation, by the people, of any Secret Political
Society." The laws of the IJnited States^federal and state laws — d^lareand
defend the liberties of our people., They are free in every sense — free in
the sense of Magna Charta and beyond Magna Charta ; free by the surpass-

8
Ing franchise of A-merican Charters^ which makes them Sovereign and their
will's the sources of constitutions and laws.
, li the archbishop might say to King John,
" Let every Briton, af3 his mind, be free ;
His person safe ; his property secure ;
His house as sacred as the fane of Heaven ;
Watehine, unseen, his ever open door.
Watching the'reahn, the spirit of the laws ;
His fate determined by the rules of right,
His voice ehacted in the common voice
And general suffrage of the assembled realm,
No hand invisible to write his doom ;
No demon starting at the midnight hour.
To' draw his curtain, or to drag hirri down
To mansions of despair. W^ide to the wcfrld
Disclose the secrets of the prison walls.
And bid the groanings of the dungei n strike
The publip ear — Inviolable preserve • '
The sacred shield that covers all the land.
The Heaven-conferr'd palladium of the isle, '
To Briton's sons, the judgment pf their peers,
On these great pillars : freedom of the mind.
Freedom of speech,,arid freedom of the pen,.
Forever changing, yet forever sure,
Tbe base of Briton rests."
— we may say that our American Charters hare more than confirmed thes*
laws of the Confessor, and our people have given to them "as free, as full,
and as sovereign a consent" as was ever given by John to the bishopsand
the barons, " at Runnimede, the .field of freedom," to which it was said —
" Britain's Sons shall come,,
Shall tread where heroes and where patriots trod.
To worship as they v?alk !"
In this country, at tbis time, does any man think anything? Would h«
think aloud ? Would he speak anything .? Would he write anything.? Hii
mind is free, his person is safe, his property, is secure, his house is his castle,
the spirit of the laws is his body-guard and his house-guard; the fate of on«
is the fate of all-.measured by the same cortmon rule of right; his voice is
heard and felt in the general suffrage of freemen ; his. trial is in open court,
confronted by witnesses and accusers; his prison house has no se'crets,. slnd
he has the judgment of his peers; and there is nought to make him afraid,
so lopg, as he respects the rights of his equals in the eye of the law. Would
he propagate Truth? — Truth is free to combat Error. Would he propagate
Errop.?-^£rror itself may stalk abroad and do her mischief and make night
Itself grow darker, provided Truth is left free to follow, however slowly, with
her torches to light up the wreck ! Why, then, should any portion of th«
people desire to retire in secret, and by secret means to propagate a political
thought, or word, or deed, by stealtli ? Why band together, exclusive of
others, to do something which all may not know of, towards' some poHtics^l
end ? If it be good, why not make the good known ? Why pot think it, specie
it, write it, act it out openly and aload ? Or, is it evil, which lovcj^th darknesJ
rather than light ? When there is no necessity to justify a secret assocktion
iov political ends, what else ca^i justify it? A caucus'may sit in secret to
consult on the general policy of a great public party. That may be neces
sary or convenient; but that even is reprehensible, if carried too far. But
here is proposed a great primary, national organisation, in its, inception—
What? JYobody knows. To do what? Mobody . knows. How'organized ?
JVobody knows. Governed by whom ? ' JVobody knows. How bound? By

9
,«,
what rites ? By what test oaths ? With what limitations and, restraints ?
Nobody, .nobody knows ! ! ! All we knowij is, that persons of foreign birth
and of Catholic faith are proscribed, and so are all others who don't pro
scribe thetn at the polls". This is certainly against the spirit of Magna
Charta. Such is our conditiorj of freedom at home, showing no necessity for ^uch
a secret organization and its antagonism to the very basis of American rights.
And our coraparative native and Protestant strength at home repels the plea
of &nch necessity still more. The . statisticw of immigration show that frorft'
1820 to 1st January, 1853, inclusive, for ^'2 years and more,, 3,204,848 for
eigners arrived in the United States, at the average rate of 1Q0,151 per,
annum ; that th'e niiniber of persons of foreign birth now in the United States
is 2,210,839; that the number of natives, whites, is 17,73'?',578, and of per
sons whose nativity is " iinknown," i& 39jl54. (Quere, by, the, by: — What
will " KivowtJVothihgs" do with the " unknown?") The number. of natives to
persons of foreign biMll in the United States, is-as 8 to 1, and the most^of
the latter, of course, are naiu-ralized. ' .In Virginia the whole number of
white natives is 813,891, of persons born out of the State, and in the United
States, ¦57,S02,, making a total of natives of 871,393; and the number of
persons, born in foreign .countries, is 22,953. So that in Virginia the num
ber of natives is to the nuraber of persons born in fpfeign countries, nearly
as 38 to 1. ^ ' ¦.
Again,: — the churches of the Unjled States provide accommodations for
14,23'4,825-votaries ; th^- Roman Catholics for but 667,823 ; the number of
votaries iii the Protestant to the' number in the Rorhan Catholic ih the United
States, as 21 to 1. In Virginia the whole nuraber is 856;436, the Roman
Catholics' 7,-930, or 108 to 1. . , ' , ^•
The number Of churpbes in the Unilpd States is 38,061, pf Catholic
churches 1,221;. more tnan 31 to 1 are Protestant. In Virginia the number
of churches is 2,383) of Cafholic chyrches is 17; more than 140 to 1.
The whole value of church property in tbe United -States is $87,328,801,
of Catholic church property is $9,256,758, or 9 to 1'. In Virginia the whole
value of church prpperty is $,2,856,076; of Catholic cburch property;
,$126,100, or 22 to 1.
In tbe United • States there are four Protestant sects, either of which is
larger than the Catholics: ,. ,
The Baptists provide accommodations for ' 3,24(!',029
The Methodists for . '< ' , , 4,343,579
The Presbyterians for , . •. 3,079,B90
. The Congregationalists for ¦ . 801,835
¦ Aggregate of four' Protestant sects, 10,472,073 '
The Catholics for *, . ' ,667,823 .
¦, ., ¦ . '¦* , ?  '. 
• Majority of only four Protestant se.ots, ,9,804,250
Add'the Episcopalians for ,' ' •, ^ 643,598,
Majority of only five Protestant sects, 10,447,848
In Virginia there are five Protestant sects, either of which^is larger than the number of
Catholics in the Statei ' ¦ „'
Baptists, . 247,589
Episcopal, ' ¦^ 79,684 '
.1 Lutheran, ' . . , 18,750
Methodists, ; ' ' 323,708
.Presbyterian, ' • ' . . 103,625
, 773,356
, Catholics,, , ^ . ,; ^ 7,930 •
Majorityof free Protestant sects ih Virginia', ''765,426

10
Ornearly 98 tol.
Thus natives are to persons of foreign barth
In the United States, as f tol
A In Virginia, as u ^ ^i. v
The Protestant chui'ch accommodations are to the Catholic
In the United States, as 21 to 1
In Virginia, as i . „ .,. ,. ^^^ °
The number of Protestant churches is to the nutdber of Catholic
In the United States, as 31 to 1
In Virginis, as , ' ^'^'^ \° ^ ^ r. ,.
' The value .ot Protestant church property in the United States, is to the value ot Cath
olic church property as ' ' ' 9 to 1
In Virginia, as 22 to 1
There are foiw Protestant sects, each of which is larger than tbe Catholic,
in the United States,, and the Aggregate ai which exceeds the Catholic by a
majority of 9,804,250 votaries, and, adding one sect smaller, by a majority of
10,447,848.' In Virginia tbere are five Protestant sects, each larger than the nuraber of
Catholics in the state, and the aggregate of which exceeds the Catholics by
a majority of 765,426 votaries.
Now, what has such a majority of nujnbers, and of wealth of natives and
of Protestants, to fear from such minorities of Catholics and rfaturalized citir
zens? What is tbe necessity for this master majority to resort to secret
organizatimi against such a minority ? I put it fairly : Would they organize
at all ag&inst the Catholics and naturalized citizens, if the Catholics and
naturalized citizens were in the l^ke majority of numbers and of wealth, or
if majoritie's and rainorities were reversed? To retire in secret with such a
majority, does it not confess to something which dares not subject itself to
the scrutiny of knowledge, and would have discussion Know-Nothing of its
designs and operations and ends'? Cannot the Know-Nothings trust to the
leading Protestant churches to defend themselves and the souls of all the
saints, and sinners too, against the influence of Catholics ? Can't they trust
to the patriotism and fraternity of natives to guard the land against immi
grants ? In defence of the reat American Protestant churches, I venture
to say in their behalf, that t he POpe, and^ all his priests combined, are not
more zealous and watchful in their master's work, or in the work for the mas
tery, than are our Episcopal, Presbyterian, Baptist, Methodi.'^t, Lutheran, and
Congregational clergy. They are, as a whqle cburch militant, with their
armor bright ; they are zealous, they are jealous, they are watchful, they are
organize'd, embodied, however divided by sectarianism, yet banded together
against Papacy, and learned and active, and politic too as any brotherhood of
monks. Tbey need no such political organization to defend the faith. Are
they united in it? Do they favor or countenance, it araong their fiocks ? To
what end? In the name of their religion, I ask them — Why not rely on
God?. And do tbe Know-Nothings imagine that the pride and love of coun
try are so dead iri native hearts, thatsecret organizations are necessary to
beget a new-born patriotism to protect us from foreign influence ? Now, in
defehce of our people, 1 say for them that no people upon earth are more
possessed with nationality as a strong passion than the freemen of the United
States of North America. Nowhere is tbe filiaj and domestic tie stronger,
nowhere is the tie of kinsbip more binding, nowhere is there more amor loci
— the love of ho7ne, which is the surest foundation of the love of country —
no\yhere is any country's romance of history more felt, nowhere are the
social relations on a better moral foundation, nowhere is there as clear iden^
tity of parentage and offspringj nowhere are sons and daughters. so "educated
to liberty," nowhere have any people such certainty of the knowledge of the
reward of vigilance, nowhere have they such freedom of self-government,
nowhere is there such trained hatred of kings,, lords and aristocracies,'

11
nowhere is there more self-independence, or more independence of the. Old
World or its traditions — in a, word, nowhere, is there a country whose people
have, by birthright, a tithe of what our peojile have to make them love that
land which is their country, and ihat spot -which is their*home! I am an
Anierican, a VirginianJ Prouder than ever to have said,' " I am a Rom.an
citizen!" So far from Brother Jonathan wanting a national feehng, he is
justly suspected abroad of a little too much pride and bigotry of country.
The revolution and the last war with Great' Britatii, tried us, aiid the late
conquest of Mexico found ^s not wanting in the sentimentality of ,Mai?o,?i-
alism. Though so young, we have already a dialect and a mannerism, and
our customsand our costurae. A city dandy may have his coat on't in Paris,
but he woujd .fight a Frenchman- in the cloth of his country as quick to-day
as a Marion 'man ever pulled the trigger of a'Tower musket against a red
coat Englishman in '76. And peace has tried our. patriotism more than "war.
Wbat people have more reason to love a country from the labor they have
bestowed upon its development by the arts of industry ? No : as long as the
memory of George Washingtori lives, as long as tb,ere, shall be a 22d of Feb
ruary and a 4th of July, as long.as the everlasting mountains of-this contir
nent stand, and our Father gf Watery floyvs, there will be fathers to^hand
down the stories which, make our hearts, to glow, and.mothers to sing " Hail
Columbia" to their babes — and tba^ song is.not yet stale. There is no need
to revive a sinking patriotism in thfe bearts of our people. And who .would
have them he , selfish in their freedom? Freedom! Ljberty ! selfish and
exclusive ! Never ;' for it consu'meth not in its use, but is like firedn magni
fying, by imparting its sparks and its l-ays of light and of heat. Is there any
necessity .from abroad fot such secret political organizations ? Against
whom, and against what, is. it levelled ? Against foreigners by birth.
When we Wefe as Weak as three millions,' ^e relied largely on foreigners
by birth to defend us and aid. us in , securing independence. Now that we
are twenty-two millions- strong, how is it We have become so weak in our
fears as to apprehend we are to b? deprived of our liberties by foreignefs ?
Verily, tbis seemeth as if Kno^.-Nothings were reversihg the order of
things, or that there is another and a differeri feeling from that of the fear
arising from- a sense of weakness. It comes rather from a proud conscious
ness of over-weening strength. They wax strong' rather, and would kick,
like the proud grown fat. It. is aii exclusive, ii not an aristocratic -feehng
in tbe true sense, which would s^y lo the friends of freedom born abroad :
" We had need of you and were glad of your aid 'when we were weak, but
we are now so independent of you th'dt we are' not cotapelled to allow you
to enjoy our Republican privileges. We dqsire the exclusive use of hu
man rights, though to deprive you of their common enjoyment will not en-.
rich us the more and .will make you 'poor indeed.!'" ^ut not only is it
levelled against foreigners by birth, but against tbe Pope of Rome.
There was once a. time when the very name of Papa frightened us as the
children of a nursery. But, now, now ! who can be frightened by the tem- .
poral or ecclesiastical authority of Pius IX ? Has he got back to Rome
from his late excursion ? Who are his body-guard there ? Have the lips
of a crowned head kissed his big toe for a century ? Are .any so poor as
to do his Italian crown any reverence? Do n6t two Catholic powers,
France and Austria, hold all his ^dominions in a detestable dependency ?
What army, what revenue, what diplomacy, wbat chqrch domination in'
even the Catholic countries of the old or the new world has ,he ? Why, the
idea of the Pope's influence at this day is as preposterous as that of a gun
powder plot, I would as soon think of dreadjngihe ghost of Guy 'Fawkes.
No, there is no necessity, from eithpr oppressipn. or weakness of Protes
tants or datives- They are both free aiid strong ; and do they now, because

12
they are, rich in civil and religious freedom, wis-b, in turn, to persecute, and
..(exclude tbe fallen and the doWOrtrodden of the earth ? — God fot-bid ! _ ,
2d. But there, is not only no necessity for this secret political orgaijiza-
tion, but it is against, the spirit Of our laws and the facts of our history.
Some families in this Republic render themselves ridiculous, apd offensive,
too, by the vain pretensions to the exalting accidents of birth. We, in Vir»
ginia, are not seldom pointed at for our F. F. V.'s of ancestral arrogance.
But, who ever thought that pretension of this sort was so soon to be set up
by exclusives for the Republic itself ? Sorae of the ancient European people
may boast of their " protoplasts," and of their being themsel-ves " autoch
thones" — that they had fathers and mothers from near Adam, whom they
can name as tbeir first formers, and that tbe.jj are of the sajrre unmixed
blood, original inhabitants oi their country. But who were our proteplastsl
English, Irishi Scotch, German, Dutch, S,Wed,es, French, Swiss, .Spanish,
Italiap, Ethiopian — all people of all nations, tribes, complexions, languages
and religions ! And who alone are "autochthones" here in North Amer
ica ? — Why, the Indians I They are the only true natives. One thing we
have, and that more distinctly than any other nation : we' have our " epony-
mas," We can name .the very hour of our birth as a people. We need re
cur to no fable of a wolf to whelp us into existence. It may be hard to
fix Anno Muri^i, or the year of Noah's flood', or the building of Rome.
Rome may have her Julian §pocha, the Ethiopian their epocha of the Abys;
sines, the Arabians theirs of the flight of Mahomet, the Persians theirs of
the coronation of Jesdegerdis ; but ours dates from the Declaration of Inde
pendence araong the nations' of the- earth, the 4th day of July, A. D. 1776.
As a nation we are but 78 years of age. Many a person is now living who
Was alive before this nation w.as born." And the ancestors of this people,
about two centiaries only agp, were foreigners, every one of them coming
to the shores of this country; to take jt awa}' from the Aborigines, the " autochr
thones," and to take possession of it by authority, Either directly or deriva
tively, of Papal Power ? His holiness- thp Pope.-w'as the great grantor of all
the new countries of North America. This fiction was a fact bf the history
of all our first discoveries and settlements. Foreigners,' in the name of the
Pope and Mother Church, took possession of North America, to have and
to hold the same to their heirs against the heathen forever! — and now al
ready their descendants are for excluding foreigners and the Pope's follow
ers from an equal enjoyment of the privileges of tbi^ same possession! So
strange is human history. Christopher Columbus ! Ferdinand and Isa
bella!' What would tbey have thought of this had they foreseen it when
they touched a continent and called it theirs in the name of the Holy
Trinity, by authority of tbe keeper of the keys of heaven, and of the great'
grantor of the empire and domain of earth ?" What would have become of
Our national titles to north-eastern and north-western boundaries, but for the
plea of this authority, valid of old among all Christian Powers ?
Following the discovery and the possession ofthe country by foreigners, in
virtue of Catholic majesty, came the settlements ofthe country by force and
constraint oi religious intolerance and persecution. Puritans, Huguenots, Cav
aliers, Catholics, Quakers, all came' to Western wilds, each in turn persecuted..
and persecuting for opinion/'s sake. Oppression pf opimon was the most odious
of the abominations of the Old World's despotism— its only glory and "¦race
IS that it made tboiisands of martyrs. It deluged every country and tamted
the air of every cbme, and stained the robes of righteousness of every
sect with blood, with the blqod .of every huraan sacrifice, whi'ch was honest
and earnest in its faith, the h/pocrifes and hinds «f profession alone escaping;,
the swords or the flames of persecution. The colonies wert 'blackened %
the burnings of the stake, and were died red with the blood o'f intoleraiife

13
The American revolution raade a new era of liberty to dawn — the era of
the , liberty of conscience, li there is ,any essence in Americanism, the
very salt wherewith it is savored is the freedom of opinion and .the liberty
of conscience. Is it now proposed that we shall go back to the deeds of
the dark ages of despotism ? That this broad land, still unoccupied in more
than half of its virgin soil, shall no longer be an asylum for the oppre.'ised ?
That here, as elsewhere,, and again, as of old, men shall be burthened by
their births and chained for their opinions ? I trust that a design of that
iptent will remain, a secret buried forever.
I have said this organization was against the spirit of our lawsi Our lajvs
sprang from the necess'ity of the condition of ^our early settlers. They
brought wi<th them from England their Pepates, th,e household gods of an
Apglo-Saxon race, the liberties of Magn'a Charta, the trial by jury, the judg-
merit of the peers, apd the ot?her, mupimepts of human dignity and humai;i
rights secured by the first English pharta. These, foreigners brought with
them from, Europe. Here they found the virtues to extiend these rights apd
their .muniment?. The neglect of the mother country left them self-de
pendent and self-reliant until tbey were thoroughly taught the lesson oi self-
governmen,t-^ihat they cOUld be their own sovereigps-^and the verjr experi
ence of despotism t'hey had pnce taSted raade them hate tyrants, either
elective or. hereditary. Their destitute and 'exposed cohditiop trained them
to hardy habits and cultivated in them every sterpcr virtue. They knew
privation, fatigue-, endurance, self-denial, fortitude,, and were made men at
arms — fcautious, courageous, gene^oi^s, just and tnisting in God. They had
to ffight Indians, from T'hilip, On .Massachusetts Bay, to Powhatan, on the
river of Swans."' And they had an unexplored, continent to subdue, 'With its
teeming soil, its majestic forests, its towering mountains, and its unequalle'd
rivers. Above all things, they needed population, more fellow-settlers, more
foreigners to immigrate, and to aid thera in the task of founders of empire
set. before the-m, to open the forests, to level the hills, and to raise up the
valleys of a giant pew country. 'W'ell, these foreigners did their task likfe
men. Such a work! who can exaggerate it ? They did it against all odds
and in spite of European oppression. They grew and thrived, until they
were rich enough to be- tailed'. Tbey -were told taxation. was no tyranny.
But these foreigners gave>^the world a ne,w truth-of freedom. Taxation with
out representation was tyranny.- -The attempt to impose it upon them, the
least mite of it, made them resolve, "that they would give millions for
defence,, bul not a cent fpr tribute." That resolve drove them to the neces
sity of war, and they, foreigners, /if'rotestants. Catholics -and all, 'took the
dire alternative, united as a,.band of brothers, and declared their dependence
upon God alone. And they entered fo the world a complaint of grievances
—T-a Declaration of Independence ! This was pretty well to show -whether
foreigners, of stny and all religionsj just fresh from, Europe, could be trusted
on the side of America and liberty. One of the first of their complaints
was : , , .
"He '(George III.) has endeavored to prevent the population 'of these
states, for that purpose obstructing the laws for naturalization of fareign'ers,
refusing to pass others to encourage theii- emigration hither,- and raising the
conditions of new, appropriations of land." ¦ ;
There is the proof that they valued the naturalization of foreigners and
the itnmigr'ation of foreigners hither,' arid ,they desired appropriations,, new
apprOpriatiops of lapd, for immigrants.
Anotheir complaint was,' that they- had appealed in vain to " British tjreth-
ren." They said : _ ; • '
"We have appealed to .their ndroe justice and magnanimity; and we
have conjured them, by the ties of our cotnraon kindred, to disavow these

14
usurpations, &c. They, too, have been deaf to the voice of justice arid con
sanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity which denounces
our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, enemies in
war, in peace friends." . '
There is proof, too, that Nfitivism cap't always be relied, op to help ope s
own couptrymep, apd that bretbrep, and kindred, and consan^inity, will
fail a whole people ip trouble, just as kipShip too oftep fails families and in
dividuals in the trials of life.
" And," lastly, " for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance
on the protection of Divi'pe" Providence, we mutually pledge to each other
our lives, our fortUpes, and our sacred honor." ¦ ' '
There was tolerapce, there was firm reliance on the same one God^ there
was mutuality of pledge, each to . tbe other,_ at one .altar, and tbere was a
comraon stake of sacrifice — "lives, fortunes 'and honor." And who were
they ? There were Hancock the Puritan, Penn tbe Quaker, Rutledge thfe
Huguenot, Carroll the Catholic, Lee the' Cavalier, Jefferson the Free Thinker.
These, representatives of all tbe signerb, and the signe'rs, representatives of
all the people of all the colonies.
Oh! my countrymen, did not that "pledge'-' bind them and' bind us,
their heirs, forever to faith and hope in God and to charity for each other— to
tolerance in religion, and to '" mutuality " in political freedom ?, Down,'
down with any organization, then, -wiiich "denounces" a "separation''
between Protestant Virginia and Catholic Marylapd— between the children
of Catholic Carroll and Protestapt George Wythe. Tbeir names stand to
gether among "the signatures," and I will redeem their " mutual " pledges
with my "life," my "fortunie," and'my " s&cred honor,," " so far as in me
lies — so help me. Almighty God !"
I think that hete is proof enough that "foreigners" and CathoUcs- both
entered as material elements into our Americanisni. But before the 4fh day
of July there were laws passed of the highest authority, to which this secret
organization is opposed.
On the 12th of June, '76, the Convention of Virginia passed a "Declara
tion of Rigbts." Its 4th section declares: "that no man, or set of
men, are eptitled to exclusive or separate erholumepts or privileges from the
coraraupity, but ip consideratiop of public services; which not being. de
scendible, neither ought the' offices of magistrate, legislator or judge to be
hereditary." . ¦ , ¦ ] . '
Now, does the Know-Nothing organization not claim for the "native
born" "set of men" to be entitled to exclusive -privileges from the commu
nity as 'against naturalized and Catbqlic citizens; and thus, by virtue of
birth, to inherit the right of election to the Offices of m-agistrates, legislator
or judge; which. are not descendible? They set up nd such claim for the
individual person native born, but tbey do set up a quality ior nativity, to
which, and to vvhich -alone, tbey claim, pertains the privileges of eligibility
to offices.
Again: — Does this organization not violate tbe 7th section of this de
claration of rights, which forbids "all power of suspending 'laws, or the exe
cution of laws^ by any authority without consent of the representatives of
the people, as injurious to their' rights, and which ought not to be exer
cised ?" When the laws say, and tbe representatives of the people sayi that
Cathohcs and na,tUrabzed citizeps shaH be tolerated and.allow^d to enjoy
the privileges of citizeriship, apd eligibility to office, haye they pot oro-anized
a secret power to suspend these laws apd to prevept the execution o? them,
by their sole authority, without consent of the representatives of the people?
This declaration denounces it as injuriolis to the rights of the people and as
a power which ought nof to be exercised.

15
Agaip :— ^Does not this organization annul that part of the 8tb section of
tbis declaration, which says : " That no man shall be. deprived of bis liberty,
except by the k-\^ of the land, or tbe judgment of his peers?" This don't
apply alone to personal liberty, the freedom of the body from prison,' but no
man shall be deprived of his franchises of apy sort, of his liberty ip its
largest sepse, except by the law of the lapd or the judgment of his peers,
the trial by jury. Has, therti, a private and secret tribunal a right to impose
qualificatiops for Office, aridi to enforce their laws by te§t oaths, so as to de
prive any man of his libe'rty to be elected ,?
Again : — Is tliis orgapizati'pn pot- ari Imperium in Imperio against the 14th
section of this declaratidp, which says,; "' That ,the people have a right tp
uniform government, arid, therefore, that no governraent s'eparated frorn or
ipdepepdent of. the government of Virginia,- ought to be erected' or estab
lished within the'limits thereof." ' It is not a government, but does it not, -will
it pot, politically govero the portioA of the people belopging to if, differently
frorri what the portion of the people pot belonging to it, are governed by tbe
laws of Virginia ? , ' ' '
Again: — It does' not adhere to the '"justice -and mbderation" inculcated
in the; 15th section bf the'declaratipn.- And lastly,;it avowedly opposes the
16th section, which declares, '" that reUgion, or the duty which we Owe to our
Creator, and the manrie;: of discharging it, can be direct-ed only by reason
apd conviction, not by force or violence ; and, therefore, ^ all men are equally
entitled to the free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of con
science; and that it is the mutiial duty of all' to- practice Christian forbear
ance, love and, charity towards each other."
But this organization not only contravenes the rules of our Declaration of
Independence and Sights, but it is in tbci face of a positive and pef-petual
statute, now made a part of Our organic la-w by' the new Constitution — the
Act of Religious Freedom, , passe'd the 1 16th of December, 1785. Against
this law, this Know-Nothipg order a.ttacks the freedpm of the mind, by im
posing, " civil incapacitations ;", it "attempts to punish one religion and to
propagate another' by coercion op both body and mind ;" it " sets up its own
opipions and modes of thinking as the oply true , and infallible ;" it raakes
our " civil i-jglits'to have a dependence on our religious opinions ;" it " de-
^prives citizens of their natural.rights,' by ..proscribing them ,as .unworthy tbe
public confidence, by la'yirig upon tljem an incapacity of being called to
offices of trust and emolument, unless. tbey profess or renobnce this or that
religious opinion^' "it tends to, corrupt the principles ,of that religion it is
meant to epcourage, by bribing with a monopoly of worldly honors and
emoluments, those who will extefp^ally profess and conform to it ;" it lacks
confidence in Truth, which "is great knd will prevail,." if left to herself ;
that she is the proppr and sufficient antagonist to Error, and has nothing to
fear from the conflict, unless by human interposition disarmed of her natural
weapops, free arguraent and debate; it^ withdraws errors from free argument
and debate, and liides them ip secret, where tbey become dangerous, because
it is pot permitted freely to contradict •them.
Let it'not be said that this is a restraining statute upon government and
is a prohibitiop to "legislators apd rulers, civil as well as ecclesiastical." If
they evep are restrained by this IeIw, a fortiori, every pri'Vi^te organization,
or order, or individual; is restrained. The Kno^w-Nothings Will hardly pre
tend to do what,t,he,governmerit itself, and legislators,' and rulers, civil as
well as ecclesiastical; dare not do.. If such be their pretensions they claim
to be above the law, or to set up a higher law^then, , sic volo, to compel a
mari to frequent or support ,apy religious worship, apd to enforce, restrain,
molest, or burthen bim, or " to make him suffer" on account of his religious
opipions or belief; or to deprive men of their freedom to profess, and by

16
argument to maintain their opinions in matters of religion, and to make the
same diminish, enlarge'or affect tbeir civil capacities. No, when our Con
stitutions forbid the legislators to 'exercise a power, they intend that no such
power shall be exercised by any one.
, Not only is the law of Virginia thus liberal as to religibri, but also as to
naturalization. ¦-
So far as " Know-NothingisiTi " opposes our naturalization laws, it is not
only against our statute policy, but against Americanism itself. In this itis
especially anti-American. One ofthe best fruits of the American Revolu
tion .was to establish, for the first firae in the world,' the human rie:ht of ex-
patri'^tion. Prior to-our separate existence, as a-natiort of the earth, the des
potisms of the old world had made a' law untb themselves,, -whereby th^y
could hold forever in chains those of mankind wbo were so unfortunate as
tp be born their subjects. In Respect to birthright and, the right of exjiatrja-
tionj and the duty of allegiance and protection, and the law of treason,
crow^ned Beads held to the ancient dogma: " Once a Citizep always a citi
zen." If a mari was so miserable as to be .born the slave of a tyrant, he
must remain his slave forever. He could pever renoupce his ill-fated birth
right — could pever expatriate himself to seek • for a better couptry-.— and
could pever forswear tbe allegiapce ' which bound bjm to his chains. He
might emigrate, might take th'e wings of the morning and fly to the utter
most parts of the earth, might cross seas and continents, and put oceans, and
rivers, and lakes, an(l rnoiiritains between him and the throne in the shadow
of which he was born, and he Would still "but dra's a l-engthening; chain."
Still th^ despotism might pursue bim, find and bind him as a subject slave.
If America beckoned to him to fly to her for freedom, apd to give her the.
cunnipg and the strerigth of his'right arm to help ameliorate her huge pro- ,
portions and to work out her grand destiny, the tyrant' had to be asked for
passports and permission to expatriate. But they came — lo ! they came!
Qm laws encouraged them to come. Before '76, Virginia and all the colo
nies encouraged immigration. It was a necessity as well as a policy of the
whole country. Early in. the revolution, the king's forces hung some of the
best blood of the colonies under the maxim, " Once a citizen, always a citi
zen." They were traitors if foftnd fighting fbr us, because they were once
subjects. Washi'ngtop was oblige'd to hold hostages, to prevept the applica
tion of this barbarous doctrine of tyranny. 'At last our struggle ended, and
our independence was recognized. Geqrge lit. was compelled to renounce
our allegiance to him, though We here born his subjects. But still, when we
came to our separate existence, we were called on to recogpize the same
odious maxim, still. adhered to by the despots of Europe: "Once a citizen,
always a citizen." Subjects were still told that they should not expatriate
theraselves, and America was warned that sbe should not naturalize them
without the consent of theii- monarch masters. Spurning this dogma, and
the tyrants who boasted the power to enforce it, the 4th power which .the
Copv'eptiop of 1787, that formed our blessed Copstitution, enumerated, is.:
" The Congress s'hall have power 'to estabUsh an uniform rule of naturaliza
tion.'" ¦ - - '
The meaning of this was, to say by pi^iblic law to all Europe and her com
bined courts, "Your dogma, 'once a citizen always a citizen,' shall cease
forever as to tbe United States of North, America. We need population to
smooth ouf rough places, and to make our crooked places straigbt; but,
above and beyond that policy, we are, with the help of God, resolved that
this new and , giant la'nd shall Be one vast asyl.um for the oppressed of every
other land, now and foreverl " That is my reading of our law of liberty.
Those boiip in bondage might raise their eyes up in hope of a better country!
They might, and should if they would, expatriate themselves, fly from

17
slavery and chains, and come! — Ho, every one of them, come fo our country
and be'free with us! They might fors^wear their allegiance to de.spots, and
should be allowed here to take an oath to liberty and her flag, and her free
dom, and they should not be pursued and punished as traitors. When they
came and swore that our country should be their country, we would swear to
protect them as if in the country born, as if natives — i. e., as .naturalized
citizens, and they should be our citizens and he-entitled to our protection.
And this was in conformity to tbe only true idea of " Naturalization," which,
according to its legal as w'ell as its etymological sense, means, " when one
who is an alien is made a natural subject by act of law and consent of the
.sovereign power of the state." The consent of our sovereign power is
'Written in the Constitution of the United States, and Congress, at an' early
day after its adoption, passed the acts of naturalization. The leading statute
is thatof April 14th, 1802. It provided* that any alien, bejpg a free white
'person, may be adraitted to become a citizen of the United States, or any of
tbem, on the following conditions, aud not. otherwise :
1st. That be shall have declared on oath or affirmation before the supreme,
superior, district or circuit court of some one of the states, or of the territo
rial districts of the United States, ora circuit or district court of the United
States, three years (too-years by act of May 26th, 1824,) at least before bis
adraission, that it was his bona fide intention to become a citizen of the
United States, and to renounce forever all allegiance and fidelity to' any
foreign prince, potentate, state . or sovereignty, whereof such -alien may at
the tirae be a citizep or subject. - -
2d. That he'shall, at the time of his applieatiop to be adraitted, declare op
oath or affirmation before some one of the courts aforesaid, that he will sup
port the Constitution of the Upited. States, apd that he doth absolutely apd
entirely renounce and abjure all allegiance and fidelity to every foreign
prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whatever, and particularly, by name,,
the prince, potentate, state or sovereignty whereof he was before a citizen
or subject; wbich proceedings shall be recorded by the clerk of the court.
3rd. That the court admitting such alien shall be satisfied that he has
resided within the United States '^^ne years at -least, and within the state or
territory where such court is -at the firae held, one year, at least; and it
shall further appear to their satisfaction, that during that time he has behaved
as a man of good moral character, attached to -the., principles of the Con
stitution of 'the United States, and well disposed to the good order and
happiness of the same ; Provided, That the oath bf tbe applicant shall in no
case be allowed to prove his residence. '
4th. That in case the alien applying to be adraitted to citizenship shall have
borne'any hereditary title or been of any. of the orders of nobility in the
kingdom or state from -whicb he, came, he shallj in addition to the above
requisites, make an express renunciation of his title or order bf nobility in
the court to which his appUcation shall be made, which renunciation shall
be recorded in the said court: Provided, That no.aUen wbo sball be a native,
citizen, denizen, or subject, of any country, state, or sovereign, -with whom
the United States shall be at wkr at the .time of his application, shall then
be admitted to be a citizen of the United States.
The act has other provisions, and has since been modified from time to
time. This statute had not operated a legal life time before Great Britain
ao-ain asserted the dogma: " Once a citizen, always a citizen !" The base
and cowardly attack of the Leoparfl-^on the Chesapealce, at the mouth of
this very bay, in sight of the Virginia shore, was raade upon the claira of
rio'ht to seize British born- subjects from ori board our man-of-war. The
star-spangled banner was struck that day for the last time to the detestable
maxim of tyranny: — "Once a citizen, always a citizen." It must not be
2

18
foro-otten that it was upon this doctrine of despots that the Right of Search
was founded. They arrogated to themselves the prerogative to search our
decks on the high seas, and to seize those of our crews who were born in
British dominions. In 1812, we declared the last war. For what? For
" Free Trade, and Sailors' Rights" That is, for the right of our naturaUzed-
citizen-sailors to sail on the high seas, and to trade abroad free from search
and seizure. They had been required to "renounce and abjure," all '''al
legiance and fidelity" to any other couptry, state, qr sovereigpfy, and
particularly to the country, state, or sovereignty under -which they have
been natives or citizens, and we had reciprocally undertaken to protect them
in consideration of their oaths of allegiance and fidelity to the Upited States.'
How protect them ? By enabling them to fulfil their obligations to us of al
legiance and fidelity, by making them free to fight for our flag, and free in
every sense, just as'if they had been born in our country. Fight for us
they did ; paturalized, and those not naturahzed, were of our. crews. They
fought in every sea for the flag which threw protection over them, from
the first gun of the Copstitution frigate to the last gup of the boats on
Lake Poptchartraip, in ever}' battle where
" Cannon's mouths were each other greeting.
And yard arm was with yard arm meetirtg."
That war Sealed in the blood of dead and living heroes the eternal, Amer
ican principle: — r" The- right of expatriation, the right and duty of naturali
zation — the right to fly from tyranny to tbe flag of freedom,' and the recip-
i^ocal duties of allegiance and protection." And does a party — aft order or
what not, calling itself an American party, now oppose and call upon me
'to oppose these great American truths', and to puj; America in the wrong
for declaring' and fighting the last war of independence against- Great
Britain ? Never ! I would as soon go back to wallowing in the mire of
European serfdom. I won't do it. I can't do it. No; I -u'ill lie down and
rise up a Native American, for and not against these imperishable Amer
ican truths. Nor will any true American, -who understands what Amer
icanism is do otherwise. I put a case :
A Prussian born subject came to this country. He complied with our
naturaUzatio'n laWs in all respects of notice of iptention, residepce, oath of alle
giance, and proof of good moral character, He remained contipuoti.sly in the
United States the fuU period of five years. When he had fully filled the meas
ure of his probation and was consummately a naturalized citizen of the United
States, he then, a'nd not until then, returned to Prussia to visit an aged .father.
He -w-as immediately, on his return, seized and foi;ced into the Land-^vehr, or
miUtia system of Prussia, under the ma.xira : "Once a citizen, always a
citizen!" There he is forced to do service to the king of Prussia at^his
very hour. He applies for protection to the United States. Would the
Know-Nothings interpose in his behalf or not ? Look at the principles in
volved. We, by our laws, encouraged him to come to our couptry, and
here he was allowed to becorae naturahzed, and to that end required to re
nounce and abjure aU allegiance and fidelity to the king of Trussia, and to
swear allegiance and .fideUty to 1,he United States. The kirt"- of Prussia
now claims no legal forfeiture frohi him— he punishes hin^ for no c?-me— he
claims of him no legal debt— he claims #lone that very allegiance and fidelity
which we required the man to abjure and renounce. Not only so but he
hinders the man from returning to tbe United States, and from discharo-jng
ttie allegiance and fidehty we required him to' swear to the United States.
The king of Prussia says he should do him service for seven years for this
was what he was born to perform ; his obligations were due to him first and

19
his laws w^ere- first binding him. The United States say — true, he was born
under ypur laws, but he had a right to expatriate himself ; he owed allegi
ance first to you, but he had a right to forswear it and to swear allegiapce to
us ; your la-ws first applied, but this is a case of political obligation, not of
legal obligation ; it is not for any crime or, debt you claim to bind him, but
it is for allegiance ^, and the claira you set up to his services on the ground of
his political obUgation, his allegiance to you, which we allow him "to abjure
and renounce, is inconsistent with his political obli'gation,' his aUegiance,
which we required him to swear to ihe United States ; he hds sworn fideUty
to us, apd we have, by our laws, pledged' protection to him.
Such is the iss.ue. Now,- with whi'ch will the Know-Nothing's take sides?
With the king of' Prussia against our naturalized citizen apd against Amer
ica, or with' America and oiir .naturalized citizen ? Mark, now, Knpw-Noth-
ingisra is opposed to all. foreign influence — against 'American institutions.-
The king of Prussia is a pretty potent foreign influence — he was one of the
holy alliance of crowned heads. Will they take part with him, and not
protect the citizen? Then they unit -aiA a foreign influence against our
!'aws! Will- tbey take sides with our naturalized citizen? If so, then
upon what grounds ? Now, they must have a good cause of interposi
tion to justify us against all the received dogmas of European despotism.
, Don't they see, can't they perceive, that they have.no other grounds than
those I have urged ? He is our citizep, natidnalized-, owing us allegiance
and we owing bim protection. And if we owe hira protection abroad, be
cause of his sworn allegiance to us as a naturalized citizep, what thep can
deprive him of bis privileges at h'ome araong us when he returns? If he be
a citizen at all, he must be allowed the privileges bf citizenship, or he will
not be the equal of his fellow-citizens. And must not Know-Nothingism
strike at the very equality of citizenship, or allow him to enjoy all its lawful
privileges? If Catholics 'and tiaturaUzed citizensare to be citizens and yet
to be proscribed from office, they must be rated as an iriferior class — an ex
cluded class of citizens. WiU 'it be said that the law will not make this dis
tinction? Thep are we to understand that Know-Nothings would rao< make
them equal by law? If not by law, bow can tbey pretend 'to make them
unequal, by their secret order, without law and against law? For them,
by. secret combination, to make them uneq,ual, tb impose a burthen pr
restriction upon their privileges whicb the law -does not, is to set them
selves up above the la-W, and to supercede by private and secret author
ity, intangible and irresponsible, the rule of public, poUtical right. .-In
deed, is this not .the 'very essence of the " Higher Law" dpctrine? It
cannot be said to be legitimate pubUc sentiment and. the action of its
authority. Public sentiraent, proper, is a concurrence of tbe comraon
mind in some conclusion, conviction, opinion, taste or action in respect to
persons or things subject to its pubUc notice. , It will, arid it must control the
minds and actions of men, by public and conventional opinion. Count Mole
said that in France it was stronger than statutes. It is so here. That it is
which should decide at the polls of a Republic. But, bere is a secret senti
ment, which may be so organized as to contradict the public sentiment.
Candidate A. may be a native and a Protestant, and may concur with the
coraraunity, if it be a Know-Nothing community, on every other subject ex
cept thatof proscribing _ CathoUcs and naturalized citizens ; and candidate
B. may copcur with the Community on the -subject of this proscription- alone,
and upon no other subject; and yet the IQiow-Nothings . might elect B. by
their secret sentiment against the pubUc sentiment. Thus it attacks not
only American doctrines of expatriatiop, allegiapce apd protection, but the
equaUty of citizepshipj.apd the authority of public sentiment. In the affair
qf Koszta, how did our blood ru^h to his rescue ? Did the Know-Nothi-ng

20
side with him and Mr. Marcy, or with Hulseman and Austria ? If with
Koszta, why ? Let them- a.sk themselves for the rationale, apd see it it can
in reason abide with their orders. There is no middle ground an respect 'to
naturalization. We must either have naturalization laws and let foreigners
become citizens, on equal terms of capacities and privileges, or we must ex
clude th^m altogether. If we abolish paturalizatiop law«, we returp to the
European dogma: " Once a citizen, always a citizen." If. we let foreigners
be naturalized and. don't extend to them equality of privileges, 'we setup
classes and distinctions- of person's wholly opposed to RepubUcanism. We
will, as Rome did, have citizens who may be scourged. 'The three alterna
tives are presented — Our presept policy, liberal, and just,, and tolerant, and
equal; or the European policy of holding the noses of native born, slaves to
the grind-stone of tyranny all their Uves ; or, odious distinctions of citizen
ship tending to social aind poUtical aristocracy. I am for the present laws of
naturalization. As to religion, the Constitution ofthe United States, art. 6tb, sec. 2,, espe
cially provides that no religious test shaU ever be required as a quaUfication
to any office or public trust under the United States. The state of Virginia
has, from ber earliest history, passed the most Uberal laws, not only towards
naturalization, but towards foreigners. But I have said. enough to show the
spirit of Araerican laws and the true sense of American maxims.
3rd. Know-Nothirigism is'against the spirit of the Reforraatioii and of Pro
testantism ?
What was there to Reform ?
Let the most bigoted Protestant enumerate what he defines to have been
the abominations of the chbrch of Rome. What would he say were the
worst ? The secrets of Jesuitism, of the Auto dafe, of the Monasteries and
of the Nunneries. The private penalties of the Inquisition's Scavenger's
daughter. Proscription, 'Persecution, Bigotry, Intolerance, Shutting up of
the Eook of tbe Word. Apd do Protestants now mean to out-Jesuit the
Jesuits ? Do they mea-n to strike and not be seen? To be felt and not tobe
heard? To put- a shudder , upon humanity by the Masks of Mutes? 'Will
they wear the Monkish cowls ? Will they inflict penalties at the poUs
without reasoning together with their fellows at the hustings? Will
they proscribe ? Persecute I Will thej'' bloat up themselves into that
bigotry which would burn non-conformists? Will tbey not tolerate free
dom of conscience, but doom dissenters, in secret copclave, to a forfeiture
of civil privileges for a religious differepce ? Will they not translate the
scripture of their faith ? Will tbey visit us with dark Janterns and execute
us by signs, and test oaths, and in secre.sy ?
Protestantism ! forbid it !
If anything was ever open, fair and free — if anything was ever blatant
even — it was the Reformati6n. To quote from a mighty British pen : "It
gave a mighty impulse and increased activity to thought and enquiry, agitated
the inert ma.ss of accumulated prejudices throughout Europe. The effect of
the concussion was general, but the shock was greatest iri this country"
(England.) It toppled down the fuU grown intolerable abuses of centuries
at a blow; heaved the ground from under the feet of bigoted faith apd slavish
obedience; and the roar and dashing of opinions, loosened from their accus
tomed hold, might be heard like the noise of an angry .-^ea, and has pever yet
subsided. Germauy fir..st broke the spell of misbegotten fear, and gave the
watchword; but England joined the shout, and echoed it back, with her
island voice, from her thousand cliffs and craggy shores, in a longer and
a louder strain. With that cry the genius of Great Britain rose, and threw
down the gauntlet to the nations. There was a raighty fermentation ; the
waters were out; pubUc opinion was in a'state of projection; Liberty was

21
held out to all to think and speak the truth; men's braips were busy; their
spirits. stirring ; their hearts full; and their hands riot idle. Their eyes were
opepedto expect the greatest things, and their ears burned with curiosity
and- zeal to know^the truth, that the truth might make them free. The death
blow which had been struck at scarlet vice and bloated hypocrisy, loosened
tongues, and made the talismaris and love tokens of Popish superstitions
with which sbe had beguiled her followers and committed abominations with
tbe people, fall harmless from their necks.'! '
The translation of the Bible was the chief engine in the great work. It
threw opeo, by a secret spring, fhe rich treasures of religiop and moraUty,
whicb had then been locked up as in a shrine. It revealed the visions of
the Prophets, and copveyedthe lessons of inspired teachers'to the meane»t
of the-people. It gave them a common interest in a coraraon cause. Their
hearts burnt within them as they read.. It 'gave a mind to the people, by
giving them common subjects of thought and feeling. It cenaented their
Union of character and sentiraent ; it created endless diversity and collision
of opinion. They found objects to eraploy their faculties, and a motive in
the magnitude of the consequences attached to them, to exert the utmost
eagerness in tbe pufsuit of truth, and the, most daring intrepidity in main
taining it. ReUgious controversy sharpens the understanding by the subtlety
and remoteness of the topics if discusses, and braces tbe will by their infi
nite importance. We perceive in the history of this period a nervous, mas
culine intellect. No levity, no feebleness, no indifference ; or, if tbere were,
it is a relaxation frOm the intense activity which gives a tone to its general
character. But there is a gravity approaching tp piety, a seriousness of im
pression, a conscientious severity of argument, an habitual fervor' of enthu
siasm in their method of handling almost every subject. The debates of the
schoolmen were sharp and subtle enpugfh; li'ut they wanted interest and
.grandefir, and were besides confined to a few. They did not affect the gen
eral mass of the community. But the Bible was-thrown open to .all 'ranks
and conditions "to own and read," with its wonderful table of cbntepts,
from Genesis to tbe Revelations. Every village in England' would present
the scene so well described in Burns' " Cotter's Saturday Night." . How
unlike this agitation, this shock, this angry sea, this fermentation, this shout
and its echoes, this impulse and activity, tbis .concussion, this general effect,
tbis blow, this earthquake, this roar .and dashing, tbis longer and louder
strain, this public opinion, this liberty to all to think and speak the truth,
this stirring of spirits, tbis opeping of eyes, this zeal to know — not nothiug
-1-but tbe truth,- that the truth might make them free. How unlike to tbis is
Know-Nothingism, sitting and brooding in secret to proscribe Cathplics and
naturalized citizens ! ' Protestantism protested against secresy,,, it protested
against shutting out the light of truth, it protested against prosdriptipn, bigotry
and intolerance. It lo'osened all tongues and foUght fhe owls and bats of
night with the light of meridian day. The argument of " Know-Nothings is
the argument of silence. The order ignores, all knowledge. And its pro
scription can't arrest itself within the limit of excluding Catholics and natu
ralized citizens. It must proscribe natives and Protestants both, who will
not consent to unite in proscribing Catholics and, paturalized citizeps. Nor
is that all; it must pot only apply to birth and religion, it must necessarily
extend itself to the business of life as well as to political preferments. The
instances have already occurred.. Schbolraistresses bave been dismissed
from schools in Philadelphia, and carpenters from a building in Cincinnati,
4th. It is not only opposed to the Reformation and Protestantism, but it is
opposed to the faith, hope and charity of the gospel. Never was any triumph
more complete than that of the open conflict of Prote,stants against the
Pope and priestcraft. They did not oppose proscription because it Was a 'policy

22
of Catholics; but they opposed CathoUcs because they employed proscription.
Proscription, not Catholics, was the odium to them. Here, pow, is Know-
Nothingism combatting proscription and exclusiveness with _ proscription and
exclusiveness, secrecy with secrecy, Jesuitism with Jesuitism. Toleration,
by American example, bad begun its march throughout the earth. It trusted
in the "power of truth, had faith in Christian' love and charity; and in the
certainty that God would decide the contest. Here, now,' is ari order
proposing'to destroy the effecf of our moral example. The Pope himself
would soon be obliged, by our moral suasion, to yield to Protestants in Cath
olic countries tbeir, privileg'es of wor.ship and rites of burial. But, no, the
proposition now is," to fight the.devil with fire," and to proscribe and exclude
because tbey proscribe and exclude. And theyiake up the weapons' of
Popery without knowing how to wield them half so cunningly as the Catho
lics do. The Popish priests are rejoiced to see "them giving countenance to
their example, and expect to make capital and will make capital out of this
step backwards from the progress of .the reformation. Protestantism has l()st
nothing by toleration, but may lose. much by proscription.
5th. It is against the peace and piirity of the Protestant churches and in
aid of priestcraft within their folds, to Secretly organize orders for reUgious
combined with political ends. The world — \ mean the sinner's world-^will
be set at w^ar with the sects who unite in this crusade against tolerance and
freedom of conscience and of speech. Christ's kingdom is not of this
world, and freemen will not submit to have tbe Protestapt any raore than
the Catholic churches atterapt to influence political elections, without a strug
gle from without. And ' the churches frora within raust reach a point when
they must struggle among themselves and with each other. Peace is the
fruit of righteousness, and rig-hteo.usne.->s and peace must flee away together
from a fierce worldly war for seciilar, power. And the churches m-ust be
corrupted, too, as evil passions, hatred, and jealousy, and ambition, and
envy, and revenge, and strife arise and temi/tations steal away tbe hearts of
votaries from the hurable service of the " meek and lowly Jesus." Protes
tant priestcraft is cousin germain 'to Catholic; and where is this to end but
in giving to our Protestant priests — the wor.st of them, I mean — such as -will
"put on the livery of heaven to serve the devil in" — a control of political
power, arid thus to bring about thej worst union which could be devised, of
church and state ! The state will prostitute and corrupt any church, and
any church will enslave any state. Corrupt our Protestant priests as the
Catholics have been, with temporal and political power, and they will be of
the same "old leaven" — the isaijie old beast — the same old ox going about
with straw in his mouth ! And where will the war of sects end? When
the Protestant priests have gotten the power, which of their sects is to prevail?
The Catholics proscribed, which denomination next is to fall? The Episco
pal church, my mother church, is denounced by some as tbe bastard daughter
of the whore of Rome. Is she next to be put upon the list of proscription?
And when she 'is excluded, how are the Predestinarians and Armenians to
agree araong theraselves ? Which is tP put up the Governor for Virginia or
the President for tbe United States? Which is to have the offices, and how
is division to be made of the spoils ? Sir, this secret association, founded on
proscription and intolerance, raust end in pothipg short of corruptiop and
persecutioh of all sects, and in a civil wa-r-against the domination of priest
craft, Protestant or Catholic. Indeed, it is so, already, that a real reason for
this secrecy is that the priests, who have a zeal without knowledge against
the Pope, are unwilling to be seen in their union' with this dark-lantern
moveraent! Woe, woe, -woe! to tbe hypocrite who leaves the work of his
Master, the Prince of Peace, the Great fligh Priest after the order of Mel-
chisedeck, for a woridly work like this !

23
6th. It is against free civil governraent, by instituting a secret oligar
chy, beyond the reach of popular and public scrutiny, and supported by
blind instruments of tyranny, bound by-test oaths. If tbe oaths and pro
ceedings of inductiop of members pubUshed be true, they bind the noviciates
¦frora the start to a passive obedience' but to ope law^, the prder of ipfolerance
and proscription. Men are led to them by a burping curiosity to know that
they are to Know-J^othing ! The novelty of adnriission beguiles them into
adherenee. They assemble to'.take, oaths and promise to obey. To obey
whora? Do the raasses, will the masses, is it intended that the masses of
their members s-hall know whora ? Where is the central seat of the Veiled
Prophet ? In New York ? New England ? or Old England ? Who knows
th'at Know-Nothingism i's not influenced by a cabal abroad — by a foreign
influence ? Whence passes tbe sign 'i — Of course from a coraraon cepfre
somewhere. Is that ceptre in Virginia, for the orders here? If not, is it
not alarming fhat our people in this state are to be s,werved by a sign from
somewhere, anywhere else, to go for this or that 'side of a cause, for this or
that candidate for election ? Those orders raust have degrees ; the degrees
are higher and lower, of course,- and the higher raust prescribe the rule to
govern. Each degree raust have its higher officers, and all the orders raust
be subject -to sorae one. Now, how raany persons constitpte the select few
of the highest functionaries, nobody knows. Nobody knows who they are,
where they are, or how many of them there are. They exist somewhere in
the dark. Their blows can't be guarded against, for they strike, not like
freemen bold, bravely for. rigbts, but unseen, and to. make conquest of
rights. Their adherents are sworn to secrecy and to obey. They magnify.
their nurnbers and influence by the ver}'' rayslery of their organization, and
the timid and time-serving fly to thera for fear of proscription or for hope of
reward. They quietly warn friends not to stand in the way of their axe,
and friends begin to apprehend that it is time to save theraselves by Know
ing Nothing. They threaten their eriemies, and some of their enemies skulk
from fear of offending them. They alarm a natioo, and a patiop, with' its
political apd churoh partfies, gives them at opcc'e consideration' and respect as
a power to, be dreaded or courted. Thus,' in a night, as it were, has an oli
garchy grown up iri secret to control our liberties, to dictate to parties, to
guide elections, and -to pass laws. They are establishirig'presses, tpo, but we
cannot define from their positions a single pririciple which we can say Know-
Nothings may not disown and disavow. The Prophet of Khorassan never
gave out words more cabalistic — words to catch by sounds, and sounding the
very opposite of what they reaUy mean. When they have men's fears,
curiosity, hopes, the people's voices, the ballot boxes, the press, at their
comraand, how lOng wiU our rainds be free, or persons safe, or -property
secure ? How long will stand thq piUars of freedom of speech and of the
pen, when liberty of conscience is gone and birth- is raade to " make the
man ?" ^He is a dastard, indeed, who fears to oppose an oligarchy or secret
cabal like this, and loves not human rights well enough to protect them.
7th. It is opposed to our progress as a nation. No new acquisition can
ever be made by purchase or conquest, if foreigners or Catholics are in the
boundaries of the acquired countries ; for, surely we would not seek to take
jurisdiction over them ; to make them slaves; to raise up a distinct class of
persons to be excluded from the privileges of a RepubUc. If not for their
own sakes, for the sake of the Republic We would save ourselves from this
example. - i
As early as 1787, we established a great land ordinance. The most per
fect system of eminent domain, of proprietary titles, and of territorial settle
ment's, which the world had ever beheld to bless the homeless children of
men. It had the very housewarraing of hospitality ill it. It wielded the

24
logwood axe, and cleared a continent of forests. It made an exodus in the
old worid, and dotted the new with log-cabins, arounfl the hearths of whieh
the tears of the aged and the oppressed were wiped away, and cherub child
ren were born ' to liberty, and sang it's songs, and have grown up in its
strength and might'and majesty. It brought together foreigners of every
country and cUme — immigrants from Europe of every language and reUgion,
and its raost wonderful effect has been, to assirailate all races. Irish and
German, English, and. French, Scotch arid Spaniard, have melon the western
prairies, in the western woods, and have peopled viUages and towns and
, cities — queen cities, rivalling the marts of eastern commerce; and the Teu
tonic and Celtic and Anglo-Saxon races have in a day mingled into one
undistinguishable mass — and that one is Araerican!" — Araerican in every
sense and in every feeUng, in every instinct, and in every impulse of Ameri
can patriotism. The raw German's ambition is first to acquire land enough
upon which to send wOrd back to the Baron he left behind him, that he does
not envy him his principality !
The Irishman no longer hurra's for "my Lord" or "my Lady," but ex
claims in his heart of hearts that " this is a free country." The children of
all are crossed in blood, in tbe first generation, so that ethnology can't teU of
what parentage they are — they all become brother and sister Xonathans —
Jonathans to_sow and plant grain — Jonathaps to raise and drive stock — Jona
thans to organize townships and counties and states of free election — Jona
thans to establish schools and colleges and rear orators, sages and statesmen for
the Senate — Jonathans to take a'true heart aim with the rifle at any foe who
dares invade a comraon country — Jonathans to carry conquest of liberty to
other lands, until the whole earth shall be fiUed with the glory of American
ism ! As in the colonies, as in the revolution, as in the last war, so have
foreigners and' immigrant's of every religion and tongue, coutributed to build
up the temple of Americau law arid liberty, until its spire reaches to heaven,
whilst its shadow rests on earth ! ! 'If there has been a turnpike road to be
beaten out of the rocky metaj, or a canal tp be dug, foreigners and immi
grants bave been armed with the mattock and the spade ; arid, if a battle on sea
or land had to be fought, foreigners and immigrants have been armed with
the musket and the blade. So have foreigners and immigrants proved that
their influence has not impaired the genius, or the grace! or gladness, or glory
of American institutions. At no. time have they warred upon our religion
in the west, and they have been at peace among themselves: The Pope has
lost more than he has gained of proselytes by the CathoUcs coming here.
No proscription but one has ever disturbed the religious tolerance of the
west, and that one was to drive out the' religion of an imposter which struck
at every social relation surrounding it. If Know-Nothings may tolerate
Mormons, I .can''t see why they lea;ve -them to their religious liberty and
select the very mother' church of Protestantism itself for persecution and
proscription. Bmt the west, I repeat, made up of foreigners and imraigrants
of every religion and tongue, the west is as purely patriotic, as truly Ameri
can, as genuinely Jonathan, as any people who can claim our nationality.
Now, is not here proof in war and in peace that the apprehension of foreign
influence, brought here by immigrants, is not only groundless but contra
dicted by the facts of our settlements and developments ?' Did a nation ever
so grow as we have done under land ordinances and our laws of naturaliza
tion ? They have not made aristocracies, bpt sovereigns and sovereignties
of the people of the west. They have strengthened, the stakes of our do
minion and multipUed the sons and daughters of America so that now she
can muster an army, and maintain it, too, outnumbering the streno-th of any
invaders, and making " a host of ff-eedom which is the host of God !"
Now, shall aU this policy and its proud and happy fruits be cast aside

for a contracted and selfish scheme of intolerance and exclusion? Sball the
unnumbered sections of our public lands be fenced in against immigrants?
Shall hospitaUty be denied to foreign settlers ? Shall no asylum be left open
to the poor and the oppressed of Europe ? ShaU - the clearing of our lands
be stopped? ShaU population be 'arrested ? Shall progress be made to
stand still ? - Are we surfeited with prosperity? Shall no more territory be
acquired ? Shall Bermuda be left a mare clausum of the Gulf of Mexico',
and Jamaica, a key of South American conquest and acquisition, in the
hands of England ; Cuba, a depot of domination over, the mouth of the
Mississippi, in the hand.^ of Spain, 'just strong enough to keep it from us for
sorae strong maritime power to seize, whenever th,ey will conquor or force a,
purchase. Central America, in the gate-way' of commerce' between our
Atlantic and Pacific possessions; — lest foreigners be let i-n araong us, and
CathoUcs come to participate in our privileges? Verily, this is a strange
way to help Araerican institutions and to proraote American progress.'
No, we have institutions which can' erabrace a world, all mankind with
all their opinions, pi-ejudices and passions, however diverse and clash
ing, provided we adhere to the law of Christian charily and of free
toleration. But the momebt we dispense with these laws, the pride, and
progress, and glory, and good' of American institutions will cease forever, and
the memory of thera will but goad the affections of their mourners. Self
ishness, utter selfishness alone, can enjoy these Araerican blessings, without
desiring that all mankind shall participate in their glorious privileges. Noth
ing, nothing is so dangerous to them, nothing can destroy them so soon and
so certainly, as secret societie.^, formed for political and religious ends corar
biiied, founded on proscription and intolerance, without necessity, against
law, against the spirit of the Christian Reforraation, against the whole scope
of Protestantisra, against the faith, hope, and charity'of the Bible, against
thf peace and purity of -the churches ; against free government by leading
to oUgarchy and a union of church and state ; against human progress,
against national acquisitions, against Anierican hospitality and comity,
against American m-axiras of expatriation, and allegiance and p;rotection,
against American settlements and land ordinances, against Araericanis.m in
every sense and shape !
Lastly. Wbat are the evils complained of to make a pretext -for these
innovations against American policy, as heretofore practised with , so much
success and such exceeding triumph?
1st. The fil-st cause, most prominent, is tljat the native and Protestant
feeUng has been exasperated by the course pursued by both political parties,
in the last several Presidential ca!mpaigns ; they have cajoled and " honey-
fuggled" with both CathoUcs and foreigners by birth, naturalized, and un
naturalized, ad nauseam.'
Foreigners and Catholics were not. so much to blame for that as both par
ties. And take these election toys frora thera, and does any o'ne suppose
that tbey would not resort to soriie other humbug ? Is pot another hobby
now arising to put down both of these pets of party ?¦ Is not the donkey
of Know-Nothingism now kicking its, heels, at the lap-dogs of the "rich
Irish brogue" and the " sweet -German accent," for the fondlings and pet-
tings of poUtical parties ?
2nd. Both parties have violated the election laws and laws of naturaliza
tion, in rushipg greep emigrapts, just from op ship-bbard, up to the polls
to vote. > , , .
This, agaip, is the fault of both parties. And this- is confined chiefly, if
not entirely,, to the cities. It dop't reach to the ballot boxes of the country at
laro-e, and i^ not a drop in the ocean of our political influence. In ' New
York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Cincinnati, and New Orleans,, the abuse, I

2&
veuture to say, dop't number, ip fact, 500 votes. It is pothipg everywhere
else, ip a cquntry of universal suffrage and of twenty millions of free peo
ple. And would perjury and fraud in elections be arrested, by tbe attempt
to exclude Catholics and 'foreigners by birth from office ?--or, by extending
the iiraitation of tirae for naturalizaiioti ? — or, by repealing the naturaUza-
tion laws ? Either, of these remedies for the error.would mnltlply the per
juries and the frauds and the foreigp votes. Thep there would be a pre
text for obtaining by fraud and force what was denied under law. By mak
ing naturalization rather to foUow imraediately upon the oath' of allegiance,
and that to depend on the will and the- good character of the applicant,
fraud ai;d perjury would rather be stripped of their pretexts. The foreign
ers would be at once exalted in their self-respect and dignity of deportment,
right would enable theni to exercise the elective frapchise ip peace, and the
country -wcliuld escape the demoralization resulting from a violation of the
laws, and from the means employed to set at nought tbeir force and effect.
3rd. Foreigners have abused tbe protection of the United States abroad.
If tbey have, it was a violation of law. They cannot well do it, without
the want of care and vigilance in our consular and diplomatic functionaries
abroad. Citizens at bome abuse our protection, and they are not always
punished for their crimes.
4th. Catholics, it is urged, have been combined and obeyed the signs of
their bishops and priests in elections, and have been influenced in their
votes to a great extent by religious and exclusive considerations.
If they have, that is one of the best reasons why Protestants should not
follow their example. It is evil, and the less there is of it the better for all.
Let bigotry and proscription belong to any sect rather than to Protestants.
When they follow aUeged Catholic examples, wbich they arraign, as danger
ous and mischievous, then they themselves becorae as Catholics, according
to their own opinions, dangerous and mischievous. ,
5th. CathoUcs and Catholic governments, it is urged, have always ex
cluded Protestants frora reUgious and social privileges in their countries.
And how much have We gained upon them by following the opposite poli
cy ? 5y tolerance we. have grown so great as now to make them feel the
necessity to respect our title to comity and right to a separate enjoyment of
tfie privileges of Protestants. Our government is interposing in that behalf,
and I feaf it will not be assi,gted any in its negotiations by the attempt here
to proscribe Catholics and strangers by birth.
6th. It is complained that in some instances, in New York particularly,
the Catholics have, been arrogant, exclusive and anti-republican in their at
tempts to control the public schools, and to esTclude from them tbe free and
open study of the word of God.
How can this bigotry be subdued by bigotry, -which retires itself in secrecy
and proscribes aU who don't proscribe Catholics? There is no homcepathy
in raoral disease. Proscription and bigotry and secrecy must not beprescrib-
ed for the maladies of proscription, bigotry, and hiding of the word ! The
diseases would then be epidemics among Protestants, Catholics, and aU.
The open and lawful and liberal rpeans for either prevention or correction of
this evil are simple and efficacious if righteously applied.
7th. It is urged that Catholics recognize the supremacy of the Pope and
submission to priestcraft, which might, under circumstances, be destructive
of our free government.
Suppose that to be so, there are worse sects among us, whom Know-Noth
ings pretend not to assail. There are the Mormon polygamists ; there are
the necromancers of Spiritual Rappings ; and there is a sect which aspires
not only to destroy free government, but the great globe and aU that it in
habit— the millenial Millerites. And, it is about as likely that Millerites will

27
set the world on fire in one day, as that Popery wiU ever be able to break up
or bow dovyn this republic. The prophecies must all fail, and Christ's dominion
'tipon earth must cease,, and printing presses and telegraphs and steam must
be lost to the arts, and revolutions must go backw'ards, and the sky must faU
and catch Know-Nothings, before the times of Revelations are out, and the
Pope catches " Uncle Sara."
No, no, no — ^there is not a reason in all these cbraplaints, which is not
satisfied by our laws as they exist, and not ap error, which may not be cor
rected by the proper application of, the lawful authority at 'our comraand,
iwilhout resorting to the extraordinary, extrajudicial, revolutionary, and anti-
American plan of a secret society of intolerance and proscription.
I belong to a secrel society, but for no political purpose. I am a native
Virginian intus et in cute, a Virginian ; my ancestors on both sides for two
hundred years were citizens of this country and this state; — half English, half
Scotch. I am a Protestant Tjy birth, by baptism,- by intellectual belief aud
by education and by adoption. I am an American, in every fibre and in every
feeling an American ; yet in every character, in every relation, in every
sense, with all my head, and all rny heart, and all my might, I protest
against this, -secret organization of native Americans, and of Protestants to
proscribe Roman Catholic and paturalized citizens !
Now, will they proscribe rae ?
That question weighs not a. feather with
Yoiir obedient servant,
HENRY A. WISE.

'THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF KNOW-NOTHINGISM IN
VIRGINIA.
It is unknown fo.the unitiated at what precise tirae Know-Notbingism
made its entrance into Virginia ; but, from the most reliable information we
can gather, the first council was organized in tbe town of Charlottesville,
sorae time in the month of July, 1854, and very soon after another in the city
of Richmond. These councils, in pursuance to tbe Know-Nothing Ritual, were
organized by the authority of the Grand Council of Thirteen of the city of
New York. Frorn^ this time until about the latter part of October, we have no
newspaper account of operations. But during this interim of nearly three-
months, it is our impression that the Grand Council of Thirteen was very
industriously organizing coupcils in the various towns and cities of the state.
After the state bad become welbcbeckered with coupcils, the Grapd Coupcil
of Thirteen delegated one Rev. Mr. Evans to establish a slate-coupcil in the
city of Richmond. This state council was empowered by the parent bodyin
New York to grant charters for the establishment of councils ip every pook
and corper of the state ; apd the copsequepce was, that ip nearly every
secluded grove, retired school-house, and concealed recess, could be found a
band of raen, veiled in secrecy and under the cover of darkness, administer
ing Jesuitical oaths and teaching cabalistic signs to the thoughtless,. indis
creet and unsuspecting noviciates. ' The citizens' of this commonwealth
should keep it fresh in theii- minds, that a portion of her citizens were once
epo-ao-ed in the work of palming, ppop them a political heresy, through, the

28 ^
instrumentality of a Northern emissary, coming under the specious guise arid
cloak of religion. New York was the hot bed of corruption from which a
porthern plague was to sweep the home and resting-place of Washingtori
and Jefferson. The Richmond Enquirer noticed, in the following spirited
manner, the organization of the state council by the Rev. Evans, of New
York :
Know-Nothing Council in Richmond.— -If is ngt generally known, we
suspect; that a state council of the. Know-Nothing order is to be held in,
this city to-day. In .spite of the severe secrecy of their moveraents, this
fact has transpired ; and with it comes the 'additional intelligence that one
Reverend Mr. Evans is present as representative of tbe " Grand National
Council of Thirteen," of which Barker of New York is President. This
emissary brings along a redundant' fjjpply of the venom of intolerance,
wherewith to inoculate the brethren in this region and to corrupt the native
generosity of the Virginia character. He imports, also, a copious supply
of pass-words and other cabalistic signs, and is in every way equipped* for
the work of drill-sergeant and hieroplmnt. Is it not a shame that such crea
tures should come here, and', under cover of darkness, deposit the poison of
intolerance and proscription on the soi! which Jefferson has cqnsecrated to
civil liberty and to freedom of consciepce ? The movemepts of tbe order
are directed and controlled by a cabal in New York, and thus, should Know-
Nothingism triumph in this state, the goverpment of Virginia will be the
creature of tbe " Council of Thirteen." Esteeraing theraselves competent
tothe management of their own affairs, Virgipiaps have beep proverbially
jealous of foreign influence; nor will they pow submit to tbe usurpation of
this copclave of New York Know-Nothings. The sentiment of state-sove-,
reignty and the pride of personal independence are equally outraged by the
attempt thus to subjugate us.
Our neighbor of the Dispatch, with commendable forethought, has warned
persons attending the Fair against the depredations of the thieves who rifle
pockets in the confusion of the crowd. It is our business to admonish aU
good citizens of the presence of the Know-Nothings, who, adopting the cun
ning artifice of pick-pockets and "burglars, have availed theraselves of the
confusion and exciteraent of this occasion, to mature their plot against the
security of society.

THE STAUNTON DEMOCRATIC CONVENTION.
After the, claims pf the various candidates spoken of for Governor bad
been thoroughly discussed through the public journals, delegates were sent
from various counties of the state to meet in Convention at the town of
Staunton, Noveraber SOth, 1854, for the purpose of making a proper selec
tion of candidates for the office of Governor, Lieut. Governor and Attorney
General. This Convehtion was one of the largest and most talented' that
ever assembled in the state for a political purpose.
Its proceedings were very animated. Parties soon resolved theraselves
into two, one of them supporting Mr. Wise, the other Mr. Leake. Its
session lasted three days, and Mr. Wise was not nominated until the morn-
ing.of the third and last day. As ifs proceedings were marked by great

29
excitement and w^armth of feeling, and only an elaborate and detailed rehear
sal , of them, to6 voluminous for pur space, could do juiitice to all who partici
pated in the debates and baUotings, we shall confine ourselves to a mere
skeleton recital of its leading transactions.
The Convention was organized by the appointment of Oscar M. Crutch-
field, Speaker of the House of Delegates, President, and Wm. F. Ritchie,
editor of the Enquirer, and Ro., W. Hughes, editor of the Examiner, Secre
taries. The great .debate and turning point of everything done by -the Convention
was upon the original resolution preserjted by^Mr. Shackelford, and upon an
amendment which was .offered by Mr. Garnett, of Essex, to the same.
Mr. Shackelford's resolution was-r- . t
Resolved, That this Copvepfiop will not raake a noraination for Governor,
Lieutenant Governor, or Attorney General, unless the, candidate receive
votes of this Convention sufficient to represent a majority of the whole Dem
ocratic .vote of the state. ,r' ''
To this resolution, Mr. Muscoe R. H. Garnett, of the county of Essex,
who was the leader of Mr. Wise's friends, offered the following amendment :
Resolved, 'That it shall require a majority of the votes cast to' pominate
capdidates for Goverpor, Lieuteuapt Governor and Attorney General.
This amendment was opposed with great abiUty by many of the leading
rrien of the Convention. The speeches o( Messrs. Fauntleroy, Irvihg,
Aj'lett, James Barbour. N. C. Claiborne, J. W. Massie and W. H. Harman
were of great ability and eloquence.'. It -was the most spirited and able
off-band debate that ever transpired in a political .convention. The
debate was continued into the pight pf Thursday, the 30th November,
1854, the first .day of the session. The vote vi^as thep takep, and was scaled
on the principle of allowing each county represented a nuraber equal to its
Deraocratic vote in tbe presidential election of 1852.' The process of scaling
the vote was so tedious, that the Convention adjourned over until the next
morning in order to allow the secretaries time to compute the result.
Friday, Dec. 1. — On the meeting Of the Conventi6n this morning, the
result of -the vote on Garnett's amendraent was announced as follows :
For the araendraent, 35,212
Against the araendraent, ' 26,194 '

V Majority, '9,018
So decided was the opposition raanifested to this result, and to the amend
ment, fhat a re-consideration was at once moved, and a long and. most ani
mated debate was kept. up through the greater' portion of the day. Finally,
a second vote was takep on the same proposition as at first with the'fpllow-
ing result :
For the amendment, , 32,903
Agaipst it, •' 29,059

'¦a"

Majority, ' 3,84.4

30
This vote, of course, settled the question, and the Convention decided
that the majority of the votes cSst in the Convention should nominate a can
didate for the party — without reference to thirty unrepresented counties.
The contest on this iraportant proposition was warm and excited from the
fact that the adoption of Garnett's amendmept was equiv'alept to the nomina
tion of Mr. Wise; while the adoption of Shackelford's resolution, if not
equivalent to tbe nomination of Mr. Leake, by requiring a vote larger than Mr.
Wise's friends could have polled, -would have resulted in tbe pomipation of
a compromise capdidate".
This amendment havingbeen adopted, the Convention proceeded at once fn
the nomination of a candidate for the Office of governor,
Mr. Douglas, of New Kent, put Mr. H. A. Wise in nomination, and Mr.
N. C. Claiborne, of Fraoklip, presepfed the pame of Shelton F. Leake. Pro-
mipept araopg the speakers during the evening were Messrs. Berry of Ales-
andria, Fauntleroy of Winchester, Skinner of Augusta, Brown of Kanawha,
Browne of Stafford, Meade of Petersburg, Kenna of Kanawha, and English
of Logan.
All of these speeches were creditable, and many of them eloquent and tell-
. ipg. It cannot be said that they were sermons inculcating doctrines of affec
tion and brotherly love. Although the speakers were personally courteous,
yet their political reviews, coraments, &c., on public men were the bitterest
it is ever one's fortunie to listen to. , An excited audience, by loud applauss
and boisterous manifestations of approbation and displeasure, rendered the
whole scene one of extraordinary excitement. The large badly lighted hall
seemed the theatre of the bitterest and most envenomed feelings during thia
long and acrimonious debate. Such a Scene was never presented in a Dem
ocratic Copventiop before, aod We hope pever will be presepted again. Th«
most violept and pointed assaults upon the prominent men of our own party
were the most loudly applauded. ,
Late on the night of the second day of the session a vote was taken, and
the Convention adjourned over until the next moroipg.
Saturday, Dec. 2. — The first thing done was the annoupcemept of thi
vote for the nominees for Governor, as follows :
H. A. Wise, 31 416
S. F. Leake, 25,762
Wra. Smith, 2 125
Alex. R. HoUaday, 1 236
J. A; Seddon, 2 491
Faulkner, . '259
t  ,
63,289
Necessary to a choice 31,645.
Wise faUing short of a majority 229.
Some further debate took place. Ex-Governor Smith was put in nomi
nation by Mr. Hiner, of Pendleton, and withdrawn. Finally another voti
was.taken, and the result was —

31
Wise,, 34^034
,Leake, 28,009
Seddon, 973
Holladay, 67
Smith, 290

63,373
Necessary to a choice 31,687.
Majority for Wise 2,347.
Apd Mr. Wise, was declared. to be pominated.
The result of the secopd ballot was appoupced op Saturday afterpoop, and
in consequerice of changes in the vote of Hallfajc and Greenbrier, Mr. Wise
was nominatedj'getting a majority of 2,347. A proposition to make it unan
imous failfed.
The Convention then proceeded to the pomipation of a capdidate for the
office of Lieilt. Goverpor.
Dr. C. R. Harris of Augusta, A. G. Pepdleton of Giles; Henry A. Ed-
mundsop of Roapoke, EUsha W. McComas of Kapawha, apd Dan'l H.
Hoge of Montgomery, were all put ip pomipation ; but all except Dr. Harri*
and Mr. Pendleton -were afterwards withdrawn. After zealous aud urgept
appeals for the papdidates, a vote was takep, apd the result was —
Harris, , . 29,126
Pepdletop. 27,859
McComas, ' 1,121
Edmupdsop, ' 2,880
Hoge, 1,015
Necessary to a choice, 31,002.
No election. '
The names of Dr. Harris. and Mr. Pendleton were withdrawn.
Mr. McComas wks again put in nomination, and Col. W. H. Harman was
also pominated. A spirited series of eulogies of the nominees endued, and
the vote being taken, was announced, after a recess, as follows :
McComas, . ' ' 32,520
Harman, 26,447
Mr. McComas was declared duly nominated ; and on motion of Col. Har-
rrian the nomination was made unanimous.
W. P. Bocock, the then Attorpey Geperal, was re-nominated by accla
mation. , ' , ,
Mr. McComas being present addressed the Conventiop.
The.foUowipg resolutiop was adopted:
-Resolved, That the official career of Franklin Pierce has been marked by
a perfect observance of the limitations of the Constitution and an entire
fidelity to the pri'nciples upon which he carae anto power; and therefore ha
is entitled to the confidence of the friends of Constitiitional Liberty in every
section of the Confederacy.
So the result of fhe proceedings of the Convention was the foUowing
ticket: For Governor— HENRY A. 'WISE, of Accomac. .
For Lieut. Governor— ELISHA W. McCOMAS, of Kanawha,
For Attorney General— WILLIS P, BOCOCK, of Eichmond.

32
The Conventiop adjourned sine die a Uttle after twelve o'clock at night,
the Chairman making a brief valedictory address. The closing scenes were^
quite uproarious, but not acrimonious as those at an eariier period of the,"
session had been.

COMMENTS OF THE PRESS UPON THE STAUNTON NOMINEES.
These nc^minations did not give general satisfaction to the Deraocratic
party throughout the state. The principal objection was to Mr. Wise who
had voted for the Whig nominees in 1840, and been a very warm op
ponent of General Jackson in Congress. Although Mr. Wise had been a
strict adherent to the party since ,1841, and been honored as a public ser
vant by John Tyler and James K. Polk, and performed efficient service on
various occasions ; yet it was the disposition of many not to give him their
support. He was held up to the party as an inconsistent, self-wiUed, dan
gerous, and unstable man. The Know-Nothings affected great satisfaction at
the result of the Staunton deliberations. No candidate ever went before the
people for any office under more discouraging circumstances than Mr. Henry
A. Wise. Never was a candidate before so little understood, or so much
misrepresented and slandered ; but we shaU see how gaUantiy apd success
fully he surmounted these difficulties :
Frora the (Rocjcingham) Valley Democrat.
Our Nominees. — In obedience to the behest of the Democratic Conven
tiop held ip Staunton last week, we proudly throw our banner to tbe breeze,
inscribed on its ample folds the naraes of Wise, McComas and Bocock,
the chosen standard-bearers of the Democratic party in the coming guberna
torial contest.
We frankly acknowledge the nominations are not our first choice. 'We
preferred others, and endeavored to secure their nomination in. Convention.
We, however, were disappointed in our wishes, the majority thinking the
above ticket the mOst acceptable one to be recommended to the Democracy
of Virginia. We, therefore, surrender our predilections upon the altar of
our party, and shall use our utrriost exertions to secure the election of the
ticket. ,
It canpot be denied by any that the ticket is coraposed of men of the
highest order of inteUect. They are men- around whom any party may be
proud to rally. Our candidate for governor, Henry A. Wise, the "fearless
"tribupe of the people, will sweep the state liko ap avalapche. As an emi-
pept Southerp apd fearless advocate of civil apd religious liberty -we could
desire po better leader. His eloquept voice will sumraop the Democracy to
the coptest like the red cross of Murdock the soos of Clan-Alpine to the
fight. It will arouse the latent energies of the old and excite the enthusiasm
of the young — a blaze of enthusiastic fire will burn from every crag and from
every cliff, and be reflected from the broad waters of the -Ohio to the billowy
ocean. Its echoes, like the shriU whistle of Rhoderick Dhu, will arouse the
Democracy from the lowland's and the highlands, before whose resistless
march the contemptible ism of the day and miserable trumperies of an hour
will be scattered like autumual leaves before the ragipg whirlwipd.

33
-.^V^e deem it s'upej-fluous to spealc of his political character. In the halls
Oflegislatiop he has wop a patiopal reputation^ and stands before the country
as-a brilliant orator -and accomplished ¦ statesman. Like ' Portia, his' private
character is above reproach. The breath of suspicion has not even dared to
dim its lilstre and brightpesSj • , • ' ^
Our candidate for Lieutenant Governor, E. W. McComas, is a young
map of ability and of the strictest integrity. As a member' Of the late Re
form Conventiop he distinguished himself- as an able and.i-eloquept debater,
and J'ean-less advocate pf the people's rights. He is eminently q'ualifi'ed for
the position, apd <:annot fail to make an excellent presiding officer df.t,he
Senate. He has bor.ie the flag of his-eouptry op the burning plains' of Mex
ico, and"vvon the -distinction of a brave sfnd , generous soldier. He will •ably
, sustain the leader of the , Derhocracy in bearing aloft^tbe democratic banner,
and is entitled andsbould receive the cprdial support ofthe democratic party
qf Virginia. ' ¦ . <- '
' The name of Willis P. Boco.cif, our -candidate for Attorney General, is
famiUar to the people of Virginia. -He has' proven himself to be a sound and
able lawyer, pre-eminently qualified for the position to \<'hich. he has been
elevated. We trust t(ie. democracy will honor him again with their confi
dence,' . ' , ,
Our candidates are nowHn the field^ and it behooves every Ipver of demo
cratic prlrtciples to. buckle On hi-^' armor and go forth to battle against the.
hosts of "Federalism and Know-Nothingism; T-he oldfiag ship of democracy
must be kept on the old democratic platform of Jefferson and, Madison. If
the democracy do their duty we doubt pot the result.' With such chivalric
spirits as Wise, McCdm.as- aud Bocock as leaders, the democratic party
proudly go forth to the battle, and chaUange our oppenents to marshal their
forces under whatd^er flag they may see proper.' • We care not whether it
be upder the banHer.' ofi Fedepallisra or the contemptible, drooping and
cowardly oriflamb of -Kn'ow-Nothingism ; w,e shall m.^etthem with the same
pleasure, confident that ou^gaUapt.-6harapions will fearlessly apd gallantly
bear the States.-Rights banner triuraphantly to victory. , ^ . . '
Deraocrats of fhe, .Tenth Legion I sle'ep n6t at yoi^^r posts I If you would
fulfil the just expectations of , your party, and acquit yourselv^es with credit,
you roust prepare for the'contes!. Let action, action! be your motto — plant
the standard of demop/acy upon eVery hill-top and in e-very valley, and rally
beneath its broad folds, with unity of. feeling and sentiraent, for ¦ Wise-,
McComas and BoCo.c.kf -¦ ¦ - . "
Not less emphatic was the epdorsem.ent of ')he Richmond Examiner,.
which had most earnestly. Of all the Democratic journals, remonstrated
against the pomipation of Mr. Wise. , We extract its declaration of adhesion
to the Staunton nominations : -''' .,
^^'...itei From the RicHmond Exatpiner pf December- 8th, 1854.
We should feel sorry, indeed, if th.pi-e cduld be any doubt as to the course
we and those who acted with us a^t Staunton Shall pursue in the canvass now
commenced. We shall go for the ticket. We have attested the sincerity of
our preferences for men, opeoly, hopestly apd sufficiently. We have done
so without reference to the maxim which ifibdern political ethicsvhave made
a cardinal rule of coiiduct with successful candidatijs, that, they have, friends-
to reward md enemies tb punish ; for we w^ent to Stauntpn under the convic
tion that we shoitld not- be able to Overcome the .v.ote by which our preferences
were defeated. Tbe question between men has been decided against us by
regular and authoritative adjudication. ' The only qufestion now is between
the ticket of the RepubUcan party of Virginia and that of 'the opposition "to
3

34
'it, of whatever hue, form and creed: There is but one hbnorable choice; ,
and, whether the opposition comes from the bpspm of the democratic party'
itself, or the dark caverps of secret conspiracy, or the veteran, scarred, ranks '
of the ancient. Open, declared Whig adversary, or from all quarters comv
bined, we shall defend the Staunton nomination's.
We ba-ve no' fulsome eulogy for the distipgui^hed pomioees., We are
more skilled ip the Jangu-age 'of cpusure thap of laudation. Panegyric is not
ovtV forte, nor maa- worship' our besetting sin. But we, will say, that Mr.
Wise is emineptly worthy of the copfidence and support of the Virginia
people. His briUiant qualities as a man" will reflect lusti* upon theoffice for
which he' is recommended. He is a man to whom we .have never felt but
one objection personally, and that was, that thoughas sound ip politics now
as the strictest,Republicap of the Virgioia schodl,vhis career had beep ipcon-
sist'ent and his record contradictory in a in ann er and to a degree which ren
dered it difficult for the party speakers and writers in this canvass to defend
him, according to the old mode of party, reasoning. We have said this fre
quently, and we do not mean to uhsay it in t;be canvass at band. But pf all
claims to public office, those of the mere party men are the flimsiest and
mo.st wretched. Consistency, in the mere party sense — that of having voted
the party, ticket bUnd, on all occasions, wright or -WTong, through thick and
thin — that -of having sworn and argued'that a measure was right wbenever.it
was endorsed by party, and wrong whenever not: — consistency of this base,
cheap, description, is anything but " a jewel," The man who is ever, faith
ful to his own ponvictions, scorning to subrait his judgment to the behests
either of party or of any other influence but his own copsciepce, is a true
man, apd is very apt to "be fit recipient of public trust. The man who holds
no opinion of his own, aod who boasts to have never differed from b's party
in any* act or thought of his Ufe, is rapre'apt to be a demagogue than astates-
• man. True consistency lies in fidelity to one's convictions'of duty, however
changing; and he is tbe safe poUtician who boldly avows and bravely adheres
to those convictions under all circumstances. It is remarked that all the really
great wome/i the- -world has produced have held peculiar rfotions on the point
of virtue. It- is certain that tbe greatest statesmen of our country have been
distinguished for their, political inconsistency. Even Jefferson himself repu
diated in the writings ' from ^Monticello the anti-slavery principles to which
the prime of his life had been devoted. Jackson went into tbe executive
office advocating some of the worst measures of the Federalists, proclaimed
during his administration the most alarraing and arrogant Federal dogmas,
apd yet laid dowp the reins of goyerpmenf with the merited reputation of a
hero and champion of state rigbts. Calhoun, the honest politician, the Cato
of his day, may be quoted on both sides of almost every great rrieasure of
public policy. ' Honesty, fidelity, capacity^ — tbe Jeffersonian tests — these, at
last, are the true qualifications for office. Consistency, in the vulgar accep
tation, belongs oftener to the demagogue and ignoramus than to the ^honest
poUtician and tbe capable statesman. Those high 'Tiersonal Equalities' which
make us love, admire, and trust in mew, belopg oftener to the rash; impul
sive and brave, than to the cautious, calculatiug, and "consistent." If you
judge Mr. Wise by the acts of his life, we admit that, in our opinion, he hai
few clairas to consistepcy. But if you judge him by the impulses of his
nature, and the fidelity and chivalric bravery of his adherence to them, the
verdict in bis favor is emphatic and beyond question.
Tbe political horizon is filled with admonitions of trouble. The reoent
elections at the north'reveal a state of feeling very.poTteptious to tbe south.
We are upon the eve of times which will try men's souls. Let us have a
tried, brave, true southern man in. the executive office' of Virginia. Ata
time Uke this, let us look to the metal of our men, rather than to their

35
"igfi'cords." The Democracy of Virgipia have declared at Stauptop that
they care not for political antecedents or partisan animosities, twenty years
gpne by„in tbe presence of the d'apger now threatening the south. They'
have resolved that ol^ and obsolete differences,. Such as used to di-»ide tbem
from their political opponents at home, are not to be remembered against the
true, southern man in a contest upon that issiie above'all other issues — north
ern aggressiop agaipst Southerp rights , . . ; - ,' '.,,
There is si^ificance inthe nomihatioii pf Mr. Wise. The Democracy of
of' Virginia haye 'reso^lved, in disregard 'of past domestic anirtiosities and' old
differences of Opinid'n, to manifest; their-stern, uncompromising temper on the
sectional issue by the man they' mean to'pl-ace atthe head of affairs. When
we make Henry A. Wise governor 'of Vil-ginia,' t-he north will know what we
meap., , ' . , . ' . '' »
Mr. McComas is coraparatively a youflg roah ; but 'has already distin
guished himself by valuable public service. He has fought gallantly and
won en"viable laurels upon the field" of battle. He was a member of the Re
form Convention of 1850-51'; and. served with credit to'hirnself and to fhe
satisfaction of his constituents. He has always been a zealous advocate of
the doctrines of State^ Rigbts ; ahd, since he was eptitled to a vote, has been
ap active, efficiept^ap-d copsistent Democrat. ' /
Mr. Bocock bas already passed the ordeal of the polls; apd has pr6-\'''ed
ap industrious, faithful and eminently able officer. The testimony to his
efficiency, capacity and industry' in the office of Attorney General, is unqual
ified and conclusive, and is alike creditable to himself and 'to the .party wliich
conferred the office- upop bim. . • . -
The reasoi}s Ip favor of rallyipg to this ticket are'coriclusiye ; apd we in
voke all the -Democracy of Virgipia, to a. zealous and active support of it,
We repeat our sincere -and caiidid opiuiops : 'The party will do its duty : —
There is no danger; of defeat, • • - - ,

';confide.nCe-o.f the opposition.
"The opposition were so coil(fiden| that the Staunton state ticket had produced
schism and discord in the Democratic ranks, that the Richmond Whig made
bold to forewarn the ¦ Democracy of their coming fate, in the following
lapo-uage : ' '' '
" The iudications of public sentiment througbout the country, as far as we
can gather it, from fhe tone of the Whig and Democratic press, and from
our private correspondence, fore^adow a gloomy prospect for the nominees
ofthe Staunton Convention. Ip the Whig tanks there is uniop of sepfi-
mept, harmony, of action, ' and resqlution of purpose ; in the Democratic
]:anks there is discord, apprehension, and a: general and growing '.mistrust.
* * * We Can assure our neighbor'that. tbe great Whig party is vital ia
its existen ce-^firmly united-r-and fully prepared for a successful campaigp.
At the plroper time, and in due foi-m, and with -united forces, it -will unfoldiits
banner, and -we fear nothing for its' 'success.j'
' As soon as it 'was known in other parts of the Union th'at the Democracy
of Virginia were ready.. for the' conflict, with the hitherto' irivincible'Knb-ft'-
Nothipgs, all eyes were turned upon the state. It was well known that the
Democracy had to contend with a- formidable, wily and insidious enemy,
flushed with -s^iotory, Thq Democratic party felt its- danger and 'the'respbn-

36
sibility of its position. Their brethren of the southern states felt a deep
anxiety for the success of the Democracy of a state that had always >-epu-
Idiated and withstood Federalism in all its Protean characters, Th'e Wash.
ington Sentinel contaiped the followipg article couoseling the party against
the snares of the enemy, the boasts of- the new party, and calUng upon Vir
ginia tb preserve her escutcheon untarnished : ..
The Virginia Election's. — The state of Virginia is regirded at tbis time
with great interest by all parties. In a few months elections for state offi
cers and membej-s of. Congress will be held,- arid-more th4n ordinary prepa
rations are now being made for the opening capvass. The apcient renown
of that venerable com^nonwealtb, her undeviating consistency, and her poli
tical influence, attract to her a large share of pubhc attention,.
Thoroughly and copsisteptly Democratic, as she has ever beep, the Demo
crats are naturally solicitous that she should maintain that character. When
other states have faltered and fallen; she has been true and unflipchipg, and
hepce it would be a signal triumph for tho opposition if they could gain her.
To that triuraph they proudly and ambitiously aspire. Already they begin
to boast. Months in advance of the election, here in Washington^ they be
gin to claim the victory. They bave rolls, lists and records. In imagination
tbey have elected their governor and stricken down several Democratic
merabers of Congress. They give the figures with great precision, and
boldly aver, that all arrangements to secure their success have been com
pletely consummated. ' '
. It is meet that the free citizens of Virginia should know tbat grand coun
cils haVe igravely assembled to decide for whom they shall vote, and that
instructions have been issued which they are imperiously required to obey.
The tirae was when they owed allegiance to their state. That time has
passed. Tbe tirae was, when they announced their opipiops apd their pur
poses in the open streets and in the public highways. That time, too, has
passed. Those mysterious men who sprung up from the gutters of New
York and commenced their remarkable career by carrying city elections,
have swept \vith a success' almost unparalleled tbe abolitionized state of
Massachusetts, where "Democrats were odious,^ and even Free Soil Whigs
were wanting in rankness— these mysterious men have taken the good old
state of Virginia under their especial guardianship. In the secret lodges —
at the midnight conclaves, in Boston-and in New 'York, in Chicago and Syra
cuse, tbey pray and tbey weep over the proud old commonwealth. They
have vowed to win her, and no. effort will be spared to execute that vow.
We are told that here in Washington plaps have been consummated by
which .the fate of Democracy in Virginia is sealed! Of course we attach
no importance to the information. It is but the boast that is designed to dis
courage Democrats anc| encourage the opposition.
The opposition ! What is it ? It is not - that old and respectable and
avowed Whig oppositiop that we were wopt to encounter, with Bapk,' Tariff
and Distribution inscribed on its banners. It is not that oppositiop that Clay led
apd Webster battled for. It is a fusiop, ap amalgatiop of isms. Vor the
first time fusion is proposed -ip Virgipia. Fpr the first time an "ism has
dared to rear its crest in that ancient Dominion.
Those who join this opposition will not do as our opponents of the olden
time were accustoraed to do. , Tbey WiU not stand up and declare their sen
timents like freemen. When these mep nieet in the. open streets and the
pubUc highways, they wiU give mysterious .signals— that none but the initi-'
ated can understand. They dare not-talk out like honest mep.
Has the-Old Domipion fallen so-low that her sons are afraid to proclaim

37
their sentiraents ? Are those who a^re w^ont to interchange their opipions on
j^iiblic affairs, when they met.jat court gr^erts, at country stores, or at cross
roads, struck dumb by a secret and a despotic association that had its origin
in a distant state, with different institutions.' We devoutly pray . that, no
such degfeneracy will curse that good old state, whose greatest fault has been
that she uttered her seutimeats too boldly. , ' ' , .
Yet, it cannot be denied that t-lje opposition to Democra-cy, in Vir
ginia, has resolved i itself intO( this . mysterious org'anization,. Most of
those who were Whigs, are Whi^s.-no longer. Without pretendipg
to be copvip<?ed. of tbe upsoundngss of their prihciples, they have
repoupced those pripciples, apd goAe over to a party that professes its
wiUingness to support either a Bauk .or an anti-Bank; a Tariff or anti-Tariff,
a Distribution or an. ¦anti-Distributipp rnan. Ipdeed, although pearly the
whole of" those who belong" to this oppositiop to tbe Demporacy of Virginia
afe Whigsj they declare, privately and publicly, that they .would rather sup
port Deraocratic thap Whig capdidates. ' Two' cppfradictipps are ipvolved ip
this de,Gjaration. First, that beipg- Whigs, they -Should prefer Deraocrats ;
aud, secondly, that, prefering . Deraocrats, ' they should oppoSe the regular
Denjocratic norainees. This contradiction, or rather these contradictions.,
are explained in this way.: They want' to get disappointed and disaffected
Deaiocrats'tp run agaipst the regular nominees, , in order to reUeve them
selves pf the Pdium of being a Whig organization, and in order to entice
Deraocrats into that prganizatiop.
But we are happy^ to say that the better sort of Whigs-s— those who scorn
impure alliapces, those who love ,opep hopesty and manly indepepdence, and
Who will not agree to be controlled by' .a secret society that sprang up outside
of Yirginia and in an anti^slavery state, 'wiU not act in copjupctiop with' this
opposition. Tbey will do as many of tbe strongest Whigs, of lUinois did in
the recent election in that state. Tbey will vote, for the Democratic Candi
dates. If they are forced to quit their party, tbey will rafhei; .vote with an
open, a manly, and an horiest, 'party, th,a-n with' a secret and a mysterious
order that has disbanded and scattered them. A State rights Whig is more
a Democrat than a Know-Ncithipg.^

THE CEY OE DISAFFECTION,
A report was industriously circulated -throughout the state that many of
the most prominent mep of the .parly were Pot oply dissatisfied With the
Staunton ticket, but would pot give it ^.their support. This had pot only .a
great tendency to dissatisfy a large portion^of the masses'^ but almost threat
ened a rupture, the very object aimed at by the Know-Nothjng party.
T,he report was false'. It was true that there were some dissatisfied individ
uals whp had had the copfidepce ofthe Democratic party'; but these Were, for
the most part, or .had been regarded, to use a. popular term, as " fishy.'" It was
these persops, claiming prominence and position in tbe party, and considering
their claims for office and honor overlooked, that exhibited these disloyal 'pro
clivities. But the report was wholly untrue in regard tothe sound members of
the party.** The Charlottesville Jeffersonian disposed'in the following very
effectual manner of the report in regard toseveral prominent and influential
¦ men : '- ,

38
.From the Charlottesville Jeffersonian.
One of the many rneans resented to by the Whigs, in order to.produce .
disaffection in the Democratip party towards thfeir poPiinees, is the state
ment which has been going the rounds of the opposition press,, to the e^ect
that five of the Democratic members of Congress from Virginia, (viz:)
Messrs. Bayly, Letcher, McMuUen, Sraith and Powell, woitldnot sustain
the noraination of Mr.-, Wise. Now, for the satisfaction , of our Democratic
friends, we are authorized to'state upon autheptic ififormatiop, that this ru
mor is a sheer fabricatiop of the eoernies of the Democratic party, apd that
all the above panjedgentlemen, together with the entire Virginia delegation
in Congress,, will support Mr. Wise and the rest of the ticket. We were
assur^ by Mr. Powell himself, in a personal injerview with him, that the
entire ticket would receive bis support. The friends .«f Mr. Leake should
not permit any sHich influences toindiice them to withhold their support from
the poraipee Of oOr party- "VVe have beep assured by Mr. Ldake himself,
that he, too. Would, give a zealous sflpport to the nomiuatiop of Mr. Wise,
apd he urges that all of his friends should do likewise ; since, in refusing to
support Mr. Wise, they rtiay lose everything, and cannot by possibility gaiij
anything. They may not only lose the -governpr, but also their delegates to
the Legislature, and their representatives in Congress. Issues of momeil-
tous importance depend upop the triurriph ofthe Democracy in the approach
ing election. The New ,York Herald and its co-adjutors^ boast that they
have for the present prostrated the administration party in the North, and-
they urge upoh their friends in Virgipia by all means to defeat Mr. Wise, or
they regard his .election as. a test of the strength of the administration,
and of Democratic States Rights principles in Virginia. They regard
Mr.- Wise as a champion, of the adminlstratiop in its support of the
constitutional guarantees of the South. They know, moreover, that his
election would crush out Nnow-Nothirigism in this section ofthe Union, and
would present an -impassable barrier to the progress of that fusion which ia
the North has- resulted in the election of a majority of anti-Nebraska and
anti-Fugitive Slave Lavv men to Congress.' Hence their anxiety to have
him defeated. As, we intimated ^above, in tbe approaching election, not
only the supremacy of the Democratic party in the executive department of
our state government, but the political complexion of the next Legislature,
and of the Virginia representation in both Houses of Congress are involved.
Upon the next Legislature will devolve the duty of electing two United
States Senators, in the place of Messrs. Mason and Hunter, whose terms
will soon expire, We, therefore, regard thp, success of our county delega
tions, and of our candidates fbr Congress, and the consequept ascendancy of
tbe D«mocracy of Virginia in both branches of, the National Legislature, as
of paramount importance. For it is evident already, that another great bat
tle must be fought on tbe floor of Congress, with the anti-Nebraska,.-Know-
Nothing Fusionists of tbe Nbrfb, who, 'tis said, bave now a majority in the
House of, Representatives. We would entreat our friends, then, for the sake
of ,the, success of our county delegations, and of our faithful and sterUng'
representative in Congress, Hon. Paulus Powell; if from no other considera
tion, to come up unitedly to the support of the nominees of the party, and
present an upbrokep phalapx, as in days past, to the common enemies bf
Democracy, - ' ¦

39

ME. "WISE OPENS THE CANVASS— HIS ANTECEDENTS.
The Hon. H-enryA. Wise, after publishing a' list of appointraents, opened
_ the canvass at Ashland' Hall,, Norfolk city, January tlje 5th, lS55, in' the
, manner thus, described by the Argus newspaper of thaf-city :
The campaign was commenced on Wednesday evening at Ashland Hall
by. our gallant and glorious nominee for Governor, in an address to a raost
crowded audience. The room was filled - to pverflowing by the most eager
listeners^.wbom the eloquence of his words held strictly 'attentive for over
two hours. The address %as his own-, — such as he alone can deliver— forci
ble, well arranged, argumentative; abounding in the most bitter sarcasm
and the most 'soothing appeals. It was one of his noblest efforts. Of its
effect, vi>e can say, as bur neighbor of the JVeiti,?, that "we can only judge
by tbe strict order niaintained, the earnest attention with vvhich it was
heard, and the frequent bursts of applause that followed his telUng, sabre-
lilce flashes of eloquence." His words " -ft-ere as fire that ran," and thrilled
the whole audience. , " '
He revie-wed briefly and lucidly his opinions^on tbose principles upheld
by the Democratic- party for government, ,bpth federal and state-— the
.great fundamentals of all republican instittitions, and the safety .of our own
glorious Union.; He, in "every way, surrounded himselfby ai'gumepts, and
illustrations that were -unanswerable ; and when he biifst forth upon th0
principles that underlie the K,now;Nothirig question, be portrayed the real
views of this siecret "organization ;. the fallacy of ifs positions; its proscrip
tion On account of religion; and exposed fully the dangers -that were to fol
low from the siJlccess'of a secret political party. His views were sueh as
to render conclusive to the mind' of -any man as tp which side he should
take in tbis new sect-^that jof openly expressing whatever touches on po
litical questions. It would .be useless in us to attempt to give even a sy
nopsis of bis speech. His nianner is so original, his style so pecuUarly his
o-wp, and the force of hjs i-e'ra;arks such, that in attempting to give them in
synopsis by our own words, wpuld be futile and weak. We may recur
acain to this subject. One must bear Mr. Wise for himself. With us it is
as with' Job — our language must be, " Whom. I shall see [and hear] for
myself, and not for another." ' ,
As. soon as Mr. Wise thus sounded tbe nPte of battle, the Know-Nothing
and yV^hig press commenced an examination of his political -antecedents.
Their great effort was to prove that he had been an active Whig in the
-\'io-or of his life, had been an acknowledged and most distinguished leader
of that organization, and that he now -proclaimed that hehad "norecan-
tationsto make." , Never was the poUtical history of any rnan so Uttle under
stood by the masses as that of Henry A. Wise, during the late dailvaSs in
Virginia. We will here introduce Mr. Wise's own explanation as appeared
in the Richmonci Enquirer', April 14, 1843. This explanaltion iss^ satisfactory
to every unprejudiced mind, and did much to allay the prejudices of the
"old liiie -Democracy" against hipi: ^,

40

MR. •WISE IN 1843.

To the Editor of the Enquirer : 'I
Northumberland, April 4, 1843.
Dear Sir : — Yesterday was a great day ip old Northumberiapd. Mr. Wise
was bere, apd the high'cbaracter he brought with him, acquired ip Congress,
apd from the hustipgs, drew out ap upusually large copcourse of persons.
I had oftep beard of his powers before tbe people ; but bis efforts on this •
occasion exceeded jny most extravagant calculations. He enchained the/
attention of his audience for about four hours, in a speech characterised foi;'
abiUty, eloquence, and the most withering sarcasm. He commenced by giv
ing us a history of his political career, begun about ten years ago in the
Cong^ess of the United States, and showed, cpnclu.sively, that so far as the
gre'at principles which at present agitate the country, the Bank, the Tariff,
Internal Iraproveraent, Distribution, and Abolition are concerned, he has not
changed one jot or tittle. The evidence be adduced was irresistible. No
candifi and unprejudiced raind could have listened to hira and not been con
vinced. He stated, (what I have no doubt was the fact,) that John Tyler
was nominated at Harrisburg, because of his States Rights RepubUcan
Whig principles, and that there was in that Convention a' union of National
Republicans and States Rights Whigs, for a common object, (with the un
derstanding that the states rights doctrines were to be carried out, if they
succeeded,) and that object, the defeat of Mr. Van Buren, to whose re-elec
tion Mr. Wise .w.as then opposed-r-that this same repubUcan portion of the
Whig party was that fragraent of the old Jackson party that had gone off under
the white flag of '3^ — that as soon would oil and water unite, as the principles
of the. old Hamiltonian federal party, and those of the republican states
rights portion -of the Whig party of 1840 — and that, upon their ascendancy
to ppwer, should they, (the federal portion of- the Whig party of 1840,) at
tempt to carry out the federal doctrines, the states rights portion, who had
no sympathy for them in principle, would rebel — and that the party common
of 1840, must be dissolved into its original elements. This, Mr. Wise de
monstrated, as with a pencil of- light, was the relative position of the repub
lican and' federal wing of the great" Whig army, when, Geperal Hairisbij
carae ipfo power. Ip relatiop to his Haoover letter, to which allusion, in
sorae way by speech, sign, or niapper, was raade, he explicitly said, before
he ever pledged his support iu any form to Mr.Clay, he obtained a distinct
avowal of his septimepts, apd a pledge ip regard to five cardinal pointii
Said he, "Mr. Clay, we differ widely upop fupdamepfal principles, which
must ever be a gulf between us, unless relipquished by you. How do you
stand on the subject of a bank .' Virginia is opposed to one." " Why, my
dear sir," replied Mr. Clay, " this is a subject, which, whatever may be my
theoretical views, the public raind is nbt now ripe for, and I am perfectly
wilUng to leave it to 'the arbitrament of public opinion." " But, |Hr. Clay,
On the subject of the Tariff, you are looked upon as the father of this
system, and you are so wedded to it, you could hardly be tempted to give it
up. I am uncomproraisi'hgly opposed to it." "Why," said Mr. Clay, "all
I wanted in the first instance, was to give a stimulus to the inanufacturing
interests of the country. That is already done. I am perfefctly willing to
abide by the coraproraise act — however much we differ upon the subject,
theoreticaUy, practically, we will be together." " But then, Mr. Clay, on the
subject of jptei-pal improvement, how are you?" "Why, my dear sir, ill
I wished was to encourage a spirit of iraproveraent ahiong the states, and
this has been carried already too far by the states theraselves." " But on
the subject pf abolition of slavery in the- District, Mr. Clay, you admit" the

41
power, of Congress to act upon t-he subject, upon the principle Of 'exclusive
legi.slation,' " "My dear sir," rejoined Mr. Clay, "while these are my
opipions conscieptiously formed, Iam a sop of, Virgipia, ahd a slaveholder.
of Keptu'cky, and I would suffer the tortures of the inquisition, before I
would sign a biU having for its object the abolition of slavery in the District,
or in any manner give countenance to the subject." -Now, by these .pro
fessions and tests, how wide were Mr. Clay and Mr. "Wise, practically ap3.vt>
, and had not Mr. Wise every reason to suppose that Mr. Clay, as a gentle
man, would UteraUy fulfil these pledges ? Let those who' are holding up
this Hanover letter in judgment against Mr, Wiie, take it in connection
with these pledges of Mr. Cla-y, arid Mr. Clay's owp Hanover speech, apd
they' are welcorae to all the advaptage they cap derive. Mr. Wise adraitted
hehad undergone rabre 'changes w>ith respect to Mr. Clay, as a raan, thaii
he had ever done towards any one ip bis life — that he went to Congress the
first time with strong prejudices apd po very kind feelings towards him —
thatit was a'long time before be had an iptroductiop to hira — and that when
political co-operatiop brought them together, he felt the faiscination and
jiower of the charmer. Now, Mr. Wise says, for reasons -which he assigned,
and -which are perfectly Satisfactory to every unprejudiced and honest mind,
he has no opinion of Henry Clay, either as a politician ot as a Tnan. He
has forfeited his respe'ct fore-ver as to both.
But to return to the canvass of 1840, and the events which have suc
ceeded. In J840,' pending the contest of that memorable, campaign, whilst
Mr. Clay was looking forward tb succeed General Harrison, and lo be " the
powef behind the throne, greater than the throne itself," — in his adrriinistra-
tion, he was the enthusiastic admirer of -Mr. Wise, never TOeeting-hira after
a separation, however short, but With the utmost cordiality and kindness.
After the election, and Virginia had igone against General Harrison, what was
his manner on meeting Mr. Wise iri Washington .-" Cordial as before.'' No,
saj'S'Mr. Wise, but with the cold salutation: "-How do you do, sir.? I con
gratulate myself that Virginia has gone for Mr. Van Buren.; -we will no
longer be ernbarrassed by her peculiar opinions." Well raay this .expression
have struck Mr.' Wise -with araazeraent. The clo-ven fpof '"^as s-hpwn — the
policy 'of the Federal Whigs was developed by their leader. "No longer-
embarrassed by her peculiar opinions," by whicb be intended contempt and
derision of ''^'Virginia abstractions," or of a strict construction of our glori
ous Federal Constitution. From that hour, Mr. Wise's confidence was gone,
and' who could blarae hira for indulging feeUngs of indignation towards a
man who had wormed himself artfully into his confidence, and when he ha'd
seen the Whig ticket triumph despite of the opposition of Virginia, turn-ed
his"; back'' upon-bis' pledges, ahd disregarded those courtesies, and Civilities
which characterize the iptefcourse of mutual friends.' With such a man,
ambition is the vortex' which swallowsTip every kind feeling of the human
heart, and leaves scarcely a redeeming quality behind. An extra session
of Congress Was called, and, though Mr. Clay had agreed practically to go
along with IVfr. Wise, all those measures which had, been renounced and
given up by Mr. Clay in 1840, were, sought in hot haste, through his insfru-
mentaUty, to' be palmed off upon the nation. The bapk questiop, which was
to be left to the, enUghtenment of pubUc opinion, was snatched from the
people — a rivalry was begot between Mr. Clay and Mr. Webster, in conse--
quepce of Geperal Harrisop's preference for tbe latter ; and ere the old chief
had been killed by the annoyance of- hungry office-seekers; (the Simon Pures
of 1840, )and the course pf political a,spii-ants for the presidency, Mr. Clay
secretly aimed at his administration the artillery of war. All this Mr. Wise
proved,' and proved satisfactorily. The compromise act was violated, 'and an

42
odious bankrupt law passed, contrary to every pledge Mr, Clay had made
Mr. Wise.
, Mr. Wise, in' the course of his address, triumphantly vindicated John
Tyler against tbe charges of treachery, IscariotiSm, Arnoldisrn, immorality,
fraud, dishonesty, and the thousand and one coarse and maUcious epithets
which have been heaped upon hira by Federal Whiggery, without stint and
without raeasure. He proved, beyond the possibiUty of a doubt, that Mr. Tyler
"had always been opposed to the constitutionality of a bank, and that he could
not bave signed a charter without perjury — that tbere was po evidence to show',.
that evep General Harrison would have signed a bank charter; and he quoted-
the letter of the General in '22, wherein he states, the Bank of the IJnited
States is unconstitutional, it. not being necessary to carry out ap expressly
.grapfed power, and that had he tbe power, he would issue -a fieri facias, and
revoke the charter — and, also, the Whig address in Richmond in 1840,
wherein it is claimed foV Geperal Harrison, that he is aS much opposed to
the United States .Bank as any man could be, and far sounder upop that, sub
ject thap Mr. Van Buren. Mr. Wise said he advised freely with Mr. Tyler
upon the subject of a bank — that he differed from him as to its copstitution-
ality, but, at the same time, urged him to take that course W'hich his coi*
science dictated, without regard to whom it might offend or whom please-
that if be could do so, as did Mr. Madison, according to tbe principle of
stare decisis, to do so, but to take care and sign only a fuU-bljOoded animal,
no mongrel — only such as would confer most benefit upon the country — but
to take bis own course in tbe raatter, and pot to comprorait by his advice; his
character, his copsciepce or his hopor. Mr. Wise said he had frequently
witpessed the agony of that man upon this very question, apd had seiii him
almost sweat drops pf blood, and wished that he could have been in his placie,
as he believed he had tbe nerve to look down with scorn and contempt upon
his revilers and slanderers, and those reptiles whose business it is to assail
private character to subserve party and ambitious ends. Mr. Wise fatther
said,, they had tried every way they could to entrap John Tyler, and thatthe
very bill prepared by Mr. Clay himself Oontaiped the same objectionable
feature. as that of Mr. Ewing, which Mr. Clay bad contemptuously denomi
nated "a rickety concern" — that any bill John Tyler could have framed, or
any frierid of Mr, 'Webster, would have met his unqualified condemnation—
that he wanted the credit himself of preparing the biU, and getting. through
Congress all the Whig measures, that he miglit retire to Ashland upon the
dignity of these measures, becom-e tbe idol of the Whig party, and the can
didate for the succession. Mr. Wise, in defining his position upon the bank
question, said, thpugh he differed frora Mr. Tyler, and knew he differed in
1840, he bad merged that into questions which he considered of far sreater
magnitude. Though he believed a United States Bank constitutional, the
time had passed for chartering one. <rhe first effect of a bank, he contended,
was depletive, and he cited in proof the history of the country from 1816 to ,
1825. He assimilated the condition of the country now to a patient who
was already prostrate from the loss of blood, and asked if, in tbis state of
things, a physician -would be found so rash and foolish as to think of ta.king
more blood, and thereby sink the powers of the system beyond tlie point of
reaction. He said the fate ofthe United States Bank and the Bank of Penn
sylvania, which was but a continuation of it; the cries of !orphans and
widows who had Jbeen reduced to penury and want by its explosion ; and the
fact that Nicholas Biddle, with all his financial, knowledge, once standing
high in public estimationj bad failed to make it a benefit,.and himself become
a bankrupt in character and person, aU admonished us that.no such institu
tion co\ild ever again find favoj: with the' people of the Upited States,

43
, Mrf", Wise, showed, and showed from the record,-the Whig address of 1840,
that if all ' deserters.are to be shot, Mr.' 'Tyler and himself should not be
selected ^s the victirfis, but those who put forth their prihciples in 1840, and
have Since .abandoned thera ; and huraorously said, that if such were the
septepce, apd the -words "take aim, fire" to be givep, you would see nb little
dipping, apd dbgiog in the crbwd, araopg tbe old Hamiltopiap Natiop'al Repubr
lican Federalists, who had long cherished and often lauded the dpctrines^of
Hamilton, Pickering apd Adams to the stars. Healso satisfied all who heard
hira, that ip regard to the CiUey duel, the mouhtain of odium, which he had
borne, should pi'operly bave rested upon the shoulders of another. He said
that it was a fair duel — but that if censure and odium attached to any one, it
should be to Henry, Clay, for he was the counseller and adviser, and dictated
the terms of the duel-^tbat he (Mr. W.) pr&tes.ted- against the rifle and the
lang-uage of the challenge, w'hich closed the door to an adjustment of the
difficulty, but was overruled, by Mr. .Clay — that be expressed an unwiUing
ness to be the bearer of a challenge so uncompromising, iri its character, but
atlengthyielded to appeal frora Mr. Graves, who reminded.him that he bad
been his friend on a similar .occasion.
The development of these facts was made, by him, because, when his
character was assailed,, and assailed unjustly, as Mr. Clay knew, Mr. Wise
appealed to him to do bjm justice, and put this raatter right before the nation,
.Mr. Clay avoided all Opportunity to do so, and no alternative was left Mr.
'VVi?e but to suffer the odium, or else giv.e the facts to. tbe public.
Mr. Wise, in conclusion, said his private vote was his own, and he should
tell PO one how or for whom it should be given in the. coming presideptial
electiop. , But he would not hesitate to say for whorn it should not be given :
that he cbuld never vote for Henry Clay, as constable, or anything else. He
said he believed, to the fullest -extent,'-in the right of, the people to insti:act
their representatives ; and if the election -went before Congress^ arid his dis
trict had voted for Mr., Clay, he 'should deposit his vote for hira. Mr. Wise,
upon the whole, made a raost favorable impression. AS a- Virginian-, I feel
proud of hira, and do applaud him, for the gaUant , manner in which, he h'as
stood by Mr. Tyler, Virginia's own son, in one of the most trying positions
in which man was. ever placed, when slander wifh her thousand tongues was
-at work, and everything. done by a reckless party to destroy the fair fame of
an honest and upright man.

i THE ISSUES OF THE CANVASS.
Know-Nothingism was introduced in Virginia under the specious guise of
a great conservative organization ; knowing po- North, no South, no East, no
West ; '^repudiating aU sectionalism, and utterly discarding old party lines
and old party issues. It professed to be national, republican, and constitu
tional in all its tenets and inteptidps. Ih the raonth of Peceraber, 1854, the
¦Richmotid Whig denied in the raost emphatic terras, that the Know-Nothing
party would supercede the old Whig party, c,oUnselled against the abandop-
merit of a siogle Whig tenet ; but advised, nevertheless, a fusion with Kno\y-
Nothipgism iii a Cpramori effort to "expel the Goths and Vandals," who had
so long ruled and plundered the state. Whig orators, Whig editors. Whig
letter-writers a-pd Whig politicians took up'^ the role thus assigned them, de-
darino- that the Know-Nothing organization was noi'VVhig trick, but a great

44
party of reform, embracing alike Democrats and Whigs. Rather thail sub
mit tp the victorious Democracy, the Whig and its party f referred to foster,
encourage, uphold and advance a Northernism untried upon Southern soiL
Thus were presented to the Democracy the old issues of FederaUsm, coupled
with religious intolerance and proscription of foreigners. The Enquirer
pubUshed the following commentary upon the issues of the canvass, January
8tb, 1854:
The Whig Flag; in the Dust — Amalgamation with the Know-
Nothings.— When, in its issue of tbe 25th December, the Richmond Whig
scornfully repeUed the suggestion that the Whig party of Virginia shpuld
abandon their organization and submit to the sway of Know-Nothingism, 'we
did not suspect tbe sincerity of its purpose, nor mistrust tbe strength of its
resolution. Nor for one moment did we entertain the thought that the Whig
could be driven from its manly position by. tbe threats of tbe Araerican Of-
gan, and be forced to accept, with expressions of satisfaction, 'the very over
ture which it had just rejected with an air of insulted dignity. ,
From an article in tbe Whig t)f Wednesday, which proposes to indicate
the present policy of its party, we select the foUowing extract :
" We remark, then, that pur first impressions were in favor of holding a
Whig State Convention. But subseqifent reflection, and an impartial survey
of the whole field, and a calm review of all the circurastances by which we
are surrounded, hav-e conducted us to art opposite conclusion. The Whig
party, at the last trial of strength, was in a large minority in tbe state, and
while we believe that we might, and probably would succeed alone, consid
ering the eleraents that raight perhaps combine in our favor, yet it is better
and safer, in oui^ opinion, not to rely too confidently upon our owp unaided
streogth, but fo So act as to gather to our side, mep of all parties and per
suasions who are sick of misrule and wish for reform. We counsel not the
abandonment 'of a single Whig tenet, but only urge a course which will,
first, effecttially expel the Goths and Vandals, and ultimately, probably im
mediately, result in putting Whig measur.,es and Whig policy in the ascend-
apt. We, therefore, respectfully aud kipdly suggest 'to such of our friends
as entertain a wi«h for a convention, to abandon it at once — at least for the
present. If unforeseen circumstances should hereafter arise to render, one
necessary, March or April wiU be-early enough to con.sider tbe matter,"
Tbe contrast between the spirit of its former declaration, and the temper
of this paragraph, is sufficiently striking to convict the Whig of a very fla
grant inconsistency. But, it is not to this point that we wish to direct the
attentiop of the public. The article ip the "Whig is pot cited for apy purpose
of controversy, but to ejchibit the policy of its party ip this important crisis of
public affairs. We have here tbe distinct avowal of its recognised organ
that the Whig party of Virginia no longer exists as an independent organiza
tion, but is disbanded and merged into Know-Notbin'gism. And we have
moreover the declaration, that the motive of this extraordinary prpCeeding
springs from no higher impulse than an appetite for the spoils of office.
We are reluctant to believe that the Whig party of Virginia will submis
sively adopt the advice of their organ. The opinion we entertain of their
character forbids the inference that they wiU consent to desert the flag under
which they have fought so long and so gaUantiy, and transfer their pripciples
apd their allegiance tb the up-start order of KnoW-Nothings. We may be
deceived, but we wiU pot admit the possibiUty of ap absolute aud igpomin-
ious submissiop of the Whigs of Virginia to the ipsolept dictatiop of the
Kpow-Nothings, uptil the surrender is ratified by the party. The leaders we
know are too often ready to adopt any expedient that rtiay gratify their lust of

45
power, ,J5ut the hqnest masses of the Whig party are exempt from the influ
ence of any, such motive, and, if we be, not niistaken, they wiU indignantly
refuse to. play the menial and the lackey tb a secret arid suspected cabal of
bigots and demagogues. ,
The Whig, anticipating certain success from the coalition with the Know-
Nothings, exultingly predicts .the s.peedy ascendancy of Whig measures and
Whig^poUcy. If any well-meaning Democrat has been misled by'the deceit
ful promises of Know-Nothingism, this declaration wiU startle him from his
delusion, for it is equivalent to an avowal that the Know-Nothino- oro-anization
is but a contrivance for the restoration of the Whig party to power.
The article from the Whig is suggestive of ipuch instructive reflection to
tbe, people bf Virgipia, apd we propose to resurae its consideratiop to-raor-
row. Meanwhile, let it be borne in mind that the Richraond Whig recom
mends a" fusion pf Whigs and Know-Nothirigs, for the purpose of'effecting
an iraraediate restoration of Whig raeaaures and' Whig. policy in the govern
ment of Virginia.
" We counsel not the abandopment of a single Whig tenet, but only urge
a course which will first effectually expel the Goths and Vandals., and ulti
mately, probably immediately,' result in putting Whig measures and Whio-
poUcy in the ascendant." — [Richmond Wldg, Jan. 3.
In the 'beginning, the Know-Nothing organizatiop was represepted a^ a
protest of the pepple agaipst the selfishness and corrupt-iori.of-politicians, arid
its ostensible aira -was the reform of abuse .and the rescue of; the governraent
frpm the despotism of party. Under this specious pretence, K!npw-Nothing-
isra was introduced into Virginia, -with a pledge from its, advocates of equal
antagonism to the Whig and ¦ Democratic parties. Its deceitful promise of
neutrality and reform, seduced some Democrats from t'heir party, and im
parted strepgth apd iqqpulse to the organization.
We never mistook the character and tendency-- bf Know-Nothino-ism.
FrOm the start, we denounced it as an jmposture. We detected the falsity
of its pretensions, and exposed the hidden" purpose of . its authors. We
affirmed that it was at bottora a political movement, and foretold that if not
arrested it would result ip the overthrow of the Deraocratic party.
Our suspicions were justified, and our prediction fulfilled, in the progress
of events. The political aim and party affinity of Know-Nothingism were
soon developed in its successes. , Eyery Know-Nothing triumph was
achieved in aUiance With the Whig party, and was in effect a Deraocratic
defeat. „ , , .
StiU tiie organs pf Know-Nothingism, protested its independence of. party,
and persisted in the endeavor to seduce Democrats into its embrace.
At last an alliance between the Whig party iri Virginia and the Kpow^-
Nothipgs, bas beep concluded, and although its conditions have not been
commpriicated to the world, an organ of one of the high contracting parties
has very distinctly foreshadowed its effect. The prodigious boastjng of the
British journals, after the accession of Austria to the alliance pf th^e Western
Powers, is.eclipsed by the. excessive exultation of the Richmond Whig over
the league between the Know-Nothings and the Whig party in Virginia. It will
result, exclaims the Whig, in an efcstacy of erithusiam, "in the expulsion of
the Goths, aud yapdals " — that is, fine Democrats— -from power, apd "ip the
ultimate, if pot immediate asceodancy pf Whig measures and Whig policy."
"We thank the Whigfor'this candid avowal, and we trust that its simplicity
and naivete will not be corrupted by the associations into which it wiU be
thrown' by its aUiance with the Know-Nothings.
If the deceptive pretences of Know-Nothingism have seduced any'honest
Democrat into the order, he will niake haste and come out of it, after learn-

46
ing'that he is aiding in the ascendancy bf Whig riieasures and 'Whig-policy'.
If any Democrat who has not yet foresworn allegiance to his party, imagines that
there is nothing in the character or probable issue of the present canv^ass, to
incite him to tbe zealous support of Wise, he will learn, from the declara
tion of the Richmond Whig, that the defeat of Wise will result in the expul
sion of the Goths and Vandals, and the ascendancy of Whig measures mi
Whig poUcy ; and learning this, he will repress every feeling of disappoint
ment and disaffection, and exhibiting the, disinterested devotion of a patriot,
will throw hiraself with all his soul and all his might into a .struggle on
which depends the triumph of defeat of his party and his principles. The
coalition is not animated by an impulse of persorial hostility to Henry A.
Wise, nor is its object limited to his defeat. It makes War upon him as
the champion of tbe Democratic party, and it contemplates nothing less than
the' expulsion of the Goths and Vandals-, and tbe aScendancy of Whig
measures and Whig policy. Tbe pretence of neutraUty and independence
of party, by wbich Know-Nothingism seeks to allure recruits to its standard,
is a deception and a snare, and the aim of the organization is the ascendanpy
of Whig measures and Whig poUcy.
' Again we thank the Whig for its manly, out-spoken candor. Disdaining
to practice a deception on the people, the Whig frankly . avows what it ex
pects to accomplish by its aUiance with the Know-Nothings. Let no man
reproach it with ip.discretion ; it saw the advantage of secrecy and dissimu-
latipp, but chose rather thari coraproraise its character, to apprise the Demo
cracy of the aim of the coaUtiop, and to admonish them of the necessity of
vigilance and effort in defence of their principles.

THE KNOW-NOTHING EITUAL EXPOSED,
The Know-Nothing party or organization was the first political party in fhe
history of this government that undertook to follow the example of the Ja
cobin clubs of France. This Know-Nothing party was one of the deepest
and most ^kiUfuUy panned, and most dangerous political moveraents that was
ever concocted ip any country. There were many true patriots that were
deluded-iuto the organization, some of whom had, and many of whom had
not the courage to withdraw; but we trust we shaU be pardoned for express
ing the decided copvictiop that the leaders df the order -should have their
pames classed ip history with those of Burr and Arnold. This new party
had a regularly prescribed ritual, to which every man who became a' mem
ber had to conform. This ritual was composed of oaths, pass-words, signs,
and ceremopies of initiation.' Many who wept through these ceremonies
were offeuded with their puerility, and it is pot surprisipg that some few,
shocked at the ipceridiarism thus inculcated should, from a patriotic con
viction of duty, have resolved to lay thefp before their couptrymeri. We
here introduce the ritual in full, as published in the various Democratic pa
pers of the state ; the authenticity of which was repeatedly acknowledged
by members of the prder. Mr. Wise was the first Detnocrat in the state
that came in possession of the ritual. It was first exposed in the state of
niinois; apd as soop as Governor Lybrook procured the ritual he epdorsed
it to Mr, Wise, Through Mr, Wise it was pubUshed simultapedusly in the

47
Richmond Enquirer and Examiner, then copied by Democratic papers,
throughout the state. After the conclusion of the canvass,' Mr. Wise en
closed it,to the, sender. Governor' Lybrook. Tbe'Deraecl-acy of Virginia , re- ,
tuj-n to Governor Lybrook tbeir sincere thanks for his efficient and timely
sej-vice so considerately rendered fo our gallant standard bearer.
The Know-Nothing Ritual or "Constitution of the Grand Coun
cil OF THE United States of North America-^— Adopted unani
mously, June 17, 1854 — the Anniversary of the Rattle of Bu!n-
KER Hill." article I.
This organization shall be ,known by the name and title of The Grand
Council of the Vp,ited States of Jiorth Amerjca, and' its jurisdiction and
power shall extend to all .the .states, districts, and territories^f the United
Stales of North America. ' ARTICLE II.
A person to become a riiember of any subordinate council must be twenty-
one 3'ears of age; be. raust believe in the existence of a Supreme Being as
the Creator and Preserver of the Universe ; he must be -a native born citi
zen ; a Protestant, born of Protestapt parepts, reared updei" 'Protestapt ,ip-
fluence, and pot united in marriage with a Roraarf Catholic; Provided, nev
ertheless, fhat in this last respect, the state, district, or^ territorial council
shall be .authorized to.so copstruct their respective constitiitiohs as shall best
proraote the interest pf the American cause in their several, jurisdictiops ;
Apd provided, moreover,, that no member who may have a Rpmap Catholic
wife shall be eligible to apy office in this orders
' ARTICLE t III-.- - ..,
Sec. 1. The object of this .-oi'gamization sh'all be to resist the ipsidious
policy of the Church of JJome, aod other foreign influence against the in
stitutions of our country by placing in-all offices in the gift of the people, or
by appointment, none but native born Protestapt citizens'.
Sec 2. The Grand Council sh'all hold its anpual meeting on the first
Tuesday in the motitb of June, at such place as shall, be designated by the
Grand Cpuncil at the previous annual meeting, and it may adjourn from
time to tirae. Special raeetings shall be called by the President on. the
written request of five delegations representing five ^fate Councils ; Provi
ded, that .sixty days' notice shall be given to the State Coupcils previous to
said raeeting. ' -
Sec. 3. "The Grand Council shall be composed of thirteen delegates,
from, each state, to be chosen ,by the 'State Councils ;- and each distri'ct, or
territory where a District or Territorial Council shall exist; sball be entitled
to sepd five delegates; to be chosen from said Councils; and whep po Dis
trict or Territorial Coupcil shall exist, such district or territory shall be ep
titled. fo sepd five delegates, if five or more Subordinate Couricils shall exist
in such district or territory ; Provided, fhat in the noraination of candidates
fbr President and Vice President of the United States, each state shaU'be
' entitled to tbe sarae nuraber of votes as they shall have merabers ip both
ifpuses of Coogress. In all sessions bf the Grand Council, thirty-two dele
gates, representing thirteen states, territories, or districts, shall constitute a
quorum fOr the transaction of business. ,
Sec 4. The Grand Council shall be vested with the following powers
and privileges : ' ¦ ' - , , *
It Sjhall be the head of the organizatkin for the United States of North

48
America, and shall fix and estabUsh all signs, grips, pass-words, and such
other secret work as raay seem to it necessary.
It shaU have power to decide upon aU matters appertainipg to Rational
politics, 1
It shaU have the power to exact from the State Coupcils quarterly or an
nual statemepts as to the Pumber]of members under their jurisdictions, and
in relation to all other matters necessary for its information.
It shaU have the power to form state, territorial or district councils, and to
grant dispensations for the formation of such bodies when five subordinate
Coupcils shaU have beep put ip operatiop ip apy state, territory or district,
apd applieatiop iriade.
It shaU bave the power to determine upon a mode of punishment in case
of any dereliction of duty on the part of its members or officers.
It shall bave the power to adopt cabalistic characters for the purpose of writ
ing or telegraphing — said characters to be comraunicated to the presidents of
the ^tate Councils, and by them to the presidents of the Subordinate Coun
cils. It sball have tbe power to adopt any and every measure it may deem neces
sary to secure the success of the organization ; provided, that nothing shall
be done by the .said Grand Council in violation of the Constitution ; and pro
vided, further, that in all political matters, its members raay be instructed by
the State Councilsj and if so instructed, shall carry out such instructions of
the State Councils which they represent until overruled by a raajority of the
Grand Council. ' ' ARTICLE IV.
The president shall always preside over the Grand Council when present,
and in his absence the vice president ^hall preside, apd ip the absence of
both, the Grapd Council shall appoipt a presidepf 'pro tempore ; apd the pre
siding officer may at all times call a member to the chair, but such appoint-
mept shall pot extepd beyond one session of the Grand Council.
ARTICLE ,V.
Sec 1. The officers of the Grand Council shall be a president, vice presi
dent, . corresponding secretary, recording sejiretary, treasurer, two sentinels
and such other officers as as the Grand Council may see fit to appoint from
tirae to time, and the secretaries and sentinels may receive such compensa
tions as the Grand Council shall defermipe.
Sec '2. The duties of the several officers created by this Constitutiop shall
be sucb as the work of this orgapization prescribes.
ARTICLE VI.
Sec 1. AU officers provided for by this Copstitutiop, except the sentinels,
shall be elected annuaUy by ballot'. Tlie presidepf may appoipt sentinels
from time to time, or otherwise.
Sec 2. A majority of aU the votes cast shaU be requisite fo an ele ebon to
any office.
Sec 3. AU officers and delegates must be full degre-e members of this
organization. Sec 4. All vacancies in the elective offices shall be filled by a vote of the
Grand Council, and only for the unexpired term of the said vacancy.
ARTICLE VII.
Sec 1. The Grand Council shall entertaip and decide all cases of appeal,
and it sball establish a form of appeal.
Sec 2. Tbe Grand Coupcil shall levy a tax upop the State, District or
Territorial Councils, for the support of the Grand Council,' td be paid in such-
manner and at such times as the Grand Council shall determine,
ARTICLE VIII,
The Grand Council may alter or. amend this Constitutiop, at any regular

49
annnal meeting, by a two-thirds' vote of the members present ; provided
such amendment shall be adopted by a two-ihirds' vote of the Grand Coun
cil at its next succeeding annual meeting.
,.0n page 11 commences the "General Rules and Regulations," which
occupy pages, 11, 12 and 13, and are as follows :
GENERAL RULES AND REGULATIONS.
Rule One. — Each state, district or territory in which there may exist
five or more Subordinate Councils working under dispensations from the
Grand Council of the United States of North America, or under regular dis
pensations from sorae state, district or territory, are duly empowered to
establish themselves into a Slate, District or Territorial Council, and when so
established, to form for thems^ves constitutions and by-laws for their gov
ernment, in pursuance of and in consonance -with the Constitution of the
Grand Council of the United States ; provided, however, that all district or
territorial constitutions shall be subject to the approval of the Grand Council
of the United States.
. Rule Two. — All State, District or Territorial Councils, when estabtished,
shall have full power and authority to establish all Subordinate Councils
¦within their respective li-rnits ; and the constitutions and by-laws of all such
Subordinate Councils must be approved by their respective State, District or
Territorial Councils.
Rule Three. — All State, District or Territorial Councils, -when estab
lished and until the formation of constitutions, shall work under the Consti
tution of the Grand Council of the United States.
'Rule Four. — In all cases where,; for the convenience of the organization,
two, State or Territorial Councils. may be established, the two councils together
sball be entitled to but thirteen delegates in the Grand Council pf the United
States — the proportioned number of ;dt'legates- to depend on fhe nuraber of
members iri the organization ; provided, that no state shall be allowed to
have more than one State Council without tbe consent of the Grand Council
of the United States.
Rule Five  In any state, district or territory, where tbere may be more
than one organization working on the sarae basis (to wit: "Lodges" and
" Councils,") the same shall be required to combine; tbe officers of each
organization shall resign, and new officers be elected ; and thereafter these
bodies shall b^known as State Councils and Subordinate Councils; and, new
charters shall be granted to them by tbe Grand Council.
Rule Six. — It shall be considered a penal offence for any brother not an-
officer of a Subordinate Council, to make use of the sign or suramons adopted
for public notification, except by direction of the president i oi- for the officers
of a council to post the sarae at any other time than from midnight to one
hour before daybreak ; and this rule shall be incorporated into the by-laws of
the State, Di.'itrict and Territorial Councils.
Rule Seven. — The' determination of the necessity and mode of issuing
the posters for public notification shall be entrusted to the judgment of the
State, District or Territorial Councils.
Rule Eight. — The respective State, District or Territorial Councils shall
be required to make stateraents of the number of members within their
respective limits at the next annual meeting of the Grand Council, and
annually thereafter at the regular annual meeting.
"^RutE Nine. — The Grand Council of the United States shall pay from its
treasury the riecessary expenses Of its members in attendance upon its ses»
sions. Rule Ten. — Each State; District or Territorial Council shall be taxed ten
dollars per annum for each Subordinate Council under its jurisdiction, said
4 • " .

50
tax: to be paid in semi-annual instalments of five doUars each, payable in the
months of June and Deceraber.
Rule Eleven. — The following shaU be the key to determine, and ascer
tain the purport of any communication that may be addressed to the presi-
dent of a State, District or Territorial Council by the presidepf of the Grand
Council, who is hereby ipstructed to commupipate a kpowledge of the same
to said officers :

Rule Twelve. — The clause of the article of the copstitution relative to
belief in the Suprerae being is obligatory upon every State apd Subordinate
Council, as well as upon each individual raember.
Pages 15 and 16 treat of " Special Votes, viz:
SPECIAL VOTES.
First. — This Grand Coupcil hereby grapts to the state of Virginia two
State Councils — the one to be located in Eastern and fhe other in Western
Virginia, the Blue Ridge mountains being the geographical line between the
two jurisdictions.
Second. — "the president sball have power, till the next session of the
Grahd Council, to grant dispensations for the formation of State, District or
Territorial Councils, in form raost agreeable to his own discretion, upon appli
cation beipg made.
Third. — Tbe delegates from the several states, districts or territories, who
were elected for, or ip attendance upon, this Grand Council, shall hold their
seats for one year ; and the State, District or Territorial Councils are hereby
authorized to fill up their respective delegations ; provided, that -when there
are two or more organizations in any one state, district or territory, the dele
gation shall be chosen after the union, as provided for by the Constitution of
this Grand Council.
Fourth. — The next meeting of the Grand Council shall be holden at
Cincinnati on the third Wednesday of Noveraber, 1854, at 3 o'clock, P. M.
Fifth. — Messrs. D  , of New Jersey, D  and S  ,
of Massachusetts, are appointed a committee to examine, revise, correct,
and prepare for publication, the constitution, general rules and regulations,
and special votes of the Grand Council, with a list of the officers and mem
bers, with their autograph address in full, and the states, diJIricts or terri
tories they represent, and sucb other necessary matters as may be deemed
expedient and judicious to publish, and forward the sarae to the printer;
-when issued, to the nuraber of five hundred, af copy to be sent to each mem
ber of tbis Grand Council, and the residue t,o be placed at the disposal of
the president. RITUAL.
FIRST DEGREE COUNCIL.  OUTSIDE.
.Marshal, — Gentlemen : Are you candidates for admis.siop to this organiza
tion ? [Each answers, "I am."]
Marshal,— Beiove proceeding further it is necessary that you take an obli
gation of secrecy.
Are you wilUog to take such ap obligatiop ? [" I am."]
Marshal, — You will now place yourselves in a position to receive it. [Po
sition, — Place the right hand on the Holy Bible apd Cross.]
Obligation, — You do solemuly swear* upop this Holy Bible and Cross;
*Iq cases where candidates are known to be conscientious about takin"- an oath, /hey
may be allowed to make solemn aflSrmation— this provision to be understood as applying
wlienovor nedessary in either obligation. '

51
before. Almighty God and these witnesses, that you will not divulge ,any
question now proposed to you, whether you become a nieraber of this organ
ization or not, and that you wiU never, under any circurastances, mention
the narae of any person or persons you see present, nor that you know such
an organization to be in existence, and that you will true answers raake to
every question asked you to the best of your knowledo-e and belief : so help
you God. ["Ido."]
First Question, — Are you twenty-one years of age.? ["I ara. "J
Second Question, — Do you beUeve in the existence of a Suprerae Being,
the Creator and Preserver of the Universe, and that an obligation at this
time taken will be binding upon you through life ? [" I do."]
Third Question, — Were you born within the limits or under the jurisdic
tion of tbe United States of America.? ["I was."]
Fourth Question. — In religious belief are you a Roman Chatbolic >
["No."] Fifth Question. — Have you or bave you not been reared under Protestant
influence? f" Yes,"- or "No."]
Sixth Question. — Are, or were, either of your parents Roman Catholic in
religious belief .? ["No."]
Seventh Question, — If married, is your wife a Roman Catholic? ["No,"
or "Yes," — the answer to be valued as the Constitution of the State Council
provide.] Eighth Question, — Are you willing to use your influence and vote only
fbr native born A.merican citizens for all the offices of honor or trust in the
gift ofthe people, to the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens, and of Roraan
Catholics in particular, and without regard to party predilections ? ["I am."]
INSIDE.
Marshal, — Worthy President: I have examined these candidates, and
finding tbem duly qualified, present them for obligation. [If the examination
in the ante-room gave evidence of even partial objection to any candidate the
Marshal should state it to the President, before introducing the candidates,^
President. — My friends: Previous to ypur uniting with and becoming
members of this organization, it will be necessary for you to take upon your
selves a solemn obligation — one wbich we have all takep and intend sacredly
to keep through life. It will not conflict with the duties you owe to your
selves, your famiUes, your country, or your God. With this assurance are
you still willing'to proceed .? [Each answers, "larrt."]
Obligation. — You and each of you,. of your own free will and accord, in
the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, your right hand resting
OP this Holy Bible apd Cross, and your left baud raised towards Heavep,
lor if it be preferred, your left hand resting on your breast and your right
band raised towards Heaven,) in token of your sincerity, do solemnly
promise and swear'* that you will not make known to any person or persons
any of the signs, secrets, mysteries, pr o'ojecfs of this organization, unless
it be to those -whom, after due exaraination, or lawful inforraation, you
shall find to be- members of this organization in good standing; that you will
not cut, carve,' print, paint, stamp, stain, or in any way, diractly or indi
rectly, expose any of the secrets or objects of this order, nor suffer it to be
done by others, if in' your power to prevent it, unless it be for official in
struction ; that so long as you are connected with tbis organization, if not
reo-ularly dismissed from it, you will, in all things, political or social, so far
as this order is concerned, comply with the will of the majority, when ex
pressed in a lawful manner, though it raay conflict with your personal
* See prior note relative to affirmation.

52
preference, so long as it does not conflict with the Grand, State or Subordi
nate Constitutions, the Constitution of the United States of America, or that
of the State in which you reside; and that you will not, under any circum
stances whatever, knowingly, recommend an unworthy person for initiation,
nor suffer it to be done, if in your power to prevent it. You furthermore prom
ise and declare that you will not vote, nor give your influence for any man
for any office in the gift of the people, unless he bfe an American born citizen,
in favor of Americans born ruling Araerica, nor if be be a Roraan Catholic,
and that you will not, under any circurastances, expose the name of any
member of this order, nor reveal the existence of such an organization. To
all the foregoing you bind yourselves, under the no less penalty than that of
being expeUed frora this order, and of having your name posted and circula
ted throughout all the different councils of the United States as a perjurer
and as a traitor to God and your country, as a being unfit to be employed and
trusted, countenanced or supported in any business transaction, as a person
unworthy the confidence of all good men, and as one at whom the finger
of scorn should ever be poiuted. So help you God ! [Each auswers
" I do."]
President. — Worthy Marshal: You will now present these brothers tothe
Secretary that he may record their naraes and residences ; which being done,
you will present them to the Instructor for final instruction.
Marshal. — Worthy Instructor : By direction of tbe Worthy President, I
present to you these brothers for final instructiops, they having sigped the
constitution. Instructor .— Brothers : At the outer door you will make anv ordinary
alarm. When the wicket is opened, you will ask what is the pass? The
outside sentinel wiU reply, give it — whep you -will give the term pass, and
be adraitted to tbe aute-roora. "You will thep proceed to tbe inner door and
give one rap. When the wicket is opened, give your name, the number of
your C(juncil, the explanation of the term-pass, -and tbe degree pass-word.
If these be .found correct, on being reported to the vice-president you will
be admitted to the council. You will then proceed to tbe centre of the room,
and address the president with the countersign, whicb is perforraed thus—
\Positionr— the right hand placed on the heart and quickly withdrawn, the
person remaining perfectly erect.] When this salutation is recognised, vou
wiU turn to the vice-president and address him in the same manner, v/ho will
also reply. You will then quietly take your seat. This sign is peculiar to
this degree, and is never to be used outside of the council room. When
retiring, you will address tbe officers in the same manner, and also give the
degree pass-word to the inside sentinel. t
The term pass-word is — ¦  , [the word to be established by ^ach state
council for its re.speftive Subordinates.] Tbe explanation of the term pass, to
be used at the inner door, is  , [to be established by each state, S;c.]
The degree pass-word is twenty-one. The traveling pass-word and explana
tion, (which is changed annually by the grand president, and which is u.sed
only when tbe brother is traveling beyond the jurisdiction of his own state,
district or territory,) is Yorktown — the place of final victory.
The sign of* recognition is by placing the index finger of the rio-ht hand in
the space between the buttons of the coat, vest or skirt, and elevating the
thumb. The auswer is givep by placing the thumb of the right baud in the
sarae place.
The grip is givep ip tbe form of a lady's slight shake of the hand, by
bringing the three fingers of the right hapd into such a position as to bring
the thumb shghtly upon the nail of the middle finger, droppino- the hand im
mediately, whep the followipg conversation ensues— the cha1leno-in» party

53
first saying what time ? The answer, time for work. Then the response-
are you, followed by the rejoinder, we are.
PubUc notice for mass meetings is given by means of a right angle triangu
lar piece of paper, [a diagram is here given,] white iri color. If informa
tion is wanted of the object of the gathering, or of the place, &c., the inquirer
wiU ask of an undoubted brother only, have you seen SAM to-day ? The
reply will be go to  , at  o'clock. A piece of paper of the
same shape, red in color, will signify suspected danger. If the color is red,
with an equilateral triangular piece cut out, thus: [a diagrara is here given]
it will denote actual trouble, which requires that you corae prepared fo raeet
it. Brothers, you are now initiated into and made acquainted with the work
and organization of a council of* this, degree of the order ; and here, upon
the threshold of our institution, with tbe remembrance of your soleran obli
gation fresh upon us all, we extend to you the v^elcome and the sympathies
of honest and patriotic hearts. In becoming raembers of tbis order, we do
not compel you to act with us against your better judgment; and should you
at any time wisb to withdraw, from conscientious scruples, it, will be our
duty to gi;fint you a dismission in good faith.
It has rib doubt been long apparent to you, brothers, thkt foi'eign inflnence
and Roman Catholicism have been making steady and alarming progress in
our country. You cannot have failed to observe the significant transition of
the foreign born and Romanist from a Character quiet, retiring and even
abject, to one bold, threatening, turbulent, and, even despotic in its appear
ance and assumptions. You must have become alarmed at the systehiatic
and rapidly augmenting power of these dangerous and unnatural elements of
our national condition. So it is, brothers, with others besides yourselves, in
every state of the Union. A sense of danger has struck the great heart of
the nation. -In every city, town and hamlet the"' danger has been seen and
the alarm sounded. And hence tfue meri have devised this order as a means
of disseminating patriotic principles, of keeping alive the fire of national
virtue, of fostering the national intelligence, and of advancing America and the
American interest on the one side, and on the other of checking the stride ¦
of the foreigner or alien, of thwarting the machinations and subverting the
deadly plans of the Jesuit and Papjst.
SECOND DEGREE COUNCIL.
Marshal. — Worthy President : These brothers having been duly elected
to the 2d degree of this order, I present them before you for obligation.
President. — Brothers: You will place your left hand upon your right
breast, and extend your right hand towardi the flag->of our country prepara
tory to obUgation. [Each Council room should have a neat American flag
fesiooned over the platform of the President.']
Obligation, — You, and each of ypu, of your own free will and accord, in
the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting on
vour right breast, and your right hand extended to the flag of your country,
do most spleranly and sincerely swear that you will not, under any circura
stances, disclose in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others if in your
power to prevent it, the name, signs, pass-words, or other secrets of this de-
o-ree ; that you will in all things conform to all the rules and regulations of
this order, and to- the Constitution and By-Laws of this or any other Council
to which you may bfe attached, so long as they do not conflict with the Con
stitution of the United States, nor that of the state in which you reside ; that
you will, under all circumstapces, if in your power so to do, attend all regular
sio-ns and surtimonses that rriay be thrown or sent out by a brother of this or
an"y other degree of this order; that you wiU support in aU poUtical riiatte'rs,

54
for aU political offices 2d degree rtiembers of this order, providing it be necessa
ry -for the Araerican interest; that if it may be done'legally, you wiU, when
elected to any offlce remove aU foreigners, aliens or Roman Catholics from office,
and that you will in no case appoint such to office. AU this you promise
and declare op your honor as Americans to sustain and abide b}- without any
hesitation or mental reservation whatever. So help you God, and keep you
steadfast! [Each will answer, "Ido."]
President, — Brother Marshal : You wiU now present the brothers to the
Instructor for final instruction in tbis degree of tbe order.
Marshal, — Brother Instructor: By direction of our worthy President, I
present these brothers before you that you may instruct them in the secrets
and mysteries of the second degree of the order.
Instructor. — Brothers : In this degree we Tiave an entering-sign and coun
ter-sign. At the outer door proceed the same as in tbe first degree. At the
inner door you will raake too" distinct raps and proceed as in the first degree,
giving tbe second degree pass-word, which is seventy-six, instead of that of
,the first degree. If found to be correct, you will then be admitted, and pro
ceed to the centre of the floor, giving tbe counter-sign, which is made thus:
Position. — Place the left hand upon tbe right breast, tbe right hand ex
tended towaj-ds tbe flag of our country, which should be suspeuded over the
platform of the Presidepf. When recognized, you will quietly take j'our
seat. Brothers, you are now duly initiated into' this, the second degree of the
order. Renewing tbe congratulations which we extended to you upon your
admission to the first degree, we admonish you by every tie that may move
you as patriots to aid us in our efforts to restore the political institutions of
our country to their original purity. Begin -with the youth of our land.
Refresh their minds with the history of our country, tbe glorious battles and
tbe brilliant acts of patriotism, wbich is our common inheritance. Point
them to tbe wise sages and the profound statesmen who founded our govern
ment. Instil into their bosoms an ardent love for the Union. Above all
else, keep alive in their hearts the memory, the maxims and the deathless
example of our illustrious Washington.
Brothers, recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have
severally taken in this and tbe first degree, I now pronounce you entitled to
all the privileges of membership in this organization, and the Pre^ident —
who ALONE is entitled to communicate it, — will inform you of the name of
tbe order.
President. — Brothers : You are raembers in full fellowship of The Supreme
Order of the Star Spangled Banner.

KNOW-NOTHINGISM AN ALIAS OF FEDEEALISM.
No charge was more powerfully urged, or made a deeper irnpression upon
tbe popular raind in Virginia, during the canvass we are delineating, than
that the Know-Nothing party was but a new form of the old protean party
of Federalists. We shall not undertake to run over the proofs that were
adduced in support of this charge. But the identity of the Know-Nothing
doctrines, of religious intolerance and proscription of foreigners, with the
leading tenets of the original Federal party, is 'so striking and palpable, that
we insert here from the Richmond Examiner of February 20, 1855, repub-

55
lished from its insue of September 12, 1854,, that journal's remarks pn this
subject :
The Paternity of Know-Nothingism — A. Political Chronicle. —
The Democratic party of this country was first built up by Jefferson and
Madison, for the purpose of crushing the Federal oi- Native American party,
of which John' Adams wa» the official head. Native AraeriCanisra, in what
ever name or urider whatever disguise it appears, is no recent thing, in this
country. It is a hoary and oft punished aboraination of tbe Federal party.
Opposition to the foreigner, cruel, intolerant, and lawless, bas, at inter
vals, characterized that party ever sipce 1787. It is true that the Federal
party had po formal existence at that time ; but the raep who, a few years
afterwards, became the leaders ef the Federal party mapifested their hos
tility to foreign born citizens during the deliberations of the Copveption
which framed the Constitution of the United States. The raen who shaped
apd penned the odious alien law, sought to engraft " Nativeisra" upon
the organic law of the country.
The Madison Papers estabUsh tbe fact that the leading Federal raerabers
of the Copveption of 1787, sought every opportunity, for excluding the for-
eigpers from th-e most valued rights of citizenship. Upon the subject of
naturalization, a majority of the subsequent leaders of this party were iif
favor of a prohibitory period of twenty-pne years. Governeur Morris, af
terwards the Corypheus of FederaUsm, was the leader, of the party hostile
to all foreigners- seeking a refuge in America; whilst Jaraes Madison was
the leader of the noble party which proclaimed in the Convention — and that
in the broadestjsense — ttbe. doctrines of equal rights and untrararaeled reUgious
and civil liberty, to native and foreign born citizens. That great Virginian,
whose principles now form the basis of tbose of the Democratic party, was
thus early enlisted, by all the sympathies of his generous heart, in defence
of the poverty-stricken, the oppressed, the persecuted and unfortunate of
every clime. The unexampled growth and prosperity of this republic illus
trates the wisdom and sagacity, of those noble sympathies. He recognized
and proclaimed that America was forever to ,be tbe home of the victims of
European despotism, religious and political, and the Constitution stands as
the " A}-k and Covenant" ofthe solemn pledges pf our forefathers. The
great principles of republicanism taught Jefferson, Madison and Washington
the propriety and wise policy of extending to respectable fol-eigp emigrants
that protection and those privileges which -would bind them by the Ups of
gratitude and affection to the land, of their adoption. This they considered
better than havihg in our midst a class of discontented, restless persons, des
titute of all those poUtical privileges which constitute the pride of an
American citizen. , Evidences of this spirit of C-atholic humanity, as well
as of statesmanlike sagacity, are everywhere to be found in the debates ofthe
Convention of 1787. Thus, in the Madison Papers, page. 1300 :
" Mr.' Madison wished to maintain the character of Uberality -which had
been professed in all the constitutions and publications of America. He
wished tb iiiyite foreigners of merit and republican principleg among us.
That part of America whicb had encouraged them most, had advanced
most rapidly in population, agriculture dnd the arts." i
Contrast this noble and benevplent language with that of a leading Fed
eralist, who, with all the stupidity and bigotry of his party, opposed the
protection of all foreign born citizens.
Mr. Morris .said, Madisop Papers, page 1277 :
" As to the citizens of the world (emigrants) he^ did not wish to see
them in our coupcils. He woiild not trust thera. The men who shake
pff their attachments to their mother country can never love another." ¦

66
This is language with which none but a Federalist, disgusted wifh repub-
Ucanisra, coufd have insulted a convention of patriots and heroes, who were
fresh frora battle fields, where the great struggle was to " shake^ off" an un
natural and oppressive mother country. And in this extract we have the
sura arid substance of that senseless and brutal hostility which the Federal
party practiced, under all its naraes and disguises, frora 1787 to 1855. The
mere fact of emigration, not the vices of the emigrant, is the crime. The
oaths of naturaUzation and allegiance violate the old English and Federal
doctrineof " once a subject, always a subject." If the emigrant has been
driven away by tbe unjust, cruel laws, or lawlessness — as the case may be
— of the mother country ; if he ha? been imprisoned, pillaged, and denied
the right of w,orshiping his God in his own way, by the same mother coun
try, it is stiU a crime for bim, in another and raore congenial land, to make
that oath of allegiance which a heart overwhelming with gratitude dictates.
In reply to Mr. Morris' denunciation of foreign citizens, Mr. Madison
said :
- " He thought any restriction, however, in the Constitution unnecessary
and improper ; unnecessary because the National Legislature is to have the
right of regulating naturalization * * — improper because it will give a
tincture of illiberality to tbe Constitution ; because it wiU JDut it out of the
pow'er of the National Legislature, even by special acts of naturalization,
to confer upon meritorious strangers the full rank of citizenship ; and be
cause it will discourage the most desirable class of people from emigrating
to the United States. Should the proposed Constitution have the intended
effect of giving stabiUty and reputation to our government, great numbers of
respectable Europeans, men who loved liberty, and wished to partake of
its blessings, would be ready to transfer tbeir fortunes hither." — Madison
Papers, page 1278.
¦The leaders of the Federal party who labored to, convert every foreign
emigrant into n sort of Helot, and endeavored to perpetuate his degradatieil
by registering in the organic laws of the United States the act of outlawry,
were not disheartened by their defeat in tbe Convention of 1787. The
journals and debates of the first and second Congress after the adoption and
ratification of the Federal Constitution, prove that when the naturalization
laws were under consideratiop and discussion, there were attempts made by
those who at a subsequent period supported John Adams, to deny all emi
grants the privilege of becoming citizens for twenty years after their arrival
in tbis country. Thus, again, did the men who afterwards aided Jefferson
and Madison in crushipg the alien and sedition laws, prevent the Federal
party frora inflicting a grievous wrong upon the foreigners who had sought
this couptry to enjoy religious and political Uberty. Frorri the baptismal
font of the Constitution of the United States tb the present day, the Demo
cratic party has never deserted or disregarded the rights of the respectable
foreign born citizen.
But the intense hatred of the Federal party to all foreign born citizens
triumphed for a brief period during the administration of John -4daras. The
opposition to foreign born citizens of the United States, manifested by a few-
leading Federalists during Washington's adrainistration, becarae the settled
policy of that party in 1796. Laws were passed during the adrainistration of
John Adams for the oppression and punishment of foreign emigrants. To reach
and crush these unhappy people, the Constitution was violated by the passage of
the Alien and Sedition Laws. The only object of the law against aliens,
and the principal object of the Sedition Law, was to deny resident aliens
and foreign born citizens the rights of native born Americans. These laws
were aimed especially against German, French, .Scotch, Irish and English
emigrants. They were genuine native Araerican laws for the persecutiop of

57
foreign born, citizens. The Alien law epabled the President to arrest a mart
not oply_ without trial, pot only without convictiop, not only without certain
ipformatiop, but upon mere su.spiciop; and when arrested, to send him from
the country or cast him into prison. It denied the right of trial by jury, the
privilege of habeas corpus — in a word, ,the privileges of trial which we ex
tend to the vilest negro. The other law — that against sedition— was intend
ed to close the mouths of the people, to prevent free discussion, to muzzle
the press, to check the constituent from commenting upon the acts of his
representatives, and to render the President sacred by penal enactments.
The humblest mechanic, or editor, Who should express in print his opinion of
the President or any member of Congress, charging them with faithlessness
ip the discharge of their duties, was liable upcler the Sedition law, to im
prisonment and a fine of two thousand dollars. Each single soul within the
compass of this Union, native or foreign born, great or sraall, rich or poor,
who uttered, whispered, or declared anything containing a charge against the
President, Was subject to^the penalties of this abominable lawJ
We have said that both the AUen and the Sedition laws were intended for
the oppression of foreign born citizens. The Alien law was intended to
bear upon none others- than foreigners; tbe Sedition law, as Adams -well
knew, would operate expressly against that class. During the administration
of John Adams, the brilliant and raost uncomproraising opponents of his
unconstitutional raeasures, were the political refugees from other countries.
These men having suffered from the oppression of monarchical laws at home,
were naturally theadvocates of a republtcan' forra of government. They
believed with Thomas Jefferson, in his letter to Mazzei, that under tbe
blighting influence of Federalism, —
" In the place of that noble love'of liberty and republican goverpment which
carried us through the war, an Anglican monarchical and aristocratic party had
sprung up, whose avowed object is to draw over us the substance, as they
have already dope the powers, of the British government."
And another authority informs us that :
" There were then two hundred papers published in the United States;
one hundred and seventy-eight were in favor of the Federal administration ;
about twenty-two were opposed to the measures then adopted, and a greater
portion of these were in the hands of foreigners." — Williams' Administra
tion of John Adams, p. 133.
This affords a clue to the. secret reasons which governed the Federal party
in passing the Sedition law. It Was to crush these twenty-two independent
presses — to put down all opposition to the monarchical and unconstitutional
proceedings of the Executive and a corrupt legislature. The first prosecu
tions Under this act were of four editors, three of whora were foreigners.
The treatment of Callender, Cooper, Lyon and Holt, furnish the best cora-
mentary upon tbe Sedition law. Peters, Iredell, Addison, and Chase, were
the judicial blood-hounds let loose upon these foreign born Democratic edi
tors. Mr. Lyon, an inteUigent Englishman, in a Democfafic paper, called
"The Time-Piece," spoke of " the ridiculous pomp, idle parade, and selfish
avarice "- of John Adams. — (Wood's Suppressed History of Adams' Admin
istration, page 164.) — He was arrested, tried and convicted by a packed
jury, and Judge Iredell, after coraraenting upon the- heinous crime of ridi
culing the President, passed sentence :'
" 'That you be imprisoned four months for the costs of this trial, and fined
one thousand dollars." — Wharton's State Trials ofthe U. S., page 337.
"This unfortunate man was then conducted out of court and thrown into a
dungeon six feet square, whore he was left to starve during a rigorous win
ter." — Wood's Su]fp)-essed History, page 156.
We might multiply, if it was necessary, the cases of cruel prosecution and

58
persecution practiced by the Federal judges and Ffideral officers upon our for
eign born citizens during the adrainistration of Adams. They were hunted
by official blood-hounds, remorseless as Mohawks, convicted by packed juries,
and sentenced by judges as corrupt as Jeffries.
These were the blessings, this the protection afforded to foreign born cifizlens
by the Federal Whig adrainistration of John Adaras. All the power, aU the
influence of that adrainistration, were directed against the foreigners, who
sought refuge in this country after the revolution — for they were Deraocrats.
They took grounds for Thoraas Jefferson, and against thq Federal party, and
they were hunted down for this crirae, as if tbey had been beasts of prey,
and unworthy of the protection which the negro now enjoys.
They were torn from their homes at the discretion of the President, and
the social rigbts of freemen, open accusation, habeas corpus, and trial by jury,
denied. They were incarcerated if tbey dared to arraign a public officer for
political misdeeds.
The Native American party of tbe days of John Adaras was more respecta
ble, both in numbers and measures, than any that has since existed. , It had for
its leaders nearly all the educated aristocratic members of that Federal party
whicb, during George Washington's eight years' administration, was omnipotent
in the United States. It had the prestige of education, wealth, talent, posi
tion, office, and merabers. It is idle to suppose that auy subsequeut organi
zation of Native Araericans, under any name or di.sguise, -will ever equal in
strength or influence the Native .American organization of 1796. The
first bad for its executive head a patriot of the revolution, John Adams; the
last has for its bead the drunken senator in Congress of one of the smallest
states in the Union. So Odious did Native Americanisni become in 1800,
that the Democratic party, formally organized only two years before — led on
by two great Virginians — crushed the party that originated the Alien and
Sedition laws, and elevated Jefferson to the Presidency. The' present Demo
cratic party was formed for tbe purpose of repealing the Alien and Seditioij
laws. " Justice to the oppressed foreigners," was the cry of the Deraocratic
masses who rallied to the resolutions of 1798-'99- Those resolutions the
national Democratic party unanimously endorsed at Baltimore in 1852.
The Old Dominion, God bless her, ever true to the Constitution, was first
to raise the battle-cry in defence of persecuted foreigners, who were every
where falling victims to the Alien and Sedition laws.
The Virginia resolutiops of '98 and '99, apd the report of James Madi
sop in their ^indication, prove tbis. The following constitutes, the fourth of
the series :
" That the General Assembly doth particularly protest against the palpable
and alarming infractions ofthe Constitution in the two late cases of the
Alien and Sedition acts, passed at the late session of Congress; the first of
which exercises a power delegated to the Federal government, and which,
by uniting legislative and judicial powers tb those of the Executive, utterly
subverts the general principle of a free government as well as the .particular
organization and positive provisions of the Federal Constitution ; and the
other of whicb acts exercises a power pot delegated by tbe Constitutiop ; a
power wbich, more than any other, ought to excite unusual alarm, because
it is leveled against that right of freely examining public measures and
character, which has ever been justly deemed the only effectual guardian of
every other right."
The 8th of the series is not less emphatic, Speal^s of the AUen and Sedi
tion laws as
" Acts which assume to create, define, and punish crimes, other than
those enumerated in the Constitution, are altogether void and bf no force,
and that the power to create, define and punish such other crimes, is reserved.

59
and of right appertains solely and exclusively, to tha respective states, each
within its owp territory."
Indeed, so indignant was tbe Whig Central Coramittee at Washington
with the Democratic party, for having reaffirmed their former anU-Native
American resolutions of 1798-'99, that it burst forth during the canvass of
1852 in the following tirade against the fourth and eighth resolutions :
"These resolutions constituteji their political ^ible, from which they are
consfantly preaching doctrines utterly subversive of the government, and
which would, if entertained by a majority of even one or two states, involve
us in the horrors of civil war."
The Democratic party, under the lead of Jefferson, acquired, by advoca
ting a repeal of the Alien' and Sedition laws, a popularity in the country
which it has never lost. A wise and prevalent change of the policy of the
general government towards foreign born- emigrants characterized the ad
ministration of Thomas Jefferson. In his first annual message he recom
mended to Congress the adoption of naturalization laws calculated to attract
intelligept emigrapts from all portiops of Europe. The Deraocratic party,
duriug the first session of Congress after Jefferson's election to the presi
dency, lost no time in repealing those infamous and unconstitutional Alien
and Sedition laws by which the first Native American party in this country
oppressed the friendless strangers of every clime.
The liberal, humane and republican policy of Jefferson towards our foreigp
borp citizeps was imitated by Madisop, and tended greatly to increase tbe
emigration to the United States. Thousands of useful men flocked to this
country. The repeal of the .original naturalization laws, which required a
residency of fourteen- years previous to the naturalization, took place during
Jefferson's administration.
The war of 1812 was declared and conducted by the Democratic party
mainly for the purpose of protecting our foreign born citizens from the British
pretence that Englishmen could not get rid of their aUegiance. , This
doctrine was, as we haye seen, the popular one with several leading federaUsts
who were members of tbe Convention of 1787. It was denied by the
Democratic party of the Upited States, and as Great Britain proceeded to
practice it, war war the result. This was as usual, the Whigs of that day
considered damnable and accursed, and all Native Americans, Yanlsee
cowards and New England parsons denounced the war, Mr. Madison and the
foreign born citizens,, in the style with which the war with Mexico was
abused, T'he Whig party not only opposed the war for the defence of our En
glish born citizens, but called a convention to abuse and villify the authors of
the war and to bprp blue ligiits for .the enemy. The convention is pretty
generally known as the Hartford Convention, and was composed of a varied
assortment of Whigs, Federalisti, cowards, traitors, Yankee demagogues,
and parsons, every man of whom richly deserved hanging. In this conven
tion, the proceedipgs of which constitute the most pefarious chapter of our
political history, there was again mapife.-ited the most settled and deep rooted
hostility tb the foreign born citizens. The sentiraent which blazed in 1787,
which was embodied in the Alien and Sedition laws of 179^6, and which was
crushed in' 1800 and 1801, burnt fiercely 'in 1812.
Tbe following extract, frora the proceedings of the Hartford Convention,
will be worth the perusal of every Democrat who contemplates resorting to
any other political organization than the party of Madison and Jefferson : .
" Seventhly. — The easy admission of naturalized foreigners, to places of
trust, honor or profit, operating as an inducement to thp malcontent subjects
of the old world to come to these states in ''quest of executive patronage and
to repay it by an abject devotion to executive measures.
"Another amendment, subordinate in iraportance, but .still in a high de-

60
gree expedient, relates to the exclusion of foreigners hereafter arriving in
the United States frora the capacity of holding offices of trust, honor or
"That the stock of population already in these states is amply sufficient to
render this nation in due tirae sufficiently great and powerful, is not a con
trovertible question. Nor will it be seriously pretended, that the national
deficiency in wisdora, arts, science, arras, or virtue, needs to_ be repleni.shed
fi-bm foreign countries. Still, it is agreed, that a liberal policy should offer
the rights of hospitality, and the choice of settlement, to those wbo are dis
posed to visit the country. But why adrait to a participationin the govern
ment aliens who were no parties to the compact— who were ignorant of the
nature of our institutions, and have no stake in the welfare of the country
but what is recent and transitory ? It is surely a privilege sufficient, to
admit them, after due probation, to become citizens for all but pohtical pur
poses. To extend it beyond these limits, is to encourage foreigners to come
to these states as candidates for preferment. The convention forbear to
express their opinion upon the inauspicious effects which have already
resulted to the honor and piece of this nation, from tbis misplaced and indis
criminate liberality.
" Sixth, — Nb person who shall hereafter be naturalized shall be eligible as
a member of the Senate or House of Representatives of the United States,
nor capable of holding any civil office under the authority of the United
States." Here we have Know-Nothingism with a vengeance. Neither the Native
American party of 1844, nor its nameless off>pring of 1854, cap boast of
much progress since the days of the Hartford Convention of 1812. Every
odious feature of the raodern creed seeras to have been embodied^ in that of
the traitor and cowards, who met at Hartford to plot and conspire against
tbeir own country in tirae of war. Really Native Americanism, although
possessing a long pedigree, will hardly venture to boast of its disreputable
ancestors? Its blood has certainly coursed through very dirty and unclean
channels ever since its birth in the Convention of 1787.
Nativeisra is a foul and ugly eruption that has broken out upon the body
of the Federal Whig pariy every twenty or thirty years for the last sixty-
odd years. Democracy found a cure for the disease in 1787, in 1800, in
1812 and in 1844, and it wiU do so ip 18.55 and 18.56. The swUling Sena
tor of Delaware is no raatch for those who fight for the great principles of
Jefferson and Madison. The influence and opinions of two such dead states
men are ample, in the old Dominion, against tbe machinations of twenty
thousand midnight poUticians in disguise and without a name. Temporary
defeat — if defeat were possible — in the defence of the largest civil and reli-
o-ious liberty guaranteed to all by the Constitution, would but nerve the Dem
ocratic party to a more vigorous and deterrained struggle. God never
intended this fair land to be ruled by people wbo register their decrees for
the destruction of the Constitution in secret and raidnight conclaves.
Foreign Born Democratic Martyrs. — The subject of martyrdom,
Popish and political, bas becorae a theme of much popular excitement and
of great general interest, and we expect soon to have a series of awful reve
lations frora Sara disclosing tbe existence of Spanish inquisitions in every
haralet of a thousand inhabitants in the land. Mrs. Partington is also said
to entertain and to have expressed the opinion that the Jesuits are at the
bottora of Know-Nothingism, and that a thumb Screw can be found in the
breeches-pocket of every raeraber ofthe second degree of the secret order.
There is an interesting chapter of doraestic martyrology to which justice has
never been done, and when the next edition of Fox's Martyrs appears, we

61
hope to see it incorporated in its far-famed pages. We refer to the foreign
born citizen* of this country who were, fifty-seven years ago, persecuted by
the early Know-Nothings, or Federalists, for exercising Uberty of the press
and of speech.
For Democracy, in its infancy in this country, had to contepd against a
Know-Nothing; prosfcriptive. Native Arnerican spirit, more ferocious and
iptolerant than that which now, in secrecy and at midpight, is seeking to
trample the Constitution Under foot. From tbe very commencement of our
government, the more inteUigent political refugees and foreign emigrants
instinctively attached themselves to the old Deraocratic party. When that
party was weak, and in a hopeless minority, our foreign born citizens were
loyal and true as they now are. When the Federalists, with aristocratic
pomp and splendor, inisruled the land, they failed to win the confidence of
the emigrants who, had fled from monarchy apd slavery at home to find lib
erty and Democracy ip this country. The early emigrapts to this country
were mep of educatiop apd intelligence. The political disturbances, of
the -latter part of the eighteepfb ceptury drove thpm across the Atlantic
bythousands. Jefferson, from bis distinguished sympathies for the cause of
liberty all over the world, was the obj-ect of their especial adrairatiop. Long
sufferiug and tyranny at home having made them familiar with all the odious
phases of aristocracy, however skilfully disguised, they saw through tbe thin
and serai-transparept mask of republicanism, with whicb the elder Adams
and his, party sought to conceal their opinions and purposes. Heuce, the
peevishness and potprious irascibility of that/ testy old geptleraap were kept
constantly at boiling point by the foreign born Democracy..
, There were, in 1787, only twenty-two Democratic newspapers in the
United States, and of that number twenty were edited by foreigners. Thpir
assaults drove tbe Federal party almost to madneSs. Jefferson records in
his "Anas" bow Adams and hi? political associates writhed under the as
saults of these men. The Federal party, however, was then powerful in
numbers and resources. Adams had inherited the abundant popularity of
his great predecessor, but to lose it by his folly, tyranny and aristocratic
proclivities. He was too proud to correct the errors of his administration,
and held bis Democratic opponents, native and foreign, in too great contempt
to attempt to conciUate them. He endeavored to put down Democracy, as
Know-Nothingism proposes to crush out Catholicism, by persecution. For
getting that in a republic, all laws rest upon public opinion, be thought to
strangle Democracy by unconstitutional enactments against aliens and the
liberty of the press. 'The attempt was made, and "the blood of the mar
tyrs became the seed of the church." A Federal Congress readily obeyed
his wishes and enacted the alien apd (sedition laws. Armed with those stat
utes for two years be wj:eaked his vepgeance mainly on Deraocrats of for
eign birth. At the end of that tirae the Democratic party arose like a
young- giant, and dashed the whole, structure of Federalism to the earth,
hurled the old party from power, and inaugurated the great National Demo
cratic party of this country. Frora that day to this, foreigp borp citizens
have been ever faithful to the Democratic party. The reasons for this last
ing friepdship are honorable alike to both parties. The only Democratic
martyrs of this country were foreign born citizens^ and when the Derao
cratic party waxed strong they blotted from our statute books all the uncon
stitutional laws by which our foreign born citizens were once placed at the
mercy of a Federal Executive.
For the express purpose of depriving this class of pitizens of their rights
and Hberties, the foUowing laws were enacted by Congress, July 6th, and
14th, 1798. As the Know-rNothings are endeavoring to manufacture a pro^
Bcriptrve spirit in the United States precisely similar to thatof the year

. 62
1798, it may be weU for tbe people of Virginia to learn a fpw timely and
instructive lessons from a perusal of the laws in question.
¦ The Sedition Law enacted —
"That if any person shaU write, print, utter, or pubUsh, or sballj cause or
procure to be writteo, pripfed, uttered, or pubUshed, or shall knowingly and
wilUngly assist, or aid in writing,' printing, uttering, or publishing any false,
scandalous and malicious writings or writing against the government of the
United States, or either house of the Congress of tbe United States, or the
President of the United States, with intent to defame the said government,
or either house of the said Congress, or the said President, or to bring them
into conterapt or disrepute, or to excite against tbem, or either or any of
them, tbe hatred of the good people of the United States, or to stir up sedition
within the United States, ***** he shall be punished
by a fine not exceeding two thousand dollars, and by iraprisonraent not ex
ceeding two years. — 1 Peters' Statutes at Large, p. 598."
The " AUen Act," the provisions of which are too long for insertion in
extenso in tbis article, provided —
" That the President of tbe United States shall be and is hereby author
ized, in any event aforesaid, by bis proclamation thereof, or other public
act, to direct tbe conduct to be observed on the part of the United States to
wards aliens * * * -» tije raanner and degree of the restraint
to which they shall be subjected, and in wbat cases and upon wbat security
tbiir residepce shall be perraitted, apd to provide for the reraoval of those
wbo, pot being permitted, io reside in the United States, shall refuse or neg
lect to depart therefrom. — 1 Peters' Statutes at Large, page 577."
It is with difficulty that the present generation can be taught to beUeve
that such laws as we have given above once disgraced our statute books,
abridging the liberty of speech, and leaving alieps upon our soil Corapletely
at tbe mercy of tbe President, denying thera the right of trial by jury, and
of confronting their accusers.
Not only, however, were there such laws, but, as we sball presently see,
more than one foreigp borp Democrat was martyred for his hatred of feder
alism apd love for the pripciples of Jeffersoo.
I.— The Case of Mathew Lyon. — [Americap State Trials, pp. 333, 343.]
Mathew Lyop was ap Irishmap by birth, who came to this country uneducated
and destitute. By energ}' and honesty he arose from the position of an
apprentice to that of a representative in Congress from tbe state of Ver
mont. Whilst a member of Congress he distinguished hiraself by his patri
otic devotion to the cause of Democracy, and his spirited opposition to
.^darns' adrainistration.
In exercising tbe privileges of bis office as a representative in Congress, he
addressed a series of articles to his constituents, commenting upon the char
acter of the administration of John Adams. In consequence of this, on the
5th of October, 1798, he was indicted for a seditious Ubel, and the indict
ment set forth the foUowing libellous matter :
"As to tbe executive, vvhen I shaU see the efforts of that power bent on
the proraotiop of the comfort, tbe happioess, apd accommodation of the peo
ple, that executive shaU have my zealous apd upiform support; but when
ever I shall, on the part of the executive, see every consideration of the
public welfare swallowed up in a continual grasp for power, in an unbounded
thirst for ridiculous portip, foolish adulation apd selfish avarice ; whep I shaU
behold mep of real merit daily turued out of office for po other cause but
ipdepepdency of sentiment; when I shaU see men of firmness, merit, years,
ability and experience, discarded in tbeir applications for office, for feai' they
possess that indepepdepce, apd men of meanness preferred for tbe ease with
which they take up and advocate opinions, the consequence of which they

63
know nothing ; when I shall see the sacred pame of religiop employed as a
state engine to make mankind hate and persecute one another, J shaUnot be
their bumble advocate." , '
Although this language was as just as it was proper and legitimate, yet a
packed jury of Yankee Federalists found the defendant guilty, and a Fede
ral hack, Jndge Patterson, pronounced the following sentence:
" Mathew Lyon, as a member of the federal legislature, you must be well
acquainted with the mischiefs whicb flow from an unlicensed abuse of the
governraent, and of tbe raotives which led to the passage, of >the act under
which this indictment is proved. * ¦* Your position, so far from
making the case one which might slip with a nomipal fine through the hands
of the court, would make impunity conspicuous, should such a fine be im
posed. What, however, has tepded to mitigate the sentence, which would
otherwise have been imposed, is, what I am sorry to hear of, the reduced
condition of your estate. The judgment of the court is, that you stand
imprisoned four months, pay the cost of prosecution, and a fine of one thou
sand dollars, and stand comraitted until this sentence be coraplied with."
The mildness of early Know-Nothing despotism is here beautifully illus
trated. A foreign born Democrat addresses a letter to his constituents, comr,
menting upon tbe ejiecutive department of the governraent, as was his duty
as their representative; he is tried for it by a packed jury and a federal
court, found guilty, and assured by the judge that the magnitude of his
offence is greatly increased by his being -a raeraber of Congress, and that the'
only regret of the federal Jeffries is, that the sraallness of the defendant's
fortune forced him to fine him only one thousand dollars.
AU of Lyon's sentence was rigourously enforced- He was at first, denied
the (ise of pen, ink, paper and books, and confined in a cell sixteen feet wide
by twelve long, (see 'VVharton's. State Trials, p. 341,) the comraon receptacle
for horse-thieves, money-forgers, runaway negroes, and other rascals and
felons. A Federal newspaper thus- gloated in coarse and inhumap joy over his
imprisopmept, precisely as a Kpow-Nothing organ of the present day would
do if a foreign born Democrat was to be ejected from office :
" The Lyon of Vermont. — To-raorrow morning, at 11 o'clock, wiU be ex
posed to view the Lyon of Verriiont. This singular animal is said to have
been caught in the bogs of Hibernia, andVben quite a whelp transported
to America; curiosity inducing a New Yorker to buy him, and raoving to
the country, afterwards exchanged hira for a yoke of young bulls \yith a
Verraonter. * * His pelt reserables more the wolf, or the tiger, and his
gestures bear a remarkable resemblance -fo the bear; tbis, however, may be
ascribed, to his having been in the habit of associating with that species of
wild beast on the mounta!ins. He was brought to this place in a waggon. —
Porcupine Gazette, June 6th, ;1797."
But this poor man, whilst languishing in a fp'ul and unwholsome prison
durino- the' cold months of a New England winter, the victim of a tyrant
whose native American antipathies the Know-Nothings of the present day
appear to have adopted, was not forgotten bj' a faithful constituency. They
espoused his cause, arid whilst in the clutches of his Federal oppressors,
re-elected him to' Congress — the records of the day showing the following
vote : Lyon, (Democrat, and in prison,) 3,482
¦yViUiams,' Federalist, 1,554

Lyon's majority, , i;928
Released frora prison amid the tumultous rejoicings of his 'friends, ha

64
repaired to Philadelphia to take his seat in the Congress to which he had
been elected whilst in jail,
. The ipsolent Federal majority ip the House of Represeptatives met him
with the following resolution :
"Resolved, That Mathew Lyon, a raeraber of this House, having been
copvicted of being a notorious and seditious person, and of a depraved mind
and wicked and "diaboUcal disposition, and of wickedly, deceitfully and ma
Uciously contriving to defame the government of tbe United States, and of
having, with design and intent to defame John Adaras, Pre.sident of the
United States * * * be therefore expelled from this House,"
The Federalists were aU willing to expel this persecuted foreigner; but
Mr. Nicholas, of Virginia, eloquently defended hira, and they could not get
a two-thirds' vote. Again the great Federal organ of that day aimed its
envenomed darts at poor Lyon's bead, February, 1799 :
" Lyon looks remarkably well for a gentleman just out of jail. This man's
re-election, whilst confined as a criminal, is a new and striking proof of
the excellence of universal suffrage. * -» * Happy the nation where
there is but one step from the dungeon to the Legislature. Well might the
pathetic Mr. Murray, (speaking of the old alien law,) express, his fears that
the influx of foreigners -would "contaminate the purity and simplicity of
American manners."
This is a very fair specimen of Know-Nothing sentiment fifty-six years
ago. Tbe persecuted Lyon lived, however, to wrest the state of Vermont tem
porarily from Federal rnisrule, subsequently removed to tbe state of Ken
tucky, represented that state in the House of Representatives from 1803 to
1811, refused the office of commissary for the Western army, which was
tendered to hira by Thoraas Jefferson, and died at the advanced age of
seventy-eight. He survived the old Know-Nothing or Federal party more
than a quarter of a century, and on the 4th of July, 1840, Congress refunded
to his representatives, with interest, the iniquitous fine of one thousand dol
lars, imposed upon him in 1799.
Next in the list of foreign bprn citizens who braved fine and imprison
ment in defence of Democracy, and by fierce denunciations of Federalism,
stand.s —
II. — The case of Anthony Hoswell. — Amer. St^te Trials, pp. 584, 687.
Anthony Hoswell was born in England in 1763, a gentleman by birth
and education, who espoused to cause of freedom, and fought on the
side of the colonics during the revolutionary war, and perilled his life at
Monraouth. He subsequently became distinguished as a Democratic editor, and
especially by his boldness and talent excited the hatred of the Federal
party. In 1800, at Windsor, in the state of Vermont, he was, upder the "Sedition
act," indicted for publishing, as the Federalists avered, the followipg libellous
matter: To the enemies of poUiical persecution in the Western district of Vermont :
Your represeptative (Mathew Lyop) is holdep by the oppressive hand of
usurped power in a loathsome prison, deprived almost of tlie right of reason,
and suffering aU the indignities wbich can be heaped upon him by a hard
hearted savage, who has, to the disgrace of Federalism, been elevated to a
station where he cap satiate his barbarity on the misery of his victims.
But in spite of Fitch, (the marshal) and to their sorrow, time will pass away,
and tbe month of February will arrive and bring with it the defender of our
right? No. '\yithout exertion it will not. Eleven hundred dollars must it
f aid for his ransom, St'c.

65^
Although the prisoner proved the truth of e-trery allegation in the matfec
charged as Ubellous, the jury returned a verdict of guilty, and the court sen
tenced the prisoner to a fine of two hundred doUars and imprisonment for
two months.
The indignities with which this noble and bold Democrat was treated
after he was ai'rested was tbe subject of bitter party feeling for a long
time. . . , '
He was arrpsted at night, and potified to prepare for a journey to Rutland
early in the morning. Accordirigly,^ at a very early hour, Mr, Hpswell,
allhough in Very poor health and totally unaccustomed tp riding, was com
pelled to mount a horse and ride sixty miles. through the rain on a cold day in
October, to the jail at Rutland. Here he was thrown into a filthy prison -at
midnight, notwit'hetanding his entreaties to be permitted to dry his clothes,
which were saturated with the rain. Several of tbe most rci-ponsible rhen
in, Rutland offered' any security the marshal might demand, to induce him to
grant these requests,, but in vairi. The prisoner was thrown into thp prit-op, ,
apd pever afterwards i-ecdVered' entirely from the shock thiis given his health,
His sentence was rigidly carried out, and at the expiratioi]' of Jiis terra of
confinement, an immense concourse of ppo-ple^ fi,-om the neighboring country
asseiribled to welcome him back to libei-ty, and to signalize their disapproba
tion, of his imprisonment. He marched t'offh.frbm his qiiart,ers at the jail to.
tlie tune of Yankee Doodle, plaj'ed.by a band, while the discharge of cannon
signjfie.d the general satisfaction at his. release.' [See Wharton's Crimi.j^al
Trials, page' 687'.] , , , , ., , ..., ... f\' ¦
This victim of early Native Americanism was,, says a distinguished author,
" highly respected, not only by his friends, but by hi* politipal opponents.
He was distinguished in. private life by exemplary conduct 'in the discharge
bf his duties, and by his-devotion to the rabral apd religious imprbvernent of
society." .[Wharton, page 688.] , ' - '
Mr. Hoswell wafe a gentleraan, a brave revolutionary soldier, wedded lo
the 'cause of Uberty ; but as hi? was a Democrat, and a foreign bPfn citi'zen,
he was treated like ,a common felon by the Know-Nothings of 1798. But
the list of foreign born Democrats who stood by our party in its infancy, and
braved persecution .and the torture of c;-uel imprisonment for their, opinions,
is a long one. , ., ,
ni. — The Cqtse of Thomas Cooper.— [American State Trials, page 677.]
The learned and celebrated Thomas Cooper was the hext victim sacrificed'to
t^ratify John Adams' hatred of foreign born Democrats, whose blows were
aimed principally atthe accomplished Dem'ocratiC writers whosp pen-s vvere
driving'bim to desperation. .,,,.., ,
'Thomas Cooper was an Englishman by birth, and a, graduate bf Oxford-
He was the intimate friend of fhe celebra'ted Pi'iestly, and a barrister, an au
thor .of di.-tinction, and-a chemist' of great , reputation. He viav-, at different
periods in bis life, a professor in- DickinS'Pn College, and also in the Univer
sity of Penn--yrvariia'. He was for severa'l years'a presidina; judge of one of
the districts of Pennsylvania, and'fille'd 'a professorship in Co!um|jia College,
South Carolina, for, many years previbu!.^ to his death, His tfan.slation of
the "Pandects of Justinian" is regarded as a masterpiece of admirable and
classical scholarsihip by the legal profession to this d-ay.. ' ¦,
He was an ardent "Democrat, and > One ofthe earliest and most devoted
fri'ends of Thomas Jefferson. Hence' his -appearance in the catalogue o'f for-
eif'n born Demociatic martyrs. .In 1800, he was tried forw'hatthe Know-
Nbthino-s of 'thaf day -called " Seditiom Libel,'! arid the libellous matter
charged in the indictment was as follow.s. As in the cases already cited,
our read'el-s win perceive- that it was dangerou^, in the day' of the early
5

66
Know-Nothings, for a foreigner to say a word against the Federal party -and
their aristocratic president. But to the libellous raatter :
" At that tirae he (John Adams) had just eutered office ; he was hardlyin
the infancy of political mistake : even tbose who doubted his capacity thought
well of his intentiops. Nor were we yet saddled with the expepse of a per-
mapept riavy, or threateped uuder his auspices with the existepce of a stand- ,
ina: array. Our credit was not yet, reduced so low as to borrow money at
eight per cent, ip time of peace, while the -uppecessary violence oCoflScial'
expressions might justly have provoked a war. Mr. Adam's had not yet
projected his embassies to Prussia and Russia, nor had he yet interfered as
president of the United States to influence the decisions of a court of justice —
a stretch of authority wbich -the monarch of Great Britain would have shrunk
fi-om — an interference without precedent against law and against mercy.
This melancholy case of Jonathan Robbins, a native American, forcibly im
pressed by the British, and delivered up, with the advice bf Mr. Adams, to
the mock trial of a Briti.sh court-martial, had not yet astonished the republi
can citizens of this free country; a case too little kno.wn,'but of which the
people ought to be fully apprised before the election, and they shall be. —
[Amer. State Trials,- p. 658."]
As was usual in 1800, when Federal marshals, packed Federal juries, and
Federal prosecutors and judges agreed in their ipferpretatiop of Federal laws,
Mr. Cooper was foupd guilty, apd tbe ipfamous Judge Chase, of CaUender
notoriety,, sentenced the defeodant " to pay a fine of four hundred dollars, fo
be imprisoned for six months, and at the end of that period to find surety (ot
himself in a thousand, and two securities in five hundred dollars each.", —
[Wharton's Criminal "^rials, page 679.]
But the length of this article admonishes us to hasten on with our list of
foreign born Democrats whp were true to our cause when courage was more ,
essential ip the defence of our sentiments than at present.
lY.-^Case of William Duane. — [American State Trials, page 344.] — Wm.
Duane was born in tbis couptry, but as his parents were Irish emigrants, he
spent the early part of his life in Ireland, his mother havi'ng returned to that
country after the death of ber husband. He was tbe first editor of the cele- '
brated London Times, and the intimate friend of Horne Tooke. He return
ed to this country in 1795, and becarae the editor of the leading Democratic
organ of that day, the Aurora. Mr. Jefferson always declared that he was
indebted to "Duane and the Aurora newspaper for his election to thfe presi
dency." The justice and severity of his attacks upon the Federal party
rendered him the object of ppep violepce. During Mr. Adams' administra
tion some troops of horse were sent from Philadelphia to Reading, to cut
down the Uberty poles bf the Democratic party in "Old Berks," and. to per
form other beroic achievements worthy of Adams and his primitive Know-
Nothing friends. These body guards of the Federal despot Uved very freely
and indulged ip all the license of an epemy!s force in a hostUe land. .
A letter was pubUshed in the Aurora, coraplaiuing of their outrages. ' Dn
their return to Philadelphia, a large party of officers proceeded to the Aurora
office, and, placing sentinels over tfie printers, dragged out the editor of the
Aurora, Mr. Duane, and beat him until he was insensible.
Yet this Democratic martyr was & scholar and geptleraap, a patriot and a
soldier, whose works on education, history, military science, politics, and
political economy, are well knowp to the- presept generation. -His influence
and instrumentality in building up the Democratic party, Jefferson an'd Mad
isop both regarded as great as. their owp. .
To these 'cases we might add those of CaUepder, .Reypolds, Moore, Cum
ming, Frothingham, apd others, all foreign born democrats- men of educa
tion and talents, who were the victims of Federal lawlessness and cruelty.

¦ 67
when, in 1798, the Natiye American party was sufficiently strong to deprive
our foreign born citizens of the right of trial by jury, and bf the liberty of
speech, and of the press. The cases cited at length in this article iUustrate
the atrocious tendency of Native Americanism, wheh clothed with power
under the forms of law, to oppress apd persecute our foreign born citizens.
The lessons of experience are always the best that can be read to an in
telligept people, — nor wiU they be lost upon the people of Virginia at this
time,' when, after the lajpse of more than half a century, we have a 'party
iri our midst plotting in secrecy and at midnight to strip our foreign'born
citizens of their rights.
-No true Democrat, bearing in npind the political devotion of the foreign
born citizens of''this. country to our principles and measures, frorii the days
of their early persecutioh by the l-'ederalists to the present, can, or will lend
his aid to a band of conspirators, seeking, in open disregard of the Constitu
tion, tb strip these innocent "aind faithful citizens bf their- rights.

ORATORS OF THE CANVASS.
We can safely assert that political excitement never ran higher in any state,
than in Virginia in 1855.. And we can tporebver ayer with truth, that there
neyer-was so general Sn intetest manifested in the discussion of political issues.
This Jf as attributable principally to two thipgs : in the first place to the facts
and sound argumenjts, set .forth by the talgnted press of oui- State; and secondly,
to the stirripg appeals arid, impassioned eloquence of our public speakers. . They
addressed the masses ii;i -every section of tbe State, appealing to the time-hon
ored principles of the Democratic party, dissecting the' monstrous ritual of
Know Nothingism, and inviting its devotees to meet them in open discussion.
One of 'the first speeches of the campaign was a most powerful one, from the
Hon. Stephen A'. Douglass gf Illinois, delivered in Eichmond in the month of
March.; but owing to some misunderstanding with the stenographer employed '
by th§ editor of the Exa-miner to report it, it was never written out for publica
tion. The speech- produced a most profound impression ip Richmond, and evi- ,
depfly exerted a great influence in the. State, as he address,ed an immense
audience, many "of wlj'om were residents of the country.
•The Examiner contained the following - extended notice of the Senator's
oration. JuDGte DoiTGLAS IN RiCHMOND.-^Tbe cifizfens of R,ichmond had the plea
sure of bearing a speech, Tuesday night, 27th 'March,, from the author of the '.'
Nebraska-Kansas act. Nothing but a verbatim report wpuld present the address
in its real strength and merit; for every' sentence was an arguinent, and the
speech possessed tbe characteristic of " a- sphere in compacting the greatest qiian-
tity' of matter withip the small'est extent of surface. ' ' ' t
His illustration of that great principle — of which hiniself may be pronounced
the living e'm.bodiment — of the absolute right of the people in, each State, and
territory, (about to become a State,) to decide ripon its own institutions, subject
only -to the constitution, a principle which is the very corner stone of State
Eights politics — was clear, beautiful arid- copolusive. '
His narration of the' incident's of thp last year'.s struggle in'UHnais, to defeat
hiiflself for championing arid the Demo'cratic party for endorsing this principle,

68
was interesting in the, extreme. He said, that this principle was opposed in Illi
nois by the -Fusion, and he explained that to be a combination bf Abolitionists,
Whigs, Know Nothings and anti-Liquor men, agairist the great Nebraska prin
ciple, and against the Democratic party sustaining it. He declared that the
Fusion was thus constituted in every State at the North, except New York,
where fortuitous circumstances had operated to qualify the rule in some degree.
He admitted that some Democrats had left their own organization and gone into
the K»ow Nothing councils; andVhile he admitted that many Know Nothings
were not Abolitionists, yet he declared that the Abolstionists and F?-ee.soiler3
had the majority in their councils, and controlled the action of the Order, the
minority being sworn, to co-operate with the majority. ^
He also admitted the fact, that the Whigs did not all merge with the Aboli
tionists and the Know Nothings in the Fusion; but that the , high-toned and
honorable portion of that once glorious party co-operated with the Democracy
in the elections. He said that the l^emooracy of' -Illinois owed their triumph
in the State elections by a majority 'pf 3,000 votes, and in Col. W. A. Rich
ardson's district in the success of that gallant and indomitable State Rights
man — to Whig votes. He said that ten per cent, of the Whigs of the State
had segregated themselves from the mass of their party, and, by rallying to the
side pf the Democracy, had saved the State ticket and Colonel Richardson. 'We
take pleasure in making prominent this iJeolaration of Judge Douglas, for G'qd
forbid that any Southern editor should refuse to acknowledge a fact so dear to
the whole South, and so honorable to the Silver Grays of the North. In the
same degree that wc iterate and reprobate the fact that the Know Nothings of
the North, as a party, and the great body of the Whigs of the North, as either
Freesoilers or Know Nothings, op'pose the great Douglas-Nebniska-State-Rights
principle of popular sovereignty — do we rejoice in, exult over and reiterate the
fact that an honorable, inflexible fragment of the old Whig party of the Nnrth '
still cling, even unto poUtical martyrdom, to the Constitution of their country,
Declaring that the Know Nothings everywhere at the North co-operated with
the Fusion in ostracising and proscribing Nebraska men and warring upon the
Nebraska principle, the 'Judge went into a -calm and most overwhelming argu
ment against that organization. He assailed it as hostile to that open, free dis
cussion, which was essenrial to the health and vitality pf popular governriient.
His argument upon this topic was as clear and convincing as it was striking and
original. The Kuow Nothing Order not only shrauk from full and open discus
sion before the people, but it struck a deadly blow at the principle of represent
tative accountability to thc people, by substituting the secret club which nomi
nated the legislator or the executive officer, fbr the people at large, in whom
only is lodged the .sovereignty of the State. . . '
He assailed their oatihs in a. powerful hut c^lm apd respectful argument. An
oath to obey the dictation of tho club was an oath to disregard the dictates of
consciepce in aU cases where the individual's opinion conflicted with the decree
of the Order. It substituted, in a government where the individual and the
people are sovereign, a conflicting sovereignty and a different and dapgerouS
authority, that of a secret and irresponsible cabal,
,He said there were a great ttiany honest men who saw the dilemma in which
tbeir Know Nothingism placed them as good citizens, and yet were deterred fro?n
leaving the Order from conscicntiOjUs scrupk-s in regard to the oath they had
taken in their initiation. He did not think an oath to violate one's conscience
ought to be obeyed, and he cited the passage frotri St. Mark., reciting the oc-
currence between Herod and the daughter of Herodias, as illustrating the fatal
consequences of a vicious vow.
" For Herod himself had sent forth and laid hold upon John, nnd bound him
in prison for IlerOdias' sake, his brother PhUip's wife; for he had married her.

69
Fbr John had said untp Herod, It is not lawful for the6 to have thy brother's
wife. Therefore, Herodias had a quarrel against him,' and would have killed him,
but sh« could not.
For Plerod feaTed John, knowing that he was a just man and an holy, and
observed him ; and when he heard him, be did many things, and heard him
gladly. And when a convenient day was come, that Herod, on his birth-day, made a
Bripper to his lords, high captains, and chief estates of Galilee;
And when the daughter of tha said Herodias carae in, and danced, and pleased
Herod and them that sat with him, the King said linto the damsel, ask of me
whatsoever thou wilt, and I will give it thee.
And he swore unto ''her, whatever thou shalt ask of me, I will give it thee,
even unto half of my kingdom. -
And she went forth, and said unto her mother, what shall I ask? and she
said the h.pad of John the Baptist.
And she came in straightway with haste Unto the King, and asked, saying, I
wish that thou give me, by and by in a charger, the head of John the Bap
tist. " . ._ , ,
And the King was exceedingly sorry; yet for his oath's sake, and for their
^akes which sat with him, he would not reject her." " ,
The distinguished Speaker advised tbe Democracy against an unlawful aUiantie
with the Herodias of FederaUsm, and against pledging themselves to the damsel
Know Nothingism, her daughter, by unlawful oathS an,d rash stipulations of the
favors, contrary to conscience, to old friendship and to duty.
He examined the <es<s, prescribed by the Ordei"for office arid suffrage, and
was especially able and powerful in his exposition of their unconstitutionality
and anti-republicanisni.^ ' ' '
, The first of -these tests, was h'rih, a test familiar in England, and in monar
chies ; but, uptil now, unknowp in these free States, where the great 'test was
inerit. Birth was a thing over which mon had no control and did not; enter at
all into the republican.qualifiteation of merit. It did not follow that everybody
born on this 'side of the Atlantic was fit for suffrage and office, any more thau
that all born on the other side were unfit. - Everybody knew that America
could produce rogues as well aS honest citizens'; indeed he was not srire but
that she could beat the wprld in rogues as well as in'every other article. She
certainly produced a larger proportion of honest citizens than atiy other country;
for here merit had been made the test of qualification for office, and furnished
an inducement to rectitude. The test of b-irtlv was arbitrary and aristocratic ;
the test of merit was philosophic, just, and democratjo. It was a great demo-
craJtio test, and triie Democrats could not abandpnit for tbe monarchial, acci-'
dental and unjust principle, that merit, or quaUfication, or' superiority, was de
pendent on birih. His allusion to 'tis gallant colleague. General Shields, a
soldier wbo had not shed blood enough fftr his adopted country to atone for the
accident of his birth on Irish soil, was toiiching arid eloquept.
The test oi religious &e?ie/' was ai?bitrary, unjust, and oppres'siye. It was
contrary to the Constitution, whieh expressly forbade that " any religious testi
should ever be required as a qualification to any office of public trust urider this
government." Every Know Nothing who took an oath binding him"tp try can
didates by this to#, took ari oath against the Constitution of the' Union. IJe
did not charge them with intetttional Culpability in this act, which he knew
they must have done in thoughtlessness and without due examination, but he
warned them against persisting in an oath jn direct ant%onism to the Consti-^
tution of their country.

70
We have glanced rapidly aver, and stated loosely some of the leading topics
of Judge Douglas's speech, tt is possible that we may succeed in obtaining
from the distinguished Senator, a full report of it ; but fearing we might not
be able to do. so, we could not refrain from presenting to our readers the fore
going abstract of an address wbich'will long be remembered in Eichniond, and
¦which Was as dignified, national,, statesmanlike and able as was ever delivered be
fore the people of tbis city.
As some cynical objections are rife among., the opposition to a citizen from a
Northern State having thus taken part in our domestic contest, it is due to j\Ir.
Douglas to say that jt was with great difficulty he could be induced to speak*
here, on his rapid transit through the State, as we personally know._ If there
is a man in the Union in whora such a " crime" would be no crime, it is in the
author of the Repeal of the Missouri Proviso.

MR. HUNTER'S SPEECH IN RICHMOND.
The speech of Senator R. M. T. Hunter was one of the most argumentative
and unanswerable that was delivered in the whole campaign. This speech was
published and extensively circulated, and that with telling efi'ect during the
canvass. It is a document which will ever repay an attentive perusal.
Fellow Citizens : I appear before you this evening, not merely to show my
appreciation of the courtpsy of your invitation to address you, bnt also because,
in the present critical condition of public affairs, I desire to'commune with my
friends and constituents. I also wish to speak to the people of this good city,
who have proved, by their past history, that whenever the safety of -the govern
ment or the honor of the State demands a service at their hands, the call m\\
not be made upon them in vain. I stand here tbis evening to appeal to you,iH
the name of both these high considerations, and if I fail to make good that
appeal, it will be owing to my fault, and not because the occasion does not
justify it.
Peace has its trials as well as -war; and the same spirit which gathered your
sons -around the fiag of the country in the war of 1812, will rally them to the
defence of the political banner of their native State, if they see it about to he
prostrated and trampled in the dust. I have said that the present is a critical
condition of public affairs ; and, truly, the signs of the times are such as {0
, warrant mc in thus characterizing it. In the world without we bave war, and
should it continue much lopger, or enlarge the field of its operations, it is im
possible but that some of its agitations, must' reach us also. Within, the fele-
ments of domestic strife are already maturing in angry discontent, as if in pre
sage of the coming storm. The cloud whioh for so, long has hung in the
northeastern quarter of our horizon, grows larger and darjier, apd is visibly
nearing us in the distance. When was it ever before, that a 'majority of tha
popular biranoh of Congress would probably be in favour of abolishing slavery
in the District of Columbia; of abolishing what is called tbe domestic slave
trade ; of abolishing- slavery- whereever it may exist ip the Territories ; and to
repeal the fugitive skve law, to say nothing of the restoration of the odious
Missouri restriction, now so happily removed ? More than one of the Southern
States have declared that the execution of some of these measures would pre
sent, in their opinion, the "casus fcederis" itself; and yet to such extremities
will the present House of Eepreisentatives be probably wilUng to drive us at the
next session. Such are tbe trials for which we have alfQady had warning to
prepare. For the present, a Democratic President and a Democratic Senate

71
stand, as " the lion in tbe path," between them and the execution of their
measures. But these anti-slaVery men boast that they have already secured
" tbe Cburch, the School and the State," the great natural corporations of all
human society, as they have been not inaptly denominated ; and that they are
thus possessed of aU the main avenues through whioh public sentiment in the
North may be concentrated, and poured upon the devoted South. And what
are our preparations for this Contest ?, It is evident that we must depend upon
Truth, the Constitution, the sa.cred compact of Federation, and such defences as
we may make in their behalf, for our safety and peace. Are we burnishing oiir
' armor for the fight ? Are we making ready for the contest ? These are some
of the topics upon which I desire to commune with you this evening.
Fellow citizens, it seem^ to me there is yet another circumstance which must
iriake us more anxious with regard to the future. It is, that these issues have
been pjecipitated ppon us with the asMstance 6f a new and strange party, whicb
has arisen in our midst, wbich, by some .-^rild freak of taste, or in some fit of
reckless' levity, bas called itself " the Know Nottiing party," whose opinions
upon many important subjects are unknown, and whose principles in regard to
'some other subjects, sp far as known, would' seem to be highly mischievous and
dangerpus. ' . , .
I have said that these isms had been, precipitated upon us with the assistance
of this party ip the, North. -Cap there be a doub-t of it? They constituted a
portion of the "fusipnists" who sought to turn out young Dodge of Iowa, who
had been so. true tp the Congtitutibn and just to the South, and to substitute a
free-soiler in his place. In Illinois, too, tbey acted in like manner towards the
gallant Shields. In Massachusetts, tbe Know Nothings- constituted 'a miijority
of thos^ who sent Wilson tb the' Senate of the United States, where his decla
rations have been such as to leave no doubt of his ex.treme and dangerous opi
nions upon the subject of slavery. Indeed, I -heard Judge Douglass, in a
debate in the Senate, declare that, in the non.-slaveholding States, this new
party, so far as he was acquainted with its history, had invariably cast its vote
fbr the anti-slavery and^nti-Nebrasbra candidates, and he challenged an instance
to be produced, in which they had voted for a candidate in favor of the Nebraska
bill. The case could not be prod^uced, except that- Governor Seward m.entioned
some one man in- New York, who had been elected to some office by the vote of
the Know Nothings. To whioh 'Judge Douglass well replied, that in New York
there were two Know Nothing partjea, one the "bogus," and the- other genuine,
so that there might be grave mistakes iri referring to their action in New York
for an explanation of their principles. No-w, all this proves one of two things,
'either that this ppty, in the North, is deeply infectpd with the abolition feeling,
br else, that it is so indifferent upon the subject, thatit is willing- to elect men
who would drive the South to any extremity, and expose us to the most severe
and d'angeroils trials.- How, then, can we"^ affiliate with men who seem to con
sider the peace and safety of the South, as the eheap material upon which rash
experiments may be tried with impunity ? Ought it uot to make us anxious to
find that the overtures for affiliatign, made by such a party, have not been in
stantly rejected by Sbiither'n men with scorn ?- - .. . .
It seems to me,' that the Very apparition of -such a party^in our midst,. is cal*
culated to inspire feeUngs of 'distrust arid apprehension. When was it ever
heard of befpre, that a. party could Be organized for poUtical- purposes in this
State, which deliberated and acted in, secret, apd veiled the very pames of their
members in impenetrable mystery ! When was it ever,before that a party could
have eSisted here, avowing itself to be strong enough to seize upon the administra
tion of public affairs in, this great confederacy, and yet refusing to declare its
opinions upon all the leading questions which have heretofore characterised our
politicar divisions ? When it .ought to speak, it is silent, and some of the sen
timents it does speak, in Bay opinion, ought neither, to be -entertained nor ut-

72
tered. But. what can be the purpose of a secret political society^ in, this country,
or what can be its legitimate object? Under the despotic g(,vernments of the
old worid, we have heard of such . organizations, but their object was to stnke
atthe ruling power in the'.State; they , concealed not only their del.beration.a,
and actions, but also the names of their members, because if either hadbeeft
kuown, their rulcr.s would hot only have frustrated their purposes, but pumshed
the individuals who entertained them. Under such circumstances, we can see '
some reason for their -secrecy, bdt what excuse can be offered for a secret poht
ical or.^anization in th'is country ? Here the ruling power is that ot the people.;
it is popular sovereignty which governs. Is that the power wnich tQis new
party strikes at? is it popular governraent which they wish to subvert.'' Why
conceal themselves and their acrion from ifs supervision, unle.-is they tear it;
and, why fear it, unless they are opposed to it ? What they profess upon this
subject we ds not know ; this may be amongst the secrets of the prison house.
But this wo do know that they refuse their sympathies to the people, ariH strike
at the wholesome and legitimate infiuences of public opinion, by acting secretly
and withdra:wiDg from its jurisdiction. Now I say, that the party which strikes
at the just influence of public opinion, and refuses to submit its political action
to that -wholesome jurisdiction, strikes at popular g-overnment itself, for it is
through the action of the formqr that the latter becomes practicable or eyen pos-
sible.°' Why is it that we so o'ften hear it .said of such, and such a people,- that
for them a popular and free form of government is impossible ? Because therq
exists not amongst them a sufficiently frpe and enlightened state of public opin
ion to enable the people to direct properly the affairs of their government. But
bow can public opinion be .either purified or enlightened, unless there be free
thoug'bt, free speech, and a free press; ahd how eari the people think, spe-ik,
and print freely, if the propbr subjects for such action are concealed froni their
view? To make a popular gpvernment possible, that government must be di-
rected by popular opinioti, intelligently formed upon the subjects of its action,
aiid not by chanCe-sentinient or impromptu emotions. In the one case, law is
a rule prescribed by the supreme authority in a State, and governnient become^
systematic and regular ; in the other, law is a mere matter of impulse, and
government a succession of shifts and contrivances to avoid anarchy. But how
can the people form an opinion with regard tp the subject of their political ac
tion, unlfiss the deliberations before them be open and public ?
The frameis of our Constitution felt the necessity for publicity, in regard to
political action, so deeply, as to prescribe, that " each House shall keep a jour
nal of its proceedings, and, from time to time, publish the same, excepting sueh
parts as may in thei ir judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the
members-of either House on any' question, shall, at the desire of one-,fifth of
those present, be entered upbn the journal." This journal was to be kept, arid
published, in order that the people might understand, and criticise, and regulate
the proceedings of their servants, \yho are tbus made tp act under a constant
sense of the supervision of the constituent body. Even so small a minority as
one fifth, were authorised to prder the yeas and nays, that each member should
be hold to his individual responsibility, and that the weaker party, when it felt
itself aggrieved by the stronger, might appeal to the great bar bf public opin
ion, where probably' under the influences of truth, reason, and just feeling,
judgment would be , pronounced by the suprerrie authority in the State, a judg
ment which would always command respect, and, in most instances, carry along
with it conviction also. Without the practises corresponding with these pro
visions in the constitution, representative government would become imppssible,
and justice a thing no longer to be expected. To satisfy ourselves of the
truth of these conclusions, let us suppose, for an instant, that the American
Congress, deliberated and acted in secrecy. How long would its representative
character endure, and fbr how long afterwards cpuld it probably be reckoned

lo •
amongst,-, the free governments pf the earth? All iudividual responsibUity
would- be gone. No:'man could toll how any member voted. Accordingly as
the act was popular or unpopular imhis di.-,trict, he would be enritled to the
presuipption nf having voted fur, or against.it. The reasons upon which a mea
sure passed could never be giveri ; the propositions made and rejected, would be
unknown, and thus a power fur more irresponsible than any ever exercised by
either Ctesar or Czar, would be wit-lded by this many-headed monster.
But the old fathers of our state left us still moire conclusive evidence of their
estimate of the importance of publicity in poliiical proceedings. They were not
content with exacting it from the, representative, but enforced the principle on
the constituent body also. "They required each elector to vote, not by the doad
letter of the secret ballot, but, with the free and manly utterance of the "living
voice." And thus it i.s, by wise and ancient prescription, that the "y^ir-dnian
has ever given his vpte in the light of day, and before the world. Preserving
' the ",as sublime," and_presentirj.g a brow as open to the inspection of his ncigh-
b,or as his heart is cl-ear fo the search of Him who made it, he stands at the polls,
proudly conscious .that he is there the master, not as the map, a,nd willing
himself tb, meet all ,his fair . responsibilities to public- opinion ; for -that act of
power,. he justly expects a returu'of the' same generous, confidence fipni his fel
low citizens. ' j -
Bi,jt, gentlemen, I have shown you the probable effect of this secrecy upon
the", reprc'sentat-ive. Should we .mend matters much, by tran,sferri'ng it to the
constituent body,, or rather, to .the portion which seeks, tp rtile it? Popular
government, to be gopd, must be' the result -qf public opinion, formpd with all
the aids of a free' interchange of, thought and sentiment, but this interchange
becomes impossible, when a portion of the pepple seclude themselves from their
fellows, and conce.iii,l frbpi therii their thoughts and purposes.
Pofnilar government, to be-just, must command t-he assent of a majority, or,
as some bave thought, of even more than a majority; but-here isa scheme of
a secret political prganization,,by whioh a minority may rule a majority, with
out the least responsibility to public opinion. -In the first place,. tjieir very mys
tery gives them power, and lonycjs a.n exaggerated idea of strength to the pub
Uc mind ; for it i3,the way of the >vorld, to' take " Omni ignotum pro maynlfico."
Ne-jt,' their organization arid discipline may make a minority ari oyer match for
the undisoiplined, majority who act from individual impulse.. Lastly, their/rules
of prooeejling seem designed to secure tbis predominance of the minority.
Whatever may have, been the individual differences of opinion within the lodge,
outside of, it tbey act as one man; ,so far as the ordei'itself is concerned, there
are before the public eye neither majorities nor minorities. The minority, must
give up their opinion; and thus the order, acts by the force of its whole num
bers. A measure may havpibeen adopted -s^ithin the order.'by asmall majority,
but before the public it carries ,with it .the Weight of^ the whole mass. The or
der itself, as compared with the great body of the people, may be ip the minor
ity, but by its superior prganizatiop it may divide and rule them; and thus a
measure may be passed, although a 'large majority of the people are really op
posed to it, if its enemies within and without the order are estimated together.
It is PO matter thep where you establish this secrecy with rpg.ard to political ae*
tiop, the effect is the same: you des.trgy the just influences of public opinion,
pay, you make the existence of a public opinion impossible, and thus popular
gpvernment itself, becomes impracticable, . j
Fellow-citizens,, we have heretofore felicitated ourselves upon the idea, that
the power pf pubUc opinion in this couptry was becoming sb much greater and
more enlighted as to relieve our form of gpvernment of some of the subjects of
its hitberto necessary jurisdiction, and tp increase its capacity for extending
over greater areas of territory and larg'eF masses of people. But it seeins that
we are to renounce these long cherished ideas, and a retrograde march is fast

74
becoming the-order of the day. In the name of Heaven froni when-;e do these
new Ughts spring, which are so to uproot the fixed .opinions of centuries? He
who seeks to destroy the influence of public opinion, or to deprive it of judis.
diction, strikes at the moving principle of human progress itself, and raises a
fratricidal hand against the best hopes of his race. It is this influence,, which
has given the greatest impulse to the march of human improvenient ; and as
the mighty sphere of its jurisdiction enlarges with the growth of time, the gov
ernments and institutions of man are called up, one by one, to answer at that
great bar where reason is free to plead, and truth, when once revealed, pronoun.
ces its irreversible decrees.
The Church, the State, and the School all contribute to the stream of thought,
whioh swells the mighty tide of public opinion,' and each profits by the modify-
ing influences of the judgments which are pronounced on their, ideas at that har,
by way of return. Piere, indeed, is the great and conservative tribunal, before,
which all must in turn appear. It can elevate the weak to the level of the
strong, and the most powerful is strengthened by its aid. Through doors of
oak, and|bolts of irofa, it penetrates into the closed council chamber of princes,
where its voice, if not obeyed, is at least respected and feared. It whispers the
word of warning into the secret ear of the ruler, and through the. long watches of
the night he tosses in sleepless anxiety to ponder upon its meaning.' None are so
high as to be above its influence, and he must be poor indeed, who is beneath it.
The weakest and humblest of human beings, if he be strong enough to makd his
moan audible, may summon his oppressor to appear at the bar from whose sen
tence be can neither appeal, nor escape, po matter what may be bis power or his
place. It was to public opipion that Martin Luther appealed, whep he took is
sue with the See of Rome, whose power at that day was pearly co-extensive with
Christendom, and, before that bar, the poor monk became the peer of pontjffe
and Cassars, and a judgment was pronounced in that cause, which toppled down
many a place of strength, in which human authority had dreamed itself to ba
secure for centuries yet to come. It was to publio opinion that John Locke
appealed, when, stripped of- his living and fellowship for Opinion's sake, by the
cruel edict of an arbitrary prince, he was sent forth, a wanderer upon the world,
a houseless and homeless man, and, as was vainly supposed, crushed alike in
fortune and aspiration. But his proud spirit refused to be down, and he spoke
the great work in his essay in favor of religious toleration, which could no mora
be hushed, or silenced, until the test acts, and persecuting ordinances of his na
tive land had fallen before it, and the great doctrine of liberty of conscience had
been established, jvherever his own English was the vernacular tongue.
A poor Scotch philosopher, whose views when first published, would have
been scouted upon " change," now exercises, through the force of public opio-
ion, a larger influeuce over the laws whioh regulate the trade of the world, than
all the merchant princes and statesmen of his day. Dynasties which have
withstood the destroying efforts of a Charles the Great, a Turenne, or a Marl
borough, and defied tbe arts of their political, or strategic skUl have faUen be
fore, the breath of public opinion, when put ipto motiop by some poor scholar or
unheeded philosopher, who spoke from the parrow pfecincts of his neglected
cell, or dreary garret. The ideas of Luther and Locke, and perhaps of Rous
seau, have, through the force of publio opinion, written more changes upon the
face of human institutions and governments, than the arts or the arms of the
statesmen and the generals of whom I have just spoken. This jurisdiction of
the only earthly tribunal, where the strong and the weak must meet upon equal
terms, where reason is free to speak, and truth alone is powerful, is that of all
others, which this new party, by some strange perversity of opinion, would seek
to destroy. What a sin against human progress, what an outrage upon tha
best hopes of man for social and political improvement ! But why should this
party so fear public opinion, unless they believed that it would pronounce against

75 - '
them ? If they supposed the contrary, would they pot seek its mighty aid by
p^oclaimirig their purposes to the ^orld ? There can be but two motives for
concealing their action upon political affairs, which concern the welfare of all,
and these are either tbe fear of public opinion, or a distrust of thc people.
Is this a couptry where we cap afford to encourage a party which acts upon
such ideas ? But, fellow-citizens, there is another reason special to ourselves
for regarding secret political associations as mischievous and dangerous-.
Mr. Calhoun used to say, that after all, the poUtical issues in every country
grew out of the contests of two parties, which belong to all organized human
societies — the one, he called the "tax consuming party," and the. other, the
" tax paying party." The tax consumers are those who receive more money
from the Treasury, in the shape of patronage, than they contribute to it in the
payment of public dues. They look, therefore, to the government for the
means of support, and vote, not as citizens seeking moral benefits, but as indi
viduals in pursuit of personal interests- and pecuniary gain. The tax paying
party are those who look to government for political good only, and contribute
more in money to the Treasury than they receive in retturn. If the former
obtains the chief power in the State, then, sooner or later, there must be an end
to free and popular government. The very ends of their prganization require
them first to increase the taxes as much as possible, in order to 'swelf the fund
which is to be converted to their own uses ; and next, to appropriate this mo
ney unequally, that they may secure themselves the lion's ' share. 'In such
hands, government is administered for the personal benefit ailone, of tbose who
m-anage it, and npt for those for whom it was made, if its original form was
popular-rra species of. tyranny vfhich no people have ever. long tblerated, when
there were so many to be served. In the' downward progress of free institu
tions, when their doctrine takes this direction, the first symptom is the appear
ance of factions which look not to the general good of society, but to the par- ,
ticular interests of themselves. Headed by such - men as Sylla and Marius,
cruel oppression and bloody proscription become the order of the day, until the
people, weary of their sufferings, seek protection from them all under a Csesar,
preferring the "dead level of an Oriental despoti^m,"'.to the unequal exactions
and diversified tyranny of this many-headed monster. Now, in this country,
the temptations and facilitfes for' the formation of siich a party, are so great as
to make its appearance a thing to be feared and guarded ag'ainst. Tho fund
which constitutes the object of plunder is already great'and daily growing to be
enormous. Forty or fifty millipns of annual expenditure, soon to be increased,
probably, as our coiJntry- grows and enlarges, to sixty or seventy millions, con
stitutes a fund whioh holds out a great temptation to those who may be dis
posed to struggle for it as prize money. Tbe facilities too, for forming sueh a
party are byno means small. It may be a combination of two particular inte
rests, to live upon exactions from a third. Such was believed, by some, to be
the effect of the pld American system, which united the manufacturing and in
ternal ii^pro'veme.nt interests against the agricultural. Or the combinati-on may
consist of two sections against a third. If the taxes are raised and expended
unequally, the majority, who control the government, may be interested in
BWelling the public resources, whose -burden falls on a part and, 'whose benefits
aro mainly appropriated to themselves.- Last and worst, the -day may arrive
when a mere combination of office-holders, by means of their numbers and su
perior organization, may be strong enough to administer the -government' for
their owii particular benefit. Any, or all of these events-, which are possible,
would destroy our popular institutions. What has been our protection against
this danger heretofore? It hasoonsisted in the publicity of political proceed
ings. Parties were foroed to divide upon principles — principles which looked,
or professed to look, to the good of the whole, and pot of the pa;rt. ., Political
issues were thus forced to be broadly taken, and argued upon geueral.and gene-

76
reus views.. The one or the other party was wrong, of. course, but stiU the
country could not be much injured by either ; because, if the good of t.ie whole
was really the object of pursuit, their measures, when adopted by the- govern-
ment, would be abandoned, if proved to be injurious. The people, too, are
thus .oaved, as far as itis possible to save them, from the selfl-ih combinations of
.-which I have been speaking. So long as polirical action is public, they observe
tbe fact, if men of opposite political opinion are suddenly found voting togeth
er, and suspecting selfish views, by a sort of. instinct of self-preservation, they
are sure to strike at the combination. But, destroyall this, convert the public
meeting into the secret association for political purposes, and what is to save us
from the domination of. such a party as that which I have been.describiuj;?
There is the strongest temptation for such action, and you remove the most effi
cient restraint. The " fear of HeU," says the poet,
" Is the hangman's whip,
To hold the wretch in order."
The same conservative influence is exercised by tbe fear of the retributive jus
tice administered by publio opinion. Within the secret conclave of thf.-5 associ
ation, the^e can be no such 'fear to restrain. Tbe action of an individual and
the very fact of his membership, are concealed. Individually, be is responsible
to the world for nothing. ' Before the puble, there is no such thing as individ
ual responsibility, or opiuion, within the whole hosts of the Order. All mustobej
the edict, all must vindicate the opinion, when once it is determined upon.
Here the disappointed office seeker may hide his blushes under the shades of
secrecy and of night, as he drives the perfect bargain, by which his principles
are to be bartered away for renewed hopes of the prize, whioh he failed to sei^e
before. Here, too, combinations for the most sefish and dangerous purposes
may be formed, without the foar of punishment or detection. If they do not
exist now, will a,ny mari say that tbey may not be soon expected, with snch
temptations and facilities for their formation? Permit me, fellow citizens, to
expose the dangers of such an association, by an illustration, which- 1 think
ought to strike every one. We have seen that the action of the last Congress
upon the Nebraska bill, severed the Whig party North and South. For the re
peal of the Missouri restriction, not one vote was given by a Northern Whig.
The Southern Whigs very properly, refused to act as a party with such confed
erates. If there are men amongst them, or elsewhere in the South, who pre
fer, office to the peace and safety of their States, and who, feeling that the anti-
slavery sentiment is predominant in the free States, which constitute the majo
rity in the government, would be willing. to unite with them in order to sfecure
their own personal- interests,- still, they would not dare to seek such an alliance,
whilst political action is open and public.
Such a maa would be afraid tp do so ; he would fear the public opinion of
the South, the censures of nearly all. Whig and Democrat, and the scorh of
his, fellow-citizens, who would regard him as. a renegade and traitor. But adojSt
this contrivance of a secret poUtical association, and how easy may it be for
such persons to effect their purposes. The union may be formed, and yet none
can know it, except those who are bound to vindicate it. If this association
fails in its objects, the world- is none the worse for it; if it succeeds, they win
the golden prizes of office and power^ for which they are wilUng to risk much
more perhaps than they have put in peril. Then, upon tbis dangerous questioQ
of slavery, the South would lose one of its great defences, and lose the power
to enforce the -uaited action of her' sons. What, after all, has been our chief
security in the fierce agitation of this question ? Has it not been in the timely
warning which was given us, by. the publicity of poHtioal proceedings? If a
dangerous antiTslavery agitation, sprang up at the North, it was open and pub-

77
lie. The, conservative press of the country took the niatter in hand, and an
opportunity was given for exohauging sentiiment between the different sections;
the consequences of such measures could be pointed out, and thus, even in the
raost excited states pf the public mind, an opportunity- was afforded for the so
ber second thought of the people t'o come to the rescue. But now, large mas
ses may be secretly committed £o the most dangerous opinions, and the men
may be selected to carry them out, without time for previous wai-uing, or expos
tulation, so that, opposing sections may be suddenly brought into the presence
of each other, aad precipitated upon the most dangerous issues, wheh retreat is
difficult, and compromise becomes imppssible.
But, feUow-citizens, the dangers of these secret associations do not end here..
If this one succeeds, others must follow. In selfdefence, those who do not be-'
long to this order, will use the same means by whioh it has acquired power •
and the open poUtical action for which this country has been distinguished, will
be converted in a. warfare of- secret associations. Instead of the open, manly,
stand-up mode of fighting,, so characteristic of tbe Anglo-Saxon and An-o-lo-'
Araerican race, we shall substitute the dark intrigue and stiletto Warfare of the
Italian. That such a change in our political habits would have the effect of
transforming, the moral character of our people, is nbt to be doubted. ' Is there
a-man present, whp would desire to see such "transformation ? Fellow citizens,
let me beg you to beware of these secret political .associations. Beware of t'he
mysterious blandishments of this new seducer. It is said to be but the first step
that costs. You may be tampering with a da^nger of whose whole character you
are little aware. ' . , v ' -
. Far up on the Missouri, nean to Fort Benton, upon a high cliff, whioh -com
mands an extensive view of the surrounding cpuntry, itis said, that a Blaekfoot
Indian Chief directed hiinself to be buried on horseback, with his face turned
down the stream, tp look out, as he said, for the white man, the destroyer of
his race, when ,he -should come up the river^ If you would look out for the
destroyer of your free institutions, and popular form Of government, fix your
eye-upon the door of the secret, political association; — from that door, the worst
enemy of all, will come. , i
But [ have not told the whole story against this new Order. As I said be»
fot-e, they haye avowed opinions upon certain subjects, which, in my judgment,
are highly daUgerous-and mischievous. They propose to destroy the liberty of
conscience itself, by proscribing the members of 'the Roman Catholic religion
from all offices, whetfher high or low. Thus not only persecuting these men
for opinion s-ake, but introducing a religioils te.st, as a qualifjcatiori for office.
I know it- is said, that this 'prosQription from office is no persecution, because it
is, not accompanied by porporal sufferenee-; but is there not moral degradation, ¦
and does not that often carry with it a far-keener pang to the sensitive spirit than
thp most severe physical piinishment? Y'ou say tbat tho Rotuan Catholic is
unworthy to enjoy the full privileges of a citizen, or to fill tbe meanest'office;
that raen,pf all other religions and sects, MahomedanS, Buddhists, even Infidels
and Atheists, may be c-ipatble of holding office, but he is rincapable, because he
cannot bo trusted as heing loyal and patriotic-'; ynu fix upon bis brow the brand
of polirical inferiority, and, -after wounding him tbus in the point of honor, you
sav- he has suffered no punishment -Is not such- moral isolation to a noble and
sensitive mind, mpre than bodily incarceration sometimes?
" Stone walls do not a prison make,
Nor iron barsa cage."
You may confine a man's body, and if he enjoys the respect and kindly feel
ings of his race, who look to him a.S^a martyr-in a nPblo causo, he bears up
cheerfully under it aU; but not so, if youexelude him-from the pale .'of human

78
sympathy, and expose him to public insult and moral isolation in the midst of
his kind. It is vain to say, that this is no punishment for opinion sake. In
a country like this, where office has heretofore been open to all; tbe exclusion
would be more keenly felt, than in others, where the privilege was not so ex
tensive. But our glorious old Bill of Rights ' provided " that religion, or the
duty, we owe to our Creator, and the manner of discharging it, can be directed
only by reason and conscience, not by force or violence ; and therefore all men
are entitled to a free exercise of religion, according to the dictates of con-.
science, and that it is the mutual duty of all to practise Christian forbearance,
love, and charity, towards each other." The act fpr the establishment of reli
gious freedom, passed by Virginia in 1786, and upon which Mr. Jefferson pri.
ded himself so much as to reckon it, along with the Declaration of Jndepen-
derice,. amongst the thingsfor which he pught to be remembered by posterity,
declared, "that no man, shall be compelled to frequent, or support, any reli-
gious worship,, place or ministry whatever, nor shall he be enforced, restrained,
molested, or burdened in his body, or goods, nor shaU he otherwise suffer on ac
count of his religious opinion or belief; but that all meri shall be free to
profess, and by argument to, maintain their opinions in matters. of religion ; and
that the same shall in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their civil capacities."
Such were the ideas of the old fathers of our State, and may the day .never
come when they shall be treated as obsolete I '
But the Federal Constitution has also something to say upon this subject
It expressly declares, " that no religious test shall ever be required as a quali
fication to any office, pr public trust, under the United States." Now, this was
manifestly a provision in favor of religious freedom, and it was intended to se
cure the reality, and not the idea, the thing, and not the name, the substance,
and not the shadow.
, The thing designed to be secured, was that the offices should be thrown open
to persons of all religious persuasions, and that no man's opinion on that sub
ject should incapacitate him for that privilege. Now, we obey this injunction
of the Constitution in the letter, when we forbear to pass a, law establishing
such tests ; but do we not violate its spirit if wc transfer the deed from the
representative to the constituent body, and bind this last by vows and pledges,
to vote for no man for office who is himself a Catholic, or who would appoint
members of that reUgion to office ? We may preserve the shadow of tho consti
tutional provision, but do we not sacrifice the substance, by such an evasion ? or,
will it be maintained, that the Constitution binds us only'as members of the
government, and not as individual citizens ? Surely this is a poor view of snch
a question. We obey the Constitution not as a matter pf compulsion, but of
choice; not as a thing forced upop us, but because we love it; because we
coucur iu its principles, and sympathise ip its spirit. It is the compact of go
vernment to which we have agreed, and we are bound not only in our public,
but also our private, capacities, to execute it in its spirit and truth. .I'he Con
stitution of the United States, jn reference to its objects, may be said,to con
sist ot three portions; first, it establishes the machinery of government; next,
it distributes the moving power amongst the parts of the machinery ; and,
thirdly, it provides certain securities for the rights of States, and of individuals.
Now, these last are of the yery essence of the compact, and constitute the coo-.
' ditions upon which it was formed. All the parties, therefore, who enjoy the
benefits of the compact, are bound to carry out the stipulations, whose execu
tion may depend upon their agency. How often have we complained of those
Northern States, which evade the obligation in regard to foreign slaves, and,
without violating t^he letter of the Constitution, defeat tbe spirit of its provis
ions by interposing obstacles in the way of the recovery of such fugitives? 'We
haye -said, justly, as it seems to me, that when they take the benefit of all the
provisions of the Constitution which interest them, they are bound to carry out

79
in good faith those which concern the other parties to t^e compact; their ob
ligation is to carry put the object of that provisi-on in its spirit, not merely to
abstain, from yiolating its letter. Now, raay not the same be said of the pro
visions of the Constitution in regard to religious freedom? Were they not also
of the essence of the compact ? Could the Federal Constitution have been rat
ified in Virginia, if it had been supposed to sanction tbe idea of the establish
ment of religious tests, as a qualifiication for oflice. As it is, it was received
with fierce opposition by many of Pur most distinguished statesmen; but what-
would have been said if it had contained an authority for such religious tests as
are now proposed as qualifications for office ? James Madison was its great ad
vocate and defender, as it pow stands; but, in the contingency of which I'
speak, what would he have said of it, distinguished as he was for large and
generous sentiments on .the subject of human liberty ? And what would old
George Mason haye said, the. author, of lihe declaration in favor -of religious
freedom, ip our Bill of Rigbts? And, above alt, what would he have- said,
who once exclaimed, " Give me liberty, or give me death," when it was sup
posed that life and property were imperilled by such a-declaration !
Eellow;citize,ns, I care not in what capacity it be, whether as representatives
or constituents,, that -we violate tbe spirit and defeat the objects of theConsti-
tuftion ; in either case, we sap and mipe the foundations of our government, and
disregard our plainest obligations as, citizens. '
But! object to this proscription of Catholics, on account of their 'religious
opinions-, for other reasons, which are yet to be given. It is undping the work
pf Martin Luther; it is unprotestantizing Protestantism itself, and returning
to the'practioes of the darkest ages of religious bigotry and persecution.
What was the great object of Luther's missi-onf — Was it not to establish the
right of privajie judgment in matters of conscience? And what was the great
work of Protestantism ? Was it not to make good that right and that duty of
individuals, and to enter a solemn protest against any human authority, whether
of bishops, churches, br governments, to overrule or destroy it? And yet there
are men, claiming to be'good Protestants, who proppse to punLsh, by proscription
from ofhce, all persons lyhose private judgments lead .them to, the adoption of
the Catholic faith. I have shoWn how such a^ proscription may be a punishment
of tbe worst sort; but I go farther, and say that the idea, upon which this ia
justified, if carried out tpabs log-ica consequences, must lead us to far greater
lengths. In short, there is no middle ground between absolute and perfect tol
eration on the one band, or positive persecution on the other. If the Catholics
are unfit to hold any office, however small, on acccant of their faith, they afe
unfit to vote ; for it requires as much patriotic feeling and sound judgment to
do the one as the other. . If, ^hsn, they are incompetent to the discharge of tha
first duties of citizeitship,, apd are to be treated as aliens, they become dangerous
members of the society which thus distrusts them : and the plainest dictates of
prudence would seem to require their removal. Louis XIV. therefore, who re- •
yoked tbe edict of Nantes, and drpye sO many of his, Huguenot subjects to- bear
their industry and their arts to Germany, Holland, England, and everi to thia
country, did but carry out the principles upon which it is now proposed to act,
tp its inevitable and logical consequences-. As I said , before, there can be no
middle ground, no debatable land, between positive proHbitien and perfect tol
eration. If the right of private judgment in matters of conscience, exists at
all, it is absolute and , independent of all human i authority. , Such is the result
of tbe great principle established by Lu'ther,, and such the mighty work of Pro- ,
testant reform. It is now a little more than three centuries, since the city of
Worms presented one of the most remarkable scenes which has ever appeared
in the course of human affairs. The Emperor Charles, the German Csesar, had
copyened there a diet of princely dignitaries. The Archduke, Electors, Land
graves, Margraves, civil and ecclesiastical' Princes, Counts ofthe-^Empire and

80
belted Knights were there, numbering, in all, more than two hundred persons
of regal, or semi-regal estate. That Diet was as,sembled to consider the case of
a poor inonk of Wittemburg, who had made an issue with the See of Rome,
upi-ju notihing less than the ri;.ht of private judgment in matters of conscience,
and dared to take an appeal to public opinion for its judgment, upon that great
controversy. So poor was that monk, that he depended upon the charity of one
Prince for themoney which was to boar his expenses to Worms, and upon that
of another, for the very clothing which he wore ; ho had peither official place,
-nor dignity, nor was there one man whpse services be could, as a matter of tight,
command; but he had spoken the word at which whole nations must pause to
listen. It was in vain that his friends, and even the more generous of his ene
mies, dissuaded him froin appearing before that Diet. They said, that the Ger
man Ccesar; at tha^t day in" point of temporal power the foremost man in all the
world, was his bitter and implacable foe; that his Spanish cavalier.?, at that day
the truest representatives of Christian oLivalry, were riding about the streets
upon their mule.s, and swearing vengeance against the monk and his friends';
that the Church of Rome, whose ecclesiastical censures then fulminated over
nearly the whole of Christendom, would be there with its hostile array'of learn
ing and power, and that 'potentates, ecclesiastical and civil, would also be ther^,
thirsting and crying aloud for his blood. But he said he would go, if there
were as many devils to meet him in Worm.?, as there were tiles upon the hou.ses.
And he did go, he did appear before thai; Cas-ar, whose frown indeed was terri
ble, before that Church exulting in its pride of strength, and before' those
prinCes who had fixed an ^vil eye upon him ; his face was p:Je, but with study
and not with fear; his bod-y so emtioiateJ with vigils and labor that' its every
bone cnuld 'be detected by'the least observant-eye; in human form, he-was not
above the averilge st-ature, but as a representative man, the representative of tliA
mightiest issue which it had ever fallen to mortal lot to make, he towered'in
mora! majesty to the height of that great argument, by which he' was tb sustain
it. Tho fire of his eye quenched not in the presence of imperial majesty itself,
the tones of his voice rung clear and true as the tempered steel, and he faltered
not as he responded to -the ensnaring questions of the adversary; his heart
quailed not before that great array of hostile power. He spoke, and princes,
catching the infection of his noble zeal, crowded about him ih thc council-cham-
ber, and said to him, " Speak, speak out like a man," fear not them who c;.n
kill the body, but cannot harm the soul ; wild,' warlike soldii-rs too, were won
by tho gallant bearing of the lion-hearted priest. " Monk," said a Celebrated
captain of the times, " take heed to your steps, you are treading a path far rrinro
dangerous than any that the re.iit Pf tih havo ever pursued ; but if vou are iri the
right road, God will not abandon you." He did speak out, with a fearlessness
which not the bravest of those princes could themselves have exhibited, and ho
did pursue his path with faith far greater 'than the trrtst of the old captain, that
being in the'right road, God-would nnt abandon hiin. ' Throats could not appal
nor ' blandishments . seduce him, until at last, run out by his perseverance, the
Catholic BishPp of Treves said unto him, " Then, tell us, yourself, what wo
ought to do to settle this Controversy.'' — " I must/i-eply to you," said Luther,
"in the words of Gamalial, 'let tho thing alone; for if this work be of men it
will come to nought,. but if it be of God, you cannot overthrow it.'" Bravo
words these of the old Jewish Doctor of Laws, fit to be spoken by him, and fit
to be repeated by Lpther. Well might St. Paul be proud to have been bred at
the feet of .such li man ; well did this judgment deserve to be recorded on tho
imperishable page of Holy Writ, to endure when the reports and decrees of all
other lawyers sball have passed k-way and been f irgotten ! They were the first
great w6rds ever spoken in favor of religious freedom, spoken by Gamalial, to
sayfe'thy apostles from Jewish persecution, repeated by Luther to defend him
self agiiinst CathoUc pcrsfe'cution, and now let the Catholics, in their "turn, use
them to protect themselves against Protestant persecution.

81
But, fellow citizens, I have spoken of this issue in regard to the right of pri
vate judgment in matters of conscience, as being thfe most important which it
has ever fallen to mortal lot to make. Human history and experience bear me
out in that assertion. For this principle has proved to be the foundation stone
of the fabric, not merely of religious, but of civil liberty also. It was a declar
ation in favor of individual freedom. The individual mtnd burst loose from the
bonds of human, authority, and aroused itself from the slumber of ages. A
new inoving principle within the mind itself, was thus allowed full room for
play, and each individual intellect becoming instinct with motion, and quicken
ing into a higher life, human energy seemed to receive a new impulse, and de
veloped itsfelf in greater activity, and under more varied forms, than had ever
characterized it before. Our race sprung forward as w*h a bound, in its march
of improvement, and may be said to have a'chieved more of progress in the last
three centuries, under. the influence of this mighty reformation, than it bad ac
compUshed through the wjiole period of its authentic history ; which preceded
the Christian era. And yfet, it is this great work of Luther, whioh we are now
called upon to undp. We are' to destroy the right of private judgment in mat
ters of consoiencoj and persecute Catholics for their religious opipion's sake.
As I have said, more than once, upon this subject, there is no' half-way house,
no middle ground.
It may, be said, t know, that the early Protestants did not extepd their own
principles so far; that they themselves kindled the fire of religious persecution.
But even the' discoverers of great principles do not always carry them out to
their logical conseq.uences. The progress of Truth may be certain, but its pace
is .slow, and yet great principles will work out their ultimate results. John
Milton had a glimpse of the truth, that absolute toleration must be the irresis
tible result of the great principle of Protestant reform, when he said: " Give
me the liberty to kpow^ to utter, and argue freely, according to conscience,
above all liberties." John Locke took in the whole truth, and proclaimed it in
his celebrated, essay, and the old fathers of our State, were the disciples of his
political school. By their bill of rights, and their celebrated act^ upon that
subject, they did establish, as they supposed, a perfect religious freedom. Has.
not this experiment wprked well so far, both for Church and State? Have they
pot happily growp side by side in harmony, and not in opposition to each oth&r ?'
Have we experienced any mischief from this absolute toleration of religious
Opipiou? Have -we been injured by the fact, that ',Catholics could vote,, and
hold offices amongst us ? ' Have not these- Cathplics divided amongst the great
parties of the cou-ntry, and voted upon political, rather than reUgious tests ?
Do Whigs complain that to6 many of them vote with the' Democrats ? This is.
not more; a Catholic than' a Protestant sin, because m_orB Protestants than Cath
olics vote with that party ? Do the Democrats complain that too many of them.
vote with the Whigs? Again, it may be replied, that there are more Protes
tants than Catholics who vote with that party. But can there be any political
dano-er from allowing men of all religious persuasions to vote? By doing so,
you certainly widen- the basis upop which your government stands, and increase
tho number of those wbo bound to it by the ties' of sympathy and' interest.
Where can be the danger, so long as poUtical proceedings are open and public,
and representative and cftnstituent can question eacji other face to face ? If a
representative is with you on poUtical tests, does it matter, so far as the politi
cian is concerned, what are his opinions upon other subjects? If he is with
you on the subjects of trade, currency, and the pri'nciples of constitutional con
struction, when they are in issue, does it'matter that he differs from you on the
doctrine of transubstantiation ? Will not a CathoUc who agrees with you on
all the political issues, and differs from you in religion, make' you a better leg
islative representative than a Prote.stant who agrees with you in religion, but
djffCrs'from you on all matters of political principle ? Is it not entirely ip our

82
power to ascertain how tbey stand, when tried by their political tests, so long
as political acrion is open and public ? If there be danger froth such a tolera
tion, it can only exist when political deliberations and actions are veiled in
secrecy. I know that an attempt has been made to except the Catholic from
the operation of the great principle of reUgious toleration, by maintaining that
he is proscribed' for civil, rather than religious reasons, because he is said to
acknowledge the supremacy of the Church over the State, in temporal matters.
Fellow citizens, such a distinction does not in truth exist. The Catholic of
ths present day, no more admits the supremacy of the Church in temporal
matters than the Protestant; their difference is in regard to spiritual concerns.
The Protestant maintaijis the right of private judgment in matters of con
science; the Catholic believes, that in spiritual affairs the decisions of the
Church ought to -overrule the individual judgment. But Protestants and Cath
olics, all Christian churches and individuals, believe that the allegiance which
they owe to £l-od is higher than any obligation tn man ; and that in a conflict
between human and divine laws, you must serve God rather than man. ^
But how can such an opinion interfere with the capacity of a citizen to dis-.
charge his political duties, unless the civil government undertakes to legislate
upon religious subjects, and to draw spiritual matters under a temporal jurisdie-
tion, instead of keeping them apart, as -was ordered by Christ, when he said,
" Render unto Csesar the things that are Cresar's, and unto God the things that
are God's," and as- has been our practice heretofore in the administration of
civil affairs ?
But suppose we once commence with this work of proscribing Catholics for
their religious opinions — where is it to end ? With the Catholics ? Trust npt
so vain a delusion. The jealousy of religious bigotry is a thing which gro-wa
with what it' feeds upon. Next we shall hear that the Quaker is to be proscribed
for civil rather than religious reasons : he will not defend his country in time
of war. Then there is much to criticise in tho government of this Church, and
grave objections to that of another. One is arbitrary, and ofa temper unsuited
to free institutions ; another is aristocratic, and unfitted to the genius of a dem
ocratic people. Sorae, too, may be suspected of an e'ffort to engross the political
offices and power of' the country, and appropriate them to their own members.
If they proscribe others, they must themselves be proscribed; and in this new
-era of secret political association, there is room given for every suspicion, and
opportunities are afforded for the most dangerous combination^. Who does nok
know the peculiar susceptibiUties of sfectarian jealousy ? Who can fail to see
the dangers of the warfare which would thus spring up amongst {he different
Christian sects? And when men become weary of the agitation of such con
tests, in which each set of religious opinions is in turn proscribed, will they not
say at last to the gpvernment, " Tell us what to believe ; establish your church;
relieve us from this state of uncertainty, and let each man enjoy oitcB more in
peace the shade of his own vine and fig tree."
It seems to me, far better to pur.sue the present practice ; tolerate all religions,
and have each church free to' pursue its mission in its own way, and to selwt
the most appropriate field for its labors. If you then have more churches, you
have more Christians also, and if there must be a human tribunal to set upon
tbeir differences, let it be that of public opinion. Here is a jurisdicrion, which
can take charge of matters far too delicate for the positive regulation of govern
ment. Questions of morals, of honor, of social and personal propriety, which
involve distinctions far too nice, and shades of coloring far too delicate to be
defined by positive law, may be satisfactorily adjusted here. Here, too, is a'
field of battle where none can be injured, where Eeason furnishes the only.
weapons, and Truth mu.st be'thc gainer, no matterwho cnmes out victor iu tho
contest On this side we' know there will bo peace and safety, on the other
tliere must be danger and discord. Arid wc are to run all this risk, for what?

83
Because, you say, there is a probabiUty that' the interests of the church may
clash with those of the State, and that, in such a case, the American Ca.tholio
might vote not according to his duties as a citizen, but to his feelings as a
ehurchman. Take your own supposition, this is bnt a remote possibiUty, a case
of mere chance; but if, you proscribe the .Catholic for his religion, you make
that danger certain, of which there was but a chance before. You put him
under the ban ; you refuse him' the equal privileges of a citizen, and stamp
-upon him the brand of inferiority! His first object then is to remove that
stigma. He no longer acts with the great parties of the country, according to
his opinions upon political issues which concern all, but his first object is to
remove the oppression under which be labors, and be feels justified in voting in
any manner to secure that end'. The very thing which you dread will assuredly
eome to pass, and, through your owri agency, he will vote not, as an American
citizen, but as a CathoUc ; he will no longer come forward, as now, to'give your
government a ready and cheerful support ; that government is no longer bound
to him by the ties of interest and sympathy, if it proscribes and oppresses him.
He will become indifferent, and perhaps hostile to the government, which has
treated him as an alien and as a member of an inferior cast of society. Why
estrange one who is so valuable as a friend, and convert him, perhaps, into an
enemy ? ;
But, fellow-citizens, I went a little too far, when I said, it was proposed to
proscribe Catholics from all offices ' in this country. ' There are some offices,
which the sons and daughters of that Churoh are still considered competent to
discharge. I mean the offices of Christian charity, of ministration to the sick.
The sister of charity may enter yonder pest-house, from whose dread portals
tho bravest and strongest man quails and shrinks ; she may breathe there the
breath of the pestilence which walks abroad, in that mansion of misery, in or
der to minister to disease where it is most loathso'me, and to relieve suffering
¦where it is most helpless. There, too, the tones of her voice may be heard
mingling with the last accents of human despair, to soothe the fainting soul,
as sbe points through the gloom of the dark valley of -the shadow of death to
the Cross of Christ, whicb stands transfigured in celestial light, to bridge the
way from Earth to Heaven ; and when cholera or yellow fever invades your
cities, the CathoUo Priest may refuse to take refuge' in fiight, holding tha place
of the true Soldier of the Cross, to be by the sick man's bed, even though death
pervades the air, because he may there tender the ministrations of his holy of
fice to those who need them most. But, if some of the objects of their care
should arise from the bed, whioh, but for them,' would have been the bed of
death, and should any such say to them, if he be a Protestant, " I am going
forth to proscribe your Church, to put you under the ban, to declare you un
worthy of the common privilege pf citizens, and to degrade yo-a' as a caste, be
cause I am afraid that you, poor priest, and you; gentle sister, will rob me of
my rights and deprive roe of my liberties ?" what would they say to such an
address 'as this? They might not utter- the thought, but would it not be the
feeling- of the least rebellious nature, if it were still human to say, " let him go,
like the Pharisee of old, enjoying his greetings in the market place, and his
chief place at the feasts, and thank' his^God that he is not a sinner as this pub
lican." But, wbat would you say, fellow-citizens, to such a sentiment, if it
were uttered in your presence ? You would say that it was a sentiment unfit to
be -either entertained or expressed.
But^for what is it that I am pleading, here in Virginia, before au inteUigent
audience of her sons, and in the year of our Lord, 1855 ? For Religious Free
dom, for Liberty of conscience. I cau scarcely realize, the idea, I am almost
ashamed to confess it., .ind yet it is even so. If any m.an had fnretolii to me,
two years ago, that such an heresy could be e:^humed from the dead, and that
the bre-ath of life could be- so breathed into it as to give it vitality enough to.

84
become a living issue upon the soil of the Old Dominion, I should have laughed
to scorn, the prophet and his prophecy. And here is a thing, they teU me, to
be feared ; and certainly a thing f6rmidable enough to be met. "Nulla vestigia
retrorsum."—" Let here be no no steps backwards," said John Hampden ; a
noble maxim certainly as applied to the march pf human liberty. Here,
though, is not a step backwards, but a, retrograde march of centuries, and from
light into that (^arkness again out of which we had once emerged with so much
pain and difficulty. If a people so enlightened, as I had fondly believed ours
to be, can be induced to make sucb a retrograde march as this, I shall begin to
lose my faith in human progress, -and fear that tbe political reformer rolls the
stone of Sisyphus, which can never reach the expected goal. But why
does this new party select the Catholic Church as the particular object of its
proscriptions ? They certainly seem to have begged, borrowed, or in some other
way obtained some leading ideas from that Church, and whicb, in my opinion,
constitute its most objectionable features. Old John MUton somewhere re
proaches his Protest ant brethren for certain persecuting practices, and says they
have fallen into the " most Popish of Papist errors." I think tbe same may
be said of tbis Know-Nothing party. Do they object to the secret Inquisition
of that Church, which inquires into spiritual offences? — have theij not a secret
inquisition, which inquires into poUtical offences? Does it not sit upon your
character and mine, try us when we cannot be heard, condemn us when we had
not been j^rraigned, and execute its sentence without serving upon the victim a
notice of its existence? (
The old Vehmic tribunal so terrible for its secret inquisition and visitations,
used to fake care, at least, that the bowl and the cord should be laid by some
invisible hapd at the bedside of the victim, to give him warning when he awoke
of the fate that a-waited .him. But here is an inquisition whose sentences are
executed without even that premonition. Do the Know Nothings object that
the Catholics deny the right of private judgment in matters of conscience?
Surely, they do the same thing with regard to the Catholic, when they proscribe
and persecute him on account of his religious opinions. They refuse to allow
him to worship God according to his own conscience, except under such pains
and nenalties as they choose to prescribe. Do they object to the CathoUcs as
members of a political community because they believe in the supremacy of the
church in spiritual matters ? Why, then, do they declare a far more dangerous
doctrine, and assert the supremacy of their council in matters temporal and pd-
litical ? A man may believe in the spiritual' supremacy of a church, and Jet
discharge his political duties, according to his individual conscience and convic
tion ; but he who admits the political supremacy of a council, cannot perform
his duties as a citizen, according to his own judgment and conscience. Tv hen
the edict is once pronounced by the council, it can neither be disputed nor dis
obeyed by the members. After this, there must be neither majorities nor mi
norities in the Order;, but all must move, act and speak together, as if with
one will. That greatest of all liberties — as Milton called it — the liberty to
know, to argue, aud to utter freely according to conscience, is not one of their
privileges. With what face, then, can a party, holding such doctrines as these,
proscribe men for entertaining far loss dangerous opinions ? What the practi
ces of these Know-Nothings may be with regard to confession aud absolution,
I know not, but it 'is very clear, that if the power tp command the moral action
of individuals exist, the power to absolve them from the consequences of sin
ought to go along with it.
But this party is not content with proscribing Catholics, and treating them as
aliens, in the bosom of American society. There are abput 2,200,000 foreigners
amongst us, and these, too, are to be considered as incapable of holding office
under the government, Not only are they to, be forever disqualified for office,
but hereafter the term of probation for naturalization is to be so lengthened

85
as tp make the law itself illusory. It is to be observed, that what is proposed
to be done, will not diminish, much the pumber of emigrants who hereafter will
come to our shores, nor was it probably intended, when this Order originated,
that such an effect should be produced, for reasons which I -vyill presently give.
The proposed party will deteriorate the quality of the emigration ; it will shut
out men of fortune and education, because they prefer our institutions and de
sire to incorporate themselves into the great body of American society, to share
its privileges and partake of its. destiny ; it, will cut off those, too, who come
here from choice, not from any desire or expectation of office, but who would
be unwilling t<5 live where they could never be capable of holding it. But all
those who move from necessity, for the means Of subsistence, must still come,
for even the Know Nothings will give them leaye to toil. Then these consti
tute the great mass of foreign emigrants that com'e <to our shores. The ques
tion, then, is, as to their treatment after they reach here. Shall they be' denied
all political franchises ? Shall they be treated as aliens' in our midst, and thus
made indifferent, or, perhaps, hostile to our government and institutions ? Or,
shalL they be treated as heretofore, by our fathers and ourselves, who have.
sought to bind them- -to our' country hythe tips of sympathy and interest, and
for that purpose have held out a reasonable hope, tha,ta place should -be made
fpr them in our political society, as soon as they cap show by certain evidences,
that they are fit for it ?
Efere is an immense power in our midst. The question is, how shall it be
treated ? Shall we bind it to us by the kindly ties o/ affection, and the still
stronger bonds of interest,. Or shall we alienate and estrange it ? That, then, is
t'he trrie issue of principle to whicb I shall speak; There are minor questions
of detail, whicb I have not time now to discuss. In all the great operations of
society, certain evils are incidental, yfrhioh'mu^t be provided for as they arise,
not by destroying, but by regulating the syste'm. , So, too, the process of assi
milating the foreign element, into American society,, ha^s its incidental evils,
which may be met as the special cases arise ; for some the police powers of the
States are ample, and others may be guarded against by the Federal Governmen-t,
without disturbing the general features of tbe process itself. What I maintain
is,-that this new eletnfent ought to be assimilated with the great body of Ame-
ri-can society, as far as it can be done, and that a place ought, to be made -for the
foreigner in our political society, as soon as a reasona,ble evidence is given of his
being fit for it.
In jdiscussing this issue, I may be permitted, I trust',-' to enter a little into the
history of the question itself. At all times the tide of human emigration seems
to have been directed by some la'w of nature, whioh thus provides for that fusion
and inter-communication of races,- whicb has been proved to bg necessary to the
general progress of the -tvhple. There is not a great, people upon record who
did not spring from a miit-irc-of races. The- Grefek, the Roman, the English
and the French, all sprang from a mixture of stocks. The Jewish were more
exclusive, but it is a.l-so to be .remembered that they lost power and empire.
The emigrations from which all this resulted in ancient times, were forced Pr
armed emigrations. The stronger and weaker races,, when, liy ing side by side,
owed their proximity to the fact, that the former had brought the latter to their
own homes as slaves, or else, seizing the country of the subjugated had settled
ip it as .being more desirable than their own. ' Thus it was, in ancient times,
that the necessity for an interchange of the habits, thoughts arid characteristic
ideas of the different races was satisfied. Routes through which the forced emi
gration of the African slave v?as conducted before the Egyptian pyramids were
built, are, some of them, Still used for the' same purpose. The irruptions of
the Goths, the Vandals and Huns, were, so many armed immigrations, and the
same may be said of the Crusaders. All these seem to have beeri designed to
serve some great purpose iri the economy of nature, by mingling diff^erent races,

86
and iuterchanging amongst all, the ideas and thoiights peculiar to each. The
discovery of America, which made so many changes in the course of human af
fairs, seems also to have presented a new law for the direction of tbe stream of
emigration. The great law of trade, the law of demand and supply, now inter-
veneil to impel arid regulate it. i A wilderness was to be opened, and the field
was large enough for all who might choose to come. Our forefathers held out
every iuducement tb encourage emigration from abroad. Upon this subject the
policy of Virginia was peculiarly liberal, and lands were given to those who
would -settle amongst us. At the time of the Declaration of Independence,
it was made a cause of complaint agaipst tbe Crown, that obstacles had been
interposed in the way of foreign emigration. After the -adoption of the present
Constitution, and during the administration of Washington, a law was passed
allowing a foreigner to be-naturalized, after a residence of five years. Under
the Federal Administration of' Johp Adams, the period was extended to fourteen
years ; but the five years term was restored again, when the Republican party
came in under Mr. Jefferson. Thus it has stood, with no expression of dissat
isfaction, until within a few years past, with the single exception, as I believe,
of the Hartford Convention, which sought to revive the fourteen years term.
Under this legislation, the,, course of emigr.ition has been rapid, and, as was
generally supposed, uritil lately, beneficial to the country.- The foreigner set
tled beside us, to participate in our hopes and cares, to share with us the chan
ces of life, and contribute the resources of his mind and body to the growth
and prosperity of American society, in which, for the niost part, he felt a com
mon interest witli ourselves. It was the boast of the Old Hun, that grass nev
er grew after the tread of his horse's hpoi; it was not so with the emigrant
who came here ; he made two blades of grass grow where one grew before, and
helped to gladden the waste places of naturewith all the arts of cultivation and
civilization. To. trace the agency of this foreign element in the various devel
opments of American society, I believe, would be startling enough to those
who have not much considered the subject. Certain it is, that our growth
would have been much less rapid without it. I think, too, that an examination
of' the history of this emigration will show, that if nature be left free to pur
sue her course, there can be no danger that the foreign will overpower the native ,
element in their influences upon our state of society. In looking over a weU
reasoned analysis of the statistics of emigration, as given by our recent census,
which appeared in one of the' foreign periodicals, I met with some results for
which, I confess, I was not prepared. Its general geographical distribution was
not, in some important respects, such as I had expected t^o find it; of the
2, -200,000 foreigners in this country, only about 305,000 aro in the slave States,
In the northwestern free States, le.ss than one third of these emigrants is to
be found, and of 1,900,000 inhabitants of these States not born within them,
1,330,000 are native American. As a consequence of all this, it follows that
most of these foreigners are in the Atlantic non-slaveholding States, amongst
which New York and Massachusetts share most largely, and nearly six-sevenths
of their number are to be found north of the 37th parallel of latitude,
It appears, then, that the mass of these foreigners settled in the old States,
where the home influence was strongest, and replacing as many native born citi
zens, these last took up their line of march to the wilderness to add tothe
domain of cultivarion, to build up another addition to the American Empire, to
found new States, and mould and form their institutions. Instead, then, of
Europeanising Americans, Europeaps were thus Americanized. The American
influence predominates everywhere; and notwithstanding the number of these
foreigners, they are so distributed as to make the process of tbeir assimilation
with Americap society more rapid and easy. This country, then, has been
indeed the true " ofiic.ena gentium," and pot only the workshop in which many
nations hav« toiled, but a grand national manufactory, in which men of various

87
races have received the true American mould. It is estimated, in the article of
which I speak, that 400,000 able-bodied laborers of both sexes, are now annu
ally coming to this country, from abroad, and if this statement should startle
those who have seen that the Custom House returns give only 367,000 as the
total nupiber of foreign emigrants, let bim remember, that both Chickering and
De Bow estimate their returns as being 50 per cent, under the true count. Of
these, a yery large proportion has been ascertained, to be over 10, and under
40, years of .age. Whon the statistics upon .this subject are collated and com
pared, it will be found, I think, that J;he estimate of 400,000 is, at least, a pro
bable approximation to the true number. Now, whilst most of these laborers
settle in the free. Atlantic States, to drive the looms of New England, and keep
the workshops of New York and Pennsylvapia busy, a larger number of native
jjorn citizens march annually into the wilderness to add a new belt to the do
main of cultivation and civiUzation.. Who can estimate in figures the effects of
this doable process upon tbe growth and pr^osperity ofi the Confederacy, and
particularly Pf the free States? If you, estimate the annual- production bf each
emigrant laborer at only S 150, you have 60,000.000 for this item alone, to say
nothing of the money whicb many of them bring to pay their passage and es
tablish themselves in the country. No-w; does any man suppose that the free
States, and Massachusetts especially, where this Know -Nothing, Order seems tb
have established its head quarters, can intend to stop the influx of such a
stream of wealth as this? Shut oil this flood of emigration entirely from our
shores, and such a blight would fall upon Massachusetts as she has not seen
heretofore ip the course of her history. She not only does not intend to pro
duce such a result, but she does not profess even to desire it. On the contrary,
it has been her policy to attract the foreign laborer to this' conn-try by a double
process. Through the restrictive system, she sought to shut out the product of
his labor from the American market, if he worked. abroad, whjlst she proposed
"to give him the exclusive possession of it, if he would transfer his labor to this
country. To attract cheap labor to her soil, has been a great object of her pol
ioy ; and now that she has substituted the Dative for the foreign laborer, she
proposes to disfranchise the latter — to deny him the privileges of citizenship.
And thus, whilst sbe is so anxious to free the- African slave in the So.uth, she is
engaged in a scheme to proscribe and , -degrade ; yes, sirs, and to enslave — for
there are degrees of sliivery — all that portion of her own white laborers who
arc foreign born. To make such an experiment upon the native-born laborer,
would be.too d-angerous to atitempt; but to substitute bim with the foreigner,
and a'fcer filling her workshops with the latter, to disfranchise and proscribe
bim, would produce the same effect in tho end. The la'borer woiild be prostra
ted at the foot of the ,c3.pi-talist, whose reign would be.supreme. The interests
of labor are'one Nprth and South, foreign apd native born, and he who. seeks to
set one portion against another, is destroying the house by dividing it. Mr.
Jefferson said that there was a natural alliance between tbe Northern laborer
and the South. Both are concerned for the interests of labor ; and most of the
sympathy which the South has found in the North, has grown out of that natu
ral bond. It is this power, then,' that has- been friendly to us that we are in
voked to strike. The power which drives the loom, and makes busy the work
shops at the North, is friendly to that w-hioh raises the cotton and the corn for
their use ; and now we are gravely asked to rob it of its fair political weight,
and to transfer it to the capitalist, who so far has beeii against us !
It is to be remembered, that every white inhabitant, whether foreign or aUen,
is counted in estimating the polifical ppwer of the. States. In the actual and
probable state of Massachusetts society, such a policy would throw its whole
power into the bands of her capit;ajists, to be wielded ij; is likely, as it has been
heretofore used, against ourselves. But, it may be said, shp can disfranchise
the foreigner at home without our assistance,; and so she may j hut if other

88
States refuse to follow her example, she cannot persevere in it. If she treats
the foreigner much worst than her neighbor, he will go to States that are more
liberal; and thus she will lose his labor which is essenrial to her. At any rate,
she is not enritled to any assistance or countenance which the Federal govern
ment might give. By way of atonement for the' sin which sbe meditates against
her own labor, she would be moral at the expense of others, and turn loose the
African slave in the South, our safety, being the cheap material upon which all
sorts of experiments may be tried. ' Now, so far as Virginia is concerned, shaU
we not say that we adopt neither branch of ber policy. The African slave we
shall not turn loose, because- his present condirion is better both for him arid
for us; and the white laborer we intend to be free-^free to enter into an equal
competition for all the prizes of life— free to pursue all the avenues to honor or
profit,' and free to hope and aspire for all that can give-dignity toman and hap
piness to life. If he fails it wiU be owing to himself, and not because the op
portunities of success are denied him by the policy of tbe government to which
he is attached. If he be a native, then, like St. Paul, he was born a Roman
citizen; if he be of foreign birth, then, like the Centurian, he shall not be
forced to pay a great price for the privilege, but a place shall be opened for him
in our political society, as soon as he gives evidence of his fitness for it. Such
is the poUcy which we have heretofore pursued, and, in the main, it has worked
weU. The serpent is yet to be warmed into life in this country, which would
Bting the bosom that protected 'it.
We have thus, not only beep able to receive tbis large foreign element and
assimilate it into our system, but also to convert it into the means of a new
growth. Instead of being an alien power in the bosom of our society, we have
attached it to us by the strong ties of sympathy and interest If we_ should
offer extraordinary and unnatural inducements to this emigrarion, it might he-
come mischievous, by pouring in so rapidly as to destroy the hCmogeneous char
acter df our people. But if we leave nature free to pursue berown course,
there can be no danger either of this qr of an unwholesome comperition between
the foreign and parive borp laborer. So long as a field is open large enough to
employ pro;fitably those at home, and those who will come from abroad, the sup
ply wiU foUow the demand. The whole mass of our productions wiU thus he
increased, and it is the interest of every ope -withip the bosom of our society,
that this should be as great as possible, for it is the common store from which
all must draw. When this labor becomes less profitable, the demand will faU
off, and with it the supply; so that the competition of the foreigner wiU cease
just at that point of time when its inconveniences become serious. I have
shown how this, which is one of the greatest operations of society, has been
heretofore conducted by the laws of trade, so as to secure us as many of its ben
efits, and as few of its inconveniences, as was, perhaps, possible, That some
evils and inconveniences will attend so large an operation, I do pot deny, but
they are evils, whioh, for tlie most part, may be bured by legislation, adapted to
the special cases, without making the vain effort to strike down the system. The
results of the old feeling we have seen ; what would be those of the new I can
not pretend to measure in extent, but something may be said of their nature.
The prescriptive means wbich are proposed, if the right of suffrage be left to
the foreigner, will certainly produce the evil which it is proposed to remedy.
The foreigner will vote not as an American citizen, upon tbe general merits of
political issues, but as a foreigner, to remove the ban under which he lies. But
if you disfranchise him entirely, then you alienate this immense power in the
bosom of your systerti of society. For it is ap immense force now, and will '
coptipue tb be so, notwithstanding political disabilities, whilst there is so great
a demapd for the means of subsistence: This is quite a new experiment in the
conduct of society, and has not been tried except in those cases where one por
tion has actually subjugated another. The patUralization laws of old States,

89
already filled -with people, and to whioh the emigration is next to pothing, can
afford po precedents to us. Here they still come in great numbers, and it is not
even proposed to exclude them. The sole question is as to their treatment after
they reach our shores. Shall we make therii friends or enemies ? It has been
our ancierit 'policy to cultivate their friendship. Why not continue to pursue it?
Haying thus traced the principles which this new party proposes to some of
their most obvious cons'equences, let me call your attention now to the nuraber
of important questions which they refuse to speak of at aJl. They have noth
ing to say upon the subjects of the 'Tariff, the Currency, the Internal Improve
ment system, upon tbe question's as to tho absolute or limited power of tha
General Government over the public lands, or as to the great canons of consti
tutional construction. Shall we be told that these questions are till obsolete ?
In the endless varieties of human commerce are'not case's constantly presenting
themselves with new relations, and requiring different applications of the laws
of trade ? Does nbt the course of our Federal legislation constantly-present us
with cases for the application of all the principles involved in the old issues ?
And yet the very issue's and principles which are involved in the daily business
of the Government are " ignored," as I believe they call it, by this new party.
Why, they " ignore" the subject of slavery itself Can the South afford to have
-such a subject as this ignored ?, Thus, it- would seem, that this new party have
not only said thin'gs that they ought not .to have said, but they have left unsaid
things which they ought to haye said.
But fellow-citizens, is it not wbrthy of a moment's thought, to see what are
to be the moral effects of these new practices upon the character of our people ?
Who would transform the old Virginian^ — such as we used .to kno# him— such,
as I trust, he still is — into what he must become, if he make this radical change
in bis habits -and feelings?— The old Virginia was frank, manly and generous,
and made so by his early training -and the character of his political institutions.
He had his faults, it is true, but they were, for the mpst part, the excesses of a
brave and manly spirit. Reckless he might bo — a little too ready to conceive
an insult, or too prone to follow the word .with a blow ; but he had no secret
malice rior mean reveng'e in his nature. His friendships and his emnities were
known, and be scorned to strike a foe without giving him notice beforehand.
If he had opinions, the world might know therii; and when, be acted as a citi
zen, he was re-ady to meet all the responsibilities of thkt action, either at the
bar of public opinion "or elsewhere. , 'Who would be willing, to transform such a
man into the secret agitator, muffling his face, and treading the dark' alley to
the back door of his riiidnight conventicle, there to determine upon measures
involving the welfare of his fellow-oitizenS, and yet giving them no notice of
thing's that were to affect them so deeply; or sitting, perhaps, in secret judg
ment upon sOmc unsuspecting neighbor, trying him and condemning him un
seen, or unheard, in_ matters touching his poUtical character and standing, and
involving, it may be, the little office which gives bread to his family ; and yet,
when that man meets him in the morning, and offers hina the hand of unsuspeo-
tino- friendship, he is unable to relieve his heart by say.ing to him, " You wrong
yourself and me by such undeserved friendship and confidence ; you are gras
ping the hand which will strike you a blow where you will feel it most keenly ? '
It would be some relief to a generous mind to be able to say this much; but,
spell-bound by some terrible vow or oath of secrecy, he must walk on in silence
and bear the gaUing load of unmerited confidence. The edict having gone forth,
he must obey it; he can express no opinion in opposition to it; he must whis
per no dissent ; he . must breathe ho murmur against it, He belongs not to
himself, but to his Order. '
And this is the Order for wbich the old parties, are exhorted to disband their
organization, and lay down their arms. I regret to say, that there are some
symptoms of a determination on the part af the Whigs to take seryice under

90
this new party. It has been said by some wit, " That nest to an old friend, we
love an old enemy." I will not pronounop upon that sentiment, but certain it
i^s, that I prefer the old to the new enemy. The old Whigs were a manly party;
their issues were open; they might be wrong, but they fought upon pripciples,
and principle's which professed to look to the welfare of the whole, and not of
ft part; they used no secret contrivances to circumvent their adversary, , but met
him in the open field. If they obtained power you knew what to expect fr6m
tbem. But what a change is here, my countrymen, where this new party ap-
pears to take their place in the political arena ? It is not, however, for me to
give judgment in this case, or to proffer advice to the Whig party, "wore nos
trum tantas companere Utes." But I do protest against -disbanding the Demo
cratic party for any such organization. 'We are tpld that the principles of this
party, and upon which the people have giveh a favorable verdict, are obsolete.
If so, it rriust be for the" reason that they are so firmly fixed in the affection of
the people, as ndt to be shaken hereafter ; but if they are thus fixed, il was tho
Democratic party that achieved the work. Is that just ground for disbanding
them ? Do we change pur physician because he has heretofore cured us, or our
preacher because he has convinced us, or our housejoiner because his work has
pleased us? But how can itbe said, that the great principles of o'ur publio
policy in regard to commerce and currency, or the great doctrines -of constitu
tional construetiori, can ever becoriie obsolete? Whilst our goyernmeiit lasts,
they must constantly recur, and be applied in its daily legislation. But why
disband the Democratic party ? For the greater part of a period of more than
fifty years, it has administered the affairs of the federal government in such ^
a manner as to enforce respect abroad, to secure to us at home such .peace and
harmony as have never been found to exist elsewhere, in connection with the
enjoyment of so much liberty, and to develop the -moral and material resources
pf the country to an extent heretofore unparalled in the history of the world.
It has shown itself, too, to have been the pnly party with a spirit broad and
comprehensive enough to steer the ship of State safely through the. storms of
sectional contests. When section was arrayed agaipst section upon the prJitec-
tiye policy, it was this party -which intervened to adjust matters satisfactorily
enough, for peace, at least, by the application of the great principles of free
trade. Under the still more .fearful agitations of the slavery, question, the
South has found chiefly within the ranks of this party, the Northern friends who
could dare to be just to her and true to the Constitution, without fear -of the
personal consequences which sUch a course was sure to involve. During th.e
last Congress, so far as the free Sta;tes are concerned, that party entitled itself
to the la.sting respect and gratitude pf the South, for removing the odious -ban
of the Mi,ssouri restriction. Throughout the representation of fhe whole ofthe
non-slaveholding States, no man was to be found, outside of the Democratic
party, who sustained the Nebraska bill. And now that they are in difficulties,
for so noble a discharge of their duties to the Constituriop, is this a time to dft-
sert or distrust them ?
Fellow citizerts, I have spoken of the issues which we are -to meet, and of
the trials whioh await us. In view of these, I would ask every man, who has
a Southern hgart in his bosom, if he would not, instead of the present state of
things, restore, if he -could, the Democratic party as it was in the last Congress,
to its former power in that body ? If this could be done, every friend pf peace
and the Union -would breathe freer and easier ; there would be nb fear of a
'successful attempt in any branch of the Government to abolish slavery in the
District of Columbia, or in the Territories, or the slave trade between the
States, or to repeal the fugitive slave law, or to restore thp Missouri restriction. .
If then such a change would be desirable, the next best thing, assuredly, would
be to unite the South, as a bpdy, to the conservative mep of the"' North, who
are doing battle forHhe Constitution, and dare to be just to our. rigbts. Let us,

91
in this way, keep together a party strong enough to defend the constitution and
the peace of the country, until the sober second thought of the' pepple comes
in to the rescue, if, indeed, we aro to be rescued at all. What other road is
there so probably safe as this,? And where are those conservative men to be
found, iu any strength, in the, free States, except in the Democratic party ?
But why, of all the States in the confederacy, should Virginia be exhorted to
desert the Democratic party, and at such, an hour as this ? Has she lost ftdth
in their principles ? Are they not, for the most part, her own principles ?
IiOring, of Massachusetts, in a late eloquent letter, has ascribed the origin, of
that party mainly to Virginia. It has been said, that all the great religions
of the world have issued from the tents of Shem; it may be said, I think,
with as much truth, that many of the great principles of thp Democratic party,
emanated from the log cabin of the Virginia pioneer. The foundations of
much of its publio polioy are to be found in our colonial history ; and in the
outset of that party, under the Federal Constitution, it was led by Virginians.
The very banner which is now waiving over ^''^- l^osts in the field, is, to a great
extent, the work of Virginia bands. How much of its web and its wood were
contributed by Jefferson and Madison — how many of its mottoes were inscribed
by Virginia intellect — how much of its embellishment is due to Virginia genius?
Why, then, -should Virginia, desert the. Democratic party, and at this time?
That party ,has met with a succession of- reverses in the free States ; the tide pf
the battle has now rolled to our foot, and the eyes -of the whole country are
fixed upon us. Are- we invited to leave our posts now, because of so many de
feats elsewhere ? !^s it the cry of " sauve qui peut" which runs along the line ?
Are we to desert our friends in extremity to seek for personal safety ? or, worse
still, to' wheel out of line and fire upon them, that we may make our separate
peace with the foe ? Perish the base thought. Why is it that our friends are
in difficulty ? Because they did justice to us in thc Nebraska bill, and refused
to wrong the South. Is tbis,j then, a time to desert ^apd abandon them to the
tender mercies of the cruel odds whioh are Against them ? In such an event,
well might the old Commonwealth hang her head -in shariie, and bow her neck
to, the yoke of the oppressor ; for how could she hope for the trust of frierids
or the respect of foes, after such conduct ?
Sirs, it seems- to me, that no true son' of Virginia, no matter what his politics,
ought to wish her to change now, to leave the field when sucb desertion would
attach so cruel an attaint to her shield. "If she is to change," we ought to-
say, " let it be at some other time ;" not now, when the eyes of the whole
country are so intently fixed upon her, and when the hopes of her. Democratic
brethren everywhere are concentrated' upon her, to redeem the fortunes of the
fight. Should we fail them now, they might well say, as Bruce said to his
friend at Rannockburn : " Ah, Randolph, there .is a rose! fallen from your chap
ter," because his enemy had passed when he kept ward.
Butj fellow citizens, may I not say in your name, and in that of the great
body of the Virginia' Democracy, the enemy shall not pass when w^keep ward;
we will roll back the tide of battle which has reached our feet, and redeem, as
more than once before, the fortunes of this fight. And why not both say and
do it? They are the principles of Virginia which are at issue; the principles
to which for uiore thap fifty years she has adhered through good and evil report,
and which she has ever regarded as (Constituting the bulwarks of her safety;
they are the principles, too, which arc associated with the recollection of so ma-
py struggles ip ^hich she bore a conspicuous part, as to .bo, identified with her
name and her glory.- The traditions of the past must speak, for them;' the
teachings of our fathers, the maxims of the homestead, will plead for them.
" Oh earth,, earth, earth !" said the Hebrew prophet, when, wearied out with
the perversity of his coi,intrymen, he turned tb;his native soil, and adjured that,
to see if he could not arouse within it, some' answering "Spirit.

92
If such an appeal was made in such a Cause to the soil of the Old Dominioh,
it seems to me that the "genius loci" would spring forth, and trum pet- tpngued,
sound the call, which, from the tppmo.st height of her mountains'to the lowest
depth .of her vallies, would summon her sons to the rescue.
Fellow citizens, it has been said, "Let Americans rule America." _ I say, let
American principles rule America, and tbe more that can be rallied to their
support the better. In tbe same sense, I say let Virgigians rule Virginia ; let
Virginia principles rule Virginia. Above all, let us not go to Massachusetts
just at this time, to borrow counsel or beg for guidance. Let us riot borrow
from her any of those "isms" which have made her so' fruitful a cause of
trouble to her neighbors and unhappiness to herself Let us not take from her
this last of her " isms," or carry her sealed letters and secret cipher. For aught
we know, they may prove to be the letters of Bellerophon, and we may become
the unconscious bearers of the warrant for our own destruction.
The rime has been when Virginia and Massachusetts exchanged presents of
Sentiment and opinion, but they were sentiments in favour of human freedom,
and not declarations against that greatest of all liberties, the liberty of con
science. For myself, I have closed the pages of JIassachusetts history, since-it
became evident that tbis new party had complete possession of her State gov
ernment. I have not followed to the conclusions any of their propositions; to
translate their old Latin motto into English, because the language is foreign;
or to introduce the songs of the Hutchinson family into legislative session, or
to exclude from their public schools the study. of all languages but the vernacu
lar. Nor have I enquired very curiously into the precise amount of Know
Nothing literature which existed, to fill the immense void which would be made
by excluding all that was not English. But, I beg pardon, there have been
some events in her recent history so startling as to enforce the most unwilling
attention. I have seen, with pain and mortification, that a commit|ee of her
Legislature, armed with -the majesty and power of the State, did, but the other
day, make a descent upon some unprotected Catholic ladies, who w«re conducting
a private school, and used, or rather abused, their authority to insult these defence
less females. I have watched, too, with the deepest interest, the case of Loring,
to see if the power of that great State is to be used to crush a man, merely be
cause he obeyed the obligations of his oath, of the constitution, aud of the law
which he was appointed to administer. If that deed be consummated, then I
say let her face he turned to the wall ; let us endeavor to forget it for awhile,
at least until these terrible delusions shall have passed away, which vex the
brain, aud disturb the brow.
Fellow citizens, if the long cherished principles of Virginia are to fall, let it
be at another time, and not now. Let us perish in some open field, in fair and
manly fight; but let us not die by the bowstring of tbe mute. If the good old
flag ship of Democracy is to go down, let it be with colors fiying, and to the
sound of martial music, and firing the last shot in the locker, in token that the
Old Guard may die, but capnot surrepder. Bub who talks of failure ? Theso
principles will live, and I trust endure for centuries yet to come; that old ship
will not go down, but " Its flag shall brave a thousand years,
T^he battle and the breeze."
Virginia is pow aroused to a true seuso of the importance pf the contest.
She understands what principles are in issue, and she wiU soon be in the field
with all her banners waiving, and ready to charge with all her chivalry. In'
the darkest hour of the revolution. Gen. Washington said, that when all else
failed, ho would, plant his flag in west Augusta:, and there defend it to the last.
If the Democratic party shorild ^e 'defeated, in all other places, let it come to ita

93
favorite stronghold ip the Old Dominion, apd plapt its banner there. And let
us defend apd protect it, until the people come up to its rescue, as come they
wdl, ,if we preserve the liberty to know, to argue, and to utter freely, acoord-
ipg to conscience, and thus afford tbem the opportunity to. understand their in
terests : Whilst that continues, I will neither bate in heart, nor hope, nor con
sider all is lost until that too is- taken from us.
But, fellow-citizens,. I tax your patience much too far. I have been carried
on by earnest wish to impress you as deeply with a sense of the iraportance of the
present crisis, as I feel it myself I have not had the power to do it, as I ought
to have known before-hand ; yet I struggled on under the hope that some
chance .arrow might reach its mark. I felt, too, it was my duty to warn you of
the danger, which, in my opinion, lies before you. I have shown 'you the issues
which we are to meet; the trials that are not to be avoided. If there be any
peaceful sdlution of these difficulties, I have pointed you to the only direction
in which I think it «an be found. In tbis case, I believe it to be not only the
path of safety, but that of honor also. You will see, therefore, why I have
pressed you so earnestly to -take it. I do not say that there is no pther peaceful
solution of our difficulties, but merely that I do not see it if it exists. Prpvi
dence sometimes opens up unexpected ave»ues of escape from peril. My own
knowledge, too, even of the past, is very limited : my foreknowledge still more
so. There are. chances which I do not pretend to estimate. I shall be glad to
avail myself of any whioh may turn up ; for, next to the safety and honor of
my country, I desire its peace. Yes, sirs, its .peace ; for sometimes the yf hole
story of national happiness'may be written in that one v.'ord. I must aver,
therefore,, that I regard these interests as too vast to be staked upon ehanco.
But let me say now, and once for all, that whatever may betide her, I stand by
my State. If troubles shpuld come, I will -take my full share, without pausing
to inquire what party, or who of her sons, brought them upon her. We are
the children of a common mother, and it is our first duty to defend her.
But if these responsibilities are to be riiot, and I admit my obligation to do
80, lot me at least have the satisfaction of feeling, that if Virginia goes into the
contest with no taint upon her brow, or reproach upon her fideUty to the sacred
obligations of friendship, may it never be said of her, that she brought her
trouble upon herself by deserting her friends iwben in peril and difficulty, and
may the cry of craven never pursue her as " the pilot that , blenched at the
helm, when the storm blew the loudest." If all else is lost, let us af least save
ber honor. To do this, nothing more is necessary than that she should be true
to herself; for that much we surely ought tp be able tb answer.

MR. WISE AT ALEXANDRIA.
Mr. Wise addressed the citizens of Alexandria in one of the ablest
speeches he made during the campaign. And fortunately, a talented corps
af reporters -were present, who took down the speech as it was .spoken. If
mistakes occurred in this report we have never heard of them, either from
Mr. Wise or his friends. And as' we take for granted that it was the only
true and correct report that was ever given of him duripg the capvass, we
shall give it ap ipsertiop ip tliis compilaflon. 'The speech was delivered on
the nio-ht of Saturday, the 3d of February, at Liberty HaU; before an im*-
mense concourse of citizens ahd strangers, a very large majority of the

94
members of. Congress, and many citizens of Washington, having been at
tracted by the fame of his oratory.
[Reported for the N. Y. Herald,]
Mr. Wise's Speech at Alexandria. — I appear before you to-night,
citizens of Alexandria, not upon' ray own account, biit as the standard bearer
of the Democratic party of this State, regularly norainated in accordance
with the time-honored usage of the party. I corae as endorsed and tvyfice
endorsed by the Democratic party, named as I was to be its elector in 1848,
and in 18.52 ; elector for the people, and now nominated for tbe governor
ship of the state of Virginia. If any Democrat in this asserably recollects
that, in times past, I did pot always regard regularly organized porainations,
arid chooses to vote agaipst me op that account, let him so dd, provided he
will stand where I have ever stood— t-upon principle, acting bona fide,
an earnest honest man ; let him then, I say, vote against me. When he
does it let him reraeraber that he then does the very act for wbich he is
condemning rae-^"vote against the regular norainee. If there be any Whig
in this asserably who will vote against. rae because I am not what he calls
consistent, and because I have chosen to use. party as a servant and not as
a master, I would not ask him for his vote. IBut I would ask him not to he
like rae, whom he chooses to deem inconsistent. (Applause.) I ask, him,
when he comes to the polls, to be true and clear in act and conscience ; not
carrying before hira the dark lantern of a secret association and gripping a
Democrat with one hand and a Whig with the other. If he is the jewel of
consistency, which he would have rae be, let hira be hiraself guiltless.
But, gentlemen, though I have corae before you a man norainated by a party, '
the standard bearer of a party, doing battle for its pripciples, still I come
pot here to-pight to address party. I appear before the people, without
distinction of party, to address rayself to a republican people charged with
the sacred and]| holy trust of self-governraent. I corae to address my
self to a .people whose only means of self-government is by elec
tion. I corae to address myself to the reason, and the conscience, and the
judgment, and the wiU of tbe people, whose reason, and conscience, and
judgraent, and wall, must be exercised in, the election, and let rae ask you—
every considerate, every couscieptious man", every man with a stake in
hand, either of capital or of labor — let me ask you what are the considera
tions which ought to 'govern a republican people charged with the trust as
signed to you of worthily bestowing on a raan the highest office in the gift
of the people ? Gentlemen, you have great, moraentous, deeply interesting
topics of domestic policy for your consideration. There is your puhlic
credit, your public works, your commerce, your agriculture, your mining
and raanufacturing, and the great subject of popular instruction. At this
moment causes are operating, pot only affecting your national credit, your
state credit, but touching the nerves, the tender nerves of your private
purses. All Europe is in arms, and the labor of Europe is abstracted frora
tbe worid of comraerce. The most powerful sovereigns of the earth are in
battle array. Each crowned head of Europe is caUipg for gold— ipcessantly
demanding gold, in quantities -which AustraUa and CaUfornia, and Siberia
cannot supply. And this demand for gold affects your national credit, your
state credit, and your private credit. I mean not to create any alarm ; I
mean not to Cause any excitement or distrust in your minds in relation to
the condition of your credit ; but I mean to say that, at po moipent of my
life have I seen the tirae when there was more necessity than there is at
present for prudence in government, and prudence in private affairs. But
there is a salvo, thapk God I We Uve op a continent long' enough and
broad epough to feed' the Worid. We have wheat, we'have corn, we have

95
pork and beef. One Uttle port, wbich has grown up' like Jonah's gourd
in a single night,, on the lakes, cap send raore wheat to market than any
four ports of Russia ; and that city wbich is called the Queep City of the
West, is haupfed by the ghosts of slaughtered swine. (Laughter.) One
single power of Europe now at war, has held up ip London the thermome
ter of exchange for all the world; still, we have the producing power of
provisions and raunitions of war. (Cheers.) While they are fighting, 'thank
God, we can be feeding. (Laughter.) This, this is tbe salvo. 'Where the al
mighty dollar is made so much of, human food has, by the adventitious aid
of causes^ now existing, advanced in value; wheat has doubled its price.
I make these remarks in order to bring your attention to the' subject of; the
public credit of tbe state of Virginia, whose bonds have already touched
eighty-five cents in tbe dollar. How long that war rafeiy last, what, accidents
may' happen from it, what collisiops- may be produced by it, no human
foresight can now see. But let us be prepared, and then come what may;
I pledge myself — if elected Governor of Virginia — that, though direst ne
cessity raay com'e, cpme -»'hat will, at all hazards, the public credit of the
state of Virginia shall be preserved. (Enthusiastic applause.) Private
honor is precious; bpt, as infinitely higher .than an individual is the state,
so infinitely higher than private honor is the honor of the state. Reproach
Virginia -who will, reproach her whoever is so inclined, rio man can say that
her honor has yet been stained. (Vociferous applause.) If I be elected
governor of Virginia, then, I tell you bluntly and briefly, if it be necessary
to tax you to defend her honor, I shall commend taxation, though it
make us groan. (Sensation.) Next to public credit, next to the honor
of the state, are her great public works, in the high march of .pros
perity. You have never yet bad — it is unfortunate you never have had —
a system of public works. Your works have been begun, without regard to
their rel-ative importance. You bave not completed one before you have begun
another and another. Your public works are -without termini. . Your canals
and your railroads are Uke ditches dug in tbe raiddle of a plantatiop, without
outlet at either eod. You appropriate for them to-day, neglect them to
morrow, and leave the appropriation 'of the day after to-morrow to repair
decay. It is time that sorae one or two, or as raany as you can, of the
public works 'of the state of Virginia should be completed, in order 'to ease
the ta.xation of the publia It is time they should be completed, ip order to
render some profit to the state. AU that the state of Virgipia has beep
¦waptipg has been to reach out her arms to tha great West — to tap the Ohio
rivpr — to join the Big Bend of the Ohio river with your rivers in the East.
You have reversed, in tiraes past, tho order Of true policy. You have said,
" Let us bave capital— -^let us have population, and then we will have a city."
But you never will baye capital — you'n-ever will bave populatiop, until you
have the internal, iraprovements to bpild up a city. 'You want coraraerce.
You have bays, quays, roadsteads, w;hich would float the navies ofthe
wdrld ; but you have no seat of comraerce — no centre of trade has yet
pointed its spires to the heavens on the soil of Virginia. That is because
you bave completed nonp of your public works. Whatever difference of
opinion, then, may have been as to the commencement of your works of
state improvement, now that they are begun — no-w- that millions have been
spent and wasted upon them — pow that you are obliged to be taxed in order
to complete them, the sooner you submit to the taxation to coraplete your
priraary works the better. And the most expeditious and certainly the most
profitable way pf completing your woi-fes of secondary importance is, to
complete tho^e qf primary importan-ce. If, then, elected goverhor of tho
state of Virginia, I shall use all the influepce which I can wield consistently
with the pubUc credit, and with'the condition of the people, to expedite the

¦ 96
coriipletiori of all th'e works of primary iraportance in the state. Next to your
public works and your coramerce, your agriculture is the most iraportant.
The four great cardinal sources of production — the four great powers of
production of national wealth are commerce, agriculture, manufacturing and
mining. We have 64,O0O square miles as rich in every eleinent of com-
.merce — ip every elemept of agriculture, of manufacturing and mining, as
any other 64,000 square miles on the face ofthe globe; and yet with all
four powers in her hand, Virginia has, thus far in her history, relied upon
one source alone. '
,[At this period of the oration the noise and confusion became sd great
from the press of people in the hall, that Mr. Wise, halted in his speech,
and invited persons iramediately in front of the speaker to take places on the
platform, so as to make room for the crowd behind — a movement which pro
cured your reporters seats in a more eligible location. Mr. Wise, resuming
said : — ]
I was saying when interrupted, that the state of Virginia has every ele
ment of commerce, of agriculture, of mining and of "manufacturing. On
Chesapeake bay, frora the mouth of the Rappahannock to the capes of the
Chesapeake, you have roadsteads and harbors sufficient to 'float the navies-,
of the -world. From the river of Swans, on whose margin we are, down to
the line of North Carolina", you have the Potoraac, the Rappahannock, the
Penankatank, frora^Mob jack bay to Jaraes river and the Elizabeth river-
all meeting in the most beautiful sheet of water of all the seas of tbe earth.
You have the bowels of your Western mountains rich in iron,' in copper, in
coal, in salt, in gypsum, and the very earth is rich in oil which raakes the
very rivers inflame. You have ¦J;he line of the Alleghany, that beautiful
blue ridge which stands placed there by the Alraighty, not to obstruct the
way of the people to raarket, but placed there in the very bounty of Provi
dence lo railk the clouds, to make the sweet springs which are the sources
of your rivers. (Great applause.) And at the head of every stream is the
waterfall murmuring the very music of your power. (Applause.) And yet
coraraerce has long ago spread her sails and sailed away from you; yoq
have not as yet dug raore than coal enough to warm yourselves at your own
hearths ; you have set no tilt hammer of Vulcan to strike blows worthy of
gpds in the iron foundries. You have not yet spun more than coarse cotton
enough, in thp -way of raanufacture, to clothe your own slaves.. You havb
had no comraerce, no mining, no manufactures. You, have relied 'alone, oa
the single power of agriculture : and such agricurture ! (Great laughter.)
Your ledge-patches outshine the sun. Your inattention to your only source
of wealth has scared the very bosora of raother earth. .(Laughter.) Instead
of having to feed cattle on a thousand hiUs, you have had to chase the stump
tailed steer through the ledge-patches to procure a tough beef-steak.
(Laughter.) And yet, while ypur trust has been in the hands of the old
negroes of the plantation ; whde the master knows as little as his slave
about fhe science, applied science of agriculture, while coraraerce and
manufactures, and mining, have been hardly knowp, and agriculture has
been pegleoted^^otwithstanding aU that,, and potuithstanding the effect of
tbis bas been that you have parted with as much population as yop have
retained ; potwithstaodipg aU this, I say, old Virgipia still has a milliop and
a half of populatiop left within her liraits. She still has her iron, her coal,
her gypsum, her salt, her copper. She stiU has her harbors and river.s,
and her water power, and every source of wealth which thinking raen,
active men, enterprisipg men, need apply to.
What boast Uke that can ,be raade for any other state on the earth?
V/hat, then, is our duty as Virginians,, as patriots, as men worthy of our
fathers— worthy to be the husbands of our. wives.? What is our duty?

97
Gome to the polls and vote against me and welcome. I am nothing. Record
your votes under the ipfluepce of 'any blind prejudice that you please.
Record your votes against, rae. You strike down but an humble man when
you strike me down, and though you strike down a man who is' too^ proud to
beg you to vote for him, yet he would kneel as a Uttle child and implore you
to come to the poUs, to do something to put forth your strength to raise up'
this blessed old coraraonwealth. (Great cheering.) Her head isinthe dust.
With all this plentitude of power, she has been dwarfedin the Union; but
by her gods I I say that she has the power, now, the energy, the resources^
may I say the men ? to be put upon the Une of progress, to the eminence of
prosperity, to pass New York yet faster in the Union than ever New York
has passed 'her. (Cheers.) 'You have been called the "Old Dominion."
Let us as Virginians, I implpre you, this night resolye that a new era shall
dawn,, and that henceforth she shall be called the New Dorainion.
(Cheering.) Give her commerce, apd she will have capital and population ; she will
have agriculture,' mining aud mapufacturiug; arid then she wdl want but one
thing ra'ore — the enlightehraent. of her people. (Cheers.) She wants her
popular instruction. I. do not mean td recommend to you, or to any people
within the limits of Virginia, any little day school, night school, comraon
school, a b c, single rule of three,, or Peter Parley yankee systera of ipsti'uc-
tion. (Laughter.) I want Mr. Jeffersop's policy, that he origipally recora-
mended-to the state, to be consummated — an enlarged system of science,
of literature, of learnipg, to be giveri to all classes of our people, to leaven
the whole lump. (Applause.) I care pot how blue a Federalist that man
may be who curses his red waistcoat, but Thomas Jefferson has three things
recorded upon his tomb — that he was the writer of the Declaration of the
Independence df our country, the founder of the.Upiversity of Vnginia, and
the author of the act of religious freedom. (Cbeew.) For these three good
works alone, every man — Democrat or FederaUst- -may kneel, pctrioticdly
kneel, at his grave. (Cheers.) The great aposils of Democracy ne-\^er
intended that the -University of Virginia should be like Michael Angelo's
dome in the heavens, without scaffolding or support — -never. He intended
that it should be a dome over roof and cornice, and v/alls of colleges and
academies, and of comraon schools ; that it should be a dene indeed, but the
dome of a grand structure for the whole people. He ir.tended that the Uni
versity should superintend the cpUeges, and that there should be a college for
every centre ; that the coUeges should superintend ihe academies, and that
there should be an academy for evpry centre ; that the academies should
superintend the coramon schools, and that there should be a comraon school
for every centre. He knew \vhat equality was. He knew what Democracy
was. He kn6w that the republican institutions of this land were based upon
nd other, no surer foundation than inteUigence and virtue. His Democracy
did not drag men down from their elevation into the mire ; but his Demo
cracy levelled upwards. He knew that if this man's son had all the means
of education, of coramon school, of academy, of college and of university,
and then might travel abroad for his learnipg, he could -not be the equal of
the son of the father who had to work for his daily food. He knew that if
it was inhuman for the parent to starve the body of a child, it was much,
more inhuman to starve'the miud of a child. (Cheers.) He kpew that if
you could afford to raise taxes for alms-houses aud pauper-houses, to feed
tbe bodies of the poor, it was much more the duty of the state mother to
furnish mental food to her children. Hijj Democracy was like the principle of
Christian charity-^like the greit virtue of Christian charity-^it elevated men
to the hio-hest platform of elevatiop^high as kipg's heads; made them sov-
ereigps ipdeed, to stapd equal foot, equal, head, uncontradicted,. except hythe

98
laws of God — with equal opportunities for aU. It reached down, to raise
men up to the coramon level of the highest. He knew that property — prp
perty which must be taxed for instruction — had np other muniment, no other
defence, po other safe reUapce for its protection, but intelligence among the
people. (Applause.) Is there a rich man, then, in tbis assembly that loves
a doUar better than the inteUigence of the people ? Is there any old baphe-
ior araong you, who has no child of his own, who is too mean to support
some poor man's daughter as his wife, or to be rich in 'having some rich
man's daughter to support hira .? (Laughter.) Is there a man in the state
who has already educated his sons, wbo is now unwUling to be taxed in order
that his poor neighbor's children raay be educated — educated not only in the
common school, but in tbe academy, the college, the university ? If there
be, let hira reraeraber that before be dies his title to his property may have
to be tried by a jury to say whether that property be his own or not,
and if God shaU let him live till he dies (laughter,) and he can keep what
property he has, let him remeraber that there is such a thing as what law
yers call devisabit vel non, that a jury may have to decide. whether or pot he
had sepse epough to raake his will whep he died. Ap ad valorera tax upon
property is the appropriate tax for the educatiop of the children of the peo
ple. Property owes its defence to the virtue and intelligence of the people,
and property ought, therefore, to be taxed for the ediication of the people.
(Cheers.) We want one school for this slate that will revive our agriculture!
'We want a school like the MechUn Institute of Prussia — an ipstitute of ap
plied septepce— -ap institute not to teach political economy and send young
gentlemep to the legislature before they bave hardly picked ip their tuition;
but ap ipstitute that wiU teach thera domestic ecomoray, the proper relation
betweep'floatipg apd fixed capital at home — bow rauch money a raan miist
have to buy — how rauch land, how r-iuch stock, and how many impHments
he must have ; an institute that Vfill teach the physiology of animals and
plants; an institute that will teach natural philosophy and the diseases of an
imals and plants. Then, gentlemei), the father who has spent his Ufe in
acquiring real e«tate, in spreading out his broad acres, in adding family to
family of slaves, may die with a son instructed how to manage the estate.
You wUl then have, or it will be your opportunity to have, the same privilege
that the Gerraap barop has, of sendipg your sop for his two, or three, ot
four, or five years' apprepficeship to an institute of that kind that wiU teach
him agricultural chemistry and every other science necessary to enable him
to manage an estate of lands and negroes. The present condition of things
has existed too long in Virginia. Tbe landlord has skinned the tenant, and
the tenant hae (kinned the land, iintil all have grown poor together. (Laugh
ter.) _ I have heard a story — I wiU not locate it here or there — about the
condition of tbe prosperity of our agriculture. I -was told by a gentleman in
Washington, not long ago, that be was travelling in a county not a hundred
miles from tbis place, and overtook one of our , citizens on horseback, with
perhaps a bag of hay for a saddle, -ndthout stirrups, and the leadirig line for
a bridle ; and he said, " Stranger, whose bouse is that ?" " It is mine," was
the reply. They came to another. "Whose house is that .?" "Mine, too,
stranger." To a third : " And whose house is that .?" " That's, m'me, too,
stranger; but don't suppose that I am so darned poor as to own aU the land
about here." (Laughter.) We may own land, we may own slaves, we may
OWP roadsteads and mines, we may have all tbe elements of wealth, but un
less we apply intelligence, unless we adopt a thorough system of instruction,
it is utteriy irapossible that we can develop as we ought to develop, and as
Virgipia is prepared now to do, apd to take the lioe of march towards the
tery emipence of prosperity. She is in tbe anomalous condition of an old
state that has all the capacities of a new one — of a new state that has

99
all the capacities of ap old ope. Unite with me, then, I implore you;
upite with each other ; let us as Virginiaps resolve that there shall be a
lopg puU, a.stropg pull, aud a pull altogether, without .distiuctiop of party,
without prejudice of party — that there shaU be a united brotherhood of
Virginians to rear the head of the old mother comraonwealth out of the dust.
(Cheers.) If I am elected governor of the state of Virgipia, it sball be my
devotiop, rriy earnest endeavor, in season and out of season to promote her
public credit, her intej-nal improvements, her coramerce, her agriculture, her
mining and manufacturing, and her popular instruction.
Well, now, gentlemen, is not that enough ! Are these topics not sufficient
for an election for chief magistrate for the state of yirginia ? Is there any
thing else ,worth considering ? With conscientious, with considerate men —
with men deterrained to ca!st aside minor things, mere prejudices, whether
personal or political — is there not enough in these six cardinal points to guide
your votes- and to govern this election ? What more do you want .? Why,
you are. in the habit of discussing federal poUtics; and permit rae to say to
you, very honestly and very openly, that next to brandy, next to card-play-
ipg, pext to horse-racipg, the thipg that has dpne Virginia more harm than
any other in tbe course of her past history, has been her insatiable appetite
for federal politics, (Cheers and laughter.) She has given all her great
men to the Union. Her Washipgtop, ber Jeffersop, her Madisop, her Mar
shaU, her 'gala.xy of great raep, she has givep t-o tbe Union. When and
where have her best sons beep at work, devotipg tbeir best epergies to her
service at home ? Richmopd, ipstead of attepding to Richmond's business,
has beep too much ip the habit of attending to the affairs of Washington
city,. when there are plenty tbere, God knows, to 'attend to thepi themselves.
(Laughter.) If you want my opinions upon federal politics, though, I shall
not skulk them. The most prortiinent subject is that of the foreign war. It
is said that this administration is a "do nothing adrainistration." To its
honor I can claim of every fair-minded, man of you — to its honor I can claim
that it is at least preserving our neutrality ip the foreigp war. (Loud apd
prolonged cheers.) I copcur with tbem in that poUcy, and here let me say,
that', so far as I am concerned', ray se'nriniepts are utterly opposed to any
fiUibusfering in any part of the world. (Cheers.) '
Then you have the question of the public lands. We are told, now-a-days,
that a;i the old issues are dead. It is not so. If there has been one thing
next to tbe Constitutiop of the United States more than another among our
institutions wbich has been grapd, and great, and'good, it has been the ope
ration of the great land ordinance of 17^7. It came, like raost of the insti
tutions of North America, by inspiration from Heaven. There is no proto
type of the land systera of the United States in ancient or modern times.
There is nothing like it in the feudal system. There is nothing like it in any
of the examples of moderp Europe. -Its very beauty is its simplicity. An
. eminent domain ; a virgin dod,. richer than any that God's sup ever shope
upop, or heavep's dews ever watered ; the simple system of sectioning the
public lands by north and south, east and west lines, raaking thera the homes
of the brave and of the free, clear of all litigation — seUing thera at the lowest
price, at a miniraura thaf is within the reach of the poorest raan, and gradu-
atino-'tbe price before exposed to sale at the minimum by an infinitesimal
graduation  those who have been denouncing the graduation of the public
lands ouo-ht to reraeraber that there never has been a tirpe when the price of
the publico lands was pot graduated; tb^t they have ever beeuexposed first
to public sale before they" have beep exposed for sale for the, mipiraum price
of a doUar aud a quarter. You had au emipeht domain, which was a sacred
trust for the common use and benefit of all the states of the Union. You
had that erainept domain under your own care, tp which the poorest man.

100
the forlorpest map of the east, raight go for a home ip the west. You had
room there for the froptierraan, for the actual settler, armed with the simple
implement of the logwOoJ axe to -hew out unto himself a home for settle-
- ment, to strike the Ught of the log cabin, and to invite the oppressed of
every land to our land for ap asylurii,, with a soil rich enough to grow a vine
luxuriant enough to shade him and his dwellipg all over, where there were
none to make hira afraid. (Cheers.) If you ask me for ray opinion 'in rela
tion to the public lands, I will tell you that first and foremost, next, at least
to preserving the sacred trust as a source of revenue to ease taxation by
customs, I'would protect, by aU tbe protective poUcy in my power, the actual
settlers upop our public lauds. (Cries of "good, good.")
I have beep ip the west ; I have seep tbe frontiersman ; I bave brokep his
bread ; I have drank of bis cup ; I know his enterprise ; I know his man
hood ; I know bis privations ; I know his courage; I know his endurance;
and I know that he is the best of the right arm of the power of his
country. (Cheers.) I know that wifh his logwood axe alone, he has laid
the empires of rio less thap sevepfeep sovereigoties ip our confede
racy. I would protect him, while at the same time I wpuld conserve
the eminent domain of this country, as a source of reven-ue to be held as
legislation of Congress. I -would prevent the public lands from being
sacred as the revenue by customs. I would protect it from the partial
the prey and tbe plunder of politicians. I would protect tbem from land-
jobbers and politicians. I would prevent tbem from becoming a source of
corruption to Congress, thereby destroying our state rights and our state
sovereignty. (Loud cheers.) I would protect thera from the electioneering of
parties ; and any bill that has these ends in vijw has rny concurrence. "The
President of the United States teUs us that 23,000,000 of acres of the pub*
lie lands have been disposed of during tbe past year, ahd that only 7,000,000
have, beep sold. Thus, without law, while 7,000,000 have beep sold, 16,-
000,000' have beep given away ; apd the price ofthe pubUc laods, without
changing the rainimum, has been reduced and graduated with a vepgean£e.
As to the subject of internal improvements that, too, is alive apd kicking.
That part of " the Americap systera " is pot a dead issue. Congress has been
passing harbor and river bills. , It is a part of tbe system of the light-houses
of the skies of 1838. It is a part of " the American system," and I thank
God that not only has there been a Hickory and a Tyler, but that now there
is found a Pierce to thunder his veto against «uch measures. (Great cheer-
You are told that the tariff is a dead issue. That, too, is alive. Such are
the energies and resources of this country, that we have paid the debt of
the war of the Revolution, we have paid the debt of the second war of In
dependence, and we have paid the debt of the war with Mexico; and now
there is a proposition for a reduction of the revenue. A question arises,
shall that reduction be made upon the protected or the unprotected class of ar
ticles.? Op that subject, I stand where I have ever stood — a free .trade man.
(Loud cheers.)
But, gentlemep, I am hunyipg over all these topics to get at ope whieh is
the subject of the day — the fatal subject of discussion. I mean the inter
state relations of this Union on the subject of, slavery. I have had a very
severe training in coUision with the acutest, the astutest/the archest, enemy
of Southern slavery that ever existed. I raeap the " Old Man Eloquent,"
Jphn Quincy Adams. I must have been a duU boy indeed if I bad not'
learned my lessons t'horoughly on that subject. Apd let me tell you that,
again and again, I had reason to know apd to feel the wisdom and the saga
city of that departed mto. Again ^nd again, in tbe lobby, on thp floor, he
told me, told me vauntingly, that the ji'ulpit would preach, and the school would

101
teach, and the press would -print, among the. people who had no tie and no
association with slavery, until, would not only be reached tbe slave trade
betweep the states,, the' slave trade ip the District of Columbia, slavery iu the
District, slavery, ip the territories, but slavery in the states. Again and
again, he said that he would not abolish slavery in the District of Columbia
if he, could ; for he w«ould retain it as a bone of contention, a fulcrum of tbe
leves for agitation, agitation, agitation, until slavery in the states was shaken
from its base. And his prophesies have been fulfiUed^fulfilled far faster,
ahd more fearfully, certainly, than ever he anticipated before he died.
When I left the House of Representatives at that capitol, ten years ago,,had
I said to Mr. Adaras, "Sir, -to me it seems that the Congress of the United
States can carve out a piece of slavery territory and make it free soil," he
would have said, "No, sir; Congress wiU not dare to- atterapt such a thing;
it would be a casus belli if they did." And yet, have you not seen that
- Congress has carved out, in round numbers, 44,000 square miles frora the
slave state of Texas? Have you not seen a brigadier general (Riley) of the
United States array, with his .epaulettes on his shoulders, cocked hat upon
his head, and sword at his side, in full panoply of uniform, acting as a briga
dier general of the standing army of the /United States, go into the territory
of Califorpia, and there, with the right arm and the left arhi of executive
power--^the army and navy— -at -his comraand ; have you ndt seen bim, I
say, under the pretext that the array apd navy could not protect persons and
property, proclaim from the camp a territorial Legislature, a territorial
judiciary, from tribunates superiores down to the alcade! Have you not seen
him constitute himself chief executive — territorial executive ? How dared
a brigadier general of the United States standing array thus to assume the
power of usurping territorial goverpment? Had he been court raartialed he
would have produced his order from a Delaware' secretary of state (Mr.
Clayton) and he would have replied that the salus populi — the safety of the
people^ — required this territorial usurpation by a brigadier general of the
United States array. WeU, if it did require the Civil power — as well as the
Etrmy and navy — why, the plea of necessity was met. -There was the
Legislature, there was tbe judiciary, there was the civil executive, as well
as the brigadier general, who had at his comraand the navy and the array
that was there. How dared be then, to go further, after the plea of neces
sity was sufficiently raet, and after the. safety of the people was secured?
How dired he, go forth and proclaim the tirae, place and raanper of boldipg
elections? Elections for wbat? Elections fpr a Convention. Convention,
for what? To forra a constitution. A constitution, for what? To create a'
state — a sovereignty. Yes, by proclamation from the carap of the brigadier
general of the standing array of the United States, elective franchise was
created. He gave it to Chilean, to Chinese, to Patagonian, to Peru-^iap, and —
last, though not least — to a Georgia representative in Copgress (Thoraas But
ler Kiug.) Apd after creating^ suffrage to create a convention— the highest
act of the people — convention to create a constitution, constitution to create
a state, a sovereign state — the highest act of creation that can be performed
by human power — an act next only'to those of Deity — no higher act can the
pedple themselves exert — be inducted California a free soil state into the
Union. Thus free soilisra has been proclairaed-from tbe carap of the stand-
ino- army. And what has been the, result? " Acquiesce " was the word ;
" acquiesce." They have traded on the pious attachment of the people of
the United States to that palladium of liberty, the Union of the states.
They have traded upon the feeUrig of alarm for the Union which was never
in danger — never, never. They made "acqtiiesce" the paSs-word for the
people. Apd yy,hat did we get ip returp? We got a free soil law. (Derisive
cheers.) We got the grapt of the Constitution itself'-'-the glorious privilege

102
of catching runaway niggers.. For that, for that we haVe submitted to 44,000
square miles of slave state territory beiug takep apd fconverted into free soil
territoi-y. For that we have acquiesced ip the proclamatiop of, free soil
California from the carap of the standing arriiy of the United States, without
authority of Congress. Aye, but they teU me it was aU sanctioned by the
people. The people! The word people has two significations. It is either
a mere aggregate of human beings, or it is an organized aggregate of human
beings. Nothing short of an organized aggregate of human beings in Cali
fornia could ever have sanctioned this usurpation ; there was no organized
aggregate of human beings, either to permit the usurpation or to sanction the
usurpation. But we got the fugitive slave act. But how execute it? Can we
execute it? A master from the state of Maryland, directly after the act was
passed, went to Pennsylvania to recover his property; he was murdered;
and judge and jury could not be found to execute tbe law, to render a verdict
or pass judgment iipon the crime of murder -itself, in that case. A'tlast a
Virginia master, from this town, I believe, went to Boston to have the law
executed, and to execute it the marshal had to call on the President of the
United States — and thank God,, there was a Deraocratic New Hampshire-
President of the United States, who was ready to obey tbe caU. (Cheers.)
The army and navy were ordered to protect the marshal ip the performance
of his duty. He did perform his duty, at ap expepse of $13,000 to the city
of Bostop, apd of more thap $100,000 to the goverpment apd to individuals;
and tbe captive was brought back by reclamatiop to Virginia. And what
has been the consequence ? Now we come to the dragon's teeth. Mr.
Adams' prediction has been fulfilled. The preachers have begun. The
three thousand preachers of Christian politics opened their battery from thC
press. I have here a specimen of ope of their sermons, which I beg leave
to read to you. 1 hold in ray band a discourse called "The Reudition of
Antony Burps, its causes aud copsequepces ; a discourse op Christiap poUtics,
delivered in WilUams' Hall, Bostori, Whitsupday, Jupe 4, 1854." — Iheg
you, gentleraen, to reraeraber that date — 4th of June, 1854 — because some
prophecies are made in that sermon which are wonderful prophecies, if this
preacher did not kno.w something — (laughter) — "by James Freeman Clarke,
minister of the church of the Disciples," pubUshed by request — second
edition of two thousand — printed at Boston. It commences with introductory
services. There is^first the reading the psalms — (laughter) — second, a
hymn; third, selectbns frora the prophets : fourth, prayer ; fifth, reading of
Scripture — selections from the lamentations of Jeremiah — (great laughter) —
sixth, a hymn: — "Men, whose boast it is that 5-e
Corae from fathers brave and tree —
If there breathes on earth a slave,
Are ye truly free and brave ?
They are slaves who dare not speak
For the fallen and the weak.
They are slaves who will not choose,
Hatred, scoffing and abuse,
Eather than in silence shrink
From the truth they needs must think —
They are slaves who dare not be
In the right with two or tliree." (Great laughter.)
These are cabiUstic terms, gentiemen, — " Two or three." Then comes
seventhly, the sermon : — -
" Is this the -city, which men call the perfection of beauty, the joy of the

103
whole earth ? Fier gates are supIc ipfo the grouud. He hath, destroyed aud
broke her bars. Her kipgs apd pripces are amopg GeptUes. The law
is no more. Her prophets also find no vision from the Lofd."
That is the text. 'The preacher says :
" I have invited you here this morning to meditate on the facts of the
w^ek — the phenpmenon which, has occurred in' the streets of Boston.' The
slave power which has triumphed in Congress over tbe rights of the north,
which has violated sacred compacts, and broken contracts, bas ¦* * * come north
to Boston, taken possession ofthe court-house, so as to governour whole
poUce force, oilr whole miUtary force, and suspend and interrupt the busipess
of our citizeps, until its demands can be satisfied. * -» * The slave
power drove the Indians out of Georgia, brings on a Florida war, and, at last
grown bolder,, proposes to annex Texas as a slave state, land after a struggle
Carries the main feature of that transactiop. It was dope avowedly to pre
vept tbe aboUtiop of slavery apd to strengthen the slave power* Not only
was this purpose declared in Congress by Mr. .Henry A; Wise and others,
but also by Mr. Calhotin, Secretary of State, in diplomatic correspopdepce
with Mr. Pakephara, the British Mipister. * *?¦ *' A blipd adherepce to
party is apother cause of dur present positipn. , The mere naraes of Whig,
Democrat, or Free Soiler are now worth pothing."-
Do you not bear some talk like that now ?
" We must have men to vote for — upright, downright and outspoken, la
tha^ is your last hope — youi: only security." .
Again— "The sibyl, each time we reject her offer, deraands a higher price. What
she would have done in 1850 she wUl not do now. What she will do pow
she wiU pot do five years hepce. * ,* The couptry is at last awakipg.
The great west is awakipg. Ohio is wheeUpg into Une, and will be perhaps
'the leader ip the comipg struggle."
Wbat coming struggle? How did . tbis preacher know that Ohio was
wheeling into line as early as the 4tb pf June, 1854 ?
Again — ' ^ ¦
" Northern enthusiasm, whep fully aroused, has always been raore than a
match for southern organizlatiop^ — northern conscience."
Oh ! gods ! (Great laughter.) Northern conscience ! Take a shark skip,
apd let it dry, to shagreen — skin the .rhinoceras — go then and get the silver
steel and gripd it, and when you have ground it, thep take the hone and
whet it till it would spUt a hair, and with it "prick the shagreen or the
shark skin, and then go and try it on nortberli. consciences. (Cheers and
laughter.) "Northern conscience, slow but stubborn, more than a match for southern
impetuosity ! So may it be stiU. If right is very apt to be overthrown at
first, it ,is sure of victory in tbe epd —
Careless seems the, great avenger,
" -History's pages but record.
One death struggle in the darkness,
'Twixt old systems 'and the "word;"
Truth forever" or the scaffold.
Wrong forever or the throne,
Yet that scaffold sways >¦ future,
And behind the dim unknown
Standeth God withfij the shadow.
Keeping watch above his own."
Apd this is the first time that this preacher of Christiap politics has paraed
God ip the whole serinop : —
" May to-day, he copfinues, be a Pentecost to the cause of humanity; to
day may the servants of Christ be every, where speaking with one tongue.

10'4
as the Spirit gives them utterapce. May all our devotiops apd- aspirations, '
be—" Tbis is fusiop.
"That aU true lovers of liberty— whether they caU themselves Whig,
Democrat, Free Soiler or Abolitiopist — be upited in one calm and honest
purpose, that once agaip all may be of ope speech apd ope topgue. We
iriust be united ; we must sacrifice everything to unite in' one great northern
party aU the friends of freedom and humanity. Let us forget the past, and
gladly receive help from all. .Let us reproach pone, because those who come
in at the eleventh hour-^whoever repent and do deeds meet to repeptance,
even if he has been a servant of kidnappers, a United States Commissioner
or Marshal, the editor of a sham Deraocratic paper, or worse than aU, a lower
law Doctor of Divinity. Whoever will repept let,him be welcome. Letus
be calm."
Apd " calm," there, meaps pot oply composed but sileut and secret.
" Let us put the calmest, coolest man ip fropt to lead us; let the most
cautious advise and tell us -what to do ; let those of us who for years have ;
beeri speaking, now listen for words from those whose turn has corae to speak.
The anti-slavery platform welcomes its new orators from State street and
Long wharf. Let us not by any rashness lose the opportunity of uniting all
men. As regards tbe southern threat of dissolving the Union, that has now
lost its terror. If we had disregarded it ten years ago we should not have been
in such danger of dissolution of the Union as we are to-day. The majority
of the north to-day have no objection to '. dissolution of the Union. In this
community, where ope raan was oppesea to the Union a week ago, a hundred
men are opposed to it to-day. The danger of dissolution of the Union now
is from the north, not frora tbe south, if some effective measures are not
taken to prevent the rendition of another fugitive from the northern states.
We can all determine to support no man hereafter for any public office in
the federal or state "governments who is not openly pledged to five things;
first, the abolition of the obnoxious clause of the Nebraska bill ; second, the
right of trial by jury for fugitives ; third, the exclusion of slavery from the
territory ; fourth, the ad-mission of no more slave states ; fifth, the abolition
of the Union, if these things cannot be obtained."
That is what they call " Christian politics" in Boston. ' (Laughter.)
What is the result of such preaching, such teaching, such prinUng?
What has been the result of the pulpit, the school-houses and the press at
the north upon this subject ? Gentleraen, but a short time back. New Eng
land — Massachusetts especially — had but one ism within ber limits, and
that was Puritanism, the religion of the good old Covenanters and Congre
gationalists — Puritanism, full of vitality, full of spirituality — Puritanism
that made even the barren rock jof Plymouth to fructify, that made
the New Englanders a strong people, that made them a rich people, that
made them a learned people. But since they have waxed fat, since they
have begun to build churches by lottery, begun to moralize mankind by
legislatipp, begun to play petty providences for the people, begun to be
Protestant Popes over the consciences of mep, begup to preach " Chri.--tian
politics," such as you have heard, Puritanism has disappeared, and we have
in place of it Unitarianism, Universalism, Fourierism, Millerism, Mormonism
— all the odds and ends of isms — until at last you have a grand fusion of
all those odds and ends of isras in the omnium gatherum of isms, called
Know-Nothingism. (Cheers, laughter, and hisses.) What is it ? Now I
wish not to offend any man in this assembly, because I would fain beUeye
of our Virginians who are uniting themselves wit-h tbis association, that
their motives and their acts are as innocent as mine. I would fain believe
that no map ip the state of Virgipia meaps more thap simply some political

105
end by tini'ting him,self with this association, and to such men — conscien
tious, thinking men, who mean rio raore than to pick up a stick with which
, to, bruise the head of deraocracy — I will only say, beware ! ray friends ;
you may be picking up a serpent that will sting you as deadly as it will
democracy. (Cheers and stamping of .feet.) I assaU no motives here.
You may be, according to that passage of Scripture which -we sometiraes
read — that 11th verse of the '1.5th chapter of 2d Sarauel, which tells us that
• two hundred men. went out frora Jerusalera with Absalora, when be; left his
father ; that. they " went out in their simplicity, and that they knew not any-'
thing." .(Laughter.) And Bishop Hall raost emphaticaUy comments upon
that, by-saying that the twq hundred went out in their simplicity, not know
ing anything, and they were, -merely loyal rebels; but Absalom, knew what
he was about; he knew something; he knew that when the trurapet blew
behind, it should be understood by the people that Absalom reigneth in
Hebron; and I tell you' that there is an Absalora at work with Khow-
Nothingism. (Great cheering and sorae hisses.)
" What is it ? Where did it corae from ? What can it be ? Did it fall
frorii the sky ? Did it rise frorn the sea ?
I tell you that there is no wonder about it. I tell you that I know it from
A to Z. I'know where it came frora.. I know where it "was engendered.
I know what it has done, and I -can exchange with you, my friend, every
sign, every grip, every pass. (Laughter.) I know its white triangles and
its red triangles, its red, arrowtops and its white arrowtops. I kpow your
odd pumerals aud yonr evten numerals. I know your odds from A to M ip-
clusive, apd I kpow your eveps fro.ra N to Z inclusive. (Laughter.) Now,
where did it corae frora ? It is no pew thipg. Itis no strange thing. Al
thoughit is a wondpr here, it has beep operating for years and years in
Old England. You that will go to a bookstore and Buy Dickins' povel of
" Hard Tiraes" will see a portraiture of the tbi^g, and how it has operated
in a country with an aristocracy and a queen, with'-' lord proprietors of facto
ries and of lands,, which they rent to middle men who grind down the opera
tives. There, in England, the secret associatiop of the operatives against
grinding capital, I grant you, has done much godd. There, there is some
necessity for it;, there, where men's poses are held to the gripdstopp
by oppressipp ; tbere, where all tbe luxuries are free, and all the necessa
ries of life are taxed ; there, where the operative is . made to bear all the
burdehs of society ; there, wbpre there'is a crowned head and an aristocracy
— there, dark-lanterp, secret associatiop, test oaths have -brought' forth some
reforras. Well, seeipg its effect ip that country-^Exeter Hall — the. aboli
tionists of England sent it ^over to the preachers of " Christian politics" in
Bd.s-top and New York, to apply its raachinery to, the north and the non-
.slaveholding states. (Cheers and hisses.) ' They brought it over. They
have tried it, and they had it organized as. early as June ,4th, 1,864. They
knew its potency. 'Phey knew its effect. Therefore it was that Mr. Free-»
man Clarke could tell you that he knew that Ohio was wheeUng into line.
This- thing was allplanned^ — all organized — and it did sweep Massachusetts,,
and New York, and Penn syl vania, and New Jersey, apd Delaware, apd Ohio,
apd Indiana, and lUinois, tod Michigan, arid loWa. It has swept them with
the besom of destruction. (Cheers .and laughter.) ,,
Go POW to Massachusetts, aud you find amOng her hundreds of legislators
but one friepd of the Copstitutiop left. Sixtyytwo of these preachers of
" Christiap politics" have beep returped td sit in the seats opce filled by such
mep as Johp Hancock. There, in the peighborhood of Fapeuil HaU, ip the
land.of steady habits — in the land of the Puritans-^Theodbre Parker, but the
other day, received 122 votes to be a chaplain. A raan anti-Christ, so much
devil incarnate that he can hide neither tail nor hoofs, receives in a Massa-

106
chusetts legislature 122 votes to be a chaplain. Massachusetts! Massa
chusetts! the eldpr sister of Virginia, who. in the night of the revoluUon
gave her pass-word for pass-word, sigp for sigp, cheer for cheer, in the midst
of our gloom ! Massachusetts has thrown aside her Puritanism, her Chris
tian religiop, her constitution, and has given herself up to Know-Nothingism
and anti-slavery. (Tremendous cheering.) Let us see the working'-of
Know-Nothingism in Massachusetts. I hold in my hand the official address
of his exceUency Henry J. Gardner to the two branches of, the legislature of
Massachusetts. You see here upon OPe page of it, "pot through a glass
darkly," but plaiuly, ap iptiraatiop of amalgaraatiop itself. " It is a great pro^
blera," he says, "ip statesraapship wisely to copfrol the mingling of races
into one nationality." Can you give that the grip ? (Roars of laughter.)
Another speciraen of Know-Nothingism is a recoraraendation in this messagg
that the right of suffrage sball be liraited to those who can read and write.
Do the Know-Nothings of Virginia give that grip too? The only, illustrious
painting that this country has given to the fine arts has been the picture of
the' Saviour of mankind healing the sick. This message recommendsthat
tbe sick foreigner shaU be turabled out of the hospital bed into the Calcutta
hole of the emigrant ship, and sent back again to LiyerpooH This, then, is
a sample of the charitableness arid reUgion of Know-Nothingism. But, gen
tleraen, here is tbe governor's doctrine in relation to the JVebraska bill.
Mr. Wise then read a passage frora the message in relation to the repeal of
the coraproraise, which the governor characterises as "a violation of the
plighted faith of the nation," and declares that "the ultiraate effect will be
to deterraine us raanfuUy to deraand the restoratiop of this broken compact,
apd to jealously guard each and every right that belongs to Massachusetts."
That is ip exact correspondence with the preaching of Mr. Freeraan Clarke.
But the governor goe's on :
" While we acknowledge our fealty to the Copstitutiop apd laws, the oft-
repeated cry of disupion heralds po real danger to our ears."
Of those lights which Massachusetts is jealously to regard, it seems the
two cardipal opes are the habeas corpus to take the fugitive slave out of the
hands of the United States commissioner; and trial by jury, to have the
title of the Virgipia raaster subjected to the verdict of twelve abolitionists!
"It is submitted," says the goverpor, " whether additiopal legislationis
required to secure either of these to our fellow-citizeps."
Gentlemen, that is not aU. This Know-Nothing legislature has just elected
one of the most notorious, one of the most inveterate of their abolition lead
ers, to the senate of the United States, and I beg to read to you a passage
from a Boston paper which came td my band this evening. It is the Boston
Daily Chronicle, and I presume no one will say that it misrepresents the
position of the Know-Nothings in tbe state of Massachusetts:
Mr. Wise then read a long report of a lecture on the "evUs of and the
remedy for sla-ery," delivered at the Tremont Teraple, Boston, by Mr. An-
eon Buriingahie, one of the Know-Nothings elected to Congress, in which he
tdok ground in favor bf the repeal of the Nebraska bill, the repeal of the
fugitive slave law, the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, and
the prohibition of slavery in the territories of the United States.
Speaking of the Nebraska biU, this lecturer said :
"One of its fruits was the election of a senator at the state house yester-
terday, (great applause and calls for Wilson, who was on the platform,') one
who would take the place of one who was false to freedom and not true to
the slave, (thus denouncing Edward Everett.) He himself, on going to
Washington, should sO endeavor to conduct himself as to truly represent hiji
native place." ' - j c
The report eontinues : —

107
''After Mr. BurUngam© had' concluded, Mr. Wilson was called for hiost
hearrily, and came forward. He- stated that everything Mr. BurUngame had
uttered he -would endorse. He intended, in accepting his post, to yield
nothing of his anti-slavery sentiment to anybody or fpr anything. He would
comprehend in his action the whole country, of every color; but, in saying
the whole country, ie included Massachusetts and the north." Governor
Gardner was caUed for, and amid loud cheers rose, ,but modestly declined to
speak. . '
There is a Know-Nothing member elect frorin, Massachusetts to tbe Con
gress of the United States. There isa United States senator elect of -the
Know-Nothings, who'corifesses the accusation which I make, 'that the new
party of Know-Nothings was formed especially for the sake of abolitionism. .
(Cheers and hisses.) ' And there is a Know-Nothing governor*— one of the
nine who are all ready to take the same ground. (Stamping of feet and
sorae hissing.) Then, gentleraen, I have here an act of' the Know-Nothing
legislature of Pennsylvania, which proposes to give citizenship to the fugitive
slaves of the south. I have here, aJso, an article which is too long for rne to
read, exhausted as I ara, from the Worcester Evening Journal, an organ of
governor Gardner and sepator 'VVilson, which says to yotj boldly that the
Araerican Organ at Washington is a pro-slavery organ, that it is not a true
Know-Nothing organ, arid that tbey speak for the north when they claim
that they have already one hundred and sixty votes of the non-slaveholding
states organized, eleven more^ than sufficient to elect, a president of the Uni
ted States withdut a single electoral vote from the slaveholding states.
Now, gentlemep, havipg swept the portherp apd the northwestern non-
slaveholding states of the Union, the next onset is on the soil of Virginia.
This Worcester Journal boasts that Maryland and Virginia are already almost
northern states ; and pray, how do they propose to operate on the south ?
.Having swept the north — Massachusetts, New York," Pennsylvania, and all
those other states — the question was ; How can this isra be wedged in the
south ; and the devil was at the elbow of these preachers of " Christian pol
itics," to tell them precisely bow. (Cat-caUs,^derisiye cheers, and other
manifestations of the Know-Nothing element of the raeeting.) There were
three elements in the sonth, and ip Virgipia particularly, to which they
might apply themselves. There is the religious eleraept — the Protestapt
bigotry and fanaticisra- — for Protestants, gentlemen, have their religious zeal
without knowledge, aswell as the Catholics. (A voice, "True enough, sir.")
It is an appeal td the 103,000 Presbyterians, to tbe 300,000 Baptists, to the
300,000 Methodists of Virginia. Well, how were they to reach them ?
Why, just by raising a bell of a fuss about the Pope. (Laughter.) The
Pope ! The Pope,' " now so poor that none can do him reverence," so poor
that Louis Napoleon, who requires every soldier in his kingdorii to be at Se
bastopol, has to leave a guard of muskets at Rorae j Once on a time, crowned
heads could bow down- and kiss his big toe; but now, who cares for a Pope in
Italy ? Geritlemen, the Pope is here. Priestcraft at home is what you have to
dread more than all the Popes in tbe world. ,1 beUeve, iptellectually, and iu my
heart as well as ip my head, ip evangehcal Christianity; I beUeve that there
is no other certaio fouudation for this republic but the pure and undefiled
religion'of Jesus Christ of Nazareth. And the map of God who believes ia
the Father, ip the divipity of the ^Son, and the .Holy Ghost — the preacher in
the pillpit, at the baptismal forit, by the sick bed, at the grave, pointipg
The way to heaven- and leading there,
I hopor. No map hopors hini more thap I do- But the , priest who deserts
the spiritual kipgdbm for the carnal kingdoni, he is " of the earth, earthly,"

108
•Vvhoever hebe — Episcopalian, Baptist or Methodist — who leaves the pulpit
to join a dark-lantern, Secret political" society, in order that he may become
a Prptestant Pope by seizing on political power — he is a hypocrite, whoever
he be. (Some applause, and cries of "good.") Jesus Christ of Nazareth
settled the question hirn.self. * I have his authority on this questiop. When
the Jews expected hira to put oo a pripce's crdwo and seal hiniself on the
actual throne of David, he asked for a penny to be shown hira. A penny
was brought to him, a metal coin, assayed, clipped, stamped, with the image
of the state, representative of the civil power, stamped with Cjesar's image,
"Whose image and superscription is this?" "If is Cesar's." "Then,
render unto Csesar the things that be Caasar's, and unto God the things that
^be God's." (Applause.) " My kingdora is not of tbis worid. My kingddm
'is a spiritual kingdora." Cesar's kingdom is" political, is a carnal Jiingdom,
And I teU you that if I stood alone in the state of Virginia, and if priest
craft — if the priests of ray own mother church dared to lay their hands on
the political power of our people, or to use their churches to wield pohtical
influence, I would stand, in feeble imitation of, it may be, but I would stand,
even if I stood alone, as Patrick Henry stood in- the re-v&lution, betv^eeu
the parsons and the people. (Applause and a cfy of "I'm with yon.")
I wantno Pope, 'either CathoUc or Protestant. . I will pay Peter's pence to
no pontiff— Episcopalian, Presbyterian, Baptist, Methodist, or any other.
(Applause and cries of " good.") They not only appeal to tbe religious ele
ment, but they raise a cry about tbe Pope. 'These men,, many of whom
are neither Episcopalians, Presbyterians, Baptists, Methodists, ' Congrega
tionalists, Lutherans, or wbat not — who are men of no religion, who have
no church, who do not say their prayers, who do not read their Bible, who
live God-defying lives every day of their existepce, are pow seep with faces
as lopg as their dark-lapterns, with the whites of their eyes turned up in
holy fear lest the Bible should be shut up by the Pope! (Laughter, ap
plause, and derisive cheer^.) * Men who were never known before, on the
face of God's earth, to shpw any interest in religion, to take any part with
Christ or his kingdora, who were the devil's own, belonging to the devil's
church, are all of a sudden very deeply interested for the -word of God and
agaipst the Pope ! It would be weU for them that they joiped a church
which does believe ip the Father, apd in tbe Son, and in the Holy Ghost.
(Good.) Let us see, ray friends, what Know-Nothingisra believes in. Do
you know that, gentlemen ? (Holdipg up a smaU pamphlet, amid great
laughter apd excitement. That is your formulary df the Grand Councilof
tbe United States of Ndrth Araerica, from the press of DameriU & Moore,
No. 10 Devonshire street, Boston, 1854.
A voice — " Is it January ?"
Mr. Wise — Yes, it is January. It has been used. Here is one of your
^charters, (holding up a printed document,) and now, if you can see it, you
wiU perceive it bas been used by one of your lodges. (Cries of " Read it
¦-—drive along, Old Virginny.") Yes I will read from yourown book. But
I am on the subject of your I'eligion now — you want to put down one of the
evangelical churches of the country, which does believe not only in the
Father, but in tbe divinity of Jesus ,Christ, and in tbe Holy Ghost — a Trini
tarian church. I want to ask the Episcopalians, and the Presbyterians, and
tbe Methodists, whether they are going to put down that Trinitariap church
by a secret association ? Your sphere consists of the 26 letters of the al
phabet. You number your letters, from A to M inclusive, with the odd
numerals down to 26. Thus, A 1, B 3, C 5, D 7, E 9, F 11, G 13, H 15,
I 17, J 19, K 21, L 23, M 25. The last thirteen letters of the alphabet are
numbered with even numbers. Thus,. N 2, 0 4, P 6, Q 8, R 10, S 12, T
14, U 16, V 18, W 20, X 22, Y 24, Z 26. And now let 'us see how the

109
books read. "The first page of the cover of the blue book— and it is ndt
only blue— -real 'Boston blue, but it is a Mazarine blue, (Ughter)— contains
the foUowing in tabular forra. Npw listen to Know-Nothing reading.
(Manifestations of intense enjoyment among the Know-Nothings, and' of
interest among the uninitiated, and cries of " go it, old boy.") I wiU go it,
if yoawiU.be patient and let rae reason with you : ,12 16 6 10 9 25 6, that
reads " supreme," 4,10 7 9 10 meaps " order," 4 11 "of" 14 15 6 " the "
12 14 1 lO; "star," 12 6 1 2 13 25 9 7, " spangled," 3 1 22 9 10, " banner!"
That is square spelling and square, reading. "Supreme Order of the Star
Spangled Banner." (Cheers, applause, hisses, and raanifestations of. all
kipds.) The fourth page of the cover, contains the following table — 12 6 17
10 17 14, "spirit," 4 11, "of," '76, "spirit of '76." That is the title
page and the forraulai-y of the Grand Council of the United States of North
America, from the press of Daraerell & Moore, No. 16 Devonshire street,
Boston. Next come the officers of the Grand Council. President, (that is
for the pa:st year, but I believe it stiU continues,) James, W. Barker, of
New 'Yoi-k. (Cheers.) , Vice President, W. W. WiUiamson, of Alexandria,
Va. (Roars of Laughtej, cries of "here he is," and "three cheers for
WiUiamson.") Corresponding Secretary, Charles D. Deschler, of NeW
Brunswidk, New -Jersey. Recording Secretary, James M. Stevens, of Bal
timore. Md. , Treasurer, Henry Crane, of Cincinnati, Ohio. The Iriside
Sentinel is John P. Hilton, of Washin,gton, Jj, G. (Laughter, and'cheers
from Wasbingtonians in tbe crowd.) Outside Sentinel, Henry Metz, of
Detroit, Michigan. Chaplain, Samuel P. Crav/ford, of Indianapolis, Indi
ana. Now, geritlemen, I want to show you their religion. ' I read from the
blue book —
" The organization shall be known by;the name of the Grand Council of
the Upited States Of North Araerica. Its jiirisdiction and pov/er shall ex
tend to all the states, districts, and territories of the United States of North
America. 'A person, to become a membfer -of any subordinate Council,
must be twenty-one years of agei He must believe ari the existence of a
Suprerae Being, as the Creator and Preserver of the universe."
No Christ acknowledged! No- Saviour of raankind! Np Holy Ghost!
No heavenlj' Dove of Grace ! ''Go, go, you' Know-Nothings, to the city Of
Baltimore, and in a certain street there you will see two churches — one is
inscribed, " 0 Monos Theps" — "to the one God;" on the other is tbe in
scription, "As for us, we preach Christ crucified — rto the Jews a sturiibling
block, and to the Greeks foolisbpess." Tbe one inscribed " 0 Monoi
Theos" is the Upitariap church; the other, inscribed, " We- preach Christ
ci-ucified," is the Catholic church! (Cries of " good, good," and cheers.)
Is it — I ask of Presbyterians, Episcopalians, Methodists, and Baptists — is it,
I ask, for any orthodox- Trinitarian Christian church to join an association
that is inscribed, like the Unitarian church at Balfiraore, " 0 Monos Theos"
— to the one. God? Is it fpr them to join or to > countenance an association
that so lays its religion as to catch men' like Theodore Parker and James
Freeman Clarke? I put it to all the religioiis societies — to the Presbyteri
ans, the Episcopalians, the Methodists, and the Baptists — whether tbey mean
to renounce the, divinity of Christ and the operation of the Holy Spirit when
they give couptenance -to this secret society, which is ipscribed to the one
God? ,
But, gentlemen, these Know-Nothings appeal not only to the, religious
element but to the political element— not- only to the political element, but
to the agrarian felement. Not only.do they appeal to Protestant bigotry — not
only do they ask Protestants to out-Herod Herod, to out' C'atholic the Catho
lics, to out Jesuit the Jesuits by adopting their MachiajVellian creed, but they
appeal to a forlorn party in the state of Virginia — a minority party, broken

110
down at home' and disorganized, because their associates have become
abolitionized atthe North— they appeal to them as affo.rding 'thera a house of
refuge. [Cheers and laughter.] There is a paper pubUshed in this town by
one of tbe most respectable gentleraen of the state, who some time ago
published an article which, I raust confess, I did npt expect to see in print
frora his pen. Tbe Alexandria Gazette, one of the raost respectable of lhe,
Whig papers of the United States, edited by one of the most con.servatiye
and respectable gentlemen' that I know of among ray acquaintance, one who
has beep advocating the doctrines and practice pf conservatisnfi ever since'I
knew him, is now proposing a fusion between tbe Know-Nothings and the
Whig party, simply for thp reason that "the Whigs are tired of standing at
the rack without fodder." [Voice in tbe crowd " Oh, go along," and
laughter.] One who used, as I well remeraber, to denounce corruption and
the spoUs very sweepingly, is now actually maintaining that the Whigs. will
not' and cannot go upPn principle any longer and adhere to conservatism,
because tbey are tired of waiting for o^ce. [La'ughter and cheers.] Not
only that, "but my friend, the- editor, ¦ha'fe lately pubUshed this short
article: — ' y
"We are pleased to see that with -regard to Mr. Wise, the Democratic
candidate for governor, the opposition is generally icdnducted with entire
respect to his character as a citizen and a man, and with a full acknowledg-
merit on all hands of his many excellent personal qualities. The opposition
do not think he is the best qualified map for the office of go"verpor, but they
adrait his taleots. Ip seekipg his defeat, they maiply desire to defeat the
-political orgapizatiop which he upholds."
Remeraber that, ye Democrats, who haye joiped with Mr. Snowden in
upholding tne Know-Nothing cause — that the very object of the Whig^in
joining the Know-Nothing society is to break up the organization to which
you belong. [Cheers.] You Democrats have these gentlemep ip a minority
out of doors, but the moraent they get you into a Know-Nothing lodge, they
have you in a minority in ' doors. [Renewed cheers.] But the article
goes on : —
"Tbey contend that, as a forraer violent opponent of the party, at whose
head he is now placed, there is too touch political inconsistency to entitle
him to the positipn he seeks."
How then, can Mr. Snowden — how cap the conservative Whigs of
Alexandria, to punish my incopsistency, joip hapd's with Democrats and go
over to thera ip Kpow-Nothipg lodges ? [Cheers.] They tell us they can
not give the grip ip public to the Whigs of tbe Nprth, because the Northern
Whigs have becorae abolitiouized. Here are two geptlemen who cannot
'shake hands -with one another in our presence — one is a Whig of the North
apd the other a Whig of > Alexandria. They cannot any longer keep up their
Whig organization ; but let the Whig of the north, aboUtionised as he is,
become a Kpow-Nothing, and let the Whig of tbe South, pro-slavery as he
is, become a Kuow-Nothipg, apd t'hep behipd the curtaip, these geptlemen
can shake hands and hunny-fuggle with one apother. [Much laughter.]
This is what is caUed ' copservatism. This is what is caUed copsistency.
The article coptinues : '
-^ " They are resolved to upite in a strong and determined effort to break up
the present political orgapization, which directs the destinies and controls
the action of the state in aU its departracpts. Mr. Wise caiinot expect the
support pf tbose who desire to see this change effected.','
If Mr. Wise cannot expect the support of conservative 'Whigs, or of any
Whig, because the desire of the Whig party in joipipg the Kpow-Nothings
is to defeat the Detaocracy, how can they expect Democrats to join them?
But there is a last and worst element which they address, for which they

Ul
cap, as copservatives, offer me no excuse, and I come to it boldly. It is, the
most difficult and the hardest subject to deal with in piibUc in a slave-holding
community. _ Gentlemen, the last cons.titutional convention of Virginia
betrayed the important fact to the north, as weU as to ourselves, that out of
the 125,000 voters in the state of Virginia, but 25,000 or 30,000, are slave-
holding voters. About 1 voter in 5 is a slaveholder. I say it boldly, and
no man wiU.dispute it who has been to Norfolk. and Portsmouth, that'the last
and worst ;elenient that is - appealed to is the agrarian element — appealing to
the white laborers of the state against the black laborers of the state. (Cheers.)
Gd all over the state and tell me where Know-Nothingisra is rankest and
most violent. [Voice in the-crowd, "Down on jthe- wharves," and great >
laughter.] I tell you that you'll not pnly find it down on the wharves in
Alexandria, as has been said, and well said, in the crowd, but you wiU find
it worse than anyv^here else arojind the wharves of Portsmouth and in Ports
mouth navy yard. The very men who, for ten years, have been petitioning
the secretary of the navy 'to forbjd tbe eraployment of slave labor .in
Gosport navy yard^tbe very men who petitioned the last convention to
ftarae a new ponstitutiop for Virgipia, to iri-tike it a part of the organic law
of the state that slaveholders s'hpuld pot allow their slaves to be taught the
mechanic arts — these arfe the men who are the very hot-bed of Know-
Nothipgism. ' ' ,
Voice in the Crowd — Sepd tbem to h^l.
It is irapossible td say what effect these three combined elements are to
have upon us. I ask the- Protestapt 'church, to recur to this religious elb-
mept, how tbey expect ip future — if they thipk that. CathoUcism is not a
pure, and undefiled religion — to succeed in preachirir; against the' Pope and
Catholics ? WhBre a preacher has risen in the pulpit, in times past, to
arraign the Pope and the abominatiops.of'the cburch of Rorae, he has been
regarded as a vital spiritual preacher .of Protfestaptism ; he'has beep regarded
as one lookipg to the, spiritual kingdom ; but let a preacher pow rise apd
preach against the Pope and against Catholicism, and whether he is sincere
or not, his congregation feels that he is preaching for Know-Nothingisra. Why,
the other day, in Isle of Wight, I saw a man from Canada, or I heard of
him there, wbo was distributing the Bible to the state of Virginia. Well,
he may bave been the very best colporteur in tbe world ; he may bave been
a map of as hone|St intentions as Father Harinell, who is y^dur travelling dis^
tr4buter of the Bible ; but he carae all tbe way from Canada down to the
Islg o( Wight to distribute Bibles? ' He was asked why lie'distributed Biblea
araong us ? Did be take us to be heathen ? Our churches are distributing
the word. Our bishops are distributing the word. The "Bible is found in
every stearaboat saloon, and in every charaber of every hotel in the state. Did
he take us to be heathen ? ,0h, no; he was glad to hear that we, had the
Bible here, but he thought that perhaps he would be doing us great service
to bring -the Bible, as tbe Pope and Bishop Hughes wanted to make it a
sealed book. He was called upou to take his departure, as he was kpow-n at
once to be a Know-Nothing agent. He pretended me^-ely to visit to distri
bute the Bible, but tbe feUow was all-the time privately carrying his dark
lantern and lucifer match in his pocket to apply the test oath. (Laughter.)
We gave him warning to go hence, and I 'hope he has gone, So it is with
the preachers — your Protestant preachers. It is utterly irapossible that they
can make any inroads against the Pope and against Catholics so long as they
are suspected of political motives — solong as" they are suspected of attempt-.
ing to become Protestant popes; and to seize political power. What was it,
I ask them — what corrupted the Roraan church ? -There was once a time
when the Bishop of Rome was the head of a pure/primitive) church — when
he was armed only with eleemosynary. With spiritual and with ecclesiastical

112
pow^r'. But the very moment he laid' his hand upon the imperial purple and
crown of the Csesars, that very raoraent the " wTiore of Babylon" put ppfaer
scarlet and began to play ber abominations before the eyes of the people.
She played these abominations tiU, tbe times of Calvin, and Luther, and
Melancthon and Roger, WiUiams. These great reformers were men who
did. not go into -secret places, who did pot use dark lanterns, who not
speak in whispers, but who,' thundered in the tones-df Whitfield himself.
The moment the Pope laid hold of political power — the. moment he became
part and head of the civil state^that vpry mom'ent the state corrupted
- the church, and the churchdpstroyed tbe Uberties of the state. So it
will be here, if, under the pretext of defying the Pope, of proscribing
Catholicism, you allow your- priests — Protestapt or other— -td -lay their
hapds upop pdlitical power, and put op the iraperial purple aad the crown
of the Csesars — that very moraent the state Will corrupt the church, and
the church wiU destroy the liberties of the state. As to the proscrip
tion of foreigners, -let me sslc the Know-'Nothings themselves to retiii-a
to that passage of the Bible to ..hich I have already referred tbem. If they
will take the fifteenth chapter cf Secopd Sarriuel, and-restd not only the'whole
-verse., but tbe whole history of Absalom, the traitor, they will find that while
Absalom— ^riot only native bora of the land, -but .native born of the loins of
king David — was turnipg traitor, v/hile the sweet Psalraist of Israel was
drivep towards the wilderpess with his follower's, he turped apd saw Itlai,
the Gittite, apd said to hira-: " Y/herefore goest thou also with ^^'- Return
to. thy place, and abide with t'oy king, fbr thou art a stranger and also an
exile. Whereas, thou camest but yesterday, should I this day make thee go
pp and dowh with us.? Seeing I go whither 1 may, return thou and, take
back thy brethrep : Mercy apd truth be with thee." And Ittai, "the exile
and stranger, who came but yesterday, answered the king and said: "As
.the Lord liveth, and as my lord the king liveth, surely in what place my
lord the king shaU be — whether in death or in 'life — even there also will thy
servant be." And remepiber tbat the case of Absalom and df Ittai is but
the prototype of an Arnold, apd a Lafayette. '(Applause.) > Vv'"ho sent you
aUiance ? You tell the people that Catholics never gave aid to civil liberty;
that they never yet struck a blow for the freedom of mankind. Who gave
you alliance against the crown of England ? Who, but that Catholic kiw,
Louis XVI ? He sent you, from the court of Versailles, the boy of Wash
ington's camp, a f'oreigner wbo never was naturalized, but who bled atthe
redoubt o( Yorktdwn. (Applause.) And not only did Lafayette bleef at
the redoubt of Yorkfown, when an Arnold, a native like Absalom, proved
traitor, but when tbe German, DeXalb, feU at the field of Camden, on south
ern soil, with fourteen bayonet wounds transfixing bis body, and, dying,
praised the Maryland militia — Gates, the yankee native, ran seventy-five
miles without looking behind. (Applause and laughter.) And not only" that:
In. that intense moment when the declaration of oUr independence was
brought into Carpenter's HaU by Rutledge, and Franklin, and* Jefferson, aiid
laid upon the table — that holy papp:-, which not only pledged life and honor,
but fortune, too — reaUze that momentof intense, of deep, of profound inte
rest, when tbe independence of this land hung upon the acts of men — when,
one by one, men rose from their seats and went to the table to pledge lives
and fortunes and sacred honor ; at length one spare, pale-faced man rbse,
apd wept apd dipped the pep into tbe ink, apd signed " Charles Carroll,"
apd whep remipded that it raight pot be known -what Charies CarroU it was,
that it raight not be known that it was a Charies CarroU who was pledging a
principality of fortune, he added the words " of Carrollton." (Cheers.) He
was a Catholic representative frora a Catholic colony. (A voice in the
crowd—" But he was a native born American.")

113
And, sir, before George Washington was born, before Lafayette wielded
the sword or Charles Carroll the pep for his couptry, six hi^pdred apd forty
years ago, op the 16th of June, 1214, there was another scene enacted on
the face of the globe, when the general charter of aU charters of freedom
was gained, when one man — a man called Stephen Langton— swore the
barons of England,' for the people, against the orders of the Pope and against
the power of the king — swore the barons on the high altar of the Catholic
church at St. Edmundsbury, that they would have Magna Charta or die for
it. The charter which secures to every one of you to-day trial by jury,
freedom of the press, freedom of the pen, the confronting of witnesses with
the accused, and the opeping of sePret dungeon.s — that charter wasobtainCd
by Stephen Langton against the Popp and against the king of England, and
if you Know-Nothings don't know who Stephen Langton was, you know
nothing sure enough. (Laughter and cheers.) He was a Catholic Arch
bishop of Cantei:bury. (Renewed cheers.) I coirie here pot to praise the
Catholics, but I corae here to ackpowledge historical truths, aud to ask of
Protest'apts what has heretofore beep the pride apd boast of Protestants —
tolerance of opinion in religious faith. (Applause.), All we ask is tolerance.
All we ask is, that if you hate the CathoUcs because they have piroscribed
heretics, yout won't put-proscribe proscription. If you hate the Catholics
because they have nunneries arid raonasteries, and Jesuitical secret orders,
dop't out-Jesuit the Jesuits by going into dark-lantern secret charabers to
apply test oaths. If you hate the Catholics because you say they encourage
the Machiavellian expediency of telling lies soraetiraes, don't swear your
selves not to tell the truth. (Cheers.) Here are the oaths — the oaths that
bind you, under po circurastances to disclose who you are or what you are,
apd that bind you pot oply to political, but to social proscriptiop. Here is
your book — your Bible — which requires of you to stick up your pofices be
tweep midpight apd daybreak. (Laughter.) I dop't object to secrecy. I
am a raember of a secret order, and I am proud to be a brother Mason ; (loud
cheers;) and I am at liberty by ray order to say, that as to its ends, its pur
poses, its designs. Masonry has no secrets. (Renewed cheering.) Its end,
its purpose, it^ aira', is tp raake a brotherhood of charity amongst mep. Its
epd is the epd of the Christiap law of religion. I know not how any Mason
cap be a Know-Nothing. Masonry binds its members to respect and obey
the laws of tbe land in which we Uve ; and when the Constitution of tbe
United States declares that no religious test shall be made a quaUfication for
office. Masonry dare poi interpose by conspiring, in a secret association, to-
attempt to make a religious test a qualification for office. When Virginia
has an act of religious freedora — an act that is no longer a mere statute law,.
but is now a part of the organic law, and which says that no man shall be
burdened for reUgious opinion's sake — Masonry dare not conspire to burden
apy map foropioiop's sake. Masopry has no secrets but the simple tests by
wbich it recognizes its brotherhood. It is boupd to respect the law and to
tolerate differences of opinion in religion and politics. I do not complaio of
secrecy, but I complaio of secrecy for political objects.- What is your ob
ject? "it is to assail the Copstitutiop of the United States, to conspire to
contradict the Constitution and laws of the land ; it is to conspire against the
Constitution and laws, and swear men by test oaths — the most odious instru
ments of tyranny that intolerance and proscription have ever devised. It is
not only to proscribe Catholics and foreigners', but it is to proscribe Protes
tants and patives too, who wiU pot upite with you ip proscribipg Catholics
and foreigners. It is further than that : It destroys all individuality in the
man. You bring in your noviciate, you swear him to do— wbat? Td give
up his conscience, his judgment, his wiU, to the judgment and the conscience
and the will of an associatiop of men who are not wiUing that others should
8

114
enslave them, but their test oath enslave themselves. And to what are they
sworn ? They are sworn to passive obedience — to pop-resistance — to take
sio-p apd grip." Here is your orgapizatiop. (Holdipg up a document.) I
wTu not take rime to read it; but I wiU state the fact that your Grand Na-
tiopal Council of the Upited States is "organized by the appointraent of thir
teen raen frora each state, a council of thirteen, an oligarchy of thirteen from
each state, who assemble outside of the state to form the Grand Council of
tbe United States, with Mr. Barker, of Wall street. New York, as president.
Power over original judgment, power over appeal — all powec — is concentra
ted in that National Council. And has it corae to this ? Has Virginia hepn
so provincialized in the Union that her sons wdl consept not to be guided by
their own individual Wills, by their own individual consciences, by their
own individual judgraents, but consent to qe sworn by a test oath, to take a
sign which coraes from outside the state, and which may be passed to you
from Mr. Barker, of New York.
-When that is submitted to by the people of Virginia, no longer caU your
selves a free, sovereigu, and ipdependent state. You are subdued— you are
conquered — you are provincialized — you have lost your individuality. And
not only are these appliapces brought to bear upou us, but, gentlemen, em-
missaries are everywhere at work. The New York Herald has taken up
this election, and has proclaimed to the worid that it is arranged in New
York already, whence tbe sign wiU come, I suppose, that Mr. Wise is to he
defeated in Virginia. Bennett, the poUtical Fagan, the cross-eyed, whining
demon of poUtics, who has made himself a millionaire by black mail — ^Ben
nett, whose paper I never would allow to come into my faraily — Bennett,
who has fed the vultures with the very larabs of society — the raan who has
regarded no purity, no sanctity, nothing, that was holy or sacred— Bennett
has dogged me in "this canvass, without an open competitor, with his reporter
for bis paper — sending bere that' instrumeut to catch the words of the Vir
gipia sturap — our -OWP doraestic stump-— ip order that he might travesty
apd misrepresent and belie. And, too, at this mom.ent, I have to endure
that the Whig presses pf tbe state have forgotten what tbey owe to the
state — not to me — so far' as to pubUsh, pot only bis reports, but his cards,
which insult the state as weU as me. That is tolerated. I care pothrag
about that minion of tbe Herald. I am looking at higher gam.e. I am look
ing at the Absalo'ms, at the Arnolds, at tbe traitors of tbe north, who, wielding
the power of the Herald, have thought to put me down. And I suppose
the Know-Nothings are very confident that they will succeed. Let me
tell them that I would as lief die a martyr in this cause as in any other
cause. Let rae say to thera, where you have fastened together.Whigs and
Know-Nothings and Democrats, when you get those -who are blindly leaving
their party to place themselves in raachinery — those who are either seeking
office or are disappointed in not getting office — and whep you have thus put
me dowu, whep you have crushed the slaveholding power in my election,
-why then follows a total revolution — a social and political revolution, riot
only in the state of Virginia, but in tbe whole south. Gentlemen, what is
to foUow from this ? Where is it to end ? They have swept the north.
They have nine governors. They claim that they have got a majority
elected to the next House of Represeptatives. They are pow tryipg to oh-
taip, by the epd of the next three years, a majority in the Senate of the
United States ; but if I am elected governor of the state of Virginia, what
will be the state of things ? The next Congress will assemble on the first
Monday in December next. If I be elected governor of the state of Vir
ginia, I shall be svyorn in on the first of January next. And now I tell you
what will be the consequence. When I take the oath to support the consti
tution of the state of Virginia) I will remember me that I will be invested

115
with the miljitia power of the state of Virginia; to repel invasion and to sup
press insurrection. No raan loves and adores* the Union of this land raore
thap I do. I havebeen taught to venerate and to cherish the Union of these
states. It is tbe hoUest of all holy things. I would gladly give my Ufe, my
blood, as a sacrifice to save it if required. But I know that the main pillars
of tbe Union, the raain props and supporters of this palladiura, are the pil
lars of state rights and state sovereignty. (Applause.) If you place me
yvith your sword in hand by that great pillar of Virginia sovereignty, I pro
mise you to bear and forbear to the last extreraity. I -will suffer rauch, suffer
long, suffer alraost ,anytbing but dishonor. But- it is, in ray estiraation, with
tbe union of the states as it is with the union of matrimony. You may -suffer
alraost anything except dishonor ; but when honor is touched the union must
be dissolved. (Loud ,and prolonged cheering.) I will not say that. I take
back the words. I wiU not allow rayself to contemplate a dissolution of the
Uuiop. (Repewed cheeripg.) . No, we will stiU try to save it. But when
the worst coraes to the worst, if corapelled to draw the sword of Virgipia, I
will draw it; apd by the gods of the state. apd her holy altars, if I am corp-
pelled to draw it, I will flesh it or it shall pierce ray body,, (Enthusiastic
cheering.) And I tell you more : we have got abolitionists in this state.
(Voice in the crowd — " D — p the Know-Nothings," and great laughter.) If
1 should have to move, some of tbe first, I fear, agsi,inst whom I should have
to act, would be sorae within our. owp limits. But if forced to fight,. I will
not confine myself to the state of Virginia. My motto -will be —
Woe to the coward that ever he was born.
That did not draw the sword before he blew the horn. (Loud cheers.)
Gentlemen, I was in a very poor plight to speak to you to-night. Perhaps
I have spoken already too long, although I have not said half what I would
say to you, or produced half the evid^ce which I have with''me. , All I
have to say to the Deraocracy is, that all you want is active, earnest organi
zation. (Cheers.) Remeraber that if these Know-Nothings hold together,
they are sworn, corapact coraraittees of vigilance. Go to work, thep. Or-
gapize actively everywhere. Appoipt your vigilauce. coraraittees, but tsike
especial care that no Know-Nothings are, secretly and unknown to you, upon
them. (Cheers.) Be prepared. I have gone through mostof eastern Virginia,
and in spite of their vaunting I defy them to defeat rae. (Great cheering,)
T,here are Indians in the bush, but I'll whack on the bayonet, and lunge at
every shrub in the state, till I drive the-ra out. (Renewed and enthusiastic
cheering.) I tell them distinctly tbere shaU be no coraproraise, no parley. I
will corae to no terms. They shall either crush me or I will crush thera in
this state. (Great applause.) Of the conscientious and considerate and
conservative men of the Whig party, I would ask where they cap.fipd any-,
thing ip form, shape, tendency or result, that proraises so much destructive
ness as Know-Nothingism ? I chaUenge them to corapare Know-Nothingism
with Deraocracy, and +o tell rae what it is in Deraocracy that they cannot touch
in, coraparison with Kpow- Nothingism. I wiU say that I do expect that the
Democratic norainations in this election -will gain the support of some of the
brightest jewels of the Whig party in the state. (Cheers and laughter.) I
hail tbem and extend to them the right hand of fellowship ; and I believe
that if Know-Nothingism can claim no other good deed, it wiU at least effect
a reorganization of the Democraric party of tbe state of Virginia upon
higher ground, raore affiliated, stronger and abler, better to serve itself and
the country, than it has been for the last twenty-five years. Let thera, then,
boast of their 30,000 and 40,000 and 50,(100 raajorities. We will take our
old and usual majority — I will be satisfied with that. (Cheers and laughter.)

116
And to obtain it, I would not flatter you, the people, "if you were Neptune,
for his trident, or Jove for his power to thunder^" I'will deceive no man;
I wiU huppy-fuggle po voter. (Laughter.) I will copdescepd to pothipg unbe
coraipc a geptleraan. I will conduct this canvass throughout in such a man
ner as will coramand your respect and preserve my own self-respect. God
grant that I may live through the campaign. If I continue to speak as I
have been doing, I doubt very rauch whether I can survive it. But, "sirik
or swira, live or die," I will do my duty ; and "if Rome falls, I am inno
cent." Mr. Wise then retired, arhidst enthusiastic cheering, and the meeting at
opfce dispersed.

DISTINGUISHED DEMOCRATIC ORATORS OF THE CANVASS.
Among other distinguished gentlemen who took the stump in the eastem
part of the State, during the campaigp, were the following. Hon. Shelton F,
Leake, of Madison ; Messrs. James Lyons, and Patrick H. Aylett, of Richmond,
(this gentleman especially deserves the thanks of the Democracy for his arduous
labours and repeated dissections of Know Nothingism); Maj. James Garland,
and Charles Irving, of Lynchburg ; Roger A. Pryor, of the Richmond Enqui.
rer; A. D. Banks, of the Southside Democrat; R. K. Meade, of Petersburg;
Col. WilUam M. Howerton, of Halifax ; Senator James M. Mason, of Frede
rick; Dr. Clement R. Ha!rris, of Augusta; William M. Treadway, of Pittsyl
vania ; Henry L. Hopkins, of Powhatan, late Speaker of the House of Dele
gates ; William Cabell Flournoy, of Prince Edward ; and others.
In the western portion of the State, very great and arduous services were
tendered. Conspicuous among the Democratic speakers, was Mr. Elisha 'ff.
McComas, who made an active and most successful tour through almost the
entire west. Ex-Governor John B. Floyd, of Washington county, did herculean
service, and, by his judicious arrangements for the canvass in his district, pro
duced a majority there unprecedented in tbe political annals of " Little Tennes.
see." In the northwest, conspicuous among the' speakers, were Hon. Sherrard
Clemens, of Wheeling, .and Mr. Benj. W. Jackson, of Pleasants county. In
the Valley, Col. Wm. H. Harman, of Augusta, and James W. Massie, of
Rockbridge, were very able and efficient.
The Examiner had the following notice of the canvass in that important dis.
trict of the State — " Little Tennessee."
Glorious Little Tennessee. — We hear daily more and more encouraging
tidings from the Democracy of this Heart of Midlothian. Ip spie of the fal
lacious asseverations of the Know Nothings to the contr&ry. Little Tennessee
will give the Democratic ticket a majority of two thousand at the very lowest
figure. McMwLUN will beat both bis Know Nothing competitors — Trigg and
Martin- — by a large m-jjority. .
The services of Mr. Wm. H. Cook, of Carroll county, have been efficient and
invaluable in the canvass. He has met Trigg twice on the stump in a manner
that neither his poor victim nor the people who witnessed the onslaught
will ever forget. He has had Carroll and Grayson in his especial keeping, and
the result in those two counties will attest the effectiveness of his labors in the
Democratic cause.

117
Nor has Col. Ben. Rush Floyd, of Wytheville, allowed the imperative Calls
of his profession to interfere with his duty as a Democrat. His speeches at
Wytheville are pronounced the most powerful ever deUvered ip that county,
and bas told with crushing effect upon the Know Nothing cause. The election
of Graham, in Wythe, is set down as a fixed fact.
Thos. L. Preston, Esq,^ has surprifsed his warmest admirers by the ability
and eloquence of his- speeches ip denunciation "of Know Nothingism. He has
gone from precinct to precinst, and man to man, crying aloud and sparing not.
The Order boasted that they had secured the county and fettered its voters be
fore the canvass, commenced ; but Mr. Preston has knocked the scales from
the eyes of the people, broken up the plans of the enemy, and completely de
stroyed the work of the Order. His election, in -Smyth, we are assured, is a
certain event.
But what shall we say of that br^ve man — that fearless champion of Democ
racy through evil and through good 'report: — who can neither be driven by trea
chery nor seduced by flattery from the cause in which he. was born and reared,
for which he has lived and fought, and which has never yet.failed or faltered iii
his district when he was in the field^^the Achilles of the Southwest — John
B. Floyd ? ' ,
The secret Order had already stolen a march upon the Democracy in Wash
ington county. They already boasted to have captured and bound and fettered,
by oaths and pledges, a majority of the freemen of the county. Tlie Demo
crats were taken by surprise, and' had already been surrounded before they knew
that the prowling e'nemy was near them. Th'ey turned to Floyd, and appealed
tP him-, with odds, already counted against them, to take the field and attack the
eneiny in his fo'rtifications. With a noble unselfishness he consented to be, a,
candidate for aa office he did not want. He took the stump, spoke ip every
nook and corner, sa\y -every man, and addressed- every dozen men in the county.
He burst up lodges, and scattered dismay and consternation among the follow
ers of the dark lantern. He has' redeemed tbe county by a series of speeches
srirpassing even himself in abiUty and power, and, as a 'Whig adversary, distin
guished for intelligenoe, arid no friend of Mr. Floyd, says, never,- surpassed be
fore in any political , contest ip this country. He has crushed the puny adver
saries that have been pitted against him — as the president of a Know Nothing
council and adversary tells it, taking them by couples, and knocking their block
heads together, and jarring out every grain of sense they ever contained.
, Having secured his pwn coupty, he has gone into the-unvisited counties of
Lee and Scott, crushing out the Order' by his ponderous blows, and speaking
everywhere with a power never before known there. In Scott, last Monday
week, he spoke with peculiar ability, and with such effect that an old Methodist
minister exclaimed, as he closed, "God never made the man who ever delivered
such a speech as that."
Amongst'the distinguished Whigs who took ground against Know Nothingism,
and actied with the Democracy, were the following : Thomas J. Michie, of
Stauntop; Judge Roberiison'j of Richmond; John Y. Gholson, of Petersburg;
and Maj. John T. L. Preston, of the Virginia MiUtary Institute.
We here insert the letter of Mr. Michie, as distinguished for its ability and
the influence it exerted over the popular mind.
MR. MICHIE'S LETTER. StauntoN|, April 9th, 1855,
My Dear Sir: — On my return to-day from Shenandoah, where I had been
for the last week, attending a session of the Circuit Court of that county, I re-

118
c.Cived your kind and 'flattering invitation t;o address the people of Richmond
Ci,iy- Permit me to tender to yourself and the committee from whom it emanated,
my grateful thanks fpr the honor you have done me. But I fear'that constant
and unavoidable professional engagements, will place it out of my power to
-visit Richmond between this time and the 4th Thursday in May. On the 12th
jpst., I must be iu Rockbridge, and thence to Highland, this place, and Alber
marle, in rapid succession. Nothing, I assure you, would give nie more' plea
sure than to address tbe intfelUgent people of Richmond, on the interesting
questions of the present canvass — to tell them bow blighting to the free spirit
of our counti-y the secret mystery of Know Nothingism must prove — how de
moralizing it will be to our own children, the hitherto high-minded, open-
hearted, bold youths of Virginia, to be educated in the sneaking arts of secrecy
and espionage— to be taught by their father.s, to- spy out all the poUtical actions
of 'their feUow men. and yet, to keep their own acrions and " objects,"in refe
rence to matters whioh necessarily concern all, a profound secret — to publish
platforms of pretended principles, Suited to every latitude' and every taste, for
the purpose of gaining proselytes, while they feel the degrading consciousness
that they are prohibited, by horrible oaths, from ever revealing their real objects
and principles outside of their Order — and while a disgusted world is forced to
conclude, either that their platforms are filled with false professions, intended'to
mislead, or that those who publish them are perjured.
Has any party a right to political secrets ? In private associations men may
conceal matters wbich concern themselves alone. But politics,, relating neces
sarily to .the affairs or conduct of a government, in which every Citizen has an
equal stake, how cap a party be tolerated in withholding, from ¦ any portion of
our citizens, information on a subject which vitally concerns every one of them ?
In a small partnership, if a portion of the partners were to conceal from the
rest their designs in reference to the social funds, their associates so excluded,
would.be justified in forming a conclusion of dishonesty, and a court of justice
would interfere. In the ordinary intercourse of 'life, an honest man of ordinary
humanity, .po,ssessed of a secret whioh concerns his neighbori's interests, feels
bound by a high moral obligation to disclose it to bim whom' it interests. Yet
here is a political party intermeddling in the dark with "the affairs of govern-
mept, which involve your and my life, liberty and property, and those of our
children, and of- millions of Others, and yet they coolly refuse to let us know
what their objects ara until we shall be informed by such result as they may
hereafter produce. By their own showing they are enemies of popular govern
ment — for in such a government the whole community participates.
But they show their enmity in various other forms. They practicaUy deny
the capacity of the people td govern, and therefore establish aristocratic coun
cUs, with a great consolidating and controlling head, located most fitly, some
where pear " the five points" in the city of New York. Power with them, in
stead of beipg vested in the people apd emanating from them, is vested in these
a;ristooratic councils. The theory of our government requires an appeal from
aristocracy to the peoplo. Know Nothingism reverses that theory, by providing
in all cases an appeal from the people to' aristocracy. '
If th'e people had capacity for self-government, this self-styled American
(quaare. Aboriginal?) party deny their honesty. Therefore, they are never
trusted except under oath. And again, while the spiri. of our institutions re
quires every citizen to exercise his own best judgment in voting for all officers
of government — this wonderful invenrion of Yankeedom requires him to bind
himself by solemn oath, not tp exercise his own judgment at all, but to give his
vote as the majority of a caucus, itself subservient to the mandate of a supe
rior caucus, may order. These are startling novelties to ap American ear.
Y'et, Know Nothingism, bold in this respect alone, in all othprs skulking,

119
denying its name, denying its association, refusing to make known its ob
jects, hiding in dark caverps with bats apd nwls, denouuces all as anti-
American who will, pot adopt its dogmas! I should like to discuss and
dissect the monster, not only Under the preceding head, but many others, and
especially its Federalism. I should like to show the people of Richmond, and
the .whole South, the cunniug device of the Kriow Nothing nominee for Gover
nor, instilled into him, no doubt, by the same masters under whom he learned
his "Americanism," by which^he asks the people of Virginia to deprive them
selves of all ground of resistance hereafter,' to the Northern plan of interven-
tiop in our domestic affairs — by intervening in a crusade against Catholics and
foreigners, not because she is suffering any inconvenience from them herself, but
in order to rid her sister States of the puisahce.
But I console myself,.under niy inability to obey your- call, by the reflection
that if I went, it would only contribute the feeble light of a candle, to that
glorious sun which has shone a'nd which continues to shine among you and en
lighten you tiU tbe day of electiori; Wise and Douglas, and a host of others,
hsJVe told you more than I akn tell. But as I have been a Whig — only say for
'm'e to my old Whig friends, that 1 have looked carefully upder the cloak of
Know Nothingism'— have lifted with a daring hand the veil that covered
the face of the Prophet Sam,; and satisfied myself weU that it is not Whig
gery, as I had always understood, it, and as I knew it was understood and pro
fessed by thousands of honest and 'patriotic men, but monstrum horrendum in-
formi ingens uni lumen x.edemptum. Yes, as blind as a bat, and as dark as
Erebus. Let them beware of it, as they love' their lives and high reputation.
History informs us of many se'cret pilirical parries, but not of one that I re
member, which has not, been damned by imparrial posterity. This party has
much besides its secrecy to give it' ap earlier and (leeper condemnation than that
which has faUen to the lot of its predecessors. If the Democratic party should
follow its lead, wbat a Hell Iipon earth their underground fight would make,
yet it would plead example, and the responsibility would be Sam's. '
With- high regard,
THOS. J. MlCHIE.

VIRGINIA DEMOCRATIC ORGANIZATION.
The Democratic party, not deeming it wise to despise their secret foe, and
wishing to hand down to their children the poUtical escutcheon of their State
untarnished, thought it provident and well to orgapise efficiently, in order to go
into a contest with unbroken column and solid phalanx. Accordingly their
executive' committee for' the State met^ Feb. 12th, and appointed the following
congressional, senatorial and county elector,?.
CONGRESSIONAL ELBCTcJllS. i
First .Congressional Dis,trict — Ro. L. Montague of, Middlesex. r^''^
iecond District — Mordecai Cooke of Norfolk City. C
Third- District-^P. H. Aylett of Richmond City.
Fourth District-^R. K. l^eade of Petersburg.
Fifth District— A. Hughes 'Dillard of Henry.
Sixth District — Wm. J. Robertson of A.lbemarle.
Seventh District— Benj. H. Berry of Alexandria.

120
Eighth District— Thos. M. Isbell of Jefferson.
Ninth District-^Geo. E. Deneale of Rockingham.
Tenth District — Sherrard Clemens ©f Wheeling.
Eleventh District — Benj. W. Jackson of Wood.
Twelfth District — A. A. Chapman of Marion.
Thirteenth District — Jno. B. Floyd of Washington.
SE^ffATORIAL ELECTORS.
1st Senatorial District— L. J. Bell of AQComac.
Hunter Woodis of Norfolk City.
S. Wheeler of Norfolk County.
James F. Crocker of Isle of Wight.
E. W. Massenburg pf Southampton.
' Thos. Wallace of Petersburg.
Lewis E. Harvie of Amelia.
Alex. Jones of Chesterfield.
Wm. C. Flournoy of Prince Edward.
Wm. B. Baskervill of Mecklenburg.
J. Red-i Smith of Pittsylvania.
Wm. M. Howerton of Halifax.
Arch'd Sfiuart of Patrick.
Austin M. Triblc of Bedford.
Thos. K. Kirkpatrick of Lynchburg.
W. R. C. Douglas of New Kent.
Johp B. Young of Henrico.
Geo. W. Randolph of Richmond City.
John T. Seawell of Gloucester.
R. Claybrook of Northumberland.
Wm. R. Aylett of King Williara.
Eustaoe Conway of Spottsylvania.
Eppa Hunton of Prince William.
David Funsten of Alexandria.
Jno. W. Minor of Loudoun.
J. Y. Menifee of Rappahannock.
A. R. Blakey of Madison.
Burrell Snead of Albemarle.
W. D. Leake of Goochland.
B. M. Dewitt of Nelson.
Wm. Lucas of Jefferson.
G. T. Barbee of Hardy.
ThOs. T. Fauntleroy of Frederick.
J. S. Calvert of Shenandoah.
John T. Harris of Rockingham.
Wm. H. Harman of Augusta.
Jas. W> Massie of Rockbridge.
Oliver H. Gray of Botetourt.
Wm. H. Cook of Carroll.
G. W. G. Browne of Tazewell.
Isaac J. Leftwich of Wytbe.
Sam'l. V. Pulkerson of Lee.
T. Dunn English of Logan.
R. F. Dennis of Greenbrier.
Jeremiah WeUtnan of Wayne.
A. J. Smith of Harrison.
Jaihes' Neeson of Marion.

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121
48th Senatorial District— Benj. Bassell, Jr., of Upshur.
49th do. Wm. G. Brown pf Preston.
50th do. Campbell Tarr, Jr., of Brooke.
county ELECTORS.
Accomac- — J. W. H. Parker.
Albemarle — Dr. W. G. Rogers.
Alexandria — George L. Gordon.
Alleghany and Bath — Samuel Carpenter.
Amelia — Wm. Gregory. *
Nottoway — Thomas Rowlett. ,
Amherst— T)r. S. C. Gibson..
. Appomattox — S. D. McDcarmon.
Augusta — James H. Skinner.
Barbour— K. G. Reger.
Bed,ford — Samuel G. Davis.
Berkeley — M. S.^Sirantham.
Botetourt— B. F;. Miller. . ' .
Craig— B,b, M. WUe^f.
Braxtbn and Nicholas — Jonathan Kojner.
Brooke — Wm. DeCamps.
Hancock — Thos. BambriCk.
Brunswick — Robt. D. Turnbull.
Buckingham^Si. W-, Hubard.
Cabell— 7eter C. Buffington.
Campbell- — Wm. T. Yancey.
Caroline — Jno. Washington.
Carroll — Jno. Carroll.
> Charles City, ~) ,
Jaihes City, and V E. Waddill and H. T. Jones.
New Kent, ',) .
Charlotte — Wm. H. Dennis.
Chesterfield — Alex. Cogbill..
Clarke— K W. Massie.
Culpeper — Jno. W. Bell.'
Cumberland, and 1 Creed D. Coleman.
Fowhatan, j Henry L. Hopkins.
Dinwiddie— ^Jawes Boisseau.
Doddridge and Tyler — Chapmap J. Stewart.
Elizabeth. City — ^ James B. Hope.
Warwick — I Wm. Gr. Young.
York — , f J. B. Gosnahap.
Williamsburgh-^ ¦] Talbot Swepney.
Essex— ,' ) J. M. Matthews.
King and Queen — j J. M. Jeffries.
Fairfax — Jno. Powell.
Fauquier — Silas B. Hunter. .
Fa-ijette and Raleigh — Aaron Stockton.
Floyd — Harvey Deskins.
Fluvanna — Ro. H. Poore.
Franklin — Wm. H. Edwards.
Frederick — F. M. Holladay.
Giles — James Jobnsop.
Gilmer — Sarn'l L. Hays.
Wirt—R, S. Browp.

122
Gloucester — Wm. B. Taliaferro.-.
Goochland^W. W. Cosby.
Grayson — Sam'l .McCa,mant.
Green and \ Wyatt S. Beazley.
Orange — j Jno. Welch.
Greensville and ') 0. A- Claiborpe.
Sussex — J Richmond F. Dillard.
Halifax — Woodson Hughes.
Hampshire — A. 'W., McDonald, Jr.
.^Tanoi-er— Edw'd W. Morris.
Hardy— J. P. W. Alien.
Harrison — Robt. Johnstop.
Henrico — Dap'l E. Gardner.
Henry — Geo. Hairston.
Highland — Adam Stephenson, Jr.
Isle of .Wight— G. B. Haden.
Jackson — H. Fitzhue, Jr.
.Icfferson — S. K. Donavin.
Kanawha — Jno. A. Warth.
King George and Stafford— Ghas. Mason,'- Jno. C. Moncure.
King William— Wm. Hill.
Lancaster and Northumberland — Addison Hall.
Xee— S. S. Slemp.
Lewis — Jno. Brannon.
Logan, Boone and Wyoming-^St. Clair Ballard, Janies -Shannon.
Louisa — R. B. Waddy.
Loudoun — Geo. Rust.
Lunenbury — Wm. J. Nehlitt.
Madison — Thos. J. Humphreys.
Marion — Wm. J. Willey.
Marshall — Bush W. Price.,
, Jfasow— John Green Newman.
Matthews and Middlesex— Ahx'r K. Sheppard, Geo; L Nicolson.
Mecklenburg— Mark Alexander, Jr.
Mercer — Geo. W. Pearis.
Monongalia — Dr. M. Dent.
Monrce—Naih'l Harrison.
Montgomery — James C. Taylor.
Morgan — Peter Dyche.
Nansemond — H. H. Kelly.
NeUon — Dr. L. N. Ligon.
Norfolk City— Geo. Blow.
Norfolk CoanCy—Tapley Portlock.
Northampton— MyerB W. Fisher.
Page — Andrew Keysey.
OA/c-— Johp T. Russell.
Patrick — Edward TatCm.
Pendletoii—K. S. Norment.'
Petersburg — Francis E. Rives.
Pittsyluania — Walter Coles, Jr.
Pleasants and Pitchie-U. 0. Creel, L. A. Phelps.
Pocahontas-7-J . S. Bradford.
Presto-n—J. A. F. Martin.
Prince Edjoard, Prince George and Surry— Sam'l G. Anderson, Thomas H.
Daniel, Dr. M. Q. Holt.
Princess Anne^-'E. H. Herbert.

123
Prince Williani — Chas E. Sinclair.
Pulaski^— K. M. Craig. '
Putnam — Dan'l B; Washington.
Randolph — Sam'l Crane.
Rappahannock — Rob't S. Vass.
Richmond City — Wm. F. Watson. '
Richmond County and Westmoreland — Henry T; Garnett.
Roanoke — Wm. M. Cook.
Rockbridge — Jairies B. Dorman.
Rockingham — E. A Shands.
Russell — George Cowan.
Scott— 'H, A. Morrison.
Shenandoah — Sam'l. C. Williams.
Smyth — -HiratQ A. Greaver.
Southampton — Francis Ridley.
Spotsylvania — Gabriel Johnson.,
Taylor— J. T. Curry. '
Tazewell— Wm. P.- Cecil.
Upshur — Rich'd L, Brown.
'Warren — garison Dorsey.
Washington — Isaac B. Durun. ¦ , ¦ ,
Wayne — Jos. J. Mansfield.
WefeeZ— Presley 'Martin.
Wood — John Spencer. >• - ' '
Wythe— -Mex. Matthews! ' ' ' '
On motion of Mr. Hughes, the fgllowing resolution was adopted-:
Besolved, That this comraittee recommends fhat naeetings of the party be
called in each of ihe election districts of the, counties, at the earliest practicable
day, for the purpose of appointing vigilance committees for the election districts,
and that each of such districts appoint two members of a general executive
corrimittee for the county, and that the electors for' the counties be requested to
aid in promoting the object of this resojution. JOHN RUTHERFOORD, Chairman.
Wm. F. Ritchie, Secr'y.

At a subsequept meeting they adopted the following address :
To the People pf Virginia ;
Fellow cirizens ; Tbe Democratic State Rights Republican party have presen
ted to you their candidates for the Executive' offices, which are to be filled by
your election, on the fourth Thursday in May next. Those candidates have
been selected by our usual organization,, as faithful representatives of the prin
ciples of our party, and as men eminently qualified to perform all the duties of
the high places for whioh they are proposed. Recognizing the vital importance
of the result of the approaching elections to ouf party and lo. our country, the
" State Democratic Executive Committee^' make an earnest appeal for your co
operation in the contest whieh now engages the attention of the whole Union.
Our party had its origin in the earliest days of the, present Confederacy.
When the Constitution was first put in operation, two antagonistic parties strug
gled for ascendancy. One sought to confine the Fedferal Government within
the strict and defined limits of the Constitution, — avoiding the exercise of all
doubtful powers, and aiming only at those objects which the framers pf the

124
Constitution had designated in unequivocal terms as legirimate tothe Central
Government. This party exacted an unhesitating homage to the wisdom of the
august authors of that instrum.erit, and sought to administer tbe government in
rigid conformity with the written provisions of the Constitution. Tho other
party sought, by a latitudinari'an cinstruction of the Copstitution, to obtain in
the actual administrarion of the Federal Government all the power whioh, in
the judgraent of those in authority, it might be expedient to exercise. This
. characteristic division has continued' to separate the Democratic party from the
old Federal party, and, since its overthrow, from the various, parties that haye
been in opposition to the Democracy.
That the Democratic party is organized upon tbe true principles of the Con
stitution, is signally demonstrated by the fact, that it is the only party which
has maintained a perrnanent existence coeval with our jiresent Constitutional
system. The history of our party is ss fortunately 'identified with tbe history
of our country, that the prosperity aud glory of the one have been coincident
with the success of the other. The fact that its leading measures are now in
Full operation^ and have been sarictioned repeatedly by the approval of the coun
try, and that no open organization now opposes them, stamps it as the constitu
tional party of the Union, and renders it unnecessary to set out her in detail its
principles, already so familiar to the people of Virginia.
Iri the career of its 'history, the Democratic party has had to encounter the op
position organized in different forms, and bearing different designations. So
far, it has overpowered all resistance, and annihilated the national organizations
that have opposed it. The Whig party, which for 3ome years past has combined
the elements of antagonism to Democracy, has appai-ently succumbed. The
opposition seems once more to be arraying itself in new forms and undernew names.
Taught by past- experience, those 'who oppose the Democratic party dare not
risk themselves any longer upon a fair comparison of principle and policy before
an enlightened popular judgtrie'nt. We have to meet, in the impending canvass,
a party which avoids ap opep encounter, and withdraws from public observation
its discussions of poUtical topics and its 'deliberations upon public affairs. This
new party artfully adapts its appeals for votaries t« the national and religious
prejudices of the country, white it proposes to retain, by the iriost rigid and
imposing party discipline, those who may be enticed into its ranks. Ifit suc
ceeds in the effort to obtain control over the Federal Government, it must use
its powers for purposes not now disclosed — perhaps n'pt contemplated by maay
of its adherents. It must have its measures upon the great subjects which are
so frequently agitated in Congress-^the Tariff, the Finances, the Public Lands,
Internal Improvements and the Constitutional Rights of the slaveholders. It
can have no measures of material importance relating to the avowed objects of
its organization — the immigrant and Catholic population. If it goes into power,
it goes with purposes unavowed and unknown on th'oSe great subjects concern
ing wbich its action may be of the last consequence, while it flatters the publio
prejudices respecring subjects Upon which it can really accomplish Uttle or
nothipg. The Federal' Goverpment, with all its departnjents combined, can apply no
effective remedy for th'e alleged evils incident to the residence of the immi-
grant'popularion within our Umits. The naturalization laws may be amended
or repealed! But irrespective of those laws, the most valuable privileges may
still be granted to the alien by the State Governments. The right of residence;
the right to acquire and hold lands, and the right of suffrage, may all be be
stowed upon the aUen by the State authoriries, without regard being bad to. the"
naturalization laws. The power to refuse residence to the immigrant populatiod
appropriately belongs to thc State governments. The pawer of the Federal Go
vernment to expel any portion of the alien population, whose residence is per
mitted by the State Government, was indignantly repelled by the Republican

125
party in 179?. _. The celebrated aliei^ law provided for the expulsion of a por
tion of the resident aliens. Both Virginia and, Kentucky denounced the law
as an unconsritutiPnal usurpation. In the address to the people, of Virginia
accompanying the, resolutions qf 1798, it is emphaticaUy declared that " there
is nothing in -the Constitution disringuishing between the power of a State, to
permit the residence of natives and -aliens. It is, therefore, a right originally pos
sessed and never surrendered b'y the respective States, and- which is rendered
dear and valuable to Virginia, 'because it is assailed through the bosom of the
Constitution, and because her peculiar .situation renders -the ea,sy admission of
artizans and laborers an interest of vast importance to her." The fourth Ken
tucky Resolution of 1798 — drawn by Mr. Jefferson— ^asserts " that alien friends
are under the jurisdiction and^ protection of the laws of the State wherein they
are : that no power overthem has been delegated to the United States, nor pro
hibited to the individual States, distinct from their power over'citizens." Mr.
Madisop's Report of 1799 maintains similar; positions. It is presumed that
this -exposition of the Constitutional powers of the State and Federal Govern
ments, Pver this subject, wiU not be questioned in Virginia, at thi^ day.
Each State bas the exclusive right to determine for ^itself, to what extent the
residence of -alien immigrants in its limits shall be permitted. The Govern
ments of the respective States alone have the right to refuse residence to such
of the imrnigrant population as riiay- be considered objectionable by them.
While some of the' allocates of , a latitudinarian construction of the Federal au
thority contend that the power of the States over the admission of aliens is
limited, in certain respects, by the power of the General Government to regu
late comimeroe, , the absolute -power of \ the States to exclude alien pkupers and
convicts is universally conceded. The power to permit or refuse residence to
objectionable aliens belonging thus appropriately. to the States, the subjectis
beyond the controlof the Federal Government, ahd affords no legitimate object
for the organiz'^tion of ^ national party. '' .
¦ The right to Require and hold real estate, and the right of suffrage, are equal
ly subject to State authority. The .powers of the States over these subjects
have been too often exercised and too generally admitted to need any discussion
at tbis time. Probably all the States permit resident aliens tp acquire and hold
real estate prior to naturaUzation, — Virginia certainly does. Some of the States
confer the right of suffrage upon aliens who have deolare'd- their intention to
become citizens, while others require them to be fully naturalized before they
are allowed to vote. The whole .subject of suffrage is exclusively regulated by
the State constitutions. It may be confined to native-born citizens, or it may
be extended to all resident aliens, at the sole discretion of the State sovereign
ties. Thenaturalization laws affect the subject onljr so fdr as the State consti
tutions may direct. It is wholly impracticable for the Federal Government to
control the right of suffrage through any laws which it would enact.
Those who seek to curtail the privileges enjoyed by the immigrant population
can accomplish no essential .o'oject through the agency of the Federal Govern
ment. , So long as the alien enjpys, under tbe State government, the right, of
residence, the right tp acquire And hold property, and the right of suffrage, ,he
can experience butlittle inconvenience from the wantof the few additional priv
ileges which full and formal citizenship would confer. The only appropriate
theatre for the operations of a party, organized 'to effect the professed objects, of
^now-Nothingism, is to be found in the States where the immigrant population
abound,s,, and where the alleged evils' of foreignism may exist. Those evils
are essentially local, and can be properly remedied only by the local authorities.
They afford the appropriate subject for municipal and police regulations. Five-
sixths of the foreign born population of the United States are resident in tbe
non-slaveholding States, and even there nearly one-halLof it is accumulated
in the .cities. The whole of this population in the United States nuinber3

126
2,224,648. Of that number, only 43,531 are ip the Southerp States, with,a
nati've white population of 2,342,255, and 105,?35 in the Southwestern States,
with a native white population pf 1,973,531. A considerable proportion of
this class of our .population in the slaveholding, as in the non-slaveholding
States are congregated in th^- cities. These facts strongly display how singu
larly local must be the alleged evils of foreignism. A full investigation, per
haps, might show that the real evUs (if such' there are) are confined to the
cities, which, according to the census returns, contain nearly .one half of all .the
foreign-born residents in the Union. The entire repeal of the naturalization
laws would not matei^ially diminLsh the number of that class of immigrants,
who coT^e here seeking eipployment for theij- labor, and accumulate in the cities.
Ihey come to make^.a living, not to ' acquire the right of suffrage — allured by
no expectation of easy naturalization, but by the prospect of higher wages and
more constant employment than they can find in the country which they leave.
Of the foreign-born males over |;he age of twenty-one, in the city of Bo^on,
the returns for .1845 and 1850, show that five-sixths- were unnaturaHzed. It is
fail- to presume, that a similar proportion in the other cities have failed to avail
themselves of the advantages of our present naturalization laws.
Tbe other ostensible, object of the Know Nothing organization is.entirely
beyond the reach of the Federal Government. It cannot touch Roman Catho
licism by any Constitutional action. Tbe folly of attempting to arrest the pro
gress of a reUgious creed bjj persecutions and civil disabilities, has been so often
demonstrated that it is surprising to see it revived in this age aud country. A
distinguished advocate of reUgious liberty declared, nearly a half century ago,
that even in Great Britain, nearly all its opponents had been silenced — some
had been taught sense, others inspired with shame, until none were left upon
the field, except those who could neither learn nor blush. The principles of
reUgious liberty are cherished in Virginia with pepuliar affection. Our act for
the establishment of religious freedom, assert? in imposing and authoritative
language that " the proscribing any citizen as unworthy the public confidence,
by laying upon him. an incapacity of being called to offices of trust and emolu
ment, unless he profess, or renounce this or that religious opinion, is depriving
him injuriously of thpse privileges and advantages te *hich in common with
his fellow citizens he has a natural right; that it tends only to corrupt the
principles of that religion it is riaeant to encourage, by bribing, with a mono
poly of worldly honors and emoluments, those who will externally profess and
conform to it, that though, indeed, those are criminal wbo do not withstand
such temptation, yet neither are tbose innocent who lay the bait in their way.'?
In the struggle which terminated in the complete emancipation of reUgion in
this State, the dissenting Protestant sects, under the energetic lead of the Bap
tists, bore a conspicuous part. The act for the estabUshment of Religious
Freedom, was jeminently a Protestant achievement, and Protestantism in Vir
ginia rudely despoils, itself of the fairest ornament with which it is decorated
Dy history, when it violates the letter, or the spirit of that celebrated law. The
men who noW seek to renew the dogmas of reUgious intolerance, pay an appro
priate homage to the virtue and intelligence of this country,- when they conceal
themselves from pu'blic observation. Those who are afraid -to meet the Roman
Catholic arguments in the field of fair discussion, may well be alarmed at its
anticipated progress ; but its more iptelUgent opponents will regard with com
posure what they consider its errors, solong as reason is Ipft free to combat
them. For every Roman Catholic Priest in the United States, there are some
25 Protestant preachers; for every Catholic altar, there are 30 Pi-otestant pul
pits^ Scarcely one-twentieth part of the population of-, the Union is attached
to the Roman Catholic religion. If Protestantism is not safe with these heavy
odds in its fayor, its ascendancy will not be maintained by persecutions and ci
vil disabilities imposed upsn its opponents. Know Nothingism may do.morp

127
to advance the Qatholic cause than all its Priesthood, and place Catholicism on
the right side and Protestantism on the wrong side of the . grCat question of
Religious Liberty, by a course so illiberal and unwarrantable. ''This is attemp
ted to be jristified-by an absurd exaggeration of the political influence of Catho
licism in this pountry. Mr. Chandler, of Pennsylvania, addressing the HoUse
of Representatives a few weeks since, declared that he knew of but one Catho
lic besides himself, who was a member of that House, of Congress. We may,
then, at lea;st pronounce the -Legislative Department to be free from ' Cathcilic
control. There seems to be no occasion to organize a new party to protect that
branch' pf the Federal Government, and the Catholic influence is equally feehle
in the Executive and Judicial departments..
What then can Kno.w -Nothingism' accomplish upon the subjects whi'ch it
undertakes to agitate ? It may expel .from the Executive department a few
naturalized citizens who are incumbents of office, — but as nine-tenths of the
Federal Offices are said to be already filled by native citizens, that can scarcely
be an object; worth the , attention of a, national party. -Those who originated
and expect to control this orgapization, ipust haire other and undiyulged objects
in yiew. , Temporary prejudice apd ex;citem,ent on the subjects of Foreignism
arid .Catholicis,m jnay serve ta .place thera in power. How 'will they Use ppwer
wbep so acquired? We may well. recall the eloquent warning of a great Eng
lish statesman, arid beware, of "so trying a thing as new power in new persons,
of whose principles, tempers and dispositions we have little or no experience,
and in ^situations where those who appear most stirring on the scene may not be
the real movers." What is this new party expected to do upon those great sub
jects of practical interest to which we have before referred? The elections ip
which they have already triumphed afford us -sufficient data to infer their, policy
upon the most important of these subjects — SLAVERY. - '
Know Nothingisin ; has had its origin and growth in those quarters of the
Union wherq A,bolitionis'm is most power/ul. At th6 very instant that Kriow
Nothingism has swept, over the non-slaveholding States, Abolitionism has ac
quired an ascendency to Which it never, before aspii-edi i Every electiori in which
Northern Know Ncthingisrii has triuniphed, has enured to the benefit of Aboli-;
tionism. Every individual -vvhom the -Northern Know Nothings have elected to
either branch of the Federal Legislature, is eoriimitted to the most violent views
of the Abolitionists. They have prostrated, wherevfer-thoy had the power to do
so, thp same 'men -<vhom the Abolitiopists wished to prostrate. They -have sus
tained every man whom the Abolitionists wished to save. Know Nothingism,
in the ascendant throughp.ut the non-rslaveholding States, does not elevate into
power a single friend to the South. No solitary exception "breaks the gloomy
uniformity of the scene. Everywhere thoy are doing -.the work which Aboli
tionism has been unsuccessfully attempting for years. And yet we are required
to believe that they were not organized to perform this part, but only to do those
other things which, as we -have- endeavoured to show, no such party can effect.
" It must, be apparent to* every intelligent observer that the anti-slavery senti-,
ment now domineers over the public mind in the non-slaveholding States. In
all the recent elections in that, quarter of the. Union, the ordinary political issues
have been made subordinate tp the slavery subject: Is it not surprising that
Southern men should, at such a momCnt, be expected to waive this issue, and
elevate a new party into power, without even inquiring their purposes upon this
subject ? Just at the time when the Northem States are uniting in an assault
upon the vital interests of the South, ought we to abandon the vigilant care pf
our OWP affairs,, in a gratuitous effort tO purge Northern society of a disease
which may afflict .them, but does not disturb us? We appeal to Southern men,
without- distinction of party, to ponder the consequerices before fbey co-operate
with this organization. The secrecy with whioh its proceedings are conducted,
afford ample ground for caution and suspicion. A party which conceals all its

.128
operations an,d designs from the public, may conceal some of its. ultimate pur
poses from that portion of its own votaries to whom a premature disclosure
might be hazardous. The same. principle of political ethics, which justifies de
ception upon tbose outside the order, 'might excuse partial concealment from
those within. When you enter this order, you assent to the propriety of con-
cealment as an agency in pa!rtisatt contests. How can you complain when it is
practiced upon yourselves by your own confederates? Know Nothingism does
not pretend to disclose to its Southern adherents its designs upon any of the
questions concerned which Federal Legislation can really affect Southern inter
ests. Will you persist in arming this party with all the powers of the Federal
Government, without enquiring and approving its purposes uppn those questions,
simply because you may happen to agree with its views upon two subjects of no
practical importance to you, and concerning neither of which can any material
. action be had by the Federal Government ? , The fact, that it discloses to you
its views upon those subjects, while it carefully conceals tlfem upon- more vital
topics, ought, of itself, to awaken your apprehensions. Wiile it attempts to
delude you with the fiction -that Opposition to Foreignism and Catholicism is
an issue which overrides all others, it is actively and rapidly filling the halls of
Congress with men pledged to measures of fearful import to ypur interests.
If the designs. of Kuow Nothingism were even free from censure, it should
still bo repelled , from your midst. In giving countenance to a secret politieal
organization, you are introducing an instrument which may be applied to the
irfbst dangerous purposes. Befprfe you bring the wooden horse within our gates,
bp sure tn-at no armed enemy is concealed in the fatal structure. If any party
in our midst ever assails the institution of slavery, its first approaches will be
cloaked in a secrecy similar to .that which now conceals Know Nothingism. The
World's Convention of AboUtionists, at London, recommended the formation of
anti-slavery societies in the Southern States. Popular sentiment opposes a for
midable and unsup'erable barrier to the public execution- of this plan. But
when the operations of parties have become secret, how soph m^y we not expect
such an organization as the World's Convention has advised?. We respectfully
and earnestly beg ^ou to consider whether any good which thia organization
may be expected to effect can compensate for the least of the evils that may
follow in its train.
What .have we to expect from the actipn of this party upon those other sub
jects which the Democratic party has been accustomed to regard as so importapt
in the administration of the Federal Goyernmcnt ? After the arduous contests
.which we have, maintained for so many years — just as the Democratic policy is
fully established, and the country is gladdening under its influence^shall we
blindly .elevate into power a party which may revolutionize the whole system?
IJowever carefully they may ponceal their political views, it cannot he denied
that this party is principally composed of the same materials which, combjned
under a different name, have beep heretofore ip oppositiop to the Democratic
party. The same indiscriminate hostility to 'paturalized citizens that now dis-
tingui.ihes Know-Nothingisra, characterized the Federal party in the times of
John Adams and of the Hertford Convention. The Democracy, under the lead
6f Jefferson and of Madison, have successfully encountered it heretofore, and
are not afraid to meet it again. The annihilation of the Democratic party in
the Union - is a leading object of the Know Nothing organization. Flushed
with its Northern triuriiphs, it comes here upon Virginia soil to encounter a
party that wears the insignia of its victories through half a century, and that
has never known defeatj. Whenever disaster has overwhelmed the Demacraey,,of
the Union, they haYe always looked to the Party in Virginia to retrieve the
fortunes of the day. Onpe more we are called to perform that duty. If we
arrest the progress of this new enemy, and lift the trailing banner of our party,
we rally the Democracy of the confederacy for a successful struggle in the Pre-

129
sidential contest of 1856. If we are defeated in Virginia, we disapppint the
hopes of the best friends of the Constitution. We are looked to with hope or
with fear by the whole confederacy.' Let the Democracy of Virginia be equal
to the emergency. JOHN RUTHERFOORD, Chairman.

VARIOUS ARGUMENTS AND DOGMAS OP KNOW NOTHINGISM
EXAMINED.
We append here sundry articles from thc Rifhmond Examiner touching sun
dry features of Know Nothingism.
The Kno-w Nothings' oaths grossly violate the Constitution. — The
following schedule contrasts the nationality oi which the Constitutions of Vir
ginia and of the Union is refulgent in every line apd letter, with the expfosive,
combustible, revolutionary, fanatical and bigoted stuff, "with which the Know
Nothing ritual is saturated in every section and article.

Know Nothing Constitution.
Art. IIL "The object of this or
ganization shall be to resist the insid-
uous policy of the 'Church of Rome,
and other foreign influences against the
institutions of the country, by placing
in all offices in the gift of the people,
or 'by appoinitnetit, none but native
born Protestant citizens." ,

Constitut-ion of the United States.
Art. VI. No religious test shall ever
be required as a qualification for any
office of public trust under this govern- ¦
ment.

Know Nothing oath.
"You furthermore promise and de
clare that you will not vote nor give"
your influence for any man for any of
fice in the gift of the people, unless
he be an American born citizen, iri
favor of Americans ruling America,
NOR IF HE BE A I?0MAN CATHOLIC."

Again : " You solemnly and sin
cerely swear, that if it may be legally,
you will, when elected to any office,
remove all foreigners and Roman Ca
tholics trom office ; and that you
will in no case appoint such to
office."

Amendments to the Constitution of the
United States.
Art. I. Congress shall make no law
respecting an establishment of religion,
or the free exercise thereof; or abridg
ing tha freedom of speech or of the press ;
or the right of the people peaceably to
assemble, and to petition the govern
ment for a redress of grieyances.-
Constitution of Yirginia.
Sec. XV. " No man shall be com
pelled to frequent or support any re
ligious worship, place or ministry
whatever ; .nor shall atfy map be en
forced or restrained, molested or bur
thened ip his body or goods, or other
wise suffer, on account of his religious-
opinion or belief; but all men shall be-
free to profess, and by argument to
maintain, their opinions in matters of
religion, and the same shall in no-
¦wisE affect, diminish ok enlarge:
THEIR CIVIL capacities."

130
There could not be a more palpable conflict than that which is here exhibited
betweep the Covenapt of nationality and Union, handed down to us by our fa
thers, and its clandestine assailant. Thc wonder is, that among an intelligent
and patriotic people, so dark and ominous a conspiracy could have acquired the
strength it has attained in tbe land ; but what Hudibras said in the bitterness
of bis cynicism must be acknowledged to be true in the extent to which it ap
plies to the proselytes of this new monstrosity : —
The world is naturally averse.
To all the good it sees and hears ;
But swallows nonsense and lies.
With greediness and gluttony.
The Constitution of our country guarantees to every man in the' land the
right to profess and propagate his creed, provided only that he is a law-abiding
citizen. This is as it should be. That great charter of our liberty never con
templated any religious test to constitute a man a suitable person to hold an of
fice under its purview. It is vain to say that you only exercise your rights as
freemen to cast your votes for whom you please. In pledging yourselves to ex
clude all persons from political offices who bold the Romish feith, you do virtu
ally require a religious test. You require at least that your capdidate shall be
a Protestant. The question is not, if two persops are equaUy qualified to fill
an office, the oue a Romanist, the other a Protestant, which of the two you
shall choose ; but your principles force you to choose a map wholly unfit to fill
the place ip opposition to a man qualified in every respect to fill it, save that he
is a Romanist. You would proscribe a Taney, or a Gaston, for bis faith, and
in his place elect a man in no respect qualified to discharge tho duties of the
office. Now if this is not proscribing a man for his religious opinions, the wri
ter is at a loss to know what it is. Leaye this whole matter where the Consti
tution of tbe country leaves it. Judge each map by himself, and decide upon
his OWP individual merits, but do pot proscribe him for his faith. You cannot
coerce a ipan to your opinion. He may adopt your shibboleth for the sake of
gain, but you have only made a hypocrite instead of a proselyte.
The purity of religion no less than the welfare of the country would he pro
moted, by leaving the question of Romanism where our Constitution leaves it.
Without the shadow of a doubt, pure religion would be advanced in the same
way. An effort to exclude all Romanists from participating in the administra
tion of our government, would only make them combine to accomplish more
effectually their object, whereas if left to the silent operation of other influences
they would cast their votes as citizens, and not as persecuted religionists. There
will always be found men who will bid for their suffrages. In a representative
form of government the power of numbers must be felt, and if Romanists
cannot elect a man who professes their faith, they will cast their suffrages for
one who most nearly reflects their peculiar yiews, or will do their bidding. In
this way a secret Romanist will be elected, instead of an open. Which of the
two is preferaole ? Is it net better to have an open than a secret foe ? The
truth is, this whole agitatiou, instead nf weakening, will strengtbep this sect.
It will elevate an unimportant political element, by the power of combination,
into one important, if not controlling.
The test of religious belief is arbitrary, unjust and oppressive. It is contra
ry to the Constitution, which expressly forbids that " any religious test shall
ever be required as a qualification to any office of public trust under this go
vernment." Every Know Nothing who takes an oath bidding him to try can
didates by this test, takes an oath against the Constitutiop of the Union. We
do not charge them with inteptiopal culpability in tbis act, which we know they
must commit in thoughtlessness and without due examination, but we warn them

131
against persisting ip an .oath ip direct antagonism to the Constitution of their
country. There are a great many 'honest mep who see the dilemma in whicb their
Know Nothingism places them as good citizens, and yet are deterred from leav
ing the Order from consciencious scruples in regard to this oath taken in their
initiation. An oath to violate one's conscience ought nnt to bo obeyed. The
passage from S'r. Mark, reciting the occurrence between Herod and the daughter
of Herodias, illustrates the fatal consequepces of a vicious vow.
" For Herod himself had sent forth and laid hold upon Jobn, and bound bipi '
in prison for Herodias' sake, his brother Philip's wife ; for he had married her.
For John had said unto Herod : It is not lawful for thee to have thy bro
ther's wife.
Therefore, Herodias had a quarrel against him, and would have killed him, but
she could not.
For Herod feared John, kpowing that he was a just man and an holy, and
ob.served him ; and when he heard him, he did many things, apd heard him
gladly. And when a copveniept day was come, that Herod on bis birth-day, made a
supper to his lords, high captains, apd chief estates of Galilee ; •
And when the daughter of the said Herodias came in, and danced, and
pleased Herod and them that sat with him, the King said unto the damsel, ask
of me whatsoever thou wilt, and I will give it thee.
And he swore unto her, whatever thou shalt ask of me, I will give it thee,
even unto half of my kingdom.
And she went forth, and said unto her mother, what sball I ask ? and she
said the head of Johp the Baptist.
And she came in straightway with haste unto the King, and asked, saying,
I wish that thou give me, by and by, in a charger, the head of John the Bap.-
tist. And the King was exceedingly sorry ; yet for his oath's sake, and for their
sakes which sat with bim, he would not reject her."

The Facts of the Census. — We do not know anything in the course of
the history of the country more humiliating than the reflection that in our land,
consecrated to equal rights, and boasting its popular inteUigence, an unmanly
crusade bas been gotten up with the avowed purpose of disfranchising a frag
ment' of our people, constituting only twelve and a half per cent, of the whole
population, and of persecuting a sect of Christians numbering less than ope in
one hundred of the Church of Jesus Christ, out of that highest and most sacred
of all the liberties for which our fathers fought and shed their blood — the lib
erty OF conscience.
We desire to call the attention of the honest, honorable and magnanimous
people of Virginia to the facts of this humiliating subject, as shown by the
Census. 1. The foreigners in Virginia number but two. and a half ip a hundred of
her white populatio-n ; aud the foreigners in the United States but twelve and
a half in a hundred of the free population of the Union.
2. Except Ireland — which the noble old Whig, Henry- Clay, once regr'etted
that some great convulsion of nature had not transplated from the side of Eng
land to the side of generous Kentucky — and except Bnglaud, no single State
of Europe has given nativity to as many of the residents of Virginia as the
Abolition State of Massachusetts'.

132
3. The aggregate number of foreigners in the Southern slave States to the
aggregate free population, is less than tioo in a hundred; showing that the
Know Nothing movement is of Northern origin, and an ism that the South
stands in no need of — saying nothing of the pusillanimity of a popular crusade
against a handful of strangers, when tbe odds are as one hundred against two!
4. The number of Catholic Churches in Virginia is but 17 in an aggregate
of 2,386, and these 17 small and thinly attended, being capable of accommo-
djiting but 7,930 persons, while the Protestant Churches accommodate 850,156!
5. 'This isa glaring fact, that there are 87,383 free natives in Virginia unable
to read and write ; of whom 30,244 (or twice the whole number of male for
eigners now in Virginia — 15,606) are native white males. If the republican
principle of equal rights should be violated in order to proscribe 15,606 foreign
males, many of them educated and distinguished for learning, talents, and pat
riotism, it would follow that the principle should be violated also in respect to
twice that number of natiye males unable to read and write.
NATIVITIES.

1. Virginia (whiles.)
Born in the State,
Born out of the State, but in the United States,
Born ip foreign countries,
Nativities unknown.

2. Other States and Territories (whiles.)
Born in the States and Territories,
Born in foreign countries,
Nativities >tnknown.

Population. >

Ratio,

813,811

90.95

57,582

6.44

22,953

2.56

454

.05

894,800
17,279,829 2,240,581 32,958
19,553,068

100. 88.3711.46 .17
100.

1. Virginia,
Born in the State,
Born out of the State, but in the United States,
Born in foreign countries,
Natives unknown,
2. Other States and Territories.
Born in States and Territories,
Bom in foreign countries,
Nativities unknown,
The annexed table shows the proportion of native to foreign-born in different
sections of the United States, (white and free colored.) The first column rep
resents the native, including unknown; the second, foreign-born ; and third,
proportion of foreign to native, per cent. :

Male.

Female.

404,331 31,084 15,606 279

409,480 26,498 7,347 175

8,765,347 1,239,464 21,591

8,514,482 1,001,117 11,067

Eastern,

2,421,867

306,249

12.65

Middle,

5,447,733

1,080,674

19.84

Southern,

2,342,255

43,530

1.86

South Western,

1,973,531

105,335

5.34

N. West and Ter.

5,557,529

708,860

12.75

17,742,915 2,244,648

12.65

133
NU.^BER of churches in VIRGINIA.
Baptist, 650 ; Christian, 16 ; Episcopal, 173 ; Free, 108 ; Friends, 15 ; Germ.
Ref, 9 ; Jewish, 1 ; Lutheran, 50 ; Mennonite, 6 ; Methodist, 1025 ; Mora
vian, 8; Presbyteriap, 241; Roman Catholic, 17; Swedenborgen, 1; Tunker,
8 ; Universalist, 1 ; minor sects, 5. Total, 2,386.
The total value of Church Property in Virginia is $2,860,876 ; of which the
Methodists possess $825,000; Baptists, $688,818; Episcopal, $529,450;
Presbyterian, $571,165; and Roman Catholics, $126,100.
The total number of Churches in the States and Territories is 38,183, of
which 13,338 are Methodist; 9,360 Baptist; 4,863 Presbyterian; 1,461 Epis
copalian ; and 1,227 Roman Catholic.
The total " Church Accommodations" in Virginia is 858,086 ; of which
323,708 is Methodist; 257,589 Baptist; Presbyterian, 104,125; Episcopal,
80,684 ; and Roman CathoUc, 7,930.
The number of pupils in the State, attending school, was in 1850, 109,775,
of whom 211 were foreign born — ninety-two hundredths of one per cent, of the
gross foreign population.
The number of persons — white and free colored — over twenty-one years of
age, who were unable to read and -write, was as foUows: Native, 87,383 ; For
eign, 1,138; native white males, 30,244; native white females, 46,761. Total,
88,520. The per cent, of native white and free celored illiterate to total native and
free colored population in Virginia is 9.44 ; tbe per cent, of foreign do. to for
eign do. do. is only half that, or 4.95 !

" Foreigners Rule America."— We find the following table going the
rounds of the Whig and Know Nothing papers of Virginia :
Number of foreigners and Americans now holding office under the United
States Government at Washington :
Washington, D. C.
State Department,
Treasury Department,
Department of the Interior,
Officers and agents in service of House of Rep
resentatives,
Post Office Department,
Ministers and Consuls,
Coast Survey,
United States Mint,
Light house Board Inspectors and Keepers,
U. States Revenue and Marine Service, 767 1484
The lists of Custom House officers in the different States show — Americans,
215 ; Foreigners, 1837. ....
It is printed conspicuously at the head of their leading editoriaj columns, and
must be regarded, therefore, as the platform of principles of the Fusionists in
the present canvass. It discloses the leading passion that actuates the Outs,
showing that their eyes are intently set upon office, and that their minds are

Amer.

For.

12

26

139

278

338

500

10

40

11

80

510

914

151

106

15

30

25

12

31

392

35

30

134
very earnestly exercised with the statistics of office. We doubt not the mass
of them belieye the truth of the statement, and that some wag of the Order,
seeing the vast numbers in their ranks who act upon the principles of the loaves
and fishes, has played a trump card in concoctipg this statement, and in mul-
tiplyipg the real number of foreigpers holding office in the lapd by ten, fifty,
or a hundred, in order to whet the appetite of the outs, and prove to their anx
ious office seeking minds, that there will be vacancies for all and some to spare.
Just for the sake of truth, we shall pick this Munchausen bladder of the
Fusionists with a bodkin from the Washington Union, in the shape of the fol
lowing official document. POST office department.
We begin with the appointment in the Post Office Department :
Clerks, 84
Assistant Postmasters General, 3
Messenger, 1
Assistant Messengers, 2
Watchmen, 3
Laborers, 7
Whole number, 100
Of these, 88 are of American birth, and 12 of foreign birth.
Tiie following are the particulars to be observed :
1. John Marron, Third Assistant Postmaster General, appointed May 17th,
1830 ; was born in Ireland, came here whep eight moptbs old.
2. John Agg, clerk, appointed June 8th, 1851 ; born ip Epgland, resided
here for more than forty years.
3. N. Holten, clerk, appointed June 3, 1.834; born in Switzerland, resided
here 27 years.
4. J. Lawrenson, clerk, appointed April 7, 1834; born in England, came
here 3 months old, now fifty years in this country.
5. G. A. Schwarzman, clerk, appointed June, 1848 ; born ip Germany, came
to this country 16 years of age, served 10 years iu the American army.
6. E. Donelly, clerk, appointed July 1, 1853 ; born in Ireland, came to this
country when 8 years of age, now 32 years in tbe country.
7. J. R. Condon, clerk, appointed July 1, 1853 ; born in Ireland, came here
about 21 years of age, now 40 years old.
8. J. E. McMabon, clerk, appointed May 2, 1853 ; horn in Ireland, came
here an infant, now 22 years of age.
9. James McCorrick, clerk, appointed July 2, 1853 ; born in Ireland, came
hero young, now 45 years old.
10. C. McDonnel, messenger, appointed August 10, 1853 ; born in Ireland,
resident in the country 35 years.
11. T. Molchon, watchman, appointed May 22, 1853 ; born in Ireland, resi
dent in tbis country many years.
12. James Orr, clerk, appointed August, 1854; born in Ireland, resided here
14 years, served two and a half years in the Mexican war, and was badly
wounded. department of the interior.
The Interior Department shows the following result : American. Foreign.
Interior Department proper, - - 16 4
L-nd Office, - . - 112 12

55

4

17

2

52

5

21

6

13

2

135
Patent Office, ...
Indian Bureau, - - .
Pension Office, ...
Commissioners of Public Buildings, and watchmen, keepers
of bridges, &c., under bis control.
Penitentiary, ... Total, 286 35
the department of STATE.
The following is from the Department of State. It will be observed that the
proportion of foreigners holding office under this department is somewhat greater
than usual ; and the reason obvious : a number of the consulates do not pay a
living compensation. Araerican citizens cannot and will not accept of such ap
pointments, and they are given to foreigners simply because no body else will
take them : Department op State, August 28, 1854.
The following is a statement respecting all persons now employed either in or
under the supervision of the Department of State :
/ T..— Employed Abroad.
1. Ministers, commissioners, secretaries of legation, and agents connected with
them — whole number, 42.
Of these, 4 were born abroad, 3 of whom have been naturalized, and 1, the
United States despatch agent in London, has not.
2. Consuls and commercial agents — whole number, 220.
Of these, 49 were born abroad, of whsm 21 have been naturalized, and 1 has
not ; and 1 was born under the flag of the United States ; the rest, or 26, may
have been naturalized, but of this the department has no evidence.
II. — Employed in the United States, or their Territories, as Governors, or
Secretaries of Territories and dispatch agents — whole number, 16.
Of whom 13 were born in tbe United States. Tbe rest, 2 of whom are dis
patch agents, were probably so born ; but of this the department bas no direct
evidence. III. — Employed in this department — whole number, 40.
Of these, 6 were born abroad; one of whom came to the United States in his
third year, and is of American parents, who at the time of his birth, were-tem-
porarily residing abroad; 4 Of the others so born haye been naturalized, and 1
soon will be :
Clerics. — William Hunter, Rhode Island ; A. French, New York ; Frs.
Markoe, St. Croix, of American parents; A. H. Derrick, Pennsylvania; James
S. Mackie, Ohio; J.P. Polk, Delaware; R. S. Chilton, New Jer,sey ;"H. D. J.
Pratt, Massachusetts ; G. J. Abbot, New Hampshire ; R. S. Chew, Virginia ;
Wm. C. Reddal, Virginia; Charles V. Gordon, Virginia; Edmund Flagg,
Maine ; George Chipman, George Hill, Connecticut; George Bartie, Virginia;
L. F. Tesistro, Ireland ; Edward Stubbs, Ireland ; H. D. Johnson, Massachu
setts ; R. S. Gillett, New York ; C. G. Baylor, Kentucky.
Messenger. — Calvin Ames, Massachusetts^
Packer. — Wm. P. Faherty, Maryland.
Watchmen. — Wm. H. Prentiss, District of Columbia; Jaines Donaldson,.
Distript of Columbia; R. Harrison, England; A. Best, Germany.

136
Laborers. — James S. Martin, Maryland ; William Lucus, District of Colum
bia; E. W. Hansell, Pennsylvapia ; W. A. Scott, Pennsylvania; Thomas
Thomas, Virginia; James Williamson,- Virginia ; Charles H.Brown, Maryland;
John McQuire, Ireland. ^
Recapitulation.
21 clerks — 18 native born; 1 born of American parents, transiently abroad ;
2 foreign born. 1 messenger — native born. 1 packer — native born.
2 watchmen — native born ; 2 watchmen — foreign born.
7 laborers — natiye born; 1 laborer — foreign born.
35 in all — 30 of whom are native citizens ; 5 of whom are foreign.
treasury department.
In the office of the secretary of the Treasury and bureaus, including the of
fices of the assistant treasurers and mints, there are 430 Americans, 26 foreign
ers, and 3 not known.
Revenue cutter service — Americans, 65.
Light-house keepers — Americans, 238 ; foreigners 32 ; not known, 132.
Customs — Americans, 1,845; foreigners, 227 ; not known, 20.
Total nuraber of persons employed under the State Treasury, Post Office and
Interior Departments, is as follows-:
Americans, 3,346
Foreigners, 430
Not known, 330
Whole number of employed, 4,106
In tbe House of Representatives op the first of October, 1853, there were
fifty-four persons employed — all of whom, except one, were Americans.
The statement of the Fusionists is, therefore, shown to be the reverse of truth
in every particular item covered by this document from the Union ; and the in
ference is, of course, irresistible, that it is so in all its items : — Falsum in uno
falsum in omnibus. It asserts the foreigners employed in the several depart
ments to be two to one over natives ; while the fact is there are seven to one
natives over foreigners. It claims that there are nine to one foreigners over na
tives in the Custom Houses ; while the fact is, that there are nine to one natives
over foreigners.
For tbe sake of contrast, we give below the Munchausen statement on the
left hand and the official statement on the right. It is amusing.
Look here, upon this picture, and on this :

State Department,
Treasury Department,
Dep. of Interior,
House of Representatives,
Post Office Department,
* Total Munchausen,
Ministers and Consuls,
Light-house keepers.
Custom House officers,

lausen St

atement.

Official statement.

Native.

For.

Native. For.

12

26

30 5

139

278

430 26

338

500

286 85

10

40

53 1

11

80

88 12

510

914

Total true, 887 79

151

106

208 54

31

392

238 32

216

1837

1845 . 227

137
The Absurdity of Fearing the Catholics. — It is the characteristic of all
one-ideaisms, that they are sure to make fanatics of their advocates ; whatever
degree of intelligence and elevation of mind and feeling they always before
bave possessed. We are sure that if there was a broad and substantial founda
tion of merit and patriotism in the Know Nothing movement, its intelligent
members would scorn to appeal to religious bigotry and prejudice for that pop
ular sympathy which the cause would command without such unworthy recourse.
Out of about one million and a half of human beings in Virginia, there is but
the little handful of 7,930 — one half of one per cent, of the whole — who pro
fess and worship according to the Catholic faith. What must be said of a party
which dares not tftist ifs cause to reason and argument in such a State as Virgi
nia ; but, to carry its point, is obUged to appeal to the religious feeUngs, preju
dices and jealou.sy oi fourteen hundred thousand Protestants against eight thou
sand Catholics, under the cowardly, mean, malignant and false pretence that
such a majority is in danger of subjugation from such a handful of proscribed
people. If there be real and imminent danger of the sort, where have been
tho sentinels that are just raising this sudden alarm, for the last ten, or twenty,
or fifty years gone by ? It bas only been within a twelve month that the new
paity have monopolized to itself all the Protestantism and genuine Americanism
of the country, and raised, sudden as a fire-bell at night, the alarm against the
wolf — the Pope — the poor Itali-an Prince Pio .Nino. Either the leaders have
been long very neglectful of duty and lukewarm in patriotism, or they talk
gammon, to gull the ignorant million and alarm the amiable but weak and easily
terrified spinsters of the country, when they cry out against the temporal power
of the Pppe.
Wm. Pitt, while Prime Minister of England, contemplating an act of justice
to the Catholics, solemnly proposed a set of interrogatories to several of the
most celebrated Catholic Theological Universities in Europe. The following
questions were proposed : First. Has the Pope, or have the Cardinals, or any
body of men, or bas any individual of the Church of Rome, any civil anihority,
power, jurisdiction or pre-eminence whatever within the realm of England.
Second. Can the Pope, or Cardin-als, or any body of raen, or any individual of
tbe Churoh of Rome, absolve or dispense his Majesty's subjects from tbeir oath
of allegiance, upon any pretence whatever ? Third. Is there any principle in
the tenets of the Catholic faith, by which Catholics are justified in not keeping
faith with Heretics, or other persons differing from them in religio-us opinions,
in any transactions, either of a public or private nature ? To these questions
the Universities of Paris, Louvain, Alcala, Salamanca and Valadolid, after ex
pressing their astonishment that it could be thought necessary at the close of
the 18th century, and in a country so enlightened as England, to propose such
enquiries, severally and unanimously answered : 1st. That the Pope, or Cardi
nals, or any body of men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, has not
and have not any civil authority, power, jurisdiction or pre-eminence whatever,
within the realm of England. 2dly. That the Pope, or Cardinals, or any body
of men, or any individual of the Church of Rome, capnot absolve or dispense
his Majesty's subjects from their oath of allegiance upon any pretext whatso
ever. And, 3dly. That there is no principle in the tenets of the Catholic Faith,
by which Catholics are justified in not keeping faith with Heretics, or other
persons differing from them in reUgious opinions, in transactions either of a
public or a private nature. The Pope himself was written to upon the same
question, and most solemnly announced that his See asserted no such claim.
Surely this is better testimony than the self-contradictory declaration of a Dub
lin Catholic editor.
We do not rely, however, in a matter of this sort, upon documentary evi
dence, or newspaper asseveration. We take the ground that the people are
themselves sufficient to assert and maintain their independence of Popes of all

138
sorts; and that they are in no danger of heing deposed from the sovereignty
with which their Maker aud their Fathers endowed them in these States.
Three thousand and fifty Protestant clergy will in vaiu hurl their anathemas
against them from Yankee pulpits, and one DubUn editor may inipotentiy pro
claim the Pope's authority over their temporal concerns, but while they have
the right to manage their own affairs, spite of Popes and of secret^ clubs, they
wiU always be ready and able to maintain and support that sovereignty. It is
only an insult to the intelligence, the manliness and the Christiap sentiment of
the Virginia people to maintain the possibility of a priestcraft domination over
them from any quarter or of any sort.
But what are the historical evidences of the truth of this charge, that Catho
lics are less attached to civil governments entitled to their allegiance, than other
denominations ? Surely the Catholic subjects of the British crown have had
cause of offence against that government in its persecutions of Catholic Ireland.
Surely the only CathoUo province of that government, on this continent, might
have been excused, while these persecutions of their Catholic brethren, in Ire
land, were going on, for seeking annexation to the United States. Surely the
French Catholics of Canada have had incentives of animosity sufficient to shake
their allegiance to the British Government in its numberless and bitter wars
against Catholic France. Yet what is the present political status of Catholic,
French, colonial Canada ? Hear how Lord Nugent refutes this idea of a half
allegiance on the part of Catholics :
" Your other colonies revolted ; they called on a Catholic power to support
them, and they achieved their independence. Catholic Capada, with what Lord
Liverpool would call her half-alliance, alone stood by you. She fought by your
side against the interference of Catholic France. To reward and encourage her
loyalty, you endowed in Canada bishops to say mass, and to ordain others to
say mass, whom, at that very time, your laws would have hanged for saying
mass in England ; and Canada is still yours ip spite of CathoUc France, in
spite of her spiritual obedience to the Pope, in spite of Lord" Liverpool's argu
ments, and in spite of the independence of all the States that surround her.
This is tho only trial you havc made. Where you allow to the Roman Catho
lics their religion undisturbed, it has proved itself to be compatible with the
most faithful allegiance. It is only where you have placed allegiance and reli
gion before them as a dilemma, that they have preferred (as who will say that
they ought not ?) their religion to their allegiance. How, then, stands the im
putation ? Disproved by history, disproved in all States, where both reUgions
co-exist, and in both hemispheres, and asserted in an exposition by Lord Li
verpool, solemuly and repeatedly abjured by all Catholics, of the discipline of
their church." — Lord Nugent's Letter to Rev. Sir George Lee, Bart.
Men might idly dispute till doomsday over the nice question in political ca
suistry of the extent of the Papal claim of temporal power outside of Rome.
But here are facts which illustrate bow devoted Catholics may be and are in
tbe habit of showing themselves in tbe practical matter of allegiance. Yet it
is due to candor to admit that there are historical instances in which Catholica
have refused to obey the calls of the British government. The Irish Catholic
Parliament refused to furnish taxes to support the war against the American
colonies in their struggle for freedom. Then, too, there is this notable passage
in Botta, pp. 236-'7 :
" General Carleton, finding the Canadians so decided in tbeir opposition, had
recourse to the authority of religion. He therefore solicited Brand, the Bishop
of Quebec, to publish a mandament, to be read from the pulpit, by tbe curates,
in time of divine seryice. He desired the prelate should exhort the people to

139
take arms, and second the soldiers of the king, in their enterprises against the
colonies. But the bishop by a memorable example of piety and religious mod
eration, refused to lend his ministry in this work; saying that such conduct
would be too unworthy the character of the pastor, and too contrary to the ca
nons of the Roman church. However, as in all professions, there aro individ
uals who prefer their interest to their duty, and the useful to the honest, a few
ecclesiastics employed themselves with great zeal in this affair ; but all tbeir
efforts were in vaiu : the Canadians (Catholics) persisted in their principles of
neutrality. The nobility, so well treated in the act of Quebec, felt obligated
in gratitude to proraote in this occurrence the views of the government, and
yery strenuously exerted themselves with that intention, but without any better
success." It is a well known fact that when Lord Howe, the first British commander
of the forces designated at the breaking out of the American war for the inva
sion of this country, was ordered by the war department to prepare for embar
kation, he wrote that he could not trust the#rish Catholic soldiers of his army,
as all their sympathies were with America ; and tbe British government was
forced to buy Protestant Hessiaps -at the rate of sixpepce a head from the
Prince of Hesse Cassel. And the emissaries dispatched to Germany wrote
more than once to Lord NoSth complaining bitterly of the German Catholics
interfering with the enlistment of soldiers for America.
There are facts, however, still later, and, if possible, still stronger <ihan
these. Catholic Louisiana fought full as bravely and effectually as Know Nothing
Massachusetts against Catholic Mexico in the war of 1846-'47. Louisiana fur
nished seven regiments and 7,041 troops to fight against her brethren of the
Catholic faith in that war of races and religions ; altho' Know Nothing Massa
chusetts, in the excess of ber zeal against the Pope and his people, furnished
but one regiment of 930 men to smite the Blexicap priests ; and furnished that
number only by dint of most strenuous exertions on the part of the patriotic
Democrats in her borders. If you ask whicb three States furnished the largest
number of troops iu that foreign war against a CathoUc nation and a Catholic
race, the archives of the country will tell yo.u that they were the Catholic States
of Louisiana, Missouri and Texas. These furnished respectively 7,041, 6,441
and 6,955 men, or an aggregate equal to the total number supplied by all the
other States in the Union ! Besides, it is notorious that the regular army of
the United States was made up during that war so exclusively of Irish, (Catho
lics) that it was difficult to find natives enough for the non-commissioned offi
cers. Surely the generous people of Virginia will consider the evidence of the
muster rolls of the country a better tablet of Catholic patriotism, under all
temptations of religious prejudice and bigotry, than the newspaper columns of
oath-bound editors. Let those who, for political purposes, are seeking to excite
the hatred of the magnanimous Virginia voters against that patriotic people,
read these facts of history, and blush for their lack of generosity.

The followipg articles from the Enquirer discussed other branches of the
subject in a most able and conclusive manner.
KNOW-NOTHINGISM AND 'CATHOLICISM.
Without any very penetrating research or profound philosophy, a person may
discover that Know-Nothingism rests upon the vicious principles and practices

140
the very abominations with which the Catholic Church is reproached by its en
emies. It is true both in a logical and historical sense, that Protestantism was a re
volt against the moral despotism of the Catholic hierarchy. The church of
Rome, at first simple in its ritual, pure in its faith,.and spiritual in its aspira
tions, in time decorated itself with barbaric pomp of ceremonial, apd got cor
rupted by the worldly pas.sion of political ambition. The ignorance, the debase
ment and the disorders of the Middle Age, favored the pretensions of the
Church ; as men sought refuge under its wing from the rage of anarchy and the
oppression of violence. We speak as a Protestant when we affirm, that the do
minion of the Church of Rome in the dark ages, if not in itself legitimate and
compatible with the spirit of Christianity, was a political contrivance of im
mense advantage to mankind and to the cause of civilization. We make this
assertion on the authority of the accurate and dispassionate Ranke, and we are
supported in the position by the facts of history. The spiritual sway of Papa-
cy mitigated the ferocity of feudal tyranny, and put a bridle on the savage pas
sions of uncultivated man. Ther(?was no justice but within the precincts of
the sanctuary, no religion out of the confessional, no learning beyond the shades
of the cloister. The hopes of humanity were preserved from a deluge more de-
destructive than that whioh swept away the traces of antediluvian existence, and
the church was the ark in which the seeds of civiUzation were saved from the
raging elements of universal violence and darkness.
E'Br this great service Humanity must thank the Medioeval Church. But the
Church issued from the conflict with pride inflated, ambition stimulated, and
with an immense a.-cession of political power. Men recognized their obligation
to the Church, and from a feeling of gratitude, as well as superstitious dread of
its power, contributed still farther to its aggrandizement. The unclean spirit
took possession of the Churoh, debased its holy nature, and perverted its high
purpose. It became corrupt, in proportion as it became rich, and persecuting as
it got tp be powerful. It arrogated absolute sovereignty over the mind and con
science of men, and estabUshed the dread machinery of the inquisition to en
force conformity to its creed and obedience to its will. But the conscience and
the reason of raen revolted against the despotism of the Church, and Martin
Luther raised a cry for the liberty of private judgment. He asserted the
independence of the reason and conscience of the individual raan, against the
dictation of councils and the authority of the Pope. And he conquered. The
living principles of Protestantism, are, perfect freedom of conscience, and the
sovereignty of the individual reason. But the Catholic Church too was cleansed
of many of its impurities by the spirit of tbe Reformation, and its pride and
its power have melted before the progressive civilization of the age.
In every aspect, Know Nothingism is a preposterous movement. Affecting an
apprehension of hierarchical domination, it assails a cburch which propitiates
pity by its very weakness and helplessness. Declaiming against an alUance of
Church and State, it drags religion into the arena of politics, and promotes the
interests of party by inflammatory appeals to the pious prejudices of Protestants.
Denouncing the "insidious poUcy" and spiritual despotism of the Papacy, it
practices expedients of craft and imposture from which a Jesuit would revolt,
and enforces a submissive obedience to its will with the cruel intolerance of an
Inquisitor. Protestantism is, in its origin and essential idea, a revolt against any external
domination over thc reason and conscience of the individual man. Yet, Know
Nothingism pretends to serve thp interests of Protestantisra, by an organization
which usurps absolute sway over the mipd, apd exacts the most rigid conformity
to the supreme will of the Order ! No strouger coptrast can exist, than between
the liberal spirit of genuine Christianity, which elevates and ennobles the indi
vidual with a sense of infinite responsibility and a consciousness of absolute con-

141
trol over his destiny, and the stern despotism of an organization, wbich strips
its votaries of their manhood, depies to them the prerogative of free thought
and free speech,. apd bipds them to a passive obedience to the mandates of a su
perior power.
We do not misconceive the nature of Know Nothingism. Its essential idea is
the subjection of the individual to the will of the Order. Before initiation he '
binds himself by oath, in all things, political and .locial, io comply with the will
of the Order. After initiation, he is the abject slave of the Order, and cannot
escape from his bondage without the consent of the Order. This is the letter
of its constitution : the Grand Council shall have power to decide vpon all
matters appertaining to National Politics. Thus the individual member
barters away his independent judgment, and in all matters apj>ertaining to na
tional politics binds himself tn submit to the dictation of the Grand Council.
If the Grand Council say the Nebraska bill is an iniquity, he can no more dis
sent from their decision, than a good Catholic can now dispute the immaculate
conception of the Virgin. The Catholic takes his religious faith from Popes
and Councils ; the Know Nothing receives his political creed from a Council too
-r-not a council of men distinguished for piety and learning, but an irresponsi
ble conclave of demagogues, without personal character or publio reputation.
Thus is Kuow Nothingism obnoxious to the very charge of which it accuses
Catholicism. Its indictment against the Papacy recites its own crimes against
humanity. The Churoh of Rome was never more intolerant, the Council of the
Inquisition never more prescriptive, than this perfidious friend of Protestantism,
tbis treacherous champion of religious liberty.

THE ASSERTED TEMPORAL POWER OP THE POPE.
The Know Nothings of Virginia have placed themselves in the most ridicu
lous and discreditable position — they have shown themselves to be the most ar
rant cowards, frightened at the merest shadow. There are only 7,000 CathoUcs
in Virginia, and about 800,000 Protestants — and yet the Know Nothings are
alarmed lost the 7,000 should swallow up the 800,000.' Truly, as Major James
Garland remarked, it would reverse the narrative of the Bible, for it would be
nothing less thap Jonah swallowing the whale! It is difficult to treat this sub
ject in any other Ught than that of levity and ridicule. But since the alarming
Catholic influence, and the overwhelming temporal power of the Pope of Rome,
have been made prominent issues in thc present contest, we deem it our duty to
refute the absurd and groundless idea by a few facts from the records of past
and present History. We shall first qujte at length a declaration of the Eng
lish Catholics in 1789, utterly refuting the Know Nothing theory on the subject
of thc temporal power and influence of the Pope. When we see Catholics,
under the monarchical institutions of England, proclaiming that they are ep-
tirely free from temporal allegiance to the Pope, is it not absurd to witness the
hypocritical alarm expressed, on this point by Know Nothings in our own country,
where religion is free and where Truth is left to combat Error ? The following
we extract frora Rees' Encyclopedia, under the head of "Papists :"
The Declaration and Protestation Signed by ihe English Catholics in 1789.
We, whose names are hereunto subscribed, Catholics of England, do freely
voluntarily, and of our own accord, make the following solemn Declaration and
-Protestation. Whereas sentiments unfavourable to us, as citizens and subjects, have been
entertained by English Protestants, on account of principles which are asserted

142
to be maintained by us and -other Catholics, and which principles are dangerous
to society, and totally repugnant to political and civil liberty ; — it is a duty that
we, tho English Catholics, owe to our country as well as to ourselves, to protest,
in a formal and soleran nianner, against doctrines that we condemn, and that
constitute no part whatever of our principles, religion, or belief.
Wo are tho rnore anxious to free ourselves from such imputation*, because
divers Protestants, who profess themselves to be real friends to liberty of con
science, have, nevertheless, avowed themselves hostile to us, on account of cer
tain opinions which we are supposed to hold. And we do not blame those Pro
testants for their hostility, if it proceeds (as wc hope it does) not from an intol-
ierant spirit in matters of reUgion, but from their being misinformed as to mat
ters of fact.
If it were true, that we, the EngUsh Catholics, had adopted the maxims that
are erroneously imputed to us, we acknowledge that toe should merit the re
proach of being dangerous enemies to the State ; but, we detest those unchris
tian-like and execrable maxims: and ire severally claim, in common with men
of all other religions, as a matter of natural justice, that we, the English Cath
olics, ought not to suffer for or on account of any wicked or erroneous doctrines
that may be held by any other Catholics, which doctrines we publicly disclaim,
anymore than British Protestants ought to be rendered responsible for any dan
gerous doctrines that may be held by any other Protestants, which doctrines
they, the British Protestants, disavoiV.
First, We have been, accused of holding, as a principle of our religion, that
princes, excomraunicated by the Pope and council, or by authority of the See of
Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or other persons.
But, so far is the move mentioned unchristian-like and abominable position
from being a principle that we hold, that we reject, abhor, and detest it, and
very part thereof, as execrable and impious : and we do solemnly declare, that
•neither the Pope, either with or without a general council, nor any prelate, nor
any assembly of prelates or priests, nor any ecclesiastical power whatever, can
absolve the subjects of this realm, or any of them, from their allegiance to his
majesty King George the Third, who is, by authority of pariiament, the lawful
king of this realm, and all of the dominions thereunto belonging.
Second, We have also been accused of holding, as a principle of our reUgion,
that implicit obedience is due from us to the orders and decrees of Popes and
general councils ; and that therefore if tbe Pope, or any general council, should,
for the good of the church, command us to take up arms against government, or
by any means to subvert the laws and liberties of this couptry, or to extermi
nate persons of a different persuasion from us, we (it is asserted by our accu
sers) hold ourselves bound to obey such orders or decrees, on p-aip of eternal
fire :
Whereas, we positively depy that we owe any any such obedience to the Pope
apd general council, or to either of them ; and we believe that no act that is
in itself immoral or dishonest can ever be justified by or under color that it is
done either for the good of the church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical
power whatever. 'We acknowledge no infallibility in the Pope ; and we neither
apprehend nor beUevc that our disobedience to any such orders or 'decrees
[should any such be given or made] could subject us to any punishment what
ever. And wc hold and insist, that the Catholic church ban no power that can,
directly or indirectly, prejudice the rights of Protestants, inasmuch as it is
strictly confined to the refusing to them a participation in her sacraments and
other religious privileges of her communion, which no church fas we conceive)
can be expected to give to those out of her pale, and which no person out of
her pale, will, we suppose, ever require.
And we do solemnly declare, that no church, nor any prelate, nor any priest,
nor any assembly of prelates or priests, nor any ecclesiastical power whatever,

143
hath, have, or ought to have, any jurisdiction or authority whatsoever within
this realm, than can, directly or indirectly, affect or interfere with the indepen
dence, sovereignty, laws, constitution, or government thereof; or the rights,
liberties, persons, or properties of the people of the said realui, or any of them,
save only and except by the authority of parliament ; and that any such as
sumption of power would be an usurpation.
Third, We bave likewise been accused of holding, as a principle of our re
ligion, that the Pope, by virtue of his spiritual power, can dispense with tbe
obligations of any compact or oath taken or entered into by a Catholic ; that
therefore no oath of allegiance, or other oath„ can bind us ; and consequently,
that loe can give no security for our allegiance to any government.
There can be no doubt but that this conclusion would be just, if the original
proposition upon which it is founded were true ; but ice positively deny that we
do hold any such principle. And we do solemnly declare, that neither the pope,
nor any prelate, nor any priest, nor any assembly of prelates or priests, nor
any ecclesiastical power whatever, can absolve us, or any of us, from, or dis
pense with, the obligations of any compact or oath whatsoever.
Fourth, We have also been accused of holding, as a principle of our religion,
• that not only the pope, but even a Catholic priest, has the power to pardon the
sins of Catholics at his will and pleasure, and, therefore, that no Catholic cap
possibly give any security for his allegiance to any government, inasmuch as the
pope, or a priest, can pardon perjury, rebellion, and high treason.
We acknowledge, also, the justness of this conclusion, if the proposition
upon which it is founded were not totally false. But, loe do solemnly declare,
that, on the contrary, we believe that no sin whatever can be forgiven at the
will of any pope, or of any priest, or of any person whomsoever ; but that a
sincere sorrow for past sin, a firm resolution to avoid future guilt, and every
possible atonement to God and the injured neighbor, are the previous and indis-
pen.sable requisites to establish a well-founded expectation of -forgiveness.
Fifth, And we havc also been accused of holding, as a principle of our reli
gion, that no fait*i is to be kept with heretics'; so that no government which
is not Catholic cap have any security from us for our allegiance and peaceable
behaviour. This doctrine, that ' faith is not to be kept with heretics,', we reject, repro
bate and abhor, as being contrary to reUgion, morality, and common honesty ;
and we do hold and solemnly declare, that no breach of faith with any person
whomsoever can ever be justified by reason of or under pretence that sUoh per
son is an heretic or an infidel.
And itie further solemnly declare, that we do make this Declaration and Pro
testation, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words
of the same, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatso
ever. And we appeal to the justice and candor of our fellow-citizens, whether we,
the English Catholics, who thus solemnly disclaim, and from our hearts abhor,
the above mentioned abominable and unchristian-Uke principles, ought to be
put on a level with any other men who may hold and profess those principles.
The above Declaration and Protestation was signed by one thousand seven
hundred and forty persons, including several peers, and two hundred and forty-
one clergymen of the Catholic reUgion.
We come pow to a later day, and we produce proof the most undoubted, that
the Catholic Church most emphatically repudiates the' doctrine that the Pope or
the Church could absolve men from any just and binding obligation. The evi
dence we find in a letter of Michael Doheny, addressed to Henry A. Wise in
the New York "Honest Truth." In 1825, the Irish Bishops were summo-ned
before a committee of the British House of Commons. Amongst themselves

144
they selected the most eminent and learned of their body to represent them.
Being apprised of the subjects of the enquiry, they had ample time to examine
and weigh and duly consider them. Their answers are brifly cited:
Doctor Doyle is asked —
" Can the Pope absolve the king's subjects from their allggiance ?" A. " No."
Q. " Is it in his power to deprive the king of his kingdom ?" A. " It is not,
indeed." _ . _
Q. " Can he by any raeans excuse a CathoUc from bib allegiance ?"
A. "Most undoubtedly not?" *
Q. " Is the claim that some Pijpes have set up to temporal authority opposed
to Scripture and tradition ?"
A. " In my opinion it is opposed to both."
The Right Rev. Dr. Curtis, Archbishop of Armagl in the same examination,
and in answer to the same question, says :
" I do not think it is very conformable to it. I do not say exactly it is op
posed to it ; but certainly he has received no such power from Christ ?"
Doctor Murray, Archbishop of Dublin —
" Tho Pope's authority is wholly confined to his spiritual authority, according
to the words of our Savour, ' My kingdom is not of this world.' His spiritual
power does not allow him to dethrone kings or absolve their subjects from the
allegiance due to them ; and any attempt of that kind I would consider con
trary to Scripture and tradition."
Dr. Kelly, Archbishop of Tuam —
" It never was admitted as a doctrine of the Catholic church that the Pope
had temporal authority outside his own dominions."
Mr. Doheny also refers to the evidence of tbe two most eminent men -who
had theretofore written on the subject in England — Doctor Milner and Father
O'Leary — and who had exposed tho false pretence that the Pope could dispense
with tiie obligations of an oath. He next comes to our own times and refers to
the important case of the College of Maynooth in Ireland. It is (we quote his
language) " a Catholic institution, endowed by the ultra Prot«st-ant Government
df England, and has been now for over half a century the teeming cause of re
ligious acerbity. No wonder that it should, when we consider that by Loudon
law a priest was a " felon," to be educated for the priesthood "felony," and to
officiate as a priest " high treason." How there came to be a Catholic college
is explained in this way :
" Notwithstanding the law, priests were ordained and mass was offered, at
first in caves and mountain gorges, and afterwards in out-of-the way places in
broad day-light. The priests were educated abroad. France, Spain, Italy,
opened asylums of education for thc exiled Irish Catholics, and some came home
as priests, at the risk of being led to the gallows. Strange things foreshadowed
themselves in the literature aud feeling of the continent of Europe, and Eng
land, beginning to be afraid to bang the priest, and apprehending that his
French education was Jacobinical or rather Jacobite, besought her of providing
a horae education for him, with a view to denationalize him. Hence the coUege
of Maynooth — an " invention of the enemy." However, it by no means an
swered the end. The endowment, up to 1845, was only £ 30,000 a year. It
was then increased to £ 50,000, but without, as it would seem, becoming any
more loyal. Since then, bigotry, biting at the wires of its cage, which grows
narrower and narrower daily, has been nibbling at it, and notwithstanding all
that has been said and sworn to the contrary, repeating the pretence that thc
Pope claimed the deposing and absolving power.
"In 1852 a committee was appointed to inquire into the orthodoxy of the
College, who have just issued their report. They examined the professors, and
asked them the same questions the Bishops answered in 1825.

145
" I quote first from Doctor O'Hanlon :
"With regard to the first doctrine of GaUican Liberties, is it not a quesrion
in dispute among Roman CathoUcs? Itis; tho' we may regard the opinion
which attributes either direct or indirect temporal power to the Pope or to the
church as being almost obsolete. The only writers who have attempted to re
vive it in modern times are Dr. Brownson, a recent convert to Catholicity, and
an editor of an American review, and the famous Lamennais, who has been
condemned by the Holy See, for the extravagance and eccentricity of certain
doctrines which he held. I might here observe that in a document addressed
from Rome by Cardinal Antoneli, to the Irish Catholic Prelates, so early as
1791, it is expressly affirmed that the Holy See regards that man-as a calum
niator, who imputes' fe) it the tepet, ' that an oath to kings seperated from the
Catholic comraunion can be violated, or that it is lawful for the Bishop of Rome
to invade their rights and dominions.' Pope Gregory XVL, also, hot only in
his encyclical letter of 1832, but in his reply to the declaration of the Pru.ssian
government in 1838, lays dowp pripciples which appear to me to be irreconcila
ble with tbe opinion which invests the Pope or the church with direct or indi
rect temporal authority. He adopts the doctrine of Tertullian, and some others
of the early fathers, that no cause whatever can justify the deposition or de
thronement of a king, and that the people should patiently endure every sort of
tyranny and oppression rather than have recourse to so violent and dangerous a
remedy. The doctrine is as incompatible with the deposing power of the Pope
as it is repugnant to the ideas of political writers of these countries.
" I close with this quotation, hoping that I have .satisfied you that in es
pousing our cause you have not committed yourself to the rant of men like
this Brownson, who trade upon credulity and superstition."
This evidence should be sufficient to sathsfy all reasonable men, but we mean
to clinch the nail and to show what Catholics think and say, bere at our own
firesides, upon the soil of Virginia, in this metropolis of the Old Dominiop.
With this object in view, we ask attention to tbe following correspondence be
tween James Lyons, Esq., aud the Catholic Bishop of Richmond. His frank
replies to the enquiries addressed to him, should satisfy all but besotted anJ
bigoted Know Nothings, that the charge of the danger to our institutions, from
the temporal power of the Pope, are the wildest fancies, the most unsubstantial
dreams. No additional word of comment can be necessary to dispel tbe terrible
alarm wbich has been conjured up by thc patriotic and pious managers of the
Secret Order, and their zealous co-laborers, the Know Nothing press and
orators : "Richmond, April 18, 1855.
To Bishop McGill,
Rev. Sir : — Having heard and read much declamation against the Catholics,
because of the aUeged temporal power of the Pope, I take the liberty to inquire
of you whether the Catholics in Virginia do ackpowledge apy temporal alle
giance to the Pope ; and whether, if this country could be and was assailed or
iuvaded by the army of the Pope, (if he had "one,) or by any other CathoUc
power, the Catholic citizens of this country, no matter where born, would pot
be as much bound to defend the Flag of America, her rights and liberty, as
any native-born citizen would be; and whether the performance of that duty
would conflict with any oath, or vow, or other obligation of the Catholics ?
My purpose is, with your leave, to make this note and your reply to it
public. * With high respect, your friend, &c.,
JAMES LYONS."
10-

146 " Richmond, Va., April 19, 1855.
Dear Sir :— The letter, whicb you have addressed to me, contains three ques
tions, to which you ask an answer, with a view to publication.
First Question. — " Whether the Catholics in Virginia do acknowledge any
any temporal allegiance to the Pope ?"
To this I answer, that unless there be in Virginia some Italians who owe al
legiance ti the Pope as a temporal Prince, because tbey were born in his States,
and are not naturalized citizens of this country, there are no CathoUcs in Vir
ginia who owe or acknowledge any temporal allegiance to the Pope.
Second Question. — " Whether, if this country could be and was assailed and
invaded by-the array of the Pope, (if he had one,) or by, any other Catholic
power, the Catholic citizens of this country, no matter where born, would not
be as much bound to defend the Flag of America, her rigbts and liberty, as any
native-born citizens would be ?"
Answer: To me, fhe hypothesis of an invasion of our country by the Pope,
seems an absurdity; but should he come with armies to establish temporal do
minion here, or should any other Catholic power make such an attempt, it is
my conviction that all CathoUc citizens, no matter where born, wbo enjoy the
benefits and franchises of tbe Constitution, would be conscienciously bound,
like native-born citizens, to defend the flag, rights and liberties of the RepubUc,
and repgl such invasion.
Third Question. — " Whether the performance of that duty would conffict
with any oath, or vow, or other obligation of the Catholic ?"
Answer: Catholics, reared in the Church as such, have not the custom of
taking any oaths or vows, except the baptismal vows, " to renounce the Devil,
his works and pomps." Persons converted to the faith, or those receiving de
grees in Theology, may be required to take the 6ath contained in the creed of
Pius IV. of obedience to the Pope, which, as far as I know, has always been
understood and interpreted to signify a spiritual obedience to him as head of the
Church, and not obedience to him as a temporal prince. Bishops, on their con
secration, also take an oath which, in our country, is different from the old form
used in Europe. But none of these vows, oaths, and no other obligation of
which I am aware, conflicts with the duty of a citizen of the United States. to
defend the flag and liberties of bis country.
In conclusioq, allow me to state that, as we have no article of faith teaching
that the Pope, of divine right, enjoys temporal power as head of the Church,
whatever some theologians or writers may have said on tbis point, must, like
my answers to your inquiries, be considered as opinions for which the writers
themselves only can be held responsible. Yours, very truly, &c.
J. McGILL, Bishop of Richmond.
To James Lyons, Esq."

THE WINCHESTER CONVENTION.
About five months after the Democratic state ticket -was put forth, on the
14th March, the Know-Nothing party, trying to imitate as much as possible
the Hartford Convention, of Federal blue-light notoriety, assembled in secret
at the town of Winchester, for the purpose of nominating a state ticket.
Never before in the history of Virginia did any party, for the pui-pose named,
assemble in privacy and secrecy to make a state nomination. We suppose

147
that the famou^ Gun Powder plot could not have been concocted under more
binding oaths and -cautious secrecy. Guy Fawkes himself would have owned
its organization as his handiwork. We have pever seep the names of but
three delegates that were present, and these were appended to the schedule
of Basis Principles, which was soop promulgated ip the parae of the conven
tion and to the correspopdence ipformipg the candidates of their nomination.
Who were there, and what was said apd dope, ip aU humap probability -wiU*
never be known to the generation now in existepce. There could be pothing
discovered by exarainipg the registers of the hotels, for the delegates, used
fictitious paraes ip recording themselves. What shall we think of a state
convention which meets and registers under aliases ? Are we to believe that
tbis party loves darkness rather than light because their deeds are evil?
The Examiner contained the~following aniusing notice of the body and its
actions :
The Winchester 'Convention. — After long and painful labors, com
menced in the long coffin-like garret of Stebbins' china-shop, in this city,
some weeks since, and adjourned over, for_ reasons unknown, to Winchester,
a salubrious village of this state, the Know-Nothings have raade their anx
iously expected nominations.
A Winchester paper describes this gathering of raidnight accouchers as a
slim, dreary and melancholy squad of battered Whigs, the aggregate record
of -whose disappointraents and defeats would fill a volume considerably ex
ceeding the dimensions of the doom's-day book. There were about as raany
Know-Nothings in attendance, that paper says, as there -were delegates to
the celebrated Hartford Convention; and, of that number, it is said that
there was a solitary Democrat, whose local habitation and narae we'have pot
heard. The rest were, of course, hungry and famished Whigs — ex-congress
men, ex-state senators, e.\-raerabers of the House of Delegates, ex-sheriffs,
e.x-constables, ex-magistrates, ex-coroners and ex-militia officers of every
ratlk. It was a grand carnival of poUtical cripples, the raairaed, rautilated
remains of defeats and disappointments without nuraber. Dante, in his
excursion through the infernal regions, might have stumbled upon such a
conclave of the political damned, drinking hot brimstone punches, and toast-
inc, at their leisure, on gridirons and pitchforks ; but never before in this
state was there sucb a lifeless convention. The congressional, senatorial and
muster precincts gave up their dead, and -we question whether there was as
much vitality in the whole convention as there is in one healthy Democrat.
We have said that this melancholy assemblage of Chelsea invalids was
Whio-. Its presence perfumed the little town of Winchester with the odor
of church-yard Whiggery. The raairaed survivors of many a sad and luck
less fight, with the gallant Virginia Deraocracy, were seeking prorainept
places m the council charaber of the Know-Nothings, as the afflicted of scrip
tural times struo-o-led to be in the front rank around the healing waters of
Bethesda. No. man, -we venture to say, frora what, we have heard of the
Winchester Convention, could have been present, and beheld that collection
of Whig partisans and leaders, without denouncing Know-Nothingism as the-^
very latest and most vicious invention of the old Federal enemy, that turns
up with a new name, hmt the same old principles and vices, every few years..
There was nothino- Democratic about it. 'The shameful spectacle was pre
sented to an intelligent people, of delegates appointed by secret lodges, bound'
by frightful oaths, pledged upon the Holy Word of God to the work of pro
scription and persecution, meeting with closed doors, and seeking to take

148
from the people all free agency in the selection of their representatives. If
presented the contrast of Cataline's gatheringof disaffected and disappointed
colleao-ues to that of the people of Rome flocking in tbe open air to listen to
the fearless eloquence of Cicero. There are times beyond question — tiihes
-when nations, like individuals, become the victims of temporary insanity—
¦when Reason, tired of sitting on her throne, vacates it for a while, when
Folly "takes the chair," and misrule becomes the order of the day. Good
and true raen are, at such momepts, disregarded ; apd the temporary sove-
reio-n appoipts befittipg courtiers. Such dynasties compress much evil inthe
few months of their existence, and then are overthrowp apd become, a by-
-word apd reproach.
Secret conclaves to select candidates for the people, in a country whei;e
the purity of the elective franchise depends upon its freedom from mystery
and coocealment, illustrate the inauguratiop of such ap unfortunate era as, we
have just referred to. It is a iiew phase of that- spirit of political foUy and
error which made tbe uureflectipg and uppripcipled fall dowp and worship
log-cabins, coon-skins, bard cider, and other barbarous symbols, in 1840. It
is a revival of that incarnation of insincerity, fraud and duplicity — "the no
party movement" — by which the Whig party skulked into po-wer in 1848,
and then laughed at the sUly Democratic gulls who were seduced from Iheir
party but to rue their tre-ason in sackcloth and ashes.
The Winchester Convention, in spirit, intent and arrangement, was anew
device — a fresh snare of Federalism set for that class of Deraocrats who
have again and again been caught and plucked by a political adversary, who,
like tbe raodern Greek, substitutes cunning for boldness and courage. The
solitary Deraocrat -who is said to have formed the popular eleraent in this
Convention of, it is said, sixty-eight delegates, properly represents the exact
proportion of Deraocracy in the Know-Nothing party in Virginia. It is
made up in the ratio of sixty-eight parts of rank, bitter and raost uncom
promising Federalism to one of bogus, pinchbeck Democracy. The Federal
pill is coated, not with fine white sugar, but with a compound of treacle and
coffee brown. This new organization the late ludicrous Convention at Win
chester has convinced every body, possesses no actual strength in Virginia.
The proud, inflexible, consistent Henry Clay Whigs will never give up the
banner of " the old Clay Guard," torn and ragged as it is, to march under
the black flag of a secret society. The unambitious, intelligent gentiemen of
the Whigparty, men depending upon their plantations, not "upon office for sup
port, would sooner die than exchange paiss-words, oaths and grips -with sUppery
professional politicians in the garret ¦; of china shops. They hold too sacred the
memory of their great leaders to deny the name givep them by the noble
KenTOckian, and become Know-Nothings. In spite of the example of the
solitary Democrat in the Winchester Convention, pipe hundred and pinety-
nine of our party would consider it a profanation to abandon the faith of
their fathers, and become disciples of Judson, the convict, Bennet, the out
law, and UUman, the Hindoo, and regard such a solicitation as affording
ample justification for knocking the verdant author of tbe proposition down.
Know-Nothingism may fester in the towns and villages, among Whig shop
keepers, but there is a power in the countrj', araong the Democratic farmers,
that will crush it out.
Sam's Unsuccessful and Successful Courtships. — It is a perfectly
notorious fact, that long before the Winchester Convention, the chief con
spirators of the new order of Jesuits, in this state, like the " Father of
Evil," went about covertly throwing temptations in the way of nearly every
available and distinguished Deraocrat. Acting upon the" Walpole "theory,
that "every public man had his price," they essayed to secure for their pur
pose a strong, healthy Deraocrat — thus confessing that there -was po member

149
of the order who possessed tbe confidence of the people — not one who was
sufficiently strong to bear the odium and opprobrium of avowed Know-
Nothingism. At the very time when they -were everywhere boasting of tdeir strength,
they -were seeking for what they did not have in their organization — viz : a
prominent Democrats. We could narae a dozen Democrats who indignantly
spurned their proposals, and kicked their bribes out of doors. They crawled
about like poor, rejected suitors, humbly entreating prominent Democrats to ¦
accept their nominations. But of the members of our party, with a single
grain of vitality, not one would touch their offer. It was only -when they
went down among the dead mep that a few hupgry ghosts spapped at their
proposals. Letcher, llolladay, Brockepbrough, Leake, apd other leading Deraocrats,
are known to have decUned the "honor ofthe aUiance." Never was an
ugly and uncouth suitor so unfortunate as was Sam. He ran the gaunOet of
"kicks," and becarae the by-word and the laughing-stock of all well-to-do
Deraocrats. His efforts to " get a live Democrat " were as fruitless as were
the attempts of men of litUe capital and less credit to raise their bank kites
during the monetary pressure of December. Sara's addresses were all re
jected, and bis notes of entreaty protested by all of our first and second
class Democrats. In the earlj days of his courtship, Sam, like other unsuc
cessful gentlemen of our acquaintance, looked too high. He fancied for his
first loves Democrats in the bloom of youth, with good prospects, and a very
broad margin between themselves and a state of collapsed and toothless old
fogyism. He professed to turn up his priggish little Federal nose, (mush
room and parvenu as he is,) at the elderly and peglected maiden and -widow-
ladies of our party, who, for the last quarter of a century, have vaiply pined
for a suitor, however uncouth and valueless the much courted article. Soured
by a thousand disappointments, left behind, outstripped by younger and more
vigorous rivals, these forgotten old Democratic spinsters and mouldering
widows, would have taken the devil for a partner, rather than not have at
least one grab at tbe fiesbpots. When a hard and melancholy experience
had taught Sam that no Democrat who had anything to lose by accepting his
" honorable proposals " would listen to theni, be, for the first time, discover
ed that there was a sraall but excessively recherche assortment of verde
antiques, coyly ogling him from the back benches, apd recalling his youthful
recoUections of the song about —
Four-and-twenty old maids
All in a row,
Dressed in yellow, pink and red, —
Poor old maids.
With whatever indignation blushing young misses like HoUaday, Letcher,
Brockepbrough, &c., &c., had repelled his advapces, it was obvious that these
ladies were of much easier dispositions, and they had what Sam wanted [but
in an erainently diluted state] — to wit : "Deraocratic blood."
Like the venerable females of a certaip Italiap city, wbo, whep it was
sacked by'the French, after boldly waiting at the street corners all day, in
the midst of the ipvaders, without experiencing any violence at their hands,
went'horae grumbling that " they had heard the French were wicked fellows,
but that. they had not found them so," these antiquated Democrats had not
seen much -of Sam's reputed gallantry. StiU they hoped on, and when Sam
had failed to get the young ladies, in a fit of desperation he put the whole
battalion of " venerable and unrecognized merit" in a flutter by seeking a
consort from their midst. " Really," said Miss Madison Monroe Flexible, to

150
her aged friend. Miss Jeffersop Giles Castaway, " this fellow Sam is a very
nice young map," and she flirted with the aforesaid Sara after a very spa
vined and octagepariap fashion. And let us not be understood as blaming
any of these venerable spinsters apd matrons for their choice. Let no Dem
ocrat, in the flush and^ vigor of early youth, sit too harshly in judgment up
on those who, after pining, neglected and disregarded, for half a centu-
ry, waiting for an eligible Democratic offer, in despair accepts even Sam.
Pity the sorrows of our venerable friends, recollect their long, dism.al years
of dreary waiting, youth sobering into middle age, raiddle age turning into
the sear and yellow leaf of old age — and Sara the first offer. Ye younj, ad
mired and vigorous Holladays, Letchers, Leakes, &c., rejoicing in a pleni
tude of eager beaux, think kindly and sorrowingly of the forlorn and bereaved
-widow Beale, whose cheerless and neglected fireside in the far west Sam has
gladdened by his refreshing presence. RecoUect the long and involuntary
solitariness of that estimable person, and drop a fear rather than a curse
upon tbe sin of disappointed old age.
For when time and disappointments have sapped the best of us — when we
have waited long and waited vainly for tbe expected bridegroom, and he
overstays his time, we may at a weak moment pounce upon the first substi
tute that turneth providentially up. For there cannot be much love between
Sam and his new brides. He took, we incline to the opinion, the venerable
Beale and the flexible Patton, because the fresh, the young, the vigorous of
our party refused him, and they, heaven forgive their old souls, took Sam
because it was obvious that no Democratic suitor would ever claim their
hands. It will be a barren union, and we predict a speedy divorce a vinculo
matrimonii. They may not live long enough to repent of their marriage with
a fellow of low degree, but Sam will find that his Deraocratic consorts will
bring him nothing but the recoUections of their early loves and disappoint
ments, and that he wiU stand forth in the Ust of Beale's lovers, and alas for
his prospect for domestic happiness ! Mr. Patton treasures tender souvenirs
of more poUtical loves than did the scandalous Don Giovanni of affairs of
tbe heart.
Nor, if the character of Sara's Democratic conquests are understood by
the public, will they allow him much peace upon their slender jointures of
respectively fifteen hundred and seven hundred doUars per annum, whilst
the Whig wife of his besom, the lucky and fascinating Flournoy, wiU get
five thousand dollars a year, and a house besides. Whether successful or
unsuccessful, he is destined to have no peace in his polygaraous household.
If Brighara Sam comes home ladened with the opima spolia of Deraocracy,
the disinterested Beale will flare up when she looks up frora behind her
official wash-tub and contrasts her homely attire and seven hundred dollars
per annum, with the costly outfit and plentiful pocket money of Mrs. "Sam"
Flournoy. Nor will the generous and impulsive Patton regard the trifle of
one thousand five hundred dollars per annum a sufficient recompense for his
having given his tjlents and respectabiUty to a plebean Uke Sara. Indeed,
much to the discredit of Sam, it is rumored that the haughty Patton, whil.'it
requiring the most ardent manifestations of affection from Sam, gives him
nothing but the Platonic power of a name, and treats] his warm-hearted ad
vances with marked coolness.
It is idle for any rational man to suppose that antiquated but aristocratic
poUtical dowagers, like Sam's legal consorts, when they bestow the odds and
ends of worn out poUtical affections upon such a mushroom, ever bring with
them a large dowry of love. The idea of such a thing is laughable. Those
who, in the enthusiastic and disinterested deseriion of eariy blushing love,
gave their hearts to the gallant Jackson, then transferred their raore expe
rienced and matured affectiops upon the irresistible Clay, and then distributed

151
,the snriall residuum of middle aged esteem among such men as Polk, Cass
and Pierce, have nothing that is worth bestowing upon Sam. We regret to
disturb his polygamous bliss by croaking predictions of unhappiness — but thc
truth must be told.

THE WINCHESTEE TICKET.
The result of this notable gathering was the nomination of the following
gubernatorial ticket, viz :
For Governor— THOMAS S. FLOURNOY, of Halifax.
For Lt. Governor— JAMES M. H. BEALE, of Mason.
For Attorney General— JOHN M. PATTON, of Richraond.
The country had been led to expect that none but new raen, uncontami-
nated by party and undistinguished as partizans, would have been presented
by an orgapizatiop which eschewed all partisap prejudices aud disavowed
all partisap affiliatiops apd objects. We shall discover, in the comraents of
the Democratic press upon these nominatiops, whether these apticipations
were realized. The Examiner received the announcement of the nomina
tions in the following strain of ridicule and narrative :
The Winchester Ticket. — The elements of the Know-Nothing ticket
present a laughable iUustration of Sam's utter disregard of his solemp
pledges. The chief object we have beard for months past of this new organ
ization was the killing off of old and decayed politicians, and the promotion
of fresh, talented and accomplished men, able and ambitious, yet bearing
about them the raarks of no disappointraents and defeats. We expected
that the Know-Nothings would not be mere political resurrectionists, and that
tbey would at least refrain from giving tbe people of Virgipia the dry hopes
of the forgottep dead. ^
We had been led to believe that their nominees would possess all the fresh
ness, youth and virgin purity of tbe early spring flowers that so sweetly and
modestly peep out of the bosom of mother earth about the Ides' of March.
Indeed, like a gallant young fellow, we all expected Sam's Winchester nom
inees to be a charming bouquet of early spring flowers — not a hortus siccus
of badly preserved .specimens. Is there any of the violet's freshness about
Flournoy, or of the lily's virginity about Beale, or of the daisy's simplicity
about Mr. Patton ? We have a ticket made up of the survivors of past hon
ors and offices — from the head to the tail of the ticket we have " ex-honora*
bles," all of whom had to be exhumed for their new missions. They were
dug up, for there was no germinating or sprouting elements in them. As far
as Messrs. Patton and Beale were concerned — we speak knowingly when we
say that, as far as their political prospects in tbe Democratic party were cop-
cerned — they were as dead as any ancient Theban that Gliddon ever un
rolled. A close examination of the ticket will copvince our readers of the
truth bf what we say.
The Necrology and Resurrection of Thomas Stanhope Flournoy.
It must have struck every one very forcibly wheu tbe Wipchester ticket was
aPROUPced, that it was eopstructed precisely like that famous auimal, the
Kapo-aroo, with all of its strength in its hind legs apd tail, for, by some sip-
n-ular freak, Mr. Pattop, a man of distinction and decided talents, but of

152
flexible back-bone, was put atthe tail, and Mr. Flournoy at the head of the
ticket. The Kangaroo illustration will, however, help us to an explanation,
for, as in the case of that animal, whilst the hind legs and tail perform all the
hard work, tbe weak and idle fore paws, being nearest the mouth, secure all
the food.
This interesting fact explains the construction of the ticket.
The majority of Whig Know-Nothings who effected the Winchester nomi
nations were too keen for the spoils to give the executive chief office to the
political friends of the rainority of Democratic Know-Nothings.
The spoils departraent of the hybrid triumvirate is, as a matter of course,
in the bands of a bitter, uncompromising Whig. Flournoy takes the oyster,
and the two sheUs are divided with the most refreshing generosity between
Patton and Beale, or rather Beale and Patton, for they appear to have put
poor Mr. Patton to the foot of the table — even Beale taking precedence. To
give the remnants of the Federal party in this state a chance at the flesh-
pots of the state offices, tbe Federal Know-Nothings put one of their own
men at the head of the distributing department. "They had an eye, every
one of thera, doubtless, to the fish, flour, guano, tobacco, and lumber interests
of the Old Dominion. Hence they have put Lepidus in the chair, and An
thony ahd Augustus at very humble side tables.
If tbe ticket triumphs, Lepidus gets five thousand dollars, a handsomely
furnished bouse, and control over the rauch coveted flour, guano, lumber,
tar, and tobacco, whUst Anthony gets what -will be equivalent to an overseer's
wages every other year, and Augustui receives the salary of a tide waiter in
the custom-house. Standing in front of his palace with a plate of broken
victuals, Lepidus will whistle, and a huge flock of starving Whig cormorants
will flutter around him, each of whom will receive more than either of the
other members of the triumvirate.
We shall make no excuse for briefly attempting to explain to our readers
wbo Mr. Flournoy is! He is, in the first place, a geptleraap by birth and
educatiop, apd like Mr. Patton, (and for aught we know to the contrary, Mr.
Beale,) a raan upon whose private character there is not a spot or blemish.
In chivalry and integrity he is every way the equal of Mr. Wise, or of any
other Democrat or Whig in Virginia. But he is the very pmbodiment of
Whiggery, a man, we believe, ip whose veins there flows as much Federal
blood as in those of any man in the commonwealth. He hates and loathes
Deraocracy as he does a raean action, or even the Pope or an Irishraan. His
Federalism has been of the most consistent character, and his comparative
obscurity alone prevents every Democrat from associating his name with
bank, tariff, distribution, and the rest of the Federal abominations now dead
and buried. «
In that section of Virginia in which Mr. Flournoy once figured as a poU
tician, his memory is cherished through the broad expanse of several muster
precincts, by the shattered remains of his party. For Mr. Flournoy's poUt
ical life was of insect duration, and it was as brief as the constitution
allowed. A valorous Democratic lion and chivalrous unicorn of the same
poUtical faraily were seven years ago fighting for a seat in Congress from the
strong Democratic Halifax district ; Mr. Flournoy slipped ip and transferred,
for the brief period of two years, his obscurity from the county courts of
Halifax and Charlotte to the halls of Congress. Our memory retains no
vivid or distinct recollection of what he did duripg his two years of puhlic
life. Like most lucky mep who have crept ipto office through a split or cleft in
the Deraocratic party, Mr. Flournoy tried to repeat the experiraent a second
time, but " tbe party" closed upon him with the grip and snap of a first rate
steel trap, and after a few convulsive jerks and wiggles, Flournoy died. Po-

153
litically he was declared, by competent judges, "a beautiful corpse," which,
no doubt, he was.
His intended victim, but actual conq^ueror, that old and honored Democrat,
Averett, thinking that the rash young man was dead as Julius Caesar, extri
cated him from the trap which had closed with such fatal force upon him,
buried bim with pious and affectionate care, heaped up the dirt, and patted
the mound as smoothly as possible, and wiping a tear frora his eccentric-
looking spectacles, went his way to Washington. It may be well to make a
note of the fact, that the ever true and faithful Powell acted tbe sexton to
Goggin that same year, but had to keep his purturbed ghost stiU with a cedar
stake. Although as decently interred as raan could have been, and kiUed,
to boot, by a regular old school physician, Flournoy would not Ue still and
let the -worras have their due, and the time wbicb Averett spent, much to
the benefit of bis constituents as a true southern representative, in Washing
ton, the restiess Flournoy spent- in scratching out of his narrow red-land ten
ement. And when the estiraable doctor once more started upon a grand
tour through bis district, the ghost of Flournoy, "thin and shadowy, traveled
.by his side." "Averett, does murder sleep.'" shrieked the ghost of Flour
noy ; and tbe dead map followed the liviog one, going through all the motions
of a candidate for Congress, in a most shocking and heart-rending manner. ,
But the people were so much shocked at the apparition of their beloved
and lamented Flournoy, flitting about from court-bouse to court-bouse, and
shrieking its sepulchral notes from stump and hustings, that they deterrained,
from feelings of humanity, to dispel the delusion under which the apparition
labored, by electing Averett a second tirae. They did so, apd the troubled
ghost, exorcised of the ugly demop of ambition, sunk with a sigh into its
grave, and Averett again heaped up the clay, and left the now quiet dead for
a second visit to Washington. There was something so amiable, refined and
respectable in the appearance of Flournoy's ghost, that Averett treated it
with a mildness which, in the parallel case of Goggin, Powell could hot cop
sisteptly with bis OWP welfare employ.
Thus terminated the brief and troubled career of the politician Flournoy.
He came upon tbe stage when his favorite federal measures were tottering to
their fall, and he went down with thera, involved in the comraon ruin of his
party. Several tiraes since his de-ath there have been ugly splits in the Dem
ocratic party in Flournoy's old district, but there was no Flournoy to slip
into Congress. Nothing short of the trumpet of the Know-Nothing " Ga
briel" could have aroused him from his long sleep. For years anibitiop carae
not pear the grave of Flournoy. All of hira that was political, bis friends
said, was dead, very dead, and in the counties of the Halifax district the legal
Thoraas Stanhope Flournoy practiced his profession, we have beard, in a
quiet., but raost orderly and respectable mapper. All political dress having
been cast out of him, his explorations in the technical jungles of the Code,
and his struggles in the quagmires of Mayo's Guide, are said, to have been
most creditable.
Honest and industrious in the plain and unornamented details of his pro
fession, he is said to have secured the.confidence of Whigs and Deraocrats.
The fates, as we have seen, ha3 decreed, however, that at tbe dead hour of
midnight, the Know-Nothings should dig up the political remains of Flournoy,
and thus end his career of i/sefulness as an attorney, without imparting over
two months and a half of galvanic political vitality to the bones of the de
ceased. From the thousand rumors which have found their way to the public, from
the secret councils of the Know-Nothing Convention, we entertain no doubt
of its havipg resolved itself into a committee of resurrectioni.-^ts, surgeons
and practical anatomists, to overhaul, compare apd examipe the reraaips of

154
every Whig politician in Virginia of the least note or notoriety. It is sus
pected that, -knowing the character of the subject with which they had to
deal, the delegates were well provided with all the iraplements for body.
snatching, and with dark lanterns, chloride of lime, galvanic batteries and
volatile salts. Each delegation, it is supposed, brought its local dead, and a
sweet set they must have been. Phew I Winchester will smell of them as
long a.s Hartford will be fragrant with the odor of the old blue light Federal
ists. And what a, set of mummies must have been then and there unrolled!
What a charnel-house ; what a rich rare and varied assortment of "Whig ex-
honorables'' in every stage of decay. The catacorabs of Paris, the pyramids
of Egyptian Cheops, must hereafter hide their diminished heads. The ana
tomical museums have been all eclipsed. To catalogue and systematically
arrange this strange collection of relics of mortality, would be a task beyond
our capacities. A second Tamerlane could scarcely make a decent pyra.mid
of tbose battered skulls.
The purpose and design of the collection was to ascertain -whether there
could be found, within the Umits of the commonwealth, the reraains of a
single Whig sufficiently well preserved to respond, by a few muscular jerks,'
to the strongest charge af a Know-Nothing battery. Long and vain is said
' to have been their labors. Down araong the dead men they worked long and
sadly. There 'was hardly a semblance of life in the whole coUection. "They
were as dead as if the ball of a Minie rifle had passed through the skull of
each of thera. They were of the earth, earthy.
The Valley delegation, it is said, brought, wrapped up in one of poor Fill
more's castaway suits, the gigantic bones of the once Uvely and ever astute
Stuart, but tbe electric shock called into play no tough muscle still clinging
to its appropriate bone. The canvass for the Reform Convention had left
nothing in those remains for a battery to get a muscular jerk out of.
The Red Land district, it is surraised, respectfully submitted a petition in
forma pauperis for an examination of Goggin's coffin, but a few broken bones
and a littie dust alone remained of that gallant Whig.
The faithful delegation from ever loyal Screamerville pressed proudly for
ward with the sarcophagus of the terrible Botts, exclaiming, " Hsre's a man
buried, but not dead — he'll kick and jump for you without touching him up
with your infernal machine — he's alive, we tell you, don't you hear how he
kicks and bellows to get out." But the whole college of surgeons, holding
up their hands and screwing down the corners of their hypocritical mouths,
said : " Oh, you are mistaken ; Bofts has been dead these many years —
that's an evil spirit you bear kicking up that muss in bis coffin, and, to keep
it from getting out, drive in a few more nails!" And, as the indignant and
sorrowing Screamervillians tottered off with the vivacious Botts, the chief
doctor, placing his finger to the side of his proboscis, said soito voce, with a
wink, " Botts aint dead, but he's dangerous," and the sixty-eight Whigs and
tbe solitary Democrat said, " Amen !" And, if street rumors are to be cre
dited, the neglected Botts, although his sarcophagus was not opened, or the
galvanic battery of the resurrectionists applied, is keeping up an awful shindy
on bis own hook, and frightening the'secrek order more than he did when he
smashed tbeir crockery over the china shop of Stebbins of Shockoe Hill.
And thus the convention proceeded in its melapcholy work, passing on
frora Pendleton to Strother, frora Strother to Rives, and with no success.
The mystery of Flournoy's nomination has not leaked out, but it is supposed
that some desperate individual threatened that if they did not make a selec
tion, he would uncork that powerful narcotic, "the extract of Sheffey," and
the whole college, with a shriek of horror, declared that the remains of the
next of the Whig defuncts should be honored with their choice, and Flour
noy's coffin was the pext ip order.

155
The Apotheosis of Beale.— The pomination of J. M. H. Beale, of Ma
son, was the most natural thing in the world. They could not do without a
man froni the portion of the State in whicb he lives, and Beale 'caught their
eye, having fallen from grace in the Deraocratic party and kicked up a Uttie
filibustering carapaign in his Congression.il district, whicb had at the last
accounts resuUed in the partial defection of Mr. J. M. H. Beale. A gentie
man perfectly familiar -with that section of Virginia from which Mr. Beale
hails, tells us, that after a long and arduous canvass, Mr. Beale may emerge
the triumphant leader of from five to twenty followers. Although a very
well disposed person, and we hear, of good raoral character, he is not a raan
whose raost intiraate friends have ever suspected of the smallest scintilla of
talent. And when, in addition to this, we tell our readers what everybody
in his Congressional district know.s, that he is a worn out, broken down poU
tician, turned out to graze by his party, they can form sorae idea of his
strength in the West. It is the strepgth of a cob-web to hold ap eagle, or of
a child to check a locomotive.
The only recommendation of Mr. Beale was, we imagine, that he was out
on his own hook — solitary and alone — for Congress. Or it raay bave been
a deUcate corapliment to the lone Deraocrat of the Winchester Convention,
that led that body to nominate Beale. That poor delegate having seen half
a hundred Whig coffins opened, his associates may have, in corapliment to
his fortitude, exhuraed Beale. But if they thought to weaken the Derao
cratic party in the West by norainating Mr. J. M. H. Beale, that particular
mistake may be put down as the richest in the whole Winchester comedy of
errors. We can almost, ip imagipatiop, hear the peals of inextinguishable
merriment with which the unflinching Deraocracy of the Trans-AUeghany
country will greet Sam's expedient of seducing them by the blandishments
of the complimentary Beale.
We heard, some years ago, of a young gentleman's essaying to turn over
the Natural Bridge with a crowbar, but that youpg man's verdancy was not
equal to that of the Winchester Convention in using Mr. Be-ale for turning
over to Know-Nothingism the ever faithful West. We can see the hardy
Democracy of that section of the state pulling down the lower eyelid, and
revolving the four digitals, with the thumb resting on the proboscis for an
axis, and asking the unluclty Beale " if be sees anything green." What
ever may be his idea of colors, the unseduced .Democracy of Western Vir
ginia will make hira feel very blue before they are done with hira. But
enough of Mr. Beale. We should, perhaps, for the sake of our readers,
have, before saying a word about bim, recollected that " de minimis lex non
curat." Perhaps, however, the space devoted to 'him will be pardoned by
those who, unlike the people of his own section of country, do not know
what a harmless old gentleman he is.
Hon. John M. Patton, the Nnow-Nothing Candidate for Attorney
General. — The offence of Beale, in accepting the noraination of a secret
Whio- organization, is a very small matter. It is one of those trivial, harm
less misdemeanors over which the mayor exercises jurisdiction, a case
for the local reporters ofthe daily papers, deserving a record in "Howison's
Calepdar of Crimes," and nothing more.
But acceptance of a nomination from such a party by a Democratic
gentleman of Mr. Patton's ability, position, education, and antecedents, is
an offence calUng for harsh comment and the strongest language of reproba
tion. From what we have heard of Mr. Beale, we suppose that he does not
understand the bearing of his defection if his example should be followed.
But a man of Mr. Patton's sagacity must have lopg sipce discovered that
Kpow-Nothipgism, North, South, East aud West, is a dapgerous conspiracy,

156
having for its object the overthrow ofthe National Democratic party. Thus
Jar that secret organizatiop to which be has lent tbe influence of an honored
name,^has been the deadliest and most cruel foe to slavery and the Union.
At midnight, and stealthily as a sei-pent, it has sought to undermine that
great temple, dedicated to religious liberty, which Jefferson and Madison
reared with such anxious and patriotic care. He has seen it, like some
frightful reptile, creeping South, everywhere crushing in its folds the Na
tional Democracy. He has seen that it has everywhere availed itself, inthe
free States, of the temporary unpopularity of the Democratic party — an un
popularity growing wholly out of that party's devotion to the South. One
by one be has seen the firra friends of the South defeated by the raost reck
less and unprincipled of fanatical Abolition agitators. He has seen the se
cret and stealthy foe drag down the flag of our party in New Harapshire,
upon whose granite hills it had floated for more than half a century. He
has seen that no political services, however eminent, have saved the friends
ofthe South from the deadly hate of Know-Nothingism.
He has heard its proud and insolent boasts, that in Virginia, yes, that the
enemy of religious liberty will wrest the land of Jefferson from his foUowers
and his disciples. The infidels are to climb over the walls of the sacred
city, and desecrate the memory and destroy the principles for which the
illustrious dead of our own state struggled through evil and good report. He
knows that if the Democratic garrison stands firra, we can "laugh a siege to
scorn" — but that if that noble party gives way in Virginia, all is lo.st— yes,
all is lost ; and that the Natiopal Democratic party falls bepeath tbe feet of
a secret political inquisition. At such a moraept, whep the election in Vir
ginia is to decide the fate of Deraocracy and the Union, Mr. Patton has lent
the influence of his narae to the secret foe.
Is it strange that this monstrous and unprovoked defection should excite
the Eurprij-e, the grief, the pity, the indignation of those brave and loyal
Democrats who, at this crisis in the history of our party, expected, as in
tiraes gone by, to have heard Mr. Pattop fightipg for the pripciples, the
altars, the household gods of Democracy.
Whep ip the midst of a battle, with a powerful and dangerous foe, we
have expected prodigies of valor from a favorite General, and the startling
news of his desertion is reported, is it strange that we should pity a man so
dead to the good opinions ofthe world as to desert at such a time.
We envy not the notoriety of that unfortunate human being who shall, hy
binding hiraself to this Know-Nothing movement, defeat the Democratic
party in Virginia. Men have, by the magnitude of their offences, been oc
casionally hanged in chains by history, for the edification and amazement of
posterity — but the Deraocrat who lets the eneray into this old citadel, wiU
Iiang higher than any historical character of our acquaintapce, either of
apciepf or moderp times. ,
It is useless for the apologists of Mr. Pattop to say that he is "pot a Know-
Nothing, and that the office of Attorney General is not a political office."
He is on the same ticket with Flournoy and Beale': his and their fortunes
are idissolubly connected, and if the opposition ticket to the regular Demo
cratic ticket triumphs, Mr. Patton triumphs. And if he is not a Know-
Nothing, we cannot commend that caution which induces him to accept the
aid of the party without incurring the odium of membership. We intend to
indulge in no abuse of Mr. Patton, for respectability and talent entitle him to
some esteem, even in the unhappy position which he now occupies.
If over the ruins of the proud old Democratic party of Virginia, he is
willing to walk into the office of Attorney General, and become the recipient
of the magnificent salary of fifteen hundred doUars a year, let him, let hira
do so.

157
But the future of a map, in his position, cannot be enviable, whether suc
cessful or not. On the contrary, the rankness of his offence will be the
same. For the secret organization, under whose black wing he rests, raust
run its career, frora tbe cradle to the grave, in a few short years. Antago
nistic parties and associations, to the National Democratic party of this coun
try, have sprouted up and rotted down again and again. These short cuts
to preferment, end invariably in quagmires, as the examples of Wilmot,
Foote, &c. &c., sufficiently deraonstrate. It is, perhaps, fortunate that the
tastes of raen differ; but, for one, we would not, for the Presidency and fifty
thousand doUars per annum for life, be pointed at whilst living, and reraera
bered when dead, as tbe Deraocrat who broke down the Democratic party in
'Virginia, and held office during the reign of the Know-Nothings. Of such
living, as well as posthumous honors and fame, we are (thank God) not
covetous.

THE COUNCIL OF TEN.
The following able discussion of the dangers of the Know-Nothing plan of
organization was republished with great effect in Virgipia, from a New
Hampshire jourual : [From the New Hampshire Patriot.]
About five huodred years ago a fearful and mysterious tribunal, bearing this
name, was established in the republic of Venice. It gradually acquired des
potic control over the government and the people. Its deliberations and its
actions were aUke enveloped in the profoundest secrecy. Its meetings were
held in secret ;- it received denunciations against the most virtuous and patri
otic citizens in secret, and in secret it conducted its victims, in silence and in
gloom, to a sudden and mysterious death. It inquired, sentenced, and pun
ished according to what is called "reasons of state." The public eye never
penetrated its mysteries ; the accused was rarely beard ; be was never con
fronted with witnesses ; the condemnation Was secret as the inquiry, and the
punishment undivulged like both. This tribunal gradually acquired control
of every branch of the government, and exercised despotic power over every
question. It annulled at pleasure all decrees, degraded members frora their
offices, and even deposed and put to death the chief magistrate. It was an
object alike of terror and detestation to those whora it oppressed upder the
pretext of protectiog their rights. Apd yet its diabolical cunning prolonged
its existence until the genius of Napoleon prostrated it in the dust, with so
many other relics of cruelty and intolerance.
People of New Hampshire I there exists at this moment among you a
Council of Ten, as fearful and as pregnant with danger to your liberties as
was that of Venice to her oppressed citizens. You bave been accustomed,
in the bounty of your hearts, to look upon this republic as beyond danger.
In corapany with your fellow-citizens of other states, you have successfuUy
resisted foreign intervention, and repelled with triuraph the conquering
legions of the most arrogant nation on the earth. You have advanced your
triuraphant banners to that proud city which Cortez gloried in adding to the
Spanish empire. You have scattered the seeds of civiUzation throughout
realms before untrodden by any huraan footsteps but those of the Indian.
You have seen your population advancipg, your wealth iucreasing, and your
country teeming with the fruits of physical and int^lectual labor. And you
fondly think that you are safe ; that each of you aud your childreu are, for

158
long years, to have a share in a goveromept tbe very breath of whose pos-
trils is freedom of opinion — one of whose cardinal doctrines is an open and
fearless avowal of principles; and you are proud that you live under a con
stitution which permits you to reward intelligence and uprightness by select-
ino- for your public trusts those among you who are marked by such quaUties.
But be not deceived ! The sceptre is even now passing from your grasp,
and will be irrevocably lost unless you trample in the dust the traitors who
are clutching at it with all the despair of disappointed ambition. An unholy
cabal of fifth rate pettifogging lawyers, mouldy political hacks, and Mammon-
seeking parsons, is seeking to wind the coils of the serpent around ^'ou, and
to strangle you in its embrace. The grand council of Know-Nothings have
sworn by the only God they worship — that is, themselves — undying hatred
to political freedora and popular supremacy. These decayed aristocrats, these
shameless bigots, these ravening poUtical banditti, these utterly desperate
traitors to the country that gave them birth, are organizing a scheme whose
details would strike terror into your hearts if fully disclosed. They have
combined to destroy every institution that stands in their way, and to pros
trate every man who will not do their bidding. Every town has its branch
of the conspiracy. Secret signs and pass--H'ords and mummeries are used .to
impress the imagination, and unlawful oaths are administered binding the
unhappy raember.s to subject themselves like slaves and vassals to the dicta
tion of "this terrible oligarchy. Meanwhile the Council of Ten, the control-
ing power of this infamous conspiracy, squafs in its noisome retreat like a
toad sweltering in its own venom, or a bloated spider spinning its web over
the state. It sends forth its decrees to its bond slaves. " Prostrate," it says,
"this man, for he has too much education! Destroy that one; he is too
inteUigent! Ruin your best friend, for he has too much independence!"
And with the spectacle before it of triumphant tyranny and bigotry in Mas
sachusetts, it 'confidently expects a like yictory over the freemen of New
Harapshire ! But you had better write your names in characters of blood
upop your thresholds, and escape with your wife and children to some far
country by the light of your burning bouses, than crouch to this insolent
oligarchy ! Why would you live here when life has lost all that is worth
living for.' when you maybe stabbed by an assas.-?in in the back, or slain
by an unseen arrow frora him you supposed your dearest friend.? Are you
content to crawl out at twilight like birds of evil omen, to creep into blind
alleys, to hover around the back "slums" of your cities and villages, t-o start
at every passing tread lest some honest man should see you, to move with
muffled face and stealthy step, and double upon your tracks as if you were a
thief -with the officers of justice in pursuit of you, aud with this sickening
- consciousness of shame to group your way to the den where sucb animals
herd, and with trembling hand give the mystic signal which admits you into
tbis community of sin? And when you are admitted, and the door of the
pandemonium is closed, are you content to leave all hope behind you, and
renew before God the oath you have taken to do the bidding of your disrepu
table tyrants? It is incredible that any one -worthy of the narae and rights
of a freeman can do this. You will not cast this disgrace upon the mothers
who bore you, and whose veins are filled with the blood of '76. You will
not thus bastardize your descent frora the men of the revolution ! No, leave
that to the abolitionists, who, with philanthropy upon their tongues, have
treason and murder in their hearts ! Leave it to the traitors who prayed that
the Mexicans -^'ould welcome your fellow-citizens "with bloody hands to
hospitable graves."
Is it supposed that this language is too strong, and that these are unwar
rantable charges? Depetid upon it, the half is not yet told. No faction in
the history of our country has ever struggled through its vicious life that has

159
been one-half so dangerous as this secret organization. Its only avowed
bond of uniop is a sharae and disgrace. It is a stapding libel upon all that
has raade Araerica the refuge of the oppressed. By it every man is pro
scribed wbo is either a CathoUc himself or whose wife is a Catholic. This
includes the patriotic Gaston of North Carolina, the venerable Charles Car
roll of Carrollton, and other signers of the immortal Declaration of Indepen
dence, as well as the present admirable and learned chief justice of the Uni
ted States, and many others as pure and patriotic men as can be found in the
country. And every man is to be proscribed, no matter bow honest and'
intelligent, who came to this country at the age of twenty, until he is forty-
one years old ! What shall we say, then, of the devoted Lafayette, the gal
lant Sterling, the chivalrous Montgomery — of Pulaski, the brave and gene
rous — of the statesman Gallatin ? — of the thousands of noble souls wbo shed
their blood for us, and counselled with our fathers in the stormy days of the
repubUc ? But no! "Araerica for the Americans," and the "Americans for
tbe Know-Nothings !" This is the secret .spur — this is the " exceeding great
reward," that they shall lay the rod on the backs of the people, and the peo
ple shall kiss it, and smile and beg tbem, if it is not too much trouble, to lay
it on a littie harder! This they anticipat^, and this they are determined to
accomplish, though all the rights of humanity, the constitution, the laws,
every public right, every private right, -should stand in their way. The pal
triest pettifogger — the shabbiest political back — is of more value than every
man among us who ever breathed the air of Europe, in the eyes of this ruth
less and intolerant Council of Ten.
Hereafter, when this wretched faction fills a dishonorable grave, and its
carcass reeks with political corruption, how can any man stand up before the
world without hiding his face, when it is cast up to him that he has labored
to introduce that worse than Egyptian .slavery, when a free citizen' dare not
vote as be desires, but obeys the insolent orders of this tyrannical Councilof
Ten ? Wbat will become of American honor, at home and abroad, when a
mob of despotic adventurers shall make the laws? The foUies aod absurdi
ties of Jacobinism in France were so extrerae that it was said of it that "it
would bave been°a farce if it bad pot beep for murder." Aud so with this
faction ; its silly pass-words, its ridiculous ceremonies, its contemptible bal
derdash, would make it only a laughing stock, if aU this nonsense did not
conceal a deep-laid conspiracy against freedom. Compared with their intol
erant proscription, Austrian tyranny is, endurable, and police spies become
respectable. But, thank God, there is life and vitality in' Araerican freedom
yet. Altered, indeed, radically changed, must we be frora the principles of
our o-lorlous ancestors, if our political liberties are to be delivered, bound and
unresisting, into the custody of such' a set of political jailors. There are
despotisms maintained by such genius and adorned by such brilliancy that
the imao-ination is led astray apd the mipd bows to a superior iotellect. But
what honoi* can there be, what redeeming considerations can there be, in
subjection to a political mob which shamelessly disavows all political princi
ples, whose only rallying cry is proscription, whose candidates for office are
selected not because they are men of education, or talent, or sagacity, or in
tegrity, but because they are destitute of all these? Araong the rabble of
the Boston delegation to tbe Massachusetts legislature we look in vain for one
man of character, one man of intelligence, one raan of experience, one man
possessing anything Uke the proper fitness for a representative of a great
city. Did the city of Boston, did the commonwealth of Massachusetts, ever,
of their own free \\'iU, elect such a legislature as that about to assemble
there or can we conceive of their doing so, except at the irresponsible dic
tation of this modern Council of Ten?
People of New Hampshire ! To each and aU of you we say, " touch not

160
this accursed thing!" It will one day, should you do so, cause you to cover
your heads with shame. Like a bubble of deleterious gas, it will explode,
Ieavino- behind it nothing but a pestilential odor. The finger of Providence
has pointed out this country as the place where CathoUcism may be purged
of its abuses, and absorbed without harm into the systera. MiUions of poor
and humble men in Europe are looking hitherward as the place where they
and their children raay enjoy those privileges of freedom denied them at
home. But if you are content to kiss the rod that smites you, to place your
republican freedom at the feet of a tyrannical oligarchy, if you can forget
that there is scarcely a hill or a valley in New England but tells of some
struggle of your fathers against religious and political intolerance, then is
tbis such a country, then are you such a people, as wiU entirely suit the pur
poses of this obscure, shameless, and persecuting Council of Ten.
To the same purport was the foUowing article which appeared in the Rich
mopd Exaraiper :
Secret Societies and Republican Institutions — The Thirty Ty
rants OF Athens — The Council of Ten of Venice — The Supreme
Know-Nothing Council of Thirteen of the United States. — The in
trod uctiop of Secret Societies into the bosora of free communities, for the
attainment of political ends, is the first symptom of the decay of free insti
tutions, and the chief instrument in their corruptiop apd overthrow. We
are not left to conjecture: we are not condemned to perforin the whole ex
periment of Know-Nothingisra in order to ascertain its effects. We are not
sentenced to submit to the manipulations of that hidden band of political
jugglers in order to le-arn tbe results of their skill. The testiraony of his
tory, the experience of other nations, furnish all neeessary instructions on
this point. It might alraost be asserted that in alraost every republic which
the world has yet seen, the first sign and chief agency of the decay of free
dom was tbe prevalence of secret associations for tbe attainment of political
purposes — chiefly for tbe acquisition of political oflices. In Athens, in
Rome, perhaps in Carthage, in Milan, Florence, and Venice, Secret Socie
ties first introduced disorder, dissension, disorganization, and civil war into
the republic, and then inaugurated despotism, either by their own acts, or
by tbe consequence; of tbeir acts.
It must necessarily be so. As long as Republican institutions flourish, as
long as they are acceptable to the people, the regular and constitutional
modes of procedure, in the election to offices as v.ell as in all other respects,
are foUowed with reverence and acquiescence. It is only when those con
stitutional methods cease to be respected by a portion of tbe people that
they are rejected, and the invention of secret machinery for election is ap
plied. This is at once an innovation at variance with free government,
destructive of it, and adopted in a spirit of conscious or unconscious hostility
to it. It is the substitution of new and unconstitutional modes of election,
(or nomination, which is in spirit, if not ahvays in effect, the sarae thing,)
and of legislation for the republican practices previously in force. It is an
atterapt to arrest the legitimate development of free institutions by secret
and underhand practices — -"and the raoraent that fidelity to a secret league or
bond is regarded as paramount to the fidelity due to the Constitution and
State, patriotisin is at an end and the bonds of political organization is snapped
like rotten flax. The Constitution ceases to be to each man the supreme
authority, and the object of suprerae attachment. His allegiance has been
transferred to a secret league — the secrecy of whose deliberations, raeasures,
and action, places thera equally beyond responsibility and the reach of pub
lic sentiraept. If the secret association is able to control the elections, the

161
secresy of their action disfrapchises to aU intents and purposes all who are
not affiliated with tbem, and prescribes aU poUtical action and legislation
without other restraipt than the ineffectual opposition which may be offered
in secret conclave. To maintain secrecy, and secure efficiency of procedure,
the nurabers who have the direct control in determining nominations, and in
regulating the policy to be, pursued, must be Umited. The tendency of either
success or defeat will be to restrict more and more the merabers of the di
recting council.
Thus the ultimate effect is to substitute a hidden oligarchy, Uke the
Couocil of Ten at Venice, for the regular executive authorities and the
republican organization. If the secret association is not able to control the
elections, it introduces factious oppositions, jealousies, unexplained and
therefore irremediable dissensions, into the bosom of tbe community. And,
after tbe first step of secret operation has beep taken, the other steps of
illegal practices, fraudulent misrepresentations, and criminal resistance, fol
low naturally and unsuspiciously, and are taken before the members of the
secret society are aware theraselves of the tendency of their course. Thus
secret political societies, commencing in the distru.st ancl repudiation of con
stitutional authority and constitutional procedure, first disorganize the soci
ety in which they occur, underraine its free institutions, cashier its open,
candid publicity of action, and finally eventuate in an oligarchy, Vvhich
soraetimes continues dorainant, but more frequentiy transfers its power into-
the hands of a despot.
This was the course of affairs at Athens, and in many other States of
Greece, frora the tirae of Pericles to the ascendancy of the Thirty Tyrants,
directiy put in power and sustained by the Hetceriffi or secret political asso-
ciations of Athens. This was the progress of events at Rorae from Cincin-
patus to JuUus Csesar. And sirailar was the history of Venice before the In
quisition, of Milan before the Visconti, and of Florence before the ascendancy
ofthe second house of the Medici. In every instance secret societies — ori
ginating among professed conservatives, or mainly sustained by thera — pro
voking the estabUshment of other secret societies — opposing the regular
constitutional action of the ancient republican, institutions — sapping these
institutions — allying themselves with foreign enemies for the attainment of
party ends and the conquest of the offices-j-abhorring the freedom and the
Constitution' of their country — sheltering or instigating crime — corrupting
juries and coercing false verdicts — were the instruraents in introducing at
last the despotism of a few, after having ruined both the morals of the citi
zens and the pro'sperity ofthe state by intestine broils and commotions.
This is the clear and distinct testiraony of the past. It is only necessary
to read the detailed histories of Greece, Rome, and the Italian RepubUcs, in
order to see the course and tendency of Know-Nothingism — if not crushed
like a young crocodile in the egg. The option presented to the American
people — and now more particularly to the people of Virginia — is simply a
choice between discord and anarchy under Know-Nothing impulses result-
ino- in the abrogation of the Constitution and the establishraent of an oligar
chy (more terrible in the exercise of its unliraited powers, because the Se
cret Council may be unknown) and the maintenance of the Republican
o-Qvernment, the free constitution, and the liberal principles conquered by
the blood of patriots and martyrs.
This is the only choice. If Know-Nothingism is sustained, farewell to
the Uberties of America. The tvvo things are absolutely and essentially in
compatible. They can no more co-exist than fire and water. The Know-
Nothings araong many other things which tbey do not kpow, do not know
this. The beat, fanaticism, and mingled credulityof partisans may prevent
man}' from recognizing it, -who would otherwise apprehend it at once. But
11

162
history, experience, philosophy, reason, assert that there is no other alterna
tive. If Know-Nothipgism is perpetuafed, Republicanism is at an end. If
RepubUcanism is to be preserved, Know-Nothingism must be promptly and
effectually crushed. The evidences which it has furnished in its brief ca
reer, are sufficient to illustrate and confirm these allegations, though they
might not have been sufficient to suggest them without the testiraony of hi.s
tory. What constitutional provision — what Republican principle — what polit
ical or social interest — what obligation between man and man has been re
spected, when it interfered with the purposes of the secret rulers of this
secret organization ?
These reraarks are made not in the spirit of party — not as a mere Demo
cratic utterance, but as the plain, indubitable warnings derived from the
lessons of other free states, which have decUned from the influence of such
a society as the Know-Nothings in their midst.

In a second notice, the Examiner dwelt more upon the details of the antece
dents of the Winchester ticket. We append also two notices of the ticket from
the Enquirer and Lynchburg Republican :
SOME OF THE ANTECEDENTS OF THE KANGAROO TICKET.
The people woro promised a ticket of frcsli names by the Know Nothings.
They were to be allowed to vote for men who had never been contaminated ia
tbe slightest degree by party politics, or implicated by the remotest participa
tion in the struggles of the old organizations for place, plunder and patronage.
But these brave promises have been forfeited in a manner as unblushing as
amusing. Instead of a ticket as fresh and pure as butter just from the churn,
we have the most rancid platter of long packed a-^^ay and accidentally raked up
stuff that was ever offered in the political market.
Mr. Flournoy is discovered to be one of tho oldest and lamest Whig stagers
in the State. In 1837 he sought to represent Halifax county ip the House of
Delegates; and failed of election by the small poll of 206 in more than 800
votes cast. The next year ho ran the same race again, and tho result was stiU
worse, the vote being: For Edmu.nds, (Dem.,) 553; for Taylor, (Dem.,)
533; for Simms, (Whig,) 310; for Flournoy, (Whig,) 295; the spavined
Flournoy being the very hindmost pag. Set back by a hint of this emphatic
description from the people and his immediate neighbors, he remained quiet for
several years, until a split in the Democratic ranks of the HaUfax Congressional
district tempted him once more into the field, whon he was accidentally elected
by a beggarly majority of two or three votes — whicb made the first and last of
his successes in his own bailiwick. This irresistible and invincible tried it a
second time for Congress in 1949, and Dr. Averett beat him 9 votes. Eo
tried it again in 1851, and the Doctor smashed him to the tune of 300 majority.
From this statement it will be perceived that Flournoy's mission on this
naughty earth, is to be beaten to a jelly by the great Democratic party, and he
has not yet fulfiUed his mission. Yet his present, is droUy advertised as his
"first appearance on tho stage." His want of strength at home has kept him
in a state of pickled and rancid obscurity so long that the public has forgotten
his existence altogether ; and the burning zeal whioh the braggarts and trumpe
ters who do the boasting for the new party, represent that his nomination has
eUcited throughout the. world and among the rest of mankind, when tested by
these domestic facts, turns out to be a fox-fire commodity.

163
Mr. Patton is an old stager still more unlucky in his destitution of the
quaUty of freshness, than the Napoleon of minorites in Halifax. Of which of
the " old and broken down parties," which are the so great abhorrence of Know
Nothings, has he not beep part and parcel in his tortuous partisan career ? He
has tried all parties, and carried off, as he successively' left them, some of the
mud and contamination of all. The cofored chart of his political history is as
variegated as Joseph's coat of many colors ; or as the chameleon phases of
Know Nothingism in the several States- of the Union — by virtue of which fa
cile adaptation to the prevailing local prejudice and passion, it sweeps the tho
rough Abolition State of Massachusetts with as overwhelming a majority as it
boasts its ability to carry, the staunch slave State of Virginia. The idea of Mr.
Patton's being unsoiled by the dust, and unsophisticated in the wiles of party
strife, is droll enough. Why, it was only since the abolition of the executive
Council, and the old Constitution, that he ceased to hold office; and, as late as
1850, in the great mo-('ement for reforra, whioh even dashed its refreshing waves
over starched and conservative Richmond, he ran and was beaten on the fon-y
ticket — under tho flag that he still flaunts and swears by — of UNEQUAL RIGHTS
and PARTIAL STJrfR.AG'E among the grown up white men of Virginia.
But Beale is tho very Koh-i-noor in this cabinet of fossil remains. Where
will you find — what i.s a broken-down, worn-out politician, if Beale is not a
genuine specimen ? While in the Valley, he rode the Democratic party as the
Old Man of tho Soa rode Sinbad. IIg stuck to it like sponge to the ocean
.rock, and sucked it liko the daughter of the horse leech. They choked him off
finally in the Valley, and he sought new victims farther west. He forced him
self on tho party, in the Kanawha district, without a call or a Convention, at
the instant Robkrt A. Thompson started for tho West, and gained his olection
at last by a promise to give way to men acceptable to the Ddmooracy for the fu
ture. He went before tho Demoorat^io Sectional Convention, in 1852, for tho
Board of Public Works in Uoi. Armstrong's district, but was thrust out of it
with as little ceremony as FALLSTA.Fr was turned hissing-hot into the Thames.
Since that occurrence, he has been as discontented and restless as_a bear with a
soro head ; and, despairing of further fayor among the Democracy, has been
bountiful of blandishments, smirks and smiles for the Know Nothings. They
havc caught at the bait, and put Beale, tho worn-out, cast-off, and broken-
down, number two on their ticket oi fresh men. They are welcome to Beale.
Such is the ticket that was to be free from all party taint, fron\ fleshpot odor
and frora loaf-and-fish contamination ? If such a ticket should sweep Virginia
under Know Nothing auspices, then it may indeed be time to return to Mr.
Patton's old doctrine of unequal rights und limited suffrage, and to
make a man's poverty and want of education, as well as his aUenage, a disqual
ification for suffrage and for office.
Those who are curious in regard to the metamorphoses of fossil politicians are
likely to have their curiosity abundantly gratified with the relics of Mr. Pat
ton's early ojiinions of politics and poUticians, that will be recovered -from an
tiquity during this canvass. Here is a specimen of his satire in 1848. a-gainst
the prospective Know Nothing party, its "Delphic oracles," and "^ybilline
leaves." Here is his funeral oration over the great Whig party " quietly in-
urned in the tomb of all the Capulets," and his requiem over their "defunct
and buried principles." Hore are the words in which he expressed his witty
abhorrence of the trick of the Whig party, in 1848, in practicing the deception
of thc cat ip the fable, and " hiding itself ip the meal tub" of no partyism.
Here is his prophetic denuucia'tion, in advance; of Know Nothingism, in boast
ing itself to be a great and prodigious "conservative" party, but "without po
litical principles," and therein so unlike the " Zi«^e conservative -f arty with prin
ciples," of which himself was so bright and shining a light. Here is his biting
sarcasm upon thc " blind man's buff" party, then rejoicing in the character of

164
no partyism and now relapsed into the darker mystery of Know Nothingism.
Here is Mr. Patton's pungent jeer of the Whig party for accepting in Gen
eral Taylor a candidate who " took especial pains to declare that he could not
be the exponent of their doctrines," — a fact in politics that never had its coun
terpart until Mr. Patton, disclaiming Know Nothingism and all affiUation with
it coolly consents to be their passive*nominee, and to be elected if they have
votes enough to make him Attorney General. And more than all, here is Mr.
Patton's eloquent, but, as it turns ont, empty exhortation to the Democracy
not to abandon their principles, seeing that " one defeat, while standing by their
principles and never surrendering their principiss, is icorth more than a thousand
victories achieved by the abandonment of them all."
Mr. Patton said, in 1848, in addressing a Democratic meeting in Richmond;
" Wc come to proclaim our unchanged and unchangeable adherence to those
great principles of Republican government, of practical expediency, and of
constitutional construction, of which he (President Polk) has been for the last
three years the exponent — principles which we deem essential io the perpet-uily
of Republican government, and to ihe union of ihe States. (Cheers.) We
have no disputes to settle — no conflicting claims of rival candidates for tha
Presidency to decide — no Delphic oracles to expound — (laughter) and no Sybil-
tine leaves io interpret, (Laughter.) I presume we shall have no thunder
(laughter) to shake our nerves, (laughter) and no flashes of lightning to be
wilder our senses. (Laughter.) There are no dark and portentous clouds low
ering over us which require a thunder-storm to dispel. (Cheers.) The only
clouds we haye are light apd floating vapors, far above our heads, which may
make it doubtful with those that are not weatberwise whether the day is to be
clear or cloudy, but whioh the first rays of a Democratic Sun will dissipate,
and- show that the skies are bright and brightening. (Cheers.)''
The Whig Convention had " quietly laid the great embodiment of Whig
principles on the shelf," and had "solemnly announced as their favorite candi
date a gentleman who, with the frank and honest plainness of a gallant soldier,
takes especial pains to declare that he will not be their candidate [laughter] —
that he will not be the exponent of their doctrines, [laughter] and that his hfe
has been hitherto so much spent in the field that he has not had time to 'con
sider or investigate great plitical questions,' nor has be attempted to do bo.
Notwithstanding this, thoy proclaim Gen. Taylor as tbeir first choice. To this
complexion the principles of the great Whig party have come at last ! [Laugh
ter.] Thus ends tbe great chapter of Whig principles, [laughter] quiei;ly ' in-
urned in the tomb of all the Capulets' by its own friends, and their embodiment
quietly laid on the shelf ! [Laughter.] I think we may say of these defunct
and buried principles — ' Great Csesar dead and turned /rom clay,
May stop a hole to keep the wind away.'
" !6ut, gentlemen, it becomes us more steadily to maintain our own principles.
Since ..ffisop's Fables, having been quoted by Gen. Taylor, are likely to become
a political text-book, I think we may draw a lesson of instruction from that re
nowned writer on civil government. [Laughter.] We are told in a potorious
fable of .^sop, of an animal more dangerous wliile hid in a meal tub than when
running about with a bell around its neck. [Laughter.] Timeo Danaos et
dona ferentes. I am afraid our political opponents, dead, though their present
principles be, may rise up again under their present, or in some other Jorm.
They may possibly assume the name of the great conservative party, as suggest^
ed by their President. [Laughter.] I was, myself, once a member of a Utile
conservative party, [laughter] and I have no objection to a little conservative
party with principles, but object decidedly to a great big one without political

165
principles. [LaugbterJ But, inasmuch as they may be indisposed to take
either of these names, they may adopt the suggestion of another distinguished
champion of the late 'indomitable Whigs,' and take the* cognomen of the
" blind man's biff'." Therefore, gentlemen, it is not the less neces.sary that we
should maintain, proclaim and stand by our principles — that we should adopt
the means necessary to concentrate public opinion upon a man .available to sus
tain our principles, and to t-ake care not io abandon our principles in order to
get an available man. We should not have a man who has formed no opinions,
but one who has formed opinions, 7'.-; ready io avoiv thein, and has proclaimed
them in his past actions, in the public council.'. [Cheers.] To such a man let
us givo our support, fearless of defeat, but prepared for either fortune. If we
are destined to triuraph, it will then be our proud boast, that it is a triumph of
principle — and, if destined to defeat, we sball still have the proud boast, and
the consolation, too, that one defeat, while standing by our flag, and ne
ver surrendering oua principles, is WOttTII MORE THAN A THOUSAND
victories achieved by the aeando.^ment OF THEM ALL. — [Long continued
cheering.]" THE HYBRID TICKET.
Thc Know Nothing nominations have provoked from the Democratic press
just such a display of defiant opposition as we anticipated. The device of an
amalgamation ticket, while it has offended the pride and repeUed the sympathies
of intelligent and independent Whigs, has not conciliated the least favor with
the Democratic party. The association of Beale and Patton with a malignant
Whig was not only a crime in morals but an egregious blunder in polioy. It is
nnt only a violation of principle anil a mockery of every idea of political honesty,
but it is a refinement of artifice, which, instead of damaging the party against
whom it is directed, will wound and embarrass the cause it is designed to pro
mote. What must be the feeUng of every honest Whig to whom this hybrid
ticket is presented ? Will he not reject it with an indignant protest against
so shameless a barter of principles for spoils ? Ho is not so smitten with a lust
for plunder as to sacrifice the convictions of his judgment and the pure affections
of bis heart, to any expedient which hungry politicians may think essential to
the acquisition of power. There are Whigs in Virginia who have caught some
thing of the chivalrous character of Clay. There are Whigs in Virginia who
will never betray a cause in a crisis of ^eril, nor confederate with an obnoxious
party on a promise of a division of the spoils. These gentlemen see much dis
grace but discover no advantage in the coalition with Know Nothingism. "But
stay," whispers a Whig politici.in ; " it is true we claim no principle and avow
no party purpose, but we play a game of profound policy. Observe a staunch
Whig at the head of the ticket, and a couple of fishy Democrats at the tail.
Flournoy will engross all the power and patronage of the State, while Beale and
Patton, like the prodigal son who deserted his father's house, are feeding on
husks and herding with tbe harlots of our party, without the dignity of respec
table association or thc luxury cf a liberal reward. As we deny them any po
litical power, so have we effectually robbed them of the influence of personal
character, by bribing them to perform this venal service. Thoy are the help
less instruraents of our pleasure, and if they choose, have not the abiUty to op
pose any resistance to the execution of our grand scheme op expelling the
Goths and Vandals, and restoring the ascendancy of Whig measures
AND Whig policy." To this development the honest Whig will reply : " That
he scorns to perpetrate a fraud upon the people ; that if his principles have not
cnoufh of wisdom to command the public confidence, be will not seek to impose
them upon the State by tho secret agency of a corrupt conspiracy ; that he will
not disgrace himself and his cause, by the false pretences of a perfidious policy ;

166
that he is resolved, at least, to save his honor if his. party must sustain defeat."
This is the feeling and this the resolution of the independent and incorruptible
Whigs of Virginia. They will uot degrade themsolves by the support of the
Know Nothing nominees.
On tho other hand, the Democracy feel the indignity of the proffered bride,
and instead of being propitiated by the Deraocratic tail of the Know Nothing
ticket, they are excited to greater energy and enthusiasm in support of their
own candidates and causo. In every quarter of tbe State curses loud and deep
are rauttered against Beale and Patton, and vows of vengeance on their despica
ble treachery. The Democratic papers of tbe State manifest a zeal and ability
in their assaults on the mongrel ticket, which betoken the pervading discontent
of the popular mind. We have distinguished many of their stirring articles for
publication in this paper, but are compelled to suspend our purpose in conse
quence of the pressure on our columns. We can assure our frieuds that the
Oppcsition will reap no advantage from the expedient of a hybrid ticket. —
Richmond Enquirer. TIIE MERJIAID TICKET.
Sinco the publication of the Know Nothing ticket, we have been vexing our
curiosity to find some prototype to it in the physical, animal, or mineral king
dom. We have found one after rauch agony of brain. It is the mermaid.
This aniraal has a doubtful cxistenc-e. So has the Know Nothing ticket— its
paternity being a matter of speculation. The mermaid is a sea animal, repre
sented to have tho head and body of a woman with the tail of a fish. This
Know Nothing ticket has the head of a Whig, while its tail is certainly com
posed of j^s/iy Democrats. Nor does tho analogy cease here. The mermaid is
associated with that public imposter and general circulator of impositions,
Phineas T. Bamum. This mermaid ticket is presented to the world under the
auspices of a set of politicians whose experiments upon popular curiosity and
credulity have been as numerous as those of Barnum. It is like the mermaid
in another light. One of the arausements of this half woraan and half fish is
to attract persons to its erabrace by singings of the sweetest mt-lody, and when
its fated admirers corae within reach of its scaly tail, to coil it round them, and
dive with them to the depths of the soa, and there feed upon the bodies of the
deluded victims. So it is with this political mermaid ticket. It too sings
songs of American melody, but woe to fhe deluded wretch who listens to their
treacherous music. Once within their slimy embrace, it will sink with them
into the slime of Ocean's bed, and their gorge at leisure upon their unfortunate
victims. We might run out this and other analogies, but the present is suffi
cient for to-day. — Lynchburg Republican. .

- The Enquirer, in a subsequent article, discussed Mr. Flournoy's antecedents,
as follows :
HISTORICAL RESEARCHES OF THE HON. THOMAS S. FLOURNOY.
Silence is at length broken. Know Nothingism speaks through its avowed
organ. Its recognized candidate " endorses, fully, the basis of principles of the
American party," and adopts them As bis own. Nay, more, he expounds and
enforces thom, and invokes in their behalf the " teachings of all history." We
design for the present merely to explore thc depths of his historical researches.
Hereafter we may work still further the rich mine revealed in his letter of ac
ceptance.

167
After advocating an exercise of Federal power for tho purpose of checking
foreign immigration, apd thus conceding that the Federal Government may use
its power to increase or diminish at pleasure the population of a State, he con
tinues in this fashion : *
"Intimately connected with this questiop of foreign immigration, is the
growth of the Roman Catholic Church in our country. 'Despotic, prescriptive
and intolerant, its ascendancy, as all history teaches, has ever been destructive
of freedom of opinion ; while I would uncompromisingly oppose any interfer
ence with the rights of its members as citizens by any legislative enactment,
yet by a full and independent exercise of the right of suffrage and the appoint
ing power they should be excluded from the offices of the Government in all its
departments." Analyze this paragraph and we get tbe following result. All history teaches
that thc Roman Catholic religion has ever been destructive of freedom of opi
nion, and therefore, " that its members should be excluded from tho offices of
thc Government in all its departments." In other words, a due regard for pub
lic safety requires the total exclusion of Roman Catholics from all participation
in the Government of the country.
Before proceeding to notice this most extraordinary dogma, wc protest against
a misconstruction of our design. We aro not, and never can bo, the apologists
of the Roman Catholic religion. We are essentially Protestant, reared under
Protestant influences and bound by thc strongest ties of affection and reason to
Protestantism. But wo detest the rank injustice to Roman Catholics, daily and
hourly perpetrated by the Know Nothing party, and now officiaUy promulgated
by its representative.
History does not teach that free institutions are incompatible with the pre
dominance of Roman Catholicism, as the Hop. Thomas Stanhope Flournoy
maintains. Indeed, the contrary is so notorious as to excite suspicion that history was
not one " of the quiet pursuits of private life" from which he " was unwilling
to have his attention withdrawn." We fear that his attention was directed
more to the new Code and Mayo's Guide, than to the teachings of Hume and
Hallam. Wc shall, therefore, take leave to give bim an elementary lesson in
history. Nothing is more distinctly taught by history than the inability of the Ro
mish Church to cope with free principles, supposing them, for argument sake, to
be hostile. And that Roman Catholics themsolves have waged the war in be
half of freedom against thc head of their Church.
To prove this, we shall select thc history of a period beginning three hundred
years before thc advent of Protestantism, when the Romish Church was in the
plenitude of its power, spiritual and temporal ; and we shall take the country
whose history is best known to us.
We maintain, in opposition to the historical theory of the ex-honorable can
didate, that pearly all, if pot quite all, of the essential principles of our Repub
lican ipstitutions originated among Catholics, and were developed by them.
We take it that freedom of person, and security of property, stand foremost in
the catalogue of these principles if they do not constitute their sum total. Ac
cording to Hallam, a Protestant and the most impartial of historians, these two
principles were recognized and secured by Magna Charta, three centuries before
the reformation. He says, that "the essential clauses of Magna Charta, are
those which protect the personal liberty and property of all freemen by giving
security from arbitrary imprisonment and arbitrary spoliation." (Hallam's
Middle Ages, page 342.) He then quotes from the Charter of Henry III.
substantially the sapie with Magpa Charter, this passage : "No freemap shall
be taken or imprisoped, or be' disseized of his freehold, or liberties, or free cus-

168
tnms, or be outlawed, or exiled, or any otherwise destroyed; nor will we pass
upon him, nor send upon him, but by the lawful judgment of his peers, or by
the law of the land." " It is obvious, (says Hallam,) that these words, inter
preted by any honest court of law, convey an ample security for the. two main
rights of civil society. From the era, therefore, of King John's Charter, it
must have been a clear principle of our constitution, that no 'man can be de
tained in prison without a trial. Whether Courts of Justice framed the writ of
habeas corpus in conformity to the spirit of this clause or found it already in
their register, it became from that era the right of the subject to demand it."
" That writ is the principal bulwark of English liberty." Thus it seems, ac
cording to this Protestant historian, that thc principal bulwark of English lib
erty was erected by the hands of Roman Catholics. Other clauses of the
Charter protected the subject from absolute spoliation and excessive fines, and
"fourscore years afterward.s (says Kallam) the great principle of parUamentary
taxation was explicitly and absolutely reiogni::i:d."
The principle which caused the American Revolution, and is justly regarded
as the corner stone of our present ins'itutions, was explicitly declared and ab
solutely recognized by Roman Catholics two centuries before Protestantism was
born. Nor was this passion for liberty, a passing flame, but a deep, unwavering,
permanent attachment. Recurring again to Hallam, page 343, we find it stated
that " the Great Charter was always considered as a fundamental law. But yet,
it was supposed to acquire additional security by frequent confirmation." And
what part did the Catholic Clergy act, with regard to it. The historian says
"from the great difficulty of compelling the Kin^r (Henry III.) to observe the
boundaries of law, the English Clergy, (Catholic of course.) to whom we are
m.uch indebted ,for their zeal in behalf of liberty during this reign, devised
means of binding his conscience, and terrifying bis imagination by religious
sanctions. The solemn excommunication, accompanied with the most awful
threats pronounced against the violators of 3Iagna Charta, is well known from
our common histories."
Not so. Mr. Flournoy never heard of it or dreamt of it, else he would
not have maintained from the "teachings of history," that no Roman Catholic
should be permitted to hold offico.
A cursory glance over the succeeding pages of the same historian, shows thc
progressive developement of free principles. The admission of the Commons
to Parliament, the incorporation of Towns with exemptions from arbitrary con
trol ; the division of Parliament into two houses — the illegality of raising
money without consent of Parliament — the necessity thatthe two houses should
concur for any alterations in the law, and the right of the Coramons to enquire
into public abuses, and to impeach publio counsellors ; all of these principles
were established upon a firm footing by the close of Edward III.'s reign, or
about 150 years before the reformation.
Hallam closes the history of the Plantagenets with this remarkable declara
tion, written as if to rebuke prophetically, the false and fanatical charges
against the Catholics now in vogue :
" It were a strange misrepresentation of history to assert that the constitution
had attained anything like a perfect state in the 15th century ; but I know not
whether there are any essential privileges of our countrymen, any fundamental
securities against arbitrary power, so far as they depend upon positive institu
tions, which may not be traced to the time when the house of Plantagenet
fiUed the English throne." (page 450.)
When it is remembered that the last of the Plantagenets fell on the field of
battle, on the 22d day of August, 1485, more than forty years before the re
formation in England, it will be seen that Hallam's statement is equivalent to a

169
declaration that all the essential privileges of Englishmen, and all their funda
mental securities agaiinst arbitrary power were established by Roman CathoUcs
and secured by constitutional guarantees.
The answer whioh will probably be made, strengthens our argument. It
will be said that these in-stitutions were founded in spite of the Pope and that
Innocent formerly annulled Manna Charta. Granted, but this only proves the
utter inability of thc Pope to suppress free principles among his undisputed
subjects; and when, in the utmost plenitude of his power, spiritual and tempo
ral, he was powerless against Catholics, would he b8 stronger against a mixed
population like our own ? But why recur to hii^tory for a demonstration of thc
impotency of the Romish Church against free principles? Have we not seen it
dethroned in the very seat of its power, and is it nnt now upheld by French
bayonets? Could it suppress free institutions in the Kingdom of Sardinia, or
Switzerland, or prevent the present revolution in Spain ? How absurd to sup
pose that tho people of the United States are in danger from a power too feeble
in its strongholds to effect the purposes ascribed to it. How absurd to fear in
juries from a decayed institution which it could not inflict in the height of its
power. How wicked to pretend such fear for the purpose of producing section
al hate and riding into power on a predominant, faction ?
History teaches that England when wholly Catholic, gave birth to and reared
free government in spite of the Pope. Therefn-e, Virginia, containing 49
Protestants to 1 Catholic, is in danger from the Papal power ! This is the
premise and this the argument of Know-Nothingism.

MR. FLOURNOY'S ACCEPTANCE.
Mr. Flournoy signified his acceptance of the Winchester nomination inthe
following letter. This document derives greater significance from the fact, that
it was the only expression of opinion in any form which Mr. F. vouchsafed in
the paper during the whole canvass :
[CORRESPONDENCE ]
Winchester, March 14th, 1855.
To the Hon. Thos. S. Flournoy :
Dear Sir: — The undersigned, a committee appointed for the purpose, take
pleasure in informing you of your unanimous uomiuaiion, by the Convention
of the American Party of Virginia, which met on yesterday at this place, as
"the American candidate fur the office of Governor of this State;" and request
your acceptance of the nomination. Very respectfully, &c.
ANDREW E. KENNEDY,
GKORGE D. GRAY, [ Committee.
JOSIAH DABBS,

Halifax C. H-, March 22d, 1855.
Messrs. Andrew E. Kennedy, George D. Gray and Josiah Dabbs :
Gentlemen — I have just received your letter of the 14th, informing me of
my pomipation by the Conventiop at Winchester, for the office of Governor of
this State, and requesting my acceptance.

170
It was well known to all who communicated with me upon the subject, that
for reasons entirely personal to myself, I. had no desire to occupy such a position.
As far as it is abovo any meiit which I po.ssess, and as worthy as it is of the
ambition of any raan, I was unwilling to hays my altcntirm withdiawn from the
quiet pursuits of private life, and earnestly hoped that the Convention would
have selected some one more suitable in every respect than rayself to represent
the American party. But my entire confidence in and earnest desire for the
success of the principles of that party, upon which, in my humble judgment,
depend the protection of tho rights of the States, and tbe preservation of the
Union, induce me to accept the nomination.
In doing so, it is proper that I shall express my opinions upon the subjecta
which most interest the people of thc State.
I am in favor of a general .system of popular education.
I am in fayor of completing the leading lines of internal improvement, now
under prosecution, with as much di.spatch as the financial condition of the State
will justify, keeping al-R-ays in view the preservation of her faith and credit.
I endorse fully the Basis of Principles of tho American party, believing them
to be the most conservative presented to the consideration of the country since
the establishment of our independence.
The rapid increase of Foreign iminigratiop is well calculated to excite alarm,
and the power of the Government, both State and Federal, should be exerted
to check it. It seems almost impossible to doubt that the influx of between
four and five hundred thousand Foreigners into our country annually, will ulti
mately be subversive of our Republican institutions. Washington, Jefferson,
Madison and Jackson gave early warning to the country of the danger to he
apprehended from foreign influcuce. The naturalization laws should either be
repealed or so modified, and such restrictions imposed as to avert the evil.
The South is especially and deeply interested iu this question. This im
mense annual addition to our populatiop settle in the non-slaveholding States
and the extensive territories of thc West and North-west, out of which Free
States will, in consequence, be more speedily formed, increasing with fearful
rapidity the balance of power against us.
Intimately connected with this question of foreign immigration, is thegrowth-
of the Roman Catholic Church in our country. De.-^potic, prescriptive and in
tolerant, its ascendancy, as all history teaches, has ever been destructive of free
dom of opinion, aud while I would uncompromisingly oppose any interference
with the rights of its members as citizens, by any legislative enactment, yet hy
a full and independent exercise of the right of suffrage and the appointing
power, they should be excluded from the offices of the Government in aU its
departments. It may be said that there are comparatively but few Foreigners and Roman
Catholics in Virginia. She is not acriug for herself alone. She is a leading
member of this great sisterhood of States, and her action will be felt for weal
or woe, by them all. Her destiny is identified with theirs, and she cannot look
with indifferepce to the fact, that the great v-.iUey of the Mississippi, watered by
twenty Jtbousapd utiles of navigable rivers, aud tho immense and fertile Territo
ries, stretching beyond to the Pacific, capable of sustaining a population of one
hundred millions, are rapidly fiUing up with this class of people.
I will advert particularly to one^other principle of thc American party— the
" non-interveption of the Federal and Slate government with the municipal
affairs of each other." The strict observapce of this principle wiU make the
uniop of the States perpetual.
I shall not have it in my power to meet the people of the State and discuss
these questions with them face to face. It is now but about sixty days to tho
- election, and if I were to devote every day to the canvass, I should not be able
to visit much more than a third of the counties. An additional, and with me

171
an important reason, is, that I shall be fully occupied in preparation for, and at
tendance upon the Courts ip which I practice, until the election shall have

If with/those opinions, and this position, the people of Virginia shall elect
me to the distinguished office of Governor of the Commonwealth, I will dis
charge its duties with fidelity, and what ability 1 possess. I will endeavor to ad
vance the prosperity, guard the honor, and protect the interests and institutions
of Virginia, by all the power vested in me, and I shall do all that I can consie-
tently with her interest and honor for the preservation of the Union.
Very respectfully, your ob't serv't,
THOS. S. FLOURNOY.

The editor of the Examiner criticised, in the following searching and scathing
mannor, Mr. Flournoy's letter on its publication :
THE STATESMANSHIP OF MR. FLOURNOY.
We have expressed our respect for the personal character of BIr. Flournoy.
That he is a man of integrity, intelligence, talents, a genial temperament and
ap honorable regjitation, we desire at all times to be understood as cheerfully
conceding ; and we trust that nothing we are about to say, or shall utter during'
the present canvass, (which promises to bo the most acrimonious ever known in
Virginia) shall be construed as, in the least degree, retracting or qualifying this
concession. Entertaining these sentiments of personal esteem for Mr. Flournoy, we ci^n-
not but express our surprise at the production, printed in another column, pur
porting to be from his pen, and addressed to throe persons understood to bo cor
responding secretaries of the Know Nothing Convention of Winchester.
It is a palpably just and a very lenient criticism of Mr. Flournoy's letter
accepting the nomination of the Winchester Convention, to say that it is weak
in tenor and shallow in statesmanship. Indeed, it would be beneath especial
notice but for the position of its author. That single circumstance alone, "En
titles it to the searching examination which we shall give it. It gives us pain
to use this bluntness in regard to a letter emanating from ono who aspires to be
the Governor of Virginia. We had hoped, for the credit of the State, that at
a time when the eyes of the whole Union are riveted anxiously upon Virginia,
when the entire American people are eagerly scanning the men aspiring to fill
the distinguished office in this Commonwealth whioh has been illustrated by
Henry, Jefferson and Giles, and in a capvass that is national, not only in the
intense and far-pervading interest it has excited, but in the great principles of
representative government it involves, we should have bad some other response,
from a leader of one of the contending organizations, than a letter abounding
in the shallowest partisan politics, and announcing sentiraents whioh, if gravely
propounded twelve months ago in Virginia, before fanaticism had taken partial
possession of the public mind, would hitve branded him as an idiot, a maniac, or
a monster. He Adopts ihe Low Dogmas of ihe Know Nothings.
Mr. Flournoy declines to discuss the momentous questions at issue in this can
vass "face to face''' with the people, on the miserable, hackneyed plea, that a
load oi nisi prius practice presses upon his shoulders. What is this practice —
what are the few fees he may earn- by pursuing it, to the stern obligation he is

172
under as a republican citizen, an honest man, and a professing Christian, to
justify to the people of Virginia the felonious blows and stealthy assaults by
which his secret clubs and midnight accomplices are attacking the vital princi
ples of religious freedora and representative government? Heralded as a Pres
byterian, as a member of a denomination illustrious for its services in the causo
of religious toleration, he owes it to his own church — nay, he owes it to all
Protestantdom to explain why he repudiates a principle which they claim as their
own peculiar gift to freedom, and why he accepts, to the shamo of his religion,
from church burning AncjEL Gabriels, Ned Buntlines and Bill Pooles, of
the North, the barbarous doctrines of proscription and intolerance which he
shamelessly avows in his letter. He owes this justification to tho people of Vir
ginia : for when has a candidate for her most distinguished honor ever insulted
them before by invoking the low passions of intolerance and bigotry to aid his
partisan pretensions ? When did Washington, or Jefferson, or Randolph, or
any honorable name that graces tho annals of our State, ever descend fo denounce
in a campaign circular, cven'ihe Catholics, for the sake of securing public of
fice, and winning tho suffrages of the generous Virginia people? We know
that midnight clubs aro in the habit of lashing themsolves into fury, and that
partisan demagogues of the cross-rOads and the campaign journals delight to
bellow and rant themselves into notoriety, over this newly vamped Catholic
question; but that a raan of elevated character and liberal scholarship, esteemed
fit to fill an exalted office of Virginia, should stoop to lay his tongue and drag
gle his reputation ip such filthy mire, is a shame that we trusted would be
spared to our State. He Assails ihe Freedom of Religion.
He maintains that Roman C.itholics " should be excluded from the office of
the government in all its departments," and promises fidelity and vigUance in
this brave work. That any sect of Christians should be proscribed for their re
ligious faith, is a sentiment which wo thought had been scouted out of our
country as long ago as thc establishment of our free institutions, which even
England is become ashamed of and restive under, and of which the only re
maining stronghold, home and sanctuary at the present day is God-forsaken
Spain and her sister despotisms of Europe. The present is the first occasion,
in Virginia, for a century, in wliich a person holding an honorable position in
society, abovo tho lovel of the J.vcK Cades and Z. JuDSOXs of the mob, has
stooped to appropriate it as a political hobby, and to claim it as a partisan shib
boleth. He Declares for ihe Perpetual Agitation of a Bigoted Sentiment.
Mr. Flournoy's mode of effecting this shameful proscription is as unstates-
manlike as it is unmanly. He wouJd accomplish his object by incessant dema-
gog\ie agitation ; but would "uncompromisingly oppose" effectuating it by
the direct and honorable means of "legal enactment." What is worthy of
being done at all, is worthy of being done well ; and it is sufficient to damn any
scheme of public policy, that it is too vicious, unjust, and unrighteous to be
carried into a law.- And how pitiable and unmanly is the statesmanship which
propounds a measure of reform* but skulks from the only bold, honorable and
efficient means of carrying it into effect ! That he shrinks from carrying his
schetne of politics out into practical legislation, proves that it is agitated for
anything else but the public good, that it is agitated exclusively for the ends of
demagogues. In the benignancy of his statesmanship he would sow the ele
ments of discord and strife broadcast over the community, and make it the
leading effort of his diplomacy to keep the flames thus enkindled ever burning

173
and exploding. . He would not execute the victims of his proscription by a
single blow of the axe or the guillotine, but roast them leisurely upon tbe slow
fires of the rack, that he might continue -to gloat over their tortures ! Consum
mate is that statesmanship which studies to supply a perpetual incentive to
strife, hatred and mob-violence between class and class, scot and sect, race and
race, in the bosom of the same commun'ty ! We know of no better definition
of demagogueism than it is agitation for ihe mere purpose of fermenting ill-
blood and strife between class and sects, as ihe means of elevating ihe agitators
to office. It is a sort of politics that might be tolerated in irresponsible clubs'
copvened ip secret, apd ip vapid partizans of low degree ; but that a man of
education, aspiring to the control 6i public affairs, should have proposed it in a
pubUc letter over his own name, is ap evcpt that shocks the moral sentiment
and patriotic composure of all conservative citizens. We are sorry that a man
has been thought worthy of grave publio responsibilities in Virginia whose
moral obliquity is such that be plumes himself upon advocating the very plan
of politics which he vaunts it as a virtue that he " uncompromisingly opposes
making the subject of legal enactment," — because, of course, it is too intolerant,
despotic, prescriptive and bigoted to deserve place upon the statute book !
He Propounds an Abolition Scheme of Politics.
Mr. Flournoy's positions on the subject of immigratiop are ridiculously
weak, absurd, and untenable. Borrowing the idea of Governor Smith, he
says :
"The South is especially and deeply interested in this question ; this immense
and annual addition to our population settle in the non-slaveiiolding States and
the extensive territories of the West and North-West, out of which Free
States will, in consequence, be more speedily forraed, increasing with fearful
rapidity the balance of power against us."
Ip a previous paragraph he "endorses fully" the " Basis of Principles of the
American party," one of which runs thus :
" No obstacle should be interposed to the immigration of all foreigners of
hopest and industrious habits ;"
which language is coupled with a clause excepting " paupers and criminals"
from the privilege.
Excepting paupers and criminals, whicb men of all cla.sses and parties in the
Union would join him in excluding from our shores, Mr. Flournoy would let
forei^nors into the country ad libitum. What then is his position ? Conceding
tiat immigration goes almost altogether to the North, and that little of it comes
to the South, his masterly statesmanship proposes to agitate in Virginia a sub
iect peculiarly northern and domestic, and strictly yyithin the scope of State and
police regulation — a doctrine of abolition invention and utterly abhorrent to all
Southern ideas of State sovereignty. He -^ould prosecute this mad policy un
der the pretext, and in tbe dog-in-the-manger spirit, of checking a more " rapid
increase of political power in the North" than in the South. It is humiliatingly
in conflict with the chivalrous temper of the South to resist a movement, right,
and worthy of " full endorsement" in itself, from the me,i,n motive of jealousy ;
but such is Mr. Flournoy's statesmanship and Virginian manliness !
But is Mr. Flournoy ignorant of the fact that solong as honest and indus
trious foreigners arc let into the North ad libitum, which he approves, the mere
denial to them of tbe right of suffrage apd official position cannot prevent that
augmentation of Northern representation in Congress, of which he complains?
Is this Governor of Virginia, expectant, ignorant of the notorious constitutional
fact that it ' ia population and not suffrage which determines the ratio of rep-

174
resentation in Con.r^ress ? Has he not yet learned in the horn-book of consti
tutional law, that five slaves even, count as niany as three whites in determining
Southern representation in Congress ;-and that immigrants once landed at the
North, without naturalization, count as much in augmenting Northern repre
sentation in Congress as if each could vote for every office in the country ? We
all know that the Know Nothing party belie by their actiop every principle
avowed in their Basis, and that plausible schedule, chiefly of truisms that no
body will dispute, is put out as a decoy for tho shallow and unthinking ; but we
really did not think that Mr. Flournoy would commit himself in black and
white to a pretext so transpai-ent and disreputable, as that a denial of office and
suffrage to immigrants could swell the rapid increase of the Northern balance
of power. The Basis principle which he " fully endorses " admits all honest
and industrious immigrants, and itself permits to be accomplished the very evil
of which he complains, whether the immigrant ever afterwards secures a vote
and office or not.
He Borrows a Bad Argument from Governor Smith.
But imitators and quacks are prone to get swamped in quagmires. Mr.
Flournoy borrowed G-ivernor S.mith's idea without having the sagacity to
perceive tbe necessity of borrowing also the limitation -n-hich that gentieman
coupled with the stolen article. Governor 8.-iiith did not, liko bis imitator,
" endorse fully " tho Ba.sis Principles of the new party, but ouly approved some
of them. He goes a bow-shot beyond the decoy doctrine, and, so far from pro
testing that " no obstacle should be int-3rposed to foreign immigration," &e.,
"deprecates immigration as a great calamity," declaring it to be " our hight-st
duty to arrest the importation of forniyncrs." I'oor Mr. Flourkoy appro
priates Governor Smith's argument of unduly augmented Northern representa
tion in Congress, but stumbles and fractures his skin over the " no otoarfe"
clause in his own Baais Principles.
He and Gov. Smith both Tumble into an Abolition Heresy.
It is an easy but unpleasant task, to show that Gov. Smith, in taking this
pcsition on the immigrant question, bids farewell to State Rights poUtics. It
is monstrous for a Southern man to propound a doctrine requiring the Virginia
people to interfere with a strictly domestic question of the North, upon the
whining plea — of envy and jealousy, that thc North is outstripping us in the
march to empire. It is calling upon the South to violate a principle of politics
which she has considered of vital importance to her safety, and thai, irom the
meanest and most pusilanimous of all motives. With what indignation wou^d
we ourselves resist the like doctrine, if brought to bear by the North against
our own physical development? What if Virginia, as is not unlikely, should
herself take steps to import miners, artificers, manufacturers and laborers from
overstocked Europe, for the develoBment of her own latent wealth ; — and if the
Abolitionists of the North, borrowing the policy of George III., should demand
cf Congress to exclude this foreign immigration, on the Smith-Flournoy-Knovy
Nothing Ground, that it would unduly augment Southern representation in
Congress? Would Virginia tamely submit to the insolent demand and gratui
tous ipsult? H -w has she pot resepted the copduct of the Abolitionists, bot
tomed on the similar plea of checking the extension of slave power, in impos
ing the Missouri Compromise upon us, in urgiug the Wilmot Proviso almost to
the disruption of the Union, in resisting thc purchase of Florida and Louisiana,
the annexation of Texas, and the conquest of Mexico, and in now attempting to
thwart in advance the honorable purchase and acquisition of Cuba ?

175
He Borrows a Mean Sentiment from the Abolitionists.
The strength of the Sourthern cause has heretofore consisted much iu the
meanness of the motive with which our progress has been resisted by the Aboli
tionists. Let us not permit Delilah to shear us of our strength. Let us not
borrow the meanness, the politics aud the polioy of Abolitionism, by shameless
ly avowing our jealousy of Northern progress and prosperity, and by interfering
with their domostic concerns,, professedly but to cripple them, and not to bone-
fit ourselves. Foreign immigration is a subject strictly of State economy, and
no Northern State will or Southern State should consent to surrender the su
preme control of it. When Massachusetts, through Congress, shall dictate to
Virginia to what classes of peoplo her ports shall be opened, what races of mon
shall vote and shall hold office, what shade of opinions shall disqualify for enjoy
ing the rights, privileges, and franchises of citizenship, Virginia will have sur
rendered to the last demand of abolitionism, and been despoiled of the last attri
bute of State sovereignty.
He .Invites thc Norlh to Slop Prostpering, in, Order to Appease the Jealousy
of Virginia.
But, instead of such a rotten doctrine, does our model State Rights Gover
nor, expectant, mean to maintain that, agitating this question here in Virginia
is calculated to bring about the exclusion of immigrants from the North by
voluntary legislation on the part of Northern Rtalos ? If so, in what a con
temptible attilufle docs the proposition stand? He raises a huge c-lamor in
Virginia about the rajiid increase of political power in the North from immigra
tion, for the purpose' of inducing those people ^/leijisc/ues to destroy the main
a<'-ent of their own growth -and progress ! He agitates here to induce them to
cease to grow and prosper, in order to gratify Mr. Flournoy's puerile states
manship, and to sooth Virginia's dog-in-the-manger spirit. Of all the absurd
and stupid propositions- we ever beard, it is this of Mr. Fluornoy, borrowed
from Governor Smith, that by agitating and raising a hello — hello here -in
Virginia about the great augmentation of northern power from imraigration,
we shall induce them to lay a suicidal axe at the roots of their own amazing
-prosperity! And yet he turns up at last a State Rights Man !
After announcing these rank aifd fanatical doctrines of Federal ipterferenc'e
and inter-State interference, it is a mockery of State-Rights poUtics, and ap in
sult to popular intelligence— only equaled by the late similar profession of
Wilson of Blassachusett.s — for Mr. Flournoy to declare :
" I will advert particularly to one other principle of the American party —
the 'non-intervention of the Federal and State government with the municipal
affairs of each other.' The strict observance of this principle will make the
union of the States perpetual."
The force of impertinence could no further go !
He Desires Virginia to Scour the Great West on a Tour of Proscription.
Mr. Flournoy takes still further pains to proclaim this rotten Abolition
doctrine of interference in the domestic affairs of other States. The following
ambitious sophomeric sentences have a prominent place in his remarkable let
ter : ^ -,,«/..
" It may be said that there are comparatively but few foreigners and Roman
Catholics in Virginia. She is not acting for herself alone. She is a leading.

J76
member of this great sisterhood of States, and hor action will be felt for weal
or woe, by them all. Her dt-.-^tiny is identified with theirs, and she cannot look
with indiifcreuco to the fact, that the great valley of the Mississippi, watered by
twenty thousand miles of navigable rivers, aud the immense and fertile Territo
ries, stretching beyond to the Pacinc, capable of sustaining a population of one
hundred millions, are rapidly filling up with this class of people."
So, then, our chivalrous Commonwealth, under the guidance of his resplen
dent statesmanship, is to assume thc honorable office of common scold and in-
termeddler, and to go forth into the West and North-west, berating Catholics
and shoo-shooing foreigners — like depredating poultry — out of their gardens and
potato patches ! A fit Governor fur such a Commonwealth, would be amiable
Mr. Flournoy — the statesman.
Virginia is to go out into the West and North-west, a jealous, scolding Juno,
attended by her Know Nothing Argus of an hundred eyes, threading their
twenty thousand miles of uavigablo rivers, expelling " foreigners" from a land
they may bave held since Do Soto and La Salle, and " excluding Catholics from
the offices of government in all its departments." Wo pity the spirit of narrow
jealousy and intolerance which dictates such a policy as much as the ignorance
it betrays. Sir Flournoy will be surprised to learn that there is scarcely a
square inch of tho countries here mentioned in which the CathoUo citizen is
not protected and guaranteed in all the right,-;, immunities and privileges, poli
tical and reUgious, of the most favored citizens of the United States, by express
compacts, sacred, inviolable, irrepealable and perpetual.
He is taught a Lesson of Somc Lnpnrinnce to a Slaiesmnn from thc Archives of
the Country. r
We shall first apprise our Governor expectant of the existence of a clause in
tbe celebrated ordinance of 1787. " for the government of the territory of the
United States north-west of the Ohio river" in the nature of a perpetual com
pact, framed by some of the best men and purest patriots with whom God ever
blessed the earth. The first — -first article uf that venerable statute runs thus:
"Art. I. No person, demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly raanner,
shall EVER be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious senti
ments, in the said territory."
We trust that no demagogue will interpose here, the shallow quibble, that
to insult a citizen, with the declaration that4iis religious sentiments render him
an unsafe depositary of official reponsibility, is not molesting him on account of
his religion.
Again, that vast territory, acquired by the Louisiana purchase, stretching
from the Pacific to the Mississippi, embracing Oregon, Texas Missouri and all
the intermediate domain, which was ceded by France, and was first settled, as
was the northwest country just mentioned, by Catholics, is subject to the fol
lowing solemn stipulatiop, being the third article in the Louisiana Treaty of the
30th April 1803 :
"Art. 3. The inhabitants of ceded territory shall be incorporated in the
Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the
principles of the Federal Constitution, to tbe enjoyment of ALL the rights,
advantages and immunities of citizens of the United States ; and, in the mean
time, they shall be maintained and protected in the free enjoyment of their
liberty, property, and the religion ichich they profess."
Instead of maintaining and protecting thom, according to the spirit of this
solemn compact, in this religion, Mr. Flournoy proposes, on account of it,

177
to proscribe them from office apd degrade them from the rank of sovereign
citizens. Proceeding farther in this interesting historical enquiry, we find another por
tion of the 'Union, watered in part by the Mississippi, consecrated perpetually ¦
to religious toleration. The Treaty of Feb. 22, 1819, with Spain, under
which we acquire Florida and a large adjacent territory, contains these two
articles :
" Art. 5. Tbe inhabitants of the ceded territories shall be secured in the free
exercise of their religion, without ANY restriction; and all those who may de
sire to remove to the.Spapisb dominions sh«dl be permitted to sell or export their
effects at any time whatever, without being subject, in either case, to duties."
" Art. 6. The inhabitants of the territories which His Catholic Majesty cedes
to the United States, by this Treaty, sball be incorporated in the Union of the
United States, as soon as may be consistent wifh the principles of the Federal
Constitution, and admitted to the enjoyment of ALL the priviliges, rights,-and
immunities of the CITIZENS of the United States."
And coming still further down, even to our own time, we find that our vast
acquisition from Mexico, an empire, itself, in the magnitude of its area, itg
population and wealth, to be indelibly stamped with an holy canon of religious
toleration. In the Treaty of May 30, 1848, with the Mexican Republic, under
which, auriferous California became a part of .our Union, occurs the following
golden provision :
"Art. 9. Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve the
character of citizens of the Mexican ]g,epublic [but shall elect under the pre
ceding clause to be citizens of the United States,] * * * shall be incorporated
into the Union of the United States, and be admitted at the proper time (to be
judged of by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment of all.the
rights of citizens o^ the United States ; according to tbe principles of the Con
stitution ; and, in the meantime, shall be maintained apd protected ip thd fre%
enjoyment of their liberty and property, and seovred in the free exerqisb
oj their religion without restriction."
As reference is repeatedly made in these documents to the rights, privileges
and immunities, of the citizens of the United States, as guaranteed by the Con
stitution thereof, it is a fitting conclusion to such solemn stipulations to support
them by the provisions on this subject of that paUadium of Uberty and com'pact
of fraternal Union between the States. The sixth article of that instrument
declares — •
" Art. VI. No religious (est shall ever he required as a qualification to any
office of pubUc trust under tbis government." , ^ '
And the very first article among the amendments which were added to. the in
strument out of tbe abundant caution and jealousy of our fathers, which had
special reference io such intolerant movements as that of the latter day Know
Nothings places religious freedom first in its enumeration of the inviolable
franchises of a. free people : . - - 1 -
" Art. I. Congress shall make no law respecting an establisbmept of religion,
or the FREE exercise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of ifee
press • or tbe right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the goy-
erpmept for a redress of grievances."
Thus it seems that every foot of territorJ|jn this broad and glorious confedcr
racy is consecrated by the most solemn and holy compacts to the liberty o.f
conscience. Thus it is apparent that Mr. Flournoy's mushroom part ,,.(rf
religious intolerance, though boasting its nationality, has pot a spot of -'ihe
consecrated soil of the American Union on which to plant its flag-staff.
12

178
Mr. Flournoy will now perceive, that it would have been the more prudent
part for him to have pursued the policy of Mr. Patton, and, if accepting the dis
reputable nomination at all, to have held his silence in regard to the principles
of proscription and tyranny that are coupled with it, upon which the fathers of
' his country so solemnly pronounced their anathema maranatha. Even if Mr.
Flournoy should have deceived hiraself into a declaration that he did not de
sire this nomination for the office for which he is named, can any one else be
lieve that so intelligent a person as himself could be sincere in such a profes
sion, while consenting, for the sake of securing the position, to endorse the in
famous and damnable doctrines to which he has now set his name, and whioh
will stigmatize that honorable name long after his body sball have returned to
the dust from which it came ?
He Goes to Sea on a Frail Raft of Rotten Logs.
Mr. Flouruoy borrows his principles of State policy from Mr. Wise, niaking
np no issue on State questions, and standing exclusively, in this canvass, on the
Know Nothing principles of Religious Intolerance,
Unequal Rights,
Secret Politics.

ME. PATTON'S SPEECH AT RICHMOND, ACCEPTING THE
NOMINATION.
This oration ig remarkable as the only one delivered by any ofthe Win
chester candidates during the progress of the canva.ss, if we except one or
two other speeches of Mr. Patton, delivered on the very eve of the elec
tion. It therefore merits a conspicuous place in this compilation, and we
lay it before our readers in extenso, follovying it up by a very searching re-
vie-w of it from the Richmond Exani'mer.
Fellow-citizens — feUo-w-citizens of the American party apd of all parties;
I regret that, upoo this first occasiop of t^ assembling of the American
party, and of the great body who are sympatbiaipg with the American party,
that it is my lot to be the only one of the nominees of the Winchester Con
vention present to receive your greetings on this occasion. I should have
been miKh better pleased, and especially .gratified, if the distinguished
leader, who has been chosen as your political standard-bearer in the present
canvass, had been present to address you ; a gentieman lio much more able
to address you thap I am, so as to do justice to your views, and so much
better qualified to gratify the expectations of this large and crowded assem
bly, by an address worthy of the meeting, and worthy of the great subject.
I came here, gentlemen, rather for the purpose of vindicating myself for
assuming the position which I have assumed, and of vindicating you for hav
ing placed me in that position. . My pominatiop by the Winchester Conven
tion, as a candidate for the suffrages of the people of Virginia, was as unex
pected as it was unsought by me, withdrawn as I had been for several years
-—for two or three years at leasiP-from any active participation in the po
litical controversies of the country. Absorbed in the laborious, overwhelm
ing and almnst crushing duties of an arduous profession, I had paid very little
attentioa to the progress of political events. I knew scarcely anything of

179
the issues which were about to arise, aud which were likely to guide the
people ip the comipg election. In that position I sought no office, and ex
pected pone from apy party, or a pomination from any party. I held out no
inducements to those wbo, in behalf of this new American party, called upop
me for the purpose of ascertaiuipg whether I would accept this office of at-
torpey-geperal. I sipcerely apd most frankly discouraged the idea, and told
them very frankly that I had not evep read the Basis Pripciples which they
had put forth as coutaipipg the objects for which this organization was
formed, and which they were epdeavoring to accomplish. I was told that
this great organization desired, or at least a portion of the members of the
Convention at Winchester, and probably the whole body, would de.^ire to
confer this nomination on me, if I was willing to accept the office, without
any regard to my political opinion or my political course ; that it was an of
fice wholly disconnected with political controversy, in reference to the dis
charge of the peculiar duties which devolved upon it ; that it was an office
which had no patronage coppected with it, apd that, estimating very highly
(much more highly thap I had vapity to aspire to) my qualifications and fit
ness for the office, they desired to confer it upon, me, in reference to their
estimate of my qualifications and fitness for it, without reference at all to any
political object. I told them that if, under these circumstances, as it -was an
office in the line of my profession — an office which, although I had no par
ticular desire to obtain, it would yet not be unacceptable to me — if the Con
vention chose to confer upon me the nomination, I would accept it, assuring
them at the same time that it would be incompatible with my busipess to ep-
gage in the political canvass in the way of discussion, and that, in my esti
mate, it was pot desirable or proper that a capdidate for ap office of that sort
should be mixed up in the angry political strife of parties. I most sincerely
desired to occupy that position absolutely and entirely. It has not seemed
good to the leaders apd mouth-pieces of the party op the other side that I
shall be permitted to occupy that position. I have been assailed with a
fierceness of denunciation, and with a virulence of invective, and coarseness
and Uliberality of abuse, that has never been surpassed, if indeed it has ever
been equaled. My motives traduced — eagerness for office imputed to me
— ambitious aspirations — suffering humiUation in consenting to take an infe
rior office with a tide-waiter's salary, to serve under another leader with tbe
high and important and splendid office of goverpor of Virginia, with a vast
munificent pecuniary compensation.
You have seen what eagerness I displayed to get the nomination of attor
ney-general. And no-w let me bring to the notice of this vast assen»bly, and
to those who bave been disposed to impute to me ambitious .motives and
eagerness for high office, one or two papers, which is all the answer I mean
lo give to those charges.
I received, on the evening of the 13th March, from Wipchester, the fol
lowing telegraphic dispatch from a friend of mine, who was a member of the
body: "Will you accept the nomination for governor? Reply immediately to
this." I immediately sent the following by telegraph:
" I would not accept the office of governor if every man in Virginia 'were
to vote for me."
By an ingenious perversity of accusation, it might StiU be said that I was
like Cssar, rejecting the crown because I knew I could not get it.
On the same evening, not very long after I had received the telegraphic
dispatch which I have just read, I received this note from a gentleman in
Eichmond :

180
"I have just received a dispatch by telegraph that you were nominated
for governor, and requested to communicate it directly."
As soon as I received this note, instantly, for the purpose of preventing
any inconveniepce to the Winchester Cortveptiop, such as would result from
their making a nomipatiop which would pot be accepted, probably causing
them to assemble agaip there or somewhere else to make another nomina
tion, I sent the following reply :
" I regret the information your note contains. Several times during the
last fifteen years I have declined being a candidate for governor when my
friends thought I could be elected. I will not accept the office of governor
under any circumstances, and though every man in the state were fo vote
for me. Excuse the apparent peremptoriness of this note."
These are my aspirations for the ofiice of governor, and you can now well
form a notion how great was my mortification at being passed over for this
high office and offered the humble office of attorney-general. It is proper to
state that the information that I was nominated for governor was a mistake,
which of course I did not know until the following day. There was, as I
understand, no such pomipatioo, apd the distinguished gentleraan who has
been nominated, and is so worthy to receive tbe suffrages of the American
party, was the decided choice of the Convention at all times. I do not know
that there was a single man who was favorable to my nomination, except the
particular gentleman who sent me the dispatch.
Besides all that, it is now said that I ara animated by aspirations for the
Senate. I say here and now, as I have said repeatedly in the course of the
last fifteen years, when my friends desired to put me in nomination for that
office, as I said about the office of governor, I would not have the office of
senator if every man ip the Legislature of Virginia voted for me.
I was thep pomipated for this office upder the circumstapces to which 1
have referred, by a large, respectable, iptelUgent and patriotic body of men,
as much so to the extent that I have ipformation in regard to them, as any
body of men in any quarter, any state, or aoywhere else in the world — a
body of men represepting, as I understand now, (for I Know-Nothing about
the supposed ^elective strength of tbe Americap party,) fifty or sixty thou
sand of the free citizens of tbis commonwealth. I have repeatedly said, in
talking of tbis organization, without knowing anything at all of its objects or
purposes, but havipg heard merely the rapid way ip which it advances in
the hearts and affections of the people elsewhere, that its objects must he
patriotic. Were they otherwise, I could not believe that it could have en
listed S9 effectually the aid and support of the people of Virginia. It has
surpassed the most extravagant idea that I could form of its progress in this
state, my opinion having been that the sparseness of the population and the
difficulty of communication between our people, would form almost an insur
mountable barrier to its extension. I had not the least idea of hope (if I may
use that word) that whep my pomipatioo was made upou this ticket, there
was a reasopable probability that the ticket would prevail. Now, I under
stand that the body of men who nominated me represented 50,000 persons
at least in the commonwealth of Virginia, who have become united to the
order, and among them some fifteep or twepty thousaud Democrats. I
received the pomipation, then, of this body of gentiemen representing this
vast portion of the people of Virginia, composed of aU parties, and I could
not feel myself altogether at Uberty to refuse to permit such a body of gen
tlemen of all parties, irrespective of fhe political basis they might have in
this movemept, tb present my name to the people of Virginia as a candidate
for an office wholly discopnected with political parties or strife, and utterly
void of aU political patronage. And yet that act, the act of permitting my
name to be presented to the people of Virginia, has been denounced as an

181
act of treachery to party and a violation of party obligations. I never
entered into any party obligations wbich would prevent me from aUowing a
majority of tbe people'of Virginia to elect me to any office which I was wil
ling to take, no matter who may have made the nomination, orwhen or where
they raay be denounced. I have read the Constitutiop of Virgipia several
times, and I find there that the office of attorney-general is to be filled by
the votes of the people of Virginia, and pot by tbe Deraocratic Copvention.
He little knows my antecedents who does not know that I have p5ver per
mitted myself to be governed or controlled by the dictates of a party, in re
gard to party nominations or part}' measures, anywhere or op any occasiop.
It is said I have received rewards of party, apd have repdered very little
service for them. What party reward did I ever receive.? I am charged
with ingratitude to the Democratic party. I was never elected to but one
office, and that office, like this of attorney-geperal, pot poUtical — I meap the
office of coupcillor of state — aiid I was elected to that office by a fractiop of
the Democratic party, with the united vote of the Whig party, beating the
caucus nominee of the party. [Mr. P. did not refer to his service in Con
gress. To prevent misapprehension, it is proper to say that he was never
elected to Congress by a party vote. He was elected by the people four
terms — three terras without oppositiop — opce agaipst the oppositiop of a
most popular, distipguished apd thorough-goiug party man of the Democratic
party ; and was, at all times, supported in the independent course he pursued
in Congress, (independent of party, he means,) by the great body of both
parties.] And I was elected and re-elected to that office five times, every
time, except one, by alraost the unanimous vote of both parties, without a
noraination even against me. On one occasion there -was a noraination of a
Democratic gentleman against me : a very ardent, consistent and thorough
supporter of Democratic principles, who got "twenty-nine votes," and I all
the balance. At these elections the Whig party were in tbe majority twice.
I do not raean at all to say anything whatsoever to detract from the liberality,
frora the friendly feeling, from the liberal support that I received, from the
liberal merabers of tbe Democratic party, as well as the Whig party, during
those elections. But I never was elected by a party vote — pever in my life.
I pever was the favorite of tbe ultra men of any party assembly, because I
did not recognize tbe despotism of party obligations, and because I always
spurned their denunciations, whenever they were directed against me, for a
preference of what my judgment approved as demanded hythe true interest
of the country. _ '*
1 have changed my party position, therefore. During the eight years of
my service in Congress — during a portiop of the time whep Gep. Apdrew
Jackson was in the zenith of his power, and whep to oppose hira was like
bearding the lion in his dep — it can be seen, by referepce to the jouruals of
that tirae, that I voted iodiffereptly, as I thought, with the oue party as the
other : and it was because of this that the great, aud iUustrious, and patriotic
man, Henry Clay, who was always my warm friend, (and deeply did I re
gret very frequently that I could not consistently, with the opinions and prin
ciples which I entertained, support him for the presidency,) in tbe most
friepdly spirit and the facetiousness of his genial nature, said to me one day,
" How are you to-day, Mr. Patton?" and that joke, wbich I told so m.uch to
the amusement of my friends in private ten j'ears ago, was told with very
amusino- effect by John Hampden Pleasants in the Whig, on the day after I
made the great somerset frora the Whig party into the Deraocratic ranks, when
I made a speech at the Exchange in 1844. And this joke, which was so
good-humoredly published ten years 'ago, our Democratic friends seem to
have taken hold of for tbe first time. They seem to have brought jt up with
a o-usto, as if they never had heard of it. They must be very rauch in want

182
of something to amuse them, when they had to revive my old, stale and
thread-bare jokes for the purpose of creating a littie merriment.
Gentlemen, this habit of resistance to party dictation exposed me during
all my political life to fhe severe criticism of the press; and they have also
brought along with them something which, perhaps, I ought to take as a full
equivalent — the good natured, extravagant and equally unmerited praise of
the party, press.
I have thus received alternately the applause of Mr. Thomas Ritchie and
that agaip of Johp Harapdep Pleasapts ; and have received alternately their
denunciation, too — denunciations from whom were calculated to carry some
terror with them. I have heard the thunder of Deraocratic denunciations
roUing over my head, threatening to exterminate me, when Jupiter Tonans,
the Olympian Jove of Democracy, Thomas Ritchie, wielded the thunder:
bolt, i have had the lightning of Whig denunciation to flash in my eyes
when it wa? struck forth by the electric genius of John Hampden Pleasants.
I was assailed violently by both, but it gave me great pleasure to see that af
ter tbe storm of prejudice and passion and political strife had passed away, it
-was my good fortune to enjoy, in a very high degree, the respect and confi
dence and friendship of both these gentlemep, which was cordially recipro
cated by myself. And now, when I have survived " heavep's artiUery," do
you think I am going to be killed, or frightened, or hurt, by firing crackers or
sky-rockets, and least of all by pop-guns loaded with sHced potatoes, and
very soft and small potatoes at that.
It bas been said that curses loud apd deep from the Democratic party are
poured forth against me — I suppose melo-dramatic curses put forth for stage
effect. But if there be any gentlemap of the Democratic party, whose re
spect is worth apything, that has lost his own self-respect so far as to deal in
curses against me, let me say to him that he had better remember the East
ern apothegm, that " curses, like chickens, go home to roost." As for my
self, I regard the curses of an angry partizan just as much as I do the raving
of a maniac, or the howling of a hungry hyena. " They pass by me as the
idle wind, which I respect not." And there is a consolation accompanying
all this denunciation. If I ara to be considered, (and I don't care a pinch of
snuff whether I am to be so considered or not,) as driven out of the Demo
cratic party, (it 'certainly required no very strenuous exertion to accomplish
that end,) I have the comfort of knowing that I enjoy in this calamity the com
pany of 20,000 (as I am told) of that old and respectable party, as steadfast,
true and conscientious as any other equal number who still adhere to it.
And now, gentlemen, I ought, perhaps, after saying this much about politi
cal intolerance, say what is perfectly just perhaps to all parties, and certainly
to the Democratic party, that whatever other sins they might have been
guilty of, they do not bear malice. Let any politiciap, no matter how repro?
bate he may have been in his opinion — no matter what his political offences
may have been — come to the High Priest of the Democratic party, and say,
"Purge me with hyssop and I sball be clean, wash me and I will be whiter
than snow," he will be sure to receive the merciful response, " Though thy
sins be as scarlet, they shall be white as snow ; though they be red like crim
son, tbey shall be as wool." For verily, (at this time particularly,) there is
more joy in tbe kipgdom of Democracy, or rather, perhaps, I should say in
the popedom of Democracy, for they seem to laupch their fulmiuationsin the
same spirit and tone as if they conceived themselves, like his holiness^ the
Pope and vicegerent of God, whose decrees and bulls of excommunication
proclairaed eternal damnation — for verily "there is more joy over one sinner
that repanteth, than over ninety and nine Just men that need no repent
ance." And if there shall be here and there occasional!}- an acquisition of

183
some seceding Know-Nothing, or obdurate Whig that comes to be purged
with hyssop, they are thrown in absolute ecstacy and paroxysms of joy.
Well, gentlemep, there is perhaps soraethipg too much of this. I have
giveo this matter copnected with myself more consideration than it deserved.
I desired, gentlemen, to be saved the necessity of having to say anything in
respect to this nomination for attorney-general, or in respect to any matter
connected with this canvass. I certainly have no design to say at any time,
here or anywhere else, anything in disparagement of the clairas of the dis
tinguished gentleman who has been nominated by the Staunton Convention
for the office of attorney-general, or anything, in the slightest degree, to de
rogate from tbe fideUty with which he will discbarge bis duties, if a majority
of the peopleof Virginia prefer his filUng that office ; and still more, em
phatically, I have nothing to say and mean to say nothing intended or calcu
lated to induce any man to vote for me, or to prevent any man from voting
agaipst me, for that office, if he prefers my competitor to fill it.
1 said to you, gentlemep, that whep I was nominated for this office I had
seen none of the discussions which had grown up in Virginia, or anywhere
else, in regard to tbis American party. I- have been so much absorbed with
my own business, that I do not think I have read a governor's message
for several years, nor a presidents message ; and the tirae when I read a
speech in Congress, is a period which runs back to a time that my memory
" runneth not to the contrary." I have, however, read somewhat carefully,
at various times since my nomination, the principles and basis of tbe Know-
Nothing or American party, apd I have po hesitation in saying that with ope
or two exceptiops ip regard to the mode of actiop of the party, apd the extent
to which tbey are proposing to go, as a rule for themselves in their orgapiza
tion, the principles and basis of that party meet my entire approbation, t
see pothipg ipconsistent with those unchanged and unchangeable principles
of state rights Virginia republicanism which I have always cherished and
still cling to.
I have looted a little into the groupds upon which this organization and its
principles bave been assailed in the canvass, and bave beep amazed at tbe
strapge misconception and the singular perverseness of argument by which
it is sought to be maintained, that the principles of this organizatiop are vio
lative of the Constitution and of the Bill of Rights, and that they lead to the
destruction of civil and religious liberty. '
The last time I was in this building — certainly in connection with any po
litical orgapization — the cry was then " Young America," and I was hardly
permitted to be considered as a fit associate for the genius of true Democracy,
because I did not join in a cry which I had not the most di.stant understand-
ina- of the meaning of, except that I had some vague idea that it was gotten
uiTfor the purpose of making Stephen A. Douglas president of the United
States ; apd as that was a purpose which I had pever copceived, apd most
probably never would, I was regarded as an " old fogy."
Since then there seems to have beep some chaoge in the relation of par
ties and in the issues. We hear no more of these unchanged and unchange
able principles of Virginia state rights republicanism as questions of party
controversy, or as tbe watchword of the Democratic party. And now, since
old America and young America have come together, and that young Amer
ica with a little raore prudence and discretion than she manifested before, did
come to take counsel of old America; and when they have both joiped
hapds too-ether to form a great American party, those who then made this
cr-y- about young America say no more about it, but seemed disposed to em
brace in their comprehensive patriotisni old Europe, all Europe, Asia, part
of Africa, all creation, and the rest of mankind.

184
I said, gentlemen,' that in regard to some of the details of this basis of
principles of Know-Notbingism, I was not prepared to adopt them in all their
breadth and dength. I do not bind rnyself by any pledge, either written,
spoken, or sworp — that I pever wiU, under any circumstances, vote for for
eigners for any office. That is a matter that I will leave altogether at my
discretion. Were I to act otherwise, I should be abandoning the ground
which I bave maintained all my life, and upon wbich I can now stand up and
defy those Democratic denunciations that are hurled against me. I have
never been in a party caucus in my life, in Copgress or out of it.
While these are my views of party obligatiops apd the meaps of carrying
out objects of party organization, I have no right to be a censor upon those
who, as party men, pursue a different course and entertain other opinions.
The Anierican party chooses to hold tbeir meetings in secret, as the Whig
and Democratic party have been and are in tbe habit of holding secret cau
cuses, by night -or day. This party enter, it is said, into mutual obligations
as to their party action. No matter wbat is tbeir form, they can't be held
more binding than the Democrats claim to hold the impUed obligations of
their party. A violation of them, by disobeying the behest of the party,
quitting it, is followed by the most vehement denunciation — while this party,
as I understand, allows every man to go out of the party when he pleases,
and his obligations are at once at an end, without denunciation. With the
Democratic party it does not seem to be so, for although there is no oath
taken, no pledge registered, no man that acts with them can dare to defy
their behests and dissent from their decrees. If he does — " Off with his
head. So much for Buckingham."
Tbe freedora of thought and opinion wbicb they allow at this day is hap
pily illustrated in an anecdote which is told of one of Napoleon's raarshals,
when Napoleon was a candidate for the First Consulship for life. It was to
be deterrained by universal suffrage. Marshal Augekaw addressed bis divi-
sion in the following words : " Soldiers, there is an election to-day to deter
mine whether Napoleon shall be Consul for Ufe. It is to be a matter of the
¦ free choice of the people. You will march to the polls and vote just as you
think proper ; but if you vote against Napoleon, I will shoot you as soon as
you come back." While I do not, and cannot according to my potiops about
party epgagements, come under its obligations, I agree that, as a general
rule, yours is a proper principle of action, and shall probably act upon it
practically myself. 'There may be occasion under some very peculiar cir
cumstances wbich should induce a departure from that course, in respect to
the exclusion of a foreigner from all political offices. But I maintain against
the world in arms, that free citizens of this country, native or foreign, have
the right to enter into such an agreement without violating the rights of any
other citizens, and without infringing upon any principle of the constitution
or the bill of rights, or any other guarantee.
It is to my mind one of the strangest and most extraordinary perversions
of principle that ever has been seriously insisted upon, that the rights of
foreigners are affected because a portion of the people of Virginia, who re
gard it as a question of high and important public policy, .«ay, and unite
theraselves together for the purpose of maintaining the principle, that for
eigners should not be aUowed to have the political offices of the country.
For what are the rights of foreigners ? The rights of foreigpers uuder
our laws are to come here aud acquire a residence and carry on their busi
ness under the tegis and protection of our laws, — to sit down under their
own vine and fig tree, and after spending the term of probation fixed by
law to entitie tbem to the right of suffrage, to exercise that right, and, so far
as the Constitution permits, to be capable of election to any office if the
people choose to confer it upon them — and because a portion of the people,

185
in the exercise of their fundamental, indisputable and essential rights, say
\ve won't vote foryou for political offices, they are represented as acting iu
direct conflict with the Constitution and the principles of civil liberty.
Foreigners have exactly the same right, whep they become citizeps, to say
we wop't vote for you, apd I suppose nobody would pretend to say that was
a violation and invasion of your rights.
Why, gentlemen, do you know — and I suppose you don't, for you Know
Nothing — do you know fhat this principle, so destructive of the rigbts of
foreigners, which you have advocated and which you state is one of the
rules of action of your organization is not your thunder at all. You are the
copyists merely. You have borrowed the thundei-, and of whom do you suppose ?
We have a Constitution here •which, as I told you sometime ago, I had read once
or twice, and we find in that Constitution that no person shall be eUgible to tbe
office of governor unless he have attained the age of thirty years, is a native
citizen of the United States, and has beep a citizen of Virginia so many
years. The lieutenant governor shall be elected at the same time, and for the
same term, and his qualifications and manner of election shall be the same ;
so that here is the Know Nothing principle — so fatal and destructive to the
right of foreigners, so consistent with equal rights of all citizens — incorpo
rated into the fundamental law of the land ; so that if you wanted to vote
for foreigners, every one of you, the Copstitution forbids your doing so
for the office of governor or lieutenant governor of the commonwealth.
WeU, now, you have only carried it a little further than the Constitution.
The Constitution does not prohibit you frora doing as you propose in regard
to votiog. It is a raatter left to the exercise of your will. It is perfectly
competept for the citizen, in the exercise of his fupdaraental and essential
right to select for himself any particular individual to vote for. The princi
ples which goverp his actiop ip this regard cappot of course be affected by
any constitutional enactraent, nor can they, by any means, be said to con
flict with any provision in our Constitutiop. But lest you might, peradvep-
ture, put a foreigper ipto the office of goverpor, or lieutenant governor,
our legislators have put an insuperable barrier in the Constitution — you can
not do it. '
And now, gentlemap, who do you suppose inflicted this violation of tbe
rights of foreigners, and incorporated it into the Constitution ? In the con
vention wbicb formed the Constitution, it was moved by Mr. Hunter, to
amend the report by striking therefrom the word "native," so as not to
permit foreigners to be elected to the office of governor.
Mr. Letcher raoved to amend the amendraent by striking out in the 2d
and 3d lines the words, " shall be a native citizen of the United States."
The question upon the adoption of the amendraent being put to the Con
vention, was decided in the pegative.
The questiop thep recurring upon the motion of Mr. Hunter, was decided
in the negative : ayes 49, noes 53.
Those who voted in the negative were {Messrs. John Y. Mason, (Presi
dent,) Banks, Beale, Bocock, Botts, Bowls, Braxton, Burgess, Richard C.
Boyii, Chambers, Chambliss, Chilton, Cocke, Deneale, Douglas, Edmunds,
Edwards, Faulkner,' Finney, Floyd, Fultz, Fuqua, M. R. H. Garnett, Mus
coe Garnet, Goode, HaU, Hill, Kenny, Leake, Lucus, McCandUsh, Wm.
Martin, Moore, Newman, Price, Reeves, Saunders, Scoggin, Frances, W.
Scott, Shell, Berry H. Smith, Jaraes Smith, Archibald Stuart, Taylor, Tu-
,nish, TurnbuU, J. Watts, Whittle, Whilley, Wingfield, Wise, Woolfolk,
Wysor. We find among those whose naraes are recorded in the negative the elite
of the Democracy. The exclusion of foreigners, this dangerous violation of
the rights of foreigners kept in the Constitutiop by the reform Copvention

186
of Virgipia, which boasted its pre-eminent defence of eqtial rights ! Can it
be possible? TeU it not in Gath. Proclaim it pot in the streets of Askalon.
You Know-Nothings do know nothing. It is not your invention -at aU. Lis
ten to it, you foreigners who have been deluded and bamboozled by this
clamor, that the American party were your peculiar enemies, because they
were depriving you of your equal rights. Those very people who have
aroused your prejudices and excited your passions, not content with- saying
that they would not vote for you for the office of goverpor as private citizen,
have actually put it into the Constitution that you shall not be voted for by
anybody. Let the Hon. S. A. Douglas hear it, and learn that if his gallant
and brave and patriotic fellow-citizen, General Shields, were here in Vir
ginia, although he were ready to shed, as I have no doubt he is ready to
shed, a hogshead of blood, if he had it, in defepce of the country — if he
were here a citizen of Virginia, he would bfe incapable by law — by the Con- ¦
stitution — of receiving the office of governor, or the coraparatively insig
nificant office of lieutenant governor, although every American in the State
-were anxious to make an exception in his favor to this generalrule, in
consideration of his great gallantry and patriotism. This has been done,
not by the accursed Know-Nothings, but by a majority of the Convention
of Virginia, who have engrafted it into the Constitution to stand for all
time. But, gentlemen, nor was the reform conventiop eptitled to this discovery
of wisdom and prudence of putting some safe guarantees against permitting
the high political offices of the country to be filled by foreigners.' You have
a similar provision in the Copstitution of the United States and the Consti
tution of Virginia of 1831, and you have a piece of legislative history in
the law of Virgiilia even still more striking and remarkable. In the year
1786 the Legislature of Virginia passed this law, and I desire you to
consider the views which .seemed to have governed the legislators of that
day. I will read the statute to which I refer:
" The Speaker read from 'Henning's Statues at Large,' as follows :
" 1st. Whereas it is the policy of all infant States to encourage popula
tion among other means by an easy mode for the admission of foreigners to
the rights of citizenship ; yet wisdom and safety suggest the propriety of
guarding against the introduction of secret enemies, and of keeping the of
fices of Government in the hands of citizens intimately acquainted with the
spirit of the Constitution and the genius ofthe people, as well as pernanently
attached to the comraon interest.
"2. Be it therefore enacted by the General Assembly, that aU free per
sons born within the territory of this commonwealth, aU persons not heing
natives, who have obtained a right to citizenship under the act entitied. An
act declaring who shall be deemed citizens of the commonwealth, and also
aU children wheresoever born, whose fathers or mothers are or were citi
zens at the time of the birth of such children, shaH be deemed citizens of
this commonwealth, until they relinquish that character in manner hereinafter
mentioned ; and that all persons other than alien enemies who shaU migrate
into this state, and shall before some court of record give satisfactory proof
by oath, (or being Quakers or Mononists, by affirmation,) that they intend
to reside therein, and also to take the legal oath of affirmation for giving
assurence of fidelity to the commonwealth, (which oaths or affirmations the
clerk of the court'shall enter on record, apd give a certificate thereof to the
persop taking the same, and shaU, on or before the first day of October an-'
nually, transmit to the Executive a list of the persons who shall have taken
the said oath or affirmations, reciting their nation and occupation (if any) to
be by them entered in a book to be kept for tfcat purpose, for which he shall
receive the fee of one dollar;) shall be entitled to all the rights, privileges

187
and advantages of citizens, except that tbey shall not be capable of election
or appointment to any office, legi.slative, executive, or judiciary, until an ac
tual residence in the state of five years from the time of taking sucb oaths
or affirmations aforesaid: nor until they shaU have evinced a permanent
attachment to the state by having intermarried with a citizen of this com
monwealth, or a citizen of any other of the United States, or purchased
lands to the' value of one hundred pounds therein."
Mr. Patton proceeded : — That was the idea of tbe patriots and sages of
the revolution, at that eariy period, when the policy of this infant state was
especially to encourage immigration. That law continued in force in Vir
ginia certainly, until 1852, when Congress passed its naturaUzation laws.
And it seems to have been supposed by very eloquent lawyers and able
men, that this law was still in force, notwithstanding the passage of the
naturalization la-ws by Congress ; it was re-enaoted in '92, -which was be
fore the naturalization law, and continued in the Code of 1819, prepared by
Watkins Leigh, one of tbe ablest jurists of tbe couptry. It remained in
the statute book untU 1850, when the revisers of that time, fiudipg it there,
apd beUeving it was supperseded by the naturalization law of Congress left
it out of the Code. But there it stands as a monuraent of the opinions of
the then illustrious sages of the revolution. This law was raade about the
very time — whether it was one of the laws reported by the committee, I
don't know — that Jefferson, Pendleton and Wythe were appointed to revise
the laws of Virginia. Here is the Know-Nothing principle with a ven
geance !
Gentlemen, this cry about the rights of foreigners is all gamraon. No
body proposes ; no raan that I have ever seen; no paper that I ever read,
advocating or sustaining this Know-frothing or American party movement,
has said or written anything indicating a purpose to violate any rights of
foreign^s. A foreigner has no right in tbis country except what the laws
give. It is wholly a matter of doraestic policy, and for tbe consideration
of tbe people of the United States, under what circumstances they will ad
mit foreigners into the country, or whether they will admit thera at all —
whether, when they come here, they will allow them to become citizens —
upon what terms of probation, and under wbat forms and conditions. My
opinion is, that viewing the vast increase in imraigratiop — the change in our
condition ; the vast numbers and rapid increase of our o-wn population — that
tbe time ba^ arrived materially to change our naturalization laws — to in
crease very considerably the length of probation, before admission to the
rights of citizenship, and provide other and more efficient securities, that
those who are to receive these rights are fit depositaries of them by tbeir
moral character — knowledge of tbe pripciples of our ipstitutions, and irn-
bued with devotiop to our copstitution.
These are matters, however, of detail to be disposed of by Congress. It
would be premature for me to undertake to consider or define any specific
views as to the' proper provisions. They must be left to the wisdom of
Congress exercised with a full view of the exigencies of the country at the
time. I believe that there are some over-zealous advocates of the American
party, who go to extrerae lengths, such as preventing the immigration of
foreigners out and out!, and repealing the naturalization laws. Now I am in
favor of peither. I do pot upderstapd the Virgipia American party to be in
favor of either. I say, let the foreigners come, and if I could remember
here, I would speak over again that speech which seemed to have been ad
mired so much by my Democratic friends. I would say, let them come,
and forbid them not — the industrious and pains-taking German from his
fader land, the gay Frenchman from the fertile plains and vine-clad hiUs of

188
his beautiful France, the whole-souled and gallant Irishman— let them
come. But let them come with a means of living ; let them come to better
their fortune by their industry, adding to the industrial products of the coun
try itself, by becoming permanently located araongst us, by raising famiUes
amongst us ; and when they have stayed here a sufficient length of time —
all the time prescribed by our laws, and have given proper assurapces, such
as the details of the law of Congress may prescribe, that they really un
derstand the principles of our government, and properly estimate tbe value
of our system, let them be received as citizens amongst us. But take care.
I would appeal to every industrious, intelligept and sober-minded foreigner
himself, if this is not a principle which is necessary for his and the rights
of his children — take cai;e that our shores be not flooded by the paupers and
criminals cast off by the old, declining governments of Europe — sent here
to be supported by us, and to fill our poor-houses, and our penitentiaries. And
if there be any foreigner who is not satisfied about that, I pray and beseech
him to read Valentine Heckler's letter. In my poor estimate, it is worth
all the speeches that have been made or will be made from now untU Christ
mas upon that subject.
Talk about violating rights, &c., gentlemen, I have no hostility to for
eigners. Why should I? My father was a Scotchman, and my grand
father was a Scotchman, and the first, I believe, the only general officer who
died in battle, in defence of the country in the revolutionary struggle. These
propositions, as I understand them, are just as essential for the true inter
ests, and for tbe protection of the true rights of foreigners wbo come here
and becorae established amongst us, as they are for natives, and nothing but
a misconception and misunderstanding of the true purposes and objects of
this association, could have possibly created such a storm among a consider
able portion of foreigners, or any other persons.
As to the religious question, gentleman, Iam afraid that I cannot consider
myself entirely fit to consider such a subject as that; I ara afraid, God help
me, I have not much religion of any sort, though I see that somebody has
made the wonderful discovery that the Winchester ticket is made up of a
Methodist, a Baptist, a Presbyterian and Episcopalian. I believe I ara my
self nearer the Episcopalian than any other; I don't live more than a square
and a half frora the church. Now, I understand that nobody belonging to
this much and terribly abused party — for I think it is and has been the worst
abused that ever has risen ip the country, not excepting the AboUtionists, who
deserve it most richly — I do not under.stapd that any man belongipg to this
orgapization desires to interfere with any civil or religious rights of Catholics,
any more than with the civil and religious rights of Protestants. Nobody
disputes the right, or designs to interfere with the liberty, of the members of
that Church in worshiping God according tojtheir own consciences. Nobody
designs to interfere with their right to believe that what is proclaimed by the
Pope as religious faith, is an infaUible truth. No person desires to interfere
with their belief that they must take their conviction of religious duty from
the Pope and not from the Bible. Nobody denies their right to believe in
transubstantiation or consubstantiation, or in the Immaculate Conception of
the Virgin Mary, which has been recently declared by his hoUness the
Pope, or any other article of faith.
So far as any 'person undertakes to say that he wiU not vote for a CathoUc,
he exercises his undeniable right. It is equally competent for persons out
side tbe order to take that position, nor do I believe that tbey would be
guilty, if they choose to take such a positiou, of apy violatiop ofthe rights of
Catholics, either civil or religious. How far the charges of temporal aUe-
giapce OP tbe part of Catholics to the Pope are justified, I am pot aware. It
is strapge that while some Catholics depy the temporal authority of the Pope

189
over them, others of their own church, some of them high in position, do
maintain that they are thus bound.
Well, I know not who is right and who is wrong about that ; but this I do
know, that if it is estabUshed that we have a body of men here who are un
der the temporal authority ofa foreign potentate, or any other religious head,
domestic or foreign, in the exercise of their civil rights, it would be a justifi
able ground upon which we should abstain from conferring any office of po
litical power or influence upon any such man — I care not whether he be
Catholic, Presbyterian, Episcopalian, Methodist, Baptist, or of any other reU
gion. Just copvipce me that, as a religious congregation or body, they are
controlled by a Pope abroad or a Bishop here, and I would give pone of them
my vote for any office of political power or trust, because that is to us a dap
gerous exercise of the right of citizenship, dangerous to them, dangerous to
civil liberty, dangerous because it is a practical union of church and state,
under which, wherever it exists, the tree of liberty withers and dies. With
such convictions, I cannot hesitate to adopt that portion of the Know-Nothing
platform which refers to religious toleration. It is this :
"That the American doctrine of religious toleration, and entire absence of
all proscription for opinion's sake, should be cherished as one of the very
fundamental principles of our civil freedom, and that any sect or party which
believes and maintains that any foreign power, reUgious or political, has the
right to control the conscience or direct the conduct of a freeman, occupies
a position which is totally at war with the principles of freedora of opinion,
and which is mischievous in its tendency, and which principle, if carried
ipto practice, would prove wholly destructive of reUgious and civil liberty."
Well, then, gentiemen, another great and formidable ground of assault
upon this American party — upon those 40, or 50, or 60,000 of the people of
Virginia, is, that they are laboring in the cause of Abolitionism. Fifty
thousand Virginia gentieraen of inteUigence, of property, of character, com
bined to promote the cause of abolitionism ! Terrible conspiracy, most dan
gerous and mischievous poUticians ! Why, gentiemen, the very fact of the
composition of this order is a standing refutation of this most singular impu
tation. But if you wanted any other evidence of it just take tbe testimony
of Mr. Greely, or Weed, the peculiar organ of W. H. Seward, or Wade of
Ohio, or Giddings, aU of whom denounce this American party as the deadly
enemj' of tbe abolition party.
I received a newspaper tbis morning, I believe, containing the last fulmi
nations (for tbey seera to have some Popes among the abolitionists) of Mr.
Giddings upon the subject. I wiU read them for you, together with some re
marks from the Chicago Journal, an abolition paper. Speaking ofthe Know-
Nothings, he says : - ^
" There are few foreigners whom I would be less wilUng to trust in office,
than those who are so active in their efforts to arouse the popular feeling
against our emigrant population, while theraselves reraain perfectly quiet,
and see our native born Americans, (that is, runaway negroes,) from Ohio,
and other free states, seized and sold into interminable slavery ; aye, they
not only remain quiet under such insults, but insist that the people shall not
discuss the impropriety of such a crime."
" I would a thousand times rather vote for an honest lover of liberty,
though a CathoUc, than for many Protestant Doctors of Divinity, who have
so long denied our obUgation of God's ' higher law,' and endeavor to recon
cile us to the infamous fugitive slave euactmept. The time has arrived
when men should be judged by their action by tbeir political conduct, rather
than by prejudices attached to a name or sect."
The Chicao-o Journal — ap Abolition print — quotes a passage from Gov.
Smith's speech in defence of Know-Nothingisra, and says :

190
"There it is ip a put shell. Foreigners who come to this country, settle
in free states, with instincts against slavery,
" For these instincts the South is to hunt them down, while freemen at
the North shout forth the ' tally ho !' to the chase. Aside from the oath-
bound, proscriptive intolerance of the order, there seems enough in its slavery
instincts to cause all friends of freedora to view its progess with alarra."
That, continued Mr. Patton, is the testimony upon the one side, and then
we have our Virginia papers denouncing this party and the leaders of the
party without measure, and denouncing it as an abolition party. There
really seeras to be something very amusing and curious in the idea of seeing
this great American omnibus moving along upon the railroad, which people
believe is going to lead to the terminus of triumph and success, and the
leaders of the Virginia Democracy trying to puU it off the track because it is
loaded with runaway slaves, carrying them to the North, while on the other
side we have Greely, Giddipgs, and all^tbat party pulling at it with all their
might, because it is catching runaway slaves to bring them back.. Well, if
they wiU keep on pulling in that way, ope pulling on one side and the other
on the other, as action and re-action is equal, " with a long puU, a strong
pull, and a pull altogether," the car will be kept steady ip its course,' and
will arrive at its destipy without any sort of difficulty.
But, this oath-bound organization, as Mr. Giddings calls it. WeU, gentle
men, as I said before, I do not belong to tbis secret organizatiop. I never
belopged to a secret society ip my life, although most of my faraily were
Masons. I have sorae sort of scruples and fastidiouspess which prevented
me at aU times from going into any place to assurae any secret engageraent.
But, surely we are not going at this time of day to denounce secret associa
tions as dangerous and mischievous, and ruinous to the country merely be
cause they are secret. 1 hope we are pot to have the Apti-Masopic party
revived. The questiop whether the secret character is objectionable or not
depends upon the objects of the organization. The reason which they had
to make it secret, assurae any secret engagement, is manifest to all who can
estimate the extraneous influences of party, and the consequepces of an open
repudiation of former party fealty.
But we are justified in takipg it for granted that there is nothing dangerous
in it, as good fruits come out of it; and I would no sooner believe that my
venerable friend (pointing to Dr. Mcrritt on his left,) if he be a Know-
Nothing, which I do not know, but suppose, I would just as soon suspect my
venerable friend would be a member of a secret association, red with con
spiracy against the liberty of the country, as I would believe that you, or
you, or you, (pointing to several piorainent Masons,) or any other gentieman
not belong to this organization, would unite in such a conspiracy. Gentle
mep, this is all stuff.
We know what this secrecy is, and what it was for. They have pro
claimed their principles and basis. They proclaim that it is a peculiar organ
ization for building up a party to sustain certaiu principles. If these princi
ples are good, of what importance is it, that they choose to go together and
consult about them, and discuss the ways and means to procure their ends in
secret. Is hot every poUtical association practically secret in its operations
and i's communicatipns with other associations affiliated with it, and in all
the machinery calculated to give effect^and success to their political objects?
We know that it is. We know that the great mass of the party have nothing
to do with aU this preliminary management, and in truth know nothing
about it.
No, gentlemen, we know what the object of this secrecy is, or at least I
think .ve do, and I think it is stated in a very able letter, issued receutly frora
some coupcil in New York. It gives very fully the objects of this organiza-

191
tion, and the reasons of its secrecy. I will read you some extracts copied
into the Lynchburg Virgiuiap, from a Pennsylvania paper, which is opposed
to this Know-Nothing organization. It is perfectly weU known that it was
designed to protect those who were desirous of joining this party from the
terrors and denunciation's of the old parties to which they might belong.
Possibly there are many men, honest, industrious and sober men, men whose
bread depends on not quarrelling with their party, who, though desirous of
joining this new organization, could not do so unless they could be protected
frpm the consequences of an .open avowal of the fact that they had joined
the new party. [The remarks of the Pennsylvania paper were read.] I will
now read from the Lynchburg Virginian some commentary op the extract
which I have referred to: -
" We need only look over the columns of any Democratic press in the
state, to perceive how necessary it was that the members of the new party
should protect themselves behind the shield of secrecy. Whenever a Dem
ocrat is discovered ip coppectiop with the movement, regardless of his rigbts
as a citizen, and his feelipgs as a map, he is stigmatized as a miscreapt and
traitor, and held up to the scorp and contempt of the world. The rigor of
its party discipline is such that few men are bold enough to incur the vindic
tive and relentless penalties of absolving their aUegiance to the Democratic
organization. The law of Russian despotism which makes it a capital offence
for a subject to quit the realm, without permission of his imperial master, is
not raore stringent or more rigorously enforced than the obligatiop of the-
Democratic fealty, which deraaods a perfect and perpetual adhesion. The
regulations of military service have been adopted into their code — and de
serters are either shot -frifhout mercy, or drummed out of camp with the
ignominious notes of the rogue's march. It would have been impossible for
the -American organization to have obtained recruits from that party, had
"they not been protected by an obligation of secrecy, in withdrawing from
one body and uniting wit"h the other. And if the object and principles of
the party are in themselves patriotic and proper, tbis condition of member
ship will be excused as a necessary and sole means of promoting their
strength — and the only proper subject of enquiry and commept remaipipg is
as to the purposes, not the character, of the organization."
Besides all that, we now have it pretty well understood that the purposes
and objects of tbis secrecy having been attained, and the parly being strong
enough to sustain itself, the veil of secrecy will soon be reraoved. And
then eyerybody will probably wonder what a great fuss was made about this
secrecy, which at last may turn out to have been no secret at aU, except in
regard to sorae particular modes and details of proceeding.
Now, geptiemep, I believe I have said pretty much all that I desigped to
say, though I may have forgotten something. One of the papers of the
city, a very respectable paper, and edited by a very able, amiable, facetious
gentleman, published some tirae ago, a speech of mine, made here at this
place, in goOd humored raillery of tlie Taylor Convention, a speech which I
suppose must have been considered by my Democratic friends as exceedingly
funny, copsideripg the vast amouot oi printed laughter -which it seems to
have occasioned. Well, now, in perfect good humor towards Mr. Hughes,
for whom I entertain feelings of kindness and respect, I beg leave to say that
it is a little strange to me, that while he was making himself so merry over
it, it never occurred to him that there was another convention to which that
speech about the cat in the meal tub might possibly have some appUcation,
as well as the Tajdor Convention. There was a certain Convention which
assembled not very long ago at Staunton, where there was also a cat in the
meal tub, and there was a certain Archibald-Bell-the-cat, who threatened to
hang the bell around puss' neck, at the Convention, so that there should be

192
no mouse running about there nibbling at the cheese without danger of being
c&ught. But some considerations overruled this bold iutept. Harraony was
thought more expedient than the assertiop of priociple, or like Bob Acres,
his courage oozed at his fipgers' ends. Nobody knows to this day what are
the principles of the Virginia Democracy upon Hunter's land biU.
There is another matter suggested by this reference to the land biU which
presents considerations of great importance in reference to the question of
foreign immigratiop. One of the most mischievous habits of legislation has
grown up in Congress in reference to new territories in the west apd north
west — and a course of legislation ipcopsistept, as it seems to me, with the
spirit of the Copstitutiop.
I aUude lo the organizing territories so that every foreigner — although he
may have only been in the country a short time (six or twelve months) I
believe, becomes a voter in these territories. It is in those states, built up
by that populatiop to a great extept — a populatiop who capnot speak our lan
guage, or read or write any lapguage — a great mauy of them — it is in, 1 say,
those states, built op by a populatiop of this cast, that a great apd important
political power is growing up -which, before many years at the present rate
of immigration, would have the power to control tbe destinies of tbe country.
And besides all that, in connection with this course of legislation in regard
to tbe territories, we have projects of practical agrarianisra appropriating the
pubUc lands to all who will go and settle upon them -^'ithout price or at merely
nominal prices, furnishing bounties to immigration and thus filling up those
states to a large extent with such foreign population, and stimulating into a
patural apd artificially rapid growth those states, thus iucreasing the prepon
derance of political power against the southern states.
Such are the views presented by ex-governor Smith, expressed in a spint
of manly firmness and independence. I honor him for it, and hope and
believe that he will be able to breast tbe storm and carry his election
triumphantly. What better iUustration can you have of the arbitrary power
assumed by party, than that such a man as ex-governor Smith has had abuse
and invective poured out upon him, notwithstanding his unflinching, enduring,
undeviating devotion to the Democratic party, because he will not vote for a
gentieman for governor who has been nominated by them ? No man has
rendered more party service than he has. And now for this single act of
disobediepce towards a decree of party, he is to be hunted down with indig
nation and fury.
Gentleraen, I understand that some laudable and disinterested anxiety was
expressed to know what my views were upon the Kansas and Nebraska bilk
Well, reaUy, I did not expect that such an inquiry would be made of me,
beins merely a candidate for the attorney-generalship. But disposed to
gratify all rational curiosity, I wiU give my experience on that subject. I
never read either the Kansas or Nebraska bill, if there are two of them. All
I know about it is, that a particular object was to repeal the Missouri Com
promise, and I confess I did not see any great importance in that compromise
law, as I always considered that the Missouri was unconstitutional. In truth,
I know very littie about the Kansas and Nebraska bUl ; but finding that the
great body of the southern delegation were in favor of it, I also was anxious for
the passage of the hill. I don't see what importance it is to those who make
the inquiry to ascertain my views in tbis matter, since I do not think they
would vote for me if I was for or against it. It cannot be of any importance
to thera either way, for Gen. Millson, who voted against, and my friend,
John Caskie, who voted for it, receive their support alike.
I am sorry that I bave consumed so much of your time. There are other
gentlemen whom you wiU be glad to hear, and it is proper, therefore, that I
should give way. I desire simply to say, that all this time I have been dis-

193
cussing questions unconnected with the office of attorney-general. I cer
tainly do not desire any gentleman to give me his vote upon mere party
grounds. I feel very little concern about the office. If the people of Vir
ginia choose to elect rae to it, I shall endeavor to discharge its duties the best
I can. I certainly think I wiU be able, as I should strive, to deal out equal
and exact justipe to all men of all parties. Democrats and Whigs, natives
and foreigpers, Wise men and Know-Nothings.

From the Examiner, April 10, 1855.
MR. PATTON AND HIS CLIENTS.
We have discussed the " statesmanship" of Mr. Flournoy. Friends and
neighbors of that gentleman have complained of the severity of our strictures.
The complaint is unjust and uuwarranted. We have said nothing impeachipg
Mr. Flournoy's private character. His public character is public property.
We have said naught of his public character that was not strictly legitimate —
nothing that was not allowable of a candidate for high public trust and popular
suffrage — nothing that was not entirely just in respect' to an educated "Virginia
gentleman, who had adopted the truculent politics of a Northerp party or mob
that burns churches, desecrates the ballot box, peers into the private sanctities
of the woman's chamber uflder pretence of religious zeal, and prefers for office
tbe Deist, the Atheist, the Infidel and the Abolitionist rather than Christians of
the faith of Roger B. Taney, William Gaston, Sir Thomas More, and
Christopher Columbus.
We have pow to discuss the soptiments of Mr. Patton as proclaimed ai
length in the African Church, in this city. His speech in that building on
Tuesday night last is fully reported in last Friday's Richnioni Whig, to which
we refer the reader of the following paragraphs. Reciprocating fully and cor
dially tbe sentiments of kindness and respect expressed for ourselves by Mr.
Patton on that occasion, we shall endeavor to characterize his remarks with a
frankness and fairness befitting those sentiments. We declare in the outset,
however, that in order to do so we shall have to treat the whole speech as an
elaborate joke.
We heard that speech with infinite satisfaction. We saw with pleasure that
Mr. Patton could not bring himself to endorse the politics of the Know Nothing
party. From beginning to end, itwas the speech of an advocate for a prisoner
in the box; and it committed Mr. Patton to the tenets of Know Nothingism
no more than his pleadings for the worst criminals at the bar of justice have
committed him to the crimes which his professional duty required him to exte
nuate and whitewash. We expected his clients to growl and rebel at this treat
ment. We confidently expected that the speech would be suppressed. We felt
it in our bones that his words had fallen upon the exuberantj feelings of the
meeting like a shower bath. We saw it become quieter, tamer, cooler, at every
sentence that fell from his lips; for he denied any membership in the Order;
he entered a caveat against secret politics and religious bigotry; he pointedly
rebuked the over-zealous advocates of a repeal of the naturalization laws (Mr.
I'lournoy inclusive) ; and, so far from arresting immigration, he was especially
sweet upon the "industrious, pains taking German," "the gay Frenchman from
the vine clad hills of beautiful France," " the whole soule i and gallant Irish
man," of whom he cried "let them come and forbid them not."
We did not expect his clients to stand this.' We thought they would cer
tainly resent such a damning with faint praise as Mr. Patton gave them. We
thought they had some self-respect, and would send their lawyer howling home,
lo

194
and suppress his white-washing, patronising oration, teeming with ill-disguised
reproach and repudiation. We thought Mr. Patton had mistaken the temper
and spirit of his client. But we were- wrong and Mr. Patton was right. An
accomplished and experienced lawyer, he managed the case exactly to the liking
of bis client. He took Sam out of the jail, dungeon, or culvert damp and dark
in which he had been confined so long, had him cleansed, shaved, shirted, slicked
up, and brought him into court clothed and looking the counterfeit of a gentie-
.man. He dressed up Sa.m's dilapidated reputation in the most artistic and in
genious manner of the legal profession, taking occasion and pains as he pro
ceeded to smooth down and pare off the angularities and monstrosities of the
poor fellow's character. The effect upon Sam was electric. The rascal really
thinks he has been made an honest man of, and shouts the praises of his lawyer
in the most boisterous and immoderate manner at the corners of all the streets.
The fellow will soon get to thinking that he is on visiting and wine-drinking
terms with his lawyer; but it will only be, we fear, to get himself summarily
" sot back" by one of those charming " hints" common in the land of " the
whole-souled and gallant Irishman."
But we must examine the speech in the order in which it was delivered. Sam
was not the only client of Mr. Patton on the occasion. Mr. Patton felt the ne
cessity of defending Mr. Patton, spite of the old Spanish proverb, " the lawyer
that argues his own cause has a fool for his client." There are criminal cases
so monstrous and ugly that the legal profession often shrink from their defence.
And where the lawyer's own conscience is not troubled with qualms of the sort,
an indignant and outraged public frowns often upon Tiis acceptance of a retainer.
It is in sucb cases, and in such cases only, that the attorney feels obliged to pre
face bis argument for tho criminal with a labored exculpation of himself Ac
cordingly, Mr. Patton's defence of Sam is prefixed by a painful apology for his
own participation in the ugly case.
It is true that Mr. Patton sets out with tbe grapd airs of a Caesar or a Crom
well, refusing crowns and rejecting diadems in a lofty, wholesale, and amusing
strain ; but he soon relapses into the attorney, and plays that character out to
the end, with a truthfulness and consistency worthy of his great reputation at
the bar. Our Csesar proves conclusively that the crown was offered to him,
tbus :
" Let m'e bring to the notice of this vast assembly, and to those who haye
been disposed to impute to me ambitious motives and eagerness for high office,
one or two simple papers, which is all the answer I mean to give to those
charges. "I received, on the evening of the 13th March, from Winchester, the fol
lowing telegraphic despatch from a friend of mine who was a member of that
body :
' Will you accept the nomination for Governor ? Reply immediately to this.'
" I imraediately sent the following by telegraph :
' I would not accept the office of Governor if every man in Virginia were to
vote for me.' "
He did that part majestically, and with the genuine stage strut, for he had
evidently been studying the Csesarean role of disinterested virtue; for it was
uppermost in his mind. He continues :
_ " By an ingenuous perversity of accusation, it might still be said that I was
like Ccesar, rejecting the crown because I knew I could not get it.
" On the same evening, not yery long after I had received the telegraph des
patch which I have just read, I received this note from a gentleman in Rich-
juond :
' I haye just received a despatch by telegraph that you were nominated for
Governor, and requested to communicate it directly.'

195
" As soon as I received this note, instantly, for the purpose of preventing
any inconvenience to the Winchester Convention, such as would result from
their making a nomination which would not be accepted, probably causing them
to assemble again there or somewhere else to make another nomination, I sent
the followipg reply : '
' I regret the information your note contains. Several times during the last
fifteen years, I have declined being a candidate for Governor when my friends
thought I could be elected. I will not accept the office of Governor under any
circumstances, and though every man in the State were to vote for me. Excuse
the apparent pereniptoriousness of this note.' "
Protestations of this sort are so frequent in our day, that we beUeve it has
become a conventional understanding in society not to credit them from whom
soever they proceed. Mr. Patton's refusal of the chance for office in a doubtful
contest, is not the first instance of a similar discretion by many ten thousapds ;
and unluckily, his antecedents in the particular of office-holding are against
him. For nearly a quarter of a century the fascinations of office overcame this
platonic disdain of Mr. Patton ; and the world is too uncharitable to suppose
that a map who could consent to be a member of the House of Representatives
at Washington for eight years, and to endure the petty vexations of a Virginia
Executive Councillor for fifteen years of his life, could repent him of that
mode of living, in old age, even in respect to- so iUustrious and lucyative a
pcsition as the Governorship of Virginia.
Indeed, the whole effect of this mock pageant---of this billing and cooing on
the part of delegates in Winchester, and this virtuous coyness on his own side,
is destroyed by a subsequent revelation in his speech. For, after proving, by a
very plausible set of facts, that he did refuse the crown, he destroys the whole
effect of the scene by letting out the fact that the crown, though refused, was
never offered him :
"It is proper to state, that the information that I was nominated for Gover
nor was a mistake, which of course I did not know until the following day.
There was, as I understand, no such nominaition, and the distinguished gentle
man who has been nominated, and is so worthy to receive the suffrages of this
American party, was the decided choice of the Convention at all times. I do
not know that tbere was a single man who was favorable to my nomination, ex
cept the particular gentleman who sent me the despatch."
Thus it Is plain that Mr. Patton but enacted the part of a mock duke iu his
lofty rejection of the crown. The Whigs of the Winchester conclave knew
what they were about in playing off these mysterious telegraphic missiles.
Their Democratic confreres were doubtless supposed to make a muss against
Flournoy's being entrusted with the spoils department of the ticket. Under
these circumstances, the dispatches to Patton and his prompt waiver of the place
designed for Flournoy, must have worked like a charm.
The rqle had been rehearsed thoroughly beforehand, and Mr. Patton might
have done a deal of mischief by disturbing the arrangement. He had been
called upon in person before the 13th of March; let himself reveal the pro
tocol :
" I held out no inducements to those who, in behalf of this new American
party called upon me for the purpose of ascertaining whether I would accept
the nomination »for Attorney General, &c., &c. I was told that this great or
ganization desired, or at least a portion of the members of the Convention at
Winchester, and probably the whole body, would desire to confer this nomina
tion upon me if I was willing to accept the office, without any regard to my po
litical opinion or my political course, &c;, &c. I told them that if the Conven
tion should choose to confer upon me the nomination, I would accept it, assur-

196
ing them at the same time that it would be incompatible with my business to
engage in the political canvass in the way of discussion, &c., &c."
Such was the understanding before the 13th of Blarch, and Mr. Patton was
too acute to disturb or change it on the spur of a telegraphic dispatch received
late in the night of that eventful day. Mr. Patton rejected the crown. He
protests he did not want it and would not have It. Many will believe him and
many will not. Thc fable of the fox and the grapes stands in the way, and tho
uncharitable perversity and cynical common sense of plain people who do see
something illustrious, honorable and enviable In eminent position, will gloss the
highest acts of disinterested virtue with the rouge of selfishness.
This chronicle of his disdainful refusals of the highest office Virginia can
confer — an office whioh was not too contemptible for Thomas Jefferson, Patrick
Henry, John Tyler the elder, James Monroe or Wm. B. Giles — was not felt by
Mr. Patton to be sufficient to sustain the argument he was submitting on this
subject. He went on to tax still more the already strained credulity of his
hearers. It seems that Mr. Patton, not content to reject with disdain the chair
which a Jefferson and a Giles have been proud to occupy, has repeatedly de
clined to be the Colleague of Clay, of Webster, of Calhoun, of Dickinson, of
Dallas, of Badger, of Berrein, of Crittenden, and of other secondary persons of
that calibre, in the annoyipg duties aud obscure character of Seuator of the
Upited States. He lets the world Ipto a secret It never would have dreamt of,
thus : -
" And besides all that, it Is now said I am animated by aspirations for the
Senate. I say here, and now, as I have said repeatedly In the course of the
last fifteep years, when my friends had desired to put me in nomination for that
office, as I said about the office of Governor, I would not have the office of Sen
ator if every map ip the Legislature of Virgipia voted for me."
The Senate of the United States will doubtless be profoundly mortified to
learn this determination of Mr. Patton.
" Upon what meat dolh this our Csesar feed.
That he is grown so great."
It Is evident that Itwas as littie a part of the scherae of the Know Nothings
to confer the vexatious troubles of a Federal Senator upon Mr. Patton as it
was to confer upon him the spoils-distributing duties of Governor. The tele
graphic missiles of the 13th of March, and the sham suggestion of his name
for the head of the ticket in the Winchester cabal, were plainly but intended
to deceive and quiet the foriorne but grumbling Democrat or Democrats who
were, entrapped iu that conclave apd bound by big oaths to submit to its Whig
preferences and arrangements.
Mr. Patton, not content with breaking loose from the Democracy and from
the Richmond Junto,, of which he was a member in 1852, seems deterrained to
vex and harrass his old associates even as members of his own Order. He
magnanimously yields the Federal Senatorship In advance to George Washing
ton Summers, and leaves his Democratic Know Nothing associates completely^
in the lurch as to that office, which will be clearly theirs by right if they suc
ceed in carrying the next General Assembly. For, In that event, when the
Councils shall convene here from all parts of the State next winter, to dictate
to Virginia legislators the votes they shall cast In the Senatorial election, this
public, solemn pledge and disdainful declension beforehand of the position, on
the part of Mr. Patton, will throw the gates wide open for the' triumphant elec
tion of the very man whom they and the Commonwealth three years ago in
dignantly repudiated at the polls. For, If the Democratic Know Nothings
shall remonstrate at the election of Summers to the Senate, the ready and
silencing answer of their Whig managers will be— "Patton does not want the

197
office. Patton turns up his nose at the Senate of the United States. He as
good as tells you, you must vote for Summers. He wants to be rid of the
annoying solicitations every body besets him with about that plaguy seat in
the Washington Capitol. Do give the man a little peace and rest. Patton
had as lief go to the Penitentiary as to the Senate of the United States."
Well, then, Mr. Patton declined the Governorship that was not offered to him
in favor of Mr. Flournoy who got It — notwithstanding the electric despatches,
and in strict pursuance of the protocol held previously to the 13 th March. He
declines the Senate of the United States also, in advance, in favor of the
peremptory precept dictating votes to Virginia legislators — of the next winter's
Know Nothing secret councils that shall flock to Richmond, in case they carry
the General Asserably — declines the Federal Senate in favor of a Know Noth
ing Western nominee, say of George W. Summers. But Mr. Patton did ac
cept the Attorney Generalship, and that with a thank ye, too. He Is evidently
flattered by that nomination. In the exuberance of his gratitude he condescends
to vouchsafe his imprimatur of respectability to a " body of men" who were
ashamed to show their faces by daylight in a small village, and to write their
true naraes upon the tavern registers of the town. He is very marked in his
manner of giving a good character to the suspicious gentry who found it con
venient to travel with an alias. They are his clients of whom he says :
" I was nominated for this office under the circumstances to whicb I have re
ferred, by a large, respectable, InteUigent and patriotic body of men, as much
so, to the extent that I have information In regard to them, as any body of men
in any quarter, any. State, or anywhere else in the world — a body of men repre
senting, as I understand now, (for I Know Nothing about the supposed elective
strength of this American party) 50 or 60,000 of the free citizens of this Com
monwealth." After so emphatic an endorsement from a rejector of crowns and avoider of
Senates, wbo will say that the Know Nothings are not respectable people ?
They nominate Mr. Patton to get a dash of respectability, and of course are in
ecstacies over the fullness and completeness of his certification of character.
But Sam is not at all discriminating in these demonstrations of gratitude.
Mr. Patton is very explicit in confining his encomiums to the immediate " body
of men" assembled at Winchester. lie accepts their nomination without the
principles of their party "annexed." Attorney-like, he had not condescended
to read Sam's " papers" until after his retainer, and he takes the most cruel
pains, in consenting to appear in Sam's case, to give the cold shoulder to the
fellow's gutter politics. Previously to the Winchester Convention, he talked
out flat on this subject :
"I sincerely and most earnestly discouraged tbe idea, and told them very
frankly that I had not even read ihe basis p'rinciples which they had put forth
to the public as containing the great objects for which this organization was
forraed, and which they were endeavoring to accomplish."
They replied, importunately :
" That this office was an office wholly disconnected with political controversy,
in reference to the discharge of the peculiar duties which devolved upon it ;
that it was an office which had no patronage connected with it, and that, esti
mating very highly, much more highly than I had vanity to aspire to, my qua
lifications and fitness for the office, they desired to confer the office upon me in
reference to the r estimate of my qualifications and fitness for it, without refe
rence at all to any political objects. I told them that if, under these circum
stances as it was an office in the line of my profession, an office which, although
I had no particular desire to obtain it, would yet not be unacceptable to me,
&o., &c."

198
After the nomination was announced to bim, he wrote a letter, most cruelly
and pointedly Ignoring Sam's principles ; and, in his speech, thus describes his
feelings in accepting Sam's case, keeping still a cold shoulder upon the fellow's
politics :
" I could not feel rayself altogether at liberty to refuse to permit such a hody
of gentlemen of all parties, irrespective of the political basis they might have in
this movement, to present my name to the people of Virginia, as a candidate
for an office wholly disconnected with political parties or strife, and utteriy rid
of all political patronage."
Thus Mr. Patton gave his cUents distinctly to understand in the protocol pre
vious to the Winchester Convention, in his letter of acceptance, and in his
speech at the African Church, that he joined In with them only as counsel, and
would not consent to adopt their politics. Before the protocol, poor devils, he
had never heard of them, or thought enough of their affair to read over their
basis principles. He had no time to bestow on such trifles as the Know Noth
ing movement, and his valuable thoughts were too much absorbed with the ca
ses of other clients to think of the case of Sam— the promising progeny of a
New York Penitentiary jail-bird.
But we are not done with Mr. Patton's defence of himself. He entertains
the same imperial repugnance to party tics as to the glittering honors which
such men as Jefferson and Monroe, Webster and Calhoun have not despised.
His morals on this subject are very elevated and yet very convenient :
" And yet that act, the act of permitting my narae to be presented to the
people of Virginia, has been denounced as an act of treachery to party, and a
violation of party obUgations, I never entered into any party obligations which
would prevent me from allowing a majority of the people of Virginia to elect
me to any office which I was willing to take, no matter who may have made the
nomination, or when or where It may be announced."
That is capital. It is so characteristic. His allegiance to party ceases at the
moment his party sinks into a minority. He never " enters into a party obli
gation" save with the understanding that he is to play quits whenever he sees
the majority on t'other side. Soldiers who have done thus have been classed
by history In the catalogue of Arnolds, Georgeys and Dalghetties ; and we are
very glad that Mr. Patton has taken pains to establish the understanding that
he goes over to the Know Nothings simply as au attorney.
Of course all wbo have acted upon the rule of Mr. Patton, just laid down,
can safely proclaim as he does :
" He little knows my antecedents wbo does not know that I have never per
mitted myself to be governed or controlled by the dictates of. a party, in regard
to party nominations or party measures, anywhere or on any occasion."
Such words would sound handsomely in the mouth of any but a Know Noth
ing nominee. Whatever Mr. Patton's antecedents may do in vindication of his
abandoning the Democratic party, his " present cedents " present a beautiful
illustration of his disgust of party. He who quits either of the old political
organizations of this country, founded each by great and good men, with avowed
raeasures, avowed principles, avowed membership, with open and public tactics
as to all their meetings and arrangements, great and small, with newspapers to
make public all that is said in town, in country, at night and by day — in order
to join a secret, oath bound cabal, originated by a New York penitentiary con
vict, loving darkness rather than light for the initiation of accomplices, the
concoction of schemes and the devising of tactics, that conceals its every step
and act in secrecy, whose novitiates are sworn to deny their complicity, and
would be perjured if responding frankly and truly to a legitimate enquiry — he

199
-who abandons either of the old political organizations to join this underground
midnight movement, whatever other motives may be attributed to him, cannot
he said to do so from dhsgust at parly. And though Mr. Patton may deceive
himself by such a delusion, he must expect, as he certainly must endure, the
uncharitable reflections of the world.
Can Mr. Patton believe he is manifesting a disgust of "party" by accepting
overtures and nomipatiops from Know Nothing clubs — the most intense, intole
rant, proscriptive, exercising, inexorable system of party drill ever invented ? —
Is there no such thing as party in Know Nothingism ? Out of his own mouth
shall he he judged; for in the following rather grandiloquent sentences he him
self recognizes a new party servitude :
" I have been so much absorbed with my own business that I do not think I
have read a Governor's Message for several years, nor a President's Blessage,
api- the time whcp I read a speech in Congress, is a period which runs back to
a time that my memory ' runneth not to the contrary.' I have, however, read
somewhat carefully at various times, since my nomination, the principles and
basis of this Know Nothing or American PARTY, and I have no hesitation in
saying, that with one or two exceptions in regard to the mode of action of
THE PARTY, and the extent to which they are proposing to go, as a rule for
themselves in their ORGANIZATION, the principles and basis of that
PARTY rajet my entire approbation."
There it is — Party, pariy, organization, pariy. Already is Mr. Patton im
mersed quadruply In the toils of party. He has leaped out of the Democratic
frying-pan only to land in the live coals of Know Nothing strife, passion, reU-^
gious hate, and social prejudice.
If Mr. Patton loathes and disgusts at party, he is much to be commiserated
in his present allegiance. What a bitter rebuke is all his fine talk about party
tyranny, upon the intolerant, fierce proscriptive partisanship of his new con
federates ! Did he know that he had accepted the support of an Order which
prescribe th* following qualifications for membership, carrying parti/ not only
into pubUe affairs, but into the domestic household and leveling its brutal pro
scription at wives and mothers ? According to the ritual :
" A person to become a member of any Subordinate Council must be twenty-
one years of age ; he must believe in the existence of a Supreme Being as the
creator and preserver of the Universe; he must be a natiye born citizen ; a
Protestant born of Protestant parents ; reared under Protestant influence, and
not united in marriage with a Roman Catholic: Provided, nevertheless, that in
this last respect, the State, District, or Territorial Council shall be authorized
to so construct their respective constitutions as shall best promote the interest;
of the American cause in their several j;irisdictions : And provided, moreover,
that 910 member who may have a Roman Catholic wife shall be eligible to any
office in this Order."
And again, bis new friends are required to swear thus :
" Obligation, — You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in
the presence of Alraighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting on
your right breast, and your right hand extended to the'flag of your country, do
solemnly and sincerely swear that you will not, under any ciroumstances, dis
close in any manner, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in your power to pre
vent It, the name, signs, pass words, or the secrets of this degree; that you
will, in all things, conform lo all the rules and regulations of this order, and to
the Constitution and By-LaWs of this or any other Council to which you may
be attached, so long as they do not con^ct with the Constitution of the United
States, nor that of the State In which you reside; that you will, under all cir
cumstances, if in your power so to do, attend all regular signs and summonses

200
that may be thrmon or sent out by a Brother of this or any other degree of this
Order ; that you will support, in all political matters, for all political offices,
2d degree members of this Order, providing it be necessary for the American
interest; that if it may be done legally, you will, when elected to any office,
remove all foreigners, aliens or Roman Catholics from office; and that you
will, in no case, appoint such to office. All this you promise and declare on
your honor as Americans to sustain and abide by, without any hesitation or
menial reservation whatever. So help you God, and keep you steadfast."
Is not this party proscription with a vengeance ? But Mr. Patton complains
bitterly of the crimination and denunciation that have been visited upon him
self for leaving party. Let him read the terrible curses he wUl receive if, in
his partialities for a majority, he should soon abandon his new allegiance :
" To all the foregoing you bind yourselves, under the no less penalty than
that of being expelled from this Order, and of having your name posted and
circulated throughout all ihe different Councils of ihe United States, as a PERj .
JURER, and as a TRAITOR to GOD and YOUR COUNTRY, as a be
ing unfit lo be EMPLOYED in any BUSINESS TRANSACTION, asa
person unworthy ihe confidence of all good men, and as one at whom the finger
of scorn should ever be pointed. So help jou God !"
Such is the machinery which Is to help Mr. Patton Into the Attorney Gene
ralship ! !
We cannot pursue this black and horrid aspect of the subject farther without
transcending the rule of kindness and respect towards Mr. Patton with which
we set out.
We are glad to see Mr. Patton dodging the real politics of the Know Nothing
party, and confining his encomiums to the Basis Principles which they put out
as a decoy to beguile simpler men than he. That basis is not necessarily offen
sive or objectionable, and we are ready to join Mr. Patton in endorsing every
word and line it contains except the first article, and a few clauses^in the pre
amble, provided they are construed In thc spirit of enlarged statesmanship and
of sincere patriotism. We have not room to-day to point out the glaring dis
crepancies between their secret ritual and this tempting sign-board which they
post before the doorway that leads down into their secret caverns of shame.
We have only space left for a few of the cutting and pointed rebukes he gave
his clients in the course of his argument of their ugly cause.
He will not even accept their Basis Principles unconditionally :
"I said, gentlemen, that in regard to some of the details of this basis of
principles of Know Nothingism, I was not prepared to adopt them in all their
breadth and length ; or to bind myself by any pledge, either written, spoken or
sworn, — that I never will, under any circumstances, vote for foreigners for any
office. That is a matter that I will leave altogether at my discretion. Were I
to act otherwise, I should be abandoning the ground I have maintained all my
life, and upon which I can now stand up and defy those Democratic denuncia
tions that are hurlfed against me."
Sam of course did not applaud that passage. We thought we detected a
suppressed groan, but may have been mistaken.
Mr. Patton does not know why he cannot himself join secret societies, or
how to describe his scruples and fastidiousness about that matter ; but certain
it is he does not like Dr. Fell :
"WeU gentlemen, as I said before, I don't belong to this secret organization.
I never belonged to a secret society j|i my life, although most of my family
were Masons. I have some sort of scruples aud fastidiousness which prevented
me at all times from going into any place to assume any secret engagement."

201
Did ever lawyer, who somehow could never have behaved so himsclf, more
ingeniously console a trembling criminal with the hope of having a felonious act
attributed, by a lenient jury, to a lofty motive ';" Yet Mr. Patton was evidently
a little blind to this policy of his client, having a personal appreciation of the
reason alleged for secrecy :
"It is perfectly well known that it was designed to protect those who were
disirous of joining this party from the terrors and denunciations of the old
parties to which they might belong. Possibly there are many men, honest,
industrious, and sober men, men whose bread depends on not quarreling with
their party, whp, though desirous of joining this new organization, could not do
so unless they could be protected from the consec[ucnces of an open avowal of
the fact that they had joined the new party."
Mr. Patton takes caro-to hint in the most delicate manner, and yot most
emphatically, to Sam, that secrecy will not do ; and that, as soon as his promis
ing outlaw shall wash his face and comb his soap-locks, he had better come
boldly out of his hiding places like an honest man :
" Besides all that, we now have It pretty well understood that the purposes
and objects of this secrecy having been attained, aud the party being strong
enough to sustain itself, the veil of secresy will be removed."
How terribly does he rap Sara over the knuckles in the following handsome
sentences, redolent with true American feeling, and glowing with sound Demo
cratic sentiment :
" I believe that there some over over-zealous advocates of this American
party [Mr. Flournoy is among them] who go to extreme lengths, such as pre
venting the immigration of foreigners out and out, and repealing the naturaliza
tion laws. Now, I am in favor of neither. I do not understand this Virginia
Americap party to be in favor of either. I say, let the foreigners come, and If
I could remember here, I would speak over agaifi that speech which seemed to
bave been admired so much by some of my Democratic friends. I would say,
let them come, and forbid them not — the industrious and pains-taking German
from his fader 1-ind, the gay Frenchman from the fertile plains and vine clad
hills of his beautiful France, the whole-souled and gallant Irishman — lot them
come." It is true, that Mr. Patton after thumping Sam soundly with these notable
paragraphs, went on to palliate the fellow's conduct and to delicately instruct
him how to behave himself in the future 'conduct of the canvass. We hope
Sam will profit by the advice, and take his instructor's lecture In the spirit of a
true penitent.
Let him take Mr. Patton's advice. Let him throw away his barbarous ritual
picked up in the purlieus of New Y^'ork city — come out from his secret hiding
places — cease his slang about the unfitness of good Christians of the Catholic
or any Church for office, and agree to recognize merit In the pains-taking Ger
man, they gay Frenchman, and the whole-souled Son of Erin. Sam will then
be a gentleman. His will then be a strong, respectable and potential party,
able to effect good ends by reputable means. He will then have reason to
chant everlasting hosannas to Mr. Patton, and that gentleman will not only
consent to be his counsel, but his friend, admirer and probably his boon com
panion.

202

THE NATIONALITY OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY IN 1855.
The nationality of the democratic party in 1855 presented a remarkable and
admirable contrast to the anti-slavery fanaticisra of the Kuow Nothing party
in the Northern States. In every free state of the Union the Democratic party
passed resolutions fearlessly endorsing the Nebraska and Kansas bills. That
there may be hereafter po mistake upon this subject, we publish resolutions of
the democracy of nearly all the free states «pon the vexed questions of slavery
and the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. They were collected from the
principal leading uewspapers of the Union during the Canvass in Virginia.
Ohio.
Resolved, That the right of the people to govern themselves, ahd frame their
own laws — a pripciple re-established by the passage of the act to organize the
Territories of Kapsas apd Nebraska — meets our cordial approbation, and we de
clare our determinatiop to adhere to such pripciple, no matter what miserable
subterfuge our enemies may invent to cloak their opposition to it.
Resolved, That we witness with painful feeling the formation of a secret po
litical organizatiop in this UpIop under the name of " know nothings," or
" sons of the sires of '76," whose principles, so far as we can judge, being an
tagonistic to the liberal principles of the democratic party, and if carried out,
subversive of the constitution of the country, merit and receive our unquaUfied
condemnation. Illinois.
The democrats of Illinois; lately in convention assembled, resolved as follows :
Resolved, That, abiding by the free spirit of our constitution, which recog
nises no religious test as a qualification for office, and proscribes no citizen on
account of the place of his birth, we shall ever oppose every attempt, whether
opeu or secret, to deprive our adopted citizens of the full right and privilege of
native-born citizens, and hold in abhorrence the recent organization of the
" know nothing" society, believing their design to be fraught with evils to the
country. Resolved, That our liberty and Independence are based upon the right of the
people to form for themselves such government as they may choose; and that
the great privilege, the birthright of freedom, the gift of heaven, secured to us
by the blood of our ancestors, ought to be extended to future generations, and
no limitation ought to be appUed to this power in the organization of any Ter
ritory of the United States, of either a territorial government or State consti
tution, provided the government so established sball be republican, and in con
formity with the constitution of the United States.
Pennsylvania.
Resolved, That we adhere as firmly as ever to the Compromise of 1850 and
the platform laid down by the National Convention of 1852 ; and that, in the
jsassage of tbe much abused Nebraska biU of 1854, we fail to discover, as ia
alleged by the whig press, any departure from the principles or policy there so
strongly and patriotically inculcated by the wisest and best men of the nation
of both the great political parties.
Resolved, That a candidate before the people who may be openly or secretiy

203
allied to the proscriptive. Intolerant faction commonly called 'know nothing,' Is
unworthy the support of any democrat, and should be opposed by every true
friend of his country, of every party and faith.
Vermont.
Resolved, That tbe passage of the Kansas-Nebraska bill by Congress Is in
strict accordance with the constitution of the United States and the principles
of self-government and non-intervention by Congress iu the domestic concerns
of the States, devised by the framers of our government.
Delaware.
Resolved, That President Pierce, hy enforcing economy in the conduct of the
various departments of the public service, by bringing to justice persons who
had plundered the treasury under the preceding administration, by vigorously
enforcing the laws, by fearlessly using the power vested in the Executive by the
constitution for the arrest of improper legislation, and by lending his Infiuence
and wielding his power forthe perpetuation of the principle of the Compromise
of 1850 embodied in the Nebraska bill, has proven himself an honest man, a
faithful public officer, a sound republican, and a sagacious statesman.
Michigan.
Resolved, That, believing the Interests of the country required the speedy
settlement of the broad expanse of territory lying between the western States
and the Rocky mountains, we cordially approve of the establishment of territo
rial governments in that region ; and that Congress, in according to the people
of the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas the right to fix and regulate tbeir
own doraestic institutions, gave us the strongest proof of its determination to
maintain the great republican principle of the Compromise of 1850. ,
Massachusetts.
Resolved, That the constitution recognizes the principle of self-government
and the power of the people, in whatever bond united with each other, whether
in State, county, town, district or territory, to control their own institutions;
thSt on this principle alone the colonies entered upon the struggle for indepen
dence, the confederation was estabUshed, and the federal constitution adopted ;
that only by a rigid regard for this principle can we hope to preserve our liberties
against usurpation, rivalries, and anarchy; and that confidence in this prin
ciple, old as our country, enforced by Jefferson, sustained by Jackson, leads us
to look with pride and satisfaction on every measure of the administration cal
culated to give it a bold and unfiinching support, removing every vestige of
federal folly from our legislation, and extending the same rights and privileges .to
new States and Territories which were claimed by, and secured to, the people of
Massachusetts and all her sister States when they were united in this confede
ration.
New Jersey.
Resolved, That our senators and representatives in Congress, who have in the
legislation of 1854 stood by the comprCmise measures of 1850, and so manfully
maintained the right of the people of the Territories to make the laws relating
to their domestic concerns, and by which alone they are to be governed, deserve
the approbation and high commendation of the lovers of the Union as faithful
servants of the people whom they represent.

204
Resolved, That the national course of the federal administration, its measures
and polioy, based as tbey aro on the constitution, and recognising as they do
the rights of the States and the principles of strict construction, ever sacred to
democracy, as well as the rights of Araerican citizens everywhere, deserve the
high eoramendation and cordial support of the nation.
Resolved, That we will oppose by all proper means any candidate for office
who favors the repeal or modification or change of the fugitive-slave law passed
in 1850, and also any candidate who shall favor or advocate the repeal, change,
or modification of the right of the people of the Territories of Nebraska and
Kansas, or any other Territory, to legislate for themselves upon all subjects not
prohibited by the constitution of the United States.
Indiana.
3. Resolved, That the removal of the " Missouri restriction " — a measure that
has stultified American pretences, innovated the constitution of our country,
that was conceive at the shrine of an unholy ambition for the "balance of poUti
cal power," brought forth at an evil hour, when might rudely cast principle in
tbe dust — is a theme deserving the gratulations of all mankind, and those who
brought forth and successfully carried out its obliteration merit a meed of praise
never ending and without bounds.
4. Resolved, further, Thatthe "Nebraska- Kansas" bill as passed, is a return
to first principle, that was unwisely violated, and places the soil where the con
stitution found it, and where the God of Nations designed and ordered It — to
be " Inherited " and governed by those who live on and draw their subsistence
from It.
5. Resolved, That in this pew northern party, styled " republican," alias
" fusion," we think we see that which threatens the Union ! A northern party
once formed and successful, a correlative southern party must of necessity fol
low; when the name of Union would be a mockery, and it would remain only
in the memories of those who survive it. Called by whatever name such a
party may be, disunion is its tcndepcy, and it therefore merits, and should
receive, the unqualified reprobation of every Americap and lover of American
institutions. 6. Resolved, That, in selecting a candidate for Congress in this district. It is
the sense of this meetipg that such a one be chosen as will fully reflect the veiws
herein set forth, taking high, bold ground, in support of the Kansas-Nebraska
bill as passed; and that our delegates to the congressional convention be, a'nd
are hereby, Instructed to act accordingly.
Iowa.
Resolved, That, as, in the acquisition of territory, all sections of the Union con
tributed their proportion, whether the purchase was made in blood or treasure,
so, in our opinion, ought citizens of all sections of tbe Union have the right to
equal participation In the benefits of sucb acquisition, controlled in the exercise of
their rights by the constitution of the United States, as exemphfied by the
principles of the Compromise of 1850, and as carried into effect by the Ne
braska bill. Wisconsin. «»
Resolved, That we shall, as a measure of justice to the Norlh and the Sputh,
oppose all attempts to repeal the fugitive-slave law — believing that the repeal
of that law would have the two-fold effect of unjustly depriving the South of
her property, and of adding largely to a population whose increase in the North

205
must be deprecated by all who do not desire the spread of licentiousness, pau
perism, and crime.
Resolved, That we recognise In the Nebraska bill, the fugitive-slave law, and
the existing laws for the naturalization of foreigners, the loading issues in the
approaching congressional contest; and that we here take our stand firmly in
favor of tbeir maintenance, and require our candidate to defend them before the
people.
Maine.
The Aroostook district democrats passed the following resolutions at their
convention at Houlton, Blaine, on the 24th : ^
Resolved, That the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people is the very
basis of republicanism, and the integrity and security of State rights the only
safeguards against the federal tenets ofconsolidation.
Resolved, That the administration of President Pierce merits the -undimin
ished confidence of tbe democracy, and his strict-construction principles entitle
him to exalted rank among the truest defenders of the constitution.
New York.
Resolved, That the democrats of New York repeat here the expression of
their unchanged devotion to the principles of the national democracy, as laid
down at the Baltimore Convention of 1852, and as approved by the united
democracy of this State in its conventions since ; that we recognise in that
platforra the only sure foundation of a national party, and the only bulwark
against the uniting and dangerous agitation of sectionalism on one side, and the
insidious encroachments of the federal powers upon the rights of the States op
the other, and as the best guarantee that a political organization can give of its
fidelity to the Union and the constitution.
Resolved, That we consider the introduction of the clause in the Nebraska
and Kansas bill repealing the Missouri Compromise as inexpedient and un
necessary ; but we are opposed to any agitation having in view tSe restoration
of that line, or tending to promote any sectional controversy in relation thereto :
and we congratulate the country that the results to grow out of that measure
are likely to prove beneficial to the people of the Territories ; and that while we
maintain our position, that opinions in re-gard to the power of Congress In this
matter are not tests in regard to demoorai?^, we regard the act of renunciatfon
by Congress of the power it has heretofore exercised over the subjects as the
practical surrender of a formidable function on the part of the federal govern
ment, and the accession of a right on the part of the incipient sovereignties
that are to'constitute the States of the Union, the exercise of which can in all
probability, result only auspiciously to the people bf the Territories and the
peace of the Union.

During the canvass there were many exceedingly able communications pub
lished in tho Examiner and Enquirer, from which we extract the following,
which excited much attention, and was widely copied by the press of thia
State.
REASONS WHY I AM A DEMOCRAT AND NOT A KNOW NOTHING.
I presume there is no doubt of the death of the Whig party, as a national
party, unless it is silently lurking in the secret bed of Know Nothingism.

206
This Idea a number of bold and conscientious Whigs, in the country, utterly
repudiate ; and they would despise the day that disclosed the fact of a great
national party being concealed in the womb of Know Nothingism. However,
this cannot be doubted, that every voter who goes to the polls, in May next,
wUl vote, not directly as Whig or Democrat, but as Know Nothing or anti-
Know Nothing. He wbo wishes a secret political party to rule this free, proud
and independent nation, votes for, and he who opposes secret, oath-bound poli
tical societies, against Know Nothingism. The one votes for freedom, the other
for tyranny. Every voter, then, should stop and consider well before he casts
his influence at the ballot box in favor of such organizations ; for, when schism,
persecution, anarchy and bloodshed result, it will be a poor excuse to say, "I
misunderstood the object of my vote." Let them remember that eternal vigi-
lance Is the price of Uberty, and that freemen should always be on their guard
for fear of being carried away by appearances, and thereby bring ruin and de
struction ypon this happy land. For the old Whig party every one entertained
the highest opinion. It was a noble foe — open, bold, generous and national—
a party consecrated to history by the immortal minds of Hamilton, (a foreign-.
er,) Clay, Webster, and others no less distinguished In war or in peace. This
party is no longer in existence — the Know Nothings have deliberately murdered
it in cold blood, and desecrated the tombs of Clay and other great leaders of
the popular mind. Know Nothingism has swallowed It up in its all-capacious
and devouring maw. What say the Whigs of 1840 ? 'What say the Clay,
the Webster, the Fillmore Whigs ? Where are those Whigs who have repeat
edly declared they " would be '^'^higs as long as they lived ?" Oh, consistency
is a jewel ; and, to preserve your consistency, you cannot forsake your old party.
But you join the Know Nothings. Then, you have forsaken your old party, or
recognize in this new secret society the former Whig party. Which ? There
is a number of Whigs, who, if they, knew that their old party had become
metamorphosed into this new party, would despise the very name of Know
Nothingism as long as they lived.
The great contest, then, hereafter, in the country, will be between the Dem
ocratic party and the Know Nothing organization. The old Whig party will
divide between the two — some going one way, and some another. I propose to
give a short expose of the principles and condition of the two leading parties,
and, at the same time, showing wherein they differ, and wherein they agree.
KNOW nothingism VERSUS THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
The true origin of this Know Nothing party is, of course, unknown ; but, I
presume, there Is no doubt of Its having been born among the aboUtion and
corruption of the North, aided by disappointed office-seekers, who wished a pro-
motian to some office in the country. However, the place of its birth is of'no
importance. It is enough to know its principles, its objects, its workings and
its fruits, and, from these, we can judge of Its character and destiny. Of the
Democratic party, the whole country underetands Its principles, and knows
perfectly well what it has done ; and its proud achleveraents are marked on the
map, and Its glory bounded by the glory of the country. What a difference
between the two ! Look at the contrast ! The last is open, bold and fearless
in all It does and thinks ; tbe first, secret, timid and fearful. The one discus
ses tbe Important matters of Slate before the world, the other plots where none
can see or hear. The one unbosoms itself to its foe, and challenges refutation
and argument before the sovereign voters of tbe land ; the other, like a snake
jn the grass, is sly, sneaking and cunning, watching a favorable opportunity to
leap upon its adversary, and do it a fatal injury by Inflicting its poisonous fang.
The acts and views of the one are open for attack from any quarter ; the other,
conscious of its weakness, binds its members under sacrilegious oaths not to

207

disclose Its proceedings to the public. The one is an open, bold, independent
foe ; the other crouches, sneaks and deceives. Which do you prefer ?
But I object to the Know Nothing party —
First, Because I believe it contrary io the spirit of the Constitution. What
says the Constitution ? What says the Know Nothing Constitution ? Lel us
compare them :

Constitution of the United States.
Art. VI. No religious test shall ever
be required as a qualification for any
office of public trust under this govern
ment. Constitution of Virginia.
Sec. XV. " No man shall be cora
pelled to frequent or support any re
ligious worship, place or ministry
whatever ; nor shall any man be en
forced or restrained, molested or bur
thened in his body or goods, or other
wise suffer, on account of his religious
opinion or belief; but all men shall be
free to profess, and by argument to
maintain, their opinions In matters of
religion, and the same shall in no
WISE affect, diminish or enlarge
THEIR ci-vil CArACITIES."

Know Nothing Constitution,
Art. IIL "The object of this or
ganization shall be to resist the insid
ious policy of the Church of Rome,
and other foreign infiuences against the
institutions of the country, by placing
in all offices in the gift of the people,
or by ' appointmenl, none but native
born Protestant citizens,"
Know Nothing oath,
" You furthermore promise and de
clare that you will not vote por give
your influence for any man for any of
fice ip the gift of the people, unless
he be an American born citizen, in
favor of Americans ruling America,
NOR IP HE BE A ROMAN CATHOLIC."
Again: " You solemnly and sincere
ly swear, that if it may be done legally,
you will, when elected to any office,
remove all foreigners and Roman Ca
tholics from office; and that you
WILL IN NO CASE APPOINT SUCH TO
OFFICE."
The direct and irreconcilable antagonism between the Federal and State Con
stitutions and tbe Constitution and Ritual of Know Nothingism is palpable to
tbe plainest understanding. The objects and declarations of this Order conflict
not only with the abstract principles, but with the actual provisions of the go
vernment. Know Nothingism does prescribe a religious test as a qualification
to office. Know Nothingism does molest and burthen men, and does diminish
their civil capacities on account of their religion.
For this reason, then, I object to the Know Nothing party.
Second, I object to the Know Nothing party because of its Oaths, I had al
ways thought It clearly established that extra judicial oaths were anti republi
can, anti scriptural, unchristian and opposed alike to sound policy and law, hu
man and divine. The great Author of the Christian religion has said, " swear
not at all, neither by heaven, nor by the earth, nor by thy own head, for thou-'
canst not make one hair white or black ; but let your communication be yea,
yea ; nay, nay : for whateoever is more than this cometh of evil," Learned di
vines and commentators of every persuasion concur In interpreting this passage
as a complete prohibition of all voluntary oaths, and in placing those who deli-
•berately take an oath, except under' the authority of the State or Church, upon
the same footing with profane swearers and blasphemers. Why have oaths?
Is It because you believe every person prone to tell a falsehood, and you wish to
prevent it. It Is a solemn thing to tiike an oath. And it has long been dis
cussed whether, in a court of justice even, oaths were not contrary to the divine

208
law. If there Is a doubt here, surely every Individual should be exceedingly
careful how he swore in unimportant raattcrs, or in matters where there is no
necessity for oaths. Is not marriage a solemn, important and binding institu-
tion '? Why are not oaths administered here ? — for the simple reason, they are
unscrir>tural. Is not the right of baptism, joining tbe church, and ordination
of ministers, serious and important acts ? 'Why are not oaths required bere ?—
for the simple reason, they are unscriptural. Is the reader aware that courts of
justice in our land have already decided that a Know Nothing is an incompe
tent juror to try the life of a Catholic foreigner, and this becau.se of the oath
that the Know Nothing organization imposes upon its members. Is it possible
that this is true — that the oath of a Know Nothing prevents him from doing
justice to a fellow being? And is this the organization that ministers of the
gospel defend 1 Is this the party that is to rule our country ? Gov. Wright,
of Indiana, left the Methodist church because the man sent to minister to him
in holy things was a-Know Nothing. Do you blame him? When the clergy
begin to turn Know Nothings, they will find many more of their flock who will
turn their backs, not upon the House. of God, but upon the prostitution of the
pulpit. ''Thirdly. I object io the Know Nothing party because of iis secrecy. Why
secret? Would you be ashamed for the -acts and proceedings of your meetings
to be exhibited before the scrutinizing gaze of the world? If so, you acknow
ledge error and shame for your conduct. Do you wish, and is it the object of
the organization to break down the Democratic party ? If so, you should ac
knowledge it, and not declare otherwise to the candid world, for this is gross
deception. Is your object spoils or self-promotion ? If so, you are corrupt.
Is it your object to purify and purge the politics of the day, and to defeat ras
cality and demagogueism ? If so, your object is good, but you will find it a
hard task. The Democratic party has tried to do tbis, and has only partially
succeeded. The Whig party could not do it. And bow do you expect to ac
compUsh such a work ? If you claim the power to alter the human heart and
passions, and can succeed in doing so, you will do moro than the Christian reli
gion itself can do after many centuries hard labor. You can try to prevent it;
so does the Democratic party ii-y to prevent them both. Man is still man
wherever you find hira, and wherever you find him ^/i«>-e you will find both
" demagogueism and rascality." I presume the Know Nothings are men ; ii
so, you will find as m-any demagogues, office seekers and rascals ainong them as
in any other party, and probubly more, for they have left the Democratic party
and joined the new party, beUeving it ^cill soon have thc " loaves and fishes"
to distribute. It is true, the Know Nothings may try to prevent these evils;
but if tbey say they can, they are superior to the Christian religion, and they
can perform works of supererogation. Wherever, man is, there is corruption,
vice, intrigue and rascality. What all-seeing Jupiter have these Know Nothings
found who can tell at first view whether a man is a demagogue or not? What
crucible, what purifying process have they, through which a man passes and
then comes forth pure, incorruptible and undefiled? It is sheer nonsense to
claim such a power. But why did you join them ? Are you an office seeker?
„ Then always "acknowledge the corn." Did you join from curiosity? Your
motive then was wrong, and, being satisfied, you should Immediately amend
your act. Did you join. without duly considering its aim and tendency upon
our Constitution, our rights, or interests? — or without fairly considering its ef
fects, its acts or its fruits? If so, you are still wrong, and have allowed some
one blessed (or rather cursed) with a littie gift of gab to take advantage of
your ignorance and weakness. How do you know that this has not been dune
in your case merely for the purpose of electing some demagogue to office. Hi-ve
you joined them to secure your election to Congress, tbe Legislature, magistracy,
clerkship, constableship, or to be elected as a director, steward, collector, treasu-

209
rer, or to any office of any kind? Then always proclaim it openly and boldly,
and never say again you intend to put down demagogues or office seekers. This
is corruption per se. There is not oue in the Know Nothing organization who
will say or ackno*ledge that he is an office seeker ; yet we confidently belieye
there are more office seekers, and raore corruption inside the pala of this parly
than out of it, including all classes, of all ages.
But why so secret? Is it because you fear that great disgrace and ignorainy
will hereafter cluster around the yery name of Know Nothing ? Ah ! this is
the true secret of all the secrecy of this secret organization. Well, I am in
clined to think with you, and by all means enjoin secrecy, profound secrecy, to
save the good pame In after years. There is a difference between the secrecy of
Know Nothings and those meetings usually called " caucuses." About the pro
ceedings of the first you can find out nothing; in the case of caucuses, any
member will tell what was done, and, indeed, the entire proceedings' are usually
published. In the first case, the score .-y continues, in the last, il is temporary,
and its acts in a short time are known to the world. There is also a marked dis
tinction between Know Nothingism on the one hapd, apd Masonry or Odd Fel
lowship on the other. The first is political, the last are not. What is done in
side the first very materially affects the "butsider," by throwing him out of
office. What is plotted, planned, aud done Inside the Know Nothings af
fects materially the wishes and rights of him who does not belong to the orga
nization. Do you not thrust him out of office, and this, too, when he may be
dependent upon the yery proceeds and profits of this office for daily sustenance
for himself and family ? Is not this hard ? When he meets you in the street
and shakes you warmly by the hand, he places his confidence in your friendship,
while all the time you may be connected with a secret organization aiding to de
prive him of his office, and consequently of his daily supplies of food and clo
thing. Does not this tend to engender ill feelings in society, in the same fami- .
ly, and to lessen th'j confidence of man in his fellow man ? In Odd Fellowship
you do not do this, but exactly the reverse, for you aim in this organization to-
bcnefit and help your friend. How can you then
" Carry smiles and sunshine on your face
When discontent sits heavy at your heart ?"
Fourth. I object to the Know Nothings because of their opposition io the
Catholics. It is somethingremarkable that the " basis principles of the Ame
rican party," as published' and scattered throughout this State, does not even-
mention the Catholic Church. Thus the only Know Nothing principle in the
whole platform is left entirely out of the question, unless it was intended to be
inferred from the fourth article. And is it possible that this mighty bugbear
to the country — this very subject of Catholicism, about which they are contin
ually gabbing — this only fundamental principle of the pjarty — is loft only to be
inferred, from ihe platform? Why was not thc opposition to the Catholics ex
pressly laid down in broad terms? This anti-Catholic resolution (as I infer
from the last part,) is the only pl.ank, the only principle, that the Know Noth
ings can claim as exclusive property. Who ever heard of a party with one
principio before this organization was hatched from Abolition spawn? But to
the point. This opposition to a religious sect Is Inconsistent with the spirit of
Christianity, the genius of our government, and the spirit of our institutions.
It is assuming the Bible cannot work out its own destiny. It is setting up an
earthly tribunal to pass sentence upon an Individual's religious opinions. It is-
the same spirit of intolerance that lit the fires of Smithfield, and that brought
many to a speedy death under the executioner's axe in the reign of Protestant'
Elizabeth aud the French Revolution of '89. Opposition lo a reUgious sect
but tends to increase its strength, and calls from it a more determined resistence.
The sympathies of all are, more or less, on the side of the persecuted. It should
14

210
be remembered too, that this same Pope, concerning whom so much is said, has
to keep a foreign army around him to prevent his own Catholic subjects from
dethroning him; and yet the cry Is, " the powep of the Pope." England, of
all other countries, should fear the Pope, if he does assume the right to alter
governments or dethrone kings; and yet, England has tried to disfranchise the
Catholics in the realm. She has done so, but after several years' experience
she came to the conclusion that the Catholics were as good citizens as the Pro- '
teslants ; and upon bringing the Emancipation Bill before Parliament, the
ablest Protestants In both houses advocated Its passage, and by a large majority
the Catholic subjects were relieved of their civil disabilities. On this occasion
the Catholic religion underwent the severest scrutiny. The commitiee on the
part of Parliament summoned a large number of Catholic priests, professors in
colleges, and intelligent lay members, before them, by whom the temporal or
civil power of the Pope was absolutely denied. Alexander Pope, the poet, and
a Catholic by profession, also denied it. The Pope himself was written to, and
he denied it as being a part of tbe Catholic creed. A few days since Mr.
Chandler, in Congress, whom the National Intelligencer last year considered a
man of the highest character, also denied it upon the floor of Congress, and
read extracts from many Catholic works, conclusively showing thai they do mot
recognize It as a part of their creed lo interfere with matters of government.
But suppose the Catholics do advocate the union of Church and State, and
that they are trying lo gel possession of this country. The idea Is still whim
sical and absurd. This country was discovered In 1492, and at that time there
was neither a Catholic nor Protestant In the country. At present (1855) the
population of the country is 24,000,000. Drop 4,000,000 for slaves, and we
still have 20,000,000 of whites. There are 1,570,000 Catholics in the country,
which, taken from the 20,000,000, leaves over 18,000,000 of anti-Catholics, or
those opposed to tbe Catholics. Since the discovery of the country to the present
time, 365 years have passed. Then, in 365 years, the Protestants or anti-Catholics
have increased to 18,000,000, and the Catholics lo only l,500,00(i. If then, they
continue to increase in the same ratio, 365 i/ears hence there will be 36,000,000
of people opposed to the -Catholic Chu^h, and only 3,500,000 of Cathohcs.
Do the Know Nothings fear the Catholics when, in three hundred and sixty five
years hence, the Catholics will number only 3,500,000, and the anti-Catholics,
• or those opposed lo the Catholic Church, will amount to the enormous sum of
thirty-six millions ? These facts might be enlarged on, but we deem them suf
ficient. Fifth. — I am opposed lo the Know Nothipgs because they have a party icith
only one principle, and ihat an objectionable pririciple. As before remarked,
this Catholic question is the only principle of this new parly, and this, I en
deavoured to show in the last paragraph, was utterly uptenable and whimsical,
as well as unchristian and anti-republican. In regard to the other resolutions
laid down In their platform, they are either assumed or borrowed from other
parties, and the Know Nothipgs have po right lo claim thera as exclusive pro
perty. For instance, take the sixth, which reads thus :
" That the Bible in the bauds of every free citizep is the oply permanent
basis of true liberty and genuine equality."
Have the Know Nothings a right to claim this, and say that every other party
denies the happy influence of the Bible on " liberty and genuine equality." It
cannot be a principle solely their's until some other party denies il ; for, if both
parties adopt it and claim its utiUty, it Is a principle of both partie^— common
to both— and neither has the exclusive right of property. Now, I would ask,
when did the Democratic party ever object to or deny this principle ? Why it
has never been denied by the Democratic party at aU; but this party looking
upon it as a common principle, has never thought proper to incorporate itin its

211
platform, no more than a resolution that " every master should rule his
slave, and that the slave should not rule the master ;" or that " a man can look
upon the sky or his wife if he chooses." Theso, loo, would be good principles,
but they are the principles common to every freeman. But, again, I should
like to know how it is that the members of the Know Nothing order care more
about the Bible than other persons, outside of the organization, who have al
ways been members of the Church. Irreligious skeptics inside the organization,
and some of whora aro regardless of the Bible, and yet they care more about it
than an outsider of some Christian persuasion. No ; the truth is this : It is as
much one party's principle as the other's — as much Whig or Democratic as
Know Nothing, and as much mine as their's.
So it is with other principles in the platform. They do not belong to the
Know Nothing any more than to the Democratic party. Some of them, indeed,
are taken from the Democratic creed. As, for instance, " religious freedom,"
and " State Rights." Who wrote the celebrated act of reUgious freedom in
Virginia ? The father of the Democratic party. Which party has for years
been struggling for the true doctrine of State Rights? The Democratic party.
Each article in the platform may be discussed in tbe same way. As to
" availability, Red Republicanism, demagogueism, and corruption, " — the
Democratic party has been trying to prevent these evils, and as the people
become more enlightened and virtuous, we may expect a reform, and not until
then. These evils are already festering like an ulcer upon the face of Know
Nothingism. As regards the "«o»-union of Church and State, the doctrine of
State Rights, and the education of the people," — they form a part of the Dem
ocratic creed and practice, and always have. Indeed, on some of these points
the platform Is objectionable,- because it does not go far enough, ani. is not
sufficiently explicit /or good and genuine Democracy. Why, then, join a secret
organization under sacreligious oaths ? Why dodge around the corners al night
or run across the streets through the mud, to avoid being seen on council
nights ? This Is noble, high-born and chivalrotis. Is it not ? This, no doubt,
is one of the beauties of Know Nothingism. What you do, do openly and
above board like a man.
In regard to foreigners and tbe voting laws, two-thirds of the Know Nothings
disagree with their platform ; — some want 21 years previous residence, and
some 14, and some wish to keep foreigners out of the country altogether.
Upon this subject members of the Democratic party also differ — some for 21
years, some for 14, some for 10, and some prefer that the foreigner should be
allowed to vote, but not hold office ; still the parly is willing lo discuss the sub
ject" before the people on the hustings and in our legislative halls, and as the
majority of the people think best, they are willing to sanction. Here I must
be more explicit. Naturalization merely confers the right of transmitting
property, serving on jury, sue and be sued, and the pledge on the part of the
government for protection." I presume no one will say that, the honest and
good foreigner should not be naturalized for 21 years. This would be cruel
and unhumane. Five years previous residence should entitle him to the rights
of naturalization. This right of passing " a uniform rule of naturalization "
belongs lo Congress, though the States sometimes confer upon a foreigner some
of the privileges of naturalization even before he has been naturalized by Con
gress. But, in regard to the voting power, this is granted only by the terms of
the constitution in our State, and, lo aller the law, a convention must be held
and the constitution altered. I claim to be a Democrat in the strict sense of
the word, and yet I would favor a law of this kind ! " Five years previous resi
dence should be rMiubed before the rights of naturaUzation should be conferred
on a foreigner. He should not be allowed to vote al all unless he came to this
country before he was 21 years of age; and those who came before that age
should be required 14 years previous residence." I take 14 as a compromise

212
between 7 and 21, and think that a sufficient length of lime. On this point
some Democrats may agree with me and some disagree, and they, like myself,
are willing to leave the whole subject open for discussion before the people, and
for their action. This question of naturaUzation and voting is a qucstion of
expediency, and Is similar to the one agitated In the late Reform Convention,
by both Whigs and Democrats. I mean " white and mixed basis." It was a
question for the people, and not a parly issue, for the simple reason that dif
ferent individuals entertained different views on the subject in the same party.
Sixth. — I object to Know Nothingism becau.se it piactices a general system
of deception in the community. I have long since determined never lo ask a
man, " are you a Know Nothing ?" unless I am quite certain he does not belong
to the council. And for this reason, that if he does belong lo them, he wiU
reply, " I don't know any thing about them," or some other similar equivocal
expression, which I regard as contrary to the prin^ples of honor and the Bible;
and the individual who does thus equivocate commits a known positive sin.
When asked the question, the Know Nothing well knows my meaning, and by
equivocating be emphatically deceives me ; and what is deception ? Answer it
in yonr consciences. I dare asscrt it, as my opinion, that few persons who do
not belong lo tbis new party ever believe one word another says in regard to
the Know Nothings, even if the Know Nothing belongs to the Church. This
is hard, but it is true, as the reader well knows. I regret it.
This position might be fortified by scriptural quotations, and by extracts from
learned writers on the subject, but it would lake up too mnch space. One
sentence, however, from Dr. Wayland, who says :
"The obligation to veracity does not depend upon the right of the inquirer
to know the truth. Did our obligation depend upon this, it would vary with
every person with whom we conversed ; and in every case, before speaking, we
should be at liberty to measure the extent of our neighbor's right, and to teU
him the truth or falsehood accordingly. You cannot do that which God has
forbidden." Members of the church especially should guard themselves. I do not believe
that the Know Nothings intend wrong, but in the excitement of party spirit
and useless enthusiasm, they have overlooked this point. A word to the wise
is sufficient. Seventh. — I object to Know Nothingism because it prevents a free exercise
of voting. Tbe elective franchise is the birthright of freemen. Its free and
unrestrained use is the palladium and only security lo our liberties and institu
tions. Control the ballot box by oaths, and you promote chicane, abolition, and
demagogueism by oaths. It has been acknowledged by members of the Know
Nothing organizatiop, that if a nominee is made by the party they are com
pelled to vote for him or not vote at all — any how, I presume, they are bound
by oaths, if they do vote, to vote for a Know Nothipg. They cannot vote for
an outsider, even if he sustains the platform. Does this not restrict the free
exercise of the voting power ? Tho only way a Know Nothing can be Inde
pendent in hig vote is to leave the organization. When the great security of
onr liberties is thus restrained, who does not fear the ultimate result? /The sea
may be quiet and calm now, the breezes fair, the prospect bright and beautiful,
yet take care, that in the last effort to strike the harbor, already in view, the
gallant vessel does not go down the fearful abyss, dragging with It death and
destruction. Eighth. — I object to Know Nothingism because of its "fruits." By their
fruits ye shall know them. What are tne fruits ? Abolition and Proscription.
The Know Nothings triumphed in Massachusetts. What was the conseqiieuce?
Tbe Governor swears eternal enmity to the South, and regards " papacy and
slavery" the two evils which tbis new jiarty is bent to exterminate. The Leg-

213
islature of this State elected Henry Wilson to the U. S. Senate, who says he
looks forward with a hope, that soon the " sun will rise on the last master and
set on the last slave." In Michigan, Wisconsin, Delaware, Pennsylvania and
Illinois, where this new party was successful, what has been the result ? Abo
lition, Freesoil, anti,-Nebraska men have been elected, 'and the Governors recom
mending to the Legislatures in their messages eternal hatred and opposition to
the South. We know of no man who has been elected at the North by this
new party, unless he first proclaimed himself determined to oppose the extension
of slavery and the rights of the South. They are turning out of office the con
servative men, and placing in their stead the rankest Freesoilers. But what is
very objectionable in this new party, is the fact that they are bound by oaths
either to support the nominee for the Presidency or withdraw from the party.
Take care that this feature of being bound by oaths is not an Abolition trap to
abolitionize the South, or sever in pieces the Union of the States. I believe
the Know Nothings of the South will go with the South, but are they not giv
ing their influence to an organization which, at the North, is pledged against
the South, by strong and binding oaths ? How do you not know that this systehi
of oaths was not devised for the express purpose of binding together tbe Abo
lition vote of the North ? If so, farewell, a long farewell, lo the tinion — to
the glory of this great nation.
Ninth. — I object to the Know Nothing party because of its corruption and
demagogueism. It is a well known fact, that all the disappointed office-seekers,
demagogues, and corrupt politicians of the Democratic party, have joined this
new org'anization, for the purpose of spoils or self-promotion. Of course the
Know Nothings did not know it al the lime, for they would not tell their ob
ject, and it was impossible for the " incorruptible" party lo see a man's motives
or secret intents. The transfer of disaffected Democrats lo the secret invinci-
bles is of daily occurrence, and when they do get a Democrat in their council
they rejoice over him as over a "lost sheep." But what does the Democratic
party think of such men ? Read tbe following from the Lynchburg Republi
can :
" J. M. H. Beale. — We see extracts frond a letter of this individual going
the rounds of the press. Mr. Beale was once a Democratic member of Con
gress. His career in that body was so obscure that we never heard or saw any
thing about it, except that he went off from the South on the Compromise, and
was suspected of being in the same category with Foote, Cobb, and other spa
vined patriots. We suppose that the true explanation of his Know Nothing
proclivities, as with every other politician, is, that finding himself unable lo
get office in tbe regular way, he is willing to identify himself with any organi
zation which promises to gratify his weak ambition and inordinate vanity. All
of these "One Idea" excitements are beneficial to the Democratic party, in pro
ducing the self-destruction of such weak and selfish members as Mr. Beale, and
ridding the party of their annoyances. For one, we are glad to see such cha
racters as Mr. Beale saving the Democratic party the necessity of killing them,
by killing themselves. '\Ve have always thought that persons whose execution
was necessary, shouldjse allowed the privilege of suicide."
I have thus hastily given some reasons why I object to the Know Nothing
organization — an organization with no fixed principles, and destined to do more
harm than all the corruption and trickery of demagogues. I do fear II. Not
as an individual, but as a citizen. I db not fear the individual members, but I
fear the result of the secret oath-bound political society that unites them. I
have no doubt of the patriotism, of the honor, of tbe integrity of most -of its
members ; but thoy are deceived, and are using means to effect ends which may
result In a universal vortex of destruction to the country, and to the peace and
security of our firesides and homes. But in this dark poUtical storm through

214
which our country is now passing, our trust is in the integrity, purity, conser
vatism and nationality of the Democratic party. In hoc signo vinces.
Having given nine good reasons why I am not a Know Nothing, I propose
now to give twelve good reasons for the " Faith that is in us."
the democratic party.
This is an old, settled, national, conservative party, that has boldly stood hy
the Constitution for a series of years, and repeatedly saved the country, when
threatened with destruction by opposing principles. Its policy, its aims, its ob
jects, its acts, stand out in grand relief to the gaze of an admiring world. Its
principles are fixed, and have been well tested by the people of the country.
It Is open, bold and independent, and crouches before no foe, nor acknowledges
any superior opponent. But why favor this party ? In stating my reasons un
der this head, I shall say but little by way of explanation, as this party is well
known and all its principles have been thoroughly discussed before the people,
through the press and In the halls of State.
I favor the Democratic party —
First, — Because il is not secret.
Second. — Because it does not bind its members by sacrilegious oaths.
Third. — Because it Is In favor of "Religious toleration," and does not pro
scribe the Catholic or any other Church. Thomas Jefferson wrote the celebrated
act of religious toleration upon the statute book of the State.
Fourth. — Because It supports the Constitutions of the land, and is not con
trary lo their spirit.
Fifth. — Because it has many great national principles, and Is not a " one
principle party."
Sixtli. — Because it does not practice a general system of deception in tbe
country. Seventh. — Because il does not prevent a free and unrestrained use of the
elective franchise.
Eighth. — Because of its glorious " fruits." The Democratic party has en
larged this country from thirteen original colonies to thirty-one independent
States ; and increased its population from four milUons lo twenty-four millions.
Under the guidance of its principles, commerce, the arts, manufacture.', education
and Christianity have flourished.
Ninth. — Because II is now the purest party, and has in its pale less corruption
and demagogueism. The Know Nothing excitement is but a political tornado
to purify and purge this good old national parly.
Tenth. — Because il opposes the union of Church and State ; and not only the
Catholic, but any other Church whatever may be Its creed. This fact no Demo
crat will deny.
Eleventh. — Because it .believes in and has established the doctrine of State
Rights, although for a long time bitterly opposed by another party. The Dem
ocratic party struggled for years to confirm this cherished principle upon the
minds of the people.
Twelfth. — Because it believes " that the Bible in iBe hands of every free
citizen Is the only true basis of liberty and genuine equality." And hy this is
meant, not to force the Bible on any one, but that the party believes in the
happy influences of tbe Bible on liberty and its grand Republican tendency.
Thirteenth. — Because it favors and fosters education — the education of the
masses " as necessary to the right use and continuance of our liberties."
Fourteenth. — Because Its members are not ashamed to own that they belong
to the party, but are proud of the cognomen of " Democrats."
Fifteenth. — Because it Is a party proud of its. origin, proud of its achieve
ments, proud of its mon, proud of its glory, proud of its history, and proud lo

215
know that It Is able and will crush to earth the Know Nothing Hydra, and'
forever remain the invincible defender of the Constitution, the rights of the
States and the rights of the people.
In laying down these principles I have omitted the great, fundamental and
long-contested doctrines of the party, such as Free Trade, "anti-Bank, &c., for
the reader Is no doubt well conversant with these leading principles. This,
then, is a party intimately Interwoven with our country's history, and can pre
sent a long list of great, national principles. MADISON.

The following communication, which appeared in the Richmond Enquirer
of the 19th of March, was subsequently published In pamphlet form, and
justly regarded as one of the most able and useful documents of the cam
paign :
" All states that are liberal of naturalization towards foreigners are fit for
empire. The Roman plant was removed into the sod of other nations. It
was not the Romans that spread upon the world, but it was the world that
spread upon the Romans — and that was tbe sure way of greatness." — [1 Lord
Byron's Works, 37.
Messrs. Editors: — The present canvass In Virginia involves considerations
of the uttermost momept. Ip tbe course of ray researches iuto one of the
most prominent Issues presented, I have fallen upon some facts which I have
not seen presented anywhere, and which may be of utility to the people. I
have not the time now to elaborate the suggestions which may be made. My
object is to present a manual of authorities for the campaign — authorities
which raay not be accessible in many parts of tbe comraonwealth. I sball
be contept, therefore, with the mere preseptations.of many points, with the
proof on which they are based, leaving out any obvious reflections of ijny
own. My first position is, that the whole scope, end and aim of the new organi
zation of Protestant Jesuits in tbis country, for the abolishment of tbe laws
in regard to naturaUzation, and tbe exclusion of all foreigners and Roraan
Catholics frora office. Is, instead of an American, essentially a British idea.
All its principles are borrowed from Britain. There is not an original plank
of native growth in the whole platforra.
What are their principles, as pubUshed in the Know-Nothing and Ameri
can Crusader,' at Boston .?
1. '' Repeal of all naturalization laws."
2. "None but native Americans and Protestants for office."
3. "War to tbe hilt on Roraanisra."
4. " The araplest protection to Protestant interests."
5. " Citizenship granted to foreigners only by special act of Congress."
6. " The doctrines of the revered Washington and his compatriots."
These, for the present, will suffice. Now, whence are these doctrines
derived ?
In England, naturalization cannot be performed but by act of Parliament.
The applicant must reside 14 years in the country, and present proof of his
good character. The whole doctrine of perpetual allegiance is an EngUsh
doctrine. Expatriation is an Am'erican doctrine. It was this impulse which
first peopled this continent. Our ancestors claimed the right to enter the social
corapact wherever tbeir own feelings should dictate, and their o-wn views of
personal aggrandizement or enjoyment would be best promoted. In this way

216
they established a premium for good government exceedingly beneficial to
the whole human race. The Intelligent and enterprising in every depart
ment of life found less difficulty in offering their allegiance to that state which
would afford thein the best protection in the enjoyment of the fruits of their
talents and industry. The admission of such a principle into the general
policy of pations did pot railitate against the real welfare of any, because
the great mass of mankind were still held by those bonds to their pative soil,
which exist amoog every people, and strengthen from day to day In the vari-
cua relations of kindred : friends, countrymen and community of interests.
At the same tirae it afforded a facility to those wbo felt that their exertions
might be successfully prosecuted, and would be better appreciated and re
warded in distant climes, to withdraw frora the country in which their ener
gies have no free scope and adequate encourageraent. It was thus the
general araelioration of mankind was most effectually promoted. [Black
stone, 276.] The proposition pow is to abaodon this whole doctrine — to
destroy this great American example, and go back to English policy — to the
jealousies and exclusions vvhich always exist araong barbarous nations, to the
narrow and illiberal systems of Chipa and Japan.
But, as if this was not enough, the proposition goes still further, and all
the prejudices, all the enmity, all the machinery of the Orangeman in Great
Britain must be palmed off upon our people as Americanl I wish I had
tirae to go into a full investigation of this matter. It presents a most invit
ing field, but I can only give it to you in glimpses.
In England there is a union of church and state. After the establish
ment of the cburch of England under Henry the Eighth, the whole object
of ParUament was to enforce uniformity to the faith of the kingdora. Penal
statutes were directed, not only against Roman Catholics, but against all dis
senters from the Church of England. These are all given at large in Hallam's
Constitutional History, but I will refer now only to those in regard to Catho
lics. They were deprived of all raeans of educating their children, at home
or abroad. They could nqt be guardians to their own or other persons' child-
rep. They were all disarraed. The griests were all banished. The holiest
feelings of nature were outraged ; tbe son was turned against his father.
Any son of a Catholic who would turn Protestant succeeded to the family
estate. From that moraent it could not be sold, or charged with debt or
legacy. A child who turned Protestant was taken from the father and the
mother, no matter how young, and given to a Protestant relation. No Pro
testant could marry a Catholic. No Catholic could purchase or lease land
for more than thirty-one years. If the profits of the land amounted to a rate
above that fixed by law, the farm belonged to tbe first Protestant who made
the discovery. No Catholic could hold any office of trust, honor, profit or
emolument. He could not vote. A Catholic's wife who turned Protestant
had an increase of jointure. No Catholic could keep a school. Catholic
priests who turned Protestants received $150 a year from the kingdora for life.
A reward of $ 250 was provided for the discovery of a Catholic bishop, and
$100 for a Catholic priest! Any justice of the peace could compel a Cath
olic above 18 years of age to, reveal the hiding-place of any priest, where
mass was celebrated, where schools were kept. On refusal to answer, he
was imprisoned for a year. Nobody could act as a trustee for a Catholic.
No Catholic could be a juror. No Catholic could take more than two ap
prentices, except in Irelapd, Ip the Upop trade. Popish horses could he
takep for the mUitia apd used without pay. No desceodant of a Papist could
vote without taking the oath of aUegiance, taking the sacrament of the
Lord's supper according to the Church of England, and renouncing the doc
trine of transubstantiation. No Catholic could be a lawyer. No lawyer
could marry a CathoUc without being considered ooe, apd subject to all pen-

217
allies as such. No CathoUc could marry a Protestant — any priest who cele
brated such a marriage was hanged! Instances are inpuraerable where the
defendaut has pleaded ip a crimipal trial that the deceased was an Irishraan
and a Catholic, and, therefore, he had a right to kill hira. [Hallam, Sydney
Smith, Howell's State Trials.] He was compelled to pay a tithe of all his
products to support the Church of England. - Every tenth potato belonged
to a sect wbich first made hira a slave and then a beggar. The sayers and
hearers of mass, whether in public or private, were for the first offence to
suffer confiscation of all their goods, together with corporeal punishment, at
the discretion of the magistrate. For the second offence they were to be;
banished. For the third they vvere to be banged. John Knox, the great
reformer of Scotland, inculcated as a most sacred duty. In 1564, hicurabent
OP the civil governraent in the first instance, and if the civU government is
reiniss, incumbent on the people, to extirpate corapletely the opinions and
worship of the Catholics, and even to raassacre them, man, -woman and
child ! [Edinburgh Review, September 1826, page 167 ; Cook's Church of
Scotland.] Of these monstrous provisions, Blackstone says, [2 Black. 58,] " If a tirae
should ever arrive, when all fears of a pretender shall have vanished, and
the power and influence of the Pope shall become feeble, ridiculous and des
picable, not only in England, but in every country of Europe; it probably
then would not be amiss to review and soften these rigorous edicts — for it
ought not to be left in the breast of every merciless bigot to drag down the
vengeance of these laws upon inoffensive though mistaken subjects, to tbe
destruction of every principle of toleration and reUgious liberty."
For four hundred years these disgraceful acts remained unrepealed. Now,
England herself sees the folly, and her writers acknowledge the impolicy of
them. In 1839, the last dyke which surrounded this infamous system was
broken down by Catholic emancipation ; and now the Catholic, the Method
ist, the Presbyterian, all dissenting sects, even the Jews, have the honors of
Parliament open to thera.
For six hundred years, united as sbe was in church and state, England
tried the policy of exclusion. Many of the highest offices in the kingdom
could be occupied alone by members of the established church. By the test
act, all. officers of state had to take the oath of allegiance, partake of tbe
sacrament of the Lord's supper, and renounce the doctrine of transubstantia
tion. It excluded, not merely Catholics, but all dissenting sects.
Under the assaults of the best and most gifted of her sons, these too fell.
The language of the great Fox, on this subject, is so appropriate, that I
must give it. He says, [Speech on tbe Test Act,] "No human govern
ment has jurisdiction over opinions as such, and more particularly over re
ligious opinions. It had no right to presume that it kpew them, and rauch
less to act on that presumption. When opinions were productive of acts
injurious to society, the law knew when and where to apply the remedy. If
the reverse of this doctrine were adopted, if the actions of men were to be
prejudged from their opinions, it would sow the seeds of everlasting jeal
ousy and mistrust; it would give the most unliraited scope to the malignant
passions ; it would incite each man to divipe the opipiops of his peighbor,
to deduce mischievous consequences from them, and then,, to prove that he
ouo-ht to incur dIsabiUties, to be harrassed -with penalties, and to be fettered
with restrictions. From this intolerant principle had flowed every species
of sectarian zeal ; every system of poUtical persecution ; every extravagance
of relio-ious hate. Let not Great Britain be the last to avail herself of the gen
eral improvement of the human understanding. Indulgence to other sects
— a candid respect for their opinions — a desire to promote charity and good
¦will — were the best proofs that any religion codd give of its divine origin."

218
The test act was not repealed until 1828, notwithstandipg all the efforts
made agaipst it, and the beneficent influence of our example. The Orange
lodges were coraposed of Protestants entirely. They were directed against
the CathoUcs, and embodied in the organization all the pi-ejudice and injus
tice comprehended in the test act itself, apd ip the pepal laws against Cath
olics. They are the origip of the Know-Nothings, sons of fhe Supreme Or
der of the Star Spangled Banner, sops of the sires of 1776, or by whatever
other parae they may be desigpated. They were bouod together by similar
oaths to those which now bipd their brethrep ip this couotry ; apd while
they are depouocipg the Irish, and Ireland, they are guilty of stealing the
very machinery by which they are held together, from another soil, — from
Irish ingenuity and Irish bigotry. While they profess to be an American
party — they are, in fact a foreign party, borrowing the very principles of
their creed from those they do bitterly denounce. They are, in truth, Amer
ican Orangemen, with the profession on their lips that none but Americans
ought to rule America, when they themselves are ruled, governed, aud sus
tained by a system of policy which was considered so dangerous, even to
the liberties of the British subject, that these very Orange lodges were put
down and suppressed by prohibitory and penal statutes in 1825, by the votes
of a Protestant parliament.
I have not the time now to go into details in regard to the Orangemen.
The curious in such matters may obtain full inforraation form the history of
the Rebellion in Ireland. I must, however, give one of tbeir toasts, from
which the character ofthe association, and the spirit which pervaded it, may
be inferred. It was drank, with great solemnity and joy, at civic feasts on
the 1st day of July, the anniversary of the battle of the Boyne, every man
kneeling as he repeated the words. They were put together in 1689. It
ran thus: "The glorious, pious and immortal memory of the great and
good King Williara, who saved us from Pope and Popery, brass raoney, and
wooden shoes. He that won't drink his toast, may the porth wind blow
him to the south, and a west w'ind blow him to the east; may he have a
dark night, a lee shore, a rank storm, and a leaky vessel to carry hira over
the ferry to bell ; may the devil jump dowp his throat with a red hot har
row, that every pip raay tear out his ioside; may he be jammed, rammed
apd damped ipto tbe great gup of Atblepe, apd fired off into the kitchen of
hell, where the Pope is roasting on a spit, and the devil is pelting him with
Cardipals." It was ip ap age apd among a people where such laws -were tolerated,
and where such seotimepts were indulged, not only towards CathoUcs, but
towards all other non-conforming or dissenting sects, that our fathers first
sought this land. The- Puritans or«Pi-esbyterians found themselves hedged
round with penalties quite as unjust as those which girt the Catholic like a
belt of fire. Until the settlement and the revolution in this country, no na
tion seems to have had the least conception, or made the slightest advances,
towards religious toleration. Even Bacon, far in advance of bis age, as he
was upon most subjects, contended that unless there was uniformity in the
churches of the colonies with the creed of England, religion itself would he
nugatory. He makes the relaxation of sorae laws a raatter of expediency,
to recover the hearts of the Irish, but loses sight of .fhe great principle. — [2
Bacon, 189.]
Until the year 1836, to deny the doctrine of the Trinity was, by the Eng
lish law, a crirae punishable with tine and imprisonment. Speculative wri
ters had indeed announced the idea of toleration, and among them as the
first. Sir Thomas Moore, in his Utopia ; but the suggestion had no response
from the government. The prevailing idea, among all churchmen, was,
that " liberty of consciepce apd toleration are things only to be talked of,

219
and pretended by those that are under; but none like or think it reasonable
that are in authority. 'Tis an instrument of mischief and dissettlemept,
^ to be courted by those who would have chapge, but po way desirable by
such as would be quiet, aud have the goverpmcpt undisturbed." — [Quoted 3,
Hallam's Cops. His. 332.]
The period thep before the settlemept on this continent was one of in
tense religious persecution throughout the whole of Great Britain. From
the restoration to the year 1685, fifteen thousand families had been ruined
by a refusal to conform to the established church, and for the sarae period,
five thousand persons had died victims from Imprisonment from the same
cause. — [1 Neil's His. Puritans.]
A state of things so utterly overwhelming naturally led to an investiga
tion of intellectual and spiritual rights; of the sanctity of conscience ; of
all the responsibilities which are intrinsic and unborn — andfrom these flowed
the external, but more ramified prerogatives and privileges which attach
to and belong to the man. In 1604, three hundred Puritan ministers bad
been either silenced. Imprisoned or exiled. That Virginia and sorae of the
northern colonies did depart frora the very principle whicb cut them off
from the fatherland, is true; itwas to have been, expected ; and perhaps
to that very cause we may attribute, in some measure, the early assertion
and raaintenance of that freedom of religion and of conscience whicb has
made this land the favored spot of all the world. It was reserved for the
Catholics to set tbe first example. Lord Baltiraore, in November, 1632,
founded bis province on the broad basis of freedom of religion, and introduced
into his fundamental policy tne doctrine of general toleration and equality
araong Christian sects. He does not appear to have gone further ; and we
have thus given, says Judge Story, " The earliest example of a legislator in
viting his subjects to tbe free indulgence of religious opinion. This was an
terior to the settlement of Rhode Island, and therefore merits tbe enviable
rank of being tbe first recognition among the colonists of the glorious and
indefeasible rigbts of conscience. Rhode Island (in 1644) seeras without
any apparent consciousness of co-operation to have gone further, and to
have protected an universal freedora of religious opipion in Jew and Gen
tile, in Christian and Pagan, without any distinction to be found ip its legis
lation." — [1 Com. on Cops. 95.]
It is peedless, however, to multiply these detaUs. It is sufficieot pow to
say that Americap policy and principle created a broad division between all
that was established in Epglapd. It was not toleration of sects which we
encouraged, but it was perfect freedom of reUgion, perfect freedom of con
science. The man who was held responsible to God, and not to governraent
— to eternal truths, not to evanescent laws. This, this is the true Araerican
principle. It constitutes our great characteristic as a people. Shall ' we
abandon the Araerican platform, and go back in the history of the human
race four hundred years, to that very system of intolerance whicb England,
herself, after a trial of centuries, has abandoned with every badge of
ipfamy }
But let us pass op. , The Declaratiop of lodepepdepce was declared, apd
amonc' the grievances therein recited, we find it charged against the King of
Eno-land, that "he has endeavored to prevent the population of these states ;
for that purpose obstructing the laws for the paturalizatiop of foreigpers ; re-
fusino- to pass others encouraging their migration hitherto, and raising the
conditions of new appropriatiop of lands."
Mr. Madison, too, in enuraerating the defects of tbe confederation, says :
" Amon"- the defects severely felt was want of an uniformity in cases re
quiring It, as laws of naturaUzation and bankruptcy." — [2 Madison Pa
pers, '712.]

220
We have now come to the formation of the Federal Constitution. We
can now consider wbat were "the doctrines of the revered Washipgtop and
his compatriots." Washipgtop was the Presidepf of that Copveption. His
assent was given to the Constitution as it passed.
By it the President and Vice President are required to be native-born
citizens of the United States. There seems to have been no debate upon
this proposition.
A foreigner, however, is eligible to the House of Representatives, after
being seven 3'ears a citizen ; and he i» also eligible to the Senate after being
one nine years.
In the debates which took place on the various propositions which were
submitted before the clause was passed in its present shape, we shall see
that all those who were afterwards distinguished as Federalists announced
themselves in favor of a policy as narrow and exclusive as that of Great
Britain, in this as in all other respects ; while those wbo advocated a gen
erous systera — an Araerican system — -were afterwards quite as much disfin-
guished in the adherence to Republican or Democratic principles. It is true
parties were not then forraed, but -ive shall discern the seminal principle of
those which divide this country at this very hour, by whatever naraes called.
Mr. Governeur Morris, (Fed.) — raoved to insert fourteen years, instead of
four years' citizenship, as a qualification for senators, urging the dangers of
admitting strangers into bur public councils. — [3 Mad. Papers, 1273, et seq,]
Mr. Pinkney, (Federalist) — seconded him. As the senate is to have the
power of making treaties and managing our foreign affairs, there is peculiar
danger and Impropriety in opening its door to those who have foreign attach
ments. Mr. Madison, (Republican) — was not averse to some restrictions on this sub
ject,- but could never agree to the proposed amendraent. Should the consti
tution have the intended eff'ect of giving stability and reputation to our gov
ernment, gl-eat numbers of respectable Europeans, raen who loved liberty
and wished to partake its blessings, will be ready to transfer their fortunes
hither. All such would feel the raortification of being raarked with suspi
cious incapacities, though they should not covet the public hopors. He was
not apprehepsive that any dangerous number of strangers would be appointed
by the state legislatures, if they were left at liberty to do so; nor that for
eign powers would raake u.^e of strangers as Instruments for their purposes.
_ Mr. Butier, (Federalist) — Was decidedly opposed to the admission of for
eigners without a long residence in the couptry. They bring with them not
only attachments to other countries, but ideas of government so distinct from
ours, that in every point of view they are dangerous. He raentioned the
greai strictness observed in Great Britain on tbis subject!
Dr. Franklin, (Republican) — Was not against a reasonable time, but
should be very sorry to see anything Uke illiberality inserted in the Consti
tution. The people in Europe are friendly to this country. We found, in
the course of the revolution, that many strangers served us faithfully, and
that many natives took part against their countiy. When foreigners, after
looking about for some other country in which they can obtain rnore happi
ness, give preference to ours, it is a proof of attachment which ought to ex
cite our confidence and affection.
Mr. Randolph, (Republican) — Never could agree to the motion for disa
bling foreigners for fourteen years from participating in the public honors.
He reniinded the Conventiop ofthe language held by our patriots duriug the
revolutioo, and the principles laid dowp in all the American Constitutions.
He would go as far as seven years, but no farther.
,Mr. Wilson, (Republican) — Said he rose with feelings which were per
haps peculiar, mentioning the circumstance of his not being a native, and

221
the possibility, if the ideas of sorae gentiemen should be pursued, of his
being incapacitated frora holding a place under the very Constitution which
he had shared the trust of making. He remarked the' illiberal complexion
wbich the motion would give the whole system, and the effect vvhich a
good systera would bave in inviting meritorious foreigners araong us, and
the discourageraent and mortification they must feel from the degrading dis
crimination now proposed.
Governeur Morris, (Federalist) — The lesson we are taught is, that we
should be governed as rauch by one's reason and as little by one's feelings as
possible. He ran over the privileges whicb emigrants would enjoy among
us, though they should be deprived of that of being eligible to the great offices
of governraent, (as in England,) observing that they exceeded the privileges
allowed to foreigners in any part of the world. The men who can shake off
their attachment to their owiy country can never love any other.
Oa the motion of Mr. Morris, the vote stood : New Hampshire, New Jer
sey, South Carolina, Georgia — Ayes 4. Massachusetts, Connecticut, Penn
sylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina — Noes 7.
Mr. Rutledge. — Seven years' citizenship having been required for the
House of Represeptatives, surely a longer tirae is requisite for the Senate,
which will have more power.
On the question for nine years: New Hampshire, New Jersey, Delaware,
Virgipia, South Caroliua, Georgia — Ayes 6. Massachusetts, Connecticut,
Pennsylvania, Maryland — Noes 4. North Carolina divided.
On the 13th August, 1787, the question again carae upon motion to strike
out 7 and ipsert 4 years, as the required term for citizepship of a member of
the House of Represeptatives.
Mr. Madison (RepubUcan) — Wished fo maintaip the character of liberality
which had been professed in all tbe constitutions and publicatiops of Araer
ica. He wished to invite foreigners of merit and republicap principles
araopg us. America was ludebted to emigratiop for her settlemept apd pros
perity. Mr. Wilsoo (Republicap) — Remarked that almost all the geperal officers of
the Pennsylvania line of the late array were foreigners, and no coraplaint
had ever been made against their fidelity or merit. Three of her deputies
to the Convention — Morris, Fitzsiraraons and himself — were also not natives.
On the raotion to make the term 4 years instead of 7, the vote stood:
Connecticut, Maryland, Virginia — Ayes 3. New Harapshire, Massachusetts,
New Jersey, Pennsylvapia, Delaware, North CaroUpa, South Caroliua aod
Georgia — Noes 8.
Such, then, were the sentimeots of the " revered Washington and his
compatriots," on this great issue. But we are not left there as tb the posi
tion of Washington. It were a bootless task to give from his writings what
his opinions were. Garbled extracts have been paraded before the people,
-without relation to tbe context, to give .some color of authority to the designs
of this resuscitated American, Orange, Protestant, Jesuit organization ; -but
they can .irapose only'on those who perversely shut their eyes against aill
knowledge. One example in point rnay suffice . for the end which we have
now in view. In December 1789, while Washipgton was president, he ad
dressed a letter to the CathoUcs of the United States, in which he said : "As
mankipd become more liberal, tbey will be more apt to allow that all those
who copduct themselves as worthy members of the community, are equally
entitled to the civil government. I hope to see America araopg the fore
most patioos ip examples of justice and liberality. And I presume that
vour fellow-citizens will pot forget the patriotic part you took ip the accom-
plishmept of their revolutioo, and the estabUshment of tbeir government, or

222
the importaot assistapce they received from a patiop ip which the Roman
Catholic religiop is professed." [12 Writings of Washington, 178.]
We come now to that provision of the Constitutiop In regard to a religious
test. Mr. Pinkney moved that no religious test shall ever be required as a qual
ification to any office or public trust under the United States.
Mr. Sherman thought it unnecessary, the prevailing liberality being a
sufficient security against all such tests. It is remarkable that the motion
waa agreed to nem, con. without another word on the subject. Little did the
framers of that instrument suppose that, in less than a century, an organiza
tion should arise, the object of which is to do Indirectly the very thing which
it was supposed could not possibly be done directiy, even without the consti
tutional guarantee which now exists.
It is equally remarkable, too, that in all the debates upon the adoption of
the Constitution, there is nothing said upon the power conferred on Congress
to pass uniform laws in relation to naturalization. The clause in regard to
the test, however, did undergo a very rigid examination, and it may be well
to show the spirit whicb prevailed at the time in regard to it. We wiU com
mence with Massachusetts. [2 Elliot's Debate, 156.]
Rev. Mr. Backus. — I beg leave to offer a few thoughts upon the Constitu
tiop proposed to us ; and I shall begin with the exclusion of any religious
test. Many appear to be much concerned about it; but nothing is more evi
dent, both in reason and the holy scriptures, than that religion is ever a mat
ter between God and individuals; and that, therefore, no man or set of men
can irapose any religious test without invading the essential prerogatives of
our Lord Jesus Christ. Ministers first assumed this power under the Chris
tian narae, and then Constantine approved of the practice when he adopted
the profession of Christianity as an engine of state policy. And let the his
tory of all nations be searched, frora that day to this, and it will appear that
the imposing of religious tests hath been the greatest engine of tyranny in
the world.
Next Connecticut— [2 EUiot, 203.]
Oliver Wolcott. — For myself I should be content either with or without
the clause in the Constitution which excludes test laws. Knowledge and
liberty are so prevalent in this country, that I do not believe that the
United States would ever be disposed to establish one religious sect and lay
all others under legal disabilities. But as we know not what may take place
hereafter, and any such test would be destructive of tbe rights of free citi
zens, I cannot think it superfluous to have added a clause which secures us
frora the possibility of sucb oppression.
Next Virginia— [3 EUiot, 113. Do. 313.]
Mr. Madison. — I confess to you, sir, that were uniformity of religion fo he
introduced by this system, it would, in my opinion, be ineligible; but I have
no reason to conclude that uniformity of government will produce thatof
religion. This subject is, for the honor of America, left perfectly free and
unshackled. The governraent has no jurisdiction over it — the least reflec
tion wiU convince us there is no danger on this ground. Happily for the
states, they enjoy the utmost freedom of religiop. This freedom arises from
that multiplicity of sects which pervades America, aud which is the hest and
only security for religious liberty in apy society. For, where there is such a
variety of sects, there caupot be a majority of apy ope sect to oppress and
persecute tue rest.
Next North Carolioa— [4 EUiot, 196.]
Mr. IredeU used this comprehensive aud elegant language: "Every per
son in the least conversaht in the history of mankind, knows what dreadful

223
mischiefs have been comraitted by religious persecution. Under tbe color of
religious tests, the utraost cruelties have been exercised. Tbose in power
have generally considered all wisdora centred In theraselves, that they alone
had the right to dictate to the rest of mankipd, and that all opposition to their
tenets -was profane and impious. The consequence of this intolerant spirit
has been that each church has in turn set itself up agaipst every other, aod
persecutiops and wars of the most implacable and bloody nature have taken
place in every part of the world. America has set an example to mankind
to think raore rationaUy — that a raan raay be of religious sentiraents differing
frora our own, without being a bad raeraber of society. The principles of
toleration, to the honor of this age, are doing away tbose errors and preju
dices which have so long prevailed even in the most intolerant countries. In
Roraan Catholic lands principles of raoderation are adopted whicb would
have been spurned a century or two ago. It Avill be fatal, indeed, to find the
tirae, when examples of toleration are set even by arbitrary governments,
that this country, so impressed with the highest sense of liberty, should
adopt principles on this subject that were narrow, despotic and illiberal."
These, then, were the sentiraents of the compatriots of Washington. I
coramend thera to the state of his birth — in tbis fatal hour of the repubUc —
when the poisonous drops of a horrid fanaticism, and a not less horrid big
otry, are distilled ipto the ears of the people — w.hep an " airy devil hovers ill
her sky and rains down mischief!" Shall we go forward to that crag which
beetles over an unfathomable abyss, or sball we stand now aod forever as a
commopwealtb upon our glorious act of religious freedora?
" ShaU we, on this fair mountain, have leave to feed. "
My next point Is, that the pripciples of the Orapge Americaps, that "Ame
rica shall be ruled by Araericans ;" that " foreigners ought pot to be eligible
to office," apd " that aU pubUc positions ought to be filled by natives of the
soil," are nothing raore than revivals of the doctrioes of Federalism, British
Federalism ip its worst type: of that party ip this couptry which has had so
little of Americapism about it, that ip every war that we have ever had, it
has beep agaipst that very flag whicb Is pow used as a symbol, a desecrated
symbol, ip their Jesuitical orgies, aud deraagoguical mysteries. What are
the proofs ?
Op the 3d day of May, 1798, Harrisop Gray Otis, of Massachusetts, a
Federalist, and afterwards a member of the infamous Hartford Convention,
introduced-'fnto Congress this resolution : — [Annals 5th Congress, page 1570.]
"Resolved, That no alien born, who is not at present a citizen of the
Upited States, shall hereafter be capable of holdipg apy office of honor, trust
or profit under the United States."
"The Democratic party then, as pow, took grouud agaipst this most illiberal
exclusion. We shall show this by the debates.
Mr. Venable, of Virgipia, (Democrat,) did not think the House were
authorized to enact such a principle iuto a law. If takep up at all it ought
to be copsidered as a proposition for amendipg the Copstitutiop. If it was
thought necessary by geptiemep to amepd the Copstitutiop Ip this -way, why
pot make the proposition ? After foreigners were admitted as citizeps, Cop
gress had pot the power of declaring what should be their rights ; the Consti
tution has done this. Foreigpers must therefore be refused the privilege of
becomiog citizeps altogether or admitted to aU the rights of citizeps.
Mr. Otis, of Massachusetts, (Federalist,) had po idea this propositiop could
be copsidered as a proposition to amend the Constitution. If the House had
the power to amend the naturalization law, and extend the time of residence
necessary to entitle an alien to citizenship, they could certainly extend it to

224
the life of a map. The idea of citizepship did not always include the power
of holdipg offices. Ip Great Britaip po aliep was ever permitted to hold an
office ; he wished they might pot be allowed to do it here !
Mr. Venable, in reply. He did pot believe Congress had the power of
saying men who were eptitled to hold offices by the Copstitutiop shaU not
hold them.
Mr. Macop, of North CaroUpa, (Democrat.) — If a map is a citizen he is
eligible to office agreeably to the constitutional rule, and that could not he
altered by law. If the people choose to elect a foreigner as a raeraber of
the Legislature, if he had been a citizen seven years, Copgress could pot say
be should pot be eligible.
Mr., Otis, in continuation. — "What advantage was derived to this country
from giving foreigners eligibility to office .' The people of this country were
certainly equal to the legislation and administration of their own government.
He had no doubt many aliens would become very valuable acquisitions to this
country; but he had no idea of admitting them into the governraent. Great
Britain was very careful of the avenues which led to her freedora. Aliens
were there excluded frora holding all places of honor, profit or trust. It had
not only been thought good policy in times past to encourage foreigners to
come to this country, but also to admit them into the Legislature and impor
tant offices. But now America is growing Into a nation of importance, and
it would be an object with foreign nations to gain an influence in our councils;
and before such an attempt was made it was proper to make provision
against it !"
How many speeches Have we lately heard -vvhich are like this one of Mr.
Otis! It seems, too, that another plea, very commonly put forward was then in
vogue too.
Mr. McDoweU, of N. C, (Democrat.) — " It has been said our population
was now sufficient, and that the privileges heretofore allowed to foreigners
might now be withdrawn. In some parts of the country this raight, in t^ome
degree, be the case ; but be knew there -were other parts which wanted popu
lation." Robert Goodloe Harper, South Carolina, (Federalist,) — " Believed it was
high tirae -we .should recover frora the mistake which this country fell into
when it first began to form its Constitution, of admitting foreigners to citizen
ship. He believed the time had now come when it was proper to declare
that nothing but birth should entitle a man to citizenship in this countiy.
This was the English doctrine. He was for giving foreigners every facility
for acquiring property, of holding this property, of raising their families, and
of tr-ansferring their property to their families. He was willing they should
form citizens for us ; but, as to tbe rights of citizeni^hip, he was not willing
they should be enjoyed except by person.s- born on the sod. If the native
citizens are indeed adequate to the performance of the duties of the govern
ment, he could not see for what reasons strangpr.s are admitted- None hut
persons born in the country should be permitted to take part in the govem
ment. He moved to amend by adding the following words : ' or of voting at
the election of any member of the Legislature of the United States, or 06
any state.' "
The alien law was then under consideration, upon whicb, and the sedition
law, Virginia passed her renowned resolutions in 179*^. We need not now al
lude specifically to its provisions. It gave the president power to order aU
aliens he may judge dangerous to the United States, or that he may suspect to
be so, to depart out of the country in such tirae as he himself may specify.
And if ordered to depart, and he remained without a license from the presi-

225
dent, he was to be imprisoned for a term of three years, and forever debarred
of all the privileges of a citizen.
The debates show that the Democratic party opposed this act, and It be
carae one of tbe grand Unes of demarcation in 1800. The liberal poUcy
established by our fathers was not sufficient for the Federalists, who desired
to make America conform to Britain in regard to aliens, in regard to a bank,
in regard to the whole governmental policy. Here, again, the Deraocratic
party, in peace as in war, were the Araerican party, as they are now, apd as
we trust ever shall be. But to the proofs :
Mr. AUeu, of Connecticut, Federalist, [Anoals of 5th Coogress, 1798,]
" alluded to the vast pumber of paturalizatiops which lately took place in this
city (Philadelphia) to support the party opposed to the president (John
Adams) in a particular election."
Have we not heard similar language used in our day by the mep ip favor
of the sarae course of policy.?
Mr. Sewell, (Democrat.) — " What is to be feared from the residepce of
alieps amopg us.' Auytbipg to ruin the country .^ He acknowledged many
inconveniences arose frora this circumstance, but more from their own un
natural children, who in the bosom of their parent conspired her destruction."
Then, it was the cry of the French, now it is the power of the Pope, which
is made the pretext for this new agitation. Listen !
Mr. Allen, of Conpecticut, (FederaUst.) — A persop in this city, who has
too respectable a standing, and who is doing too much business in it, has de
clared that he wished to see a French army land in this country, and that he
would do aU in his power to further tbeir landing. He had heard nearly the
sarae thing from another quarter. Not that he was himself, afraid of being
assassinated or having the city burnt.
Mr. Gallatin, (Dem.) of Pennsylvania — This bill was not only contrary to
every principle of justice and reason, but to the plain provisions of tbe Con
stitution. The Constitution says "that no. person shaU be deprived of life,
limb or property, without due process of law." But here persons may be
deprived of their liberty without any process of law, or being guilty of any
crime. Mr. Livingstoo, (Dem.) of N. Y. — He esteeraed it as ope of the mostfor-
tupate occurrences of his life, that after an inevitable absence from a seat im
that house, he had arrived in time to express his dissent to this monstrous
bill. It would have been a source of- eternal regret and the keenest remorse
if any private affairs had deprived him of the opportunity of recording his
vote against an act he believed in direct violation of the Constitution, and
marked with every characteristic of the most odious despotism. By this act
the presidept alope is authorized to make the law — to fix in his own mind
what acts, what words, what thoughts or looks shall c(^stitute the crime con
templated by the bill, that is, the crirae of "being suspected to be dangerous
to the peace and safety of tbe United States." This comes completely with
in the definition of despotism — an union of legislative, executive and judiciaL
powers. Mr. Tazewell, (Dem.) of Virginia — Knew of but one power given to Con-
o-ress by the Constitution which could exclusively apply to alien.s, and that'
' was the power of naturalization. Whether this was a power which excluded'
the states from its exercise, or gave to Congress only a concurrent authority
over the subject, he would not now pretend to say. But it neither author
ized Congress to prohibit the miration of foreigners to any state, nor to ban
ish them when admitted. It was a power which could only authorize Con
gress to give or -withhold citizenship. The states, notwithstanding this power
of naturalization, could impart to aliens the right of suffrage, and the right to
15

226
purchase aiid hold lands. There was in this respect no restraint upon the
states. At the same session the sedition law passed — a law aimed at the natives,
as the other was aimed at tbe foreigners. It provided that any one who
should write, print, utter or pubUsh, or cause or procure the same to be done,
any malicious writing against the government of the United States, or either
house of Congress, or the president, should be punished by a fine not exceed
ing two thousand dollars, and by imprisonment not exceeding two years.. It
is not necessary now to dip into the debates on this branch of the subject.
It would extend this paper longer than we desire. It Is sufficient to say that
the same principles were involved — the same division of parties took place
 the same liberaUty was advocated by the American Democratic party —
and tbe same narrowness and exclusion found advocates among those who,
instead of mapping out a system of Americans and America, looked to En
gland for the great pripciples of tbeir public action. The feeUng of thetime
may be deduced from a letter of Timothy Pickering to Alexander Hamilton,
both noted FederaUsts.— [6 Hamilton's Works, 303.]
"The alien bills introduced ipto the houses of Coogress have updergone
such alteratiops I do not know their present form. Of one thing, however,
you may rest assured, that tbey will not err on the, side of severity, much
less of cruelty."
Here, perhaps, it may be well for a moment to pause, and dwell upon a
most remarkable prediction made by Duncan of Ohio, in a speech delivered
' in the House of Representatives op the 19tb of February, 1845 — [Appen
dix 28 Copgress, vol. 14, page 413.]
" Ipdulge me while I expose a few of the corrupt aud Ipiquitous measures
which have ever marked the course of the Federal party, pot oply to secure
their elections, but to secure their favorite measures. It Is a fundamental
principle of Federalism, that the want of inteUigence of the common people
makes them unfit for self-government; and they being of the uncommon
class, should of right be the governors. Hence It Is, that all their means to
secure their elections and tbeir favorite measures, are directed to the sup
posed ignorance and stupidity of the people — that they know nothing! I
will trace up some of those means from an early period of our government,
by which the Federal party raay be known under whatever narae they may
have assuraed, or may hereafter assume for political deception; for so long
as they shall be known by their true name, and their principles are known
to con-espond with their name, the Democracy must and will triuraph.
" I begin with the unprincipled practice they have of changing their name.
They have changed their name with the periodical return of every presiden
tial election ; and this for the purpose of concealing their principles and
deceiving the people. Their last name was Whig, and that narae they kept
as long as 'it would answer any purpose ; but they will never fight another
battle under the banner Inscribed Whig again. Havipg exhausted the polit
ical vocabulary, they will returo to the abuse aod persecutiop of the Irish
aod Gerraaps which characterized the party ip the admipistratlop of the elder
Adaras. Nothipg is lopger to be feared from a chapge of pame. The peo
ple cooteraplate them as they do a stranger, who gives himself a new or
differept parae in every town or village through which he passes. They look
upon him as a scape-gallows or horse-thief who merits the rope or the peni
tentiary." The best commentary upon this passage, is the foUowing editorial from the
New York Express, a Whig paper, of the date of the Uth of February last :
i" It giyes us no pleasure to refer fo the past glory of the Whig party, orlo
-write the obituary of that which we have joyed In and joyed over ; but we
conduct a newspaper, not a Book of Lamentations, and we cannot shut our

227
eyes to continually occun-ing facts. The Whig platform, ' previously spit
upon,' to quote the coarse phrase of a city contemporary, has now been so
shattered by the withdrawal of Its main protective tariff plank, that there is
not enough left of the corpse, we fear, for any species of political anatomiza
tion. Interpal improvemept is a vague Idea-^ a protective t-ariff is abapdon-
ed even in New Epgland, where the manufacturers say it is pot only not
peeded, but has become ap embarrassmepf, just as in Epglapd whpp the
Peelite mapufacturers turped their somerset apd flupg oat the bapper of free
trade. Massachusetts row staod^ with Alabama op the tariff. The currepcy
issues have beep superseded by the railroads aod raagpetic telegraphs, which
do away with all necessity for any great regulator of the doraestic excheqtier.
Indeed, there is not a Whig principle that Clay and Webster fought for, that
is not dead and buried ! Nevertheless, Whig hosts will hover for months
over the tombs of Clay and Webster, and the principles buried with them ;
for mouruers of parties, like other mourners, are the last to believe in the
dissolution of death."
Such being the condition of the Whig party, what course remained but to
do what Duncan said they would do : go back to the old principles wbich we
bave shown to be British, and pot American, and abuse and persecute the
Irish and Dutch, with an addition of British, not American, disqualiflcations
against CathoUcs ? Tbey hoped in this way to seduce off a sufficient num
ber of unsuspecting Protestant Democrats to give them the balance of power.
It was the last resort of Federalism ; and, to crown all, they .steal their very
war-cries of hostility against the Pope, of his power to exempt his subjects
from the oath of allegiance, from the bigotry and intolerance of England.
This device was used there for centuries, and after being reduced so low that
no respectable man in that kingdom wUl use It, it is vamped up and paraded
here as something new, patriotic and American ! 1 wish I had the tirae to
go into this branch of the subject, but I must postpone It to a future paper.
On the slavery questiop — op the extepsion of territory — on foreigners —
the old Federal party occupied precisely the sarae grounds now occupied by
the. Protestant Jesuits of the north. I desigp hereafter, if I can find the
leisure, to show this in detail; but I must for the present confine myself to
the latter branch of tbe subject alone.
Let us pursue still further the history of parties on the alien que.stion.
Virginia declared her sentiraents in the resolutions of Madison in- 1798, to
which, in spite of Federal jeers and jibes, we are forced back raore and
more every year for an exposition of the true powers and functions of this
confederacy. Ip the language of oue. of these resolutiops, " the Geperal Asserably pro
tests agaipst the palpable and alarming infractions of the Constitution, in the
late case of the alien and sedition acts, passed at the last session of Congres.^;,
which exercise powers nowhere delegated to the federal governraent, and by
uniting legislative and judicial powers to those of executive, subverts the
general principles of a free government."
Alexander Hamilton, true to the Instincts of Federalism, could not let
these sentiments pass. He refers to Jefferson's opinions on emigration, ex
pressed in his notes on Virginia, which are quoted now in all the Americffrt
Orano-e councils as indicating his approval of their work, and then raakes these
animadversions on the passage of the message we have quoted, in which we
shall see the very language npw used by them and their adherents upon this
subject. He says:— [THamdton's Works, 771.]
" It Is certaip that had the late electiop beep decided eptirely by pative
citizens and native votes ; had foreign auxiUaries been rejected on both sides,
tbe man who ostentatiously vaunts that the doors of public honor and confi
dence have been burst open to him, would not now have been at the head of

228
the American patiop. ~ The pathetic apd plaintive exclamations, by which
tbe sentimept is epforced, might be liable to much criticism, If we are to
consider it in aPy other Ught than as a flourish of rhetoric. It might be
asked, iu return, does the right to asylum or hospitality carry with It the
rin-ht to suffrage and sovereignty ? And what, indeed, was the courteous
reception which was given to our forefathers by the savages of the wilder
ness.? When did these humane and philanthropic savages exercise the poli
cy 9f ipcorporatipg strangers among themselves on the first arrival in the
country.? When did they adrait them int6 tbeir huts to make part of their
famiUes.? And when did they dibtinguish them by maldng them their
sachems and chiefs .?"
We have now traced the division of parties on this subject to the time of
Jeffersop, by an appeal to the record, and by undoubted authorities. We
may hereafter carry the parallel down to our owp days. It cap be done
raost copclusively, but we must reserve other views for auothpr occasion.
To show how consistent Federalism was on tbis subject, it is only necessary
to refer to the proceedings of the Hartford Conventiop. We shaU select two
resolutiops, as Ip point.
The first was, that " tbe most ipviolable secrecy shall be observed by each
member of this copveptiop, including the secretary, as to aU propositions,
debates and proceedings thereof, until this injupctiop shaU be reraoved, sus
pended or altered."
The oext is, " That po persop who shall hereafter be a paturaUzed citizen
of tbe Uoited States shall be eligible as a raeraber of the Sepate, or the
House of Represeptatives of the Uoited States, nor be capable of holding
any civil office under the authority of tbe United States."
At this point we must close, leaving other views for the future. We have
written mainly for the benefit of the young men of the state, over whom
this Araerican Orange organization is most zealously striving to obtain con
trol. By subtle appeals to their patriotism — to their pative pride — to their
holy zeal for the laod of their birth, they seek to draw thera into a crusade
against the purest principles of our constitutional faith — against the Very
heart of the nation. Let the young raen of the state go back to the precepts
and doctrines of our ancestors, as herein delineated, and thep decide for
themselves the questiop whether they -wiU follow those who have proven
theraselves to be the lights of the uui verse — immortal pot less ip their con
sciousness than in their raaintenance of the right in religion asweU as inthe
state ; or whether they will forswear the anciept colors of the republic, and
go back in the history of the humap race four hundred years, to the exclu
sions, the penalties and disabilities, both political and religious, which, instead
of being indigenous to our soil, are but poisonous exotics transplanted from
Great Britain ! Believe rae, this is not an age to deprive humanity of any
of its dear-bought privileges. Human ingenuity may go very far, but no
mode can be devised to justify persecutiop — to sapctify bigotry, or ^eify the
crimes which we may coraralt op our fellow meu. Passion and prejudice
may go far, very far too ; they may establish parties, they may give them
temporary success, but tbey will reaUze the reflections of Sandoval to Henry:
" Always strivest thou to be great
By thine own act, — yet art thou never great,
But by the inspiration of great passion ; ^
The whirl blast comes, the desert sands rise up
And shape themselves ; from earth to heaven they stand
As though they were the pillars of a temple
Built by Omnipotence in its own honor !
But the blast pause.s, and their shaping spirit
Is fled : the mighty columns were but sand,
And lazy snakes trail over the level ruins !"

229
In reply to the arguments, empty declarations, and bold assertions of the
Know Nothings respecting the temporal power of the Pope, the Examiner pub
lished the following editorial :
COMFORT FOR THE FRIGHTENED— CHEER FOR THE FAINT
HEARTED.
There is a convenient provision in the secret constitution of the Know Noth
ing Order, (not promulged, however, in their published Basis Principles,) allow
ing their grand National Council to grant dispensations to the Councils in the
States, exempting them from such provisions of that instrument as may not be
locally popular. Accordingly, the Councils of Louisiana, a State settled chiefly
by French Catholics, have a dispensation from all those articles of their consti
tution which are proscriptive of -Catholics, and would exclude that sect from
office and from suffrage. So that in the very State in which — if there were
real danger from the temporal authority of the Pope, that danger would be im
minent and appalling, — this valiant order of Protestant lionS are roaring as
gently as sucking doves against the Romish hierarchy. t
While the Order In Louisiana are courting Catholic votes with commendable
assiduity, their brethren in the State of Virginia are in a terrible stale of alarm
on the subject of a Popish invasion, and are quoting newspaper authority from
DubUn, to show that the Pope does claim the power to depose sovereigns from
their thrones — a power that might be exerted with dreadful effect upon the
sovereigns of Screamersville, Butcbertown, and the Hanover Slashes.
When we hear Intelligent Virginia gentlemen, entitled to be respected for
candor on every other subject, inveighing against Popes and CathoUcs, as
inimical to the State Government of Virginia, and threatening to the official
safety of Governor Joseph Johnson, we are tempted to inquire in derision and
compassion, why tbis valorous assault on eight thousand Catholics in Virginia?
while their order havenot the honesty, the candor, the patriotism, or the courage
to lift a finger against that denomination in Louisiana, where they are really
numerous and strong, and where, if their ascendancy were really dangerous to
free institutions, it would deserve their attention.
But proving the hypocrisy of Know Nothingism, by pointing to the chang
ing hues of its chameleon charlatanry in different quarters of the Union, may
not suffice, as it should do, to remove the apprehensions of weak minded, but
well meaning Virginians about Popish and Catholic machinations against their
government and liberties. If these were indeed In danger from such a source,
it is very plain from the conduct of the Know Nothings in the Stale of Louis
iana that safety is nolle be sought in that weather-cock Order, but that it rests
where the safely of all liberty and liberal governraents rests — in the strong
arms and brave hearts of a free people. This Know Nothing clamor about the
Pope and his authority, is a pusillanimous outcry, appealing to the fears of the
people against a sort of danger from which their own bravery and intelligence
arc ever the sole and the all sufficient safeguard.
The Know Nothings, for the want of better authority, are parading an edi
torial article from a foreign newspaper, entitled the Dublin Tablet, asserting
the power of the Pope in temporal affairs, and especially his power to depose
rulers. The assertion and the explanation of the power claimed are both em
bodied in the following sentence from the Dublin article :
" The deposing power does actually exist at present ; it is publicly taught In
every state that considers Itself free. It is the doctrine of Americans, for they
deposed George III. It is the doctrine of Englishmen, who deposed James II. ;
and of Frenchmen, for they have deposed the dynasty of the Bourbons. The
Spaniards admit it, for Queen Isabella's throne is in danger. The difference

230
between the modern and mediaeval world consists in this. We vest. this In the
people ; our ancestors, more wisely, in the Pope. In England, the depcsing
doctrine is made a law of the kingdom, to be put in force whenever the reign
ing sovereign prefers his soul to the sceptre. Kings, of course, have done their
utmost lo discredit the doctrine, and they have gained for themselves. Instead
of il, the scaffold and the sword. The divine right of certain families to govern
nations according to their will is re&ited, not by argument, but by exile or a
violent death. If kings prefer this solution of the difficulty to that which
mediceval principles offered, that is their affair. This, however, is certain, the
Pope was more patient and considerate than the people are, and a deposition is
less injurious to society than a bloody revolution. A deposition does not ne
cessarily involve a change of dynasty, but In general, revolution does; and
perhaps kings might, on reflection, prefer lo lose the crown to themselves only,
to losing it for the family as well."
It is very plain that this witness, whom the Know Nothing journals, for the
-want of a better; have lugged In to their support, and are vouching with so
much gusto, njeans to assert only some such power for the Catholic Christians,
under dispensations from the Pope, as all free people claim In regard to the ci
vil authority — " the same power as does actually exist among all people claim
ing to be free" — a power like that which the South claims, of secession from
the Union, and which the people of every free country claim, of poliiical revo
lution in the failure of all other means of redress.
This accidentally discovered and solitary witness of the Know Nothings, there
fore, proves no practical claim.of temporal power on the part of the Pope, and only
raises a nice question of political casuistry, the discussion of which now would
be as useless as a discussion of the abstract doctrines of State secession and of
popular revolution. A great noise was made in England, more than fifty years
ago, about this very Idea of the Pope's temporal authoriiy, and evidence was
taken which is certainly entitled to more weight than the loose and irresponsible
editorial of a Dublin editor.
Mr. Pitt, as Prime Minister of England, contemplating an act of justice to
the Catholics, solemnly proposed a set of interrogatories to several of the most
celebrated Catholic Theological Universities in Europe.- The following ques
tions were proposed : First, Has the Pope, or have the Cardinals, or, any body
of raen, or bas any individual of the Church of Rome, any civil authority,
power, jurisdiction or pre-eminence whatever, within the realm of England?
Second, Can the Pope, or Cardinals, or any body of men, or any Indivldaal of
the Church of Rome, absolve or dispense his Majesty's subjects from their oath
of allegiance, upon any pretence whatever? Third, Is there any principle ia
the tenets of the Catholic faith, by which Catholics are justified in not keeping
faith with Heretics, or other persons differing from them in Religious opinions,
in any transactions either of a public or private naiure ? To these questions
the Universities of Paris, Louvain, Alcala, Salamanca and Valadolid, after ex
pressing their astonishment that It could be thought necessary at the close of the
18th century, and In a country so enlightened as England, to propose such enqui
ries, severally and unanimously answered : 1st, Thai the Pope, or Cardinals, or
any body of men, or any Individiial of the Church of Rome, has not and have
not any civil authority, power, jurisdiction or pre-eminence whatever, within the
realm of England. 2dly, That the Pope, or Cardinals, or any body of men, or
any individual of the Church of Rome, cannot absolve or dispense his Majesty's
subjects from their oath of allegiance upon any pretext whatsoever; and 3dly,
That there is no principle in the tenets of the Catholic Faith, by which Catho
lics are justified in not keeping faith with Heretics, or other persons differing
from them In religious opinions, In transactions either of a public or a private
nature. The Pope himself was written to upon the same questions, and most

231
solemnly announced that his See asserted no such claim. Surely this Is better
testimony than the self contradictory declaration of a Dublin Catholic editor.
We do not rely, however, in a matter of this sort, upon (documentary evidence,
or newspaper asseveration. We take tbe ground, that the people are themselves
sufficient to assert and maintain their independence of Popes of all sorts ; and
that they are In no danger of being deposed from the sovereignty with which
their Maker and their Fathers endowed them in these States. Three thousand
and fifty Protestant clergy will In vain hurl their anathemas against them from
Yankee pulpits, and one Dublin editor may impotently proclaim the Pope's au
thority over their temporal concerns, but while they have the right to manage
their own affairs, spite of Popes and of secret clubs, they will always be ready
and able lo maintain and support that sovereignty. Il is only au insult to the
intelligence, the mauliness and the Christian sentiment of the Virginia people
to maintain the possibility of a priestcraft domination over them from any quar
ter or of any sort.
But what are the historical evidences of the truth of this charge, that CaJ;ho-
lics are less attached lo civil governments entitled to their allegiance, than other
denominations? Surely the Catholic subjects of the British crown have had
cause of offence against that government In Its persecutions of Catholic Ireland.
Surely the only Catholic province of that government, on this continent, might
have been excused, while these persecutions of their Catholic brethren. In Ire
land, were going on, for seeking annexation to the United States. Surely the
French Catholics of Canada have had incentives of animosity sufficient to shake
their allegiance to the British government in its numberless and bitter wars
against Catholic France. Yel what is the present political status of Catholic,
French, colonial Canada ? Hear how Lord Nugent refutes this idea of a half
allegiance on the part of Catholics :
" Your other colonies revolted ; they called on a Catholic power to support
them, and they .achieved their independence. Catholic Canada, with what Lord
Liverpool would call her half-allegiance, alone stood by you. She fought by
your side against the interference of Catholic France. To reward and encour
age her loyalty, you endowed in Canada bishops to say mass, and to ordain
others to say mass, whom, at thai very lime,- your laws would have hanged for
saying mass in England ; and Canada Is still yours in spile of Catholic France,
in spite of her spiritual obedience lo the Pope, in spile of Lord Liverpool's ar
gument, and in spite of the independence of all the States that surround her.
This is the only trial you have ipade. Where you allow lo the Rom-an Catholics
their religion undisturbed. It has proved itself lo be compatible with the most
faithful allegiance. It Is only where you have placed allegiance and religion be
fore them as a dilemma, that they have preferred (as who will say that they
ought not ?) their religion to their allegiance. How then stands the imputation ?
Disproved by history, disproved in all States where both religions co-exist, and
in both hemispheres, and asserted in an exposition by Lord Live.-pool, solemnly
and repeatedly abjured by all Catholics, of the discipline of their Church." —
Eord Nugent's Letter to Rev. Sir George Lee, Bart.
Men might idly dispute till doomsday over the nice quesiion in political ca
suistry of the extent of the Papiil claim of temporal power outside of Rome.
But here are facts which Illustrate how devoted Catholics may be and are in the
habit of showing themselves in the practical matter of allegiance. Yet It is
due to candor to admit that there are historical instances in which Catholics
have refused to obey the calls of the British Government. The Irish Catholic
Parliament refused to furnish taxes to support the war against the American
Colonies in their struggle for freedom. Then, too, there is this notable passage
in Botta, p. 236-7.

232
" General Carleton, finding the Canadians so decided in their opposition, had
recourse to the authority of religion. He therefore solicited Brand, the Bishop
of Quebec, to publish a mandament, to be read from tbe pulpit, by the curates,
in time of divine service. He desired tbe prelates should exhort the people to
take arms, and second the soldiers of the king, in their enterprises against the
colonies. But ihe bishop, by a memorable example of piety and religious mo
deration, refused to lend his ministry in this work; saying that such conduct
would be too unworthy the character of the pastor, and too contrary lo the ca-
-nons of the Roman Church. However, as in all professions there are indivi
duals who prefer their interest to their duty, and the useful lo the honest, a
few ecclesiastics employed themselves with great zeal in this affair; but all their
efforts were vain ; the Canadians (Catholics) persisted in their principles of neu-
trality. The nobiUty, so well treated in the act of Quebec, felt obligated in
gratitude to promote in this occurrence the views of the government, and very
strenuously exerted themselves with that Intent on, but without any better suo^
cess. - The exhortations of Congress did not contribute alone to confirm the in
habitants in these sentiments, &c. &o.
" General Carleton, perceiving that he could make no calculation upon being
able to^form Canadian regiments, and knowing, withal, that there existed in the
province certain loyalists, who would have no repugnance to taking arms, and
other individuals whom interest might easily induce to enlist as volunteers, re
solved to employ a new expedient. He caused the drums to beat up, in Que
bec, in order lo excite the people to enroll themselves in a corps to which he
gave the name of the Royal Highland Emigrants. He offered the most favo
rable conditions. The term of service was limited to the continuance of the
disturbances ; each soldier was to receive two hundred acres of land, in any
province of North America he might choose ; the king paid himself the cus
tomary duties upon the acquisition of lands ; for twenty years, the new pro
prietors were to be exempted from all contribution for the benefit of the crown;
every married soldier obtained other fifty acres. In consideration of his wife,
and fifty more for account of each of his children, with the same privileges and
exemptions, besides the bounty of a guinea al the time of enlistment. In this
manner, Carleton succeeded in gleaming up some few soldiers ; but he was re
duced to attach much more importance to the movements of the Indians" —
— who proved themselved genuine " Native Americans,"
It is a well known fact that when Lord Howe, the first British commander
of the forces designated at the breaking out of tlie American war for the iuva-
sion of this country, was ordered by the war department to prepare for embar
kation, he wrote that he could not trust the Irish Catholic soldiers of his army,
as all their sympathies were with America; and tbe British Government was
forced to buy Protestant Hessians at the rate of sixpence a head from the
Prince of Hesse Cassel. And the emissaries despatched to Germany wrote
more than once to Lord North complaining bitterly of the German CathoUcs
interfering with the enlistment of soldiers for America.
There are facts,' however, still later, and, if possible, still stronger than
these. Catholic Louisiana fought full as bravely and effectually as Know Nothing
Massachusetts against Catholic Mexico In the war of 1846-'47. Louisiana fur
nished seven regiments and 7,041 troops to fight against her brethren of the
Catholic faith in that war of races and religions ; altho' Know Nothing Massa
chusetts, in the excess of her zeal against the Pope and his people, furnished
but one regiment of 930 men lo smite the Mexican priests ; and furnished that
number only by dint of most strenuous exertions on the part of the patriotic
Democrats in her borders. If you ask which three States furnished the lar
gest number of troops In that foreign war against a Catholic nation and a Cath-

233'
olic race, the archives of tho. country will tell you that they were the Catholic
States of Louisiana, Missouri and Texas. These furnished respectfully 7,041,
6,441 and 6,955 men, or an aggregate equal lo the total number supplied by
all the other States in the Union ! Besides, it Is notorious that the regular
army of the United States was made up during that war so exclusively of Irish,
(Catholics) that it was difficult to find natives enough for the non-commissloneti
officers. Surely the generous people of Virginia will consider the evidenoe of the
muster rolls of the country a better tablet cf Catholic patriotism, under all
temptations of reUgious prejudice and bigotry, than the newspaper columns of
a raw Irishman in Dublin. Let those who, for political purposes, are seeking
to excite the hatred of the magnanimous Virginia voters against that patriotic
people, read these facts of history, and blush for their lack of geuerosity.

The arguments employed in Virginia to shew that the Know Nothing party
in the free States sympathised and co-operated with the Abolition or anti-,
Nebraska parly, were supported by the most overwhelming and conclusive
proof The evidence of this unholy alliance, we herewith spread before our
readers without comment.
CHANG AND ENG— SAM AND THE WOOLLY-HEADS— A CHAP
TER OF DEATH WARRANTS.
What a sad story are the accounts from every quarter of the North, telling
of Sara's affiliations ! And how cruelly inopportune are these accounts for his
followers in Virginia ! Behold in the following schedule the record of tbe
strolling Yankee Abolitionist's delinquencies at the North. We begin with
New York. the voice of the new YOEK LEGISLATURE.
The following resolutions were passed by the Legislature of New York before
their recent adjournment. The negative vote in the Senate was five to nine
out of some thirty in the affirmative, and in the House it ranged from about
eleven nays to sixty yeas. The very few Democrats In the Legislature voted
generally against the resolutions, and the Seward Whigs and the Know Noth
ings seem to have gone in a body for them :
Whereas the passage of the bill organizing the Territories of Kansas and
Nebraska, and repealing that portion of the Missouri Compromise which pro
hibited the existence of slavery within their limits, for the purpose of permit
ting its establishment upon their soil, was a gross violation of good faith, and
inflicted grievous wrong upon free labor and free principles throughout the
Union ;
[Passed — yeas 61, nays 9.]
And whereas this act and the spirit In which il was consummated demonstrate
tbe determination of the slaveholding interest to use the power of the Federal
Government to promote the indefinite extension and permanent establishment
of slavery ;
[Passed— 56 to 15.]
And- whereas Congress, having no power or right to Interfere with slavery as
it may exist in any Stale, Is expressly commanded by the Federal Constitution

234
to make all needful rules and regulations conceming the Territories of the
United States : Therefore;
[Passed— 69 to 1.]
Resolved, (if tbe assembly concur,) That the people of the State of New
York, represented In senate and asserably, demand of Congress the enactment
of a law declaring that slavery shall not exist except where il is established by
the local law of the Slate — thus restoring, by positive statute, the prohibition
of slavery from the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska.
[Passed— 65 to 11.]
Resolved, (if the assembly concur,) That the people of the Stale of New
York, represented In senate and assembly, will not consent lo thc admission
into the Union of any State that may be formed out of the Territories of Kan
sas and Nebraska, unless its constitution shall prohibit the existence of slavery
within its limits.
[Passed— 58 to 11.]
Whereas the repeal of the Missouri Compromise and the repudiation of a
solemn legislative compact by the slaveholding interest, for the extension of
slavery, has released the free States from all obligations that may be expressed
or Implied in any compromises on the subject of slavery outside of the federal
constitution : Therefore, be it
[Passed— 55 to 12.]
Resolved, (if the assembly concur,) That while the people of the State of
New York, represented In senate and assembly, recognize, and have always
respected, the obligation of that prohibitory clause of the Constitution of the
United Stales whicb declares that " no person held to service or labor in one
State, under the laws thereof, escaping therein, be discharged from such service
or labor, but shall be delivered up on claira of the party lo whom sueh service
or labor may be due," they regard the law of 1850, which provides for cm-
ploying the whole power of the federal government in the recapture of fugitive
slaves, as a violation of the Constitution, an encroachment on the rights of the
several Slates, an outrage upon the principles of justice, and disgraceful to the
spirit and oivilizatlon of the age in which we live ; and that. In their opinion,
the welfare of the Union and the principles of republican liberty demand its
repeal. [Passed— 53 to 15.]
Two other resolutions were adopted as a sort of blind to indicate that the
Seward parly are not favorable to the Know Nothings, and these resolutions
will doubtless be quoted as such in the slave States. They object simply to
secret societies, but do not denounce the war upon religious belief, upon emi
gration, or upon adopted citizens.
We next go to Massaphusells.
SIEETING ANP ACTION OF THE KNOW NOTHING STATE COUNCIL OF MASSA
CHUSETTS.
The Boston Ghronicle makes the following statement of the transactions of
this body :
" Senator Wilson made a speech in opposition to debarring all persons from
office who are not native born. The General said that his nativism, when it
carried him lo an endeavor to make a twenty-one year naturalization law, carried
him far enough, and as far as the parly of the South and West would agree to.
Mr. Ely, of Boston, urged the propriety of excluding all aliens from office, but
the views of Mr. Wilson seem to have the more adherents in the meeting.
" We understand, also, that the delegation from this State was instructed to
urge upon tbe National Convention the opening of the doors of the lodges for

235
the future, and to do away with much If not all of the present secrecy. Reso
lutions were passed in favor of the aboUtion of slavery in the District of Col
umbia, and in all the United States Territories ; declaring that no more slave
Stales can be admitted intp the Union, but that slavery may be unmolested where
it now exists. Furthermore, that these resolutions MUST be insisted ON at any
cost, even to the dissolution of the Convention."
The Evening. Telegraph says of the election :
" It is rumored to-day that there were about three hundred votes thrown for
the officers. The tone of the council was decidedly anti-slavery. Henry J.
Gardner, of Boston, Henry Wilson, cf Natick, Edward Buffington, of Fall
River, John- W. Foster, of Brimfield, Henry H. Rugg, of Dennis, Andrew A.
Richmond, of Adams, and Augustus C. Carey, of Ipswich, were chosen the del
egates to the national council in June next at Philadelphia. A. B. Ely, Esq.,
made an anti-slavery Know Nothing speech. Strong anti-slavery resolves were
passed In the evening without a dissenting vote. Some who were hunkerish
hitherto admitted il was no use — the order must take anti-slavery ground.
" It is evident from the action of the council. If it is correctly reported, that
the anti-slavery men in the Order have the power, and will use it, to put down
whoever shall set hiraself against the anti-slavery sentiment of the State."
yhe Courier, that staunch Whig organ of the true Daniel Webster type,
then adds, and we coramend Its testimony to the Southern Whigs :
" As from the beginning, we have never looked upon the Kuow Nothing or
ganization in this Stale in any other light than as an organiziftlon which was
controlled entirely by abolitionism, we are not al all surprised at the result of
thCelection, which is fairly set forth In the latter paragraph from the 2'elegraph.
Jonathan Pierce, who voted against the adoption of the Loring resolves, is su
perseded in the office of president by an Abolitionist, and Messrs. Warren, of
the Senate, and Mullin, of the House, who voted the same way, have been most
unceremoniously discarded. No person who voted in the negative upon that
matter has been rechosen, and the leaders of the party are determined to make
the Order in Massachusetts thoroughly anti-slavery. How they are to fellow
ship with the anti-Seward ' Hindoos' of New York, and with sucb men as Mr.
Sellers, of Maryland, and Mr. Ligon, of Virginia, will be known when they
meet in national council."
THE KNOW NOTHINGS OF NE-W HAMPSniRE TAKE SIDES WITH FRED. DOUG
LASS AND THOS. JAMES, FREE NEGROES AND FREE SOILERS.
The American party of this State have. In State Council, adopted resolutions
protesting against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and against tbe Ne
braska bill and Fugitive Slave Law, and pledging the parly to resist the further
extension of slavery.
The following are the resolutions passed by the Slate Council, at a meeting
held at Concord, on the first and second days of May. They are published by
a vote of the Council :
Whereas, there appear to exist in the minds of a portion of the community
some doubts as to th^ position of the American party in regard to slavery and
its extension over new territories, therefore.
Resolved, That the American organization, as constituted and existing In
New Hampshire, Is not based on one idea alone, but comprehends every princi
ple that will promote the political welfare of a free people.
Resolved, That the declaration of Independence, the tones and deeds of the
founders of the Eepublic, all indicate that our forefathers intended that slavery
should be sectional, not national — temporary, not permanent.

236
Resolved, That as a poUtical party, pledged to regard and watch over the
best Interests of the whole Union, and to labor for its integrity and perpetuity,
we solemnly protest against the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the Kan
sas-Nebraska bill, and the Fugitive Slave law, as violations of the spirit of the
Constitution, and lending to disunion and the destruction of the free institu
tions of the country.
Resolved, That we never will, under any circumstances, consent to the ad
mission of slavery into any portion of the territory embraced in tbe compact of
1820, and from which it was then excluded by the mutual agreement of both
the Northern and Southern States.
Resolved, That any attempt to commit the American party of New Hamp
shire to the advancement of the interest of slavery, to ignore il as a poUtical
question, or lo enjoin silence upon us in regard to its evils and encroachments,
deserves and shall receive our earnest and unqualified disapprobation.
election of a know nothing GOVERNOR IN CONNECTICUT — HIS OPPOSI
TION TO THE KANSAS-NEBRASKA ACT.
The Legislature of Connecticut last Thursday elected Wm. T. Blinor, Amer
ican, for Governor for the ensuing year. The vote was as follows : Minor,
117 ; Ingraham, (dem.,) 70.
The telegraph says that the message of the Governor recommends that the
proposed amendment lo the constitution extending the right of suffrage to
colored persons, and requiring persons lo be able to read and write before be
ing admitted as electors, be allowed lo go to the people. He considers that,
in the recent election, the people reiterated their emphatic condemnation of
tbe act organizing the Territories of Nebraska and Kansas. He enters largsly
'into the consideration of the pernicious infiuence arising from the extent and
character of the foreign immigration.

SENATOR WILSON, OF MASSACHUSETTS, STILL AS THOROUGH
A KNOW NOTHING AS VILE AN ABOLITIONIST, AND THE
ALLEGATION THAT HE HAS ABANDONED THE ORGANIZA
TION PRONOUNCED A FALSEHOOD AND A FORGERY-
When the notorious Henry Wilson was first elected Senator of the United
Statesby Hiss and his brethren of the " American" party in the Massachu-
eetts Legislature, the Southern Know Nothing press vociferated with one
united voice his soundness on the Slavery question.
The new Senator soop dashed these fine asseveratiops by attending a lecture
of Burlingame, the Abolitionist, in Boston, and volunteering to endorse with
savage emphasis, as cruel as it was defiant and insulting to his Southern adula
tors, every word that lecturer had said'In a rabid, red hot abolition diatribe.
This was not enough to satisfy the more incredulous and infatuated of his
Southern admirers, and when Senator Henry Wilson, the Abolitionist and
leader of the" American" party, reached Washington, one of tbe high priests
of the Councils of the Order there, sought him out, conversed with him cheek
by jowl in a long sitting, discovered te his great delight t'hat the Boston Sena
tor was a great stickler for State Rights, and at once addressed him a letter en
quiring his views on the whole subject of inter State and federal and State
interference. The reply was written, and was very full and explicit In proclaiming doc
trines of State Rights, coupled and combined with ill-disguised Abolitionism
cf the most rabid sort. Forthwith, a few of the Southern Know Nothing

237
press began to claim Wilson as safe and trustworthy on State Rights principles,
notwithstanding his endorsement of Burlingame ; but the knowing ones, more
astute than the common herd, discovered a oat in the meal. The State Rights
doctrines of Wilson sounded grateful enough ; but the legs and claws and head
and teeth of Abolitionism were too apparent, and they advised against meddling
with Wilson.
It turns out since, by tbe by, thai the advocacy of State Tlights principles as
laid down in the Know Nothing basis platforra, has suddenly become a univer
sal thing among the Abolitionists. They are driven to assert those doctrines,
as they construe them, as the only raeans of nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law
in tbe free Stales. There is a notable difference, however, between their doc
trine of State Rights and the Virginia doctrine. They assert the right of the
States lo the exclusive regulation of all their affairs notwithstanding the Fede
ral Constitution : whereas the true Virginia doctrine asserts the right of the
States to regulate their internal affairs under the Constitution strictly con
strued. The vapid and meaningless generalities of the State Rights clause in the
Know Nothing basis of principles render that article acceptable to the most
violent Abolitionists of the North, while they tend to beguile into a false se
curity and confidence tbe honest members of the Order at the South. Gid
dings himself is a State Rights man in the radical, Abolition sense of the word,
as well as Wilson. Every vile Aolitionist of the North endorses the Know
Nothing article of faith upon this subject.
Well, revenons a movions, Wilson's Slate Rights letter of FeBruary last,
written in Washington, to Vespasian Ellis, afforded a crumb of comfort to his
Southern confreres, the less scrupulous of whom pronounced him safe though an
Abolitionist; and so the matter stood until sometime after the adjournment
of Congress, and Wilson's return home, when this State Rigbts Know Nothing
and Abolition S'enator broke out afresh somewhere in Mas.sachusetts with the
most fierce and vindictive declarations of Abolitionism and hatred to the South.
Of course nothing was left to his Southern Know Nothing " brethren" but to
repudiate him outright. And that was done in a summary and convenient
manner ; for, in the great secret laboratory of lies wbich Sam operates some
where underground, a paragraph was concocted, which is found below, for gen
eral circulation through the Southern Know Nothing papers, alleging that 'Wil
son bad denounced and renounced the " American party" as " perilous to the
anti-slavery sentimept." The forged paragraph was attributed to the Bostop
Telegraph, and quoted by all of Sam's journals in Virginia as from that news
paper. Many of them were hoaxed — badly hoaxed — we are sure ; but some
of them must have been particeps criminis in the falsehood and forgery. It is
incumbent upon them all to make their peace with an honest public by explain
ing the fact of their palming the forgery upon their readers.
Now read the following extract from the Boston Telegraph itself, In Its Issue
of Friday, May 4, 1855. The italics are Its own :
" The latest manoeuvre of the Know Nothings In Virginia, consists In a rep
resentation that Senator Wilson of this State has abandoned tbe organization.
We find the following in the Petersburg ( Va.) Intelligencer :
' But our object in writing this article was not to discuss the comparative un
worthiness of Wilson and Sumner, but to congratulate the American party
npon the welcome Intelligence that has reached us of the abandonment of their
ranks by this man Wilson. The Boston Telegraph is first rate authority on
this point, for It Is the Abolition organ In Massachusetts, and a special admirer
of Wilson. What will the anti-Americans of the Wise school say to the fol
lowing refreshing and cheering announcement ? We give it to them as a sweet
morsel to roll under their tongues :

ir

238
SENATOR WILSON DENOUNCES THE AMERICAN PARTT.
[From the Boston Telegraph.]
' Gen. Wilson gave the closing lecture of the anti-slavery course, last eve
ning, at the Temple. He explained for himself tbe position with regard to
slavery that he ha3 occupied for twenty years, and called upon all to oppose
any party that should try to smother the anti-slavery sentiment. He assumed
that this course had been thc death of the two great .parties, and must be of
the other party now forming. He said this party was perilous to the anti-
slavery sentiment, and called upon the anti-slavery party to kill off the American
dough faces, as they had the others.
' Let it be remembered by the people of Virginia that Senator WUson has
within the last ten days publicly proclaimed In Boston that the American party
was perilous to the anti-slavery sentiment! Put this In you pipes and smoke it
at your leisure, ye devotees of Henry A. Wise !'
Gen. Wilson has never made any such declaration as is aiove attributed to
him, and ihe extract which is credited lo the Boston Telegraph never appeared
in this paper until now. We are unable to say whether it is a forgery, or
whethfer it did appear in one of- the other Boston papers. — Boston Telegraph.
Such is the Indignant repudiation, by the Boston Telegraph itself, of this
unblushing fabrication ; and the appointment, by the Kuow Nothing Stale
Council of Massachusetts, last week, at Boston, of this same Henry Wilson as
one of their delegates to the Philadelphia National Convention, finishes the
whole story. We have already published the following announcement :
Boston, May 2. — The Know Nothing State Copvention met this evening,
and was largely attended, and its action was decidedly anti-slavery. Governor
Gardner and Senator Henry Wilson are among the delegates appointed to attend
the Know Nothing Convention to be held' in Philadelphia in June. A. B.
Ely made an anti-slavery Know Nothing speech. Strong anti-slavery resolu
tions were passed, and it is generally admitted that the Order must take posi
tion upon the anti-slavery platform.
Wilson, the Abolitlonisl, Is not only still in full communion with the Order,
but one of Its chosen and most exalted exponents. He will meet the delegates
from Virginia at the approaching National Convention, and will there maintain
the necessity of Abolitionizing the Order, and " taking position upon the anti-
slavery platform." We shall see whether he succeeds ; and we have this to
say, that if delegates from the Virginia Councils shall consent to sit In delibe
ration with Wilson and his Abolition colleagues from the North, it will be an
insult to Judas Iscariot to call them traitors.
JUDGE IT BY its FRUITS.
jf — according to it the only boon it asked in the outset — we judge il by Its
fruits, It can only be pronounced a rabid Abolition and Freesoil party every
where North of the Potomac — which Is everywhere that It has borne fruit at
all. The triumph In which It won the greatest eclat was the election of Pollock,
in Pennsylvania, over Gov. Bigler,' the Democrat and leading champion in that
State of the Nebraska-Kansas aot. In the first Message of this first eleve pf
the Order, and as the first fruit of the tree, he denounced the Nebraska Bill as
" an attempt to extend the institution of slavery," and " a violation of the
plighted faith and honor of the country;" expressed his "opposition to the
extension of slavery into territory now free ;" demanded for the fugitive slave
" the trial by jury and the writ of habeas corpus;" and summed up his farrago

239
of abolition with the declaration that all these abominable incendiarisms were
sanctioned by his election. To fill up tbe cup of disgust a^^ execration as to
Pennsylvania, a Know Nothing member of the Legislature al Harrisburg, hating
the South more than the foreigner, and by way of demonstrating his conviction
that the black race whom the South enslaves, are more capable of citizenship than
men of his own color and blood, introduced a bill for giving "all male colored
persons, of African or mixed blood, all political, civil and religious rights as
fully and amply as they are held and enjoyed by any person or persons" in that
Commonwealth. As to the State of New York, the news Is gone abroad that many of the Free-
soil fnembers of the Order have determined to secure the re-election of Seward
to the Senate, by casting the requisite number of Know Nothing voles in his
favor ; and the bitter deprecations of the New York Herald of so damning a
result, confirm the well-grounded apprehension.
In Ohio, the compUcity of the Order with the worst enemies of the South in
the recent elections Is notorious. The State Journal, organ of the Freesoil, fu
sion party in the State, declares and avows in plain terms :
" So far, in this State, and In the free States generally, the " Know Nothings"
have co-operated and worked faithfully with the anti-Nebraska and anti-slavery
feeling of the people. They have shown themselves true republicans by casting
their weight uniformly in favor of freedom."
In Massachusetts, which seems to be as emphatically the cradle of treason In
this its day of Infamy, as it was the cradle of liberty in the day of its honor,
the- Order has elected a low-bred, presumptuous, unlettered Jack Cade to the
Executive office ; and elected to the Legislature, some sixty out of those three
thousand and fifty clergymen of New England, who last year protested against
the Nebraska Bill, and threatened Congress with the vengeance of Almighty
God for meditating a simple act of justice to the South. This Governor Gard
ner — the seedy fruit of this tree of evil — makes haste in his first message to
urge the restoration of the Missouri Compromise, and to claim for the fugitive
negro the writ of habeas corpus and the trial by jury — in the same breath that
he urges the disbanding of that very Irish soldiery wbo defied the rescuers of
Burns, anathamatizes foreigners in bad English, and urges the dispulsion. of
every foreign language from popular use as tending to preserve — horrible to re
late ! — " unassimilaling elements of character."
"Jack Cade. Fellow Kings, that Lord Say bas gelded the Commonwealth,
and made it an eunuch ; and, more than that, he can speak French, and there
fore is a traitor.
" Stafford, 0, gross and miserable ignorance.
" Cade,' Nay, answer. If you can ; the Frenchmen are our enemies : go to,
then, I ask but this : can he that speaks with the tongue of an enemy be a good
counsellor, or no?
" Dick, Smith and all. No, no ; and therefore we'll have his head."
This Legislature of Massachusetts, composed of three hundred and seventy-six
Know Nothings to one Democrat, have elected Henry Wilson, one of the most
rabid Freesoil demagogues in all New England, to the Federal Senate, as the
successor of Edward Everett. In the Know Nothing caucus which decreed the
election of Wilson to the Senate, the chief officer of the Order In Massachusetts
avowed that they were, " all Freesoilers;" and other members asseverated that
the overwhelming success of the Order In the elections of that Stale had been
due " to the passage of the iniquitous Nebraska bill,"
The evidence of the complicity of this Secret Order with the enemies of the
South In the Northern States is overwhelming and irresistible. The Southern
man who refuses to believe a fact attested by such palpable results — who refuses

240
to accept the Order's own challenge, and to judge It by potent and notorious
facts — is willinglf blind lo the truth, and like the five living brethren of Dives
in hell, would not be persuaded though one rose from the dead.
The Hon. L, M. Keitt, of South Carolina, in a speech delivered In the House
of Representatives on the 3rd of January 1855, thus strongly arrays the evi
dence of the identity of the AboUtion and the Know Nothing parties of New
England. What, too, have been the practical results of this new party ? In Massachu
setts alone It has been victorious through its own strength ; and what see we
there ? Is not the abolition and free-soil flag the only one flying ? How stand
its members elect? I read an extract from the correspondent of the National
Era (an abolition paper) of November 23, 1853. The writer is- stated to be
John G, Whittier, co-editor, I believe, of the I5ra, and a distinguished aboli
tionist of Massachusetts, who, as much as any man, is booked up in reference to
its politics, particularly freesoil :
" C. L. Knapp, of the eight district, is an old liberty-raan, true as steel.
DeWitt in the 'Worcester district, Trafton in the eleventh, Coinins in the fourth,
Dararell in the third, and Burlingame In the fifth district, are also free-soilers.
N. P, Banks, Jr., is triumphantly re-elected from the seventh district against
the combined opposition of the Pierce democracy and the whigs. He goes hack
to Washington an anti-administration fusionist. Buffington, of the second dis
trict, and Morris, of the tenth, are reliable anti-slavery whigs. Of Davis, of
the sixth, and Hall, of the first, we have no very definite knowledge.
"Gardner, the governor elect, stands openly pledged against the Nebraska
fraud and the fugitive-slave law. His past history has been evidently that of a ,
pro-slavery whig ; but we speak now only of his present position. Brown, lieu
tenant governor, is a free-soil democrat and fusionist. Of the senators and rep
resentatives elected, enough is known to be tolerably certain that a reliable man
will be chosen lo the United States Senate, and effectual provision made for pro
tecting the Inhabitants of the State against tbe fugitive-slave hunt."
Thus have acted the Know Nothings of Massachusetts. How spoke they. I
will read the resolutions of a Know Nothing convention in Norfolk, Massachu
setts :
" Resolved, That we hail with hope and joy the recent brilliant successes of the
repubUcan party in the States of Maine, Iowa, Indiana, Pennsylvania, and Ohio,
and we trust those victories are a foreshadow of others soon to come, by which
the free States shall present one solid phalanx of opposition to the aggression of
slavery. " Resolved, That in the present chaotic condition of parties in Massachusetts,
tbe only star above the horizon Is the love of human liberty and the abhorrence
of slavery, and that it is the duty of anti-slavery men to rally around the repub
lican party as an organization which invites the united action of the people on
the one transcending question of slave dominion wbich now divides the Union."
" Whereas Roman Catholicism and slavery being alike founded and supported
on the basis of ignorance and tyranny, and being, therefore, natural allies in
every warfare against liberty and enlightenment : therefore, be it
" Resolved, That there can exist no real hostiUty to Roman Catholicism whioh
does not embrace slavery, its natural co-worker In opposition to freedom and re
publican institutions."
How spoke Gardner, their governor elect, in reply to the charge that he had
aided In tho rendition of Burns ? He says, in a letter to Mr. 'Wilson, a free-
soil leader?

^241
" Were the same charge made against yourself. It could not be more ground
less than it is against me. The power of language does not permit me lo ex
press the utter loathing I have for the conduct attributed to me. Far sooner
would I be the poor quivering wretch on tbe road again to the agony of bon
dage than a volunteer guard lo aid in his return. He who invented the charge
grossly slandered me; they who repeat it, or believe it, do not know me.
" It is not true that I am, or have ever been, ii favor of tbe fugitive-slave
bill. 1 never voted for a man who favored it, knowing such to be his views,
and I must yery much change before I ever do. . I never, by word, act, or vote,
favored its passage, and I am an advocate of its essential modification, or. In
lieu thereof, its unconditional repeal. Returning from Canada last June, I
read In the cars that there was a petition for its repeal at the Exchange News
Room, and on my arrival, before even going to my place of business, I hastened
to the Exchange, and signed the petition."
Among the most prominent leaders of the Know Nothing party in Massa
chusetts, In 1855, was the Hon. Amos Burlingame, now a member of Congress
from that State.
The Boston Telegraph, of the 3rd of February 1855, gave the following
sketch of the anti-slavery lecture delivered by that gentleman at the Tremont
Temple, on the evening of the 2d of February :
Before Introducing Mr. Burlingame, Dr. Howe stated that a letter had been
received from Hon, N, P. Banks, in which he announced hisinability to deliver
any lecture in the anti-slavery course, on account of the necessity for bis pre
sence at Washington during the coming week. In his place Frederick Douglass
has been engaged for next week.
Mr. Burlingame was received with hearty applause. He commenced by say
ing, that in speaking for freedom he should not be choice in the selection of
terms by which to characterize slavery. Slavery had betrayed us, and the time
had come for an outraged people to express their sentiments in language not to
be miiiunderstood, Mr. B. ascribed the origin of slavery to Pope Martin V,,
who issued a bull sanctioning African slavery. It was also sanctioned by seve
ral of bis successors. It was brought to this country under the cross, and in
the garb of humanity, but it never was sanctioned here by positive law. He
theu asked what Is slavery ? In the language of Wesley he would answer,
" The sum of all villanies." The fitness of this description was then shown by
a reference lo facts. Our fathers hated it, and hoped it would soon die away.
But Coltcn gave it a pecuniary power, and the slave representation a political
power, which has controlled the whole country, and prevented Its advancement.
But for its influence, this nation of twenty-five miUions would have been forty
millions. The prosperity of the North was contrasted with the poverty of the
South. The idea of force being used by the South to extend slavery was ridi
culed. The power of the South is a political one, and with that she has smitten
our commerce, our manufactures, and eyery Interest of freedom. The very
nullification buttons worn by the South Carolinians in 1832 were made in
Connecticut, and their cannon came from Woonsoeket, and were cast off guns=
at that. He alluded to the mobbing of Judge Hoar in Charleston, and the
neglect of the government to protect him and the cause he represented, while
to enforce an odious law In- this city, a cannon manned by aliens was planted In.
Court square, while our own brothers were called out by illegal orders to be a
body guard to tbem. Some, he said, censured the soldiers on that occasion,.
but tbe censures should rather fall on those who Issued the illegal orders. On.
the chief magistrate they had already fallen like a thunderbolt. In this con
nection Dr. Adams was spoken of as being disloyal to every Northern senti-
16

242
ment. The means by which slavery has secured the control of the general
government were then spoken of. The men of the South are men of one
idea. They make politics their study, while at North the reverse is true. As
a remedy for all this, we must study politics. He could not agree with Wen
dell Phillips in his plan of dissolving the Union, nor with Ralph Waldo Emer
son in his proposition to purchase the slaves, as a remedy for slavery. If asked
to state specifically what he* would do, he would answer — 1st, repeal the Ne
braska bill ; 2d, repeal the fugitive slave law ; 3d, abolish slavery in the dis
trict of Columbia; 4th, abolish the inter-State slave trade; next he would de
clare that slavery should not spread to one inch of the territory of the Union ;
Le would then put thfe government actually and perpetually on the side of free
dom — by which he meant that a bright-eyed boy in Massachusetts should have
as good a" chance for promotion In the navy as a boy of one of the first families
in Virginia. He would have our foreign consuls take side with the noble Kos
suth and against the papal butcher Bedini. He would have judges who belieye
in a higher law, and in anti-slavery constitution, an anti-slavery Bible and an
anti-slavery God ! Having thus denationalized slavery, he_would not menace
it in the States where it exists, but would say lo the States, it is your local in
stitution ; hug it to your bosoms until it destroys you. But he would say you
must let our freedom alone. (Applause.) If you do but touch the hem of
the garment of freedom we will trample you lo the earth. (Loud applause.)
This is the only position of repose, and it must come to this. He was en
couraged by tbe recent elections In the North, and he defended the " new move
ment," which he said was born of Puritan blood, and was against despotism of
all kinds. This new party should be judged, like others, by its fruits. Ilhad
elected a champion of freedom to the United States Senate for four years, to
fill the place of a man wbo was false lo freedom and not true to slavery. For
himself be could say that so long as life dwelt in his bosom, so long would he
fight for liberty and against slavery. In conclusion, he expressed the hope
that soon the time might come when the sun should not rise on a master nor set
on a slave.
It will be recollected that Henry Wilson was elected to the United States
Senate by the Know Nothing members of the Legislature of Massachusetts.
Upon the occasion of Mr. Burlingame's lecture, in response to a call from the
audience, he responded as follows :
Mr. Chairman and Ladies and Gentlemen : — This is not the time nor the
place for me to utter a word. You have listened to the eloquence of my yoiing
friend, and here to night I endorse every sentiment he has uttered. In pubhc
or In private life, in majorities or in minorities, al bome or abroad, I intend to
live and to die with unrelenting hostility to slavery on my lips. I make no
compromises anywhere, at home or abroad. I shall yield nothing of my anti-
slavery sentiments to advance my own personal interests, to advance party inte
rests, or to meet the demands of any State or section of our country. I hope
to be able lo maintain on all occasions these principles, to comprehend in my
affections the whole country and the people of the whole country, and when I
say the whole country, I want everybody to understand that I include in that
term Massachusetts and the North. This Is not the time for me to detain you.
You have called on me most unexpectedly to say a word, and having done so, I
will retire, thanking you for the honor of this occasion.
The "American Organ," the central organ of the Know Nothing party of
the United Slates, published at Washington, thus endorsed the senator from
Massachusetts :

243
We know too little of the antecedent of Mr. Wilson, to say that he has or has
not been hitherto regarded as a freesoiler in his political proclivities, but we do
know enough to say that within the last year a mighty revolution has been in
progress, and that thousands upon thousands have abandoned tbeir former poli
tieal platform, and now stand upon the national platform of the " American
party !" We know, also, that our friends, as well In Massachusetts as here,
believe that whatever ma.y have been the former opinions of Mr. Wilson, he
will now sustain the National platform of our party.
But again : The " American Reformation," now in progress, is sustained by
men of all the various political complexions that haye existed in our country.
All meet and harmonize upon the great platform of the American party, with
out enquiry Inlo the antecedents of any member of this party. Whoever binds
himself to sustain the principles of our party, becomes an " American," and is
admitted Into full communion with " Americans." We have formed this party
on the basis of a total abandonment of all former party ties, and the adoption
of a common standard of faith and action.
Who, then, shall deny the right of Mr. Wilson, or of any other man, to
leave other affiliations, and to associate with men who are pledged to sustain
" American" doctrines, and to repudiate former affiliations ?
We freely welcome all patriotic Americans Into our ranks, and we only ask
thai they adopt and carry into practice our " American principles," and stand
firmly upon our American platform. That Mr. Wilson, as an " American"
senator, will faithfully and firmly adhere to our principles, we entertain no man^
ner of doubt.
We copy from the Washington correspondent of the Philadelphia North
American, the points which Hon. Henry Wilson elaborated in a speech delivered
in the Senate of the United States, soon after his entrance into that body :
" He wishes tbe fugitive act repealed.
" He wishes slavery in the District of Columbia abolished.
" He wishes the Wilmot proviso established.
" He wishes all new slave Stales excluded.
" He wishes all connection between the general government and slavery
abolished. " He wishes agitation of slavery continued until these objects are accom
plished. " He understands these views to correspond with those of the Know Nothings
as a party, so far as they have taken any po.sition on the question."
Tho Richmond Enquirer, speaking of the Abolitionism of Senator Wilson,
and of the Massachusetts Know Nothings, presented the evidence upon which
it based Its charges in the following forcible manner.
Now, let us examine wbat mighty reasons the South has to "rejoice" over
the election of such a man. The Boston Courier, one of the most respectable
Whig papers in the country, says of Wilson, the Senator elect :
" He does not renounce one iota of tlie ultra Abolition principles which he has
been inculcating throughout his political career, a,nd by which he has approached
his present eminence, but he adopts certain vague ideas, which may be holden
by men of any party, and sends them forth as the sum and substance of his
conversibn to Americanism."

244
The Boston Advertiser, another influential Whig paper, questions Wilson's
claims to be regarded as an exponent of the -principles of the new "American"
organization ; for in one of his speeches he asserted distinctly, "I care nothing
about the place where a man was born," and he was enthusiastic in the recep
tion of Kossuth, an "imported political demagogue," a class of people who,
the Know Nothing Governor Gardner says, should be discouraged. Again, in
the summer of 1852, the Freesoil National Convention at Pittsburg, of which
Gen. Wilson was President, unanimously adopted the following resolution :
''Resolved, That ' emigrants and exiles from the Old World should find a
cordial welcome to horaes of cottifort and fields of enterprise In the new ; and
every aitempt to abridge their privilege of becoming citizens an'd owners of the
soil among us, ought to be resisted with inflexible determination.' "
It seems, therefore, that it was Wilson's unadulterated abolitionism that
cleansed him of his anti-" American" principles, and secured his election. This
is farther made manifest by the developments in the Know Nothing caucus to
nominate an United States Senator. We have once before published these start
ling facts, but we do so again, to refute the Jesuitical efforts of Southern Know
Nothing organs lo blind the South to the damning anti-slavery movements of
their New England " American" allies :
" Mr. Prince of Essex took the floor. He spoke strongly in favor of Gen.'
Wilson's election, and deprecated any yielding to the South upon this ques
tion. "Senator Pillsbury of Hampden, humorously alluded in medical terms to
the pumping process which had been made by the Senator from Suffolk (War
ren) on Wilson. It would seein that he was not satisfied with what he pumped
out; but, to his mind, the candidate came out of that contest as bright as Ught
from a taper, and he might say, " Get thee behind me, tempter.'' Relative to
the argument of the Senator from Middlesex, (Baker) he wished lo say that ho,
nor no man from his section, could have come here, if he had been only an
Araerican. Il was because the party was anti- Slavery, us well as Anierican,
thixt it had got ihe majority.
" Jonathan Pierce, Esq,, the head of the Order in Massachusetts, next spoke.
It had been said if he opposed Wilson, he himself would be ruined. He
thanked God, no party of men had power to do that to bim. He only wished
Gen. Wilson was as good a Native American as himsclf It had been said this
Free Soil movement would cut us up ; I doubt it, for we are all Free Soilers
ourselves. He had been advised lo close the doors and keep certain men out
of the Order. He had said ng — let them all come In. A man Is not a Senator
for a single State, he is a Senator of the whole Union.
"J. Q, Griffin, Esq,, of Charlestown, said : Now, relative to Wilson's ante
cedents, he submitted there was no statute of limitations bearing upon the posi
tion or sentiments of members of this party. There was as much need of this
party before last year as during that year. And he would say, and all would
bear him out, that If It had not been for the passage of the infamous Nebraska
bill, and the utter meanness of Pierce's National Administration, the revolution
would not have so speedily taken place, though il might have come in time.
He wanted a man right on this question — the one now prominent, worthy to
stand by the side of CHARLES SUMNER !"
Here is one of the sweet "fruits of the mighty revolution," over which the
Washington Organ " rejoices," and which has sent to tbe U. S. Senate an abo
litionist, " worthy to stand by the side of Charles Sumner !" Will not Vir
ginians turn away, with alarm and disgust, from an association whose Northern
brethren perpetrate such monstrous acts and are whitewashed therefor, by
Southern Know Nothing organs ?

245
Among the first triumphs of the Know Nothings, were tbe election of tbeir
gubernatorial candidates in the States of Pennsylvania and Delaware; and in the
inaugural addresses of Governor Pollock bf Pennsylvania, and of Governor
Cauaey of Delaware, we have the first official enunciation of the doctrines of
the anti-slavery Know Nothings of the free states. We therefore publish ex
tracts from their inaugural addresses :
INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF GO-VERNOR POLLOCK, OF PENNSYL-VANIA, TUESDAY,
JAN. 16, 1855.

Republican institutions are the pride, and justly the glory of our country.
To enjoy them is our privilege, to maintain them our duty. Civil and religious
liberty— ^freedom of speech and of the press, the rights of conscience and freedom
of worship — are the birthright and the boast of the American citizen. No royal
edict, no pontifical decree, can restrain or destroy thera. In the enjoyment of
these blessings, the rich and the poor, the high and the low. meet together — the
constitution, in its full scope and ample development, shields and protects them
all. Whep these rights are assailed, these privileges endangered, either by mad
arabition, or by infiuences foreign to the true Ipterests of the nation, and at war
with love of country — that noble impulse of the American heart, which prompts
it to revere home and native land as sacred objects of its affections — it is then
the ballot box in its omnipotence, speaking In thunder tones the will of the peo
ple, rebukes tbe wrong, and vindicates the freedom of the man — the indepen
dence of the citizen. To the American people have these blessings been com
mitted as a sacred trust ; tbey are, and must ever be, their guardians and de
fenders. The Araerican citizen, independent and free, uninfluenced by partizan
attachments, unawed by ecclesiastical authority or ghostly intolerance — in the
strength of fearless manhood, and in the bold assertion of his rights — should ex-
hibit'to the world a living illustration of the superior be'nefits of American repub
licanism ; proclaiming a true and siugle allegiance to his country, and to no other
power but " tbe God that raakes and preserves us as a nation."
Virtue, intelligence and truth are the foundation of our republic. By these
our institutions and privileges can and will be preserved. Ignorance Is not
the mother of patriotism, or of republics. It is the enemy and destroyer of
both. Education, in its enlightening, elevating and reforming influences, in the
full power of its beneficent results, should be encouraged by the State. Not
that mere intellectual culture that leaves the mind e. moral waste, unfit to un
derstand the duties of the man or citizen, but that hither education, founded
upon, directed, and controlled by sound and elevated moral principle — that re
cognizes the Bible as the foundation of true knowledge, as the text-bopk alike
of the child and the American statesman, and as the great charter and bulwark
of civil and religious freedom. The knowledge thus acquired is the proper teon-
servalive of Stales and nations; more potent in its energy to uphold the inati-
tutlons of freedom and the rigbts of man, than armies and navies in their proud
est strength. ' . . "'
The framers of our constitution understood this, and wisely provided for the
establishment of schools and " the promotion of the arts aad sciences, in one or
more seminaries of learning," that the advantages of education might be enjdjred
by all.
To improve the efficiency of this system, not only by perfecting our common
schools, but by encouraging and aiding " one or more" higher literary institu
tions in whlgh teachers can be trained and qualified ; and to Increase the fund
appropriated to educational purposes, are objects which will at all times receive
my wiUing approval. Money liberally, yet wisely, expended in the pursuit and

246
promotion of knowledge. Is true economy. The integrity of this system and
its fund must be preserved. No division of this fund for political or sectarian
purposes should ever be made or attempted. To divide Is to destroy. Party
and sectarian jealousies would- be engendered; the unity and harmony of the
system destroyed, and Its noble objects frustrated and defeated. Bigotry might
rejoice, patriotism would weep over such a result.

Pennsylvania, occupying as she does an important and proud position In the
sisterhood of Stales, cannot be indifferent to the policy and acts of the national
government. Her voice, potential for good in other days, ought not lo be dis
regarded now. Devoted to the Constitution and the Union — as she was the first
to sanction, she will be the last lo endanger the one or violate the other. Re
garding with jealous care the rights of her sister States, she will be ever ready
to defend her own. The blood of her sons, poured out on the many battle fields
of the revolution, attests her devotion to the great principles of American free
dom — the centre-truth of American republicanism. To the constitution In all
its integrity; to the Union in Its strength and harmony; to the maintenance in
its purity, of the faith and honor of our country. Pennsylvania now is, and
always has been, pledged — a pledge never violated, and not to be violated, until
patriotism ceases to be a virtue, and liberty to be known only as a name.
Entertaining these sentiments, and actuated by an exclusive desire to promote
the peace, harmony and welfare of our beloved country, the recent action of the
National Congress and Executive, in repealing a solemn compromise, only less
sacred in public estimation than the constitution itself — thus attempting to ex
tend the institution of domestic slavery in the territorial domain of the nation,
violating the plighted faith and honor of the country, arousing sectional jealou
sies, and renewing the agitation of vexed and distracting questions — has received
from the people of our own and other Slates of the Union, their stern and mer
ited rebuke.
With no desire to restrain the full and entire constitutional rights of the
States, nor to interfere directly or indirectly with their domestic institutions,
the people of Pennsylvania, in view of the repeal of the Missouri compromise,
the principle inyolved in it, and the consequences resulting from it, as marked
already by fraud, violence and strife, have re-affirraed their opposition lo the ex
tension of slavery into territory now free, and renewed their pledge " to the
doctrines of the act of 1780, which relieved us by constitutional means from a
grievous social evil ; to the great ordinance of 1787, in its full scope and all its
beneficienl principles ; to the protection of the personal rights of every human
being under the constitution of Pennsylvania, and the constitution of the United
Stales, by maintaining inviolate the trial by jury, and the writ of habeas cor
pus; to the assertion of the due rights of the North as weU as of the South,
and to the integrity of the Union."
The declaration of these doctrines Is but the recognition, of the fundamental
principles of freedom and human rights. They are neither new nor startling.
They were taught by patriotic fathers at the watchfires of our country's defen
ders, and learned amid the bloody snows of Valley Forge and the mighty throes
of war and revolution. They were stamped with indeUble Impress upon the
great charter of our rights, and embodied in the legislation of the best and
pui*st days of the republic; have filled the hearts, and fell burning from the
lips of orators and statesmen, whose memories are immortal as the principles
they cherished. Tliey have been the watchword and the hope of millions who
have gone before us— are the watchword and hope of millions now, and wiU be
of millions yet unborn.
In many questions of national and truly American policy, the due protection
of American labor and industry against the depressing influence of foreign labor

247
and capital — the improvement of our rivers and harbors — the national defences —
the equitable distribution of the proceeds of the public lands among the Slates,
in aid of education and to relieve from debt and taxation — a judicious Homestead
bill — reform in the naturalization laws, and the protection of our country against
the immigration and importation of foreign paupers and convicts in all these,
we, as a State and people, are deeply interested ; and to their adoption and pro
motion every encouragement should be given.
INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF GOV. PETER F. CAUSEY, OF DELAWARE, AT DOVER,
JANUARY 16, 1855.

As the servant of a gallant and patriotic people — as the Chief Magistrate of
a State, whose spirit and genius, and not her metes and bounds,, have deter
mined her position in the national estimate — It would not become me to com
ment upon the conflicts of faction. Not such was the recent election in this
State. But the history of the popular mind of a commonwealth is the history
of Its life, its honor and its fortunes, and a great organic movement of that
mind, such as we now witness — one that uplifts, sweeps, and bears onward with
it the community and its Interests — may not, upon, such an occasion, be ignored.
We have seen a re-assertion of the declaration, and a re-enactment. of the strug
gle for indepepdepce. It would be iuj ustice to the people of Delaware to be
silepl on the progress and triumph of that sentiment which, kindled at the
altar-fires of the revolution, has spread with miraculous speed from heart to
heart ; has united our American people in the holy brotherhood of patriotism,
and has secured the triumph — not mine — not any man's — not the victory of art
or eloquence, of parties or politicians — but of a free people, in whose hearts the
American spirit, too long smothered under the ashes of exhausted factions, has
burst forth, and asserted its own purity and power. This affords just grounds
for an exultation, in which every American is privUeged and may be proud to
share, for in it no old party has been exalted ; it brings to no true American
citizen occasion for regret or mortification, no memory of wrong, and no fear of
injustice. As a broad and bright assertion of the principles of American lib
erty — the only true liberty wbich the world knows, or has known — springing
freshly from the people, and faithful to all the noble and time-abiding sentiments
that render the voice of native masses, when spontaneous and unpervei;ted, the
voice of eternal right — it must be recognized as a triumph in which every real
American has an equal Interest, and an equal claim.
When, under the Infiuence of a sentiment so lofty, the people of a State
confide their highest office to the hands of one of themselves, in trust that it
shall be administered in the same pure aud exalted spirit, his solicitude must
bear some relation to the exultation of his patriotic pride, and the fervor of his
gratitude. Such is the anxiety with which I approach the duties that must, for
a time, be raine. He whose task it is to guard the untarnished honor of Dela
ware, has a high and holy trust. The stranger who consults the chart of our
Contineptal Republic, hardly discovers our State amid her leviathan sisters ;
but he who studies the history of American valor, American devotion, and
American statesmanship, sees her pictured a giant, on every page. Those who
won the laurels of our liberty in our revolutionary struggle, who saw the dec
laration carried by her vote, and knew no field from Long Island to Camden
and Eutaw where Delaware did not leave her martyrs, and always neares't the
ige — no crisis in her councils where Delaware did not maintain the cause of the
country — no exigency where Delaware was not among the foremost of the con
federacy in defence of the Union — have done her ample justice ; and their
children, of whatever section of our common country, will rejoice that. In the
present crisis, when the cause of American indejkendence against foreign domi-

248
nation has again invoked the patriot spirits of the land, Delaware has been the
foremost State lo record her vote openly and boldly on the side of her country.
Sister commonwealths have followed and will follow with a noble ardor, and, in
after limes, when the children of our little State shall exult over the many tri
umphs of her patriotism. It will not be forgotten that. In the gathering of the
nation's millions for the public and fearless re-assertion of unshackled indepen
dence, Delaware, as a State, led the van ; Delaware struck the first blow — Del
aware won the first yictory.
The issue which has been so harshly forced from abroad, upon our people,
has no feature In common with our past political controversies — the mere do
mestic contests whicb have recognized a generous and fraternal difference of
opinion among those who agree in a united devotion to our native land. The
present is a resistance to Invaders who unite foreign minds and hearts in alle
giance to a foreign prince and pontiff, and standing between the American
parties have dictated their own terms, and asserted their own superiority. Un
der these influences the ballot box has been corrupted by their frauds, or sub
jected lo their violence ; American politics have been stained with vices foreign
to the American character; and a large portion of our most virtuous citizens
have revolted in disgust from the exercise of privileges so shared, and so de
graded ; and the highest places of the republic have been abandoned to foreign
ers or their flatterers, some of whom have dared to assert tbe alleged prerogative
of a foreign pontiff to free American citizens from their allegiance to the gov
ernment of their country. In our foreign policy, the settled principles of
American statesmanship are well nigh lost sight of; foreigners have been se
lected lo represent the country at the principal courts of Europe ; and in the
gratification of feeUngs unshared by our people, they have made the American
name a reproach throughout a large part of the civilized world. American
principles and policy, feelings and interests, have been merged in their alien
opposltes , and In the press and on the platform, foreign influences have over-
swayed the control and directed the action of parties and the selection of candi
dates. The result of this conspiracy against the original and native American
liberty has been to establish, in this country, a foreign-political parly, substan
tially, though not nominally, devoted to foreign interests, and preferring per
sons of foreign birth. If Its recognized advocates have as yet failed to pro
claim allegiance to a foreign monarch, they hifve made, in most of the States,
efforts lo overthrow the American system of public instruction ; have sought to-
exclude the Bible from the American schools ; and have freely denounced the
most cherished principles of American religious liberty ; and ali this, it should
be remembered, has sprung from those to whom all that our fathers have won,
and thai Is dear to us, was freely offered ; all this was foreign in its origin,
authors and acts — all this was unprovoked, wanton, long and patiently endured
— endured till foreign demagogues claimed our country as their own, and made
our right and our safety the counters with which they played the game of
foreign politics.
At length the reaction and the rescue came. Its history Is an exalted evi
dence of the fitness of the American people, for the most trying exigencies of
self government. No son of the soil can regard It, and its proof of American in
telligence, patriotism and virtue without pride and exultation. It borrowed no
aid, it knew no leader, it sought no counsel. The movement burst, like a bolt,
from the overcharged cloud of American wrongs — sudden, spontaneous and uni
versal; it knew no parent but the old and ever true American heart. It had,
and It needed, no organ, no orator, no oracle, no leader, no aid. The American
people. North and South, East and West, finding the cup of foreign arrogance
and usurpation overrunning, quietly stepped forth by myriads from their homes,
and recorded the decree. It can never be revoked. It can never be regretted.
Hereafter it will be pointed tOi as the noblest evidence of American intelligence,

249
patriotism and independence ; and when so remembered, Delaware will not be
forgotten as the foremost to Impress upon the cause the broad seal of a com
monwealth's sanction.
That triumph, should il prove to be national, will impose many and niajeSlio
duties. The first will be lo surround, as with a wall of fire, which no pollution
can invade, that Holy of HoUes — the ballot box, and closely succeeding" will
rise the duty of regulating immigration ; of closing the avenues whioh have
communicated with the prisons and lazar-houses of Europe; of defeating the
ungenerous policy by which foreign princes force us to receive tJie moral abomi
nations which their overcloycd country vomits forth, constraining us to support
their paupers, and to expose the property and lives of our people to the ruffian
skill and desperation of their transported felons. As a tax and a peril the
heaviest and worst, as a wanton wrong and outrage, it should be redressed in
the first hours of realized national American victory.
But the more pervading and vital triumphs of the seeond American revolu
tion will be those whioh will establish, as the settled policy, foreign and domestic,
of the nation, the saving principle of American Independence, as applied, not
only to the right of suffrage, but to the privileges, sacred and inestimable, of
our honest hardhanded home labor. The policy by which our country has been,
in its trade, its currency, its varied industrial pursuits, agricultural, mechanical,
and otherwise, and in its social habits of expenditure, and luxury, thrust into
and made a part of Europe, is a treason against American honor and American
interests. It is a repudiation of all the peculiar advantages bestowed by Prov
idence, in requital of the virtues of our fathers upon our young and then un-
burthened country. We have, to gratify the schemes of politicians, and to
glut the greediness of money changers. Invited and drawn upon our country a
common and almost an equal sh-are of tbe evils whioh attend, as their parasite
and clinging curses, the wasting crimes and vices of Europe. Our true inde
pendence, real happiness and secure policy are to be realized only by fostering
our own American homes — their industry, mutual relations, and mutual self-
reliance. In regard to every poUtical virtue and hope, to all of pride and con
fidence associated with that American liberty which — as tbe earthquake shakes
and the tempest overshadows all else ofthe civilized world — grows brighter and
dearer to us, it is apparent that tho time has arrived when our country must
separate her policy from the intrigues and machinations of Europe — from the
strategy -and corruption by whioh European councils and interests boastfully be
trayed, the independence of American industry, and made our land a tri
butary, as it now unhappily is, to England and France; forced upon us, with
their luxuries, their vices : and added to the usurpatio-n, the heavy imposition
of a monstrous and perpetual debt — a debt shared by every American; a debt
which drains our country of its specie, and which subjects it, throughout every
fibre of its giant frame, to the agony of such a financial convulsion as that
which now afflicts us. Vain will be tho patriotic throbbing of the great Amer
ican heart, and vain the vigor of the American arm to re-achieve American In
dependence, until our land shaU have been made Independent in that form
which all power has its source — her Industry.
Then, and only then, will she cease to be a European colony ; then will she
be the America of our fathers — truly independent — rich in her own resources
— secure In her cfwn strength, and happy in her own freedom. The crimes and
oppressions, the wrongs and wars of Europe may terrify and torture their own
world; but not a ripple of the storm will break upon our shores. Till that con
summation shall have been effected, our duty will be unfulfilled, and our
triumph — however glorious — incomplete ; the oracles of our American patriarchs
and prophets will remain empty, and the real mission, holy, calm and beneficent,
of our American destiny unachieved.

250
In the federal Union, the general'and State governments, revolving in their
appropriate orbs, neither unite nor clash — their mutual influence induces a mu
tual interest, and the Individual States watch with anxiety the disk, darkened or
luatroils as her councils determine, of the central orb. The history of Dela
ware, In her relations with the general government, has always been interesting
and conspicuous ; and in every crisis it bas been her fortune to prove — as the
most illustrious republics of the past, not excelling Delaware jn extent of ter
ritory have also shown — that real greatness consists in the exaltation of virtue
and spirit, and not in vastness of proportion. In the present aspect of our
general government, there is more for hope — that hope which always abides
with a confidence in the people — than for present felicitation. Abroad and at
home, the government has been so administered, as to leaye lo the people am
ple scope for the exercise, through their representallves, of their wisdom and
love of country. In the trials which the feebleness and faults of an unhappy
administration have imposed upon the country, Delaware will again, we may
confidently trust, be found as in all the past, at her post — true to the exalted
obligations of the constitution. But it may be remarked, as an Illustration of
the extraordinary power and success of our system, and of the entire re
liance dne to American prudence and patriotism — that never has our coun
try been so secure as when her danger seemed greatest. The perils which
were Imagined in regard to the Union, only demonstrated manifestly that
il was immovable as the bills; every indication of weakness or folly in the
government has given to the people an opportunity, never expected, of proving
the all sufficiency of their wisdom and devotion.
The New York Herald was regarded in 1855, as the most powerful, danger
ous, and influential Organ of the Know Nothing party in the United States.
We therefore publish an editorial from that paper, regretting the alUance which
existed between the Know Nothing and Abolition parties in the free States.
The Kno-vv Nothings of the North — Movements on the Slavery
Question.
We published, some days ago, the inaugural message of Mr. Gardner, the
Know Nothing Governor of Massachusetts. Our readers will remember that
upon the Nebraska question he betrays the wrath of a Freesoiler, and boldly
declares himself in favor of the restoration of the Missouri Compromise. We
give to-day an extract on the Slavery quesiion, from the inaugural of Mr. Pol
lock, the Know Nothing Governor of Pennsylvania, m which we are informed
that Pennsylvania, In her late election, has repudiated the Nebraska bill, re
affirmed the Missouri interdict, and decreed a radical modification of the Fugi
tive Slave law, notwithstanding which the Governor has no recommendation to
make upon the subject.'
These declarations, " by authority," from the elect of the Know Nothings of
the North, go very far to show that this new American parly are stiU embar
rassed, to a considerable extent, with the widely diffused anti-slavery sentiment
of the Northern States, and especially with the remains of the anti-Nebraska
epidemic, which entered so largely into the late elecliops from Massachusetts to
Kansas. The same Freesoil coucessiops have beep exhibited ip the late nomi
nation, by a caucus of the Massachusetts Know Nothipg Legislature, of Gene
ral Henry Wilson, heretofore a leading apti-slavery map, as their candidate for
the United States Senate. There has been a rebellion, however, and a split
upon this nomination, and the final result will probably be the election of. a
Senator less decidedly tinctured with anti-slavery antecedents and principles
than Wilson. At all events, the trouble concerning this geotleman, shows that

251
the Know Nothings of Massachusetts are aware of the Importance^ of maintain
ing, as far as possible, in this Senatorial election, the attitude of non-interven
tion upon the slavery question.
In these Know Nothing messages of Messrs, Gardner and Pollock, and in
this nomination of W^ilson, there is a manifest disposition to conciliate the free-
soil and anti-slavery sentiment of the North. Nor is it surprising that this
should be the case, considering the fact that the Know Nothings entered into
the late elections side by side with the anti-slavery forces rallied throughout the
North upon the anti-Nebraska furor. In the outset, all great revolutions are
crude and encumbered, more or less, with incongruities and Inconsistencies. So
this new party, from the throes of parturition, comes into the world somewhat
lacking the elements of perfect symmetry and harmony, although the bantling
possesses a vigorous vital system, and all tbe requisites of superior manly
strength. Now, the anti-Nebraska agitation is dying out — tbe popular mind
soon wearies of impracticable abstractions. Publio opinion In these United
Slates is eminently practical and utilitarian, national, patriotic and conserva
tive. A little resolution and unity of action on the part of the Northern Know
Nothings are all that Is now wanted to cleanse their skirts of the last remaining
vestiges of anti-slavery doctrines and affiliations.
Since our November election there has been some trouble among tho Know
Nothings of this State, traceable to the slavery controversy. Hence those out
side Know Nothing Lodges, the object of wbich is a diversion from this new
party in favor of the re-election of Wm. H. Seward. And so, in Iowa, an anti-
slavery Whig has been elected to the United States Senate, from the support of
the Know Nothings, in the place of Dodge, Nebraska aJministratlon Democrat.
Such combinations of anti-slavery men and Know Nothings' haye had in yiew
the great object of " crushing out" the greatest imbecile spoils coalition at
Washington, and in this light they may be considered as the necessary prelimi
nary steps in clearing the track for the projected national revolution of 1856.
The Examiner summed up tbe acts of the Know Nothings of the free States ^
during the years 1854 and 1855 in the following admirable manner.
^that have they done?
Thc Know Nothings have withm tbo last twelve months made sufficient pro
gress, in many of the Stale and city elections, to develope their plans and inau
gurate their men ; and from Maine lo California we challenge the friends of the
Order to point to a single instance of their having performed the first creditable
act of reform. In Massachusetts their triumph was complete, and, with a half
dozen exceptions, the Legislature Is there composed -of members of the new
Order. In that State they have removed Judge Loring for enforcing the Fugi
tive Slave law — they have taken the first step toward practical amalgamation by
placing negro and white children in their common schools upon terms of equal
ity — they haye elected to the Senate a man who endorses the horrid blasphemy
of a wretch who wants an anti-slavery God, and an anti-slavery Bible — they
have violated the sanctity of the dwelling of a few unprotected females and
offered rudeness to the persons of sick children and helpless women — they have
legislated with closed doors, disbanded the Irish companies who protected the
person of Col. Suttle, and placed his fugitive sla-ve, Anthony Buries, safely on
board a vessel bound for Alexandria — and elected to the Legislature sixty or
seventy of the Clergymen who signed the famous anti-Nebraska protest.
In New Hampshire, led on by a fugitive slave and the notorious John P.
Hale, they have crushed the National Democratic party, and the re-election of
Hale to the U. S. Senate, is regarded as a fixed fact.

252
In New Yofk they have elected William H. Seward, and, by uniting with
the fanatical Maine Liquor Law men, destroyed a legitimate branch of business
employing 40,000,000 of dollars per annum, and thrown out of employment
.150,000 laborers."
In Maine they have passed the following resolutions, breathing the fiercest
spirit of hostility to the South :
Resolved, " 1. That slavery has no legal tenure either under State or Federal jurisdiction,
and therefore exists only by sufferance.
" 2. That our Senators in Congress be instructed and our Representatives re
quested to use all practicable means to secure the passage of the following en
actments :
" First. An act repealing all laws of the United States authorizing slavery
in the Districl of Columbia.
"Second. An act repealing the act of 1850 known as the Fugitive Slave
Law. " Third. An act forever prohibiting slavery or Involuntary servitude, except
for crime, within the territories of the United States."
In Michigan they have passed resolutions precisely similar to those of Maine.
In Illinois and Iowa they have elected to office the boldest and most odious of
the AboUtion party. They have Abolitionized Pennsylvania, In Ohio they
mobbed that true friend of the South, the chivalrous MiteheU, and in Rhode
Island they attempted to destroy ihehouse of the Sisters of Charity, aud were
checked by the military companies of the city of Providence.
They haye already destroyed the peace and harmony of the American people,
arraying peighbor against neighbor, and son against father. They have, by
persecution and intolerance, alienated the affections of loyal and patriotic fo
reigners from our institutions, and declared the Constitution and the act of re
ligious toleration null and void. In tbe brief history of tbis new Order there
is nothing good. Its career has been one of fanaticism and folly, its progress
that of a deadly enemy of our institutions, over the ruins of all which we hold
sacred in history and tradition.

the four isms united.
In the free States the Democratic party in 1855 had to contend against an
alliance of Maine-lawism, Know Nothingism, Abolitionism and the remnants of
the old Whig party.
The Nashua Gazette drew the following admirable picture of the allied forces
of 1855 : Temperance, Know-Nothingism, Niggerism, and Whiggery.
In this vicinity, Temperance, Know-Nothingisra, Niggerism and Whiggery
are all united and acting cordially together for the overthrow of the Democracy;
and doubtless the same is true of other sections of the State. The chief mana
ger of the Temperance organization, the man of all work, imported from the
West to direct our political affairs under the pretence of promoting the temper
ance cause, (Rey. E. W. JacksOn,) is devoting his whole time and efforts in
perfecting this combination to break down the Democratic party. -It Is stated,
upon good authority, that he offered his services and the influence of the Tem
perance organization lo the Whigs, some weeks ago, before they concluded to

253
go into the " Order." He is a Know-Nothing, and attended the late Conven
tion of that Order at Great Falls ; a " leaky" Temperance Know-Nothing says
he was a delegate to the Know-Nothing State Convention, which met on Tues
day last at Manchester, for the nomination of candidates for State officers, mem
bers of Congress, &c. He Is a professed Abolitionist, and a political priest and
Pharisee of the most Jesuitical type. He declares In the Temperance organ
that he and his friends will support no candidate who is not an open and relia
ble friend of a stringent prohibitory liquor law. Yet when he becanie a mem
ber of the Know-Nothing organization he took the following oath :
" Obligation, — You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, iii
the presence of Almighty jGod and these witnesses, your right hand resting on
this Holy Bible and Cross, and your left hand raised towards Heaven, or if il
be preferred, your left hand resting on your breast, and your right hand raised
toward Heaven, In token of your sincerity, do solemnly promise and swear, that
you will not make known to any person or persops any of the signs, secrets, mys
teries, or objects of ihis organization, unless it be to those whora, after due exa
mination, or lawful Information, you shall find to be members of this organiza
tion in good standing; that you will not cut, carve, print, paint, stamp, stain,
or in any way, directly or indirectly, expose any of the secrets or objects of this
Order, nor suffer it to be done by others if in your power to prevent it, unless
It be for official instruction ; that so long as you are connected with this prgani
zation, if not regularly dismissed from il, you will, in all things, POLPTICAL
or SOCIAL, so far as this Order is concerned, comply with the will of the ma
jority, when expressed in lawful manner, though 'it may conflict with your per
sonal ptreference, so long as it does not conflict with tho Grand State or Subor
dinate Constitutions, tbe Copstitution of the United States of America, or that
of the State in which you reside; that you vfill not, under any circumstances
whatever, knowingly recommend an unworthy person for initiation, nor suffer it
to be dcfne if in your power to prevent it. You furthermore promise and de
clare that you will not vote nor give your influence for any man for any office
in the gift of the people, unless he be an American-born citizen, in favor of
American-born ruling America ; nor if he bo a Roman Catholic; and that you
will not, under any circumstances, expose the name of any member of this Or
der, nor reveal the existence of such an organization. To all the foregoing you
bind yourselves, under the no less penalty than that of being expelled from
this Order, and of having your name posted and circulated throughout the dif
ferent Councils of the United States as a perjurer, and as a traitor io God and
your country ; as being unfit to be employed and trusted, countenanced or sup
ported, in any business transaction ; as a person totally unworthy the confidence
of all good men, and as one at whom the finger of scorn should ever be pointed.
So help me God."
By this oath this reverend politician and all other members of the Order have
sworn, "in the presence of Almighty God," to vote for such candidates as may
be selected by the Know-Nothing Convention. If tbey nominate the greatest
rumsellers ever defended by Jack Hale, this leader of the Temperance cause
bas sworn to support them ! If they select open and notorious rum-drinkers
and opponents of a prohibitory law, he is bound by a most solemn oath to sup
port them ! He is a ranting Abolitionist and anti-Nebraska man ; yet if they
nominate avowed Nebraska men, he has s^corn befpre God lo give them his cor
dial support ! And such is the position of every other Temperance man and
Abolitlonisl who belongs to this Order — a position which this reverend gentle
man has knowingly induced very many of them to place themselves in.
Now, who can doubt, when an inlelUgent man pursues such a course, that be
designs just what must inevitably follow ? Rev. Mr. Jackson has not been the

254
dupe of others in this matter, but, on the contrary, has designedly used the In
fluence of his position to thus virtually force Tempe'rance men into the support
of the factions now banded against the Democratic party.
But has he used nothing but his influence? It is known that efforts have
been made to raise " a million fund," upon which a certain per cent, may be
assessed to be expended In promoting the success of the 'Temperance party.
Quite a large sum has been subscribed towards that fund, and Rev. Mr. Jack
son is said to be the sole manager, depositary, and disbursing agent of the mo
ney paid in. And for what purpose, and in what manner, is that money now
being used ? Is It true that it Is being expended for political purposes — to pay
his salary and expenses and " incidentals," while engaged mainly in promoting
the schemes of the political organizations opposed to the Democracy? This is
openly stated to be the fact ; and the course of Mr. Jackson but tends to corro
borate the statement. Let true, honest, and single-minded Temperance men
enquire into these matters before they lend themselves further lo the promotion
of the political and mercenary schemes of tbe demagogues for whose use the
Temperance organization is now being perverted.
We learn that among the delegates from Concord to the Know-Nothing Con
vention at Manchester, besides Rev. Mr. Jackson, was Ephraim Hutchins, late
Whig postmaster there, a leading member of the Whig State committee, and
an active member of the Convention which nominated James Bell for Governor !
Among them were, also, some of the leading Freesoilers. Thus the heads, "the
central cliques," of Wbiggery, Niggerism, and Temperance are united and ac
tive in this dark conspiracy against the rights of the people and the Republican
institutions of the country. Let honest men of all parties, and especially De
mocrats, look and reflect upon this fact, and let it nerve their arms and confirm
their resolution lo fight manfully against this corrupt and wicked combination of
unprincipled men for the promotion of mercenary objects.

THEIR PLATFORM IN VIRGINIA.
Having now shown the attitude of the Know Nothing Party in the Northern
States, we close this review by publishing their officially promulgated Basis of
Principles in Virginia. It was an emanation from the Winchester Convention.
The Convention of the American Party of Virginia,
Which met at Winchester, on Tuesday, the 13th of March, appointed the
undersigned a committee, to make publication, over their names, of the follow
ing : Basis Principles of the American Party of Virginia.
Determined to preserve our political institutions in tbeir original purity and
vigor, and to keep them unadulterated and unimpaired by foreign influence,
either civil or religious, as well as by bome faction and home demagogueism ;
and believing that an American policy, religious, political and commercial, ne
cessary for the attainment of these ends, we shall observe and carry out in
practice, the following principles : —
1. That the suffrages of the American people for political offices, should
not be given to any others than those born on our soil, and reared and matured
under the influence of our institutions.
2. That no foreigner ought to be allowed to exercise the elective franchise,
till he shall have resided within the United Slates a sufficient length of time to
have become acquainted with the principles and imbued with the spirit of our

255
institutions, and until he shall have become thoroughly identified with the great
interests of our country.
3. That whilst no obstacle should be Interposed lo the immigration of all fo
reigners of honest and industrious habits, and all privileges and immunities
enjoyed by any native born citizen of our country should be extended to all' such
immigrants, except that of participating in any of our political administrations ;
yet all legal means should be adopted to obstruct and prevent the immigration
of the vicious and worthless, the criminal and pauper.
4. That the American doctrine of religious toleration, and entire absence of
all proscriptions for opinion's sake, should be cherished as one of the very fun
damental principles of our civil freedom, and that any sect or party which be
lieves and maintains that any foreign power, religious or political, has the right
to control the conscienoe or direct the conduct of a freeman, occupies a position
which is totally at war with the principle of freedom of opinion, and which is
mischievous in its tendency, and which principle if carried into practice would
prove wholly destructive of our religious and civil liberty.
5. That the Bible in the hands of every free citizen, is the only permanent
basis of all true liberty and genuine equality.
6. That the intelligence of the people is necessary to the right use and the
coptipuance of our liberties, civil apd religious, heuce the propriety and impor
tance of the promotion apd fostering of all means of moral culture, by some
adequate apd permanent provision for general education.
7. That the doctrine of availability now so prevalent and controlling, in the
n,omination of capdidates for office. In tolal disregard of all principles of right
of truth, and of justice, is essentially wrong, and should be by all good men
Condemned. 8. That as a general rule, the same restrictions should be proscribed to the
exercise of, the power of removal frOm office, as are made necessary to be ob
served in the power of appointment thereto ; and that executive influence and
patronage, should be scrupulously conferred and jealously guarded.
9. That the sovereignty of the Stales should be supreme In the exercise of
all powers not expressly delegated to the Federal Government, and which may
not be necessary and proper to carry out the powers so delegated, and that this
principle should be observed and held sacred In all organizations of the Ameri
can party.
10. That all sectarian intermeddling with politics and political institutions,
coming from whatever source it may, should be promptly resisted By all sufch
means as seem to be necessary knd proper for this end.
11. That whilst the perpetuity of the present form of the Federal Govern
ment of the United States, Is actually necessary for the proper development of
all the resources of this country, yet the principle of non-intervention, both on
the part of the Federal Government and of the several States of the IJnion, in
the municipal affairs of each other, Is essential to the peace and prosperity of
our Country,- and to the well being and permanence of our Institutions, and at
the same time the only reliable bond of brotherhood and uniop.
12. That Red Republicauism and licentious indulgence In the enjoyraent of
civil privileges, are as much to be feared and deprecated, by all friends lo well
regulated government and true liberty as any of the forms of monarchy and
despotism. 13. That the true interest and welfare of this country, the honor of this na
tion, the individual and private rights of Its citizens, conspire to demand that
all other questions arising frora party organizations, or from any other source,
should be held subordinate to and in practice made to yield to the great princi
ples herein promulgated.
^ f <= ANDREW B. KENNEDY, of Jefferson,
GEORGE D. GRAY, of Culpeper,
JOSIAH DABBS, of Halifax.

256

THE METROPOLITAN DISTRICT.
Various circumstances combined to render the canvass in the Richmond or
MetropoUtan Congressional District, one of profound interest to the whole State.
The great circulation of the Democratic press published in Richmond, and the
fact that the Know Nothing party boasted of its perfect invincibility in that
district, attracted all eyes to its candidates and aspirants for Congress.
As an entertaining and amusing chapter, illustrative of the party feeUng la
the district, we give two of the Examiner's articles upon the factions and rival
ries which disturbed the tranquility, of the Know Nothing councils of Rich
mond :
The Know Nothings, we have every reason to believe, have to brave a sea of
trouble. Rampant und perfectly ungovernable aspirants for the nomination for
Congress, render the councils as tempestuous as the cave of ^Silolus. If what
we hear is true, the friends of Messrs. Botts, Crane and Scott, are in a precious
stew. Messrs. Crane and Scott have not left their destinies to be controUed by
the stars and their friends. Both have sought, by deeds of mighty valor, to
build up reputations in the provinces. They have held forth long and frequently
to admiring audiences, and the people have been left in great uncertainty as to
their respective merits. Scott makes, we learn, usually a speech of -one hour
and a quarter, well digested, full of facts and scraps from newspapers and alma
nacs. All of this maierzeZ he has carefully and systematically arranged, and
he runs out with tbe regularity of an hour glass. When the exigencies of the
debate require a reply, he reverses his hour glass and the sands of his discourse
pour back again. He is courteous and gentlemanly, but deficient in vivacity
aud fluency. Mr. Adoniram J. Crane, on the contrary, is affluent of words,
and really has gotten together a large collection of clap trap, broken beads, bits
of tinsel, fragments of red wax, pieces of differently colored glass, and other
odds and ends, which, when he pours them forth, do look very pretty and daz
zling to the eye of the r.nthinking. There is neither logic nor connection in
his ideas, but he has a great deal more declamation than Scott, and possesses a
creditable share of intellectual cultivation. He does not measure his discourses
by the hour, but runs like an endless chain pump — the same buckets and the
same links coming up every few minutes. Hence, when we attend puhlic
meetings in Richmond, and the disciples of Sara want a regular blow out, we .
hear the name of " Crane !" " Crane !" " Crane I" frequently .repeated— but
we never hear the flrst feeble cry for Scott. Scott Is strong in the provinces
where the people like the strong pork and beans of "facts and arguments;"
but Crane's fancy touches tickle the descendonts of Botts' old gua'rd. They
shout for Judson Crane, just as their fathers used to scream for Botts — when
his envious lieutenants used to sit neglected on the back benches, without a call
Besides, Scott is regarded as a sort of interloper, having recently made a de
scent upon Richmond from the hills of Powhatan. His sign still glistens, on
Governor street, with the fresh paint of yesterday, whilst A. Judson Crane's
shingle looks as old and veteran as his services to Bolts. Scott has not figured
in our city courts, whereas the professional services of Crane- are frequently
caUed into requisition by the unwashed of the extremities of the city. Scott's
affection for Botts is said to be of a doubtful character, whereas Crane has il
lustrated his devotion in a thousand ways. He has sat al the feet of Gamaliel
long and faithfully. In times gone by, he is said to have perpetrated a biogra
phy of his majesty, and being a man of classical education, which Botts is not,
he is supposed to haye often taken the Immortal's thunderbolts in a rough

257
state, and polished them for general cli-culation. We have long thought that
Bolts' ragged mantle would sit becomingly on Crane. Scott's services to the
party are acknowledged in the counties, but the sages who deliberate at the Af
rican church know hira not. He has again and again ravaged the counties of
the district, devouring Democratic electors and candidates for Congress, like a
new Dragon of Wantly — but the people of Richmond haye never seen him
do it.
He was reported, during the Congress of 1852, to have swallowed our Con
gressional elector, Mr. Robert G. Scott, eleven times, and to have skinned him
alive eight times — albeit a mild tempered man. During the present canvass he
bas devoured Judge Caskie in a great many Instances, but yet the, city people
are skeptical, and do not put much faith in the correspondents of newspapers.
If Scott would make arrangements to swallow Judge Caskie some evening at
the African church. It would put his stock up amazingly. Adoniram's pros
pects would also be improved, if he was to demolish Mr. Aylett In that sacred
edifice. Both had better try it at an early day. We belieye the victims are
prepared to meet their fate with becoming resignation.
But Crane has not been at all behind Scott in the Dragon of Wantly line.
He went to Petersburg one afternoon lo sup upon the remains of Senator Ma
son, and it was with great difficulty that he was kept from his atrocious and
cannibal designs upon that estimable gentleman's body. The kindness of the
Democracy of Petersburg having rescued Senator Mason, and deprived our
friend of his anticipated supper, he hastened, hungry as a boa constrictor, to
Caroline, and ia the sight of a great crowd, crashed and skinned our Congres
sional elector, Mr. Aylett, and ravenously swallowed his mangled remains.
Scarcely had we recovered from the shock of this bereavement, when we heard
of his frightening to death two or three Democratic orators in New Kent, and
the very next evening he was in Petersburg, unmercifully devouring Senator
Mason's speech, and speaking so eloquently that a letter writer mentions an
unfortunate man who, having had his jaw fractured by the accidental discharge
of a pistol, quite forgot the pain in bis ecstatic admiration of Mr. Cranes
harangue. It will thus be seen, from this hasty parallel after the manner of Plutarch,
that both Scott and Crane have great claims at this time, and that both of them
have performed eminent services. Crane and Scott are the AchiUes and Hector
of the aspirants. There are others who arc said also lo hone after the fiesbpots
in a very meek and quiet manner, but who are, we fear, mouldering in the
shade of Scott's greatpcss apd Crane's eloquence. An occasional groan from
an old Botts raan evinceth the wrath of a few of the faithful at Crane's taving,
tired of long waiting, now set up shop for himself with a fair prospect of sup-
planting his old patron In business.
Mr. Harmer Gilmer having won many laurels by his manly and mtriotio
correspondence with " A Southern Matron," and achieved all that a diploma
tist could, in his famous negotiations for Mt. Vernon, would not, it is supposed,
indignantly reject a nomination for Congress, provided that accomplished un
known, " Tlie Southern Matron," does not desire il. But Mr. Gilmer has only-
made one speech of half an hour's length, whereas Messrs. Crane and Soott.-
have expended many thousand cubic feet of gas for their country. There is a-
fitness of things in Crane's succeeding to the fading glories of Botts, which the-
Know Nothings will certainly recognize. Mark the prediction. We standi
ready to welcome the young phoenix when he springs from the ashes of the
old. 17

258

" HURRAH FOR BOTTS !"•
Gordon Cummings, the celebrated lion killer, who spent seven years in Africa
slaying all sorts of wild animals, somewhere describes the consternation produced
among all inferior wild beasts by the appearance and roar of a full grown,
tawny lion. One evening when he was anxiously awaiting near a pool of water
for his game, be was amused by the performances of sundry jackalls, wolves,
hyenas, and other subordlpate beasts of prey. The jackalls lorded it in quite a
magnificient manner over a pack of timid wild dogs; the hyeuas treated the
rascally lookiog wolves with aristocratic contempt, and the wolves revenged
themselves by their contemptuous treatmept of a few stray foxes. Suddenly,
in the midst of this eutertalping comedy, a terrific roar is heard, and a huge
lion bounds into the throug, with flaming eyes, and erect, vibrating tail. In a
moment the whole scene changes — the hyenas skulk off, the jackalls take to their
heels, the wolves disappear, and the wild dogs, protected by their insignificance,
retire to a neighboring hill and bay alternately at the rising moon and the hun
gry lion.
Since our last issue a somewhat similar scene bas been enacted in this
Congressional district. Presuming that the imraortal Bolts was looking so in
tently upon the glittering fringe of a prospective nomination for the Presidency,
that he had forgotten this Congressional district, a choice assortment of subor
dinate aspirants had appeared upon the stage, and were furnishing a capital gra
tuitous entertainment for the people of the surrounding counties. In the ab
sence of razor strap orators, and greased rope itinerants, these gentlemen afforded
huge amusement to our unsophisticated country friends. And the rivalry of
these gentlemen .was so transparent that it was seriously apprehended that after
they had devoured all of the Democratic electors and candidates, they would
swallow each other and produce " an aching void," such as that which the Kil
kenny feline combatants are said to have created al the termination of their littie
controversy. Bolts out of the way, this Congressional district seemed a " pent
up Utica," too small to contain two such Caesars-as A. Judson Crane and 'Wm.
C. Scott. Two suns or 'two moons, would not have surprised people more than
the appearance of two men of such transcendanl ability at the same time.
Their reputation was the growth of a day. It took their most intimate friends
by surprise. The moment the rumor spread that Botts was out of the way,
these gentlemen outgrew their small clothes, and their greatness spread over the
land with marvellous rapidity. Their inflation was as rapid as that of a balloon,
and Jack's wonderful bean stalk was rather a slow affair when compared with
the rise of these gentlemen. Until yesterday, never were the chances of suc
cess more nicely balanced, than between Crane and Scott. One reigned supreme
in the city, whilst the other lauded it in the provinces. One wore the scalp of
a United States Senator, of a candidate for the mayoralty, and of a Congres
sional elector at his girdle; the other scoured the counties with the skin of ano
ther Congressional elector, for a waistcoat, and the legs of a distinguished can
didate for Congress dangling out of his mouth. Both were working with an
energy that prompted success, but we fear that both have been suddenly cut
down in the flower of their youth. On Tuesday morning, Botts gave dne of his
old fashioned roars, and, by nine o'clock the same day, Crane and Scott needed
the services of Coroner 'Wicker. Thus we have seen, on a bright spring morning,
two belligerent turkey cocks writhing and twisting each other's necks in deadly
conflict, struck down by the fowling piece of a cruel sportsman. Botts again in
the field. Crane falls prostrate before his omnipotent I am, and poor Mr. Scott
retreats to Powhatan to digest his bloody repasts in private. Vanity of vanity,
* Old Screamereville war cry.

259
all is vanity I Who knoweth what a day may bring forth ? Yesterday, Crane
and Scott were Sam's greatest pets ; to day, and none so poor as to do them re
verence. Oh, cruel Bolts ! oh, uphappy Crane ! oh, miserable Scott !
We had just announced the speedy appearance of the young phoenix when tbe
old bird, with a few lusty blows from his still vigorous wings, extinguishes the
funeral pile, and with sUghlly singed plumage, drives his dreadful beak and ter
rible claws plump through the tender body of the aspiring lieutenant.
For no one can read the wrathful manifesto of Botts and not recognize the
willingness of that gentleman lo accept the nomination ; and as he stands head
and shoulders above such men as Crane and Scott, and as there is more capacity
in the parings of his nails than In all the rest of the Whig party together, his
nomination raay 'he regarded as raost probable. For, although al this tirae,
when the people are given to doing funny things, and when the political caul
dron is boiling, we may expect strange things to happen and queer nominations
to come to the surface, there is nevertheless a weight of Whig consistency and
genuineness in the ring of Bolts' metal that the subordinates cannot resist.
They may scour the district, and illustrate their " gift of the gab" at every
cros,s-road, but when the old lion (dilapidated as he is) of Whiggery sends
forth one of his terrible roars and treads the accustomed war path with as firm
a tread as ever, in an instant Adomiram and the gentleman " late of Poiohatan"
are forgotten, and' the old guard, the veterans of Screamersville, the heroes of ever
faithful Butchertown, the patriots of Rocketts, and the partisans of the Slashes,
instinctively send up the old shout of " hurri^i for Boils." There Is an affec
tion, a faithfulness about these old chaps which the juveniles who yell for Crane,
and the old country people to whom Scott administers almanacs and newspaper
scraps, never dreamt of.- The hearts of the old respectable, consistent Clay
Whigs, still belong to Botts. He is the embodiment of tbe most respectable
elements of Whiggery, and in this district he is still invincible. He po.ssesses
Stores of strength that the fire flies who have recently sought to illumine the
dark subject of Know Nothingism never dreamt of.
Look at the weight and respectability attached to tbe card in wbich Botts
has just crushed out the prospects of the Cranes and Scotts of this district.
They indicate that the nomination will be given to John Minor Botts beyond a
question of doubt. The old spirit flames out in his pronuncia'menlo. Know
Nothingism has not purified him of a drop of his deep rooted prejudice, and
we find the usual slap at the enemies who have always beset bis path.
The unconquerable Whiggery of the venerable and invincible gleams forth
in striking contrast with the cowardly silence of the Know Nothings upon
great principles and measures; He grapples with the sub-treasury and the
tariff in the real old fashioned way ; as Whigs were wont to do in the days of
Clay and Webster. He pitches into Democracy boldly and courageously, and
feeling that he is a foeman worthy of our blade, we are inclined to yell oiit, as
his old guard used lb do, "Hurrah for Botts."
If Botts receives the nomination, as no doubt he will, we shall have to use
longer artiUery than we had designed employing in this district. Small fowl-
ino- pieces, with dimunilive loads of ordinary powder and mustard seed shot,
we had deemed sufficient for tbe game which was anticipated. But we must
<Tet a Minnie rifle and Dupont's best, now, for Bolts Is very different game
from that which we had expected to hunt after.
The appearance of Botts renders it necessary that we should take an affec
tionate farewell of those disconsolate young gentlemen. Crane and Scott, to
whom we recommend an attentive perusal of " Love's Labor Lost." They ,
-will now have, we fear, nothing to remind them of their labors but Indigestions
and nightmares, those inevitable consequences of cannibal feasts and indis
criminate gluttony. When Scott had no one to oppose him but Crane, the oi-
ienuB oi hi'a squatting .upon Adoniram's property was denounced as a most

260
grievous Intrusion. But when the ferocious old guard of Botts open upon him
there will be no mercy shown. With brief recollections of the manner in which
they used to crucify Bolts' ambitious and refractory lieutenants, we compas
sionate poor Mr. Scott — we do indeed. We almost imagine that we already
hear the ever faithful and eloquent Perrin, the friend of Clay, and the Jidus
Achates of Botts, in classic alternations from Latin to English, pouring his
lard like streams of burning invective upon Mr. Scott, for moving into the Im
mortal's district to get to Congress. Gods I what a theme for the Old Guard —
¦what an offence in the estimation of the faithful — what a scarlet crime in the
eyes of indignant Screamersville — a stranger seeking to reign in the kingdbm
of his Serene Highness, Botts I. !
And Adoniram, young friend by adoption, "well beloved of Mahftmet,"
Luther's ever faithful Malanothon, biographer, thunderbolt polisher to his Ma
jesty, will you swallow you disappointment, and, with a face expressive of cas
tor oil, salts and senna, love and disappointraent, affection and desperation,
conceal yonr griefs, and cry with the rest, " Hurrah for Botts !" How will
you bear this cruel treatment of him to whom you have devoted so many years
of useful friendship?
We know that tbis trial of temper and test of devotion Is a terrible one, bnt
take the advice of a well-wisher. Stick to Bolts — never hoist the flag of rebel
lion — show, as you have always done, the loyalty of your friendship — wait but
a little longer, and you will bask in the sunshine of the Immortal's eternal grati
tude — sacrifice your very excelleijjt prospects — go in heart and soul for Botts —
and the Old Guard will agree with their sons, that you deserve to succeed to all
of Botts' popularity and hopor. The present is a critical period in your for
tunes, and no man ever lost by a graceful and timely act of magnanimous self-
sacrifice for a friend. You could bave swallowed Scott and Gilmer, but no one
ever expected th-at you could resist the will of the political Gamaliel, se'ated at
whose feet you have drank in so much wisdom and statesmanship. We entreat
you, don't be rash.

The Political Entomology of " Our District." — We must solicit
the indulgence of our readers for furnishing them in each issue of our paper
with a fresh chapter upon the ever changing phases of the Congressional
nomination battle of the bats and owls of this district. We must, however,
beg them to remember that, in devoting so much time to such trivial matters,
we humbly imitate the examples of many most IUustrious authors and emi
nent men. Have we not the elaborate epic of the " Battle of the Frogs
and Mice ;" GuUiver's account of the wars of the Blufuscans and the Lilli
putians, about the best method of breaking an egg : a classic author's his
tory of the feuds of tbe cranes and pigmies; Dickens's 'sketch of the rival
candidates for the office of Beadle; Shakspeare's "Mid-Summer's Night
Dreams," and " Much Ado about Nothing.'" Have we not in every issue
of Bell's Life in London carefully prepared reports of fights between rats
and terriers ? and are there not well authenticated accounts of men having
lost ahd won thousands of pounds upon a fight between crickets, or a race
between two maggots extracted from a rotten hazlenut? Let these prece
dents be our excuse. We take the same pleasure in the political entomology
of this district, that naturalists do in studying the habits of beeUes and bed
bugs. We are happy in the refreshing conviction, that the Know-Nothing coun
cils of this district are about as harmonious as were the famous cats of Kil
kenny. An army of candidates for the nomination have scattered dismay
and discord through the ranks of the enemy. Sampson's foxes with fire

261
brapds fastened to their tails, never produced such wide-spread alarm and
consternatiop as these vociferous capdidates have dooe. 'We have already
recorded the mighty deeds of the famous squatter from Powhatap, Scott;
apd the not less valorous aud voracious pet of the huogry Adopiram, who
has achieved greatoess Ip a day. We have now to announce that Mr. Harraar
Gilmer has recently greatly distinguished himself by his cannibal perform
ances on the South-Side — having somewhere near Farraville swallowed the
Hon. KidderjMeade, one day, and lunched upon the attenuated remains of
the Hon. Wm. 0. Goode the next; thus deprivipg of his legitimate food the
facetious and jocose Tazewell, who Is announced by the Know-Nothing
papers as "running with his tail curled," a compliment which he doubtless
deserves and appreciates.
Abandoning, for a time, the patriotic and man-milliner duties of his high
diplomatic connection with the treaty for the cession of Mount Vernon, he
is said to have snapped up our unfortunate friends, Meade and Goode, Uke a
hungry pike. We, therefore, hail him as an honorable member of that order
of cannibals, of which Messrs. Scott and Crane are the founders. He h^s
proved himself their equal, aud we take the Uberty of eptering hira for the
nomination. It Is distinctly understood that no man can become a candidate
for tbe norainatlop upless he cap furpish to the Convention satisfactory evi
dence of havipg swallowed or skipped a Democratic orator within tbe six
weeks preceding tbe 5th of May. Have Messrs. Coleman, Perrin,. Rhodes
and Griffip, either skinned or swallowed any ope yet. If they have pot, the
sooper tbey begip the better.
We have beep assured by a friepd, that the Whig did not slay Botts on
last Tuesday mornipg, but that its rifle ball merely stunned him. It Is sus
pected that he was restored to copsclousuess by the felonious attempts of
two distinguished cannibals to skin apd swallow him, whilst he lay upon the
Potter's field wher'e tbe Whig had cast his apparently lifeless remains. We
regret to say, that Messrs. Crane and SCott are strongly suspected of this
horrible crime. They are supposed on Tuesday morning to have beep wan
dering about seekipg for fresh victims,- when at the same instant they espied
the prostrate body ofthe "Immortal," and both, with a cannibal yell of
joy, pounced upon him, Adoniram making an incision between the ears to
skip him scientlficaUy, whilst Mr. Scott, in his eagerness to swaUow him,
and not wishing to disturb Mr. Crane, commenced with tbe supposed de
funct's feet. These violations of his sacred person, restored the Immortal
to consciouspess. They -n'ere like the applieatiop of volatile salts to a falot-
ipo- woman's pose. One blow and a kick sent the luckless swaUower and
the ungrateful skinner fifty feet in opposite directions, and the Immortal
sprang to His feet. Irritated beyond measure by the treatment which he had
sustained. We, therefore', take pleasure in announcing that our illustrious friend, is
not yet dead, and that he again treads the old war platb, in a most wrathful
apd dapo-erous mood. These attempts to rule him off, aod diabolical efforts
to skin and swaUow him, bave merely irritated him, as gad flies excite the
rao-e of mighty bulls. We delight to believe that Botts knows his rights as
a freeman and a Know-Nothing, and that he does not intend to be ruled off.
The bullet of the Whig merely flattened against his intellectual skull, as do
those of a western hunter against the- frontal bones of the haj-dy buffalo.
We believe that he will now wage a war of extermination " on the faction
which has always sought (his) my destruction and overthrow," and that he
will be backed by the very strongest and most efficient men of the order.
He wUl make the district too hot for the squatter from Powhatan, and hang
the rebelUous Adoniram in chains, or quarter him, as the old king's of Eng-

262
land used, to do their enemies. Long may Botts live, for there are many uses
to which he can be turned.
• The indications of a Know-Nothing now .of no ordinary magnitude, cannot
be mistaken. If Botts does not receive tbe much coveted nomination, he
will leave the order so shattered and torn by dissensions, that there will
be no chance for any one else. The members of the Old Guard whora we
occasionally raeet on tbe street, wear a grim, firm, defiant, air — a rule or
ruin look, that leaves no question as to what they wiU do if tha Immorial is
cast overboard. We have a right, as Botts' most consistent and faithful or
gan, having always hailed his nominations with pleasure, and felt Inexpres
sibly gratified when he was soundly beaten by Judge- Caskie, to insist that
he shall not be killed off. When tbe post of danger requires a man of nerve
and pluck, an interesting protege is always placed in the front rank. Upon
such occasions the Scotts stay quietly enough in Powhatan, and the Cranes
are models of humble devotion to the Immortal. But pow that there is some
remote prospect of success, Botts Is to be lubumanly sacrificed, and aU
Screamersville thrown into convulsions of grief at the massacre of her noble
son. As the only organ of tbe neglected Botts, we caU upon the Old Guard
to rally, and if the rebels with Adoniram, Gilmer and Scott at their head,
continue to resist, we coramand them to " head tbem or die." Let this lan
guage of your illustrious leader be inscribed upon your banners, and the
dangers now menacing j'our chieftain wiU disappear like morning clouds.
Let the Slashes be aroused, let Hell town wax hot, let Rocketts take the
field, let ScreamersviUe move forth like an army with banners, let Butcher-
town, led on by the faithful Heckler, emulate Darby town in deeds of mighty
valor, and Botts will win the nomination.
As it is not in mortals, however, always to command success, should the
indignant order prove too strong for our protege, and eject him from their cul
vert hissing Uke a red hotshot from a cannon's mouth, we again affectionately
proffer to him the sanctuary of Democracy. If tbe high honor of taking
Botts, the raost incorrigible of sinners, to the altar of Democracy is vouch
safed to us, it -will constitute the proudest duty of our life. We shall lead
forward the sobbing and penitent old gentleman, blubbering over the recol
lection of his unnumbered political transgressions with the delight of a pious
parson who has at last beaten down the last barrier erected by Satan around
the soul of a hardened reprobate.
We now confess — wbat we have long concealed -within our own breast —
that the great object of our life has been the conversion of Botts. We have
always had a mysterious presentiment that he would die a good Democrat,
and as the carnivorous Adoniram says that "the Whig party has died of
corruption," we feel assured that if the Know-Nothings kick Botts out, he
will petition to lay bis battered head on the great bosom of Democracy.
It Is all nonsense to say that Botts is too old to turn Democrat, and that
gentlemen at sixty are not equal to feats of ground and lofty tumbhng.
There have been Instances of men commencing the study of the law at that age,
and becoming eminent jurists. Would it not be a cheering spectacle to be
hold Botts a regular attendant at Democratic gatherings and love-feasts,
Working on vigilant coraraittees, attending norainating conventiops, apd ap
plauding tbe speeches of our young orators, from a modest back bench in the
African cburch. Promotion, we admit, would be slow in the Imraortal's
case, but if he was to joip us pow, apd live to the good old age of pinety,
we would make him chairman of a ward committee, or use our influence to
have him rewarded by some post-office appointmept Ip the provipces.
P. S. — Sipce writipg the above we have seen the Lynchburg Virginians
awful account of the manner in which Adopiram, on Thursday night, in the

0

0

00

00

000

Goode,

Caskie,

R. K. Meade.

263
presence of the goodly people of Lynchburg, swallowed our friend, Mr.
Shelton F. Leake. The account should have been headed " How Jonah
swallowed the Whale;" and be interpreted by contraries as Irish dreams
are interpreted. The astonishipg rapidity with wbich this niodern scourge of
Democracy thins our ranks is frightful. .Boa-constrictors, after they have
crushed and swallowed their prey, remain torpid for weeks, whdst the slow
work of digestion is going on ; but Crane snaps up the most plethoric ora
tor, swallows him whole, as if he were a minnow, digests him in five minutes,
and at once proceeds to transfix the next victim, as if Jie had eaten nothing
for a month. Like Tamerlane, he has reared a pyramid of scalpless skulls,
which far surpasses in height those of even Scott or Gilmer. Look at the
foUowing pyramidical stateraent, and see how Adonirara leads the column.
To Judsop's list we ought to add the prospective victiras, Hupter, Judge
Douglas, and six other U. S. Senators:
Tamerlane Adoniram's Scott's. Gilmer's.
S. F. Leake,
J. M. Mason,
P. Henry Aylett,
John D. Munford,
Douglass of New Kent,
Douglass of King William,

The Scrub Race for the Nomination. — The scrub race for the Know-
Nothing nomination for Congress in this district Is becoming every day more
and more ludicrous apd amusing. A new pony, or ap ambitious Shetland,
is entered almost every morning, and the excitement promises to become
terrific before the 5th of May, when the judges propose makipg the
award. There have beep many entries recently from the provinces. For
getting that he was merely put forward to be well beaten in the last election,
the friends of Clayton G. Coleman have entered that highly respectable but
rather slow horse. Chesterfield, we learn, proposes to put forward Holden
Rhodes, and we imagine that tbe ever faithful, eloquent and full blooded
Whig, Sarauel Perrin, of Hanover, and the not less faithful Feudal Griffin,
will be duly put upon the turf.
Our last article upon this subject left the indomitable Botts with erect
mane, vibrating tail, and unearthly roar like a lion in the path, frightening
into the jungles such small fry as the exotic Scott and the vociferous Crane.
But, sad to relate, whilst this dilapidated, although stiU formidable lion was
frightening all the Inferior rivals out of their wits, the Gordon Cummings of
the Whig was taking a deadly and unerring aim at him, and at the report of
that sportsman's editorial rifle,, on last Tuesday morning, Botts keeled over
dead as a mackerel, and his conqueror at once dragged his carcase to" the
nearest Potter's field, where, we fear, by this time, nnder the hot suns ofthe
last three days, it is becoming animated with Insect life. In the name of all
that remaips of Botts, ip the pame of the old guard, Ip the pame of the few
floatipg fragmepts of the old Whig party, we ask why did our friepd of the
Whio- kill Botts by an editorial fiUed with damoipg hipts of his wapt of
avaUabillty, aod suspicious of his being'chest foundered and spavined. We
fear that there is a conspiracy in this district to deprive Botts of his rights,
to declare him dead, to publish his obituary notice as Dean Swift did that of
Partridge, the almapac maker, whilst the man was alive and hearty. We
itegin to fear that Kpow-Nothipgism Ip this district Is a diaboUcal copspiracy
ao-ainst Democracy and Botts, that the Whig party has been disbanded to get

264
rid of that brave and glorious old Whig, and that he is to be cast adrift for
the sake of the shoal of minnows now nibbling at Judge Caskie. How can
the old Clay Whigs give in their adhesion to a new party which thus turns
the cold shoulder upon the acknowledged leader of the old Whig party of
this state ? If the new order actuaUy proposes to confer the offices of the
country upon their ablest mep, how supremely fuppy is it to thrust Botis
/ aside, refuse to allow him to be eutered for the race, apd to wrapgle about
the mep whom the boilipg cduldron of Know-Notbingism have brought to
the surface in this district within the last few weeks.
Let al! who have been prominent in tbe Whig party read their fate in that
of the " Immortal, ".whose immortality has been snuffed out. Botts' "ex
treme opinions" we take to have been a bold, manly vindicatiop of Whig
measures, when mep of less moral courage had fled iuto the dark caves of
the pew order. The new order has treated Botts most inhumanly, and, to
all Intents and purposes, has ostracised him, as if he was a "foreigper or a
Romap CathoUc." For we expect that Ip the oath of the third degree,
receotly ipstituted, there is a provisiop that Botts is pever to be elected to
office. All of our poor frieod's advapces having been rejected, his want of
qualifications having been officially announced, we cannot see how he can —
even if they will allow him — remain in such an order.
They have disbanded the party of his long and never changing affections
— they have buried Whiggery — even the ungrateful Adonirara declaring that
"it has died of corruption" — and why should Botts be chained, Uke a blind
Sanison, in this new teraple of the eoemy, to be made the sport apd laugh-
ipg-stock of boys apd renegade Democrats ? Why does he not grasp the
pillar to which he is chained, imitate the slayer of the Phillistines, topple over
the temple, and crush the bats and owls that infest It. Has Botts turned a
priest or a woman, that he wIU permit these slights and insults to go unpun
ished ?
Would it not be best for him, if he is in this humble and Christian mood, to
put on the apparel and take the staff of a pilgrira, and with feeble steps and
supplicating voice, petition for adraission into the sheepfold of Democracy?
Often times has he devoured our flock and laid waste to our lambs, but it was
always as a bold, hungry wolf — never as an assassin in sheep's clothing. We
can offer hira no office, but the sanctuary of Democracy is always open to
the penitent and destitute. He has no organ In this city — the Know-Nothing
papers repel bis advances — but bas the Examiner ever deserted him .? Have
we not for seven years cheered him on in his wars against the rebellious
lieutenapfs, and against that faction which, we are informed in all of his
episties to the public, "is seekipg his (my) destructiop at the expepse of the
party." Is there ap Ipstapce of the Examiper havipg deserted Botts ? For
a time we bad but oue rival In copsistept affectiop for Botts — and that was
Adoniram. But we feel proud of the fact, that our advocacy of Botts has
survived even the love of Adonirara, for we fear that he wiU not follow our
advice by clinging to the shipwrecked fortunes of his old commander. Of
all of Botts' friends, the Examiner alone remains consisteptly faithful. We
have seen Screamersville and Rocketts desert — Darby Town deny its lord —
HeU Town grow cold in its affections — and even Adoniram hoist the flag of
rebelUon, but the Examiner stands firm. " Hurrah for Botts !"

265

Overthrow of the Legitimists — Downfall of Botts — Triumph op
Tylerism — Squatter Sovereignty above par. — On Saturday pight the
Know-Nothings raet in council to immolate Botts, to inaugurate squatter sov
ereignty and 'Tylerism, apd to extermipate tbe last vestige of Wbiggery from
this district. 'The result tfells how complete was tbe overthrow of the old
regime. That Corsican usurper, the squatter from Powhatan, has seized
upop the throne of the Bourbons, and Botts, Perrin, Griffin and Crane, have
been exiled from the lapd of their fathers. The provipces proved too strong
for Botts' st.-ongholds in this city, and Butchertown, Screamersville and
Rocketts were routed by the regiments from the rural districts. The Old
Guard, demoralized, dispirited and disheartened by the defection of lieutenant
Adoniram, fought not with their accustomed valor, and unused to the busb-
ranging tactics of the new order, were no match for Scott's squirrel-hunting
mlUtia from Louisa and Goochland.
It is rumored that the contest waged most fiercely between the friends of
Scott, Botts and Adoniram, but we have not heard it hinted that Messrs.
Gilmer, Perrin, Rhodes and Coleman were suggested to the Copveptiop ip
the very mildest mapner. Nor, from what -we have heard, do we imagioe
that the merits apd services of Adopiram were properly appreciated by
that august body, which played the part of Paris, and awarded the prize,
to the disgruntlemept of the rest of the peglected goddesses, to the fair claim-
apt frora Powhatap. We fear, had Mr. Crape sedulously harangued at our
country court-houses respecting the cleansing virtues of grease-extracting
soap, or beaten a tin pan for the delectation of his provipcial auditors, that
either of those epliveping and intellectual recreations would have furthered
his prospects fully as much as his carniverous performances appear to have
done. Tbe people appear to have fancied Scott's facts, figures, scraps, alma
nacs and paragraphs far more than they did the damp oratorical pyrotechoics
of the peglected Crape.
We tepder to our disconsolate friend Adonii-am our affectionate condolences,
and the solemn assurances of our most distinguished commiseration. It is
only with the aid of a' slop bucket to receive the briny freshet of one eye,
and of a sponge and large red bandanna to absorb tbe lachrymose deluge of
the other, that we are able to pen this doleful narrative of his death and suf
ferings. It is painful — it is heart-rending — it is grief absolutely insupport
able — to reflect that all of his labors were thrown away upon a perverse and
unsrateful generation of vipers. Our blood boils with indignation at the
thoughts of tbe infamous treatment which he has received from those for
whom he abandoned the civilized duties of his professiop apd turned canni
bal. For naturaUy our friend is not addicted to swaUowipg human beings
like a boa constrictor, scalping them like a lawless Mohawk, or to devouring
steaks fresh from the thighs of fat Democratic orators, as if tbey were from
the rump of a prize ox.
This dietetic system we know raust have been repugnant to all the civilized
instincts of his refined nature. And what has been his reward for tbus can
nibalizing and gorging himself with the bodies of men, whose disconsolate
wives and fatherless children will hand down the name of Adoniram, black
with curses and wet with the tears of the afflicted, to posterity. Tamerlane,
like Adoniram, erected a pyramid of human skulls ; but the bloody .Tartar
won erhpires and wealth, whereas Adoniram has won nothipg but ipdigestion,
nio-ht-mares and a sore throat. Without kuowlpg what was to be his melan
choly fate, he was setting the districts to rights and devouring fhe enemies of
the man wbo has squatted on his domain, and robbed him of his anticipated
congressional laurels. It turns out that poor Adoniram was merely a hard-

266
working, energetic laborer for a gentieman who, although not twelve months
a resident of the district, has maoaged to triumph over the leaders of the
old Whig party.
Wbat melaocholy evidepce does this nomination afford of the decay of
Whig greatness in the metropolitap district. Here, where for twenty-five
years the city orators and la-wyers have looked down and sneered contempt
uously at their provincial brethren, we have an ordioary couptry gentieman,
with none of the graces of metropolitan oratory, plain and prosy as the
heaviest of county court lawyers, respectable, honorable, and decent, but
nothing raore, squatting in tbe midst of aU the Whig lights of the bench, the
bar apd tbe hustipgs, apd beariPg off tbe palm, whep there was not one of
the late promlnept Whigs of the district who -would not have given his eyes
for the nomipatiop.
Mr. Scott, from what we have seep and heard of his history and antece
dents, is a gentlemanly, educated, middle-aged man, of some forty-five or
fifty years of age, who served a term or two in the Legislature very many
years ago, and again represented Powhatan in tbe House of Delegates within
the recoUection of ourselves. His private virtues have secured hira many
devoted personal friends, and to these unobtrusive virtues be is doubtless
indebted for his nomination. Through life we learn that he has been the
victim of a very entertaining delusion, fo the effect that nature designed him
for a pu'oUc speaker, when sbe Intended nothing of the sort. His life has
been a prolonged struggle and dispute with nature upon this subject, but like
Mrs. Partington in her celebrated contest for supremacy with the Atiantic
ocean, nature has thus far held her own, and Mr. Scott, although weU inform
ed and thoroughly posted, speaks in a very spaviued apd deplorably dull
mapper. Adooirara is equal to a dozen of him op the stump, and Botts to
fifty thousand of him anywhere but in the caucus of the culvert.
A forgottep circumstance in the history of Mr. Scott, as related to us by a
friepd, furulshes a clue by which his pomipatioo cap be explained and cleared
up. It was to crush poor Botts to the very earth, to add iusult to injury, to
add that last straw under which the back-bone even of the camel snaps, that
Mr. Scott was nominated, if the following stateraent be correct — if itis not,
we shall correct it in our next issue. It has been stated to us by a gentle
man of this city : " That Mr. Wm. C. Scott was, in 1844, a red hot ultra
Tylerite, aud was a member of that funny little convention which nominated
Jobn Tyler for re-election in opposition to Henry Clay and James K. Polk."
Was or was be not a member of that convention ^ Did he or did he not
occupy, in 1844, for a time, a position of antagonism to Botts and all the
leaders of tbe Whig party of this district in his devotion to the fortunes of
John Tyler ?
The ipformatiop which we have received comes io such a form aud from
such a source that we feel constrained to propound these questions : If, when
Botts and the old guard, in the prime and vigor of the Imraortal's best days,
were thus bearded by the squatter from Powhatan, and the latter was then a
Tylerite, apd committed the deadly and unpardonable sin for which Mr. Wise
has been so often and unmercifully denounced, what will the Botts raen do?
Hoyy will they brook tbis most humiliating of all tbe insults yet thrown in
the face of Botts? To forget the transcendent talent of Botts, to fail to
reward the gluttony of Crane, to pass by the splendid claims of Perrin, Gil
mer, Griffin, Coleman, Rhodes, were detestable crimes, — but for the Know-
Nothipgs to Import a Tylerite from Powhatap, and make an idol of the man,
was a more hideous iniquity than infanticide or parricide.
Gentlemen of the old guard, indomitable survivors of the grand Clay army,
behold your leader — a stranger and a Tylerite ! Oh, Botts ! venerable and
remarkable old man, has it corae to this, that one of the humblest of the fol-

267
lowers of your old foe should be placed over your head? How have the
mighty fallen ! Who expected to live long enough to see Botts doing hom
age to " o Tylerite," apd Adoniram Crane In a state of insurrection and
rebeUion? 'Where can Botts fly.? — what is to becorae of hira? Know-
Nothingism throws a Tylerite at his head — Adoniram swears that the Whig
party has died of corruption, and tbe old guard fly before tbe undisciplined
militia of the counties. Oh Richard, oh my prince, they are all deserting.
thee ! BeUeve not their false prom.ises of election to the Senate of the Uni
ted States, for the same promises, flattering, but false, have been made to
every grumbUng old Whig in the state.
At the comraand of Gen. Tyler Scott, late of Powhatan, you must fall into
the ranks, or have your sturdy head chopped off. You are now the Ueutenant
of a Tylerite — a sepoy of the household of the usurper, who sits upon your
old throne and cracks tbe whip over your venerable bead, and will touch you
on the raw if you do not pull steady in the traces. If, veperable, neglected,
and badly treated friend, you need just at this time a safety valve for the
escape of any superfluous wrath wbich may have collected since last Satur
day night, we conjure you to wallop Adop,iram. Spring upon hira with the
yell and erect, vibrating tail of a wounded and enraged lion, insert your
teeth in the nape of his neck, apd shake him either ipto subjection or to a
jelly. The experiment would be a safe one, for Adopiram, like yourself, oh
Botts ! seeras to have ro friends. At him, old Bengal ! Give it to him,
antique Lybian !

The attempt of the Koow-Nothing party to array the prejudices of the
Protestant clergyman of this state against the Democratic party, were Inces
sant, but in most instapces upavailipg. The press of the new orgapization
in vain attempted to arouse tbe prejudices of tbe various Protestant churches
against the doctrines of religious toleration and religious liberty.
Some of the strongest arguments against the peculiar opinions of the
Know-Nothings, were embodied in the communications which appeared in
the Examiner and the Enquirer, from the pen of eminent clergymen. We
select the following from a number which were published during the
canvass :
Patriotic Sentiments of an Eminent Clergyman in Virginia. — As a
clergyman of an inveterately Protestant denomination of Christians, I have
been politely requested by a dlstaut friend, who belongs to the same church,
to give him, through the columns of your paper, my views of the new half
reUgious and half political chain of secret clubs, called Know-Nothings. I
should have very little objection to complying with this request, reasonably
made, at any time ; but feel the less disposed to decline, when requested by
one of those whose official teacher I am by the constitution of a church
which we have both voluntarily joined.
The church with which we are both connected is as thoroughly Protestant
as any on earth. It has as little of persecution upon its historical escutcheon
as any other church which is so old. I fear, however, that it has some
spots of this kind. I blush more when those spots of persecution
come before my mind than for anything else of the past. If one
fervent prayer ascends from my heart to tbe Father of Mercies, con-
ecrnino- the social shape of religion in our country, it is that it may
never dip its hand in blood, that it may never become a suppliant to the

268
populace in the political club, and that it may never permit itself to be up-
held by those arguments of tyrants or imbeciles : civil disabilities for
opinion's sake. Such a resort is Indeed capable of no other construction
than as a confession of weakness. When recently the Spanish Cortes had
up the subject of religious liberty in Spain, and after the discussion, delibe
rately resolved not to grant it, what Protestant puts any other construction
upon it than that they declined to grant reUgious liberty, for fear the people
would become Protestant? If they thought truth would uphold Roman Ca
tholicism, they would not wish to uphold it by civil pains and penaUies. So
it is with the Know-Nothing movement in the United States. It has un
questionably grown out of a want of confidence in the moral power of truth
to uphold Protestantism. It has sprung up in the northerp cities, where the
principles of revealed religiop have potoriously not much more positive
power than they have ip Papal couutries. It has growp up among those
who say they will trample the Bible uuder their feet, If It does not support
the Maine Liquor law — or if it does not support Abolition — or whatever else
may be the peculiar phase of their personal fanaticism. When truth re
treated to a distance from their mental visions, and they lost confidence in
its power to withstand Popery, then they invented the scherae of with
standing the Catholics by a civil disability, a secret olub, and a raidnight
oath. The writer is too much of a Protestant to be a Know-Nothing. He
has a confidence too entire and unshaken in the power of the truth alone. He
does not believe that this night club, this awful oath, or this infliction of
civil disabilities pn Catholics, is necessary to retain the power of Protestant
ism in this country. He protests against the inference that Protestantism
needs any such assistance. He protests against the Imputation of the perse
cuting spirit of Know-Nothings to religion. It has grown out of the wane
of religiop. It spripgs from nomipal Protestants, -R'ho care, and think, and
know nothing about the moral, and spiritual, and rational power of religion,
except that it is a strong principle. Their object is probably not the ad
vancement of tri^e religion ; for ifit was they would very easily see that
persecution wUl do more than any thing else to build up the Robian Catho
lic church.
And, if such was their object, they would see that the prevalence of Pro
testantism in this country, through the means of civil disabilities, would be
just as hollow, and just as worthless, and just as empty a thing, as is the
prevalence of Catholicism in Spain by civil disabilities. You must forever
keep up the prop of civil disability -when it is once set under, or else the
whole frame will fall. The history of the world shows, beyond a doubt,
that there is always a reaction in the reasons of men, against tha!t religion
wbich the strong -arm of power proposes to them. Cicero says the state re
ligion of old Rome was totally hollow, aod the augurs knew it. There is a ma
jority of dissenters from the state religion to-day, in England, and in Scot
land, and an overwhelming majority In Ireland: there Is said to be the same
in Spain and Italy, If the hearts of men could speak out ; and there would
have beep Ip Frapce, but for the existence there of something like reUgious
freedom. The writer sends up fervent prayers to the Disposer of events, that this
country may pot be left to the judicial bliudness of Know-Nothipgism, to
persecute the Catholics Into prosperity ; to confess the weakpess of naked
truth; to depart from the great Americap pripciple of perfect religious free
dom ; to come dowp from our high aud pure aud poble positiop, apd dabble
IP secret copclaves, in silly fears, in weak and nervous alarms. Know-
Nothingism has not, then, grown out of reUgion. It did Pot start in the
Protestant church. All it had to do with religiop, was to observe that the
rehgious prejudice of the country was a strong lever with which to work

269
another purpose. It made use of that lever as a tool, just as the political
parties had made use of military repowp as their lever before.
Their purpose, probably, is to play with the raw head and bloody bope
fears of the Pope, which infests the dreams of nervous people, in order to
cajole the country, and get op their side the religious prejudice, and, in the
mean time, to do their real work in secret.
The liberties of tbis country may be in danger from Popery. No man can
well think too hardly of that inveterate system. But does it make a great
deal of difference to us, whether our liberties are taken away by secret
Jesuit clubs, or by secret Know-Nothing clubs? But tbis quarrel with
foreigners is a northern affair altogether. We never had much temptation to
it, here in the South, where the social spirit is as much. more benign as the
climate is. After all, it is not the reUgion of the foreigners which is object
ed to. And if it was, I believe that John Mitchel's religion is just as good,
to all practical Intents and purposes, as Ward Beecher's religion; and his
politics ten thousand times more patriotic than Ward Beecher's. John Paul
Jones was a better American, to my heart, though born ip Scotiand, than
" Hull, tbe traitor," though borp ip Massachusetts. I think that the Mar
quis La Fayette was a far better American, though born in France, than
Benedict Arnold, though born in Coppecticut. I give the preferepce to
Goupt -Pulaski, Barop Steuben, and " lighthorse " Lee, though they were
foreigners, over Aaron Burr, Gen. Winder, and Gep. Wilkerson, though na
tive Americans.
Tbe people here used to know that religion and patriotism were pot to be
ascertaiped by these extei-pal circumstapces. The traitors whom this coup-
rry has to fear, are not foreigners. They are men who' were born apd live
where Hull apd Arpold were born and resided. Their treason is deep, de
liberate and meditated for a long time.
The clamor against foreign traitors, from whom no man can show us a single
case where we have suffered anything recently, or much ever, or beep ever
in any great dapger, is all a make-weight. That clamor is but a mere avail
ability. It is but a pew form of appeal to military glory. It is the dust
with which the eyes of the southerp people are to be blipded, while ip se
cret club we shall be abolitionized, as they boast that we shall be. It is a
peice of cold, cautious, yankee cunning, by which tbe northern people, at
one stroke, get us to help them against their rivals in labor, the iraraigrapt
foreigpers, apd by which they will soop ask us for another tariff of protec
tion to Araerican Industry ; by which they yoke us to their car to raake us
fight their social battles ; by which they gull and bUnd us to their real de
signs against our doraestic peace and prosperity; and by which they sport
with us as their tools, and avail themselves of our deep and positive religious
convictions, in which they have no sympathy, and which they admire only
for their strength as political engines. May a Higher Power deliver us from
that deep blush with which we shall be suffused, if our church — boldly,
deeply, thoroughly Protestant as she is — falls Into the trap in the sUghtest
degree, and becomes the catspaw of northern treasonable designs. And may
that kind Power open speedily the eyes of the people, to see In the light of
every public development yet made by Know-Nothipgism, what the real object
of the movement is ! And may the sacred subject of the man's religious
faith be once more withdrawn from the secret club-room, frora the political cau
cus, and frora the popular hustings, into that retirement to which It has a right,
under the really, though not under the so-called, American principle ! I do
not know whether I have fully responded to my friend. If not, I hope to
hear from him again. Bockingham.

270

AN APPEAL TO THE CLERGY.

Gentlemen : It is rumored that many of j^our body have become associated
with that political orgapizatiop commooly called the Kpow-Nothings. If
this is true, or if you sympathise with tbem, tbe writer of this deeply regrets
your positiop. No ope eptertaips a higher opipiop of your iritegrity than he.
No ope felt more ipdigpant than he, whep a Sepator of Virgipia assailed you
ip the coupcils of the pation, styling you " a proud and self-opinioned hody."
This assault was unstatesmanlike, as it was updiscriminating apd unjust.
Wbat if some of the Northerp clergy signed an anti-Nebraska memonal,
shall the whole class be proscribed for the sins of these fanatics ? It is not true
that the clergy, as a body, are too proud and self-opinioned to listen to the
truth. They yield a ready assent to the voice of reason, but they will not
abide dictation. They may be drawn by a straw; they cannot be driven
with a weaver's beam. And especially they wiU not Usten, with very great
meekness to a rebuke from those who, as the representatives of the nation,
unblushingly trample tbe laws of God and man under their feet by legislating
on tbe Sabbath. They know their rights, and knowing will defend them.
But while this is true of you, gentiemen, may there not be occasious when
you might adopt an opioion too hastily with reference to the great poUtical
movements of the day. Such was, doubtiess, the case with some who
sioned that odious anti-Nebraska memorial. They signed it without consid-
eripo- its import, and afterwards regretted their course- So may it be with
vou. You may bave adopted an opioioo with referepce to the principles of
the self-styled American party, which is erroneous. The -writer of this ad
dress, therefore, respectfully asks you to listen to what he has to say in op
position to tbe principles of this new party. The leading points of difference
between this organization and those parties wbicb have hitherto controlled
the interests of the country, are — First, opposition to Roman Catholics, so
far as to prevent any professing that faith from holdipg any political office in
the gift of the people. Secondly, excluding every man from participating in
the adrainistration of the governraent of tbe country, who was not born on
American soil. #
With referepce to the first, that of excludipg Romaolsts from participating
Ip the admipistration of our goverpmept, the writer would here avow, that
there breathes pot that map on earth more invincible than he, in his hostility
both to Romish doctrines and Romish practices. He believes that Romani.'^ts
are plunged into the deepest and most ruinous errors ; but he does not be
lieve that men are to be won from error by political proscription. Satan
argued on more philosophical pripciples, when he told God that if he would
put forth his hand and afflict his servant, that Job would curse him to his
face. The mistake of Satan lay In the appUcation of the principle to the
V pecuUar case of the man of Uz, and not the statement of the principle itself.
The man of Uz saw the loving hand of a father in his sorrows, but unfortu
nately the rod which is laid on the Romanist, is not wielded by paternal
hands. This subject has its political as well as its religious aspect. So far as
its political aspect is concerned, this may be said : that the Constitution' of
our country guarantees to every man in the land the right to profess and
propagate bis creed, provided only that he is a law-abiding citizen. This is
as it should be. That the great charter of our liberty never contemplated
any religious test to copstitute a map a suitable persop to hold an office under
its purview. It is vain to say that you only exercise your rights as freemen
to cast your votes for whom you please. In pledging yourselves to exclude

271
all persops from political offices who hold the Romish faith, you do virtually
require a r-eUgious test. You require at least that your candidate shall be a
Protestant. 'The question is not, if tw^o persons are equally qualified to fill an
office, the ope a Romapist, the other a Proteslant, which of the two you shall
choose ; but your principles force you to choose a man wholly unfit to fill the
place in opposition to a raan qualified in every respect to fill it, save that he
is a Roraanist. You would proscribe a Taney, or a Gaston, for his faith, and
in his place elect a man in no respect qualified to discharge the duties ofthe
office. Now if tbis is pot proscribipg a map for his religious opinions, the
writer is at a loss to know what it is. Leave this whole matter where the
Copstitution of the couptry leaves it. Judge each man by himself, and de
cide upon bis own individual merits, but do not proscribe him for his faith.
You cannot coerce a man to your opinion. He may adopt your shibboleth
for the sake of gain, but you have only made a hypocrite, instead ofa prose
lyte. If a man's religiousopinions warp his judgment or blind his reason, so
that in the face of truth, aud at the expense of justice, he would favor his
co-reUgionist, then hurl bim with indignation from his seat as a perjured
wretch, wbo bas desecrated the ei'mine. But if he be faithful to his trust,
and decide by law and equity, between man and man, then do not put him
under tbe political ban because he differs -with you in his religious views.
Truth will be promoted by this course.
Again, look at this subject in its reUgious aspect. What is the language
of your great coramission? — " Go ye into all the world, and preach the
gospel to every creature." You believe tbe Romanist in error, and so he is.
But how will j'ou reclaim him? How can you get his ear to pour ipfo it
the life-givipg truths of the gospel, while you proscribe him politicaUy ? Do
you pot upderstapd humap pature well epough to kuow that a map shuts up,
apd locks, apd bars, apd bolts his heart agaipst tbe truth, the moment you
assurae towards him a hostile attitude ? "Treat him with kindness, and you
will have won his ear by first winning his heart. No coraproraise of truth
is deraanded. But bear«in mipd that the gospel is a message of love, apd
its mipisters should be "wise as serpepts apd harmless as doves." Besides,
what more do you wapt? Are you pot free as the air you breathe ? Have
you pot the best arepa Ip the world on whicb to meet and grapple with er
ror ? How Is error to be put down ? Is it not by presentipg truth, its great
apd ompipotept antagonist, in such a way as to commend itself to the con
science of man ? Are you afraid that truth wiU not reach the Romanist?
Then surely you adopt a singular method by which to reach hira. Did
Paul act so at Athens ? Did the Son of God act so in Judea ? ",Away
with coward wiles !" The truth Is great, and wUl prevail. Enlighten the
people. Meet error In the 'public assembly, raeet It in the pulpit, raeet it in
the public conveyance, raeet it by the fireside, and leave the results to God.
If any people on earth have high vantage ground on which to stand and bat
tle for the truth, we are that people. We have an unshackled press ; we
have a people who throng the hustings; we have a people ready to Usten
to any who can instruct them. It does not agree with the genius of our
o-overnment to meet open error by secret poUtical conclaves. What is the
chief glory of our nation ? It Is that every subject is openly and freely
canvassed. When error mounts the car to traverse the length and breadth
of the land, you can send truth with lightning speed along the telegraphic
wires to anticipate it, or prove Its effectual antidote.
Besides, your course has not only an unhappy effect on the Romanist
himself by steeUng his heart against you, but you are_ awaking a sympathy
in his behalf in the bosom of myriads who are outside of the Romaplsh
communion. The writer of this has had occasion to notice the effect of your
principles on others. You not onl/, as the great and magnanimous Chal-

•272
mers says, " transform a nation of heretics Into a nation of heroes," but
you engender sympathy for them among neutrals — you make .men read
with avidity such speeches as. Chandler's and swallow as truth everything
which is said iu defcpce of Romapism. Such is human nature. You are
thus playing directly into tbe hands of your foes. The Romanists want to
be persecuted. They will fatten on it. They wiU appeal to it as a proof
of apostolicity. They will draw round them thousands by the bonds of
sympathy whom they wiU yoke to their car, and by whose aid they will
spread their sentiments through the length and breadth of our land.
StiU more, tbe moment you league the cause of religiop with any politi
cal party, you diminish the power of the truth. Whep religiop became
connected with the state, in the days of Constantine, it becarae corrupt. It
was not the cburch which made advances to the state, it was the state to
the church. The monarch of Christendom thought that he could have a
poweri'ul engine to carry out his designs in the religious prejudices of his
subjects. He accordingly courted the alliance. The consequence was, that
an ecclesiastico-political goverpment was fornied, and true religion was
obliged to flee for safety to dens and caves of the earth. It has been so in
all ao-es. Whenever the church of God has abandoned her own divinely
appointed agencies and forraed unholy alliances with BeUal, she has lost the
prestige of her glorious name, and the shekinah of tbe divine presence de
parted from her. Gentiemen, beware how you allow a conglomerate of all
creeds and isms, socialists. Infidels, and poUtical demagogues to lure you
into their tods. Pure are you in your raotives, but wofully are you in error
if you think tbis the best means to serve your country, or spread the reh
gion of Jesus Christ. Adhere closely to the ipstructions of the Divine Au
thor of your faith. Preach the gospel. "The weapons of your warfare
are not carnal," por political. "'What copcord hath Christ with Belial, or
what part hath he that believeth with ap infidel?"
FinaUy, copsider tbe vast assimilative powers of your country. It is em
phatically Prote.stant in its complexion, though tolerating every creed under
its banner. Thousands of foreigners seek our shores. In a few years these
become corapletely assimilated to our government and prevailipg religious
views. In a few years, multitudes who were reared under Romish influen
ces abroad, become Protestants. Five hundred Roman Catholic children
in one of our western cities, lately raarched in the Free School procession,
each with a Bible under his arra ; thus under the silent operation of educa
tional, social, and religious influences, tep Romapists appually become Pro-
testapts to ope Protestant who becomes a Romanist. .Let these influences
alone. Why interpose, by drawing unnecessary and invidious distinctions,
which, ipstead of attacbipg the Romapists to you, will oply irritate him, and
repel hira frora you. You kuow that his superstitiop is " to be destroyed
by the spirit of Christ's mouth, apd copsumed by the brightpess of his com
ing." Labor to hasten this great event by the spread of the gospel, but do
not compromise the dignity of the truth by entangling alliances with men,
who with a new-born zeal for Protestantism, are yet adopting principles and
practices essentially Jesuitical.
But the writer must reserve for another number his views on the Know-
Nothing policy touching foreigners. In the meanwhile, gentiemen, he hopes
you wiU review your position on this whole subject, and no longer allow
men to mix reUgious issues with political questions. Be assured they do
not have at heart the welfare of religion. They are only using it as an ele
ment to promote their own ends, and when it ceases to advance these, they
wiU leave it to its fate. Respectfully, VERITAS.

273

DR. R. J. BRECKENRIDGE  POLITICIAN.

Mr. Editor: — A letter purporting to be written by the great and justly
distinguished Dr. Ro. J. Breckenridge, has been copied from the Kentucky
press into the papers of Virginia, just on the eve of the election, and for the
purpose of affecting it. This poUcy is certainly a shrewd one. No name In
America carries such weight with it in large sections of the southern com
munity as the name of this unquestionably great and brilliant man. For
years the ablest and fiercest champion of Protestant Christianity in this coun
try, distinguished for controversial talent, high in social position, reputation,
and purity of character, and speaking from the leading chair in a large Pro
testant school of theology, his endorsatiop of tbe political movemept desig
nated by the name Know-Nothingism, is calculated to do Infinite mischief to
the cause of truth, by throwing an air of respectability evep upon those pe-,
culiarities which some of its own advocates deprecate as foreigp to the spirit
of our-governraept, and especially by creating the irapression that this move
ment agaipst the .Catholic church Is endorsed by the Protestant mlpistry at
large. It is to do what in us lies, to coupteract these irapressiops, apd as a
Protestapt mipister, who by po means stands alone in oppositiop to a political
movemept for tbe suppression or restraint of Popery, to protest, in tbe narae
ofthe great doctrines of religious liberty, against all such constructions* of
the views of the Protestant clei;gy. No doubt there are thousands of those
who' do syrapathize with tbis movement; but It is equally true that there are
fully as many, perhaps raore, who dread to lose an end proper in itself pur
sued by iraproper means, and who dare not desire the ostracism of the Papacy
Itself at the expense of those great principles of religious Uberty which
lie at the foundation of all the prosperity enjoyed by every ecclesiastical
organization in the land. We do not mean to follow Dr. Breckenridge through
his remarks In the way of reply. Indeed his letter is nothing but a series of
terse and animated statements, giving tbe views which he has taken of the
present crisis in poUtical affairs, and not the reasons upon which they are
founded. But we except to the whole spirit of tbis article, as well as to the
movement it endorses ; but particularly to tbe apology which he makes for
that feature in the organization for which no apology can ever be made, for
which no atonement can ever be rendered but a peremptory and final aban
donment of the whole of it.
We cannot endorse Dr. Breckenridge's sanction of a poUtical movement to
stay the progress and power of the Catholic church. It contsyns a confes-i
sion of weakness in the moral machinery of the Protestant churches, ap in
abUity to meet all the influepces of the great apostacy or the ipstitutiops of
this nation, which we feel intensely to be a misrepresentation of the facts.
There is a power in the Protestant church alone, unaided by a poUtical move,
which needs only to be fully and wisely expended, to demonstrate the entire
want of any necessity to supplement her weakness by a political crusade.
The simple and sufficient condition of the preservation of the repubUc from
the arts of Romanism, is the extension of the Protestant church, the full sup
port of the great Domestic Mission enterprises of the various Protestant
denominations. If Protestantism cannot maintain Itself in a fair field against
Popery, it ought to perish. But there Is no need for any such catastrophe ::
it does possess that capacity ; and it is a practical acknowledgment of Pro
testant weakness, which is as unjust to fhe, Protestant church asitls'pro-
scriptive to the Catholic, to represent the destruction of the political franchises;
of the Catholic citizen as essential to the prosperity of the Protestapt reli
gion, or to the conservation of any of the great social or pditical interests
18

274
which are dependent upon it. Such a dependence we do believe to exist be
tweep tbe Protestapt religion and the ipstitutions of this couptry : they were
established together op this cootinent, and they will stand or fall together.
But so long as the Protestant reUgion is a living and vital element in forming
the character and controling the action of the masses of American citizens
as it is at present, so long will the institutions of tbis nation, the nationality,
the Federal Union and the Protestant civilization, of which Dr. Breckenridge
speaks, be safe under the moral and spiritual power of the Protestant
churches, unaided by any poUtical disabilities inflicted upon the individual
Catholic citizen.
We do not mean to say that no political action is never to be taken against
the Catholic church or against any Protestant church. But we do mean to
say that such poUtical action against any ecclesiastical organization ought to
be local and temporary, and above all things discriminated by the practical
action of the organization, and not by its principles when held in theory.
We do not hesitate to say, if the Catholic church is coming into the political
field as such, its members voting on a principle discriminated by their eccle
siastical relations, then it ought to be met on political grounds and resisted
with political weapons. We would say this for the same reasons and with
equal emphasis of any Protestant church. We would say it of a Masonic
order which should engraft a political character on its Masonic capacity.
Nay, more, it is unquestionably true that the Catholic church does lay claim
to temporal power, holds the state as auxiliary to the church, and under pre
tence of deciding his duty, announces tbe right to control the whole action of
man, whicb is susceptible of a moral character. There is this much of the
truth in the theory of Kpow-Nothipgism, but it does pot answer the purpose
of that party. With the fatality which seeras to attend all its reasonings
from its premises, the modern reform fails to see the true logical result of its
premise. The principle which we have enunciated as controling poUtical
opposition to all ecclesiastical bodies. Catholic or Protestant, makes all such
opposition local, temporary, defined by the previous action of the church
itself, not by its theoretical principles, controlled absolutely by that action,
stopping when it stops, progressipg whep it progresses, aod ceasipg forever
when It ceases. To ostracise a Catholic for theory not embodied in practice,
no matter bow objectionable that theory may be both on poUtical and religi
ous grounds, is to punish crime in embryo ; it is to assume the office of deity
and judge criminalities of the soul before tbey are embodied in action or
subject to the cognizance of human tribunals. All interference with princi
ples of sucb magnitude as the liberty of consciepce and religious worship,
ought to be rigidly adjusted to the strictest limits of the practical exigency
that deraands it. If the CathoUc church has been tampering with politics in
any other state, let it be met there : but it would be wrong to suffer the
deraand for such opposition to extend beyond the exigency which demands
it, and to caU for the ostracism of the church in Virginia, unless It can also
be shown to have been tampering with politics here. Until this Is proved, a
political disfranchisement of her members to any extent is a violation of the
law of religious liberty, and a high misdemeanor. There is no demand
whatever for a great national movement against the Catholic church. There
may bave been cause for local and temporary displays of political opposition
to it, but certainly none for an oppositioq co-extensive with the republic. It
is in the main a corrupt movement of unprincipled politicians to excite the
Protestant feeUng of the country and ride into power upon the tide.
The remark thus made, that the inference of Kpow-Nothingism In relation
to the political opposition to the Catholic church, was a logical blunder from
its own premises, which only warranted a local and limited opposition, not a
permanent and universal ostracism' of individual Catholics, is equally true in

275
relation to the other great issue it has raised as to the foreign population.
On aU its positions it Is logically required to go a great deal farther than it
dares attempt. In one case the premise is, the Catholic church is incompati
ble with the existence of the republic ; the inference is that no Catholic shall
be eUgible to office. The true and legitimate Inference is, the CathoUc
church ought not to be tolerated at all !
The premise assumed in this case is, that tbe foreign element in our popu
lation is dangerous to the government : the inference drawn Is the reduction
of a part of the rights of citizenship in foreigners already here, and an ex
tension of the term of naturalization. The true inference is the prohibition
of all emigratiop for the future, apd the avoidapce of everythipg that would
exasperate the foreigp elemept already Ip the midst of us, the careful observ
apce of everythipg which would teod to strepgthep their attachmept to the
ipstitutiops of the couptry. How well the moderp reform ip the political
world is accoraplishipg these ends, it is easy to deterraine. Leaving in the
hands of the Catholic and foreign citizens aU the rights of citizenship except
one, giving them the power to vote, allowing them, Ip other words, all their
power to do mischief, aod exasperatipg them to use it by the ostracism of
their religiop apd birth, condensing the Catholic and foreign element into a
-political body, distinct from tbe mass of the nation, and animated with all the
hostility which is natural to men under an attempt to diminish the equality
of their rights with other citizens ; producing all these ruinous results, Know-
Nothingism is par excellence the perfection of political wisdom, fhe certain
salvation of the country I If the abandonment of one of the greatest of the
great principles of our political system, if political proscription for religious
opinion is to be substituted for the great doctrine of unequivocal liberty of
religious belief, irrespective of all political or civil responsibility, then the
existence of this government is brought into infinitely more peril than that
from which the new party would deliver it. Dr. Breckenridge intimates that
If the question had arisen as to the eligibUity of a Chinese or a Mahomme
dan, less difficulty would have been found in settling it. We reply, that the
general principles involved would have been settled by the settlement of a
previous question ; and that is, whether we should admit a Chioese or a Ma-
homniedan. Pagans and Idolaters, to the rights of citizenship at all in a
Christian supporting country. This determined in the affirmative, it is ab
surd to questiop the propriety of allowing by vote what is allowed by law.
If there is any reason why they should be excluded from any of the com
mon rights of citizenship, it is a reason why they should be excluded from
all of thera. If it is right to allow them to vote, it is right to allow them to
be voted for : the one right is almost the correlative of the other. Any
aroupient which would prove a man disqualified for office, would equally
prove him disqualified to vote. If, then, this opposition to Catholics and for-
eio-pers is to be maiptaiped„let it go far enough to accomplish the e\ids which
are alleged to be sought. It is unwise In the extrerae to leave all their pow
er for mischief in their hands, resulting in part from their siraple existepce
Ip the country as a part of the population, and ip part from the privileges
which are still to be left them ; it is upwise to leave tbem their power for
mischief apd exasperate them to use it by a crusade agaiust their full politi
cal equality with citizeps of other reUgious opiuIops.
But we must pot protract these remarks. We cappot close them, how
ever, without protestipg, Ip oppositiop to the endorsement of Dr. Brecken
ridge, ao-ainst the propriety of a secret organization as a mode of political
action, and especially agaipst the particular oath of that modern party binding
its members to concealment of the objects of the order, the order itself, and
their personal connection with it. What are the objects of this order which

276
have pot beep proclaimed ? If those which are blazoned on their ban
ners are not aU of their objects, what are the rest? If they are, why have
these been proclaimed In the teeth of that oath ? Is it a secret poUce, as we
have heard it intimated ? Does not the possibility that this Order may have
ultimate ends in view which they have not yet discovered, demonstrate the
impropriety of that mode of organization which would allow of such con
cealment and require it to be maintained by an oath? If ever any principle
was at direct and practical war with the very foundatiop of the American
republic, it is this pripciple of ap oath-boupd secret organization. It wiU
place the legislatiop of Coogress Ip the hapds of ap Irrespopslble association
of its members — into a body unkpowp to the Copstitution of the United
States, and whose avowed object is to anpihilate all distinctiop between a
minority and a majority, by an oath requiripg the uplimited surrender of the
minority ! The Congressional Council will be upder orders of the General
Council ; and the result will be that the Copgress of the United States wiU
become, under the full success of Know-Nothing principles, a mere registry
of decrees to a bojly In the heart of the country — unknown to the Constitu
tion — existing no one can tell where — aiming at no one can teli what. It
strikes a deadly blow at that great fundamental maxim of the government —
the necessity of the intelligence of the people as an 'essential of republican
liberty. What matter bow much intelligence the people may have, if politi
cal raen will conceal from them the facts upon which to employ their intelh
gence inthe formation of a judgment and the adoption of a poUcy? The
two duties are essentially correlative. If It is the duty of the people to
require knowledge of any party claiming their suffrages before they endorse
them, it Is the duty of that party to give it. No party has the right to retire
into the dark, bind itself to secrecy upder oath, upfold what they please, and
copceal what tbey please from the people ; nor have the people one shadow
of a moral right to give their sanction to that of the propriety of which they
are not fully Informed. Moreover, if their principle of secrecy is legitimate
for one party, it is legitimate for all; every party may adopt it; the Sag.
Nicht clubs of the foreigners of the west are wholly justified ; and the whole
political destinies of the country may be controled by secret oath-bound
orgaiiizaliops, a hybrid mixture of Masoury, apd a political caucus with aUof
good ip either spoiled by the copjuuction ! Cap any man in this nation con-
tem.plate such a prospect — the legitimate results of "the principle of organiza
tion adopted by the Know-Nothing party — without emotions of alarm amount
ing to terror? Yet Dr. Brickenridge would place such a principle on the
footing of the vote by baUot ! This is the most remarkable instance of the
power of prejudice to extinguish the power of perception, in an intellect of
the highest order, we have ever encountered. Dr. Johnson's belief in the
Cock-Lane ghost is hardly comparable to it.
In conclusion, we must say that thfe issues pledged upon the fideUty of the
Democratic party of Virginia, cannot be fully estimated in their intrinsic
value. We trust they will show at the poUs that Dr. Breckenridge has been
premature in his claim of c5nquest for Know-Nothingism over the Democra
cy of the Old Dominion. Be the fate of the party victory or defeat in the
ensuing election, the war upon the heresies of the new party "will have just
begun. The great principles of religious liberty and open organization in
political parties, in a repubUcan government, will never be abandoned until
they are embodied in practice as well as commended in theory — two things
which the Know-Nothipg party have taught us to consider carefully apart
from all connection with each other. Let the whole power of the party be
strained to the uttermost ; let all the objections to the candidate, which might
have been enough to have justified inaction in his support in ordinary times,

277
no-w give way In a crisis which involves the very existence, not merely of
Democratic measures, but of the fundamental principles of all republican
institutions. It is a great battle. God help the right.
A Protestant Minister.

The pretensions of the Know Nothings to peculiar reverence, for the teach
ings of the Bible, were vindicated in the Examiner in the following editorial :
A SERMON FROM LEVITICUS FOR " SAM."
When the sans culottes oi the secret order of Jacobins were, with foul and
bloodstained bands, dragging tbe noble, beautiful and gifted Madame Roland
to the guillotine, and in the name of liberty moistening the streets of Paris
with the blood of the Girondists, that illustrious woman, gazing at the bright
deadly steel that was soon to sever her fair head, exclaimed, " Ob. ! Liberty,
how many crimes have been committed in thy name !" When we find a secret
order in our midst, In the name of the Bible and of patriotism, practising pro
scription, intolerance, and worse than savage inhospitality, the fearful truth of
Madame Roland's dying words must come home to every calm and dispassionate
friend of religion and liberty.
The Know Nothings, in tbe name of the holy Christian reUgion, and In the
name of patriotism, propose disregarding the plainest teachings of the priest
and the true meaning of the host. Particularly do they proclaim that their
midnight mission is the purification of the Church, and the preservation of our
civil liberties. Like Henry VIIL, who, according to Hume, exhibited his im
partiality by hanging Catholics and burning Protestants, they claim the title of
" defenders of the faith."
Professing to regard the pure teachings of the Bible as of paramount impor
tance to everything earthly, seeking to purge the land of Jesuits and heretics,
tbeir principles are utterly at variance with the teachings of that human law
maker, who, upon Mount Sinai, received from a Supreme Being tbe living word.
This " Lion of the North and Bulwark of the Christian faith " plants its
standard, or rather organizes its conspiracy,' upon the disregarded teachings of
God through his chosen instrument. The Know Nothing who, amid the im
posing mysteries and solemn ceremonies of midnight initiation, swears with up
lifted hand to defend the true teachings of the Bible, in the same formula swears
to violate one of the most simple, plain and intelligible lessons of that sacred
volume. Whoever, therefore, takes the oaths required by this order, pledges
himself to violate the Constitution, and to maintain doctrines Irreconcilable with
every species of Christian faith, whether Proteslant or Catholic— for neither
Catholics nor Protestants openly deny the very strongest and plainest doctrines
of the Holy Bible. " Sam," however, as he is famiUarly termed, has taken the
field not only against the Catholic religion, the Constitution and Democracy,
but also against Moses and the Prophets.
One of the pretexts of -" Sam " for his hostiUty to the CathoUcs, is that they
exclude the Bible from their scbools^a grave and heavy fault — one to be
looken into and punished. But if the Catholics are to be proscribed for this
crime, what punishment should not Sam receive for rearing the structure of bis
order digging its very foundations out of the disregarded, despised teachings
of the great and inspired law-maker ?
The civil polity of Moses, that which followed as a natural sequence to the
Ten Commandments, the code framed in accordance with the organic law of
Mount Sinai, certainly deserves the respect of Protestants. We, therefore.

278
respectfully ask the disciples of Sam to reconcile their teachings with the fol
lowing precept of Moses. Let them take their revered, but too often dese
crated Bible, upon which they swear their deluded victims, and turn to the
Book of Leviticus, 19th chapter, 33d and 34th verses, and explain to ns what
Moses meant in the verses aforesaid :
" IF A STRANGER SOJOURN WITH THEE IN YOUR LAND, YE
SHALL NOT VEX HIM ; BUT THE STRANGER THAT DWELLETH
WITH YOU SHALL BE UNTO YOU AS ONE BORN AMONG YOU,
AND THOU SHALT LOVE HIM AS THYSELF, FOR YE WERE
STRANGERS IN THE LAND OF EGYPT. I AM THE LORD THY
GOD."
This language, we humbly suggest, is peculiarly simple, and It scatters the
teachings of Sam like a bombshell. Sam is a true Protestant ; he boasts that
his grandfather was a Protestapt, his grandmother was a Proteslant, and that
his mother, father, uncles, aunts, cousins, nephews, wife, children and grand
children, are of the same persuasion. Sam and his brethren are the old guard
of the Bible, defending the pure, unadulterated faith, flashing the bright sword
of a pure and undefiled religion in the eyes of all who question anything whioh
the sacred volume contains from Genesis lo Revelations. Il is therefore to be
presumed, that having wandered often over this holy dominion, having conse
crated himself to the ¦ saered work of defending the Bible, Sam is prepared to
reconcile this text from Leviticus with his elegant sermons against foreigners
and " strangers that are sojourning in the land." All of this he, doubtless, is
prepared to do ; although, for reasons to us inexplicable, Sam has vouchsafed
no revelatiohs respecting this passage from Leviticus. Recollect, Sam, thou
" guard of the Bible and defender of the faith" — Leviticus, 19th chapter, 33d
and 34th verses. We know that it Is hard, Samuel, either in courts of law or
in social converse, to get Intelligible answers from you. But the Bible, Sam —
the Protestant Bible — you certainly will not say that you " Know Nothing "
about that. In the name of Moses, we, therefore, pious, religious, consistent
Sam, venture to ask you a few simple questions concerning the 33d and 34th
verses of the 19th chapter of Leviticus, which, Sam, it may be well to state,
incidentally, may be in what is called among good Protestants and sincere
haters of the Pope, the Old Testament.
Do you or doyou not " vex strangers who- sojourn with thee in your land?"
You swear to turn them out of office. You swear to proscribe them, do you
not ? Do you regard such treatment as a vexation or a pleasantry where the
ejected" stranger" happens to starve in consequence of your "Uttle pleasantry"
in turning him out of office.
Moses, you will observe, (perhaps you " Know Nothing," bibUcal Sam, of
Moses,) says, under special Instructions from God, that " the stranger that dwel
leth loith you SHALL be unto you as one born among you." Do you not
not proclaim "that strangers who dwelleth among you SHALL NOT BB UNTO
YOU as those who were born among you ?" Do you not in every thing which
relates to your creed, fly in the face of divine law, denying the wisdom of God
and man ?
Have you not organized your midnight Order for the express purpose of cast
ing the stranger out — of showing hira by hateful and unconstitutional jicts that
you do not intend lo treat him as if he was born among you ? Is II not most
remarkable that, as a self-elected defender of the faith, you propose to set aside
thelaw of Moses lo amend the word of God, and declare with the superior sa
gacity of a Know Nothing that you are more knowing in your generation than
Moses wasin his? (What Is your opinion as to Moses being a fogy?) Do
you entertain as low an opinion of the book of Leviticus as you do of the Con-

279
stitution ? Do you regard Judson, Bennett, Clayton, Wilsoo and Vespasian
Ellis as much better law makers than Moses ? Is the blue book of your Order
higher and better authority than the Old Testament ? But most scriptural
Sammy — thou modern evangelist of the dark lanterns and frightful oaths — Mo
ses also says, in his old-fashioned way, thou shall " love the stranger .sojourning
in thy land as thyself," Dost thou obey the Bible In this regard ? Do you
love Irish, Dutch, Spanish, Italian, French, Swiss, Danish, Norwegian, Scotch,
Patagonian, Chinese, Mexican " strangers" as you do yourself? Have you a
great love for the alien, an overflowing affection for the foreign born, or have
you not sworn, yes, sworn. In your midnight deUberations, to persecute the
strangers " within your gates ?" Of these matters, however, of course, you
" Know Nothing." If you love the strangers, bow have you showu your af
fectiop ? By burning their churches, denying them bread, driving them from
the ballot box, denying them the rights'of citizenship, and mobbing them in
the streets of your great cities. In thus treating them, how have you Interpre
ted the Bible ? — certainly not as Protestants — but rather, (we regret to say it,
Sam,) as hard-hearted, cruel disregarders of the spirit of Christianity.
The 33d and 34th verses of the 19th chapter of Leviticus apply so forcibly
and appropriately to Sam's position in this country, that we almost feel Inclined
to -believe that liloses, rending the veil which hides tbe future from ordinary
mortal eyes, must have .foreseen the rise and progress of Sam, and thousands
of years ago provided for his annihilation. For after thus advising the Israel
ites, he concludes the 34th verse thus : " For ye were strangers in the land of
Egypt," How significant the warning, how impressive the reminiscence. The
chosen people of God were once aliens and foreign horn in the land of Egypt.
Pharaoh and his people were native Egyptians, proud of their nationality, in
solent and tyrapnical, lauding it with a high hand over the poor Israelilies, de
nying them social apd political rights, making them hew-ers of wood and draw
ers of water, grinding the strangers inlo the dust, practising modern Know
Nothingism without its secrecy, in a bold, open, cruel oppression of the " stran
gers sojourning among them." The wrath of God feH upon the Know Nothings
of the order of Pharaoh ; plague followed plague, and pestilence, famine anxi
war desolated the land of the oppressors. Death visited tbe household of every
native Egyptian ; a leader chosen by God led the oppresse(^ through a sea
whose waves, at His command, opened a way for their retreat, and closed over
the hosts of tbe pursuing enemy. This may seem fanciful and far fetched, but
It should teach the oppressor and the Know Nothing that " we were strangers
in the land of Egypt," This fair land waa not God's heritage to us. The na
tive Americans have passed away, and we European interlopers have built up
our palaces upon the sites of their wigwams, — cities stand where the villages of
tbe natives once stood, and the ploughshare is driven over the burying grounds
of tbose to whom God gave the^land.
We are strangers of yesterday in this land ; — ^r, pestilence and famine, in
troduced by ourselves, bave swept tbose from the land to which God gave them
tille deeds. The relics, tbe monuments, the antiquities of America are not
ours. " Sam," a miserable European exile of yesterday, fiying from worse than
Egyptian bondage at home, to this land of the oppressed of every clime, denies
tbe same precious privileges to the exile of to-day. In doing this, he forgets
his origin, the character of our institutions, and the history of the land which
he inhabits. He disregards the Constitution, and he forgets the divine teach
ings of God and of Moses. Hence this sermon.

280

To the charge every where preferred by the Know Nothings, that the Exa
miner and the Enquirer were Catholic organs, the Examiner published the fol
lowing reply :
Civil incapacitations tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and
meanness. opinions of religion shall in no manner diminish or
AFFECT THE CIVIL CAPACITIES OF THE CITIZEN. — Virginia Act of Reli
gious Toleration.
Nothing dies so hard and rallies so often as Intolerance. — S-ydney Smith,
" CathoUc organ !" is the favorite ejaculation of the advocates of intolerance
against their opponents In the present "Canvass. 'The epithet supplies the place
and substitutes the purpose of argument in the mouths of raen weak enough in
mind to fear that these free and powerful States are in dapger of temporal sub
jection from the poorest and weakest of the Europeao Princes. Historical lore
they ipdeed have al oommapd to foraent this morbid apprehension : but it is
lore borrowed from the dark ages and from persecuting, intolerant Europe — it
is lore that has lost its terrors even on the intolerant side of the Atlantic, whta
Catholic Emperors have repeatedly taken the Pope—that most formidable tem
poral prince, prisoner In his sacred city, and led him into ignominious captivity ;
and where, even within the recollection of very small children, that same Po
tentate, whose authority is pretended to overshadow all the goverments of the
earth, was driven out of Rome by a handful of domestic revolutionists.
Native born Americans who terrify al the thought of a Papal subjugation,
must be excused for rummaging up the exploded and forgotten lore of benighted
and Intolerant ages, and for denouncing as " Catholic organs," those who laugh
at their folly and deride their farrago of nonsense about Popish invasion and
subjugation. The Rev. Sydney Smithy a staunch supporter of the English Church Estab
lishment, has supplied us with language suitable to the cases of these cowardly
terrorists, in the following happy description of a modern Know Nothing :
" Philagalhafches Is an instance (not uncommon, we are sorry to say, even
among the most rational of the Protestant dissenters) of a love of toleration
combined with a love of persecution. He is a dissenter, and earnestly demands
religious liberty for that body of men ; but, as for the Catholics, he would not
only continue their present disabilities, but load them with every new one that
could be conceived. He expressly says that an Atheist or a Deist may be allowed
to propagate their doctrines, but not a Catholic ; and then proceeds with all the
customary trash against that sect which nine scbool boys out of ten now know
how to refute. So it is with Philagatharohes ; — so it Is with weak men in every
sect. It has ever been our object, and (in spite of misrepresentation and abuse)
ever shall be our object, to put down this spirit — to protect the true interests
and to diffuse the true spirit of toleration."
So here is 'a "Catholic. organ," after the Know Nothing sense of the word,
in the person of a staunch clergyman of the Episcopal Church of England.
In the same sense, Thomas Jefferson, who drew the Virginia act of religious
toleration, the pith and gist of which stands at the head of this article cf ours,
and wbo is generally understood to have been a Free Thinker on the subject of
religion and church government, was also a " Catholic organ.." Indeed, if this
Know Nothing Idea be true, that all defeuders of religious freedom are " Catho
lic orgaus," we fear it will turp out, at -last, that the proscribed denomination
are very formidable in this matter of organship. George Washipgton and the
whole convention of conscript fathers who formed the American Constitution

281
containing provisions in fayor of the free exercise of religion and denouncing
religious tests, against which the Higher Law Know Nothings of Our day swear
so great an oath, were In that sense " Catholic organs." Madison and Jackson,
as will appear in another place In this sheet, were likewise In the same category
of " Catholic organs."
Not only were all good men of our earlier history amenable to this charge,
hut many bad men also; for the famous Thomas Paine wrote himself down a
" Catholic organ" repeatedly and unmistakably, in defending the liberty of con
science ; as, for instance, thus :
" Toleration is not the opposite of Intolerance, but is the counterfeit of it.
Both are despotisms. The one assumes to Ilself the right of withholding liberty
of conscience, and the other of granting It. The one Is the Pope armed with
fire and faggot, and the other is the Pope selUng or granting Indulgences. The
former is Church and State, and the latter is Church and traffic. *
But toleration may be viewed in a much stronger light. Mati worships not
himself, but his Maker; and tho liberty of conscience, which he claims, is not
for the service of himself, but of his God. 'In tbis case, therefore, wc must ne
cessarily have the associated idea of two brings : the mortal who renders the
worship, and the Immortal being who is worshipped. Tqleration, therefore,
places itself, not between man and man, nor between church and cburch, nor
between one denomination of religion and another, but between God and man :
between the being who worships, and the being who Is worshipped : and by tbe
same act of assumed authority, by which it tolerates map lo pay his worship,
presumptuously aud blasphemously sets Itself up to tolerate the Almighty to
receive it.
Were a bill brought into any parliament, entitled, ' An act to tolerate or
grant liberty to the Almighty to receive tbe worship of a Jew or Turk ;' or,
' to prohibit the Almighty from receiving It;' all men would startle and call it
blasphemy. The world would be Iu uproar. The presumption of toleration in
religious matters would then present itself unmasked : but the presumption is
not the less because the name of ' man' only appears to these laws, for the as
sociated idea of the worshipper and worshipped cannot be separated. Who,
then, art thou, vain dust and ashes ! by whatever name thou art called, whether
a king, a bishop, a church or a state, a parliament or any thing else, that obtru-
dest thine insignificance between the soul of man and its Maker ? Mine own
concerns. If he believes not as thou believest, it is a proof that thou believest
not as he believeth, and there is no earthly power can determine between you.
With respect to wbat are called denominations of religion, if every one is
left to judge of its own opinion, there is no sucb thing as a religion that is wrong :
but if they are to judge of each other's reUgion, there is no such thing as a re
ligion that is right ; and, therefore, all the world Is right, or all the world is
wrong. But with respect to religion Itself, without regard to names, and as di
recting ilself from the universal family of mankind to the divine object of all
adoration, it is man bringing to his Maker the fruits of his heart ; and though
those fruits may differ from each other like fruits of the earth, the grateful tri
bute of every one is accepted.
A bishop of Durham or a bishop of Winchester, or the archbishop who leads
the dukes, will not refuse a tythe — sheaf of wheat, because it is not a cock of
hay, nor a cock of hay, because it Is not a sheaf of wheat, nor a pig, because it
is neither one nor the other ; hut these same persons, under the figure of an
established church, will not permit their Maker lo receive the varied tythes of
man's devotion.
One of the continual choruses of Mr. Burke's book is " Church and State :"
he does not mean some one particular Church, or some one particular State, but
anti-Church and State : and he uses the term as a general figure, to hold forth

282
the political doctrine of always uniting the Church with the State in every
country, and he censures the National Assembly for not having done this In
France. Let us bestow a few thoughts on this subject.
All religions are, in their nature, kind and -benign, and united with principles
of morality. They could not have made proselytes at first by professing any
thing that was vicious, cruel, persecuting or Immoral. Like everything else
they had their beginning : and thus proceeded by persuasion, exhortation and
example. How is It then that they loose their native mildness, and become mo
rose and Intolerant ?
It proceeds from the connection whicb Mr. Burke recomraends. By engen
dering the Church with the State, a sort of mule animal, capable only of des
troying, and not of breeding up, called the church established by law. It is a
stranger, even from its birth, to any parent mother on which it is begotten, and
whom in time il kicks out and destroys.
Th^Inquisitiop of Spaip does pot proceed from the religion originally profes
sed, but from the mule animal engendered between the Church and Slate. The .
burnings In Smithfield proceeded from the same heterogeneous production :
and It was the regeneration of this jnimal In England afterwards, that renewed
the rancour and irreligion among the Inhabitants, and that drove the people
called Quakers and Dissenters to America. Persecution is not an original fea
ture in any religion, but it is always the strongly marked feature in all law re
ligions, or religions established by law. Take away the law establishment, and
every religion re-assumed its original benignity.
In America, a Catholic priest is a good citizen, a good character, and a good
neighbor; an Episcopalian minister is of the same description; and this pro
ceeds independently of the men, from there being no law establishment in
America. If we also view this matter In a temporal sense, we shall see the ill effects it
has had on the prosperity of nations. The union of Church and Stale has im
poverished Spain. The revoking the edict of Nants drove tbe silk manufacture
from Frapce inlo England : and Church apd State are now driving the cotton
manufacture frora England to America apd Frapce. It is by observing the ill
effects of it, ip Englapd, that America has been warned against It, and it is by
experiencipg them Ip Frapce, that the Natiopal Assembly bave abolished It :
and,., like Araerica, bave established universal right of conscience, and universal
right of citizenship," — Paine' s Rights of Man, pari \st.
But better men and better moralists than Paine proved themselves "Catholic
organs " in full as decided and able and Instructive a manner. One of the
most lucid and popular authors upop subjects of casuistry and religion, Dy
mond, writes thus :
" A few, and only a few, sentences, will be allowed to the writer upon the
great, the very great question of extending religious liberty to the Catholics of
these kingdoms. I call It a very great question, not because of the difficulty of
deciding it. If sound principles are applied, but because of the interests that
are involved, and of the consequences which may follow if those principles
are not applied.
It is tbe writer's conviction, that full Religious Liberty ought to be extend
ed to the Catholics, because it ought to be extended to all men.
If a Catholic acts in opposition to the public welfare, diminish or take away
his freedom ; if he thinks amiss, let him enjoy his freedom undiminished.
To this I know of but one objection that is worth noting here — that they are
harmless, only because they have not the power of doing mischief, and that
they wait only for the power to do it. But they say this Is not the case ; we
have no such intentions 1 Now, in all reason, you must believe them, or show
that they are unworthy of belief. If you believe them, Religious Liberty fol-

283
lows of course. Can you then show that they are unworthy of belief Where
is your evidence ?
You say their allegiance is divided between the king and a foreign power.
They reply ' It is not.' We hold ourselves bound, in conscience, to obey the
civil government in all things of a temporal and civil nature, notwithstanding
any dispensation lo the contrary, from the Pope or Churoh of Rome.
You say their declarations and oaths do not bind tbem, because they ho)d
that they can be dispensed from the obligation of an oath by the Pope. They
reply ' We do net' We hold that the obligation of an oath is most sacred ;
that no power whatever can dispense with any oath by which a Catholic has
confirmed his duly of allegiance to his sovereign, or any obligation of duty to a
third person.
You say they hold that faith Is not lo be kept with heretics. They reply,
' We do not' British Catholics say -they have solemnly sWorn that they re
ject and detest that unchristian and impious principle, that faith is not lo be
kept with heretics or infidels. These declarations are taken from a ' Declara
tion of the Catholic Bishops, the Vicars, Apostles, their co-adjutors, in Great
Britain, 1825.' They are sigped by the CathoUc Bishops of Great Britain,
and are approved in an ' address ' signed by eight Cktholic Peers, and a large
number of other persons of rank and character.
Now, I ask of those who contend for the Catholic disabilities, what proof do
you bring that these men are trying to deceive you ? I can anticipate no-
answer, because I have beard none. Will you, then, content yourselves by say
ing, we will not believe thera ? This would be at least the candid course, and
the world might then perceive that our conduct was regulated not by reason,
but by prejudice or the consciousness of power. It is unwarrantable to infer,
a priori, and contrary to the professions and declarations of the persons hold
ing sucb opinions, that their opinions could induce acts injurious to the com
mon weal. Bui, if nothing can be said lo show that the Catholic declarations
do not bind them, something cap be said lo show that they do. If declarations
be indeed so little binding upon their consciences, bow comes it to pass that
they do not make those declarations which would remove their disabilities, get
a dispensation from the Pope, and so enjoy both the privileges and an easy con
science. Why,, if their oaths * and declarations did not bind them, they
would, get rid of their disabilities to-morrow ! Nothing is wanting but a few
hypocritical declarations, and CathoUc Emancipation is effected. Why do they
not make the declarations ? Because iheir words bind them. And yet, (so
gross is the absurdity,) although it is their conscientiousness which keeps them
out of office, we say they are to be kept out because they are not conscientious !
I forbear further Inquiry, but I could not with satisfaction, avoid applying what
I conceive to be the sound principles of political rectitude to Ibis great ques
tion ; and let no man allow his prejudices or his fears lo prevent him from ap
plying them to this, as to every other political subject. Justice and Truth are
not to be sacrificed to our weakness and apprehensions ; and I believe that. If
the people and legislature of this country (Great Britain) will adhere to justice
and truth with regard to our Catholic brethren, they will find, ere long, that
they have only been delaying the welfare of the Empire" — Dymond's Essays
on Morality.

Religious Toleration before the American Re volution.-.— More
than a hundred years before the declaration of independence, the American
colonies asserted, and the British monarchs granted, the great doctrines
of religious tolerance. In 1662, the sovereign of England declared "the
principles and foundation of tha charter of Massachusetts to be the freedom

284
of liberty of conscience !" But from the moment that the idea of raaking
an EngUsh settieraent in Maryland occurred to the just and bigb-souled
Calvert, Lord Baltiraore, which was early in 1600, the idea of reUgious tol
eration became as precious to American adventurers and settlers as the air
which they breiathed or the Uves they had dedicated to the New Worid. In
1636, eyery other country in the world had persecuting laws but Maryland ;
and at that early day the oath of a governor of Maryland was : " I wiU not,
by myself, or any other, directly or indirectly, molest any one professing to
believe in Jesus Christ, for or in respect of religion. At a moment when
the overthrow of the monarchy in the mother country was about to place in
the hands of CromweU, the embittered enemy of the Roraism church, un
liraited power, the CathoUcs of Maryland (April 21, 1649) placed the fol
lowing law upon their statute-book : " And whereas the enforcing of the
conscience in matters of religion hath frequentiy fallen out to be of danger
ous consequence in those Commonwealths where it has been practised, and
for the more quite and peacable government of this proyince, and the bet
ter to preserve mutual love and amity araong the inhabitants, no person
within this province, professing to believe In Jesus Christ, shaU be any ways
troubled, molested or discountenanced, for his or her religion, or In the free
exercise thereof." The " friends of prelacy" who were disfranchised in
Massachusetts, and tbe Puritans who were "vexed" in Virginia, were wel-
coraed to equal political and civil liberty in Catholic Maryland. The man
ner in which Lord Baltimore was persecuted and denounced — thrown out
his rigbts by usurpers — and in turn proscribed by the very persuasion he
had tolerated and protected — and yet his noble and constant adherence to
the doctrine of religious freedom and political equality, whether in public or
'in private life — -"are embalmed in the history and in the remerabrance of
the world.
High upon the roll of fame will shine the name of Lord Baltiraore, made
glorious in the persop of Sir George Calvert, apd sustained in that of his
son, Cecil Calvert. At a time when the nation was overrun with the foes
of the holy right of the freedora of conscience. Lord Baltiraore set an ex
ample that to this day bears perennial blessings upop all. Ever greep be
his imraortal raemory ! The ingrates who aSsail the reputation of the illus
trious dead — their rude ribaldry over his honored grave — their ignorant de
nial of services that are printed in the pages of Impartial history — will not
deprive hira of his claims upon the gratitude of all generations of civilized
and Christian people.
The progress of religious toleration in New Englapd was marked by gi-
gaptic apd almost incredible perils. The heart sickens over the recital.
And in proportion as -tve feel proud and glad at the exhibition of the Catho
lic Calvert's liberal and generous poUcy in Maryland, we are oppressed and
grieved by the details of Catholic persecutions in England during the reign
of Mary. But the religious toleration which flourished uuder a Catholic
proprietor in the New World grew up defiantly in tbe face of Catholic iUib-
erality Ip the Old World. It was precious ip both cases ; but more perilous
to maiutaip apd to defend in the latter than in the former. Nor were the
Puritans mnch safer under the Protestant rule of Elizabeth. Proscriptive
decrees were passed against them commanding conformity, and some of their
most beloved leaders were executed. But still their increase In numbers
could pot be arrested. Under James they suffered fearfully ; and, fipally,
in order to worship God without the fear of man, and to be able to assert the
divine right of conscience. In 1607 a number of reformers &ed to Holland,
where they arrived after terrible privations. They remained in HoUand
about eleven years. Ip 1620 they left for the New Worid, aod soop after
their arrival estabUshed themselves at Plymouth. Their sufferiugs for long

285
years, from the climate, from starvation, from the ravages of the Indians,
and from their distant foes, as we read in their sad but eloquent story, make
tbe heart bleed. Throughout all, they asserted and maintained that principle
of religious toleration to "preserve which they fled from their fatherland.
Population advanced slowly for long years ; few foUowed their despairing
fortunes; but through all "they worshiped God under their own vine and
under their own fig tree, with none to molest or to make them afraid." It
would compensate for the trouble if sorae eloquent writer would go back to
those days of the past, and contrast the perils and the persecutions endured
by these early Christian,s — the loss of fortune and of Ufe— to sustain a prip->
ciple POW madly assailed by those who boast at the same time of beipg tbe
offspring of such ancestors, and trample their holiest prerogative under foot
as If toleration were the teaching of sin itself !
In 1631, however, there reached the shores of JNastaket one of those
men whose character impresses itself upon comipg geperatiops, apd whose
virtues outweigh all the hopors of merely miUtary chieftaips. - He was the
champion of religious toleration, aud almost its martyr. He coptepded for
it against all local fanaticisms, offended his owp friends by his heroic forti
tude, and was finally expelled from the Massachusetts colony for his adhe
repce to this immortal doctrine. We aUude to Roger WUUams. Let those
who now scoff at the right of conscience, and who dare to lay their hands
upon that sacred element of freedom — let the'm contemplate the character i
and the example of this heroic spirit; and if they do not feel overwhelmed
with the consciousness of their own insignificance and ingratitude, we shall
be deceived. Behold the picture of this brave and noble leader as drawn
by the glowing pencil of Bancroft: "In 1631 he was but little more than
thirty years of age ; but his mind had already, matured a doctrine which se
cures him ap immortality of fame, as its applieatiop has given religious
peace to the Araerican world. He was a Puritan, and a fugitive frora Eng
lish persecution ; but his wrongs had not clouded his accurate understapd-
ing : in the capacious recesses of his mind he had revolved the nature of
intolerance, and be, and he alone, had arrived at the great principle which
is its sole effectual remedy. He announced his discovery under the simple
proposition of the sanctity of conscience. The civil magistrate should re
strain crime, but never control opinion ; should punish guilt, but should never
violate "the freedom of the soul. The doctrine contained within itself
an entlr.e reformation of theological jurisprudence; it would blot from the
statute-book the felony of non-conformity ; would, quench the fires that per
secution had kept so long burning; would repeal every law compelling at
tendance on public worship ; would abolish tithes and all forced contributions
to the maintenance of religion ; would give an equal protection to every
form of religious faith ; and never suffer the authority of the cIvU govern
ment to be enUsted against the mosque of the Mussulman or the altar of the
fire worshiper, against the Jewish synagogue or Roman cathedral. * * *
" But the principles of Roger Williams led him into perpetual coUision
with the clergy aod goverpmept of Massachusetts. It had ever beeu their
custom to respect the church of England, and ip the mother couptry they
frequeuted Its service without scruple ; yet its principles and its adminis
tration were harshly exclusive. WilUams would hold no communion with
intolerance ; for, said he, 'the doctrine of persecution for cause of con
science is most evidently and lamentably contrary to the doctrine of Christ
Jesus.' »**,*** * _* * * *
" Bat the controversy finally turned on the question of the rights and duty
of magistrates to guard the minds of the people against corruption, and tb
punish what would seem to them error and heresy. Magistrates, WiUiams
protested, are but the agents of the people, or its trustees, on whom no spir-

286
itual power in matters of worship can ever be conferred ; since copsclence
belongs to the individual, and is not the property of the body poUtic ; and
with admirable dialectics clothing the great truth in its boldest and most gen
eral forms, he asserted that the civil magistrate may not intermeddle even
to stop a church from apostacy and heresy ; 'that this power extends only
to the bodies and goods and outward estates of men.' With correspondino-
distinctness, he foresaw the influence of his principles op society. 'The
removal of the yoke of soul-oppressiop,' to use the words ip which, at a
later day, he confirmed his early view, 'as it will prove an act of mercy and
righteousness to the enslaved nations, so it is of binding force to engage the
whole and every interest and conscience to preserve the common liberty
and peace.' ********* *»¦
" When summoned to appear before the general court, he avowed his
convictions in the presence of the represeptatives of the state, 'maintained
the rocky strength of his grounds,' and declared himself 'ready to be bound
and banished, and even to die in New England,' rather than renounce the
opinions which had dawned upon his raind in the clearness of light. At a
time when Germapy was the battle-field for all Europe ip the implacable
wars of religion ; when even Holland was bleeding with the anger of
vengeful factions; when France was still to go through the fearful struggle
with bigotry ; when England was gasping under the despotism of intoler
ance, alraost half a century before WilUam Penn became ap American pro
prietary, and two years before Descartes founded modern philosophy on
the method of free reflection, Roger WilUams asserted the doctrine of in
tellectual liberty. It became his glory to found a state on that principle,
and to starap hiraself upon its rising institutions In characters so deep that
the impress has remained to the present day, and can never be erased with
out the total destruction of the work. The principles which he first sus
tained amidst the bickerings of a colonial parish, next asserted in the gen
eral court of Massachusetts, and then introduced into the wilds on Narra-
gansett bay, he soon found occasion to publish to the world, and to defend
as the basis of the religious freedom of mankind ; so that, borrowing the
rhetoric employed by his antagonist in derision, we may co.mpare him to the
lark, the pleasant bird of the peaceful summer, that, 'affecting to soar aloft,
springs upward from tbe ground, takes bis rise from pale to tree,' and at last,
surmounting the highest hiUs, utters his clear carols through the skies of
morning. He was tbe first person in modern, Christendom to assert in its
plenitude the doctrine of the liberty of conscience, the equality of opinions
before law, and in Its defepce he was the harbipger of Miltop, the precursor
apd the superior of Jeremy Taylor." * * * * « »
[After beiug expelled from Massachusetts, Roger Williams weut out to
seek a home for himself.*]
" It was ip Jupe that the law-giver of Rbode Islapd, with five compan
ions, embarked on the stream ; a frail Indian canoe contained the founder of
an ipdepepdept state apd its earliest citizens. Tradition has marked the
spring near which they landed ; it is the parent spot, the first inhabited nook
of Rhode Island. To express his unbroken confidence in the mercies of
God, Williams called the place Providence. 'I desired,' said he, 'it might
be for a shelter for persons distressed for conscience.' "
These are taken from examples of Americap history loog before the revo
lutionary war, and before the declaration of independence. We shall re
serve to another occasion the reproduction of the model character of William
Penn — a portrait entitied to a high place in the galaxy of which Calvert and
Williaras were unfading stars. But what a retro.spect is opened to the in-
quiring mind by these reminiscenses ! We see a simple Bible truth — a plain
principle in politics — prevailing over bigotted and cruel kings. We see the

287
wisest statesmen of a brilliant reign yieldipg to this priociple ; men perish
ing for it at the burning stake in order that posterity might feel its value ;
others steallug off to strapge lapds with their feeble wives apd Uttle chil
dren ; others hunted like wild beasts, and fipally Christians flying for a
refuge from intolerance to a far-distant world — a new asylum — and, meet
ing there the rigors of a harsh climate, of prostrating diseases, of sav
age foes — all that the seed of religious freedom and liberty of conscience
might not perish, but might be the beginning of a great nation in tbe future
under tbe canopy of whose institutions all nations might find a home, safe
from king and Kaiser, screened from fanaticism and hatred, and equal
alike before God and man !

One of the first bad deeds of the Know Noth'ng Governor of Massachusetts,
after his election In 1855, was the disbandipg of several military companies,
composed of foreign bopn citizens.
John Mitchell, the Irish patriot and refugee, published the following ad
mirable and scathing article upon the subject In his paper. The Citizen.
DISARMING OF CITIZENS— 'I;HE FIRST STEP TOWARDS DES
POTISM.
He must be a grossly Ignorant Celt, Indeed, who does not know tbe principles
of Republican freedom better than Mr. Gardner, Governor of Massachusetts.
Mr. Gardner holds " that the foreigner shall enjoy all the blessings of this
country; but that the na<it;es shall continue to administer the laws, a?cording
to their owp judgment and the example of tbeir fathers." Therefore Governor
Gardner has not the least Idea what the blessings of this country are (or rather
were) when he excludes from the number of those blessings the equal capacity
of all citizens to " administer the laws" and to do every other civic duty and
exercise every other civic right. When he presumes to cite the example of his
fathers for this, if he means the Pilgrim Fathers, he is right enough ; — for they
had little notion of republican freedom or any other freedom — but if he means
the Fathers of the American Revolution, then he blasphemes' his fathers and
stultifies his fathers' son. His fathers did not call a paturalized citizep " the
foreigner ;" his fathers did not claim for natives the sole administration of the
law. His fathers knew what were the blessings of the Revolution they achieved
and of the country tbey created ; and they made laws inviting all mankipd to
come apd participate Ip those blessings upon equal terms. His fathers little
thought they would be so unlucky as to beget a Know Nothing. ^
However, he has begun the work ; knowing nothing, and we suppose caring
nothing, how it may end. " To cultivate a living and energetic nationality —
'to develop a high and vital patriotism," he has coraraenced his term of office by
issuing an order to disband all militia companies of the Stale, -whose members
were born In other lands — or as he clearly expresses It, " Companies composed
of foreign birth." Whether he has by law the power to Carry his ukase Into
effect Is another quesiion, which we are glad to see will bo tried with him ; but
in the mean lime, so far aw in bim lies, he revokes the Invltallon of his fathers
after it has been accepted by millions of men — after they have abandoned the
crowded and crushed lands t)f Europe, their home, their kindred, and what
citizenship they had there, — and declares his resolution to cheat them, hy penal
disabilities and disqualifications, which would make them citizens but in name,
' helots in fact.

288
This is what Governor Gardner calls Americanizing* America. But he has
other plans, this learned Governor — " To retain the Bible (that is the Protes
tant Bible) in our Common Schools, and to keep entire the separation of the
Church and the Stale." Obviously he' is in a stale of the most Innocent uncon
sciousness that the.se two suggestions destroy one another. To expend the taxes
of the whole people in maintaining institutions .(call them schools or conventi
cles, or what you will) that only a part of the people can use by reason of some
one sort of religion being taught there — this is not separation, but connexion,
of Church and State. We do not mean lo make an elaborate criticism on the
Massachusetts inaugural. It is all like what we have quoted — Ignorance, bad
sense, bad feeling, and bad English. But wbat we do mean to do is to address
a few words of advice to naturalized citizens in the premises.
Il may be assumed that Governor Gardner's principles and measures will In
the present temper of the public mind, be popular, and be Imitated in other
States. In fact Know Nothing Governors may even attempt lo improve upon
them, and Invent some original and more ingenious oppression. It would not be
easy, just now lo go too far in that direction. Il is full time that the people against
whom all these blows and insults are aimed should take pounsel together, should
ascertain whether they are indeed citizens in the true and full meaning of the
term, if not, then what position they are to consider themselves as holding ia
America henceforth, — and in the mean lime what measures can be taken to
avert the evils which the present proscription may bring upon themselves and
their adopted country.
In tbe first place we must remark the fact which uo doubt Goverpor Gardner
kpows well enough — that the separate military organization.s, whether of Irish
or of Germap citizens, although certainly an evil, are fully as much owing to
the separate organizations of native Americans as to any disposition on the part
of either Irish or Germans to Isolate themselves. There are companies in New
York which do not admit a foreign-born soldier, and doubtless in Boston too.
These native Americans will not take the word of command from a foreign-bora
officer ; so that if a naturalized citizen, no matter how educated and intelligent,
were even admitted Into those corps he must be a full private. The plain con
sequence is that naturalized citizens desirous of bearing arms under the flag of
their adopted country, if they will not submit to humiliation, must form corps
of tbeir own. We say this is an evil ; but it Is directly produced by the intol
erance of the natives ; yet the natives think themselves entitled to cry out in
condemnation of it.
Since the Citizen was established, seeing that tbe existence of separate Irish,
German and Native American corapanies could not be helped, we have earnestly
endeavored to impress upon the Irish soldier, what indeed we believe every
Irish soldier feels without being tutored — that he bears arms solely for his
adopted country, whose laws he is bound to obey, and whose flag and constitu
tion he Is to defend with his life. We have loudly condemned the anomaly
and absurdity of what is called " the Irish vote," (another mischief Invented
and, used by American politicians) and exhorted our countrymen not to vote in
masses or in batches, as Irishmen, nor suffer electioneering Intriguers to "make
capital" of them by a few blarneying phrases. We have preached lo them that
here they are never to forget they are Americans, and exhorted them to be obe
dient to the laws, and to rely on the justice of their fellow citizens and on the
majesty of the constitution. ^
We repeat that advice still more earnestly now. Let no irritation at an in
solent aggression tempt us to be false to the obligations we have taken upon us.
In the difficulties that are approaching, let the Know Nothings be still, as they
are now, wholly in the wrong.
But what is of more importance still — submit to no brand of inferiority, no ¦
ghaldow of disparagement, at the hand of these natives. You are their equals

289
by law ; you are their equals every way. Disbandment of a military company
is a direct Imputation of misconduct : and we are happy to find that Col. Buller
of Lowell refuses to brook the outrage.- He declines to transmit the order for
disbandment to his captains, Invites a Court Martial, and appeals to the law —
for there is still an appeal to the law. And the Shields' Artillery of Boston
have taken like action in the case. If, however, the final decision be against
them and against Col. Butler, and If the military companies of foreign birth
are actually disarmed and disbanded, then for every rausket given into the
State Arraory, lel three be purchased forthwith ; let independent companies be
formed, thrice as numerous as the disbanded corps — there are no Arms Acts
here yet — and let every " foreigner" be drilled and trained, and have his arras
always ready. For you may be very sure, (haying some experience in that
matter) that those who begin by disarming you, mean to do you a mischief.
Be careful not to truckle In the smallest particular lo American prejudices.
Yield not a single jot of your own ; for you have as good a right to your preju
dices as they. Do not, by' any means, suffer Gardner's Bible to be thrust down
your throats. Do not abandon your post, or renounce your functions, as citizens
or as soldiers, but after resort^ to the last and highest tribunal of law open to
you ; keep the peace ; attempt no " demonstrations ;" discourage drunkenness,.
and stand lo your arms.
It is hardly to be conceived that the madness of faction and the insolence of
race will proceed lo such a length as to disarm Independent companies, or -private
men. If they do, then the Constitution is at an end — the allegiance you have
sworn to this Republic Is annulled.
Would to God that thoughtful and just Americans would bethink themselves
in time. They are strong : they far outnumber the foreign born : they
are proud and flushed with national glory and . prosperity : doubtless they
can if they will, do great and grievous wrong to a race that has neyer wronged
them : — but seriously, earnestly we assure them, the naturaUzed citizens will
not submit. This senseless feud must be reconciled : there must be peace :
peace or else a war of extermination. We are here on American ground, either
as citizens or as enemies.

HAS EMIGRATION INJURED OUR COUNTRY?
It Is sta^d — we knpw not how truly — that the Legislature of Wisconsin haa
nnanimously passed resolutions against any alteratloO' of thenaturalization laws.
This item of news has suggested some reflections on the subject of emigration,
¦which may not be Inapplicable to present politics.
In 1840 the entire population of Wisconsin was 30,'945.
In 1850 the entire population of Wisconsin was 305,391 — being an increase
in ten years of 886.88 per cent. !
Of tbis 305,391 souls, 110,477 were born in foreign countries, and but 54,479
within the Stale of Wisconsin.
There are many other evidences of the value of emigration which deserve-
notice. Chicago, that wonder of the lakes, which twelve years ago was no larger than..
an ordinary village, and which is now one of the great depots of the far West,.
had a population of 30,000 two years ago. Of this number about one half is;
composed of citizens born jn other countries. .
Take next the city of Milwaukle, Wisconsin, which "has only risen into notice
within a few years, and we fiifS there a population of 20,000 three years ago, of
which 12,782 are adopted citizens from Germany and Ireland.
19

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Cincinnati, the queen city of the West, has a population of 115,435, of which
54,600 are adopted citizens from Germany and Ireland.
St. Louis is another wonder. In 1852 it had a population of about 78,000,
of which 38,397 were' born in foreign countries — chiefly from England, Wales,
Ireland and Germany.
New Orleans has a population of 50,470 native-born to 48,601 foreign-born—
mainly from Ireland, France and Germany.
Detroit numbers 11,055 native to 9,927 foreign-born.
Boston has 88,948 native to 46,667 foreign-born.
Philadelphia has 286,346 native to 121,699 foreign-born.
It appears, says -the Compendium of the Census, compiled by Mr. DeBow,
that there were, In 1850, in the United Stales, 961,719 persons born in Ire
land; 278,675 born in England; 70,550 in Scotiand; 29,868 in Wales— ma-
king a total for Great Britain and Ireland of 1,340,812,' which is considerably
more than one half of the total foreign-born residents in the United Stales. If Bri
tish America be added, (147,711,) there wiU be a total of 1,488,523, which
makes two thirds of the total foreign-born. Frora France there are 54,069 ; from
Prussia, 10,549; from the rest of Germany, 573,225; and some 80,000 from
other countries, including Mexico.
Closely and inseparably connected with this view of the subject, are the enor
mous and increasing resources opened by this emigration to our commerce, ma
nufactures, agriculture, and hence to the revenues of the general government.
The amount of shipping employed Is Ilself an Item worthy of reflection. New
York, whicb is the point at which most of the emigration from the Old World
arrives, thence to take its departure over the Stales of the Union, bad in 1821
a tonnage equal to 21,726,634, and in thirty years after (1851) its tonnage was
equal to 106,568,635 ! This ratio holds good as to other cities. We have no
data by which to estimate the large amount of coin that follows and accompa
nies emigration to the United States ; and this Is an element of first-rate im
portance. Arrest emigration and the first interest to feel the blow will be that
of commerce.
What emigration has done for agriculture, the statistics of the Western States
will show lo the curious inquirer. Every fool of uncultivated soil that is res
cued for the purposes of civilization by the teeming thousands that pour into
the wilderness of the far West Is made to add to the enormous products that
haye made this the granary of the world, and to every other interest in every
State of the Union, because where these masses of citizens do not produce they
consume, giving to manufacturers a market on the one hand, and aiding lo feed
starving millions upon the other.
. There is probably no eleraent that enters so largely, and at the same time so
convincingly, into the discussion of the question of the value of emigration to
the United States, as that which relates to the public lands. Here is a subject
worthy of the noblest efforts of the intellect. Regarded from every point of
view, it inspires the most profound ideas, and fills the mind of the citizen with
sublime anticipations of his country's greatness. Indissolubly connected with
the question of revenue, it suggests to us a bulwark against a world in arms.
In peace It promises to support a government without taxation, and so enforces
the great idea of free trade with the nations of the earth. In war it furnishes
us with the means to protect ourselves against tbe invader. Every year fills up
new expanses of the public domain ; and yel, as State after State Is recovered
from the gloom and the desolation of centuries of Ignorance and of neglect,
other regions are opened to the energies of our race» startling all the peoples of
the globe with stories of illimitable natural resources. The policy of the go
vernment has not fallen below the majestic dignity of this subject. In all its re
lations, social and political. Chiefly, however, has It been considered as belong
ing to that class of interests which look beyond the present, and connect them-

291
selves with the future. The following brief and striking paragraph in the Pre
sident's last annual message contains a volume of food for patriotic thought :
" During the last fiscal year, eleven million seventy thousand nine hundred
and thirty-five acres of the public lands have been surveyed, and eight million
one 'hundred and ninety thousand ahd seventeen acres brought into market.
The nuraber of acres sold is seven million thirty-five thousand seven hundred
and thirty-five, and the amount received therefor nine million two hundred and
eighty-five thousand five hundred and thirty-three dollars. The aggregate
amount of lands sold, located under military scrip and land warrants, selected,
as swamp lands by states, and by locating under grants for roads, is upwards of
twenty-three mlllioill of acres. The increase, of lands sold over the previous
year is about six millions Of acres ; and the sales during the two first quarters
of the current year present the extraordinary result of five and a half millions
sold, exceeding by nearly four millions of acres the sales of the corresponding
quarters of the last year."
It Is not necessary that we should retrace the history of emigration for the
last twenty years, and especially for the last ten years, to show how and by
whom these lands are purchased. While the government liberalizes its laws,
cheapens Its public lands, and peacefully treats with the aborigines, the doctrines
of our forefathers are equally respected and applied, and the oppressed -and
down-trodden of the Old World come hitherwards to help the cause of enlight
ened liberty on these shores, and to flnd homes for themselves, with none to mo
lest or lo make them afraid. We thus fulfil ennobling duties to ourselves and
bold out ennobling inducements to all our fellow-beings. We reduce our pub
lic debt, lighten the burdens of taxation to our citizens, open the pathway to
religion and civilization, where for thousands of years untutored nature reigned
supreme, and reward those who have fought our battles against tbe common foe.
Who does not see how such a picture held up before the bunted and the starv
ing masses of ancient kingdoms Is like a voice from God himself calling them
hitherwards ? It is He who speaks in these wonderful and manifold evidences
of His goodness and His glory. And when the emigrants come, answering to
us, as the agents of tbe Supreme Ruler, do they take from us without giving in
return ? Do they not aid to make the wilderness blossom as the rose — to dig
the canal — to heave the ponderous granite frora its time-worn caves — lo stretch
the long line of raUroad — to pay taxes — and to contend against our enemies at
home and abroad ? But more than this : Leaving the material advantages thus
given on the one Eand, and returned a thousand-fold upon the other, to those
who delight In such cajculations, who will estimate .the general advantage to
those rational principles of freedom, and of civilization and of law, secured to
us by these additions to onr population ? Exceptions, indeed, there are to this
rule  deplorable exceptions. And so were there exceptions after the revolu
tionary war among a native-born people, who rebelled In the face of sacred ob
ligations, and resisted the delegated authority with the strong arm. But the
problem has been loo fully and too clearly solved iu regard lo emigrants to this
country. Here all nations mingle and make up a race such as the sun has ne
ver shone upon, and the feature that towers most prominently in all the States —
that arrests aud converts, if it does not denounce and overwhelm, every element
of foreign tumult transported here — Is the feature that when men would be
truly free they must he obedient to the laws they themselves have made, or
sworn to respect. And this is the rock upon which for fifty years a popular
government has stood, and upon which it now stands stronger than ever. This,
too is tbe rock upon which absurd prophesies and cravehSfears have been shi
vered to atoms.
The narrow bigot, or the selfish demagogue, may choose to extract apprehen
sions from these observations, but we advise him to adjourn his criticisms. We

292
advise him to leave as a legacy to the future his present persecutions and plots;
and there can be little danger of the issue ; for if he w-dl try his theories now,
he must rest on a raore enduring basis than mere proscription and envy. He
must erect his standard higher than the secret cells of midnight schemers. He
must raise his voice in a purer atmosphere than that which exhales from oath-
bound orgies. He may riot for a day in the excitement resulting from Intoxi
cating prejudices and glittering promises. But he must oppose arguments to
facts, truth to history, great thoughts and practical benefits to the solid and in
spiring record that we hold up before his eyes. Who cannot realize such a
prospect in tbe not loo distant future, when the Pacific slope will swarm with
human beings ; when the untrodden empires that now belong to our country
will be peopled with freemen ; when we have rescued the suffering nations of
this hemisphere, by the force of a peaceful example, from the sword and the
bayonet ; when our lakes, on all their borders, will fulfil tbe destiny that awaits
them, and renew there the glories of the ancient republics; when In all the
world there is no tyrant ; and when there need be no emigrants to this land,
because toleration, equality, and peace will be the common blessings of the
whole family of man ?

HOSTILITY TO EMIGRATION.
The following powerful articles appeared in the Washington Union during tbe
canvass in Virginia, and as tbey have been ascribed to two of the most distin
guished statesmen of the Democratic party, we republish them. In learning
and research, they equal any writings of the canvass.
Hostility to Emigration — To the Extension of the American Union — To the
. Rights of the States and the Rights of the Citizen — And, Finally, to the
Constitution of the United Stales — Now, as heretofore, Integral Portions of
Federal Creed.
Now that a party has arisen in our midst, boldly avowing the worst doctrines
of the old alien law, and striking down its victims by an illegal secret process.
It will serve a good purpose lo trace its relationship lo the federal sources from
which it springs. 'We cannot belter illustrate and establish the parentage of
this parly than by again taking np the subject upon wbich we yesterday ad
dressed some observations to the readers of Ihe Washington Union. This parly
is federal in its origin, in its instincts, and its designs; but in nothing can this
be more clearly shown than In its relations to the future disposition of the pub
lic lands, in its hostility to emigration, in its abolition proclivities, and in its
opposition to the erection of new States. General Hayne, of South CaroUna,
in his great speech in reply to Mr. Webster in 1830, eloquently pointed where
the federal party and where the Democratic party respectively stand on the
question of tbe public lands. What was true of both In 1830, is faithfully
correct in regard to them in 1855. We copy from that speech as follows :
" When the gentleman refers to the conditions of the grants under which the
United Stales have acquired these lands, and insists that, as they are declared
to be ' for the common benefit of all the Slates,' they can only be treated as so
much treasure, I thl^k he has applied a rule of construction too narrow for the
case. If, in the deeds of cession, it has been declared that the grants were In
tended ' for the common benefit of all the States,' it Is clear from other provi-
sionB that they were not intended as so much property; for it is expresisly de-

293
clared that the object of the grants Is to erect new States ; and the United
States In accepting the trust, bind themselves to facilitate tiie formation of those
Stated, to be admitted Into the Union with all the rights and privileges of the
original States. This, sir, was the great end to which all parties looked, and it
is by the fulfilment of this high trust that the common benefit of all the States
is to be best promoted. Sir, let me tell the gentleman that In the part of the
country in which I live we do not measure political benefits by the money
standard. We consider, as more valuable than gold, liberty, principle and
justice." This is the Democratic idea. Observe, next, how clearly the old federal Idea,
often tried, and fatally failing on each successive trial, is given by the same
masterly hand :
" The lands are, it seems, to be treated as so much treasure, and must bfe
applied to the coramon benefit of all the States. Now, if this be so, where does
he derive the right to appropriate them for local and partial objects? How
can the gentleman consent to vote away immense bodies of the public lands for
canals In Indiana and Illinois ; to the Louisville and Portland canal ; to Ken
yon College in Ohio; to schools for deaf and dumb, and other objects of a
similar description ? * * * * Sir, the true difference between us
I take to be tbis : the gentleman wishes to treat the publio lands as a great
treasure — just as so much money in the treasury — to be applied to all objects,
constitutional and unconstitutional, to which the public money is now constantly
applied. I consider it as a sacred trust, which we ought to fulfil on the princi
ples for which I have contended."
What followed all these efforts to convert the proceeds of the sales of the
public lands into a common fund for the purpose of bribing local interests and
propitiating the electoral votes of certain Stales for presidential favorites ? We
had a long procession of expedients to tax the products of labor ; a high and
exorbitant tariff; a system of internal improvements; and a settled effort, on
the part of the federal leaders, to build up a gigantic " national bank," to op
press labor, and to aid the few at the expense of the many. In the meanwhile,
thc Democratic party, led in that day by such men as Benton, Forsyth, Grundy,
and Wright, labored with herculean energy to preserve this fund from the pub
lic lands for two great objects: 1st, that by the encouragement of actual settlers
new States might be added to our Union ; and, 2dly, that our public debt might
be extinguished. What American citizen does not, at this day, regard our pub
lic lands, and the manner in which, under Deraocratic auspices, they have been
disposed of, with pride ? The able Commissioner of the General Land Office,
John Wilson, in his last annual report, speaks of the blessings which the pre
sent system bas conferred upon pur country as follows :
" The true policy of the land system is, first, to encourage the actual settle
ment and improvement of the public domain. This may be done by such
amendments to the preempfion laws as experience may prove necessary for the
purpose, and by which every actual settler may secure his improvements in a
reasonable time, without risk of competition from speculators.
" And, second, to aid in providing the necessary facilities for intercommuni
cations, and for the transportation of the products of the lands to mark»t.
Although the railroad excitement, In many cases, has been carried to excess,
experience has proved that grants for such purposes, when carried out In good
faith, are ahke beneficial to the people, the Slates> and the general govern
ment. " To prevent mere speculation, and to secure an equivalent to the government
for the lands granted for those purposes, some modifications in the acts making
them seem proper — as, for instance, that no grant should be made except oa the

294
application of the legislature of a State ; that the lands should be taken in al
ternate sections within a certain distance on each side of the improvement, the
minimum price of the reraaining sections to be doubled throughout the whole
extent of the grant; and the lands to be certified to the States as the work
progresses, with a provision of forfeiture In case of failure.
" It is impossible to portray the vast benefits 'klready derived hy the West
frora this system. Iramense regions have been disposed of that were thought
to be wholly unsalable because of the difficulty of access ; and so numerous are
the appUcaflons for these lands, that In some cases, for want of time, they can
not be acted on for months after they are made."
At this point we corae to the efforts now making by the new secret party to
arrest emigration from the Old World, by which the yfilderness is redeemed to
oivilizatlon, industry encouraged, the public revenues increased, and the way
gradually hut surely prepared for the abolition of all Indirect taxes in the shape
of tariffs upon our people. Defeated before, and with results that we can neyer
too highly appreciate, the federal leaders are now trying to arrest emigration,
so that this noble policy may be destroyed. Mr. Benton charged these leaders,
twenty-five years ago, with being guilty of the same monstrous offence de
nounced against the King of England, by iKe signers of the Declaration of
Independence, in the following words :
"He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States, for that pur
pose obstructing the laws for the naturalization of foreigners ; refusing to pass
others lo encourage their migration hither, and raising the conditions of new
appropriations of lands."
His Majesty, the King of England, professed, like the federal leaders of old,
and the present secret party under the control of federal and abolition leaders,
to be affectionately devoted lo this country. He, too, wanted " Americans to
rule America," (meaning himself and his mercenaries.) The federaUsts de
sired to limit the boundaries of the Union, and the ne^ party toils to effect the
same object, even while the whole world acknowledges the wisdom of our policy
in regard to the oppressed of other nations, in stopping aU emigration to the
United States. ,
Strange, too, that from the very Massachusetts which now sends the rankest
enemies of the Union to the Congress of the United States, and the most re
lentless foes of the adopted citizen, the first voices were raised against the ex
pansion of our beloved Union. John Quincy Adams admitted this in October
of 1813, while American minister at the Russian court. Speaking of the
growth of western States, and admiring at that distance the ^ublime spectacle,
he exclaims : [How true is this voice of the past In its application to the Mas
sachusetts of 1855 !]
"If New England" (says Mr. Adams) "loses her influence in the councils
of the Union, It will not be owing to any diminution of her population, owing
to these emigrations to the West. It will be from the partial, sectarian, or, as
Hamilton called it, clannish spirit, which makes so many of her political lead
ers jealous and envious of the South. This spirit is in its naiure narrow and
contracted, and it always works by means like Itself Its natural tendency Is
to excite and provoke a counteracting spirit of the same character; and It has
actuaUy produced that effect in our country. It has combined the southern
and western portions of the United States, not In a league, but in a concert of
poUtical views adverse to those of New England. Thg fame of all the great
legislators of antiquity is founded upon their contrivances to strengthen and
multiply the principles of attraction in civil society. Our legislators seem to
delight in multiplying and fomenting the principles of repulsion." •

295
The doctrines of Massachusetts abolitionism have, we regret to say, since
made rapid progress In those free western States whose progress they so long
and 80 violently resisted. Their avowed hostility to emigration, however, after
a long silence on that favorite federal dogma, must show to the West that the
" snake Is only scotched, not killed ;" and that opposition to the rights of the
South is now, as ever, closely identified with animosity to the growth of the
West. The same leaders were anxious in 1786, 1787, and 1788 to surrender the
navigation bf the Mississippi lo Spain.
The same federal leaders, in the first ordinance for the sale of the public lands,
refused to sell a less quantity than six hundred acres, and also refused to reduce
the price for actual settlers.
The course of such men as Josiah Quincy, of Boston, and thosewho believed
in his doctrines, and followed his example In opposing the acquisition of Loui
siana, is an event familiar to the youngest readers of political history. The
element that controlled them then was hostility to the admission of a flourish
ing people and a noble region Into the Union ; and they contended with memora
ble bitterness against that memorable acquisition. In the midst of the excite
ment on this quesiion, however, Thomas Jefferson was chosen President. To
obtain Louisiana was a matter of the greatest importance, commercially and po
litically, " The West," says Mr. Benton, " was filling up with people, and
covered over with wealth and population. It was no more the feeble settle
ment which the Congress of the Confederation had seen, and whose rights, few
as they were to the free navigation of the Mississippi, bad given birth to the
most arduous struggle ever seen in Congress. States had superseded these In
fant settlements. Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee had been admitted into the
Union; the Territories of Indiana, Illinois, and Mississippi were making their
way to the same station. The western settlements of Pennsylvania and Vir
ginia lined the left bank of the Ohio for half the length of its course. All
was animated with life, gay with hope, independent In the cultivation of a grate
ful soil, and rich in the prospect of sending their accumulated products to all'
the markets of the world, through the great channel that conducted the King of
Rivers lo the bosom of the ocean. The treaty with Spain had guaranteed this
right of passage."
In 1802 this right was violated and New Orleans was suddenly closed against
the Slates and Territories alluded to above, thus producing dismay, disaster,
and bankruptcy. Mr. Jefferson took bold and rapid measures to acquire Loui
siana. He sent Livingston and Blonroe to France to negotiate the purchase ;
and in the Senate of tbe United Stales, on the confirmation of these two distin
guished gentlemen, every federal vote from the free States, including nearly all
from New England, was cast against them I The result Is known, and Loui
siana was acquired ; but not without a fierce and relentless opposition from the
federal leaders In Congress. Massachusetts was the first State to raise Its voice
against the admission of Louisiana as a State of this Union. We copy the
following resolutions, reported to the Massachusetts legislature by Josiah Quin
cy, Ashmun, and Fuller, on the part of the Senate, and Messrs. Thatcher,
Hall, and Bates, on the part of the House, recorded In the Boston Sentinel,
June 26, 1813.:
" Resolved, (as the sense of this legislature,) That the admission into the
Union of States created in countries notcomprebended within the original limits
of the United States is not authorized by the letter or the spirit of the federal
constitution. " Resolved, That it is the interest and the duly of the people of Massachu
setts to oppose the admission of such States into the Union as a measure tend
ing to the dissolution of the Union.

296
"Resolved, That the act passed the 8th day of April, 1812, entitled 'An
act for the adraission of Louisiana Inlo the Union, and to extend the laws of
the United States to the said State,' is a violation of tbe constitution of the ¦
United States ; and that the senators of this State in Congress be instructed,
and the representatives be requested, to use the utmost of their endeavors to
obtain a fepeal of the same."
Without going out of the way to show the advantages to the whole North, of
the raeasures which gave us control of the Mississippi, and of the treaty that
gave us Louisiana, and without pointing to the cultivated and liberal Stales
that now occupy the domain* thus recovered from a monarchy, the reader
of the present day cannot fail to see the analogy between this act of the Boston
federalists and their present crusade upon Kansas and Nebraska.
But, as if lo show how this ancient hostility to emigration, to the acquisition
of territory, to the erection of new Stales, and to the spread of liberal princi
ples over the continent, sympathizes with the present organized secret warfare
upon the adopted citizens, and the hostility lo new States, let us present
another evidence.
The same Massachusetts, by a vote of 260 to 90, In the house of represen
tatives, sent delegates to the Hartford Convention on the 15th of December,
1814 ; and the next day, whUe Jackson was preparing for the battle of New
Orleans, with the adopted citizen and the native American by his side, that
convention " Resolved, That the most inviolable secrecy shall be observed by each mem
ber of this convention, Including the secretary, as to all propositions, debates,
apd proceedings thereof, until this Injunction shall be suspended or altered."
A few days afterwards, on the 24lh of December, Il was resolved :
" That it Is expedient to make provisiop for restraining Congress In the exer
cise of an unlimited power to make new Stales and admit them Into the
Union." And on the 29 th of December, of the same year, the same convention pro-
prosed :
" That the capacity of naturalized citizens to hold offices of trust, honor, or
profit, ought to be restrained."
Other movements, and more sectional and treasonable, were advocated, and
adopted. But we rest here.
It needs only to complete this convincing record that we should show that
the same federalists have continued their war upon emigration, upon the expan
sion of our country, upon the adopted citizens, and upon the Union of these
States, down to this moment of time. They opposed the annexation of Texas
and tbe acquisition of CaUfornia, and are as ready to denounce the peaceful pur
chase of Cuba as they were to resist the great triumph that gave us Louisiana.
They are organized all over the North to set the laws of Congress at defiance,
and rejoice at the success of their fusion with the Know Nothings because it
enables them to throw their abolition and disunion disciples inlo Congress.
They are, therefore, united in a persistent war upon the established rights of
the South, and in opposing the admission of any more slave States into the
Union, even at the risk of a dissolution of the confederacy. Identified with
the hostility to the Irish in New York, when the latter would not join In the
crusade against Jackson for his war upon the bank ; refusing to make good the
destruction of a Catholic convent destroyed by a Boston mob ; the alders and
the abettors of the nativlst movements of 1841 and 184445 ; they are once
more in the lead of a secret society, which, like their own Hartford Convention,

297
plots treason against the constitution and the rights of the citizen in the dark,
and publicly elevates bold and reckless factionists and demagogues to command
ing positions in the national legislature, whence they may scatter fire and death
over the South, and hurl anathemas against the rights of conscience.
We have deemed tbis glance at tbe history of the past, as contrasted with
existing parties and schemes, eminently due to the cause of truth. We cora
mend it lo the consideration of the Dempcratic party of the whole Union. We
ask those who have been misled, by the cry of a " new parly," Into the Know
Nothing lodges, to observe how completely they have fallen into the hands of
the advocates of those yery doctrines against which Jefferson protested, and
over whioh the Democratic party has been gloriously and ultimately victorious
ever since the constitution of the United States was accepted as the fundamental
law of the American republic.

ONB OF THE VICTORIES OF THE NEW PARTY.
While the Mexican war was at its height, a gentleman at the head of one of
the departments under President Polk resigned his commission in the civil ser
vice of the country, and was appointed a brigadier general in the American
army. He was an Irishman born. He had made a most favorable impression
while discharging his official duties in Washington. He was among the very
few of our adopted citizens who held prominent position in this eountry. The
State which had presented him to the President as eminently worthy of his
confidence, had herself shown her appreciation of his high ability and unexcep
tionable deportment ; and the result proved that her estimate of the man was
just. After having served with Generals Taylor and Wool on the other line, he
landed with the American army at Vera Cruz under command of Gen. Scott,
and was warmly eulogized for his gallantry at the capture of that city and the
castle of San Juan de Ulloa, In March of 1847. When Gen. Scott Issued bis
brilliant order (No. Ill) of the 17th of April, in which, with almost prophetic
inspiration, he sketched the very details of the great victory that awaited him
at Oerro Gordo, he selected this braye Irishman as one of the leaders iri that
eventful struggle. He said :
" The second (Twigg's) division of regulars is already advanced within easy
turning distance towards the enemy's left. That division has Instructions to
move forward before dayUght to-morrow, aniJ take up position across the national
road in the enemy's rear, so as lo cul off a retreat towards. Jalapa. It may be
reinforced to-day, if unexpectly attacked in force, by regiments — one or two —
taken frora Shields' brigade of volunteers. If not, the two volunteer regiraents
will march for that purpose at daylight to-morrow morning, nnder Brigadier
General Shields, who will report to Brigadier General Twiggs, on getting up
with him, or to the general-in-chlef if he be In advance."
This order was executed to the letter. The party under Twiggs and Shields
were the advance party ; but while leading his troops to the conflict, under the
heavy fire of the enemy. General Shields fell, as it was supposed, mortally
wounded. <
" Brigadier General Shields, (says General Scott, in his report of the day's
operations,) a commander of activity, zeal, and talent, is, I fear, mortally
wounded. And again, the commander says, in another report :
" The brigade so gallantly led by General Shields, and, after his fall, by Col
onel Baker, deserves high commendation for its fine behavior and success."

298
General Twiggs said : " Of the conduct of the volunteer force under the
brave General Shields, I caniiot speak In two high terms."
iJen^ral Patterson united In these strong commendations of the courageous
general. And the whole country soon responded lo the sympathy and solici-
tude which his dreadful wounds and his noble bearing had secured for him in
the American army.
The Illinois general slowly recovered, however. His escape from death was
miraculous, and we shall never forget how the intelligence of his restoration to
health thrilled the American people.
The next great battles were those of Contreras and Churubusco. Here we
find the gallant Shields once more ready for action, though still weak and suf
fering from his wounds. It is remarkable that, after having been carried in an
ambulance from Jalapa to Puebla, bleeding and suffering from his wounds,' he
insisted upon going into the fight, and did so, when so weak and wasted that
his physicians declared il impossible for him to survive ? Again General Scott
paid him the highest compliments for his skill and daring in fulfilling his or
ders. This was on the 19th of August, 1847.
On the 28th of the same month. General Scott once more reports to the Se
cretary of War — and this time he writes "from the gates of Mexico." Wbat
does he say of Shields ? We copy from his despatch :
" Shields, the senior officer of the hamlet, after Smith had arranged with
Cadwalader and Riley the plan of attack for the morning, delicately waived in
terference ; but reserved to himself the double task of holding the hamlet with
his two regiments, (South Carolina and New York,) against ten times his num
bers on the side of the city, including tbe slopes to bis left, and, in case the
camp in his rear should be carried, to face about and cut off the flying enemy."
And again, speaking of the grand finale of that day. Gen. Scott says :
" Shields, loo, by the wise disposition of his brigade, and his gallant activity,
contributed much to tbe general results. He held masses of cavalry and in
fantry, supported by artillery, in check below him, and captured hundreds,
with one general, (Mendoza,) of those who fled from above."
Referring to the fifth victory of that glorious day. Gen. Scott says :
" It has been stated that some two hours and a half before Pierce's brigade,
followed closely after the volunteer brigade, both under the command of Brig
adier General Shields, had been detached to our left to turn the enemy's works,
to prevent the escape of tbe garrison*, and to oppose the extension of the enemy's
numerous corps from the rear, upon and around our left.
"In a wintling march around to the right tbis temporary division found Itself
on the edge of an open, wet meadow, and In the presence of some 4,000 of
the enemy's infantry, a little in the rear of Churubusco, on that road. Estab
lishing the right at a strong building. Shields extended his left parallel to the
road to outflank the enemy towards the capital. But the enemy extending his
right, supported by three thousand cavalry, more rapidly (being favored by
better ground) in the same direction. Shields concentrated the division about a
hamlet, and determined to attack in front. The battle was long, hot, and va
ried, but ultimately success crowned the zeal and gallantry of our troops, led by
their' distinguished commander. Brigadier General Shields. Shields took 300
prisoners. Including officers."
General Worth spoke highly of the gallant bearing of Pillow, Shields, Cad-
walader, and Pierce in this fierce engagement. His praises were re-echoed by
Generals Twiggs and Smith. General Shields, in his own report, which is a
model of its kind, presents a graphic and beautiful sketch of the battle.

299
• But we find General Shields in the last, as in the first, conflict. In the ter
rible attack upon the city of Mexico he was in the advance with the veteran
Quitman and the accomplished Perslfer F. Smith. General Scott refers to him
warmly, and says, in one part of his report of the battle, "General Quitman,
being in bot pursuit — gallant himself, and ably supported by Generals Shields
and Smith — Shields badly wounded before Ghepultepec and refusing to retire,"
&c. General Quitman writes : " In directing the advance. Brigadier General
Shields was badly wounded In tbe arm. No persuasions, however, could induce
that officer lo leave his command and quit the field." And again : " Until
carried from the fleld on the night of the 13th, In consequence of the severe
wound received In the morning, he was conspicious for his gallantry,, energy,
and skill"

SPEECH OF MR. RUFFIN.
The speech of Mr. Thomas Ruffin of North Carolina was used with great ef
fect in the Virginia canvass, and doubtless in every Southern State, in the con
fiicts of the Democracy with Know Nothingism. Its distinguished ability
eminently entitles it to a place in this compilation :
Speech of Hon. Thos. Ruffin, of North Carolina, Delivered in ihe House of
Representatives, February 27, 1855.
[The House heing in Committee of the Whole ori the state of the Union.]
Mr. Ruffin. Mr. Chairman, I rise In my place for the first time since I have
had a seat upon this floor, with the view of submitting a few remarks. I do
not propose to discuss the question immediately before the Committee, and shall
avail myself of the privilege now accorded me, to consider another question.
Since I have been a member of this House, Il has acted upon many important
questions. Being loth to trespass upon the time of the House, I have contented
myself by giving a silent vote upon all of them- These were questions which
had heretofore entered, more or less. Into the political discussions of our coun
try, and upon them my opinions were not unknown to my constituents. Since
the commencement of the present session of Congress we have heard discussions
in this Hall upon questions which were thought lo have been settled long ago.
I allude more particularly to those great questions of religious toleration and
naturalization. I had thought that the question of religious toleration was settled by the
Constitution nf the country, and that American citizens had always proudly
boasted that here, eyery man had the right to worship Almighty God according
to the dictates of his own conscience, and that this right was not only guaran
teed by the fundamental law of the land, but was regarded as 'inherent and Ina
lienable. And, Mr. Chairman, I had thought that the naturalization laws, passed nnder
the administration of Jefferson, amended and perfected by subsequent legislation,
had given general satisfaction to the country, with the exception of a small
faction. Throughout the country, discussion on these questions has been re
vived of late.
To keep pace with the spirit of the times, early In the present session hono
rable gentlemen were struggling to get the floor to bring them before the House
for its consideration.

300
The honorable gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Taylor), more fortunate than
his competitors, succeded in his efforts, and, having obtained the floor, introduced
a bill proposing an alteration of the naturalization laws.
Sir, that gentleman is responsible for the introduction of the subject here, or
if he prefers It, he Is entitled lo the distinguished honor of htving been the
first to introduce this measure Into the House at the present session of Congress. *
And again, Sir, not long since a series of resolutions embodying certain prin
ciples in relation to these questions was offered by the honorable gentleman from
Pennsylvania, (Mr, Wille). I was called upon to vote for the suspension of the
rules to enable the House to consider those resolutions, and it is not out of place
here that I should give the reasons which Influenced me in giving the vote
which I gave on that occasion. These are generally known as the anti-Know
Nothing resolutions.
I can conceive of no evil, either real or Imaginary, existing or supposed to
exist in this country, which will justify American freemen In the formation of
secret oath-bound political societies. They may do for the despotism of Russia;
they may do for Austria ; but there can certainly be no necessity for such in
our land.
No, sir, in our country where every man has the right to speak, print, and
publish whatever he may see fit, only being liable for the abuse of that privi
lege, and where, to use the language of an old revolutionary writer, " The
press glows with freedom's sacred zeal," — here, sir, there can be no necessity for
resorling to Institutions of this kind with a view of controlling the legislation
of the country. Those who framed our government wisely provided the means
of altering such laws as needed amendraent. They are open to repeal, or altera.
tion ; but, sir, this can be done through tbe ballot-box in the sunlight of broad
day. Our institutions depend for their success on the virtue, intelligence, and
patriotism of the people ; and when the time comes in which they will desert
the usual mode, do away with the open action of day and resort to these secret
cabals to influence the legislation of the country, then. In my opinion, the days
of the republic are numbered. He has read history with but little profit, who
has not observed that In every country where the people have lost their liberties
they have brought such misfortune upon themselves. When they have become
demoralized and ready for a change, then the turmoil of the times has given
birth to some adventurer who boldly usurps their liberties, assumes the man
agement of their affairs, and concentrates all political power in himself. Learn
ing lessons of wisdom from the records of the past, let us strive to escape the
calamities that have befaUen other republican governments.
What master spirit devised this organization ? I do not know that this is a
question of any great importance. I do not think that the author is entitled to
any great credit for originality, I do not undertake to say whether it is taken from
the forms and ceremonies adopted by Catiline and his co-consplrltors at Rome,
or whether it is like unto the societies formed In certain dislficls of England to
protect labor against capital, or whether, as seems most probable, it has for Ita
prototype the order of religious Jesuits, as depicted In thc " Wandering Jew,"
and that the federal treasury is the Renepont inheritance, which it is using its
Appliances and secret machinery to get possession of.
I was forcibly struck with the similarity between the two orders, the religious
Jesuits and the Know Nothings, In the speech of the honorable gentleman from
Alabama (Mr. Smith), and I am sorry that he is not present this evening.
From his graphic description in his defence of tbe Know Nothing order, we see
that it makes use of the same appliances to accomplish its objects as the reli
gious Jesuits which order he set out to denounce. In one portion of his speech,
he says, that the Know Nothings are formed for the purpose of making war
against the religious Jesuits. Both seemed to be the same in organization.
Eaoh is after power and spoils. Each is enshrouded in the garb of mystery.

301
One hides its iniquities under the cloak of religion ; the other under a most
exalted devotion to country. Each teaches the practice of falsehood, craft, and
deceit. Each binds its members by a mighty oath, the violation of which they '
assume to punish. The one claims devout piety, the other intense patriotism.
The gentleman from Alabama says, that " when you fight the devil you have
the right to fight him with fire." That seems to be in fact an acknowledgment
on his part that the new order was taken from the other one. But will this
principle hold good ? Fight the devil with fire-^perpetrate an evil to obviate
the consequences of another one — commit one fraud to nulUfy another ? The
gentleman is a distinguished lawyer and I would ask him whether he would con
sider it right to meet a forged bond with a forged release ? The principle
is the same. That was said to have been a practice at one time quite common
among the British lawyers In the East Indies. It has never been introduced
into this country and I trust that it never will be. It Is unsound in morals. It
is a sentiment unfit to be proclaimed in the presence of the representatives of the
people here in .this Hall.
He also says in the course of his speech that these religious Jesuits were or
ganized by thwarted military aspirants after the reformation. I would ask
whether this order of political Jesuits, of which the gentleman is champion upon
this floor, was not organized after the great political revolution which swep£ fed
eralism out of power in 1852. Until this power was ground down, until Democ
racy was in the ascendancy, we never heard of apy such order as this.
But to go on with tbe simile. The Gentlemap says, that these religious Jesuits
were taught to ingratiate themselves Into the confidence of men of power and
influence, or, to use his own language, " to cultivate their friendship, probe
tbeir designs, and comraunicate their secrets." How stands the order that be
defends ? Is it not well known to Gentleraen on tbis floor who were candi
dates in the late elections for Congress, that these ^[now Nothings formed this
plan ; pretended to be their friends, went into convention pirelending to be
Democrats, assisted in making the nominations, drew their secrets and all their
plans from tbem, obtained all the information they could from them, and after
night-fall skulked into the Know Nothing lodges and communicated those se
crets ! This is a notorious fact and cannot be denied. I say, that it Is beneath
the dignity of American gentlemen and honorable men to resort to such means
in midnight lodges for any purpose. Do we not know that they make it a boast
in Pennsylvania that in the Gubernatorial election there, they took the distin
guished Democratic candidate. Governor Bigler, from one county to another,
and -his pretended friends of one lodge handed him over (If I may use the ex
pression) to the tender care of his professed friends of another lodge who would
take him In special charge, and in the language of the Gentleman from Ala
bama, " cultivate his friendship, probe bis designs, and communicate his se
crets." Sir, this indicated a degree of proficiency in Jesuitism that would
have gladdened the heart and raised a ghastly smile even on the countenance of
old Rodin himself [Laughter.]
The Gentleman from Alabama justifies the oath of this order, and says, that
it finds its justification in the practices of its adversaries. Is not that sound
doctrine to hold forth In an American Congress ? Finds Its justification in the
practices of its adversaries ! The religious Jesuits are the adversaries he
speaks of. '
The Gentleman says also, that " an oath solemnly taken is an element of
purity." Well, Sir, if a solemn oath was what they sought for, this order
should not have stopped at the oath of the Jesuits, but gone a few centuries
further back and adopted the oath which Catallne administered to his co-con
spirators when they met in the back-room of the house of one Sempronia, a
Roman bawd — in a place, as the historian says, eyery way suited for the purpose,
and well adapted to their occult and dark practices, for there, after administer-

302
ing a mighty oath, just as the Know Nothings administer it, they sealed that
oath by drinking from bowls, draughts of wine mingled with human blood!
Was that an element of purity ? Did that oath make them pure ? Why, Sir,
if the history of those times are correct, they were men of desperate fortunes
and abandoned characters — men dangling loose upon society, who were ready.
for any change of affairs that promised to benefit themselves.
Then, Sir, the Gentleman says that secrecy is the great element of success,
and that the " Order should preserve In their halls the most inviolable secrecy,"
all the time acting upon the old doctrine that the end will justify the means.
Now, Sir, if this is not Jesuitism, I do not understand what Is the meaning of
the term. But the Gentleman says that it finds its great justification of se
crecy in the fact that it is" warring against Jesuits. Warring against Jesuits !
If the religious Jesuits are -what the Gentleman represents them to be, and if
these political Jesuits of Know Nothingism are what I believe them to be, I
Sir, should look upon a contest between them with perfect indifference. I
would look upon It as American citizens now generally look upOn the ir&r go
ing on between Russia and England, or as a Western hunter would look upon
a fight between a bear and an alligator, or a mink and a polecat. [Much
Laughter.] Every objection that the Gentleman has urged against the Jesuits
seems to apply with equal force to the Know Nothings. They are neither of
them suited to our country and they cannot flourish here. One is the counter
part of the other, and Sir, as my friend from the Red River district of Loui
siana, (Mr. Roland Jones) says, that the men of my Slate are fond of making
quotations from Hudibras, let me say to the Gentleman from Alabama, of the
Know Nothings and Jesuits, that :
" They are so near akin.
And like iif all as well as sin,
That put them in a bag and shake 'em.
Himself on the sudden would mistake 'em,
And not know which was which, unless
He measured by their wickedness." [Laughter.]
Who set on foot the organization In the United States ? We first find it
springing up in the North, in the old hot-bed of federalism. It had been con-
c^uered under every name by the Democratic party. It was the old Federal
parly and was conquered under that name. It assumed the name of National
Republican, then Whig, and then degenerated into isms. The Whig party had
become almost extinct at,the North. There was In fact but one party there and
that was the Democratic party. All the others were but Isms.
Mr. Washburne, of Illinois. * Will tbe Gentleman tell me in which State at
the Norlh the Democratic party now exist ?
Mr. Ruffin. I think It does in Illinois, judging from the late election there.
[Laughter.] Mr. Washburne. I suppose the Gentleman refers to the election of an anti-
Nebraska Senator. [Renewed laughter.]
Mr. Ruffin. No, Sir, I do not, but I will come to his election by and by.
Mr. Florence. I will say to the Gentleman, that it exists in Pennsylvania,
thank God ! — "its banner torn but fiying." [Great Laughter.]
Mr. Washburne. In what part of Pennsylvania ?
Mr. Florence. In the First Congressional District. [Renewed laughter.]
That will do. Now let the Gentleman from N. C. go on.
Mr. Ruffin. The Democratic party heing triumphant at the North, there
was a fusion of all the isms to oppose it. This organization sprang up. It of
fered great inducements. There were a host of old political hacks out of of
fice, men who had lived all their lives out of tte publio crib. They had then

303
nothing to resort to. The Democratic party was in power in the general gov
ernment and at 'that time. In most of the Slates, and these old political hacks,
who were wandering about like stray spirits on the Stygian banks, thought It a
fine chance to join In a new venture, and they joined this organization. I say,
Sir, that II is taken from the old Federal party. That parly has never been
eradicated at the North. It Is true, the old tree of federalism is dead, its
leaves have lopg sipce withered apd beep waftgd away upon the winds of Hea
ven, its boughs have crumbled and fallen, and Its aged trunk lying prostrate has
mouldered into dust, but from its prolific roots has sprung up this bastard slip
of Know Nothingism. It ,has incorporated into its platform, planks from that
old party.
Mr. Campbell. Amen ! [Laughter.] ^ - '
Mr. Ruffin. Antl-nalurallzation ! Where Is that taken from ? Il Is a plank
of the black cockade federalism of the days of the elder Adams, and the order
finds a bright example of sCcrecy In the blue-light federalists who met in the
Hartford Convention to plot treason against the Government.
It has flourished In that section of country fruitful in isms, in abolitionism,
freesoilism, atheism, women's-rlghtism and every other ism Imaginable. These,
Sir, have given It its strength there, in that section of our country where men
meet together in convention apd decjare " there Is no God ;" where agrarian
mobs, the very scum of the earth, parade tbe streets by thousands, recognizing
no distlction between meum and tuum, and crying aloud for a division of pro
perty. In that section of country where weak-minded men, crazy fanatics,
meet In convention with strong-minded women clothed in boots and breeches, to
discuss the important question of women's rights. [Laughter.]
Inaugurated under these auspices, how can it be conservative ? Sir, the Idea
is preposterous. It professes now to be the only true National Conservative
Union party — whereas it Is a sectional radical destructive party. It is an abo
lition, disunion scheme, and in every step, its progress gives unerring indi
cation of a settled purpose to sever asunder the ties which bind these States
together. It has given strength tb the abolitionists of the North, and now it has the
unblushing -effrontery and daring impudence to offer itself to the South as some
thing which is conservative, something which Is designed to place In their hands
and the hands of their friends, the power of tbe General and State Govern
ments. Sir, I for one, neyer had any confidence in it from the beginning, for
it carae from the wrong quarter.
" Timao Danaos et dona ferent^."
I was satisfied that within the cavity of that wooden horse were concealed the
elements of abolitionism. It was absurd lo believe that the abolitionlsls of the
North, when they had for years and years In their weakness, waged an offensive
war against the South, would now In the pride of their strength — after their
shattered ranks had been recruited by untold thousands, after the embattled
hosts of Know Nothingism had fiocked to their standards, not in straggling
parties like deserters, but in soUd column with flags flying and drums beating
— be so magnanimous as lo raise the long siege, and celebrate it with a peace
offering. I for one. Sir, as a Southern man, cannot trust it. Was I not right.
Sir, in my opinion al that time ? I say that I was. Reoent developments have
proved this beyond all doubt. The Know Nothing parly of the North has
never aided In the election of a single friend of the Nebraska bill to either
House of the Congress of the United Slates. I again assert that it has not.
I challenge successful contradiction from any quarter and pause for a reply.
They have elected no man who is willing to give the South the rights guaran
teed to it by the Constitution of 'the United States. Maine, Pennsylvania,
New York, Ohio, Indiana, Iowa and Wisconsin have retumed to this House

304
men who are pledged to vote for the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law which
we regard as the very bond which binds the Union together. In the above
naraed States It has aided abolition in striking down the true friends of the
Constitution, and filling their places with a dangerous class of politicians.
Let us see what a Northern Editor says about its doings in the North :
" But if we lacked positive proof of the feelings of the masses of the party
in regard lo slavery, the late elections in this and other States of the Union
show the liberal tendencies of the whole parly. In New York the American
party polled 122,000 votes, but they aided the anti-Nebraska party In that
State in returning to the next Congress twenty-nine men opposed to the admis
sion of slavery inlo Kansas. In Pennsylvania we saw a like result; while In
Illinois, by the aid of this movement, the Douglasltes were completely routed ;
and so In Michigan, where the whole State was carried for freedom hy the
council fires of the American party."
But Sir, we are sometimes pointed hy Southern Know Nothings to the Mas
sachusetts election, and gravely told that the Know Nothings In that State have
sent a new delegation to Congress with but two exceptions. I am not aware of
any alteration In this respect so far as liberality and nationality are concerned.
No Sir, these Yankees of Massachusetts are cunning men and they followed the
example of the skilful huntsman -who, when his hounds are flagging In the
chase blows them off, lets slip the leashes and hies on a fresh pack, the more
speedily to hunt down his prey. The people of Massachusetts no doubt thought
that their representatives here, being removed from the fanaticism which sur
rounds them at home, had become less zealous and were rather flagging In the
chase, and therefore considered it better to send on a new set. [Laughter.]
But, Sir, if any body has doubted this abolition sentiment of Know Noth
ingism, let us look at the recent elections carried by these Know Nothings.
Look at the men elected by them, — Harlan, the fusionist In Iowa. Trumbull,
the man of " isms," In Illinois, over the gallant Shields, whose body is scarred
with wounds received In defence of the flag of his adopted country. Durkee,
the Abolition agrarian in Wisconsin. 'Wilson, the embodiment of rampant .
freesoilism in Massachusetts, the latter elected by a Legislature in which there
was but one Democrat, and — it is said — but some five or six old line Whigs.
Are the Know Nothings not responsible for the election of these men ? Are
they not responsible for the election of this Mr. Wilson to the Senate of the
United States 7 Yet another election ! that of Seward, the " Jupiter Tonans"
of abolition, the " higher law" Senator, who, in the intensity of his haired of
tbe South, stands a head and shoulders above them all. The Know Nothings
had made a boast that they would defeat him, — that they would show their na
tionality in that election, — that they were going to take the arch-agitator from
the Senate of the United States, and put a conservative in his place. That
election was looked to with probably more interest than any Senatorial election
ever held In any of the States of this Union. We all recollect Tuesday, the
6lh of February, — I believe that was the day. It was at all events a dark and
gloomy day. It was known that the election for United Slates Senator from
New York was to be held that day in Albany. The hour had arrived. The
telegraphic office in this capital was, on that occasion, an interesting place.
Numbers of politiciahs might be seen wending their way there — ^your Southern
Know Nothings and your Northern Know Nothings. They were there about
the time when they expected the announcement to come. They were watching
with straining eyes, and palpitating hearts, and half-suppressed respiration.
The mystic wire is watched with tbe fixed gaze of intense anxiety. A message
comes rushing upon the wings of the lightning. The suspense is but short.
" The sybil speaks, the dream Is o'er." The dispatch Is read. It was a sweet
morsel to your freesoil Kuow Nothings. They hearkened to it as the prodigal

305
son to his father's testament. They gulped It down with all imaginable avidity.
It was as sweet to them as the raanna from Heaven lo the hungry Israelites in
the wilderness. But how was it to the Southern Know Nothings ? Ah ! it
was a bitter pill for them. They had to swallow it down, but oh ! what rueful
grimaces and coptortlons of countenance, it was like gall and 'wormwood to a
sick, and fainting girl.
Now, Sir, let us see what Is thought of him as a pational map Ip the North.
I read ap extract from ope of the New York Jourpals. I do not know whether
it is Know Nothipg or not, but I suppose It Is, at all events it was, allied with
them ip the grapd coptest.
Speakipg of the Sepator from New York, it says :
" He has pressed with equal ardor the claims of Commerce, Agriculture aud
Manufactures — he has vindicated with equal zeal, the just rights and interests
of the West and South, and those of the East apd of the North. There is not
at this day, Ip the Senate or in public life, a statesmau of more ability  more
laborious aud copscieptious ip bis discharge of public duties, or more thoroughly
and truly national ip all his viOws, thap Goverpor Seward."
Apd again, what a Know Nothing Journal means by conservatism :
" The slavery question capnot affect the American party, for its whole power
and all its hopes are north of Mason and Dixon's line. Its aspirations are for
freedom, and when the party is accused of being pro-slavery, let its defenders
point the men who utter the base lie to every election that has occurred since
the party sprung into existence."
Also, what Is meant by " Ignoring slavery."
" The party never has, and we hope never will, fulminate anti-slavery resolves
for the purpose of humbugging the masses, but it will do right, move right, and
act right, and in every free State in the Union it will give new proiection to
every citizen within its borders. Its first great national aim is lo procure an
alteration of the naturalization laws, and upon ' that point they will know no
sectional division ; but upon tho great question of freedom and slavery, every
northern American freeman will raise his voice for liberty, and Banks, DeWitt,
and Trafton will utter upon the floor of Congress the sentiments of this new
party. That foreign element that has given, the pro-slavery Democratic parly
the control of this country will soon lose the means of augmenting Its numbers;
and when that is effected, freedom in this republic is secure. The prize we are
battling for is ' liberty to all ;' and when Americans rule America we shall
obtain it, and not till then."
Thus we learn what is meant by their "ad captandum" expressions — conser
vative Indeed ! "lucus a non lucendo" called conservative for the same reason
that a certain mythological character was called Midas, from a Greek word
meaning to eat, because he could not eat. What can Southern men promise
theraselves by affiliating with this " Order ?" If the people of the South act
with their usual foresight, they will fly from it as from a raging pestilence, and
shun a " Know Nothing" lodge room as they would the charnel-house of a small
pox hospital.
I have thought from the beginning of this new movement that It was an
emanation from tbe filth and corruption of rotten and festering Isms, and that it
was a mere ignis Jaluus, fetid miasma springing up frora moral and political de
cay, corruscating and shining In the darkest hour of night, but disappearing be
fore the- light of morn. Il Is not to be expected that the people of the South
are lo be blinded and led by this jack with a lantern Into the bogs and marshes
of Abolitionism ; nor will they follow Sam with his dark lantern intothe mid
night conclave of the Know Nothings. But they tell us that these men are
20

306
native Americans, and .that we are not to suspect them. Is it not true that
much the larger portion of the AboUtionists of this country are native-born
Americans. Some of the leading spirits who figure In this Know Nothing par
ty are foreigners, although the party itself profess such a holy horror for all
foreigners. The Crusader, a Know Nothing paper at New York, is edited by
one Caselli, and has for its chief contributor Father Gavazzi. It would require
but little credulity for one to infer from the columns of the New York Herald,
that a leading spirit in the councils of the order might be found in its editor.
Bennett, an unnaturalized foreigner, and a political Isbmaelite, whose hand has
been against every man, and every man's hand against him, has probably done
more towards furthering the progress of this order than apy man in the United
States. History will record two remarkable thipgS of this order, one is that
professing to be composed entirely of native Americans, its chief pillars of
support are foreigners ; and the other Is, that It is a society of political Jesuits,
professedly formed for the purpose of waging war against religious Jesuits.
The friends of the " order" say that it is necessary to establish their secret
societies to protect ourselves against foreign infiuence. In the section of the
country In which I Uve, we have none of this foreign influence, and we are not
troubled with anything of tbe kind. What foreigners we have among us are
generally Intelligent and educated people, men of character, and I suppose one
reason of it is owing to the fact of the existence of tbe " pecujiar institution"
among us which I regard as one of the greatest moral, social and political bles
sings that was ever vouchsafed to man, and another reason is owing to the fact-
thai we have not encouraged these men to come as they have In some of the
Northern States where they are now complaining of them so much. Why do
we not know that two or three years ago the people of some of the Northern
cities regarded foreign fiddlers apd show girls as beings worthy of adoration, al
most of worship ; then coming from tbe other side of the Atlaptlc was of itself
a certain passport to the highest honors.
We all recollect with what exultation it was heralded through the land when
the "Swedish Nightingale" touched the Americap shores. No OPe has forgot
tep the grand demonstration that was made in the great commercial emporium
of New York, when the literati, the elite, aristocracy and upper tendom of
of that city fiocked in her train in greater pumbers thau ever the Pagans fol
lowed after the car of Juggernaut. It was but a few years ago that they intro
duced at the North, a member of the British Parliament, to lecture upon the
subject of abolitionism. The people of the North are alone responsible for the
introduction into the country of that class of. turbulent and vicious foreigners,
of whom they now complain so loudly.
Here I will say, that I am as much opposed as any man cap be to the intro
duction into this country of the vagabonds, felons, paupers, and convicts of the
Old World. I say, let the government pass sucb laws -as il has authority and
power to do under the constitutiop, let the States and your municipal corpora
tions, pass such laws as they please, to suppress the introduction of this class of
foreigners ; but do not persecute the well-disposed foreigners on this account.
You will find it no easy matter to stop the importation of convicts and paupers,
and when you try it you will ascertain that it will be something like the slave
trade. Mercenary men will fit out vessels in the port of New York to bring
convicts and paupers of Europe to this country, as they now fit out slavers to
sail to the coast of Africa to get slaves for the markets of Brazil and Cuba. I
do not care what kind of laws you pass against the importation of felons and
convicts, you will find Yankee captains visiting the ports of Europe, and having
their agents In its cities to contract secretly with the public authorities to rid
them of their convicts and vagabonds by bringing thera to our seaports — the
more risk the higher will be the price of passage, and a brisk trade will soon be
" opened up" by these enterprising men. You may have laws upon your stat-

307
nte books, for punishing in the severest manner those who engage In the impor
tation of foreign criminals. You raay for what I care, if you can find warrant
for il in tbe constitution, put this importation of felons on the same footing
with piracy — you may take the vessels of the navy and scour the high seas in
search of the violators of the law — you may, whenever you find a "live cargo''
of criminals on board a ship, string up your Yankee skippe? to the yard-arm,
and pitch his body to tl^e fishes of the sea. Even then, sir, I fear it wiU be
difficult to stop the importation. Sir, there are now men at the North who have
grown rich by the importation of this class of foreigners. Punish those who
engage in it. Do not adopt the plan recently proposed by the philosopher,
Horace Greely. That amounts In substance to reducing the poorer class of
foreigners to slavery, and if it Is carried out, New York will become a great
slave market — while men will be sold al the block.
I am opposed to making slaves out of any class of white raen on earth. I
know of no good reason for prohibiting the immigration of well-disposed f(#-
eigners to this country, to assist in developing its resources. A large portion
of the foreigners in the West are German farmers, and they are known lo be
good citizens. I for one, can see no reason why an orderly and ¦ well-disposed
class of our population should be persecuted because mercenary men in the
commercial cities will violate the rules of decency and propriety by bringing a
different class of foreigners here. Enforce your naturalization laws. We hear
a great deal said about its having been always customary to naturalize any man
who desired to be naturalized. In that part of the Union in which I reside, I
rejoice to say that the naturalization laws of the Federal Government are en
forced to the very letter — ^just as strictly as any law we have upon the statute
book of our State. If you will impeach your judges when they violate their
duty, and make them enforce the law, we can then have none but a good class
of naturalized citizens, and no man unless he proves a good character, and is
well disposed to our Institutions, &c. can get his naturalization papers. I do
not understand this sudden change of opinion in regard to foreigners. Twelve
months ago the case of Martin Kostza was before this House, and gentleraen
then seemed to be exceedingly anxious to curry favor with foreigners. Why
this sudden change ? Is II because military companies composed of naturalized
citizens stood in serried ranks in Boston, to maintain the laws, and protect the
officers of the Government in the discharge of their duties, when a Southern
man was there seeking lo claim his property under the Constitution ? Is it be
cause these naturalized Irishmen prevented a blood-thirsty mob of native-born
traitors from rescuing a fugitive slave ? Is it because Bachelder who was as-
s-assinated by that mob was a native of Ireland ?
Yes, Sir, because these men kept off abolition traitors, we hear this cry
against them, the fact is notorious that one of the first act of the Know-Nothing
Governor of Massacftuselts was to disband their military companies. I sup
pose another reason for thc outcry against foreigners is because they generally
vote the Democratic ticket. In the last presidential canvass the Whig candidate
proclaimed a new principle on this subject. He was foradmitting to the rights
of citizenship all who had served in the army for a certain length of time, and
but a short tirae at that. The Whigs then said be was right — they then said
that seryice for a few months in camp — (the last place to learn the operation of
our Institutions) — should entitle a foreigner to citizenship. Such of them as
have joined this "new mcvement" now say let no one who is born abroad ever
be naturaUzed.
Yes, Sir, It is because they cannot get the sturdy Germans and generous
Irish to sing the peans of federalism that they are prejudiced against thera.
The ways of federalism are the ways of inconsistency ; before an important elec
tion it has a high appreciation of adopted citizens — it is then greatly fascinated
with the " rich Irish brogue, and the sweet GermaS acpent,'' but the election

308
over, and how is it then ? Why, Paddy becomes a " splay-footed Irish hog-
trotter," and Hans a " damned lop-eared Dutchman." [Laughter.] Why are
efforts now made lo raise a party opposed to reUgious toleration.
And here again I must be permitted to say that I have no relation or con
nection, so far as I know, either among the living or the dead, who ever was a
member of any Catholic church, and while I yield to no man in the ardent and
sincere hope that the day will come when the Protestant religion shall have its
churches and altars In every part of the Globe ; yel. Sir, I do not believe that
either the fostering hand of the government or a persecution of other churches
would expedite its onward progress. I never will join In persecuting any man
for his religious opinions. That is a matter between hira and his God. In the
part of the country in which I live, and I dare say in the whole State which I
have the honor in part to represent, there is not a master who would dictate to
his slave the manner In which he shall worship God, or the church to which he
sftuU belong. This new fangled doctrine of the Know-Nothings to hunt down
men on account of their religious opinions is a monstrous proposition. It Is at
utter variance with the whole spirit of our government.
And where' did this proscription against the Catholic religion originate? It
originated in the same section of the country, at the North, where those three
thousand and fifty abolition clergymen got up a traitorous petition to the Con
gress of the United States. No Catholics joined them. No Catholic signed
that petition. But, Sir, thia seems to be an effort either to make them join the
abolition party, and engage in an abolition crusade against the South, or that
they will drive them from the country by persecution. Opposition to this reli
gion is held out to us of the South as the reason why we should join this
" Know-Nothing " order. As the Catholics do not wage a war agaiast us, I,
for one, ara opposed to waging war against thera. As long as tbey obey the
Constitution and the laws, their rights should be respected by every man. It
Is a deep laid scherae, all these ghost tales, cock-and-bull stories, and old wives'
fables about tbe Jesuits and Catholics of the United States. All designed to
operate on the prejudices of the people. They expect them to operate as a
charm upon the South, and in that way to throw us off our guard. We have
much stronger reasons for apprehending danger from the maohipatiops of the
3050 wooly-headed abolitiop clergymep who with the wierd sanctity of bigotry
and fanaticisra are disserainating treason from their pulpits, than from the
tiara that encircles the brow of the feeble and harmless old man al Rome,
thousands and thousands of leagues by land and sea, far, far away from onr
shores. But, Sir, in this connexion let us see what Is going on in New England — a
newspaper has this advertisement :
" Slavery and Popery. — Rev. Thomas Jaraes, a fugitive slave, will ad
dress the citizens of yarious towns upon Slavery and Popery, and show their
bearing on the nation."
And then follows a list of appointments. If a Southern minister should de
sire to preach from one of their pulpits the privilege would be denied him, yet
this negro can use them.
I have seen it slated frequently In the papers, that in the great State of New
York, free negroes had actually formed " Know-Nothing" lodges. This is the
conservative party which tbe people of the South are Invited to join, so as to wage
war against the Pope. Sir, we have enemies a plenty at our own doors without
looking across the waters to find others. How is It proposed to sustain the
Know Nothing party ? By boasting and threats. The gentleman from Mary
land (Mr. Sellers) would have us believe that this party Is one of gigantic
power, and that he who has any hopes of a political future should not be so rash as
to combat it. He says " it has gone sweeping like a whirlwind " and " annlhilat-

309
Ing all its opponents," He appeals to the fears of gentlemen, and talks to them
of poUtical graves — let him take head lest when looking around for burial places '
for others, be shall himself be consigned to a political grave as deep as the
"gloom where dreary chaos reigns" and where he may be even beyond the
reach of that politico geological explorer of whom he spoke, who al some fu
ture day is to search for the opponents of Know Nothingism among the fossil
remains of an extinct race, I, Sir, tender ray thanks to tbe eloquent gentle
men from Mississippi and South CaroUna (Mr. Barry and Mr. Kelt) for their
exposition of the objects and aims of the Know Nothings, and for their moral
courage in being first on this fioor to assail the principles of this new order —
with keen blades and stalwart blows they shivered into fragments the crazy
mail that but feebly protected this staggering carcass of galvanized federalism,
and exhibited it In its nakedness and hideous deformity to the gaze of the
world. The order bad not then so fully developed its anti-slavery .sentiment.
The gentleman claraed for It " intense nationalty." We were to hear no more
of the Invasion of Southern rights, if they dared make the attempt he himself
would meet his Northern friends at Mason & Dixon's line, not as brothers but
with "banner, brand and bow." Let him adhere to this determination when
tbe rights of the South' are invaded — let hira be prepared to defend thera — when
the Scotts cross the border line, let him as a true knight, wind the corpage
horp. Kpow Nothingism professes to be eminently patriotic, struggling for the com
mon weal, not for office. Well, Mr. Chairman, why is it, that wheiever they
have reached power they haye proscribed all, from the highest officials even down
to the hog constables of the little towns. Anticipating a majority in the next
House of Representatives, there are already hosts of applicants for the places
within its gift. Yes sir, if all the men who aspire to these offices were formed
into regiments and drilled for a few weeks. General Scott could take them to
the Crimea and carry Sebastopol by storm.
They are looking after all the places, from the Speaker's chair down to the
humble office held by the sable high priest who ministers at the altars of the
temple of Cloasina in the basement of this Capitol. (Laughter.)
Look at their election in this city ? It was an extraordinary affair. They
seemed to be after the Exchequer, the first thing, Uke Sir John Falst^. They
desired to get the control of the funds of the Washington National Monument.
They banded together in this capital and proscribed such men as General 'Win-
iield Scott, Mr. Seaton, Gen. Jones, Elisha Whittlesay and others, lo make room
for sucb renowned and august individuals as Vespasian EUis, French S. Evans,
" et Id omne genus."
Yes sir. General Scott was proscribed — the eagle was stricken from his eyre
to put the mousing owl there. This plot is said (;o have been concocted at the
National Council of'Know Nothings held at Cincinnati. What right had these
intolerant proscriptlonists to take in charge the Monument to Washington ?
Let his own words rebuke them. I r^ad from a letter wilten by the Father of
his country to a committee of tbe Baptist church of Va., after paying a high
and just compliment to the Baptist for their patriotism and liberality, he says :
" If I could have entertained the slightest apprehension that the Constitution
framed in the convention where I had the honor lo preside might possibly en
danger the religious rights of any ecclesiastical society, certainly I would never
have placed my signature to il ; and if I could now conceive that the General
Government might ever be so administered as to render the liberty of conscience
insecure, I beg you will be persuaded that no one would be more zealous than
myself to establish effectual barriers against the horrors of spiritual tyranny
and every species of religious persecution ; for you doubtless remember I have
often expressed my sentiments that every man, conducting himself as a good

310
citizen, apd bsipg aocouptable to God alone for his religious opinions, ought to
be protected in worshipping the Deity according to the dictates of his own con
science." Mr. Chairraan. I have heard many strange sentiments expressed in this hall,
but there was one uttered by the gentleman frora Mass. (Mr. Banks) which for
boldness and originality, surpasses all others. After speaking of the power, the
secret plans, the covered cavernous ways of the order, he says —
" Sir, il is the people who are passing through these avenues, those who make
judges and district attorneys, and they will lake care of them all. They wdl
take care of the juries and sheriffs as well as judges."
The startling announcement has been made by a representative on the floor of
the American Congress, that this secrel order is to lake charge of the judges
and juries of the country. Yes sir, it is to lay its ruthless hand upon the judi
cial ermine. When that is done, our laws will not be worth the paper on which
they are written. If the judges of the courts are to be overawed by the com
binations and machinations of midnight conspirators, what becomes of our indi
vidual safely ? Is such an association fit for American citizens ? Can It be
comrasnded to the South ? The judiciary is the great shield of our protection.
Destroy it, and the Constitution would be no more than a rope of sand.
They took care of Judge Loring. This is an illustration of the state of feel
ing existing In what is called the Athens of America. There a judge is pre
scribed for doing what he conscientiously believed to be his duty. He did his
duty and I presume that no man will here deny it. He delivered up to his
owner, after a patient hearing of all the facts, the fugitive slave, Anthony
Burns; and, for this, he is proscribed and hunted down as a wild beast. That
is what is meant by the taking care of judges. Is not a Know Nothing asso
ciation Illegal ? It has been so held hy one of the ablest jurists of the country.
Judge Porter, of Pa., once a member of the Cabinet, in a late charge to a grand
jury in reference to it, used this language :
" If any number of men combine to form themselves into an association by
agreements, vows, or oaths lo control the opinions and votes of apy portion of
our citizeds In the exercise of their suffrages, so that they shall vote not accor
ding to their own choice or the dictates of their own consciences, but as a ma
jority of such association shall determine, it is a conspiracy, and punishable as
such by Indlctraent.
And you will remember that it is the agreement to do the act that constitutes
the criminality, even if the act itself be not done. It may be well here to ob
serve that if any person or persons shall have unthinkingly, unadvisedly, or with
out being aware of the criminal character of such an act, joined such association,
or taken upon himself any such vows, obligations, or oaths, they are not binding
upon him In law, and ought not to be In morals. He will enact the part of a
good citizen by eschewing all such fellowship or association, and abandoning the
illegal enterprise."
This Know Nothingism Is a step in advance of Jesuitism, it combines higher
law " isra" — it claims supremacy over all laws. Is such an Institution to be
tolerated : Is law to be perverted from its course ?
Is abject fraud to league with brutal force ?
Is freedom to be crushed, and every son
'Who dares maintain her cause to be undone 7
Is base corruption creeping through the land
To plan and work her ruin underhand ?

311
Mr. Chairman. In the sincerity of my heart, I hope the people of the South
will take warning, and not affiliate with such an orgapization. I have reason
to beUeve that many good and patriotic men in the South, of both political par
ties, bave joined this new movement. It is lo be hoped they will take warning
in tirae. I beseech thera to study more closely the aims of this order, before
deciding In its favor. I beseech them to test " Sam" by his principles, and
they will find that, like the evil spirit when touched with the spear of Ithuriel,
he will squat, toadlike, to the earth. They will find that " Sam," tbe good ge
nius of the order, has fiirted and caressed with every " isra" of the day. Sir,
I proclaim it with pride, that the State which I have the honor, in part, to rep
resent has, at all times and under all circumstances, been true lo the Constitu
tion and the Union — she is eminently conservative, and no "Ism" ever got
foothold there, and for this she has been charged with being always asleep.
Better, far better, that she should sleep on, than to arouse from her slumbers to
find herself locked in the meretricious embraces of that graceless libertine,
dubbed by its godfathers with the euphonious and classical sobriquet of " Sam."
I bave too high a regard for my native State, to suspect, for even a moment,
that her people will 'be controlled by sush Influences. North Carolina will do
nothing to endanger the liberties of her people aud the union of these States —
nothing to tarnish the bright escutcheon of her ancient renown. In the olden
time, she was the first to rise up against the oppressions of the British King —
within her borders the first declaration of independence was made — the hills of
Mecklenberg first . re-echoed the hosannas of a people who had declared them- ^
selves free and independent, and along Carolina's mountain passes, first rever
berated the sacrel hymn of freedom, " nature's melodipus anthem" as her pa
triotic sons hailed with soul stirring shouts the newborn Goddess of Anierican
liberty. The men of that day met openly and boldly, and God forbid that
their descendents should discard the noble example.
If there are laws requiring repeal or amendment, why not go about the work
openly as heretofore ? The time is uot auspicious for the Southern people to
inaugurate new practices. It is said, that in the Know Nothing councils the
majority govern absolutely, and that the National Council governs the State coun
cils. Who can tell what mandatory edicts this National Council may issue ? Nor
thern Know Nothings control it — Northern Know Nothings are in favor of exclu
ding all persons wbo cannot read and write from voting. Will their Southem
brethren stand with them on that platform. The North bas kept the South poor
by high protective tariffs and navigation laws — has drawn from it that wealth
which would have enabled it to educate all its people, and now, because we have
a large number of persons who have not received tbe benefits of an education,
the Northern Know Nothings arrogantly propose- to add ipsult to lujury, by de-
claripg to us who are to be admitted to the right of suffrage. They had as well
let us aloue ; we can manage our own affairs. The Whigs of the South have,
heretofore, advocated principles. Why quit them now ? Why should any
Southern Democrat quit his party now ? It has proved itself equal to every
emergency. Under Its principles the country has prospered. It is the party of
progress, of State rights — of the Constitution — pledged to maintain all its
guarantees. General Pierce has proved true to the principles upon which he
was elected — true lo the Constitution, and consequently to the South. If he
has lost ground, he lost it by maintaining the rights of the South. He has
proved himself a friend lo the South. Ingratitude is not a trait In Southern
character, and every true Democrat in the Southern States will sustain his ad
ministration, so long as he stands on that great platform, the " Constitution of
our country," and administers the Government upon the principles of that in
strument.

312

LETTER OF HON. A. H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA.
Equally effective was the following able letter, in the canvass In Virginia and
other Southern States. Crawfordville, Ga., May 9th, 1855.
Dear Sir : — Your letter of the 5th Inst, was received some days ago, and
should haye been answered much earlier, but for my absence from home. The
rumor you mention in relation to my candidacy for re-election to Congress, is
true. 1 have stated, and repealed on various occasions, that I was not, and did
not expect to be, a candidate — the same I now say to you. The reason of this
declaration on my part, was the fact, that large nurabers of our old poUtical
friends seemed to be entering into new combinations with new objects, purposes
and principles of which I was not informed, and never could be, according to
the rules of their action and the opinions I entertain. Hence my conclusion,
that they had no further use for me as their representative ; for I presumed
they knew enough of rae to be assured if tbey had any secret aims or
objects to accomplish that they never could gel my consent, even if they de
sired It, to become a dumb instrument to execute such a purpose. I certainly
never did, and never shall, go before the people as a candidate for their suffrages
with my principles in my pocket. It has been tho pride of my life, heretofore,
not oply to make known fully and freely my sentiments upon all questions of
public policy, but In vindication of those sentiments thus avowed, to meet any
antagonist arrayed against them, in open and manly strife — '• face to face and
toe to toe." Frora this rule of action, by which I have up lo this lime been
governed, I shall never depart. But you ask me what are my opinions and
views of this new party, called Know Nothings, with a request that yon be
perraitted lo publish them. My opiuioPs apd views thus solicited, shall be
givep most cheerfully, as fully aud clearly as my time, under the pressure of
business, will allow. You can do with thera as you please — publish them, or
pot, as you- like. They are the views of a private citizen. I am at present, to
all intents and purposes whatsoever, literally one of the people. I hold no office
nor seek any, and as one of the people I shall speak to you and them on this,
and on all occasions, with that frankness and independence which it becomes a
freeman to bear towards bis fellows. And in giving my yiews of "Know
Nothingism," I ought, perhaps, to premise by saying, and saying most truly,
that I really " know nothing" about the principles, aims or objects of the party
I am about to speak of — they are all kept secret- — being communicated and
made known only lo the initiated, apd not to these until after being first duly
pledged and sworn. This, to me. Is a very great objection lo the whole organi
zation. All political principles, which are sought to be carried ip legislation by
any body or set of men in a republic, in my opinion, ought to be opeuly avowed
and publicly proclaimed. Truth pever shuns the light nor shrinks from investi
gation — or at least it ought never to do It. Hiding places, or secret coverts,
are natural resorts for error. Il is, therefore, a circumfetance quite sufficient to
excite suspicion against the truth lo see it pursuing such a course. And In re
publics where free discussion and full investigation by a virtuous and intelligent
people Is allowed, there can never be any just grounds to fear any danger even
from the greatest errors in religion or politics. All questions, therefore, rela
ting to the government of a free people, ought to be made known, clearly un
derstood, fully discussed, and understandingly acted upon. Indeed, I do not
believe that a republicap goverpmept cap last long, where this is not the case.
In my opinion, po map is fil to represcpt a free people who has apy private or
secret objects, or aims, that he does pot opoply avow, or who Is pot ready and

313
willing, at all times, when required or asked, candidly aud truthfully, to pro
claim to the assembled multitude not only his principles, but his views and
sentiments upon all questions that may come before him in his representative
capacity. It was on this basis that representative government was founded,
and on this alone can it be maintained In purity and safety. And if any secret
party shall ever be so far successful ip this country as to bring the government
in all its departments and functions under the baneful influence of its control
and power, political ruin will inevitably ensue. No truth in politics can be
ntore easily aud firmly established, either by reason or from history, upon prin
ciple or authority than this. These are my opinions, candidly expressed.
I know that many good and true men in Georgia differ with me in this par
ticular — thousands of thera, I doubt not, have joined this secret order with
good intentions. Some of them have lold me so, and I do not question their
motives. And thousands more will, perhaps, do it with the same intentions and
motives. Should it be a short lived affair, no harm will or may come of it.
But let it succeed — let it carry all the elections, State and Federal — let the na
tural and inevitable laws of its own organism be once fully developed — and the
country will go by the board. It will go as France did. The first Jacobin
Club was organized In Paris on the 6th of November 1789, under the alluring
name of " the Friends of the Constitution," quite as specious as that we now bear
of " Americans shall rule America." Many of the best men and truest patriots
joined it — and thousands of the same sort of men joined the affiliate clubs af
terwards — little dreaming of the deadly fangs of that viper they were nurturing
in their bosoms. Many of these very men afterwards went to the guillotine,
hy orders passed secretly in these very clubs. All legislation was settled in the
clubs — members of the National Assembly and Convention, all of them, or
most of them, were members of the clubs, for they could not be otherwise elec
ted. And after the question was settled in the clubs, the members went next
day to the nominal Halls of Legislation nothing but trembling automatons, to
register the edicts of the " Order," though it were to behead a monarch, or to
cause the blood of the best of their own number to flow beneath the stroke of
the axe. Is history of no use ? Or do our people vainly imagine that Ameri
cans would pot do as the French did under like circumstances ? " Is thy ser
vant a dog that he should do this thing ?" said tbe haughty, self-confidant
Hazeel. Yet, he did all that he had been told that he would do. " Let him
that thinketh he standeth take beed lest he fall." Humap pature Is the same
compound of weak frailties and erring passions everywhere. Of these clubs in
France, ap elegapt writer has said :
" From all other scourges which had afflicted mankiud, Ip every age apd In
every nation, there had been some temporary refuge, some shelter until the
storm might pass. During the heathenism of antiquity, and the barbarism of
the middle ages, the teraple of a god or the shrine of a saint, afforded a refuge
from despotic fury or popular rage. But French Jacobins, whether native or
adopted, treated with equal scorn the sentiraents of reUgion and the feelings of
humanity ; and all that man bad gathered from his experience upon earth, and
the revelations he hoped had been made him from the sky, to bless and adorn
his mortal existence, and elevate his soul with Immortal aspirations, were
spurned as imposture by these fell destroyers. They would have depraved man
from his humanity, as they attempted to decree God out of his universe. Not
contented with France as a subject of their ruthless experiments — Europe itself
being too narrow for their exploits, they send tbey propagandists to the new
world, with designs about as charitable as those with which Satan entered
Eden." This is but a faint picture of sorae of the scenes enacted by that self same
party, which was at flrst formed by those who styled themselves " the friends

314
of the Constitution." And where did these " secret Councils " we now hear
of come frora ? Not frora France, It Is true — but frora that land of isms,
where the people would have gone into anarchy long ago, if it had not been for
the conservative influeuce of the more stable minded men of the South ? And
what scenes have we lately witnessed in the Massachusetts Legislature, where
the new political organism has more fully developed itself than any where else.
What are its fruits there ? Uuder the name of " The American Party," they
have armed themselves against the Constitution of our common country which
they were sworn to support — with every member of the Legislature, I belieye,
save eight belonging to "the order," they have by an overwhelming majority
vote deposed Judge Loring, for the discharge of his official duty, in issuing a
warrant as United States Commissioner, to cause the arrest of the fugitive-slave
Burns. In reviewing this most unheard of outrage upon the Constitution, the
" National Intelligencer," at Washington, says il " shudders for the Judiciary."
And if they go on as they have begun, well may tbe country " shudder," not
only for the Judiciary, but for everything else we hold most sacred. " If these
things be done in the green tree, what may you expect in the dry."
But I have been anticipating somewhat. I was on the preliminary question;
that is, the secrecy which lies at the foundation of the parly — that atmosphere
of darkness in which " It lives, and moves, and has its being," and without
which probably it could not exist. I do not, however, intend to stop with that.
I will go further, and give, now, my opinions upon those questions, which are
said to be within the range of its secret objects and aims. The principles as
published (or those principles which are attributed to the Order, though no
body as an organized party avow them,) have, as I understand thum, two lead
ing Ideas, and two only. These are a proscription by an exclusion from of
fice of all Catholics, as a class, and a proscription of all persons of foreign hirth,
as a class ; the latter to be accomplished not only by an exclusion from office
of all foreigners who are now citizens by naturalization, but lo be more effec
tually carried out by an abrogation of the naturalization law for the future, or
such an amendmept as would be virtually taptaraoupt to it. These, as we are
told, are the great ostensible objects for all this machipery — these oaths —
pledges — secret sigps — equivocalious — dcpials, and what not. And what I have
to say of them, is, that if these Indeed and in truth be the principles thus at
tempted to be carried out, then I am opposed to both of them, openly and un
qualifiedly. I am opposed to. them " in a double aspect," both as a basis of party organ
ization and upon their merits as questions of public policy. As thc basis of
parly organization, they are founded upoh the very erroneous principle of look
ing, not to how the country shall be governed, but who shall hold the of
fices — not to whether we shall have wise and holdsome laws, but who shall
" rule us," though they may bring ruin with their rule. Upon this principle,
Trumbull, who defeated Gen. Shields for the Senate in Illinois, can be as good
a " Know Nothing," as any man in tbe late " Macon CouncU," though he
may vote as he doubtless will, to repeal the Fugitive Slave law, and against the
admission of any slave State In the Union ; while Shields, who has ever stood
by the Constitution, must be rejected by Southern men because he was not born
in the country ? Upon this principle a Boston Atheist, who denies the inspira
tion of the Bible, because it sanctions slavery, is to be sustained by Georgia
" Know Nothings" in preference to me, barely because I will not " bow the
knee to Baal," this false political god they have set up. The only basis of
party organization is an agreement amongst those who enter into il upon the
paramount question of the day. And no party can last long without bringing
disaster and ruip^ in its train, founded upon any other principle. The old Na
tional Whig party tried the experiment when there was radical differences of
opinion on such questions, and went to pieces. The National Democratic party

315
are now tryipg a similar experimept, and are experiencing a sirailar fate. This
is what is the raatter with it. Its vital functiops are deranged — hence that
disease which now afflicts it worse thap dry rot. And what we of the South
now should do is, not to go into any " Know Nothing" mummery or mischief,
as il may be, but to stand firmly by those men at the North who are true to the
Constitutiop apd the Union, without regard either to their birth place or reli
gion. The question we should consider is not simply who " shall rule Ameri
ca," but who will vote for such measures as will best promote the interests of
America, and with thatthe interests of mapkind.
But lo pass to the other view of these pripciples — that is, the copsideratiop
of them as questions of public policy. With me, they both staud in no better
'light Ip this aspect than they do in the other. The first assumes temporal ju-
risdiciiop Ip "forum coiiecieniise" — to which I am quite as much opposed as I
am to the spiritual powers coptroUing the temporal. One is as bad as tbe other
— both are bad. I am utterly opposed to mingling religiop with politics ip any
way whatever, and especially ara I opposed lo making it a test in qualifications
for civil office. ReUgion is a matter between a map and his Creator, with
which governraents should have pothing to do. Ip this country the Constitu
tion guarantees to every citizen the right to entertain whatever creed he pleases
or no creed at all if he is so Inclined, and no other map has a right to pry into
his conscience to enquire what he believes, or what he does not believe.
As a citizen and as a raeraber of society, he is to be judged by his acts
and not by his creed. A Catholic, therefore, in our country, and in all
all countries ought, as all other citizens, to be permitted to stand or fall in pub
lic favor and estimation upon his own individual merits. (' Every tub should
stand upon Its own bottom."
But I think of all the christian denominations in the United States, the Ca
tholics are the last that Southern people should join in attempting to put under
theban of civil proscription. For as a church they have never warred against us
or our peculiar institutions. No man can say as much of New England Bap
tists, Presbyterians or Methodists; the long roll of abolition petitions, with
which Congress has been so rauch excited and agitated for years past, corae not
frora the Catholics ; their pulpits at tbe North are not desecrated every Sab
bath with anatheraas against slavery. And of the three thousand New Eng
land clergymep who sept the anti-Nebraska memorial tothe Senate last year,
n* one was a Catholic as I have been informed and believe. Why then should
we Southern men join the Puritans of the North lo proscribe frora office the
CathoUcs on account of their reUgion ? Let them and their reUgion be, as bad
as cap be, or as tbeir accusers say they are, they cappot be worse thap these
sarae Puritanical accusers, who started this persecutiop against them say that
we are. They say we are going lo perdition for the enormous sin of holding
slaves. The Pope with all his followers cannot I suppose, even in their judg
ment, be going to a worse place for holding what they consider the monstrous
absurdity of " immaculate conception." And for my part I would about as
soon risk my own chance for Heavep with him, apd his crowd too, as with these
self-righteous hypocrites who deal out fire and brimsloue so liberally upop our
heads. At any rate I have po hesitancy Ip declaripg that I should much sooner
risk my civil rights with the Americap Catholics, whom they are attempting to
drive from office, than with them. But sir, I am opposed to this proscription
upon principle. If it is once begun there is no telling where it will end. When
faction once tastes the blood of a victim it seldom ceases its ravages amongst
the fold so long as a single remaining one, be the number at first ever so great,
is left surviving. It was to guard against any such consequences as would cer
tainly ensue in this country if this effort at proscription of this sect of re
ligionists should be successful, that that wise provision to which I have alluded
was put in the fundamental law of the Union. And to maintain it intact in

316
letter and spirit with steadfastness at this time, I hold to be a most solemn pub
lic duty.
And now, as to the other idea — the proscription of foreigners — and more par
ticularly that view of it which looks lo the denial of citizenship to all those
who may hereafter seek a home in this country and choose to cast their lots and
destinies with us. This Is a favorite Idea with many who have not thought of
Its efiects, or reflected much upon its consequences. The abrogation of the
naturalization laws would not stop imraigration, nor would th^ extension of the
term of probation, to the period of twenty-one years do it. This current of migra
tion from East to West, this Exodus of the excess of population from the Old to the
New World, which commenced with the settlement of this continent by Europeans
would still go on. And what would be the effect, even under the most modified
form of the proposed measure — that is of an extension of the period from five
to twenty-one ye^rs, before citizenship should be granted ? At the end of the
first twenty-one years from the coraraenceraent of the law, we should have seve
ral millions of people In our midst — men of our own race — occupying the un
enviable position of being a degraded caste in soci'ety, a species of serfs without
the just franchise of a freeman or the needful protection .due to a slave. This
would be at war with all my ideas of American Republicanism as I have been
taught them and gloried in them from ray youth up. If there be danger now
to our institutions, (as sorae seem lo imagine, but which I am far from feeling
or believlivg,) from foreigners as a class, would not the danger be greatly en
hanced by the proposed remedy ? Now it is true they are made to hear their
share of the burthens of Government, but are permitted, after a residence of
five years, and taking an oath to support tbe Constitution, to enjoy their jnst
participation in the privileges, honors and immunities which it secures. Would
they be less likely to be attached to the Government and its principles under
the operation of the present system, than they would be under the proposed one
which would treat them as not much better than outcasts and outlaws ? All
writers of note, from the earliest lo the latest, who have treated upon the ele
ments and component parts, or merabers of comraunities and States, have point
ed this out as a source of real danger — having a large number of the same
race, not only aliens by birth but aliens in heart and feeling, in the heart of so
ciety. Such was, to a great extent, the condition of the Helots In Greece — men of
the same race placed in an inferior position, and forming within themselves a
degraded class. I wish to see no such state of things in this country. With
us at the South, it Is»true, we have a " degraded caste," but It is of a race fitted
by nature for their subordinate position. The negro, with us, fills that place in
society and under our system of civilization for which he was designed hy na
ture. No training can fil him for either social or political equality with his su
periors ; at least history furnishes us with no instance of the kind; nor does
the negro with us feel any degradation in his position, because it is his natural
place. But such would not be the case with men of the same race, and coming
from the same State with ourselves. And what appears not a little strange
and singular to me in considering this late movement is, that if it did not ori
ginate with, yet It is now so generally and zealously favored by so many of
those men at the North who have expended so much cf their misguided philan
thropy in behalf of our slaves. They have been endeavoring for years to ele
vate the African to an equality socially and politically with the white man.
And now, they are moving heaven and earth to degrade the while man to a
condition lower than that held by the negro in tho South. The Massachusetts
" Know Nothing" Legislature passed a bill lately to amend their Constitution,
so as to exclude from the polls in that State, hereafter, all naturalized, citizens,
from whatever nation they may come ; and yet they will allow a runaway negro
slave from the South the same right to vote that they give to their own native

317
born sons ! They thus exhibit the strange paradox of warring against their
own race — their own blood— even their own " kith and kin," It may be, while
they are vainly and fapatically epdeavoring to reverse the order of pature, by
making the black raan equal to the white. Shall we second them In any slich
movement ? Shall we even countenance them so far as to bear the same name
— to say nothing of the same pledges, passwords, signs and symbols ? ShaU we
affiUate and unite ourselves under the same banner, with raen whose acts show
thera to be governed by such principles, and to be bent upon such a purpose ?
This is a question for Southern mep lo copsider. Others may do it if they
choose ; but I tell you, I pever shall ; that you may set down as a " fixed fact "
— one of the fixedest of the fixed. I am not at all astonished at the rapid
spread of this pew septiment at the Norlh, or rather pew way of giving embo
diment and life to an old sentimept, long cherished by a large class of the
Northern people, potwilhstanding the paradox. It Is true, " Know Nothingism"
did not originate, as I understaud its origin, with the class I allude to. It com
menced with the laborers and men dependant upon capital for work and em-
ployraeut. It sprang from the antagonism of their interests to foreigners seek
ing like employments, who were underbidding them in the amounrof wages.
But raany capitalists of that section, the men who hold the land and property
in their own hands, wishing lo dispense with laborers and employees, whose
votes at the polls are equal to their own, seized upon this new way of effecting
their old, long-cherished desire. And the more eagerly as they saw that many
of the very men whom they have ever dreaded as the insuperable obstacle be
tween them and their purpose, had becorae the willipg, though unconscious in
strument of carrying that purpose out, which, from the beginning, was a desire
to have a votingless population to do their work, and perform all the labor, both
in city, town and country, which capital may require. And as c'ertalnly as
such a law shall be passed, so far from Its checking immigration, there will be
whole cargoes of people from other coutrles brought over, and literally bought
up in foreign ports — to be brought over in American ships to supply the mar
ket for labor throughout all the free States of the Union. The African Slave
Trade, if re-opened, would not exhibit a worse spectacle in trafficking In humap
flesh, thap those most deluded men of the North who started this thing, and
who are now aiding ttf accomplish the end, may find they have but kindled a
flame to consume themselves. The whole sub stratum of Northern society will
so'on be filled up with a class who can work, and who, though white, cappot vote.
This is what the would-be lords of that sectiop have been wanting for a long
time. It is a scheme with many of them to get white slaves instead of black
ones. No American laborer, or man seekipg eraploymept there, who has a vote,
need to expect to be retaiped long when his place cap be more cheaply filled by
a foreigner who has pope. This will be the practical working of the proposed
reforraation. This is the philosophy of the thing. It is a blow at the ballot
box. It is an ipsidious attack upon general suffrage. In a line with this policy,
the " Know Nothing" Governor of Connecticut has already recoraraended the
passage of a law denying the right of voting lo all who cannot read and write.
And hence, the great efforts which are now being made throughout the North,
to influence the elections, not only these, but in spending their money in the
pubUcation of books and tracts written by " nobody knows who," and scattered
broad-cast throughout the Southern States, to influence elections here by appeal
ing to the worst of passions and strongest prejudices of our nature, not omitting
those evep which bad apd wicked mep can Invoke under the sacred but prosti
tuted name of religion.
Unfortunately for the country, many evils which all good men regret and
deplore, exist at this time, which have a direct tendency, wonderfully to aid
and move forward this ill-omened crusade. These relate to the appointment of
BO many foreigners — wholly unfit, not only to minister offices at home, but to

318
represent our country, as Ministers, abroad. . And to the great frauds and gross
abuses which at present attend the administration of our naturalization laws 
these are the evils felt by the whole country, and they ought to be corrected.
Not' by a proscription of all foreigners without regard to individual merits.
But in the first place by so amending the naturalization laws, as effectually to
check and prevent these frauds and abuses. And in the second place, by hold
ing to strict accountability at the polls in our elections, all those public func
tionaries, who either with partisan views, or from whatever motive, thus im
properly confer office, whether high or low, upon undeserving foreigners, to the
exclusion of native born citizens, better qualified to fill them. Another evil
now felt, and which ought to be remedied, is the flooding, itis said, of some of
the cities with paupers and criminals from other Countries. These ought all to
be unconditiopally excluded aud prohibited from comipg araongst us — there is
no reason "why we should be the feeders of other nations' paupers, or either the
keepers or executioners of their felons — these evils can and ought to be reme
died without resorting to an indisorimiuate onslaught upon all who by industry,
enterprise and merit may choose to better their condition in abandoning the re
spective dynasties of the Old World in which they may have chapced to have
been born, and by uniting their energies with ours, may feel a pride in advan
cing the prosperity, development and progress of a common country not much
less dear to them than lo us. Against those who thus worthily come, who quit
the misruled Empires of their " father land," whose hearts have been fired with
the love of our ideas and our institutions even in distant climes, I would not
close the door of admission. But to all such as our fathers did at first, so I
would continue most freely and generously to extend a welcome hand. We
haye from such a class nothing to fear. When in battle or In the walks of
civil life did any such ever prove traitor or recreant to the flag or cause of his
country ? On what occasion have any such ever proven untrue or disloyal to
the Constitution ?
I will not say that no foreigner has ever been untrue to the Constitution;
but as a. class they certainly have not proven themselves so to be. Indeed, I
know of but one class of people In the United States at this time that I look
upon as dangerous to the country. That class are neither foreigners or Catho
lics — They are those native born traitors at tha North who are disloyal to the
Constitution of that country which gave them birth, and under whose beneficent
institutions they have been reared and nurtured. Many of them are " Know
Nothings." This class of men at the North, of which the Massachusetts, New
Hampshire and Connecticut " Know Nothing" Legislatures are but samples, I
consider as our worst enemies. And to put them down, I will join, as poUtical
allies now and forever, all true patriots at the North and South, whether na
tive or adopted, Jews or Gentiles.
What our Georgia friends, whether Whigs or Democrats, who have gone into
this " New Order," are really after, or what they lutepded to do, I cannot imagine.
Those of them whom I know have assured me that their object is reform, both
in our State and Federal Administrations — to put belter and truer men in the
places of those who now wield authority — that they have no sympathies as party
men or Otherwise with that class I speak of at the North — that they are for
sustaining the Union platform of our State of 1850, and that the mask of se
crecy will soon be removed whep all will be made public. If these be their
objects, and also to check the frauds and correct the abuses in the existing nat
uralization laws, which I have mentioned, without the indiscriminate proscrip
tion of any class of citizens on account of their birth place or religion, then they
will have my co-operation, as I have told thera, iu every proper apd legitimate way,
to effect such a reformation. Not as a secretly Initiated co-worker in the dark for
any purpose, but as an open and bold advocate of truth in the light of day.
But will they do as they say ? Will they throw off the mask? That is. the

319
questiop. Is it possible that they will continue in political party fellowship
with their " worthy brethren" of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire,
and the entire North? Every one of whom elected to the next Congress is
our deadly foe ! Do they intend lo continue their alliance with these open ene
mies of our institutions and the Constitution of the country under the totally
misnamed association of the "Anierican Party" — the yery principle upon which
it is based being anti-American throughout ?
True Americanism, as I have learned it, is like true Cfiristianity — disciples in
neither are confined to any nation, clime, or soil whatsoever. Americanism is
not the product of the soil, it springs not from the land or the ground; it is not
of the carth, or earthly ; il emanates from the head and the heart ; it looks up
ward, and onward, and outward ; its life and soul are those grand ideas of gov
ernment which characterize our institutions and distinguish us from all other
people ; and there is no two features in our system which so signally distinguish
us from all other nations, as free toleration of religion and the doctrine of expa
triation — the right of a man to throw off his allegiance to any and eyery other
Stale, Prince or Potentate whatsoever, and by naturalization to be incorporated
as citizens into our body politic.
Both these principles are specially provided for and firmly established in our
Constitution. But these Araerican Ideas which were proclairaed in 1789 by
our " sires of '76," are by their " sons" at this day derided and scoffed at. We
are now told that "naturalization" is a "humbug," and that it is an "impossi
bility." So did not our fathers think.
This " humbug" and " impossibiUty" they plauted ip tbe Copstitutiop ; anc^
a vindicatiop of the sarae principle was ope of the causes of our secoud war of
ipdependence. England held that " naturalization" was an Impossible thing.
She claimed the allegiance of .subjects born withip her realm, notwithstapding
they had become citizens of this Republic by our Constitution and laws. She
not only claimed their allegiance, but she claimed the right to search our ships
upon the high seas, and take from them all such who might be found ip them.
It was in pursuit of this doctrine of hers — of the right of search for our " pat
uralizatiop" citizens — that the Chesapeake was fired into, whicb was the imme-i
diate cause of the war of 1812. Let no man then, barely because he was born
in America, presume to be imbued with real and true " Americanism" who
either ignores the direct and positive obligatlous of the Constitution, or ignores
this, one of its most striking characteristics. As well might any unbelieving
sinper claim to be one of the faithful — one of the elect even — barely because
he was born somewhere within the limits of Christendom. And just as well
might the Jacobins, who " decreed God out of his Universe," have dubbed their
club a " Christian association," because they were born op Christiap soil. The
genuine disciples of " True Americanism," like thc genuine foUowers of the
Cross, are those whose hearts are warmed and fired — purified, elevated apd en
nobled — by those principles, doctrines and precepts which characterize their
respective systems. It is for this reason that a Kamschatkan, a Britton, a Jew,
or a Hindoo, can be as good a Christian as any one born on /' Calvary's brow,"
or where the " Serraon on the Mount" was preached ! And for the same reason
an Irishman, a Frenchman, a German or Russian, can be as thoroughly " Ame
rican" as if he had been born within the walls of the old Independence Hall it
self. Which was the " true American," Arnold or Hamilton ? The one was a
native and the other was an adopted son. But to return. What do our Geor
gia friends intend to do ? Is it not time that they had showu their hand ? Do
they intend lo abandon the Georgia Platform, and go over " horse, foot and
dragoons" into a political aUiance with TrumbuU, Durkee, Wilson & Co ? Is
this the course marked out for themselves by any of the gallant old Whigs of
the 7th and 8th Congressional Districts ? I trust not, I hope not.

320
But if they do not Intend thus to commit themselves. Is It not time to take a
reckoning apd see whither they are driftipg? When "the blind -lead the
blind" where is the hope of safety ? I have beep cited to the resolution which,
it is said, the late Know Nothing Conventiop passed Ip Macon. This, it seems.
Is the only thing that the 600 delegates could bring forth after a two days
" labor" — and of it we may well say, " Montes parturient et ridiculus mus
nascitur" — " The mountains have been In labor and a ridiculous mouse is born,"
It simply affirms, most meekly and submissively, what no map South of Mason
and Dixop's llpe for the last thirty-five years would have veutured to deny,
without justly subjecting himself to the charge of incivism — that Is, that " Con
gress has no constitutional power lo intervene by excluding a new Slate apply.
ing for admission Into the Union, upon the ground that the constitution of such
State recognizes slavery." This is the whole life and soul of it, unless we ex
cept the secret blade of Joah which il bears towards Kansas and Nebraska, con
cealed under a garb.
Il is well known to all who are informed, that in the organic law of these
territories the right of voting, while they remain territories, was given to aU
who had filed a declaration of intention to become citizens. This was in strict
compliance with the usual practice of the Government in organizing Territories;
and under this provision that class of persons are now entitled to vote. Kan
sas, in two elections under this law has shown that an overwhelming majority
of her people are In favor of slavery, notwithstanding the Executive influence
of the Freesoil Governor (Reed) whom Mr. Pierce sent out there to prevent it;
but whom the people have lately driven, as they ought to have done from the
country. Now, then, when Kansas appUes for admission as a Slave State, as
she doubtiess will, a Southern " Know Nothing," under this Resolution, can
unite with his worthy brethren at the North, in voting against it upon the
ground that some have voted for a Constitution recognizing slavery, who had
not been "naturalized," but bad only declared their intention. For this Reso
lution in its very heart and core, declares that the right to establish Slave insti
tutions " in tbe organization of the Stale Governments, belongs to the native
and naturalized citizens," excluding those who have only declared their inten
tions. A more insidious attack, was never made upon the principles of the
Kansas and Nebraska Bill. And is this to be tbe plank on which Northern and
Southern "Know Nothings" are to stand in the rejection of Kansas. But to
the other and main objection, why did It slop with a simple denial of the power
of Congress to reject a State on account of slavery ? Particularly when it had
opened the door for the rejection of Kansas on other grounds by way of pre
text ? Why did it not plant itself upon the principles of the Georgia Resolu
tions of 1850, and say what ought to be done in case of the rejection of a State
hy Congress because of slavery ? So far frora this il does not even affirm that
such rejection by their " worthy brethren" of tbe North would be sufficient
cause for severing their parly affiliation with them for It ?
Again I would say, not only to the old Whigs of the 7th and 8 th Congressional
Districts, but to all true Georgians, whether Whigs or Democrats, Union men
or Fire-Eaters, whither you are drifting ? Will you not pause and reflect ? Are
we about to witness in this insane cry against Foreigners and Catholics a fulfil
ment of the ancient Latin Proverb. " Quem Deus vult perdire prius dementat !"
" When the gods intend to destroy they first make mad ?" The times are in
deed portentous of evil. The political horizon is shrouded in darkness. No
man knows whom he meets, whether he be friend or foe, except those who have
tbe dim glare of the covered light which their secret signs Imparl. And how
long this will be a proiection even to them, is by no means certain. They have
already made truth and veracity almost a by-word and a reproach. When truth
loses caste with any people — Is no longer considered as a virtue — and its daily
and hourly violation are looked upon with no concern but a jeer or laugh, it re-

321
quires very little forecast to see what will very soon be the character of that
people. But, sir, come what may, I shall pursue a course which sense of duty
deraands of me. While I bope for the best, I shall be prepared for the worst;
and if the worst comes, with my fellow citizens, bear with patience my part of
thp coramon ills. They will affect me quite as Uttle as any other, citizen, for 1
have but little at stake ; and so far as my public position and. character are
concerned, I shall enjoy that consolation which is to be derived from a precept
taught me in early life, and which I shall ever cherish and treasure, whatever
fortune betide me. "But if, on life's uncertain main,
Mishap shall mar thy sail,
If, faithful, firm and true in vain,
Woe, want, and exile thou sustain.
Spend not a sigh on fortune clianged."
Yours, most respectfuUy,
A. H. STEPHENS.
Col. T. W. Thomas, Elberton, Ga.

From the Richmond Examiner, May 1, 1855.
KNOW NOTHING HUMBUGS EXAMINED AND EXPLODED.
The present canvass has been prodigiously fruitful In all sorts of Roorbacks,
humbugs, misrepresentations and even downright falsehoods. The whole land
teems with garbled extracts, apochryphal pamphlets, Munchausen paragraphs,
and statements of the most transparent and egregious absurdity. To crush
this prolific brood, would require the labors of a dozen regiraents of men, like
the hero of the Augean stables. We propose examining, at this time, three
of the mo§t current and common place, which we read every day in our ex
changes. When a Democratic editor or newspaper points to the identity of the Know
Nothing and the old Federal parties, as far as their common hostility to foreign
immigration is concerned, he is invariably told that, although the objections to
immigration fifty years ago were absurd, yet that the causes which made immi
gration desirable have ceased, the land has inhabitants enough, and that we
should keep the domain for our children. Without stopping to point out, for
the fiftieth time, that the repeal of the naturalizations laws willj in no, manner"
dirainish or affect immigration, let us see whether our landed estate is already
filUng up too rapidly. - »
The census of 1850 furnishes us with the following facts, which effectually
demonstrate the absurdity of this argument of the Know. Nothings :
Area of the United States, 3,306,865 of square miles or 2,116,383,600'
acres. Number of acres in farms, 293,560,614
Number of acres improved, 113,032,614
" " unimproved, 180,528,000-
Total In farms, as above, 293,560,614
It bas therefore required, from this official statement, 320 years to bring
113 032,614 acres under cultivation, and we have yel left the small number of
two billions three millions of unimproved lands. "We are therefore certainly not
21

322
in imminent peril of our dense population covering our limited possessions two
or three layers deep, and the excess slipping off into tbe Atlantic and the Paci
fic oceans. The absurdity of this humbug of Know Nothingism might be ren
dered still raore glaring by a calculation, deraonstraling how greatly the two
billions of uniraproved acres, might be made to add to our national wealth, hy
cultivation and population ; hut the good sense of our readers will render such
an argument unnecessary. II.
The second humbug maintains that immigration has increased the pauperism
of this country, and that New York and the New England States are taxed to
support the paupers of Europe. Tbe simple fact that immigration profitably
employs a large portion of the marine of the free States, renders their railroads
and canals valuable, and enriches thousands who, in the shape of boarding
house keepers, agents, runners, and store keepers, prey upon the immigrants af
ter tbeir long sea voyages, would be a sufficient refutation of this assertion.
But there Is still more conclusive evidence. The German emigrants alone
bring into this country annually, It bas been estimated, 11,000,000 of dollars
in gold and silver. The commissioners of emigration for the State of Now
York so state. But the enemies of immigration, pinned to the wall by this
fact, say the Irish paupers, not the Dutch, are the rascals who are devouring
the substance of New York and New England.
Here, again, stubborn and unquestionable facts nail the falsehood to the
counter. The following letter, from the President of the Irish Emigration So
ciety of New York, effectually spikes that gun :
Office Irish Emigration Society, ]
New York City, Jan. 4, 1855. |
Dear Sir : — In reply to yours of the 1st instant, addressed to thc lamented
president of the Irish Emigrant Society, lately depeased, relative to the receipt
and disbursement of the funds received and disbursed on account of emigrants
arriving at this port, I beg leave to state —
That in May, 1847, the State Legislature organized the commissioners of
emigration, and passed laws requiring that for each alien passenger landed at
this port the owners and consignees of tbe vessel bringing them should pay to
the commissioners of emigration — first, $1 per head, with 50 cents each for hos
pital tax, to support the Quarantine Hospital, which latter was decided to be
illegal and was abolished ; then It was increased to Sl 50, and at the last ses
sion it was further Increased to $2, (which tax is Included by the owners and
masters of vessels In the passage money,) and giving the commissioners authori
ty to disburse all such moneys received by them, for care and support of all emi
grants chargeable to them, and to every city, town, or County in the State, for
a period of five years from tbe date of their arrival at this port.
The amounts received by the commissioners of emigration and disbursed by
them for the support of emigrants, since their creation in May, 1847 are as
follows :
In 1847, .... 193,293 00
1848, .... 311,002 38
1849, .... 315,876 16
1850, . 4 . . 358,010 36
1851, - - . . 469,538 27
1852, .... 555,911 96
1853, .... 571,651 92
1854, .... 688,8a2 98
$3,464,187 03

323
Which have been all disbursed, less the amount of $64,000 now on hand,
for the care, maintenance, and support of emigrants arriving at this port, and
chargeable in the various counties of this State, and in forwarding them to
their friends and to places where they may get employment.
In reply to your second question, I beg leave lo Inform you, that since the
creation of the commissioners of emigration, the city authorities have paid no
money on account of alien passengers arriving at this port, nor has the city
iiJburred any expense for their support ; on the pther hand, the commissioners
have paid since May, 1847, to the various public institutions In this city, for
the care of such emigrants, chargeable lo them, as they could not take care of
in their own institutions, sucb as lunatics blind, deaf and dumb persons, S^'Jo,-
490. With great respect, yours truly,
AND. CARRIGAN,
President Irish Emigrant Society.
Really, the President of the Emigration Society is too cruel. He proves
that a lax laid upon the immigrants more than pays all their expenses, that
there is now on hand a surplus of 64,000 d-ollars, and that there has been paid
to the charitable institutions of tbe State of New York, for their disinterested
care and support of the " pauper Irishmen," the sum of 93,500 dollars.
This then is a truthful picture of Irish pauperism, and New York philan
thropy. How stands the matter In the slave States ? Are we taxed for the
support of the German and Irish pauper immigrants ? Baltimore is the port,
at which we suppose nine-tenths of the European paupers are landed. The
following is a letter from the President of the Maryland Emigration Society :
Baltimore, Jan. 3, 1855.
Dear Sir : — I received yesterday your favor of the 29th ult., asking ipforma
tion about the amount of head-money paid by emigraut passepgers and its ap
plication. In reply, I can only give you the amounts collected, which have
been as follows :
In 1850, .... 10,015 11
1851, . . - - 12,505 20
1852, - - - 20,128 71
1853, .... 17,185 77
being at the rate of $1 50 for each passenger. A portion of these sums — say
two-fifths, or sixty cents per head — has been annually paid over to the several
beneficial societies, and the German Society has beep the rccipicpt of some five
or six thousand dollars per annum.
I am not aware that our cil>y authorities have been put to any expense on ac
count of emigrants. There is no special provisiop raade for them, apd it is left
to the Germap, Hiberpian, St. Apdrews, apd other charitable societies, to as
sist the sick apd ipdigent.
The balance of .the head-money, with the exception of trifiing donatiops in
some instances made to Dutch passengers, is appUed towards the support of
the Baltimore city and county almshouse.
I have not yet ascertained the exact number of passengers ' whioh arrived at
this port during last year; It has been somewhat greater than 'during the pre-
cedino- year, and the collections wUl probably reach $20,000.
It will afford me pleasure to give you any further information on the the
subject of emigration at my command ; and I remain, with sincere regards.
Your obedient servant,
A. SCHUMACHER.

324
Far from being a tax upon the people of the slaveholding State of Mary
land, we find that a large part of this "head raoney," or tax upon the immi
grants, is actually applied " towards the support of the Baltimore city and
county almshouse," the " foreign paupers" furnishing their mite towards the
support of the indigent natiye Americans. III.
Tbe third Roorback and humbug of the Know Nothings, is " that the influx
of foreigners depreciates the price of labor." This is the rankest and most
transparent nonsense which we have yet beard, even from the Order which has
inaugurated misrepresentation as one .of their cardinal virtues. The price of
labor is, like everything else that can be bought or hired, regulated by the de
mand for it. If immigration did not open new resources by bringing immense
tracts of land under cultivation, by opening roads for tbe exchange of commo
dities between the various portions of the country, and by an increased home
consumption, it would necessarily come to pass, that a constant influx of foj-eign
meghanics and laborers would soon glut the market aud depreciate the price of
labor. But the fact is, that the wages of labor have Increased more rapidly, during
the last seven years, than they have ever done, and yet, during the last seven
years, immigration has also more rapidly increased than at any subsequent period
of our history as a nation. We shall not insult the intelligence of our readers by
elaborating the argument which this fact will prove to eyery sensible man.

From the Richmond Examiner, May 15, 1855.
EQUAL RIGHTS AND EQUAL LAWS.
Equal Rights and Equal Laws — these things have ever been the dearest to
the heart of the race whose descendants we are. In all eras, under all climates,
in every alteration of society, that key-note recurs in the grand symphony of
its utterance and action. Equal Rightsand Equal Laws' These words sum
up the political system of the American States and the American people. To
them they represent all things that are good In government. They have fought
for them, and toiled for them, and paid for thera in money and in blood; till
thoy thought the principles those words express were so won to their possession,
so wrought into their flesh, so mingled with the life stream that they were send
ing down to after ages, that all the waters of the multitudinous seas would never
wash thera out, nor all the drowsy syrups of the East erase them from the
memory of any posterity of theirs. But that heroic hope was only a glorious,
noble dream. Their children havc already forgotten the Declaration of Rights
which do pertain unto the peoplo of Virginia, and unto their posterity.
As the white cloud by day and the pillar of fire by night were insufficient to
assure the wanderers in the desert of the presence in their midst of the God of
Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, and they must needs make a golden calf lo worship
in his stead, and choose other leaders than the Lord's anointed; so are we dis
carding the maxims of our fathers which have brought the Republic to its pre
sent power, as worn out trumpery unsuited to its now exalted estate, and adop
ting a new class of dogmas, al war with tbe example of our ancestors, substitu
ting narrow counsels for noble and exalting sentiments, strife for harmony, in
tolerance for charity, privilege for equality, birth for raerit, hypocrisy for faith,
and making the name American instead of a symbol of all that Is generous,
brave, hospitable, self-reliant, enterprising, excellent, elevated, and free In con-

325
science, in effort. In enterprise, in aspiratiop, ip arabi.tion, in the person and in
the soul — a confined Idea, limited between narrow latitudes and longitudes, .sy
nonymous with Isbmaelite and cur, and expressive only of jealousy, selfishness,
ill-nature, inhospitality, meanness of instinct and narrowness of soul.
And that which makes the blood of the patriot boil with the fiercer indigna
tion in contemplating the conduct of the advocates of this total change in the
genius and spirit of our institutions, is to see them hypocritically attempting to
impose the belief upon the igporant and simple, that their pew-fiingled dogmas
have the sanction of the founders of the Republic.
Equal Rights and Equal Laws for all free citizens, was the cardinal maxipi
and •fundamental principle ruling the whole conduct of the framers of our in
stitutions. They prescribed no test of religious faith as a qualification for of
fice or citizenship. They expressly forbade that so proscriptive, so unjust, so
insulting a test should ever be applied to the freemen of our country. Although
the Republic was then weak and the Pope was strong, and although taunted by
the Arnolds of those days to measures of intolerance, they refused to require
an oath purging even the Catholic conscience of its jmputed transcendental .alle
giance to its spiritual Ruler. They left these measures of proscriptiop to be
takep by pew light statesmen of the present hour — when ours has become the
strongest power on earth, and the Pope the weakest potentate — when Protes
tantism has come to number in proselytes and creeds as the sands of the sea,
and, growing up like the spreading oak, is stretching out its limbs-to the four
winds of heaven, and like the banyan tree of India, is reaching forth its arms,
and striking down its roots into al! regions of the earth. They left the people
the option to choose from among the members of all the different religious per
suasions, whomsoever themselves and not unequal laws should adjudge "most
honest, most capable and most faithful to the Constitution," They left it to
modern bigots, by demagogue oaths and unequal laws, to cut the people off
from one entire religious persuasion in their elections of public servants ; and
to prescribe a rule and enforce an oath, which, if Brigham Young and Judge
Taney were rival candidates for office, would command them — the PEOPLE —
to vote for the polygamist, the outlaw, the impostor, the whoremonger, the
adulterer, tho brute and the infidel, rather than for the man — clarum venerabile
nom.en gentibus, et multum nostrse quod proderat urbi.
The same great principle of equal rights and equal laws for free citizens was
carried by our fathers into their welcome to the emigrant. They required a
probationary residence of the foreigner as requisite to the attainment of citizen
ship, it is true; but, once a citizen, they made tho emigrant a peer of the
proudest native in respect of all the privileges and franchises of thc citizen.
True it was, that our fathers, in consideration of the tender years of tbe Re
public, its infancy and weakness, the power of hostile governments whose ty
ranny it bad escaped by miracle, the jealousy with whieh the monarchies abroad
regarded our free institutions, and the danger of Insidious efforts from that
quarter to undermine our liberties unawares to our people' while few and feeble,
ordained that the Federal executive and some of the State executives should be
native male citizens. But there they stopped, and that was the single excep
tion which they engrafted upop that wonderful systera of legislation, which they
planted upon the foundation stone of Equal Laws and Equal Bights. With
that single exception, they left the unrestricted choice of tbeir public servants
to the people — to the judgraent, the discernm-ent, the discrimination, the pa
triotism, the justice, the WILL of the people. Proceeding upon the great
Araerican maxim, of the capacity of the people for selfgovernmenl, they did
not essay to prescribe to them from what class of citizens they should select
their servants, or by what accidents of birth or privilege they should restrict
their choice. They left it to the Innovating demagogues of the present day to
deny the capacity of the people for self-government, and to hamper the POPU-

326
LAR WILL apd paralyze the elective franchise by unequal laws and extra"
judicial oaths, under which, if the felon Native American, E. Z. C. Judson?
and that great and generous foreigner, the Blarquis LaFayetle, were rival candi
dates for office, the people would be compelled. In the exercise of the highest
function of the American freeman, to exalt the convict and proscribe the hero —
under which base laws and oaths restricting the people in the exercise of the
elective franchise. If all the foreigners wafted by ship loads to our shores wero
Gallatins and DeKalbs, and all our natives were Garrisons, Phillipses and Burns
rescuers and rioters, they — the people — would be corapelled to hurl the Galla
tins from poyyer and substitille an infamous litter of Wilsons, Hisses and Pol-
soms in their places. Yes, our fathers left it to the Innovators of the present
evil hour, to deny to the people the liberty of choosing their public servants
according to their judgraent, patriotism and WILL, and, distrusting the great,
primary American doctrine — the capacity of the people for self-government —
to fetter the people's judgments, their vpishos and their choice with unequal laws
and extrajudicial oaths.
In their desperation, thes^ Innovators are now vouching, at this late hour of
the Virginia canvass, and as a last recourse lo support a faiUng cause, certain
resolutions of the Virginia General Assembly pf 1799, proposing lo exclude
foreign-born persons, thereafter lo come into the country, from the two houses
of Congress and the Executive and Judicial offices of the federal government,
running in these words :
"The general assembly, nevertheless, concurring in opinion with the legisla
ture of Massachusets, that every constitutional barrier should be opposed to the
introduction of foreign influepce into our national councils :
Resolved, That tho constitution ought to be so amended, that no foreigner
who shall not have acquired rights under the constitution and laws at the time
of making this amendment, shiill thereafter be eligible to the office of senator
or representative in the Congress of the United States, nor to any office in the
judiciary or executive departments.
Agreed to by the Senate, January 16, 1799."
The resolution was adopted by that immortal body, just after their memora
ble contest over the AUen and Sedition laws, and was doubtless offered by the
illustrious Virginians of that day. In the generosity of victors lo the vanquished,
as a testimonial of a spirit of compromise and concession on their part towards
a fallen adversary after his ignominious defeat. The resolution proposed to
extend the exception already mentioned in respect to the presidency of the
Linion and Governorship of some of the States — an exception to the great
Araerican doctrine of equal laws and equal rigbts — to the subordinate offices of
the federal Executive, and lo the federal Judiciary and the federal Legislature.
It was a concession oo the part of those iUustrious raen to the advocates of the
Alien and Sedition laws, which their own after conduct proves that th^ them
selves considered unwise and unnecessary. They theraselves condemned it as a
temporary indiscretion, and left it to sink into sudden and Ipcontinent oblivion.
The resolution has slept the sleep of death upon the statute book ever since.
Il is as obsolete as its cotemporary raeasures of National Bank and Protective
Tariff; and was buried stlll-borp by the very stalesraep who are pow appealed
to as its authors.
But mark the dlslugepuousuess of this effort of the latter day Know Noth
ings to array this resolution against the doctrine of equal rights and equal laws,
and to set the illustrious statesmen of '98 and '99 at war with themselves.
The resolutions of the Massachusetts Know Nothing Legislature of '99, to
which this Virginia resolution responded, had invited those statesmen to do a moan

327
thing, an unjust thing, an infamous thing — had invited them lo exclude foreign
born citizens, already naturalized, and already entitled under the Constitution
as it was, and the laws as they stood upon the statute book, from an equal par
ticipation in the offices, privileges and franchises of the country. In short, the
Massachusetts Legislature of that day recommended the proscriptive principle
which is incojporated in the following article of the Know Nothing creed :
" You, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of Almighty God
and these witnessess, your right hand resting on this Holy Bible and Cross,
and your left hand raised toward Heaven, in token of sincerity, do-solemnly
promise and swear that you will not vole, nor give your influence, for any man
for any office in the gift of the people unless he be an American born citizen,
in favor of- Americans ruling America."
— an oath which cuts at thc very roots of those solemn guarantees of the Con
stitution which have already given to the alien born citizen heretofore natural
ized, the free, unrestricted benefit of the same equal laws and equal rights
which is enjoyed by the native citizen — an oath retrospective In its operation,
exposl facto in its disfranchisements, violative of vested rights, and repudiatory
of the long standing compact between our country on the one hand, and the
domiciliated emigrant on the other, who has sought its shores under the allure
ment of those guarantees of equality and hospitality which shone forth from
the Constitution in letters of gold, so refulgent as to have tempted him to for
sake home and kindred, to have forsworn sovereign and allegiance, and to have
sought a country then offering citizenship apd equality, but now proposing to
degrade him into an exile and a Helot.
That was the proposition of the Massachusetts Legislature to the illustrious
Virginians of '99 ; and now mark the noble language in which they replied,
and ponder the resolution whioh II has suited the Know Nothings to suppress,
and which precedes the one printed above, on which they rely to sustain their
measures of proscription and intolerance :
" The general assembly of Vlfginia, considering that the privation of perso
nal rights solemnly sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States, is
arbitrary and unjust; that tbe right of election to office. Is one of the most
iraportant secured thereby to the citizen ; and that It ought not lo be destroyed
or impaired, especially by regulations having a retrospective operation :
Therefore, Resolved, That the proposition from the legislature of the State
of Massachusetts, having for its object the exclusion of certam citizens from
their eligibility lo offices, which [eligibility] they now actually possess, and the
exclusion of ol;her persons who may become possessed thereof upon the perfor
mance of certain conditions held out to them by existing laws; [meaning the
naturalization laws] — thus, by a retrospective regulation, improper in Itself, and
inconsistent with the spirit of all our civil instllutlons, infringing the rights of
persons solemnly guaranteed by the constitution and laws — Is arbitrary and
unjust ; and, that it ought not to receive the approbation of the ganeral as
sembly." Then follow the resolutions already quoted. Let tbe Know Nothings read
these passages and hang their heads for shame, that they ever appealed to the
authority of the Virginia statesmen of 1799 to sustain their schemes of pro
scription.

328

From the Washington Union.

VIOLENCE THE NATURAL CONSEQUENCE OF THB KNOW
NOTHING ORGANIZATION AND DOCTRINES,
The public press has recently been filled with the gross and sickening details
of riot and crime in our cities and towns, growing out of the new Know Noth
ing organization and the spirit its movements have provoked. It has been found
that evon'ip^thls country, which proudly boasts that the law of the land is su
preme and acquiesced in by all, the constituted authorities are found incompe
tent or unwilling to repress disorder and protect from violence the lives and pro
perty of the citizens. We question much' whether, during the last year, under
the autrocrat of Russia, or him of France, more frequent or raore flagrant out
rages upon the rights of personal liberty aud property have taken place than
those who have brought the blush of shame to the cheek of every true Ameri
can citizen. Private houses are given to the Qames, churches are destroyed,
murder stalks boldly forth, unrepressed and unpunished-; whilst the authors of
these outrages, not satisfied with sucb achievements, find ample time for attack
ing the peaceful assemblages of their opponents, and for even blackening the
character of those native Americans who will not join with them in the cry,
that every Catholic woman who goes to confession is lewd, every priest a sworn
foe to our liberties, and every Roman Catholic an Incipient traitor to the con
stitution. There is al least one fortunate feature in all this spectacle of calumny and
crime. It is leading men everywhere to reflect upon the causes and progress of
these moral heresies, and to bestir themselves to the task of their removal.
The calm and reflecting of all parties are beginning to appreciate the fact that
our free institutions, won by the blood of our fathers, are only to be preserved
by our own constancy, zeal, and vigilance. It is not enough to chant paeans to
the names of Washington, Patrick Henry, and Jefferson, but we must bring
home their teachings to the popular heart, and by the example of their tolerant
and liberal doctrines shame those to silence 'who have either forgotten or re
pudiated the principles ingrafted upon our constitution by tbose illustrious pa
triots. The connexion between the doctrines of the Know Nothing or pative Ameri
cap party, and the recent developments of crime and outrage, is too obvious to
be overlooked. What is "Know Nothingism" but the turning of the bad pas
sions of our fallen nature into a particular direction ? Thc evil feelings of
malice and bate, and intolerance to our opponents, to which humanity is hut
too prone, have been industriously stimulated and concentrated upon the adhe
rents of a particular faith, and upon thc helpless and unfortunate emigrant,
who, fleeing from tyranny and thanking God that his feet have at last touched
the soil of freedom, finds to his dismay that the spirit of persecution is before
as well as behind hira, and meets with a scourge where he hoped for an asylum.
Aud this Is republicap hospitality ! A constitution and laws which offer heart
and band to the emigrant apd the Romap Catholic, but a secrel organization as
piring to override both constitution and laws, whicb substitutes for the olive
branch of peace the sword aud dagger of releptless bigotry ! Whep men, in
stead of being taught to feel their own sins, to amend their own lives and purify
their own conduct, are, on the contrary, daily and hourly admopished by their
leaders that there is a class of their neighbors whose faith is sp full of pernicious
error, and yet so rapidly increasing, and that It must be put down, not by argu
ment, by the light of holy example, or by the generous rivalry of deeds of
charity and mercy, but by denying to tbe adherents of these presumed heresies
all posts of trust and honorable preferment — thus making them the only pariahs.

329
or outcasts, in a land of equality — is it strange that the growth of malice and
hate should be rapid, and quickly bring forth its appropriate fruit of riot, sedi
tion, calumny, and murder? This lesson, which all history teaches us, was fa
miliar to our forefathers, who wisely ingrafted its consequence of religious
toleration upon the constitution; but we have among us, it seems, a class for
whora history affords no warnings for toleration, but only precedent for revenge
aud persecution, and who use daily for their purposes the namCs of our revolu
tionary patriots whilst they studiously disregard their precepts.
There is ano(!her reason why these consequences should ensue. The Know
Nothing organization is a secret one. It repudiates any appeal to argument or
public discussion, but aims to obtain its proselytes by private appeals aud
cajolery, and to compass its objects by secret and irresponsible machinery. Is
it wonderful, therefore, that these men, when met with the calm voice of reason,
should fly to passionate invective to drown the voice of conscience, that thoy
should interrupt by violence those publio meetings and discussions, whose effects
they so justly fear as entirely to discard them from their plan of operations, or
that they should finally, when all other raeans have failed, resort to the pistol '
and the knife ? -
It will be obvious, too, that the weapons of violence are rauch more readily
and conveniently handled by them than those of logic and argument. It may
take a man a month or more to familiarize hiraself with the writings of our
fathers and the principles of the constitution, and his studies raay eyen then
add but^ little to his Know Nothing zeal; but the sorriest and simplest of the
" order" cap readily handle a pistol or a bludgeon. A Know Nothing may
argjie with an Irish Catholic by the hour, and fail to convince him that he is an
idolater or a traitor, apd therefore a fit subject for proscription ; but a resort to
the knife settles the question speedily for all practical purposes, and your dead
Irishman will hardly disturb by his replies the convictions -of his antagonist, so
pointedly and eloquently expressed. Five hundred pistols may be fired, and as
many Irishmen made to bite the dust in less time than it will lake to produce
a good argument in favor of religious proscription. The midnight lamp wasted
in the vaip and fruitless attempt to find in tho writings of Washington and
Jefferson a sanction for the establishment of a "religious test" for office, may
be conveniently and fitly employed in firing the Irishman's house, where bis
wife and children find a miserable shelter from tbe eleraents, or in' burning the
edifice in which he offers that sacrifice of prayer and penitence which the Know
Nothing bigot, kindly assuming the province of Deity, unhesitatingly rejects as
hypocritical or idolatrous. It raay cost them some pains lo read the constitu
tion or the Gospel of Peace ? and is it singular that they shirk the disagreeable
task for the easier one by far, to them, of reading the heart of man and pro
nouncing upon his motives and his. integrity ?
Men, too, are beginning to ask; where is all this violence and crime to end ?
If the Catholic is to be attacked, who, indeed, will be safe ? Murder does not
always draw nice dictinctions, and the demon of hate and religious bigotry,
when one object is exhausted, readily conjures up another. The man or villain
who, by setting fire to the houses-of Irishmen, acquires a fondness for sucb
glowing spectacles, will not always be content with such narrow limits for his
taste but will apply his principles and his torch to those who are guiltless of
one drop of Milesian blood. It is, we doubt not, susceptible of demonstration
that the house of an EpiscopaUan or a Methodist will burn as readily as that of
an Irish Romanist, and we suspect that his blood will In the end be fully as ac-
ceptable and sweet to many of those who are prominent in this work of hate.
We will not inquire whether it is better to be a drunkard, or rowdy, or Know
Nothincr assassin, than an Irishman, or whether the raan who rejects the Saviour
and spurns the sacrifice of Jesus Christ (but who, despite his deism or atheisra,
finds a ready welcome in their "order") is more worthy of trust and con-

330
fidence than the iloraan Catholic ; but surely we may be excused for turning to
the Presbyterian, tbe Methodist, the Baptist, the Unitarian, and Indeed every
sectarian who may encourage this movement, and asking them this question : Is
it so short a time since your faith has fell the iron heel of persecution that you
are ready and eager to apply to others tbose practices of persecution anJ pros
cription of which your fathers in England and elsewhere so justly complained ?
and if so, in what sense can you call yourselves followers of Him who said to
you and to all men, " Do unto others as you would that they should do unto you —
this the second and great commandment ?"
A NATIVE PROTESTANT.

From the Eichmond Examiner, April 24, 1855.
DUPLICITY BETTER THAN NATIONALITY.
Honesty is not the better policy in these days. If we take the successes of
Know Nothingism as testing the rule. Ingenious Sam has adopted the tactics
of the horse gangs, and as these wonderful travellers (on other raen's animals)
haye a different name for every county they traverse, so Sam has a different
schedule of policy for eyery Slate in the Union. Already are seven programmes
of his Basis Principles extant ; and as not half of Sara's tactics and principles
are yet dragged out to light, it is fair to presume that the number of his Bases
of Principles is at least thirty, the number of the States, and probably as many
more as there are unorganized territories In the Union.
In respect to Catholics, the policy of the " Traveller" is peculiarly charac
teristic. Beginning in Massachusetts, where Puritan bigotry is not relaxed in
tension since the expulsion of Roger Williams, and the hanging of defenceless
and toothless old maidens for "witchcraft," he carries on his persecutions for
opinion's sake, openly and avowedly, by sending special coraraittees, attended hy
courtezans and prostitutes, to spy out the secrets of private female schools, con
ducted by Catholic ladies. There is no nice distinction there between Catho
lic religion and Catholic politics. Il is the genuine spirit of persecution of the
old, cruel, shameless, barbaric type, of the Praise God Barebones era. It is
pot merely Catholic voters. Catholic officers, and Catholic politicians, that are
the objects of Know Nothing hostility in Massachusetts, hut Catholic women
and children, old men apd old ladies, old raaids and young virgins.
The whole Araerican public havo heard what Know Nothing legislators have
done ip the way of persecution Ip Massachusetts. Fancy the feelipgs of our
countrymen abroad when the accounts from Boston shall reach them in Europe.
But here is what a Boston Know Nothing editor says, and such is the language
of the whole New England Know Nothing press :
"The Nunnery, the Convent, and other monastic systems have had fall swing
in Sardinia. And this for generations — for, ages. What has been the result?
These things : corrupt morals; debased public sentiment; violation of the most
sacred laws ; destruction of virtue ; pollution of female virtue ; general decay
of noble and refined sentiments ; sensuality ; profligacy ; vitiation of the social
fabric. Much else. But these in chief. The people of Sardinia see this.
They look back on centuries and see il. It is met with everywhere. The
church is corrupt. Society is corrupt. Religion, moraUty, virtue, the true, the
hallowed, the beautiful Is corrupt. Hence the passage of a law of reforra ; a
law pf suppression. It has come to this : Either these places must be abolished
or corruption stalk unfettered over the land. The better cause has prevaUed.
Hitherto we have seen little to admire in Sardinia. It has little in history but

331
to blu.'ih and weep over. But an act has now risen which looms up like a Bunk
er Hill Monument."
Catholic schools ¦" must be abolished." The convent-burning scenes of
Charlestown must be re-enacted, aud women and children must become again
tbe victims of outrage from heroic, brutal, profane Sam, Apostle of Protestant
ism and Pharisee of 1855.' Not Catholic schools only, but Catholic churches
too must corae down in New England ; for the few that were sacked and de
stroyed by Sam In 1854, under the instigation of Gavazzi, the foreigner, and
the " Angel Gabriel," the other foreigner, will not appease the ferocity of the
unwashed felon against Catholic martyrs of obstinate consciences.
Yes, the latter half of the nineteenth century is witnessing a renewal of the
persecutions of the dark ages ; and this " free" land of ours, consecrated so
solemnly to liberty. Is witnessing already the public violation by political par
ties and loud-mouthed partizans, of the sacred Uberty of conscience.
As the deraon of Intolerance progesses Southward, however, thanks to the
gond genius of Southern institutions, be is corapelled to dhsguise, by every pos
sible artifice of dupUcity, the loathsomeness of his purposes. In Virginia, he '
professes not to tou«h the conscience of the Catholic, but only 'his franchises.
He does not play Paul Pry in Catholic schools, or burn to the ground Catholic
churches; but he simply utters the exclamation, "Lord I thank thee that I
am not as wicked as these bigoted Catholics ;" and appropriates the spoils of of
fice lo himself. The Massachusetts basis principle is to burn Catholic churches
and corporeally examine Catholic female teachers and pupils. The Virginia
Basis Principle Is lo denounce CathoUcs as great political knaves, rifle thera,
in a sort of pick-pocket patriotism, of all the offices they hold, and sing psalms
of hallelujah to the Act of Toleratiop apd the pames of Washington and Jef
ferson. Occasionally, but very rarely, and that only in remote districts, where
wholesale lying is not apt to be found out iu tirae to be exposed, they put forth
such monstrous falsehood as the following, which we take from a Know Nothing
document sent us from the county of Patrick. Munchausen the Second addresses
his " fellow citizens of the county of Patrick, and all lovers of their country,"
in tbe following amusingly mendacious strain. We italicise the gems in this
Cabinet of
SAM's specimen lies, designed to show his veneration for the VIRGI
NIA ACT OF RELIGIOUS TOLERATION.
" It is often the case, fellow citizens, that these ruffianly Priests go to common
free schools, taught by the charity of some good Proteslant ladies for tbe pur
pose of educating the poor, and break it up by cowhiding all its pupils. The
dauo-hter of an old rhagistrate, near a town called Ballinrobo, collected a school
in which she taught the children of the poor. In the goodness of her heart,
she took pity upon the poor Ignorant children of the neighborhood, and desired
to learn them to read, that they might peruse the word of God. The Priest,
of the Parish entered the school house one day, and asked if the children were
taught lo read with the view of reading the Bible, On being informed that
they were, he whipped every child out of the house. He denounced from the
altar a school house under the care of the wife of the sheriff of Galway, and
whipped a respectable old man for permitting his children to go it. Now, fel
low citizens, is all this sober truth, or is it enormous flction ? It Is possible
that such outragescan be suffered tp exist in a civilized community? Yes, fel
low citizens, they do exist In their startling and hideous reaUty, and were it not
for foar of spinning this address out to a too great length, I could tell you of
wrongs that these Bible-hating Priests do, of crimes tbey commit, and of mise
ry they entail iipOn every people over whom they have control, that would make

332
your hair rise on your head. And the alarming fact stares us in the face, that
the despots and tyrants of Europe are In league with the Roman Catholics
annually to send over to this country hundreds and thousands of their pau
pers, criminals and persons of abandoned characters, that our country may
be overrun by foreigners and Roman Catholics, that the government may be
overthrown, and that the Roman Catholic religion may becprae tho established
religion of the United States. When these things shall come to pass,
(and may God in his mercy forever forbid it,) then all Baptists, Presbyte
rians, Methodists, and all other Protestant denominations will be per.secutod
and hunted down like the beasts of the forest, for every Roman Catholic Priest
and Bishop regards them as heretics, and they take an oath io persecute by fire
and sword all heretics and enemies of their church."
Beautiful language is this for the latitude of Virginia, and for the latter half
of the XlXth century !
Such is the spirit of Know Nothingisra towards Catholics where those peoplo
are few and weak ; and it would naturally be inferred, frora the intemperate
hostility to Catholics of these suddenly enlisted champions of Protestantism,
that where their party did come in contact with the hatad church, in States
whore it was really formidable by its pumbers and political influence, and
where, if all thoy charge in Massachusetts and Virginia be true, they could
carry on their system of persecution and intolerance to some good purpose, the
order would be especially savage and bloody minded With the Catholics. For,
if the country does really need to be cleared of the Catholic faith, and if the
safety of the country really requires that its offices should be taken out of tho hands
of Catholics, the work of reforraation should go on hottest where CathoUcs are
most formidable, and where they participate most largely in the administration
of public affairs. Yet, in Louisiana, where the Catholics do muster in force,
and where there is important work for the Know Nothings, that valiant Order
turn up advocates in fact of religious toleration, and are even more tolerant of
the proscribed religion than the Deraocratic party itself. In the Basis Princi
ples of the Order for the southern and much the larger portion of that State,
there is no article denouncing the Catholic Church, and the councils are actual
ly talking of nominating a Romap Catholic gentleman for the office of Gover
nor. Under that convenient article in their secret ritual, authorizing them to so con
struct their constitutions as to exempt Catholic men, WIVES and MOTHERS
from their brutal system of proscription, where the INTEREST of the Order
demands such exemption, they have consulted discretion rather than valor, and
resolved to embrace Catholics as brethren in the bonds of patriotism and equals
in the qualifications for ofiice. Here is the constitutional provision of the Or
der on this subject of which they have availed themselves in Louisiana :
" He (a member) must be a native born citizen ; a Protestant born of Pro
testant parents ; reared under Protestant influence, and not united in marriage
with- a Roman Catholic : Provided, nevertheless, that, in this last respect, the
State, District or Territorial Counoil shall be authorized to so construct their,
respective constitutions as shall best promote the Araerican cause in their seve
ral jurisdictions ; and provided, moreover, that no member who may have a Ro
man Catholic wife shall be eligible to any office in the Order."
We have received the following letter from the editor of one of the most in
fluential, able and respectable journals of the Southern country, which shows
how the double faced party has profited, in the State of Louisiana, by this con
venient article In their constitution :

333

THE KNOW NOTHINGS HOIST THE WHITE FLAG WHERE THE CATHOLICS MUS
TER IN FORCE. New Orleans, AprU 16th, 1854.
Dear Sir : —
Your letter of the 7tb instant, addressed to Mr.

handed by bim to me, with a request that I would endeavor to procure such re
liable information as would enable me to answer it for him.
There is not the slightest doubt that, in the lower portion of the State of
Louisiana, Including this city and the Parishes which are mostly peopled by
the so-called Creoles, there Is no clause in the obligations of the members of
the Know Nothing Order proscribing the Catholic religion or its followers on
account of their reUgious belief. I knew this for months past, having received
positive assurances from acquaintances who avowed their connection with the
Order. But, in order to "make assurance double sure," I resolved that I would ap
peal to some of the recognized leaders of the Order among us, and obtain
from them such confirmatory information as they might be willing to afford
me One gentleman, who Is widely known throughout the State for his former zeal
in Native Americanism and his present activity in the Know Nothing causo,
and whose name has been- brought forward prorainently as the candidate for
Governor of the State, on their ticket, lold rae, in answer to my question as to the
religious test, that here tbe members did not take any such obUgation ; that, in
order to obtain the support of the Whig Creoles, who were generally Catholics,
it had been frora the first excluded, except in so far that a " oonfes.sing Catho
lic" was not admitted to the Order ; but that, for some months past, even that
question had not been put to the applicant; all that was required being that he
should be in favor of the policy of the Order as to foreigners and the Naturali
zation laws. When I stated to him that some of the presses in the northern
portion of the State which advocated the Order, had permitted attacks on the
Catholic religion and the rights of its professors, be replied that some of the
country lodges had gone to work and organized themselves without having first
properly informed themselves of the true objects of the movement in regard to
religion; but that at present, means were being taken to procure uniformity and
harmony in the work apd aims of the lodges throughout the 'State, aud that it
would be required of tbe country lodges to give up all pretensiops to iplroduce
any religious lest into the obligations of their members.
Another gentleman, who I had reason to know waS| one of the first to intro
duce the Order into this State, aud who inforraed me that the lodge over which
he presided contained over fifteen hundred members, confirmed fully what the
other had said as to the absence of any religious test, especially against the
Catholics, and said thaf on one occasion he had compelled a judge. In this city,
who in addressing his lodge, had attacked the Catholic religion, to resume his
seal as he would not permit any such violation of the real objects of their as
sociatiop as an attack on any man's religion.
Both the gentlemen to whom I have referred, emphatically stated that If the
Order in the North and West did not yield to the demand of the Louisiana
members to give up the obligation proscribing the followers of the Catholic or
any other religion, the latter would be compelled to break off from them, and
act Independently. And both stated that this demand would be made at the
first National Council of the Order.
. I have not thought it necessary to extend my inquires farther, as the highly
respectable character of the gentleman who told me what I have above related.

334
and the feeling of absolute certainty which I felt as to the entire truth of wbat
they stated, disposed me to think that I could gain no additional information,
on the points you mentioned, from othersw
I am, sir, respectfully, your obedient servant,
JNO. H. CLAIBORNE.
R. W. Hughes, Esq., Editor of the Examiner, Richmond, Va.

From the Richmond Examiner, April 17, 1805.
FOREIGNERS AND THE SOUTH.
We should fear the Greeks though bearing gifts. We should beware of the
North, though approaching us in the name of nationality and friendship. We
should distrust the wooden horse of Know Nothingism, with insidious Northern
fanatics in its belly, though offered as a holocaust to restored peace and harmti-
py. We should eschew this Yankee scheme of politics, though proffering
safety and protection lo the South. We should peither touch Por handle the
viper, though couuterfeitipg vepomous hostility to its mother — though pretend
ipg lo bite and snap at Abolitionism.
Why should the South join her bitter revilers in a hue and cry against fo
reigners ? Fifty of the very New Englapd clergymep who depoupced her in
stitutions to Heaven and threatened Congress with the vengeance of Almighty
God for meditating a constitutional law of justice -to the South, are leaders of
the infamous Massachusetts Legislature in visiting persecution and outrage upon
foreigners. Is it from such Know Nothings as these that slaveholders expect an
effective warfare upon Abolitionism ? Are these a new spawn of " Northern
men with Southern principles ?"
Not long ago all Boston was up ip arms against the federal authorities in an
attempt to rescue a slave from his master. An Irish regiment of volunteer
soldiers and Catholics were chiefiy instrumental in vindicating the majesty of
the law and restoring tbe slave to his Southern owner. A " whole souled and
gallant" Irish lad bared his breast to the native American mob and poured out
his life's blood In defence of the rights of the South. The Know Nothing Le
gislature of Abolition Massachusetts, with a malignity of vengeance which
history cannot parallel, bas disbanded that Irish regiment and denied the privi
lege of citizepship to all foreigners, for the part they acted in the rescue of
Burns. Is the South to lick the hand that smites her ? Is she to ally herself
in a league of persecution and extermination with her enemies and revilers,
against the little handful of persecuted strangers who dared to take her part at
the expense of life and disfranchisement ? Shame ! eternal shame upon the
craven men of the South who shall do so raean a thing ! Let ns not take our
politics from Massachusetts and the Know Nothing anathematizing clergy of
her Legislature. Let us rather take it from the Bible, and treat the foreigner
kindly and hospitably, obeying the command of that Book — " Be not forgetful
to entertain strangers, (foreigners,) for thereby some have entertained angels
unawares." Why are Northern Abolitionists and Know Nothings persecuting and pro
scribing foreigners and Catholics ? It is because they have always refused to
join with them in their outcry against slavery and the South. Of all the mobs
that have hounded and howled at the heels of Southern men that have gone to
the North for their property, who has ever heard of a mob of foreigners ?• How
many instances have there been, like the memorable one of Burns, at Boston,

335
where Irishmen have vindicated the Constitution and law against the fiendish
clamor of raging and gnashing hell-houpd mobs of native Abolitionists. Call
the Northern Know Nothing the Americap p'arty ? It is American in but one
sepsc of the word, and that the meanest, shabbiest and most sneaking. It Is
the YanJcee party. To persecute and proscribe foreigners is not an Amerioan
policy, because it is not a Southern policy ; and nothing can be truly American
which is not heartily Southern. To persecute and proscribe foreigners is only
a Yankee policy. Yankees at the South join in It. Yankees at the North join
In it. The Know Nothing Is a Yankee policy. The Know Nothing is " The
Yankee Party."
The foreigners and Catholics at the Norlh have never joined In the Abolition
crusade against us. Three thousand and fifty Yankee pulpits, filled — we will
not say by Protestants, but filled by Infidels — are constantly belchino- forth fire
and brimstone, hell and damnation against the South. Theodore Parkers, An
toinette Browns and Horace Greeleys, too pious to take tbe sacrament of the
Lord's Supper, from disgust at the intoxicating wine in use at the Holy Table,
fulminate anathemas upon the South and slavery, day and night, in season and
out of season; from the pulpit, from the hustings, and from the press, until our
Southern people can no longer travel at the Nortli without encountering insult
al every step and hour. But who has ever known the Catholic pulpit to court
popular favor by sucb incendiary means ; and who has ever known Irishmen to
join in this crusade of Insult and aggression upon the South ? These two per
secuted classes have made themselves obnoxious to the Northern populace, and
hateful as Mordecai the Jew in the sight of Haman, to their incendiary preach
ers and politicians, by sternly and nobly standing aloof from the, fanaticism,
and Interfering, when they interfere at all, only to defend the integrity of the
Constitution and to assert the might of the violated law. Who ever heard of
an itinerant Irish lecturer against slavery ? Who ever heard of a political ser
mon against this constitutional institution from a Catholic pulpit ? How conso
nant with the whole tenor of Irish conduct on this question was the prompt,
the gallant, the unselfish and the peoi.niarily suicidal denunciations of John
Mitchell, against the revilers of the slaveholders 1 Well might Lord CarUisle
In his leave-taking lecture al Boston, after a thorough tour of this country, de
clare that " the worst enemy of the Abolitionist was the Irishraan, and the
most staunch defender of slavery Was the Irishman." The party which de
nounces, disfranchises, persecutes and proscribes the Irish Catholic, whatever
else It may be, is not a Southern party. If it take root at the South, the fact
will only confirm the slander that republics of self-governing people are un
grateful ; it will be a Southern party with Northern principles ; it will be a
Yankee Party on Southern soil.
Look to those States of tbe North where the foreign population holds a lar
ger ratio than elsewhere, and where they exercise the greatest degree of politi
cal influence — look to the vigorous young States of Illinois, Indiana, Wisconsin,
Iowa, and Michigan, as contrasted with Ohio, New York, and the States of
New England ; and, until this new crusade arose lo temporarily unite the pop
ular masses with Abolition natives. In a comraon crusade against the .Democratic
party and the foreign voters usually acting with them, those Slates which had
the largest Infusion of the foreign element in their populations, are found to
have been the staunchest defenders of constitutional politics and Southern rights.
We speak, of course, of the ratio of foreigiLpopulation actually and permanent-
ly settled down In homes of their own, as distinguished from foreigners llvlncr
from band to mouth by working on railroads and laboring in other migratory .
employments. 'What though the increase of this element be indeed rapid, as asserted by
Ex-Governor Smith, and, second-hand, by Mr. Flournoy ; will the Virginia
politician object to a gradual and healthful augmentation of our natural friends

336
In the Northwest ? The fact Is notorious, that for.signers at the North stand
aloof from the Abolition movement, and that the staunchest Democratic anti-Abo
lition States of that section of the Union are chiefly those in which foreigners,
who have found permanent homes, constitute a larger proportion than elsewhere
of jthe whole population.
We aro agitating in the South against foreignism as an evil, although foreign
ers are our staunchest friends at the North, where they number 2,201,118 .in
the census of 1850, and although the evil at the South is so small and triflino'
as to constitute less than two per cent, of our popnlation, and numbers a grand
total in all the South of but 43,530 souls ! We have never known a more
monstrous piece of folly and blindness than this enlistment of Southern men
in a Yankee crusade agaipst foreigpers. We can only imagine a single ground
on whioh it can be plausibly excused ; and that is, that the evil of foreignism
is so entirely Northern and so microscopically Southern, as to induce the notion
that immigrants seek the North from a natural repugnance to our people and
institutions. But who can beUeve such a charge ? An Irishman prejudiced
against a Virginian or a Kentuckian ! The thought is as monstrous as the no
tion itself is false and unnatural. Immigrants go to the North because emi
grant ships land them at Boston, New York and Philadelphia; and because,
the North being engaged most largely In manufactures, raines, internal improve
ments, and the mechanic arts, all requiring cheap white labor, they find em
ployment in that quarter of the Union more promptly and surely than in tbe
agricultural South. When they can find work at the South, they never hesi
tate to migrate hither; and no Southern raan has ever yet heard of a foreigner
leaving the South frora preference for the North. No man has ever yet heard
of foreigners, like Yankees, coming in sheep's clothing to sympathize with our
slaves, and clandestinely shipping them off from tbeir owners by underground
railroads.

DYING WAILS FROM THE CULVERT.
Some unknown friend — probably a repentant Know Nothing about to holt
the Order and come over to the Democracy — has contrived Into our possession a
curious budget of documents, yet damp frora the press, intended, no doubt, to
be poured out In deluges over the State of Virginia, upon tho eve of the elec
tion. To be forewarned is to be forearmed — and on that principle we lay the
precious batch before our readers, in order that the Democracy may have a
knowledge of the weapons with ^hich they are to be assailed in the dark, before
yet the blows are dealt.
The. documents breathe a savage and truculent spirit enough; but we are
very sure that though venomous as serpents they are harmless as doves. We
have rarely seen a paper so overflowing of gall and bitterness and worm
wood, and yet so imbecile aud impotent to subserve any effective purpose, as
Sam's First Epistle io the Hindoos,
It is as unlike Paul to Timothy as could be conceived, through it breathes
out fire and slaughter as fiercely as Saul of Tarsus on his way to Damascus.
How awfully savage is il on that mythical body, " the Anti-American Junto"
of Richmond. We have heard a great deal of the Junto. It is said that we have
had something to do with the killing of the old Iniquity. That fact was an
nounced in the New York Herald five month ago, and seeing that the Herald
is chief organ of the Know Nothings in North America, the fact of the Junto's
demise is undeniable. The Junto is a myth — a ghost, beyond doubt or cavil;
and yet it is amusing to see how it still haunts the imaginatiop of Sam. He
can't divest himself of the idea that the monster is still alive, and protests to

337
his people that It Is "daily and nightly manufacturing and sending Into all
parts of the State secret Roorbacks — outrageous villifications — shameless mis
representations — unmitigated falsehoods — miserable resorts — shameless tricks —
total fabrications — men of straw" — and legions of similar hobgobUns. To say
that Sam is frightened and in despair,.^would be telling but half the story.
Sam Is frantic. See how be raves. The italics, small caps, and- CAPITALS
are all his own : SAM's first epistle to the HINDOOS.
Richmond, May 12, 1855.
Dear Sir ; We have just learned from authoriiy of the most undoubted
character, that the Anti-American Junto of this city are daily and nightly
manufacturing and sepdipg into all parts of the State Secret Roorbacks,
containing the most outrageous villifications of our Order, the most shameless
misrepresentations of its objects and aims, and the raost unmitigated false
hoods in relation to its present standing and position. The object of this letter
is to warn you, and through you, every raember of your Council, and every
friend of the American cause, lo beware of the legion of Roorbacks which
they will start, in tbe desperation of what they fear, and we believe, to be their
LAST expiring effort !
One of their miserable resorts has been exposed to us this morning. They
have already Issued a large number of secret circular^, setting forth that there
have been several thousand withdrawals from the American Councils, and that
a few days before the election, a list of these ivithilrawals will be furnished lo
the under strappers of the Junto. Tbe object of this cannot be doubted. It
is lo spread dismay through the ranks of Americans, and discourage and unnerve
the efforts of our leading men. Now, without any hesitation, we pronounce
the whole thing os miserable and shameless a trick as ever issued even from the
corrupt source from which it emanates. We know what we say, and speak
from the record when we declare, that they cannot parade the names of a thou
sand raembers in the whole State of Virginia, (out of 75,000,) who have with
drawn from the Order. We know It to be a total fabrication, a shameless
Roorback, and akrajjt falsehood ! They may parade the names of thou
sands, but we declare most positively and emphatically, that if so, four-fifths
will prove men of straw — men who were pever men of our Order — who have
not withdrawn, or who never had existence anywhere except in the very fertile
imaginations of our most reckless and UNSCRUPULOUS adversaries !
But here we will ask, even if they could parade the names of 5,000 who
had withdrawn from the Order, what would that amount to ? Would not even
that number leave us 70,000 good and true men in. ihe Order, which, with
30,000 outsiders, whom we know will go with us, will make a total of 100,000,
or enough io bury this miserable Junto, with its myriad corruptions, too deep to
be even smelt again ?
But sir, we tell you again, that they cannot parade one thousand actual with
drawals, if their earthly existence depended on it.
We beg to call your attention to a circumstance which alone should establish
the villainy of tbis transaction. If this report — this list of names — is honestf
CORRECT TRUE — why, why have they not published them in their papers in
time to have their genuineness examined, and truth or falsity TESTED.
Both the Daily Post and Whig of this city, have repeatedly called on the Junto
papers to publish the names and localities of the " wiihdrawals" which by
scores and fifties they were heralding through their papers, but without giving
either names or localities. These, they were not only called upon, but
DARED to give. They were finally goaded into making positive declarations in
the following instances, which were the only positive ones now recollected :
22

338
(Here follow the alleged charges, followed by most ferocious refutations.)
Here, then, sir, we have at much length taken pains to dissect the four
Roorbacks whioh the enemy have dared to locate — read tbem attentively, and
judge for yourself. Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus. [Bad Latin, Sam.]
False in one, false In all. '
Finding it would never do to present the names and localities of their sham
defection, followed as they were by such immediate and complete exposures,
they have, It seeras, concluded to Issue. an advance circular, claiming several
thousand withdraival^, and promising to give thenames in a SECRET CIRCULAR
just before ihe election, when it would be too LATE to EXPOSE THEIR falsity.
Then again, sir, we repeat, sound the news in advance thrpugh your Coun
cils. Watch for Roorbacks of every possible description, and believe none
YOURSELF, nor allow any others to be imposed upon by sucb base means. Re
collect that with pur opponents it is a death struggle, and as drowning men
catch at straws, they will endeavor to seize hold of every Imaginable pretext
and falsehood which promises to give them even a single iiole.
Gird on your armour then — return blow for blow, like brave soldiers, confi
dent of Victory. Remember that while you are fighting, your brothers here
and elsewhere are battling manfully in a common cause — a cause which involves
the fate of our Union, our Bible, and our Faith. Let this, then, animate your
hearts, and nerve your arras, In what we sincerely believe to be a contest invol
ving mightier interests than any before tested since " the days that tried men's
souls." Remember ! that To fight
In a just cause, and for our country's glory.
Is the 6es< otfice for the best or men ;
And to decline when these motives urge.
Is infamy beneath a coward's baseness.
Respectfully and fraternally,
C, A. ROSE,
P. POINDEXTER,
RO.'D. WARD.
Sam's second epistle is not so savage as the first, but far more pithy, effec
tive, and to the point. , It is evidently the composition of higher grade of Je
suits than the boquet above. We have not the pleasure of a personal acquain
tance with Mr. 17-:-3,21.12.2,7 ; or with Mr, J-:-0,12,13.2.7.1.8 ; or even
with Mr. &C.-17-26.12. Tt. They are in a terrible state of alarm at the fan
cied thorough organization of the Democracy, and have taken raeasures suited
to such an emergency. We publish the document entire, and as it Is always
lawful to fight the Devil with his own weapons, we trust the suggestions of the
"undersigned," Me!3srs. 17-:-3.21.12.2.7, J-!-6.12, 13.2.7.1.8, and &C.-17-
26.12.Tt, will not be lost on the Democracy :
SAM'S second EPISTLE TO THE HINDOOS.
Richmond, May 9th, 1855.
Dear Sir : — The undersigned, claiming no other excuse than the general good
of the American parly, have taken the liberty to request you and 
of your county, to act as a special county committee, for the purpose of effecting
an immediate and, if possible, a thorough organization In your county, unless
you have already done so. "W^e respectfully ask your earnest attention to the
following :

339
^We have as glorious a cause as ever raoved the Araerican people since the
days of '76 — a cause which must commend itself to the American people, and
which must, "as a matter of palpable necessity, become the dominant party in
the land. The present struggle is one whicb more completely involves the fate
cf our Union, our Bible, and our Faith, and all else that we hold near and dear,
than any other that has occurred since the United States beoame a nation : for
it is a struggle wbich is to foreshadow the end-^— of which this is but the be
ginning. But, strong as is our position, high and holy as o^tr mission is, and as much
as it commends itself to the people, we beg our frieaJs not to rely loo confidently
to its inherent strength alone. We have an enomy ever watchful, ever vigilant,
ever untiring, and ever, as now, utterly unscrupulous. They are old tacticians,
who having long succeeded by " managem<;nt," will now, in their hour of peril,
resort to every raeans that unscrupulous knavery can suggest, or the most un
tiring energy carry out. -i i. • ¦
i£he eneray, too, are completel/ organized, and that in the most thorough
and efficient manner. Their " modus operandi" is secret and effective — is con
fided to a few and proper bands, They first "have a State Central Committee,
who appoint sub-committees iv every county,_who in turp appoint sub-commit-
'tees in every precinct. These precinct -WDmraittees' first business Is, to ascer
tain the number of TV'hig-^ outside the order, and the number of Democrats in.
Each man on this list is put under the special care of one, two or three men
best calculated to exart'an influence upon him, who are instructed to use the
arffument best cakulated to influence him against the American party. These
committee-men, on some plausible excuse visit the persons under their particu
lar charge. 'To the Whigs outside, they will urge the folly, the madness and
impolicy of sacrificing their cherished principles — the principles of that " noble
old party," " the brave party of principle," &c,, lo a new party, whose aims
are mysterious, and whose designs they know not of. To the Democrats inside,
the American party will be denounced as a Whig trick, the same miserable old
blue light, Hartford Convention, Federal and Bank Whig party. They will
denounce it as unchristian, unpatriotic and unconstitutional. They will declare
it abolitionism in disguise, and Importation from the North, from England, &c.,
&c. They will misrepresent its principles, its aims and its -a^ts. They will swear
it has driven every national man from the United States Senate — that it elected
Seward and Wilson, and probably Sumner, and Trumbull, and Durkee, and
Chase, and Hale, and Wade, and Fessenden, and a host of other abolitionists,
who so far frora being Know Nothings, are among their most intensely bitter
oppo'nents. They will beseech tbem to come out from among a set of " lousy,
Christless Godless plotters," conspirators, traitors, midnight assassins and pros
titutes of the pot-bouses^
In this manner, and in this style, they will visit, and are now daily yisit-
iP2 every inside Democrat, and outside '\Vhig in the State. Every device will
be resorted to, to " wean those weak ip the faith." They will pot only visit our
members but -will stay with them, eat with them, drink with them, and sleep
yvith thera. Sometimes they will double or triple teams, and bring double and
triple batteries to bear on tbe more obstinate and difficult — will seek to frighten
the timid seduce the fishy, and "fatigue" and worry the true and honest oneS
out of tbe party.
Thus will the most powerful political machinery that political tacticians ever
did inveni or ever can invent — that of direct personal appeal, entreaty and
compulsion  be brought to bear, with conoeiy.rated force, upon the members of
our organization in every section of the State. It is idle to say that such meaps,
so constantly and so perseveringly applied, will be without effect, unless they
are promptly and effectively met by the vigilance of our friemjs in every coun
ty of the State.

340
The only way to check this influence is to meet it promptly, and In that
view we most earnestly and respectfully request your attention to the follow
ing SUGGESTIONS.
That on tbe reception of this you will hold an immediate conference with
 ^ of your county ; and that you together shall appoint a com
mittee of  activd, intelligent and efficient men in each precinct of the
county, who will act as a priicinct committee, and who will fully and efficiently
carry out the following suggesiipns by all honorable means :
1st. To make a perfect list ol every man who will vote the American
ticket. 2nd, A similar list of every man who will vote tbe Anti-American ticket.
3rd. A doubtful list, embracing every mi^p, whether now with or against us,
wbo can be swerved or induced In any mannei ; to place each raan on this list
under the care of some one, two, or more men, -who will make it their special
business to see, talk and even labor with every m»a or men placed under their
charge, with a view to the foUowing results :
Ist. If an American, to protect him Trom the arts of th.? enemy, and to keep"
tbe wavering firm in the faith.
2nd. To infiuence as many of the Anti- Americans to Tote w'lth us as possi
ble. 3rd, To induce as many as will not vote with us not to vote agaVpst us — If
they will do us no good, at least to do us no harm.
4tb. And finally, lo see that every American vote is brought out and joUed
on the day of election.
8^» Please instruct the committee of each precinct. Immediately after elec
tion to send full returns of their precincts, addressed to the Editors Daily
Whig, Richmond, and all will thus know by extras issued from that office the
result in a few days after election. 17-:-3.21.12,2.7 )
• J-!-6,12.13,2,7.1,8 I Committee.
&c.-17-26,12.Tt. &c. )
What a pity to take away these young men's Bibles ! To steal their purses
is to steal trash ; but to take away their Bibles — what a cruelty !
Epistle third Is an eloquent dissertation from Sam on the Importance of a
single vote. He has been boasting of his fifty and eighty thousands for months
past, and professing a gonerous willingness in his bets with the Democracy lo
give odds of fives and lens of thousands against himself; but since the late
terrible reaction commenced, and his men have forsaken him by entire lodges
and councils, Sam is firmly convinced that he cannot spare a single vote; and
vouchsafes a special epistle lo the faithful, on the necessity of gelling out every
vote he can call his own. Democrats of Virginia, learn a lesson for yourselves
while reading SAM's third epistle to the HINDOOS.
Richmond, May 14th, 1855.
Dear Sir : — The object of this communication is to call your especial attention
to the possible importance of every single vote in your, and every other pre
cinct in the State, accompanied by such illustrations as occur to us at the mo
ment:

341
In 1797, the President was elected by a majority of three in the electoral
college — in 1801, by seven. Virginia was carried In 1840 by 500 votes. In
1844, 5,000 voles in New York, out of 550,000, or one in 55, made Mr. Polk
President ; hence, had this vote been cast for Clay, he would have been elected
by five votes.
Some ten years ago, Marcus Morton was elected Governor of Massachusetts
by a majority of one. In many other instances, ten voles have decided the
fate of the gubernatorial election.
Mr. Benton was made Senator by one vote. Many other Senators have been
elected by majorities of from one to ten.
In 1846, the candidates for Congress tied each other In two instances in a sin
gle State, and two were elected by one majority, and three more were elected by
majorities of from three lo twenty. Iri the same State, in 1848, there was one
tie, three were elected by one majority, and several others by majorities of from
five to fifty. On one occasion, a distinguished Virginian was elected to Con
gress by five majority, and at the next term defeated by seven. A hundred
inatances could be given of members of Congress elected by majorities of from
one to five votes, and a thousand where majorities of one to five have carried
State Senators, and members of the different Legislatures.
In the coming election, we expect to see several of our candidates for Con
gress, Senate and House, elected by very small majorities, perhaps by a single
vete. Remember then, sir, that the failure to vote in a single instance, in
your precinct, may lose us a Delegate, Senator, Congressman, and even U. S.
Senator. The election of Flournoy, however, if our strength Is polled, is as
certain as the rising of to-mprrow's sun.
Probably, In Virginia, an average of five of onr voters In each precinct will
resolve to slay al home, eaoh thinking his own vole can make no great diffe
rence; but remember that there are 1,000 precincts In tbe State, and that a loss
of five votes In each precinct would be 5,000 In the State, or more votes than
made Mr. Polk President in 1844.
Then, sir, we call on you and your friends, and the friends of the cause, to
work, WORK, WORK ! See that every vole, In every precinct In your county,
is brought out. Your brothers eail on you to work for us as we work for you !
The Junto is setting day and NIGHT. The lights in their culvert are never
suffered to go out. They set us an example. Let us improve it.
Confident of Victory, we are yours, &c.,
C. A. ROSE, )
P. POINDEXTER, C Committee.
RO. D. WARD, \
Call the Council together the night before election.

LETTER FROM THE HON. DANIEL S. DICKINSON ON KNOW
NOTHINGISM.
The following letter, first published in the Tallahasse Floridian and Joumal
of August 4th, was written in June 1855. — Ed, N. Y. Daily News.
My Dear Sir : On my return to my residence a few days since, from a pro
fessional engagement abroad, I found your favor of a late date inquiring for
my views touching the principles of the " American" or " Know Nothing"
organization. Before I found time to answer, I was hurried to this place to
attend the Court of Appeals now in session, where the business in .which I am

342
engaged affords little time or opportunity for correspondence. I will, however,
as I have no concealments upon public questions, borrow a moment from my
pressing duties tp say quite hastily, that I have np knpwledge concerning the
Order to which you allude, except such as is acquired from publications pur
porting to give Information upon the subject, and must therefore confine myself
to such points as are embraced within this range. It is generally understood
and conceded to be a secret society or organization, designed to act politically
in the contests of the day. Of this secret feature I entirely disapprove, and
am unable to understand by what necessity, real or supposed, it was dictated,
or upon what principle it can be justified. Free public discussion and open
action upon ^l public affairs, are essential to the health — nay, lo the very exis
tence — of popular liberty ; and the day which finds the public mind reconciled
to the secret movements of political parties, will find us far on our way to the
slavery of despotism. If good men may meet In secrel for good purposes, we
can have no assurance that bad men, under the same plausible exterior, will
not secretly sap the foundations of public virtue.
Whether I am in favor of their platform upon the quesiion of domestic sla
very, must depend upon what it Is ; or rather, whether they are In favor of
mine. If their platform is lo be regarded as including, upholding or justifying
sucb political monstrosities as the " personal liberty bill," recently passed inlo
a law by the Massachusetts Legislature over the veto of 6royernor Gardner, then
I pronounce il treason of the deepest dye — treason, rank, unblushing and bra
zen — deserving of public reprehension and coD<Jign punishment. If upon this
subject their platform conforms to resolutions recently published, purporting to
be the voice of a majority of the Convention assembled at Philadelphia, it Is in
substance the same upon wbioh I have stood for years — upon which I did not
enter without counting the consequences, and which I intend to relinquish only
with life. I have not now these resolutions before me, but as I recollect them,
I approve them in substance as sound national doctrine. I ignore no part of
the Federal Constitution, either in theory or In practice, to court the popular
caprices of the moment, lo gain public station, or to minister lo the necessities
or Infirmities of those in power. Nor can I distrust the soundness of principles
approved upon full consideration under a high sense of duty, because others
may choose to adopt and embrace them.
I cannot believe that any good can be accomplished by making the birthplace
a test of fidelity or merit. Il does not accord with, but is at war with the
genius of our Institutions. That abuses have been practiced by the appoint
ment of foreigners lo places of trust, before sufficiently familiar with our Con
stitution, laws, and social system, or to which, from circumstances, they were
unsuited, Is probable. This, however, is, in some respects, common to native
as well as naturalized citizens, and arises not from a defective system, but from
its erroneous administration. It is in both respects the patural result of placing
in the hands of the Incompetent the distribution of public patronage.
Upon the subject of naturaUzed citizens, I have been governed by considera
tions of justice and duly, and bave designed to observe the spirit of my coun
try's Constitution. When members of Congress engage in a steeple chase, to
see who should propose earliest, give most, and vote loudest, lo feed suffering
Ireland from the federal treasury a few years since, not finding any warrant for
sucb proceedings I voted against it, and lel public clamor exhabsl itself upon
my head in denunciations. When I learned that the foreigner who had in good
faith declared his Intentions of citizenship, by setling his foot upon a foreign
shore in case of shipytreck, without any intention of remaining abroad, lost the
benefit of his proceedings, I introduced and procured the passage of a bill to
redress the grievance. Tbese principles have governed my publio conduct, and
now guide my opinionsv The Constitution, administered in Its true spirit, is,
in my judgment, sufficient for the protection of all, whether native or natural-

343
ized, and for the redress of all political evils which can be reached by human
government. I have the honor to he.
Your friend and servant, D. S. DICKINSON.

A MONSTROUS FRAUD.
The following article -from the Cincinnati Enquirer will throw a new light
upon the Know Nothing yillainy practiced In the circulation of the Cincinnati
Times, through Virginia, designed to operate on the election of next Thursday.
The Times is an abolition paper, and, in its issues " circulated at home, and
through the ire% States, asserts that the Secrel Order is anti-slavery," The
Cincinnati Enquirer, In a previous article, said that " the greatest care is taken
at the office of the Times, not to alkw a copy of- the issue, intended for the
Virginia market, to be seen in Cincinnati, where its sentiraents would be inju
rious to the Know Nothing cause and prejudicial to tbe interests of the paper."
This Times Roorback,' sent lo Virginia, Is one of the most infamous frauds ever
resorted to by a party, and the following exposure should arouse every honest
Virginian to an indignant reprobration of an organization, based upon trickery
and deception : — Richmond Enquirer.
Virginia Election — The Spurious Edition of the Times sent to that Stale, —
Infamous Fraud,
We have received a letter from Wheeling in relation to the Weeldy Times of
this city, with which the Knew Nothings are flooding the State of Virginia.
This issue of the Times is filled with articles endeavoring to prove that the
Know Nothings of the North are. pro-slavery. The Times, however, which is
circulated, at home and throughout the free States, asserts that the order is
anti-slavery, A gross fraud Is, therefore, being practised upon the Virginians,
wbich, if they are true to themselves, they will resent. Like " orator Puff" the
Times has two tones to its voice, and puts on two faces — one for the North, the
other for the South. The Times whieh is sent to Indiana contradicts the Times
whioh is sent to Virginia. Il would be a terrible thing for that journal if, by
some mistake of its mailing clerks, the editions should get transposed — the
slavery Times finds its way to Indiana and the anti-slavery times to Virginia.
We shall endeavor to procure a copy of the Virginia edition, and make some
extracts from it for the benefit of its Northern Freesoil readers, who will start
In amazement at finding such sentiments advocated In that sheet. The Virgi
nians, by tbe time of the election, will be pretty well informed of this dirty
Abolition trick to wheedle them out of their voles, and we are confident it will
react upon its perpetrators. Our friends in Virginia are making a most gallant
struggle to preserve that Stale from the enemy and we have every assurance of
their success. Our Wheeling correspondent says that "the prospects for carry
ing the Stale In favor of Wise are very flattering. I think his election Is cer
tain, beyond doubt. Tbe only question is, how large will his majority be ?"
The Richraond Enquirer, the central democratic organ, whose conductors are
always excellently informed in Virginia politics, estimates Mr. Wise's majority
at fifteen thousand over his Know Nothing competitor. Mr. Wise himself,
after travelling most of the Slate, Is sanguine of twenty thousand. The recent
municipal election at Harper's Ferry, which resulted in favor of the Democrats,
is a significant indication, and shows that the pppular current is running in the
right direction. — [ Cincinnati Enquirer.

344

CONGRESSIONAL CANVASS.
The Congressional Districts of Virginia, in 1855, were the theatre of great
political excitement, and in nearly all pf them the Know Nothings brought for
ward candidates of tneir own party, and boldly predicted the defeat of at lea«t
eight of the Democratic candidates for Congress.
I. Judge Thomas H. Bayly, of the county of Accomac, fix: representive
of that district in Congress for the last ten years, was a candidate for re-election
in the first district without regular opposition, although Messrs. GarNett and
Montague received handsome complimentary v<rfes in portions of the district
where Judge Bayly's views upon the prinofples of the Know Nothing party
were not popular with the Democratio party. Il was a sourcs of deep regret,
with many of Judge Bayly's political friends, that he avoided making a
direct issue with the Know Nothing party, and actually expressed himself
favorably to some of their doctrines. The result of his course during the can
vass, was eminently favorable to his individual Interests, and he was elected to
Congress without, as we have said, any regular opposition.
The congressional elector in this district was Robert L. Montague, one of
the most fearless, able and energetic Democrats in tbe Slate. He was, some
years ago, a distinguished member of the Legislature from the counties of Mid
dlesex and Matthews ; and is a lawyer of extensive practice and great popu
larity. During the last canvass, his services as a speaker were of great advan
tage to the Democratic parly of the first district.
II. In the second district. Gen. Millson, of tbe City of Norfolk, was the
nominee of the Democratic party for Congress. In this district the Know
Nothings were confident of success, and nominated Mr. Watts, of Norfolk, as
their candidate, a gentleraan of considerable talent, wbo was a prominent mem
ber of the Reform Convention of 1850. It was supposed that Gen. Millson's
vole as a member of Congress, against the Kansas Nebraska bill, would mate
rially diminish his prospects of success, as it had excited a strong prejudice
against him with many leading members of his party. But the Democratic
party of his district, feeling assured that Gen. Millson's course upon that
question was the result of bis ultra and impracticable pro-slavery views, rather
than of sympathy with the Freesoil parly, re-elected him to Congress by a large
majority. 'The result In this district was as unexpected as it was gratifying lo
the Democratic party.
Mordecai Cooke, of Norfolk city, a lawyer of distinction, and an efficient
elector during the presidential canvass of 1852, was the elector in this district;
but was prevented by III health from taking any part in the canvass.
III. In the third district, Hon. John S. Caskie, so widely known as an
eloquent, chivalrous and able champion of Democracy, was a candidate for re
election, his course as a member of Congress having given universal satisfaction
to the Democratic party of the Metropolitan District. The Know Nothings
were, in this district, confident of defeating Judge Caskie, and this anticipation
of a long and certam victory, afflicted the Know Nothing councils with a num-

345
ber of aspirants, whose claims were urged with great zeal hy their respective
friends. The most prominent of "these gentlemen were A. J. Crane, Hon. J. M.
Botts, and Wm. C. Scott, of the City of Richmond. The latter gentieman
had been, for a short time, a citizen of Richmond, and formerly represented
the county of Powhatan for many years in the Legislature with considerable
ability. He was also the Know Nothing elector for the district, and was ac
tively engaged in the canvass for several weeks before he received the noraina
tion of his party for Congress. Mr. Scott is a gentleraan of good education,
unblemished private character, and remarkable for the accuracy of his political
information. He was the most available of all the prominent Know Nothing
politicians of the district, and received the full vote of his party. Tho discus
sions of Messrs. Caskie and Scott were conducted with great courtesy and
good feeling,, and in ncprevlous canvass were tbe speeches of Judge Caskie
more eloquent and effective than In that of 1855. He was re-elected to Con
gress by a handsome majority.
The elector In this district 'was Mr. P. H. Aylett. His labors were arduous
and incessant during the entire campaign, and were as effective as his brilliant
talents, united with such untiring seryice, was calculated to be. Nor did Mr.
Aylett confine his exertions to his own field of labor, but accepted many invi
tations from different quarters of the State, everywhere yindlcaling his high
reputation for talents and powers of oratory.
IV. In the fourth district, Hon. William 0. Goode, a gentleman of great
poUtical ¦Experience, ripe years, and of State reputation, was the Democratic can
didate for Congress. Mr. Goode was a member of the Convention of 1829 '30,
and of 1850, and was for many years a distinguished member of the Legislature, '
and had served in Congress two sessions with distinction. -He was opposed by
Mr. Tazewell of Mecklenburg, a young gentlemen of great facetiousness, whose
anecdotes during tbe canvass, were exceedingly entertaining, and pleasing to
his auditors. The district was regularly canvassed by the candidates, and Mr.
Taze-well was beaten by about two thousand majority. " Alas poor Yorick."
The elector In this district was*Hon. Richard Kidder Meade of Petersburg,
formerly a prominent member of Congress, "and distinguished leader of the
States Right party. He canvassed the district with great activity, and contri
buted largely to the extraordinary triumph of the Dempcratic party on the
Southside. The Southside Democrat, published In Petersburg, was edited with signal
ability during tbe canvass, and was regarded as one of the best campaign papers
in the State. It was edited by Messrs. Banks and Keil'^.
V. Hon. Thos. S. Bocock, for six years the able and efficient representative
of a large portion of the fifth district, was a candidate for re-election. The
candidate of the Know Nothing party, was Mr. N. C. Claibo'rne, of Franklin,
once a prominent and popular member of the Democratic party, and for many
years a member of the Legislature ; he was also a member of the Reform 'Con
vention of 1850. At a weak and unlucky moment, Mr. Claiborne yielded to
the blandishments of the Know Nothing party, and fell from the respectable

346
positiop which he opce occupied Ip our party. He received ^he pomipation of
the Know Nothing party, beating, it is said, a talepted youpg Whig lawyer of
Pittsylyapia, Mr. Carrington. Mr. Claiborne occupied an awkward posi
tion during the canvass, in consequence of his having attended the Democratic
Convention at Staunton ; although, It was said, at that very time a member of
the secret order. He took a prominent part in that convention for Mr. Leake.
After the nomination of Mr. Wise, It is said that Mr. Claiborne publicly
declared his willingness lo support that gentleman, and declared himself ready to
" scour" the mountains of Franklin for tbe nominee of the Staunton Convention.
The unfortunate position of Mr. Claiborne rendered it necessary for Mr. Bo
cock and 'the Democratic press of the State to handle that gentleman with gloves
off. The following editorial from the Lynchburg Republican, will afford our
readers some idea of the scathing and merciless manner In which Mr. Clai
borne was dealt with. ..
Political Purification — N. C. Claiborne.
The particular attention of our readers is invited to the following graphic
sketch of the political career of Mr. Claiborne, the Know Nothing candidate
for Congress in this district.
" The scripture moveth us in sundry places" tp deal gently with the frailties
of our fellow meq. We confess and claim much of this milk of human kind
ness, and extend a Scriptural toleration to their short comings. But there are
some things whieh we are not at liberty to leave unexposed.
The Know Nothings set up to purify the politics of the country, and to con
summate this purification have nominated as their candidate for Congress in
this district, N. C. Claiborne, Esq. An examination of the record of Mr.
Claiborne presents some rare developments, and shows that he is perhaps about
' the only man now running for office in Virginia whose past conduct and present
position exhibit an entire unconsciousness that there is sucb a thing as poUtical
principle. The honesty of most politicians situated as he is would be seriously
impeached. Bui the application of such a standard to Mr. Claiborne would
not in our judgment be just. We do not believe that Mr. Claiborne has good
political principles. We do not believe that" Mr. Claiborne has bad political
principles. In fact from an intimate knowledge of his character we are satisfied
that he has none at all, and never did have any. Ho was once elected lo the
Legislature pledged to oppose the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad. He went
to the Legislature — voted for the road — and ran again for the Legislature as its
peculiar champion, never once exhibiting a consciousness of his change. He
cam.e out a candidate for tbe late reforra Convention upon the White Basis at
one court and a speech against the White Basis at the next court — he advocated
Mr. Wise in 1851 and oppqsed him in 1854 — connected himself with the Know
Nothing organization before the Staunton Convention — avows the fact in his
public speeches — avows at the same time that he announced in that body his
intention to support its nominees — and seemed utterly unconscious of the con
fiict of obligations thus voluntarily assumed. He sent Mr. Bocock word that
he approved cordially his representative conduct from Staunton, and at that
same time and place, Mr. Bocock charges him with having declared that he in
tended opposing him and he does not seem conscious that here is a question
worth explanation. He seems to look upon political honor in the same light
in which Falstaff regarded personal honor. " Can Honor set a leg ? No. Or
an arm ? No. Or take away the grief of a wound ? , No. Honor hath no
skill in surgery then ? No. What is Honor ? A word. What is that Ho-

347
nor ? Air. A trim reckoning. Who hath it ? He that died on Wednesday.
Doth he feel II ? No. Doth he bear It ? No. Is it Insensible then ? Yea
to the dead. But will it not live with the living ? No. Why ? Detraction
will not suffer it — therefore I'LL NONE OF IT. Honor is a mere escutcheon,
ami so ends my catechism."
Thus soliloquized Falstaff, and thus we should judge thinks N. C. Claiborne
of the honor of politics. And this man is put up for Congress to purify poli
tics. — Lynchburg Republican.',
Mr. BooocK was re-elected by an overwhelming majority, and since the elec
tion, Mr. Claiborne has disappeared from public view. Mr. Bocock's majority
was upwards of 1800 over Mr. Claiborne.
Mr. Hughes Dillard, of Henry County, a lawyer of distinction and a
Democratic elector In 1852, was the elector in this district, and delivered several
addresses of marked ability. He Is at this time a distinguished member of the
Legislature of Virginia.
VI. In the sixth district, Hon. Paulus Powell, than whom there is not a
more faithful and fearless representative In Congress, was a candidate for re-elec
tion, having redeemed that district again and again by his energy and popularity.
Powell like Bocock was opposed by a gentleman wbo was for many years a
highly respectable member of the Democratio party. Dr. L, N. Ligon, of
Nelson"^ County, was the candidate of the Know Nothing parly. Like Mr.
Claiborne, Dr. Ligon was a member of the Staunton Convention, and was
friendly to Mr. Wise In the early part of the canvass.
He was nominated by the Know Nothings, and at once accepted the nomina
tion and entered upon the canvass. He was defeated by Mr. Powell, who was
re-elected lo Congress by a large majority.
The following articles appeared during the canvass In the Lynchburg Repub
lican and Charlottesville Jeffersonian relative to Dr. Ligon.
Mr. Ligon. — Mr. Ligon wanted to be one of the Board of Public Works.
Thdre seemed no prospect for bim in the Democratic ranks. There was just as
little prospect for him in the Know Nothing order. But the Know Nothings
did have a "forlorn hope,'' which they were willing lo give him,- and Mr. Ligon,
like the old maid of fifty praying for a husband, being willing to take " Any
body, Gpod Lord," agreed lo it. That place was a candidacy for Congress.
Let us lopk at Mr. Ligpn's claims uppn the Know Nothings :
1st. Mr. Ligon was a member of tbe Staunton ConveptloP. A motiop was
made ip that body to make the pomipation of Mr. Wise unanimous. Mr. Li
gon did not oppose it. Unless he Intended to sustain it, he was bound as ap
hoporable map to have made known his opposition.
2d. He was appointed Elector for the county of Nelson by the Democratic
Executive Coramittee. Unless he declined it, the failure to decline was equiva
lent to an acceptance. He did not decline, so far as we can learn, unless it has
been very lately.
3d. He met Mr. Wise at Lovingston — toadied him no little — applauded his
speech — and bore himself as one of his best friends.
4th. Until within the last six weeks he has been notoriously supporting Mr.
Wise, and equally notoriously denouncing the Know Nothings.
5th. We haye heard that sio venomous was his opposition to Know Nothing-

348
ism, that he declared he would as soon see a son of his a horse-thief as a Know
Nothing. 6th. He received for circulation documents against the Know Nolhjngs, and
did circulate them. ,
This Is a portion of Mr. Ligon's record. Is It such a one as even a Know
Nothing can stand ? We know many of the Know Nothings in the Red Land
District, and unless we are mistaken, they will scorn to vote for so late a con
vert. Mr. Ligon has been false to Mr. Wise, What assurance have they that
he will not be false to Mr. Flournoy ? He has betrayed Democracy. Where
is tbe guarantee that he will not betray Know Nothingism ? We shall have
more to say on this subject. — Lynchburg Republican.
From the Charlottesville Jeffersonian.
DR. LIGON VERSUS THE KNOW NOTHINGS.
The following certificates of gentlemen of unimpeachable standing in Nelson
county, one of whom is an old line Whig, will speak for themselves. Dr. Li
gon has certainly placed himself In a very unenviable position before the peo
ple of the district. In the face oi the facts revealed by these certificates, we
cannot perceive how any man who values political honesty in a candidate can
give his support to Dr. LIgou :
I hereby certify, that in repeated conversations -with Dr. Littleberry N. Li
gon, about the Know Nothing party, the last of which was on the fourth Sun
day In March last, he repeated "to me, in substance, as follows : That his son,
Joseph, Ligon, bad been accused of belonging to this Know Nothing party, and
that he (Dr. L. N. Ligon) said he would as soon be accused of being a horse-
thief, as to be accused of belonging to this Know Nothing party.
JAMES H. BRENT.
Nelson County, April 24th, 1855.
This is lo certify, that In half dozen or more conversations with Dr. L. N.
Ligon, respecting the objects of tbe Know Nothing parly, he remarked, that
he beUeved that party to be coraposed of Whigs principally, and that their prin
cipal object was to break down the Democratic party ; he also stated that he
would sooner be a horse-thief than belong to such a party. I mentioned seve
ral Democrats that I believed belonged to the Know Nothing parly ; his son
Joseph was one of the number, to which the Doctor replied that he did not
think his son belonged to that party, for he had observed that he had rather he
a horse-thief than to belong to such a party, and that he saw no change in his
son's countenance, when he, the Doctor made that remark.
WM. N. BRYANT.
Nelson County, April 24lh, 1855.
I hereby certify, that in a conversation, with Dr. L. N. Ligon, he spoke in
very bitter terms of the Know Nothings; one remark whioh I distinctly recol
lect, was, that he did not consider them any better than a pack of damed horse
thieves.
NATHAN BRYANT.
Nelson County, April 24th, 1855.
I certify that in frequent conversations with Dr. L. N. Ligon, he. In every
conversation, denounced the Know Nothing party In the harshest terms, and in
our conversation, I told him that it was suspected that his son Joseph belonged

349
to the Know Nothing Order; he, the Doctor, said he had heard the same
thing — did not know that it was so — but that he had said in his son's presence,
that he had rather see a son of his a horse thief than a Know Nothing.
Dr. Ligon was an open advocate of Mr. Wise's election, up to Saturday be
fore Nelson March Court'last.
FLOYD L. WHITEHEAD.
Nelson County, April 24th, 1855.
I certify that in a conversation with Dr. L. N, Ligon, at Nelson February
Court last, that I asked him If his son Joseph belonged to the Know Nothing
party ; he replied that he did not know, but that he bad as soon his son was
caught in a pack of horse thieves as araong the Know Nothings ; that he be
lieved it was a plot to take in Democrats, who did not understand the meaning
of il.
WM. GILES.
Nelson County, April 24th, 1855.
1 do hereby certify, that qp my return home from February Court, I fell In
with Dr. L. N. Ligon. I asked him what he thought of the Know Nothings,
and how he liked their platform. He replied that he did not Uke them ; that
if they shpnld get a raajority, the country would be ruined ; that it was a
scheme of the Northern AboUtionists to deceive the South ; that if they could
pbtain a majority In both houses of Congress, and obtain a President, they
would dissolve this Union, and involve the country in all the horrors and calam
ities of a civil war ; that to prevept such a state of thiugs, he thought all the
Whigs who were Whigs from principle, and the Democrats, ought lo unite., and
use all the means Ii» their power lo put down that abominable party. He also
advocated the election of Mr. Wise, and said that the foreigners and the Catho
lics were only a hobby to take in and deceive the igporapt.
Givep under my hand this 25th of AprU, 1855.
OBADIAH HENDERSON.
In this district, Mr. Wm. J. Robertson was appointed elector ; but resign
ing In consequence of the pressure of professional engagements. Mr. William
F. Gordon, Jr. of Albemarle was substituted, and greatly distinguished himself
by his speeches against the secret foe.
VII. In the seventh district, Hon. William Smith was an indcpepdent can
didate for re-election. He was elected by a large majority, although his ad-
vocaijy of several of the doctrines of the Know Nothing party alienated many
of his oldest party friends, and Induced many tp regard him as the candidate
of the Know Nothing rather than of the Democratic party. Messrs. Lee of
Orange, Funsten of Alexandria, and Marye of Fredericksburg, openly op
posed his re-election, and opposed him on the stump. Many Democratic votes
were given for gentlemen who were not candidates for Congress, -in consequence
of Gov. Smith's course. During the present session of Congress, however.
Gov. Smith has voted with the Democratic party, and appears anxious to return
to Its bosom.
Mr. B. H. Berry, of the town of Alexandria, was the elector in this dis
trict, and addressed the people of nearly every county in the district.
VHL in "the-eigblh district, Hon. Charles James Faulkner was the De
mocratic candidate for Congress. He was opposed by Mr. Alexander Bote-,

350
LER, a member of the Know Nothing party, and a gentleman of considerable
ability as a popular speaker. The district was canvassed with great energy by
the candidates. In this district the Know Nothings relied confidently upon the
success of their candidate, but the sleepless industry and abUity displayed hy
Mr. Faulkner secured his election by a respectable majority. Personal diffi
culties between the candidates, it was feared, would at one tirae result in a hos
tile meeting between Messrs. Faulkner and Boteler, but an honorable and sat
isfactory adjustment was accomplished by the friends of the parties.
Mr. Thomas M. Isbell, of Jefferson, at one tirae a distinguished member
of the State Senate from the Appomattox district, was the elector in this dis
trict, and delivered several very able and eloquent addresses during the canvass.
IX. Hon. John Letcher, of Lexington, was a candidate for re-election in
tbe ninth district, and met with no opposition. Mr. Letcher is everywhere
regarded as one of the most laborious and useful public men In the State,
and his course as a member of Congress bad won for him the esteem of
his political adversaries, and the admiration of his own party. He Is the
representative of that famous "Tenth Legion," which, since the days of
Jefferson, bas never failed to present an unbroken front to the enemies of
Democracy. Again and again. In times of extreme peril, have Rockingham
and Shenandoah saved the State frOm the curse of federal misrule. In the last
election, the patriotic voters of those two famous (Jbunties rolled up a majority
so overwhelming as to leave doubts respecting the existence* of Know Nothing
ism in that section of the State.
Geo. E. Deneale, Esq., for many years the representative of Rockingham
in the Senate, was the elector.
Mr. Wm, H, Harman, of Augusta, one of the most talented and promising
lawyers In the Valley of '\^irginla, was the senatorial elector for Augusta, and
contributed as much as any man in the State, by his frequent and powerful
speeches, lo the success of our party. This gentleraan received a very large
vote at the Staunton Convention for the office of Lieutenant Governor.
X. Hon. Z, KiDWELL was the Democratic candidate for Congress in the
tenth district, and was opposed by the Rev. Mr. Pendleton of Bethany Col
lege, the nominee of the Know Nothing parly. In this district the Know
Nothings resorted to eyery conceivable expedient to defeat the Democraric can
didate. Secret instructions and circulars were brought to light whieh revealed
a system of fraud and trickery unworthy of respectable men, and which ef
fectually destroyed the prospects of the Know Nothing parly In that district.
Mr. Kid well 'was re-elected by a very large majority,
Hon. Sherrard Clemens, an ex-member of Congress, and the author of
an excellent campaign document published elsewhere in this volume, was the
elector for the eighth district.
XI. In the eleventh district, Mr. Charles S. Lewis was the Democratic
candidate for Congress. He was opposed and defeated by Mr. Carlisle, the
Know Nothing candidate, who was some years ago a Democratic member of the
Senate of Virginia.-

351
Benjamin W. Jacksop, Esq. of Wood County, a young aud talented Dem
ocrat was the elector. Mr. Jackson was a few years ago a prominent member
of the house of delegates.
XII. In the twelfth district, Hon, Henry A. Edmondson was the Demo
cratic nominee for Congress. Mr. Edmondson has been for many years in Con
gress and has ^he entire confidence of his constituents. He was opposed by Mr.
Waller Staples, of Montgomery, a foriner raember of the Legislature of Vir
ginia, and a leading member of his party in that district. The candidates
canvassed the district most actively, and Mr. Edmondson's speeches were marked
by great force and eloquence. He was elected by a large majority.
Hon. A. A. Chapman, for many years a member of Congress, and one of
our most distinguished men, was the elector in this district.
XIII. Hon. Fayette McMullin, for several years past a member of Con
gress, was a candidate for re-election in the thirteenth district. He was elected
by an overwhelming majority. Mr. Connelly F. Trigg was the Know Noth
ing candidate.
This district was the theatre of the most animated and exciting canvass in
Virginia. In the early part of the campaign the secrel order foretold that they
would sweep the Abingdon district by an overwhelming majority. The reite
rated declarations of the secret order of their certain and easy victory aroused to
activity the most distinguished Democrats of that section of the State. Yield
ing to the solicitations of his friends, ex-Governor Floyd of Washington
County, the elector for that district declared himself a candidate for the Legis
lature. He was bitterly opposed by the most eloquent and popular Know Nothing
in that section of the State. A fierce and relentless war was waged upon the
Know Nothing party by such men as Ex-Governor Floyd, Thomas L. Pres
ton, Benjamin Rush Floyd and William H. Cook. The Know Nothings
upon their side spared pothing lo win -that victory of which tbey had so fre-
queutly and so confidently boasted. But from the accounts which have reached
us there never were delivered in Virginia more eloquent and able speeches than
were those of the champions of our party iu Little Tepnessee. Addressing
themselves to tbe good sense and patriotism of the intelligent yeomanry of that
section of the State, they crushed an organizatiop which at ope time threat
ened the overthrow of our party. The overwhelming majority given by 'our
party for the Democratic ticket In southwest Virginia, was the result of the in
defatigable exertions of those eloquent champions lo whora we haye referred.
Contrary lo the expectations of both parties, in other portions of the State,
Goverpor Floyd and Mr. Thomas L. Preston were elected to the Legislature
by large majorities.

THE SIGNAL (JUN FROM THE RICHMOND EXAMINER.
At the Staunton Guihernatorial Convention, the two leading Democratic jour
nals of the State differed as to which was the most suitable man to receive the
nomination Mr. Wise or Mr. Leake. The Enquirer took sides with the former,

352
the Examiner with the latter. The Enquirer went Immediately into the fight
but tbe Exahiiner, although declaring promptly after the convention, as we have
seen, Its purpose, lo support Mr. Wise, yel from certain local reasons did not
choose to open Its battery until about the first of February. After this time
no journal could haye rendered more effective service lo any party. We have
drawn freely from that able and Independent journal In this compilation, and in
doing so we thought we could do nothing to answer our purpose better. On
the eve of the election the following editorial, which we designate as the Signal
Gun, appeared in the Examiner :
TO the invincible democracy of -VIRGINIA.
This is the last lime our words can reach the great body of our readers before the
election. We are glad that these last words are words of encouragement, con
fidence and assurance. We use no electioneering artifice — we express no he.-i-
tating opinion, when we tell the Democracy of Virginia, that, if they do their
duty, the victory is theirs. On no former occasion in the history of their bat
tles and victories bave the party been so universally aroused and fiercelv indig
nant as now. Hesitating somewhat in the early part of the canvass — doubtful
for a moment as to the true line of duty — they have been thoroughly aroused
during the latter months of the contest, and — outraged, disgusted and incensed
al the intrusion of so foul a thing as Knovy Nothingism in a Southern oommu-
nily, an(J'in virtuous Virginia — they have risen up as one man to break its head
and cast its loathsome carcass from the presence of decency and virtue.
The frogs and locusts and vermin which infested Egypt, did not produce a
more profound antipathy or universal loathing and retching among her
people, than our honest Democracy of Virginia feel towards the polluting filth
and nauseating slime whiCh Is denoted by the vulgarism — Sam. And they
meap to deal with the iptrusiop in a summary way. They have a herculean task
before them more formidable than the cleansing of the Augean stables ; but,
considering that great emergencies require great exertions, every map is resolved
to make thorough work of his task, and lo db il with an cpergy apd complete
ness which will leave nothing to be done over again hereafter. The spirit of
the Democracy everywhere — in every grapd division apd section, as well as in
every county and precinct in the State, — is the same. One instinctive resolve
and one common purpose actuates the whole mass. It is not any artificial or
ganization, -the result of political machinery and- thorough parly drill, that has
produced this intense unity of sentiment and of resolve ; but it Is the intuitive
loathing of what is mean, low, and vile, whicb actuates the heart of Virginia,
and bands her democracy together in serried phalanx. The old party lines fade
and vanish in this contest. The Impure ingredients that before had an accidental
place in the Dempcratic mass fall off under the attraction of the foreign sub
stance that is brought in contact, leaving the pure lump of genuine Democracy
cleansed and refined. The old opposing party also falls lo pieces, giving up its
dross and impurity to the newly imported foreignism, and leaving the pure Vir-
ginianism lo seek its natural affinity In the mother element of unadulterated
Virginia Democracy.
No, this is no contest about men that onr Democracy are waging now. It is
not that we want to elect this man or to beat that man. It Is not that our at
tachments to these candidates as men, or hostilities to those candidates as men,
lead us to vote so and so. But the sentiment of the Virginia Democracy is :
This is a foul, demoralizing, debasing, fllthy thing, that has got inlo Virginia
pastures from the Northern pig-sty, and is turning our land of honesty, truthful
ness, good manners, and manly frankness, into a very Yankee's slovgh of

353
falsehood, slander, deceit, cunning, detraction, meanness and vileness. For the
love we bear our Commonwealth, and for the hatred she inspires in her sons for
all ihat is mean, grovelling and despicable, we must beal down this foiil beast
and smite it unto death.
Who so craven and false of., heart as to believe we shall faU In the righteous,
noble work ? Who cap divest hims If so far of the generous confidence that a
brave raan feels in the triumph of the right, as to entertain one thought of fail
ure ? The man deserves to be pilloried who allows the belief to possess him,
that Sam, the bastard of a Five Points jail-bird, is going to triuraph in Virgi
nia. He is no Democrat — no Virginian — no raan, that ca^ harbor the thought.
It cannot be, apd will pot be. Virgipia Deraocracy will carry Virgipia as
sure as the rising and setting of the sun. Angered, aroused, Ipdigpant and fe-
rpcipus beyppd all former precedent, pur glorious, invipcible Democracy long
for the onset apd thirst for the battle. As the hipd papts for the water brooks,
so they pant for the day of vengeance. *
And woe, woe untp those who have provoked their holy wrath. Woe unto
the men who have brought deceit, cunning, duplicity, midnight and dark lantern
plottings into Virgipia. The day of retributiop is at hand. Th^ vengeance of
the ^jord is upon the- heels of the false Egyptians, Phillistines, Moabilcs,
Edomites, IshmaeUtes. The Lord has brought sharp swords upon them, to make
them food for the fowls of heaven and the beasts of the field. See how the
clouds roll and mutter and the fire fiashes before them. The anger of the
righteous cometh fast upon them with the noise and fury of the storm, which
shall surely overtake them.
Well is il for that man of Virginia, this day, who shall barter his house for
an helmet, and sell his garment for a sword, and cast in his lot with the children
of Democracy. But woe, woe, unto him wbo, for carnal ends and self seeking,
has withheld himself from the great work, and joined his hand with the enemy —
for the curse shall abide upon him — even the bitter curse of Meroz — forever
and ever more..

THE CONCLUSION OF THE CANVASS. MR. WISE'S LETTER.
Mr. Wise concluded the campaign al Leesburg, the county seat of Loudon,
in one of his raaslerly efforts. He had been regularly in the fi&ld from the
first of January to the seventh of May. ,^ In that lime he had traveled more
than three thousand railes, had been upon the stump fifty limes, and had con
sumed two hundred hours In public speaking. When he concluded, he was
much enfeebled and exhausted from the excessive labors he had undergone. In
all probability, nothing saved his life but his Indomitable and patriotic spirit.
He went from Leesburg lo Washington city, and there awaited the decision of
the people of Virginia. He wrote the following letter on his arrival In that
city. In this letter can be seen the true aijd fervid patriotism beaming and
flashing in every sentence. To THE People of Virginia.
Fellow Cilizens : — I have now finished the canvass of the State. On the 7th
insl,, al Leesburg, I met my last appointment. Incessant and excessive labors,
for 127 days, haye so Impaired my health and strength, that I must desist from
23

354
further effort and seek rest. I retire from the " stump" the less reluctantly'
because I may now justly claim that I have faithfully tried to do ray part, and
I can confidently leave the rest to the unsubdued and unterrified Democracy and
its loyal hosts.
Never were the sound, conservative, conscientious, and stake-holding Repub
licans in Virginia, belter organized and more aroused than they are at the pre
sent time. It has been deserted by a few who left tbeir party for its good;
but, in turn, the very fiower of the old opposition of Whiggery, respectable in
times past for Its profession of conservatism and its love of law and order
have chosen lo elect ©eraooracy with all the ills they coraplain of it, rather than
to fly to those they " know not of."
The personnel of the party was never more purified, and the numerical majo
rity was never larger than il promises to be at the coming election. As in 1801,
the Democracy stood "like a wall," and rolled back the tide of federalism, so
now il stands and will roll back the tide of fanaticism ! It will prove ilself to
he the visible invincible ! It is roused, and will rally to the polls 10,000 voters
more than ever gave the viva voce before ! And the viva voce will rend the
veil from tbe " invisible," and defend the freedom and Independence of the
elective franchise and the Constitution and the laws, against the conspiracy of
the dark lantern.
It will forbid any power in Virginia to interpose between our conscience and
our God.
Il will save the Protestant Churches from the pollution of party politics, ^nd
conserve its powers of truth for the pulling down of strongholds, free from the
taint and violence of persecution. It will trust in God, and defend the Chris
tian faith from Intolerance, and allow poor humanity lo indulge in the virtues of
charity and peace on earth, and good will to all raen.
Il will only oppose any " legislative enactment" to interfere with the rights
of the merabers of any Church as citizens ; but it will deny the power of the
Legislature lo annul the new Constitution, which has raade the act of religious
freedom irrepealable. That act Is now organic law. Ahd the Democratic con
servatism will allow no party nor power to sel up a higher law, and say that a
man shall be burthened, when the Constitution says he shall not be burthened,
for reason of bis religious opinion, by being excluded from eligibility to office,
or by removal from office because of his religion or the place of his birth.
It will prevent the repudiation of the right of NaturaUzation, for which the
nation poured out its blood and treasure, for three years In the second war of
Independence with Great Britain.
It will defend the State right lo regulate citizenship.
It will not deny to the oppressed a home, nor prevent the population " of
these States" still requiring hundreds of millions of immigrants, who bring
with them hundreds of millions of money.
It will allow the poor, as well as the rich, to come and " drink of the waters"
of liberty freely. And it will remember that all are not criminals whom Euro
pean despots call such, and send away from troubling their dominion. It will
take by the hands other criminals besides John Mitchell, and feel for others in
the prison-houses and dungeons of tho Old World besides bim who once was
tenant of Olmutz !
It will jealously guard against the Foreign influence which is insidiously sent
frora Exeter Hall In Old England to Williams' Hall in New England, to invade
America in the name of an " American" party ; and It will watch the oppressor,
not the oppressed, abroad, as did " Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jack
son 1"
It will defend the freedom and independence of the elective franchise against
the conspiracy wbich would bind voters by test oaths to reject men of a parti
cular religious faith, marked for proscription ; and which would not leave suf-

355
frage as free to elect as to reject those whom tho constitution and the laws have
made eligible lo office.
It will especially guard the office of Governor from the avowed intent to
wield the appointing power so as not to obey the limitations of qualiflcation for
office, fixed by the constitution, but to obey rules of appointmenl established
by an irresponsible and unauthorized Secret Oligarchy, formed lo sel up the
Higher Law of its own proscription for its own exclusive and selfish ends.
It will see that the oath itself of the Governor's office is not prevented by
sectarian bigotry lo set up a religious test as a quaUfication for office.
It will defend the General Government frora the consolidation which would
establish itself on what is called the independence oi Congress.
It will defend publio policy from the faith of the American system. Harbors,
Rivers, and Pacific Railroads, and Protective Tariffs, and Internal Improve
ments by the General Government, now again advanced by a Winchester Coun
cil of the American party,
It will defend the State against agrarianisra, freespilism and abplitipnism, now
threatening to invade the South from Northern and non-slaveholding Councils
of Know Nothingism. It will defend society against the demoralization of a
cabal sworn to practice dissimulation and perfidy bet-ween raan and raan. And
it will defend religion against the deraons.of anti-Christ !
With perfect and abiding confidence in the power of Truth and Deraocracy —
of a purified, exalted and triumphant majority for these Impregnable positions,
I go home to Accomac, and await the polls of the people. I cannot do so with
out thanking thousands, of the sections of the State through whicb I have
passed, for their uniform hospitality, kindness and respect, and without saying
that the chief gratification with which I part from a daily intercourse with tbe
masses bf the people is that I have endeavored to sow the seCds of trutn only
in the popular mind, and I trust that they will be fruitful of blessings to indi
viduals, to the State and to the country.
I ara, very truly and respectfully.
Your fellow-citizen,
HENRY A. WISE.
Washington City, May 10th, 1855.

OFFICIAL VOTE OF VIRGINIA.
Below we give the official vote of the election in Virginia on the 24th of May
1855 for Governor, Lieuteng-nt Governor and Attorney General. The returns
we derive frora the office of the Secretary of State; therefore, they may be
relied on as nearly correct. The vote of the State for Governor, is 83,424 for
Mr. Wise- 73,244 for Mr. Flournoy — total, 156,668— raajority for Mr, Wise,
10 180. • Tbis result vindicates the correctness of our estimate,* calculated from
the unofficial returns. Our table always exhibited Mr. Wise's majority a little
over 10 000 while estimates from other sources made the majority fall conside
rably below that amount. The average Democratic majority in' the State, exhi
bited, by this election, is 11,225— Mr. Bocock haying received the highest, and
Mr. Patton the lowest vote -.—Enquirer.

356

Govi

ERNOB.

Lt. Governor.

Att.

General.

te

^3

P

e-i

4~

y

•

>¦

Ol

'^

g

."="

g

1

o
3o

9B
1

o

oOOo

p

Accomac,

'816

932

748

926

737

. 924

Albemarle,

1069

1220

1096

1197

1095

1202

Alexandria,

399

820

395

818

397

818

Alleghany,

337

206

338

205

340

203

Amelia,

309

234

321

203

331

214

Amherst,

688

680

692

666

698

678

Appomattox,

513

247

528

231

559

216

Augusta,

1336

2426

136L

2404

1360

2409

Harbour,

753

331

746

328

747

329

Bath,

222

276

220

274

220

273

Bedford,

1067

1328

1105

1310

1107

1308

Berkeley,

923

905

.920

905

923

904

Boone,

280

138

298

113

229

119

Botetourt,

960

537

968

530

971

527

Braxton,

119

571

107

581

107

579

Brooke,

333

432

332

429

328

440

Brunswick,

556

224

556

206

554

214

Buckingham,

496

551

505

536

526

521

Cabell;

501

383

578

296

471

360'

Campbell,

979

1535

1000

1517

1018

1510

Caroline,

643

615

664

608

•664

612

Carroll,

657

311

639

299

646

304

Charies City,

124

175

116

149

116

158

Charlotte,

443

398

429

384

444

381'

Chesterfield,

975

503

1003

506

999

507

Clarke,

^ 361

320

359

309

358

313

Craig,

304

120

305

116

304

113

Culpeper,

443

528

438

514

425

643

Cumberland,

277

306

281

295

286

296

Dinwiddie,

421

234

415

225

429

227

Doddridge,

349

226

345

219

352

218

Elizabeth City,

187

175

181

172

181

172

Essex,

266

316

272

305

275

308

Fairfax, '

512

631

500"

612

600

608

Fauquier,'

920

1040

922

1032

920

1035

Fayette,

271

301

245

299

235

297

Floyd, -

566

447

569

437

565

436

Fluvanna,

443

458

472

436

465

452

Franklin,

12.53

906

1265

893

1268

890

Frederick,

1335

1203

1343

1196

1344

1199

Giles,

418

406

426

391

417

393

Gilmer,

411

- 242

407

248

407

256

Gloucester,

381

317

301

224

401

316

Goochland,

385

262

409

250

409

253

Grayson,

553

266

547

262

547

262

Greenbrier,

533

870

511

873

522

864

Greene,

532

42

528

41

628

43

GreeneBville,

206"

73

210

67

213

70

357

Halifax,
Hampshire,
Hanover,Hancock,Hardy,Harrison,Henrico, Henry,
Highland.
Isle of Wight,
Jackson,
James City,
Jefferson,
Kanawha, King George,
King William,
King & Q,ueen,
Lancaster, Lee,Lewis,Logan, Loudoun,
Louisa, Lunenburg,Madison,
Marion, Marshall,Mason, ,
Matthews, Mecklenburg, Mercer,
Middlesex,Monongalia,Monroe,
Montgomery, Morgan,
Nansemond,Nelson,
New Kent,
Nicholas,
Norfolk County,
Northampton,Northumberland, Nottoway,Ohio,
Orange,Page,Patrick,Pepdleton,Pittsylvania,
Pleasants,Pocahontas,Powhatan,Preston,Princess Anne,

1163

587

1183

550

1191

550

1118

846

1126

835

1121

841

706

553

718

548

722

541

221

291

220

290

218

282

651

708

649

693

648

692

1017

921

1014

916

1011

917

765

983

781

963

780

974

507

430

519

399

527

403

444

342

447

343

445

344

669

173

670

165

675

162

592

637

696

634

693

635

44

126

39

130

39

129

862

934

865

923

859

924

571

1537

579

1517

570

1529

189

191

197

189

197

190

333

111

344

104

336

110

397

307

318

308

399

301

143

175

149

154

152

168

1113

377

1073

375

1073

374

572

426

578

422

572

424

366

76

389

68

352

76

690

2015

672

1997

671

1994

613

461

630

446

632

455

465

201

475

195

483

191

672

109

657

104

647

117

1135

459

1134

438

1132

440

608

984

612

981

613

982

348

737

343

723

*732

?336

273

221

267

215

265

216

874

480

763

463

765

462

417

350

390

343

375

344

231

180

234

175

234

176

1325

662

1325

657

1322

658

577

891

577

884

576

877

660

592

657

580

656

580

266

415

266

411

267

411

340

556

333

550

331

551

436

740

446

729

447

728

175

201

175

195

176

196

114

460

114

458

116

456

1068

1263

1075

1254

1081

1258

235

288

222

281

222

282

296

316

304

309

303

312

228

187

229

152

2S0

160

1110

1741

1133

1702

1106

1733

395

349

394

239

393

346

1033

72

1022

69

1022

69

722

496

723

468

731

467

558

408

560

402

560

404

1335

1352

1364

1313

1385

1312

228

206

226

207

227

205

457

107

448

105

449

109

287

152

293

144

292

149

798

737

803

730

805

729

307

325

313

319

312

321

368

Governor.

Lt. Governor.

Att. Geneh-al.

w
f3
fel
H
^
JH
>
xa
k
g
^
&.
a
1:^
s.
CSi
woaoo
ED? a
Prince Edward,
427
355
428
337
. 435
334
Prince George,
369
131
378
128
391
128
Prince WUliam,
659
249
665
246
664
244
Pulaski,
305
272
306
269
306
269
Putnam,
393
387
390
380
392
384
Raleigh,
80
259
78
258
75
258
Randolph,
438
308
430
289
413
296
Rappahannock,
490
485
493
477
491
481
Richmond,
164
364
166
364
167
364
Ritchie,
488
353
.492
349
485
348
Roanoke,
600
307
605
304
605
301
Rockbridge,
1147
1206
1161
1184
1163
1190
Rockingham,
2700
610
2681
584
2681
609
RusseU,
989
580
983
575
982
574
Scott,
797
509
792
503
794
494
Shenandoah,
2031
185
2032
171
2032
176
Smyth,
654
671
649
664
648
566
Southampton,
568
486
580
488
582
487
Spotsylvania,
619
604
630
698
626
503
Stafford,
474
359
470
359
470
359
Surry, .
230
141
220
136
230
137
Sussex,
381
100
376
96
379
98
Taylor,
487
465
484
461
485
460
Tazewell,
1102
189
1049
176
1053
172
Tyler,
430
360
434
355
437
348
Upshur,
496
286
498
281
495
284
Warren,
500
271
438
265
499
265
Warwick,
21
57
19
53.
19
53
Washington,
1284
948
1281
949
1281
947
Wayne,
347
319
410
238
252
221
Westmoreland,
83
395
88
395
91f
393
Wetzel,
549
80
532
79
532
79
Wirt,
259
217
263
213
261
210
Wood,
747
839
642
885
635
902
Wyoming,
82
116
83
112
80
113
Wytbe,
829
724
838
704
830
710
York,
109
169
93
1-57
94
158
Norfolk City,
552
922
517
901
478
887
Petersburg,
783
747
790
733
787
743
Richmond City,
1166
2144
1180
2117
1189
2126
WUliamsburg,
51
66
-47
65
48
66
83,424 73,244 83,068 71,689 83,731 71,613
359

RECAPITULATION.

Wise, - - - . . 83,424
Flournoy, - - - . . 73^244

Majority, - - . . 10,180
McComas, - - - - . . 83,068
Beale, - - . . . 71,689

Majority, - - - - 11,379
Bocock, - . . . . 83,731
Patton, - - . . . 71,613

Majority, - - . . 12^118

It is proper to add bere, however, that the count of this vote which was sub
sequentiy made by the Legislature, under the requirement of the constitution,
did not result precisely as exhibited by the foregoing table. The Legislative
computation exhibited the following results :
STATE SENATORS ELECTED IN 1855.
From Rockingham and Pendleton — Geo. E. Deneale, D.
From Sussex, Southampton and Greensville — W. W. Cobb, D.
From Dinwiddie, Amelia and Brunswick — Wm. F. Thompson, D.
From Lunenburg, Nottoway, and Prince Edward — Thos. H. Campbell, D.
From Pittsylvania — W. H. Wooding, D.
From Henry, Patrick, and Franklin — Archibald Stuart, D.
From Hanover and Henrico — Chastain White, D.
From Gloucester, Matthews, and Middlesex — John W. Catlett, D.
From King and Queen, King William, and Essex — Beverly B. Douglass, D.
From Stafford, King George, and Prince William — J. M. Taliaferro, D.
From Madison, Culpeper, Orange, and Greene — Thomas N. Welch, D.
From Louisa, Goochland, and Fluvanna — Wm. M. Ambler, D.
From Jefferson and Berkeley — Francis Yates, D.
From Frederick, Clarke, and Warren — Oliver R. Funsten, D.
From Bath, Highland, and Rockbridge — James H. Paxton, D.
From Carroll, Floyd, Grayson, Montgomery, and Pulaski — Harvey Des
kins, D.
From Smythe, Wythe, and Washington — Thomas M. Tate, D.
From Mason, Jackson, Cabell, Wayne, and Wirt — Fleet W. Smith, K. N.
From Wetzel, Marshall, Marion, and Tyler— James G. West, D.
From Monongalia, Preston, and Taylor — J. B. Huddleson, D.
From Accomac and Northampton — 0. B. Finney, K. N.
From Norfolk and Princess Anne — P. H. Daughlrey, K. N.
From Campbell and Appomatlos^-Thomas H. Flood, K. N.
From Loudoun — Noble 8. Braden, K. N.
From Boone, Logan, Kanawha, Putnam, and Wyoming — Andrew S. Parks,
K. N.

360
SENATORS ELECTED IN 1853.
From Norfolk City— W. N. McKenney, K. N.
From Isle of Wight, Nansemond and Surry — W. J. Arthur, D.
From Petersburg and Pripce George — J. A. Jopes, D.
From Powhatap, Cumberlaud and Chesterfield — Wni. Old, Jr. D.
From Mecklenburg and Charlotte — L. W. Tazewell, K. N.
From Halifax — R. Logan, D.
Frora Bedford-i-J. F. Johnson, K. N.
From Williamsburg, James City, Charles City, New Kent, York, Elizabeth
City and Warwick — Robert Saunders, K, N.
From Richmond City— 0. P. Baldwin, K. N.
From Richmond, Lancaster, Northumberland and Westmoreland — Elliott M.
Braxton, D.
From Caroline and SpottsyWnIa — Wm. A Moncure, D.
From Fairfax and Alexandria — Henry W. Thomas, K. N.
Prom Fauquier and Rappahannock — J. K. Jlarsball, K. N.
From Albemarle — B. F. Randolph, D.
From Amherst, Nelson and Buckingham — R. K. Irving, K. N.
From Hampshire, Hardy and Morgan — J. C. B. Mullen, K. N.
Prom Shenandoab and Page — T. Buswell, D.
From Augusta — C. R. Harris, D.
From Botetourt, Alleghany, B,oanoke and Craig — Douglas B. Layne, D.
From Mercer, Monroe, Giles and Tazewell — Manlius Chapman, D.
From Scott, Lee and Russell — J. F. McElhany, K. N.
From Nicholas, Fayette, Pocahontas, Raleigh, Braxton and Greenbrier — T.
Creigh, K. N.
From Ritchie, Doddridge, Harrison, Pleasants and Wood — U. M. Turner,
K.N.
From Upshcr, Barbour, Lewis, Gilmer and Randolph — Albert G. Reger, D.
From Brooke, Hancock and Ohio — L. Steenrod, D.
MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE OE DELEGATES OF VIRGINIA ELECTED MAY, 1855.
Accomac — Arthur Watson, K. N.
Albemarle— Tbomas Wood, K. N, and Wm. T. Early, K. N.
Alexandria — Lawrence B. Taylor, K. N.
Alleghany and Bath — Samuel Carpenter, D.
Amelia and Nottoway — W. F. G. Gregory, D.
Amherst — Dudley Davies, K. N.
Appomattox — C. H. Jones, D.
Augusta — Adam McChesney, K. N.; A. Bolivar Christian, K. N.; John D.
Imboden, K. N.
Barbour — Joseph Daniels, D.
Bedford— W. M. Burwell, K. N; Samuel P. R. Moorman, K. N.
Berkeley— J. B. Hoge, D,; R, D. Seaman, D.
Botetourt and Craig- F. H. Mays, D.; Robert M. Wiley, D.
Braxton and Nicholas — Marshall Triplett, K..N.
Brooke and Hancock — 0. W. Langfitt, K. N. .
Brunswick — Edward Dromgoole, D.
Buckingham — Thos. M. Bondurant, K. N.
Cabell— H. J. Samuels, D.
Campbell— F. B. Deane, K. N.; M. B. Nowlln, K. N.
Caroline — Daniel C. Dejarnette, D.
Carroll — John Carroll, D.
Charles City, James City and New Kent— Wm. Bush, K. N.

361
Charlotte — Jos. H. Roberts, D.
Chesterfield — Jeremiah Hobbs, D.
Clarke — Buckner Ashby, D.
Culpeper — Perry J. Egg born, K. N.
Cumberland and Powhatan — W. P. Dabney, D.
Dinwiddie — Jobn J. Crawford, D.
Doddridge and Tyler — Absy George, D.
Elizabeth City, Warwick, York and Williarasburg — Joseph Segar, K. N.
Essex and King and Queen — M. R. H. Garnett, D.
Fairfax— James Thrift, K. N.
Fauquier — Bailey Shumate, K. N.; Richard H. Carter, K. N.
Fayette and Raleigh— Wm. Tyree, K. N.
Floyd— Pleasant' Howell, D.
Fluvanna — Geo. P. Holman, D.
FrankUn — Wm. H. Edwards, D.; Peter Hancocjk, D.
Frederick— R. C. By waters, D,; G. P. Baker, B.
Giles— A, G. Pendleton, D.
Gilmer and Wirt — P. Hays, D.
Gloucester — Warner T. Jones, D. «
Goochland — John C. Rutherfoord, D. .
Grayson — John Dickinson, D.
Greenbrier — A. G. Davis, K, N.
Greene and Orange — John H. Lee, D.
Greensville and Sussex — Wm. T. Lundy, D.
Halifax— J. H. Edmunds, D,; Chas, Craddock, D.
Hampshire — Asa Hiett, D,; Isaac Parsons, D.
Hanover — Wm. Nelson, D.
Hardy— F. B. Welton, D.
Harrison — Robert Johnson, D,; A. S. Holden, D.
Henrico — Henry Cox, K. N.
Henry — A. Hughes Dillard, D.
Highland— A. H. Byrd, D.
Isle of Wight— Jas. F. Crocker, D.
Jackson— W. P. Frost, K, N.
Jefferson — Wells J. Hawks, D.; T. Harris Towner, K. N.
Kanawha — John Thompson, K. N,, (dead) B, H. Smith, K. N.
King George and Stafford — John Seddon, D.
King WiUiam — Harrison B. TomUn, D.
Lancaster and Northumberland — W. H, Harding, K. N.
Lee — Job B. Crabtree, D,; Dr. H. Riggs, D.
Lewis — John Brannon, D.
Logan, Boone and Wyoming — J. H. Anderson, D.
Louisa — Jos. K. Pendleton, D.
Loudoun— H. B. Powell, K. N.; R. L. Wright, K. N.
Lunenburg — -George W. Hardy, D^
Madison-^Jaraes L. Kemper, D.
Marion — John S. Barnes, D. ; Ulysses N. Arnelt, D.
Marshall— R. C. HoUady, K. N.
Mason— G. B. Thomas. K. N.
Matthews and Middlesex — Geo. L. Nicholson, D.
Mecklenburg — Wm. E. Dodson, D.
Mercer — N. French, K. N.
Monongalia — J. Lantz, D.; R. W. Caruthers, D.
Monroe — Alexander Clark, K. N.; Alexander D. Haynes, K. N.
Montgomery — C. A. Ronald, D.
Morgan — Lemuel Vanorsdall, K. N.

362
Nansemond — Nathl. Riddick, K. N.
Nelson— W, M, Cabell, K. N.
Norfolk City— W. D. Roberts, K. N.
Norfolk County— C. W. Murdaugh, K. N.; Max. Herbert, K. N.
Northampton- E. J, Spady, K. N.
Ohio— Jas, Paul, K. N.; John Brady, K. N.; G. L, Cranmer, K. N.
Page — Mann Spitler, D.
Patrick — Wm. A. Burwell, D.
Pendleton — Jas. B.Kee, D.
Petersburg — J. H. Claiborne, D.
Pittsylvania- Richard M. Kirby, D.; Thomas W. Walton, D.
Pleasants and Ritchie — John Collins, D.
Pocahontas — Adam Nottingham, D.
Preston- J. A. F. Martin, D.; E. T. Brandon, D.
Prince Edward — Thomas T. Tredway, D.
Prince George and Surry — Benj. C, Drew, D.
Princess Anne — John Woodhouse, K, N.
Prince William — Chas, E, Sinclair, D.
Pulaski — John S. Draper, D.
Putnam — Ro. N. B. Thompson, D.
Randolph — S. Bosworth, K. N.
Rappahannock — Edward T. Jones, D.
Richmond City— H. K. EUyson, K. N.; H. B. Dickinson, K. N.; R. C.
Stanard, K. N,
Richmond County apd Westmoreland — L. C. Berkeley, K. N.
Roanoke — Colin Bass, D.
Rockbridge — R. L. Doyle, K. N.; A. Pattersop, K. N.
Rockingham— J. M. R. Sprinkle, D,; J. G. Brown, D,; Wm. B. Yancey, D.
RusseU- G, W, Chandler, D,;  Kelley, D.
Scott— J. T. Molver, D.
Shenandoah — J. S, Calvert, D,; P. Pitman, D.
Smyth— Thos. L. Preston, D.
Soulhamptog — J. W. Gurley, D.
Spottsylvania — Oscar M. Crutchfield, D.
Taylor— Chas. W. Newlon, D.
Tazewell— Wm. M. Gillespie, D.
Upshur  Carper, D.
Warren — Samuel W. Thomas, D.
Washipgtop— Wm. K. Helskell, D.; Johp B. Floyd, D.
Wayne — Jeremiah Wellman, D.
Wetzel— David West, D.
Wood — A, J, Bowman, K. N.
Wytbe — David Graham, D.

THE 24th day OF MAY IN VIRGINIA, IN 1855.
On the 24th day of May 1855, the great battle between the North and the
South was fought on the soil of Virginia. Virginia was the battle ground upon
which that fell-destroyer, abolition Know Nothing fanaticism, was " crushed
out" in pushing its direful inroads upon the sunny South. It was here in Virgi
nia thatthe British lion crouched in-servile obedience beneath the golden wings of
Washington's eagle. And il was here in Virginia, that the foul and loathsome

363
cockatrice. Know Nothingism, crouched (spaniel like) beneath the patriotic tread
of the sturdy husbandman, the stigmatising lash, the burning Invective and
wi-thering satire of that champion of Slates Rights, and defender of the consti
tution and of civil and reUgious liberty — Henry A.. Wise. And It is here In
A^irginia, that we intend to keep spotless that rich legacy of political policy,
bequeathed to us by Thomas Jefferson and James iVLadlson. The Democracy
of Virginia will, al all times, and under all circumstances, fly their colors.
Our platform is now, as it has ever been, a strict observance of the tenets of
Slates Rights. We know no section, no clique, no parly, no platform, no raan, — -
but only the States Rights flag left us by Jefferson and Madison, which we
expect lo live under, fight under, and die under. We bid defiance to the wooden
horse. Our banner in envied grandeur still floats over the Impregnable ramparts
of Truth, Right and Justice, and will continue lo flaunt its segls folds until the
bird of liberty, with the stars and stripes around its neck, shall wing itself from
the western continent.
The 4th of July commemorates the day on which the American people repu
diated the British yoke ; the 24th of May commemorates the day on' which the
PEOPLE, THE DEMOCRACY OF VIRGINIA, REPUDIATED THAT
WHICH WAS WORSE THAN BRITISH BONDAGE— Know Nothingism.
The 24th day of May 1855 Is a second declaration of the citizens of Virginia,
TO BE FREE AND INDEPENDENT. May the day ever live as one of our
proudest epochs, in the hearts of all true lovers of Civil and Religious Liberty.

From the Eichmond Examiner, May 29th, 1855.
THE DEMOCRATIC TRIUMPH.
'The election returns which fill our columns this morning will give to our
readers the detaUs of that crushing and utterly annihilating victory which the
Democracy have won over their boastful, exultant and secret adversary. We
have swept the State like a mountain torrent, deluging every oulverlj and
drowning Know Nothing caiididates of every rank and degree, from Flournoy
down to Sam's candidates for the stray coroner's and constable's places of the
Stale. The Deraocratic legions are triuraphant from the mountains to the sea
shore, and the Deraocratic shouts of yictory are heaj-d In every valley and
mountain of the State. Our candidate for Governor is probably elected by a
splendid majority of al least twelve thousand, we have returned our unbroken
phalanx of Democratic Congressmen, and we shall have a larger Democratic
majority than usual in both branches of the Legislature.
There remains not one peg for Sam to hang a hope upon. The deluge has
left no dry place for the weary feet of tne conquered ; and the few Know No
things who have been elected to the Legislature already feel their laurels with
ering upon their brows, and burning thera like a hot iron. The boasting, blus
tering, menacing, confident foe, who but yesterday proclaimed tbe speedy de
struction of the Democratic party of Virginia, has been routed at the ballot-box
by that noble old party which, in this Stale, has never known defeat. The
great hichway along which we have marched to greatness and renown Is paved
with the" bones of just such political monstrosities as that which we slew on
Thursday. It is as much the duty and the mission of the Virginia Democracy

364 ¦
to slay parties like Sam, as It was that of Hercules to kill giants, dragons hy
dras and other monsters. We have done our duty, and freed^ the republic from
the consequences of sectional strife and a fearful war of racei.
We care not how Sam, like a huge decapitated serpent, may squirm, twist
and struggle in the free States. He may lash his huge tail in New England,
apd jerk apd wriggle his headless trunk in Pennsylvania, but all the world
knows that on Thursda^r last his head was takep off with a dexterity and scien
tific precision which tbe Virginia Democracy have only acquired by long prac
tice. A few months ago the late Samuel entered this State, took possession of
our culverts, and hissed forth various and sundry decrees for the overthrow of
Democracy, Catholicism, and the annoyance of the quiet, inoffensive foreigners
of this State. But In performing a tilt against the Democracy, he ran against
a snag, and expired on Thursday last, having lived just long enough to bury
one small grave-digger, and extinguish an humble gas-man. The election has
demonstrated that Know Nothingism, in its best days in this State, was nothing
but a mild, small beer type of that poor, collapsed old Whig party, which we
have beaten with comraendable regularity for many years past. The mysteries
and secrecy of Know Nothipgism copcealed pot Its strepgth, but its weakness
in Pumbers apd resources.
We police the election and re-election of many of the ablest men of our
party to the Legislature. In such men as Floyd, Crutchfield, Edmunds, Ruth
erfoord, Garnett, and many others whom we might narae, our readers will recog
nize raen well suited for the important duties of legislation next winter.
We have but one regret as far as the result in this State is concerned, and
that is the defeat of that estimable gentleman and distinguished and indefatiga
ble Democrat, Robert A. Mayo, of Henrico. To that gentleman's energy and
sleepless activity, we are indebted for a reduction of hundreds In what was at
one time the Know Nothing strength in Henrico. His services will be long
remembered by his party.
We comraend the gentlemanly good humor and philosophy of our neighbor
of the Whig to the subordinate journals of the Know Nothings. The Deino-
crats are not lo be provoked or annoyed by tbe impotent exhibitions of chUdish
rage and frenzy of the minor organs of that party lo which they have just ad
ministered a well-deserved spanking. We tender lo our chivalrous neighbor of
tbe Whig our sincere condolences, and venture to express the hope that its trip
to Salt River may be both pleasant and instructive. The seas6n is a delightful
one for going to the country, and the thousand beauties of Spring, with Its
flowers and balmy breezes, will soon assuage the grief of our friend and neighbor.
We have learnt also, from a most reliable source, that our venerable protege,
Botts, bears the defeat of Mr. Scott with a degree of fortitude worthy of a
christian and a philosopher. He is, we learn, busily qualifying himself forthe
ministry, having announced al the African Church on Tuesday last, the scope
and character of his recent theological studies.

APPENDIX.

SPEECH OF HON. S. A. DOUGLAS, OF ILLINOIS.
IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE, MARCH 3, 1854, ON NEBRAS
KA AND KANSAS.
Mr. Houston. It is now half-past eleven o'clock. I cannot see any particu
lar necessity for going op to-night, and therefgre we might as well adjourn.
Several Senators, No, no.
Mr. Houston. Then I give notice that I shall take the floor after the sena
tor from Illinois gets through.
Mr. Sumner. Before the debate closes, I hope to be heard on some points.
Mr. Douglas. We shall hear the sjnator from Massachusetts, of course,
npon whatever points he may desire to speak. I would gladly have agreed to
an arrangement by wbich II should have been understood that the vote would
be taken at any fixed time ; but we found it irapossible to come to an agree
ment lo fix any day or any hour on which the vote should, by common consent,
be taken. Consequently we have thought it was better to insist upon proceecL
ing to a vote to-night. I will not occupy the ijltention of the Senate longer
than I can possibly help In doing justice to myself.
Mr, Houston. Objection has beeu made to my. course it seems, because I
evinced a disinclination to consent to fix any parti(;ular day for the closing of
the debate. I did not see any necessity for doing so, and therefore I could not
consent to It. I do not care bow soon the debate closes ; I hope it will be pen-
eluded speedily ; but I do not wisb to have it done informally, nor in tbe hur
ried manner in which it has been pressed on the Senate. I claim all the privi
leges of a senator; but I am perfectly willing to consent to an adjournment, or
any other arrangement which the Senate may make. I am In a minority, but I
shall yield to the wiU of tbe Senate.
Mr. Doi%las. I think there seeras to be a pretty good disposition manifested
now, and we shall be able to close the debate and proceed to the vote in a very
short time.
Mr. President before I proceed to the general arguraent upon the most im
portant branch of this question, I must say a few words in reply lo the senator
from Tennessee, [Mr. BeU,] who bas spoken upon the bUl to-day. He ap
proves of the principles of the bill ; he thinks they have great merit ; but he
does not see his way entirely clear to vote for the bill, becatise of the objections
which he has stated, most of which relate to the Indians.
Upon that point, I desire to say that it has never been the custom In territo
rial blUs to make regulations concerning the Indians within the limits of the
proposed Territories. All matters relating to them il has been thought wise to
leave to subsequent legislation, to be brought forward by the Committee on In
dian Affairs. I did venture originaUy in this bill to put in one or tffo proyi-

366
sions upon that subject ; but, at the suggestion of many senators on both sides
of tire chamber, they were stricken out, in order to allow the appropriate com
mittee of the Senate to take charge of that subject. I think," therefore, sinae
we have stricken from the bill all those provisions which pertain to the Indians,
and reserved the whole subject for the consideration and action of the appro
priate committee, we have obviated every possible objection which could reason
ably be urged upon that score. We have every reason lo hope and trust that
the Comraittee On Indian Affairs will propose such measures as will do entire
justice to the Indians, without contravening the objects of Congress in organiz
ing these Territories.
But, sir, allusion has been made to certain Indian treaties, and it has been inti
mated, if not charged in d*rect terras, that we were violating the stipulations of
those treaties in respect to the rights and lands of the Indians. The senator
from Texas [Mr. Houston] made a very long and interesting speech on that
subject ; but it so happened, that most of the treaties lo which he referred
were with Indians not included within the limils of this bill. We have been
informed! in the course of the debate to-day, by the chairman of the Commit
tee on Indian Affairs, [Mr. Sebastian,] that there is but one treaty in existence
relating to lands or Indians within the limits of either of the proposed Territo
ries, and that is the treaty with the Ottawa Indians, about two hundred persons
in number, owning about thirty-four thousand aores of land. Thus it appears,
that the whole argument of injustice lo the red raan, which In the course of
this debate has called forth so much sympathy and indignation, is confined to
two hundred Indians, owning less than two townships of land. Now, sir, is it
possible that a country, said to be five hundred thousand scjuare miles in extent,
and large enough to make twelve sucb States as Ohio, is to, be consigned to per
petual barbarism merely on account of that small number of Indians, when the
bill itself expressly provides that those Indians and their lands are not to be in
cluded within the limits of the proposed Territories, nor to be subject to
their laws or jurisdiction ? I would not allow this measure to invade the rights
Sli even one Indian, and hence I inserted in the first section of the bill that
none of the tribes with whom(|we have treaty stipulations should be embraced
within either of the Territories, unless such Indians shall voluntarily consent
to be included therein by treaties hereafter to be made. If apy senator can
furnish me with language more explicit, or which would prove more effectual in
securing the rights of the Indians, I will cheerfully adopt it.
Well, sir, the Senator from Tennessee, in a very kind spirit, here raises the
objection for me to answer, that this bill includes Indians within the limits of
these Territories with whom we have no treaties; and he desires to know what
we are to do with them. I will say lo him, that that Is not a matter of inquiry
which necessarily or properly arises upon the passage of this bill ; that is not
a proper inquiry to come before the Comraittee on Territories. You have in all
your territorial bills included Indians within the boundaries of thefTerritories.
When you erected the Territory of Minnesota, you had not extinguished the
Indian title lo one foot of land in that Territory west of the Mississippi river,
and to the major part of that Territory the Indian title remains unextinguished
to this day. Ip additiop to those wild tribes, you removed ludians from Wis-
copsip and located them withip Minnesota since the Territory was organized.
Il will be a question for the consideration of the Committee on Indian Affairs,
and for the action of Congress, when, in settlement and civUization, it shall be
come necessary lo change the present policy in respect to the Indians. When
you erected the territorial government of Oregon, a few years ago, you em
braced within It all the Indians living In the Territory without their consent,
and without any such reservations In their behalf as are contained in this bill.
You had not at that time made a treaty with those Indians, nor extinguished
their title to an acre of land in that Territory, nor .indeed haye you done so to

367
this day. So It Is in the organization of Washington Territory. You ran the
lines around the country which you thought ought to be within the limits of
the Territory, and you embraced all the Indians within those lines ; but you
made no provision in respect to their rights or lands ; you left that matter to
the Committee on Indian Affairs, to the Indian laws, and to the proper depart
ment, to be arranged afterwards as the public interests inight require. The
same is true in reference to Utah and New Mexico.
In fact, the policy provided for in this bill, in respect to the Indians, is that
which Is now in f^rce In every one of the Territories. Therefore, any senator
who objects to this bill on that score should have objected to and voted against
every territorial bill which you have now In existence. Yet my friend from
Texas has taken occasion to remind the Senate several times that it was a. mat
ter of pride — and it ought to be a matter of patriotic pride with him — that ha
voted for. every raeasure of the coraproraise of 1850, including the Utah and
New Mexico territorial bills, embracing all the Indians within their limits. My
friend from Tennessee, too, has been very liberal In voting for most of the ter
ritorial bills ; and I therefore trust that the same patriotic and worthy motives
'which induced him to vote for the territorial act of 1850 will enable him to give
his support lo the presenj bill, especially as he approves of the great principle
of popular sovereignly upon which it rests.
The senator frora Tennessee remarked fur.ther, that the proposed limits of
these two Territories were too extensive, that they were large enouo-h to be
erected iuto eight differept States ; apd why, he askod, the necessity of ipolud-
Ing such a vast amount of country within the limits of these two Territories ?
I riiust remind the senator that it has always been the practice to include a large
extent of country within one territory, and then to subdivide it from time to
time as the public interest might require. Such waS the case with the old
Northwest Territory. It was all originally Included within one territorial gov
ernment. Afterwards Ohio was cut off; and then Indiana, Michigan, Illi
nois, and Wisconsin, were successively erected Into separate territorial govern
ments, and subsequently admitted into the Union as States,
Al one period, it will be remerabered, the Territory of Wisconsin included
the country embraced within the limits, of the States of Wisconsin and Iowa,
and a part of the State of Michigan, and the Territory of Blinnesota. There
is country enough within tbe -Territory of Minnesota to make-two or three States
of the size of New York. Washington Teijitory einbraces about the same
area. Oregon is large enough to make three or four Stales as extensive as
Pennsylvania, Utah two or three, and New Mexico four or five of like dimen
sions. Indeed, the whole country embraced within the proposed Territories
of Nebraska and Kansas, together with the States of Arkansas, Missouri, aud
Iowa, and the larger part of Mippesola, and the whole of the Ipdiap couptry
wesl of Arkapsas, opce constituted a territorial government, under the name of
the Missouri Territory.- In view of this course of legislation upon the subjeftt
of territorial organization, commencipg before the adopliop of the Constitutiop
of the United States and coming down to the last session of Congress, it surely
cannot be said that there is anything unusual or extraordlaary in the size of the
proposed Territory, which should compel a senator to vote against the bill, while
he approves of the principles involved in the ineasure. ?
' It has also been urged iu debate that there Is po pecessity for these territo
rial orgapizatiops ; apd I have been called upon to point out any pubUc and na
tional considerations which require action at this time. Senators seem lo forget
that our Immense and valuable possessions on tho Pacific are separated from the
States and organized Territories, on this side of the Rocky mountains by a vast
wilderness, filled by hostile savages ; that nearly a hundred thousand emigrants
pass through this barbarous wilderness every year, on their way to California
and Oregon ; that these emigrants are American citizens, our own constituents,

368
who are entitled to the protection of law and government ; and that they are
left to make their way, as best they may, without the protectlou or aid of law
or government.
The United States mails for New Mexico and Utah, and all official communi
cations between this government and the authorities of those Territories, are
required lo be carried over these wild plains, and through the gorges of the
mountains, where you have made no provision for roads, bridges, or ferries to
facilitate travel, or forts or other means of safely lo protect life. As often as I
have brought forward and urged the adoption of measures to remedy these evils,
and afford security against the dangers lo which our people are constantly ex
posed, they have been promptly voted down as not being of sufficient impor
tance to command the favorable consideration of Congress. Now, when I pro
pose" to organize the Territories, and allow the people to do for themselves what
you have so often refused to do for thera, I am told that there are not white in
habitants enough perraanently settled In tbe country to require and sustain a
government, 'True there ;s not a very large population there, for the very good
reason that your Indian code and intercourse laws exclude the settlers, and for
bid their remaining there to cultivate tbe soil. You refuse to throw the country
open to seltlers, and then object lo the organization of the Territories upon the
ground that there is not a sufficient number of inhabitants.
The senator from Connecticut [Mr. S.mith] has raade a long argument to
prove that there are no inhabitants in the proposed Territories, because nearly
all of those who have gone and settled there have done so in violation of cer
tain old acts of Congress which forbid the people to take possession of and
settle upon the public lands until after they should be surveyed and brought
into market.
I do not propose to discuss the question whether these settlers are technically
legal inhabitants or not. It is epough for me that they are a part of our own
people ; that they are settled on the public domain ; that the public interests
would be promoted by throwing that public domain open to settlement ; and
that tbere is no good reason why the protection of law and the blessings of
government should pot be extended to thera. I must be permitted to remind
the senator that the same objection existed in its full force to Minnesota, to
Oregon and to Washington, when each of those Territories were organized ;
and that I have no recoUeclIop that he deemed it his duty to call the attention
of Copgress to the objectiop, or copsidered it of sufficicpt importance to justify
him in recording his own vote against the orgapization of either of those Ter
ritories. Mr. President, I do not feel called upon to make any reply to the argument
which the senator from Connecticut has urged against the passage of this hUl
upon the score of expense in sustaining these territorial governments, for the
reason that. If the public interests require the enactment of the law, it follows
as a natural consequence that all the expenses necessary to carry it inlo effect
are wise and proper.
I will now proceed to the consideration of the great principles involved in the
bill, without omitting, however, lo notice some of those extraneous matters
which have been brought into this discussion with the view of producing ano
ther anti-slavery agitation. We have been told by nearly every senator who
has spoken in opposition lo this bill, that at the time of its Introduction the
people were in a state of profound qniet and repose ; that the anti-slavery agi
tation had entirely ceased ; and that the whole country was acquiescing cheer
fully and cordially in the compromise measures of 1850 as a final adjustment of
this vexed question.
Sir, it is truly refreshing to hear senators,<who contested every Inch of ground
in opposition to those measures when they were under discussion, who predicted
all manner of evils and calamities from their adoption, afid who raised the cry

369
of repeal, and even resistence, to their executioir, after they had become the
laws of the land — I say It is really refreshing to hear these same senators now
bear their united testimony to the wisdora of those measures, and to the pa
triotic .motives which induced us to pass them in defiance of their threats and
resistance, and to their beneficial effects in restoring ])eace, harmony, and fra
ternity to a distracted country. These are precious confessions from the lips of
those who stand pledged never to assent to the propriety of those measures, and
to make war upon them so long as they shall remain upon the statute-book.
I well understand thiit these confessions are now made, not with the view of
yielding their assent to the propriety of carrying those enactments Into faithful
execution, but for the purpose of having a pretext for charging npon me, as the
author of this bill, the responsibility of an agitation which they are striving to
produce. They say that I, and not they, have revived the agitation. What
have I done to render me obnoxious to this charge ? They say I wrote and in-
troduced this Nebraska bill. That is true; but I was not a volunteer inthe
transaction. The Senate, by a unanimous vole, appointed me chairman of the
territorial committee, and associated five intelligent and patriotic senators with
me, and thus made it our duty lo take charge of all territorial business. In
like manner, and with the concurrence of these complaining senators, the Se
nate referred lo us a distinct proposition to organize this Nebraska Territory,
and required us to report specifically upon the question. I repeat, then, we
were not volunteers in this business. The duty was imposed upon us by the
Senate. We were not unmindful of the delicacy and responsibility of the posi
tion. We were aware that from 1820 lo 1850 the abolition doctrine of con
gressional interference with slavery In the Territories and new States had so far
prevailed as to keep up an incessant slavery agitation in Congress, and through
out the country, whenever any new Territory was to-be acquired or organized.
We were also aware that, in 1850, the right of the people to decide this ques
tion for themselves, subject only to tbe Copslltutiou, was substituted for the
doctrine of congressional iptervenlion. The first question, therefore, whioh the
committoe were called upou lo decide, apd indeed the only questiop of any ma
terial importance, in framing this bill, was this : Shall we adhere lo and carry
out the principle recognized by the compromise measures of 1850, or shall we
go back to the old exploded doctrine of congressional interference, as establish
ed in 1820, in a large portion of the 'country, and which it was the object of
the Wilmot proviso to give a universal application, not only to all the territory
which we then possessed, but all which we might hereafter acquire ? There
were no other alternatives. We were compelled to frame the bill upon the one
or the pther of these two principles. Tbe doctrine of 1820 or the doctrine of
1850 must prevail. In the discharge of the duty imposed upon us by the Se
nate, the commitiee could not hesitate upon this point, whether we consulted
our Individual opinions and principles or those which were known lo be enter
tained and boldly avowed by a large majority of the Senate. The two great ,
poUtical parties of the country stood solemnly pledgel before the world to ad
here to the compromise measures of 1850, "in principle and substance." A
large majority of the Senate, indeed every member of the body, I believe, Ex
cept the two avowed abolitionists, [Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner] profess to be
long to the one or the other of these parlies, and hence was supposed lo be un
der a hioh moral obligation to carry out the " principle and substance" of those
mea,sure8 in all new territorial organizations. The report of the committee
was in accordance with this obligation. I ana arraigned, therefore, for having.
endeavored to represent the opinions and principles of the Senate truly ; fop
having performed my duty in conformity with the parliamentary law; for having
been faithful to the trust reposed in me by the Senate. Let the vote tbis night
determine whether I have thus faithfully represented your opinions. When a
majority of the Senate shall hare passed the bill; when a majority of the

370
States shall have endorsed it through their representatives upon this floor ;
when a majority of the South and a majority of the North shall have sanc
tioned it ; when a majority of the Whig party and a majority of the Democra
tic party shall have voted for It, when each of these propositions shall be de
monstrated by the vote this night on the final passage of the bUl, I shall be
willing to submit the question to the country, whether, as the organ of the
committee, I performed my duty In the report and bill which have called down
upon my bead sj much denunciation and abuse.
Mr. President, the opponents of this measure have had much to say about
the mutations and modifications which this bill bas undergone since it was first
introduced by myself, and about the alleged departure of the bill, in its present
form, from the principle laid down In the original report of the committee as a
rule of action in all future territorial organizations. Fortunately there Is no
necessity, even if your patience would tolerate such a course of argument at
this late hour of the night, for me to examine these speeches In detail, and to
reply to each charge separately. Each speaker seems to have followed faith
fully in the footsteps of his leader — iu the path marked out by the, aboUtion
confederates in their manifesto, which I exposed op a former occasion. You
have seen them on their winding way, meandering the narrow and crooked path
in Indian file, each treading close upon the heels of the other, and neither ven
turing to lake a step to the right or left, or to occupy one inch of ground wbich
did not bear the foot-print of the abolition champion. To answer one, there
fore, is to answer the whole. The statement to which they seem to attach the
most importance, and which they bave repealed oftener perhaps than any other,
is, that, pending the compromise measures of 1850, no man in or out of Con
gress, ever dreamed of abrogating the Missouri compromise ; that from that pe
riod down to the present- session nobody supposed that its validity had been
impaired, or anything done which rendered it obligatory upon us to make It
inoperative hereafter ; that al the time of submitting the report and bill to the
Senate, on the 4tb of January last, neither I nor any member of the commit
tee ever thought of such a thing ; and that we could never be brought up to
the point of abrogating the eighth section of the Missouri act until after the
senator from Kentucky introduced his amendment to my bill.
Mr. President, before I proceed to expose the many misrepresentations con
tained in this compUcated charge, I must call tbe attention of the Senate lo
the false issue which these gentleraen are endeavoring to impose upon the
country, for the purpose of diverting publio attention from the real issue con
tained in the bill. Tbey wish to have the people believe that the abrogation of
what they call the Missouri compromise was the main object and aim' of the
bill, and that the only question involved Is, whether the prohibition of slavery
north of 36° 80' shall be repealed or not ? That which is a mere jncident
they choose to consider the principal. They make war on the means by which
we propose to accoraplish an object, instead of openly resisting the object Itself.
The principle which we propose to carry into effect by the bill is this : That
Congress shall neither legislate slavery inlo any Territories or State, nor out of
ihmsame; but the people shall be left free to regulate iheir domestic concerns in
iheir own way, subject only to the Constitution of the United States.
In order to carry this principle into practical operation, it becomes necessary
to remove whatever legal obstacles might be found In the way of its free exer
cise. It is only for the purpose of carrying out this great fundamental princi
ple of self-government that the bill renders the eighth section of the Missouri
act inoperative and void.
Now, let me ask, will these senators who have arraigned me, or any one of
them, have the assurance to rise in his place and declare that this great princi
ple was never thought of or advocated as applicable to territorial bills, In 1850 ;
that,, from, that session until the present, nobody ever thought of incorporating

371
this principle Ip all pew territorial organizations ; that the Committee on Ter
ritories did not recommend It In their report ; and that It required the amend
ment of the senator from Kentucky to bring us up to that point ? Will any
one of my accusers dare to make this Issue, and let it be tried by the record ?
I wiU begin with the compromises of 1850. Any senator who will take the
trouble to. examine our journals will find that on the 25th of March of that
year, I reported from the Committee on Territories two bills including the fol
lowing measures : the admission of California, a territorial government for
Utah, a territorial government for New Mexico, and the adjustment of the
Texas boundary. These bills proposed to leave the people of Utah and New
Mexico free to decide the slavery question for themselves, In tho precise lan
guage of the Nebraska bill now under discussion. A few weeks afterwards, the
Committee of Thirteen took those two bills and put a wafer between them
and reported them back to the Senate as one bill, with some slight amendments.
One of those amendments was, that the territorial legislatures should not legis
late upon the subject of African slavery. I objected to that provision upon
the ground that il subverted the great principle of self-government upon which
the bill had been originally framed by the Territorial Commitiee. On the first
trial, the Senate refused to strike it out, but subsequently did so, after full de
bate, in order to establish that principle as the rule of action in territorial or
ganizations. Mr. Dodge, of Iowa. It was done on your own motion.
Mr. Douglas. Upon this point I trust I will be excused for reading one or
two sentences from some remarks I made in the Senate on the 3rd of June
1850 : '
" The position that I have ever taken has been that this the slavery ques
tion, and all other questions relating to the domestic affairs and domestic policy
of the Territories, ought to be left to the decision of the people themselves, and
that we ought lo be content with whatever way they would decide the question,
because they have a much deeper interest in these matters than we have, and
know much better wbat institutions will suit them, than we, wbo have neyer been
there, can decide for them."
Again, In the same debate, I said :
" I do not see how those of us who have taken the position which we have
taken, (that of non-interference,) and have argued in favor of the right of tbe
people to legislate for themselves on this quesiion, can support such a provision
without abandoning all tbe arguments which we urged In the presidential cam
paign In the year 1848, and the principles set forth by the honorable senator
from Michigan In that letter which is known as the 'Nicholson letter.' We are
required to abandon that platform ; we are required to abandon those principles,
and to stultify ourselves, and lo adopt the opposite doctrine ; and for what ? In
order to say that the people of the Territories shall not have such institutions
as they shall deem adapted to their condition and their wants. I do not see,
sir, how such a provision as that can be acceptable either to the people of the
north or the south."
Mr. President, I could go on and multiply extract after extract from my
speeches In 1850, and prior to that date lo show that this doctrine of leaving
the people to decide these questions for themselves is not an " after-thought"
with me, seized upon this session for the first time, as my calumniators have so
frequently and boldly charged in their speeches during this debate, and in their
manifesto to the pubUc. I refused to support the celebrated omnibus bill ia
1850 until the obnoxious provision was stricken out, and the principle of self-
government restored, as it existed in my original blU. No sooner were the
compromise measures of 1850 passed, than the abolition confederates, who lead

372
the opposition to this bill now, raised the cry of repeal In some sections of the
country, and in others forcible resistance tp the execution of the law. In order
to arrest and suppress the treasonable purposes of these abolition confederates,
and avert the horrors of civil war. It became my duty, on the 28d of October,
1850, to address an excited and frenzied multitude at Chicago, in defence of
each and all of the compromise measures of that year. I will read one or two
sentences from that speech, to show how those measures were then understood
and explained by their advocates :
" These measures are predicated on the great fundamental principle that every
people ought to possess the right of forming and regulating their own internal
concerns and domestic institutions in their own way."
Again :
" These things are all confided by the Constitution to each State to decide for .
itself, and I know of no reason why the same principle should not be con-
flded to the Territories."
In this speech it will be seen that I lay down a general principle of universal
application, and make no distinction between territories north or south of
30° 30'.
I am aware that some of the abolition confederates have perpetrated a mon
strous forgery on that speech, and are now circulating through the abolition
newspapers the statement that I said that I would " cling with the tenacity of
life to the compromise of 1820." This statement, false as it Is — a dellherale
act of forgery, as it is known to be by all who have ever seen or read the speech
referred lo — constitutes the staple article out of which most of the abolition
orators at the small anti-Nebraska meetings raanufacture the greater part of
tbeir speeches. I now declare that there is not a sentence, a line, nor even a
word in that speech, which imposes the slightest limitation on the application of
the great principle embraced in this bill in all new territorial organizations,
without the least reference to the line of 36° 30'.
At the session of 1850-'51, a few weeks after this speech was made at Chi
cago, and when it bad been published in pamphlet form and circulated exten
sively over the States, the legislature of Illinois proceeded to revise its action
upon the slavery question, and define its position on the compromise of 1850.
After rescinding the resolutions adopted at a previous session, instructing my
colleague and myself to vote for a proposition prohibiting slavery In the Terri
tories, resolutions were adopted approving the compromise measures of 1850. I
will read one of the resolutions, which was adopted in the House of Represen
tatives, by a vole of 61 yeas to 4 nays :
" Resolved, That our liberty and independence are based upon the right of
the people to form for themselves such a government as they may choose; that
this great privUege — the birthright of freemen, the gift of Heaven, secured to
ns by tbe blood of our ancestors — ought to be extended to future generations;
and no limitation ought to be appUed to tbis power, in the organization of any
Territory of the United States, of either a Territorial government or a State
Constitution : Provided, The government so established shall be republican,
and in conformity with the Constitution."
Another series of resolutions having passed the Senate almost unanimously,
embracing the same principle in different language, they we're concurred in by
the House. Thus was the position of Illinois, upon the slavery question, de
fined at the first session of the legislature after the adoption of the compromise
of 1850.
Now, sir, wbat becomes of the declaration whieh has been made by nearly
every opponent of this bill, that nobody in this whole Union ever dreamed that

373
the principle of the Utah and New Mexican bill was to be Ipcorporated Into all
future territorial organizations ? . I have shown that my own State so under
stood and declared it al the time in the most implicit and solemn manner. Il
Unois declared that our " Uberty and independence" rest upon this " princi
ple ;" that the principle " ought to be extended to future generations;" and
that " no limitation ought to be applied lo this power in the organization of any
Territory of the United States." No exception is made in regard to Nebraska.
No Missouri compromise lines; no reservations of the country north of 36° 30'.
The principle is declared to be the " birthright of freemen ;" the " gift of Hea
ven," lo be applied without limitation. In Nebraska as well as Utah, north as
well as south of 36° 30'.
It may not be out of place here to remark that the legislature of Illinois, at
its recent session, has passed resolutions approving the Nebraska bill; and
among the resolutions is one in the precise language of tbe resolution of 1851,
which I have just read to the Senate.
Thus I have shown, Mr. President, that the legislature and people of Illinois
have always understood the compromise measures of 1850 as establishing cer
tain principles as rules of action In the organizatiop of all pew Territories, aod
that no llmllallon was to be made on either side of the geosraphlcal line of
36° 30'. ^ °
Neither my lime nor your patience will allow me to take up the resolutions of'
the different States In detail, and show what has been the common understand
ing of the whole country upon this point. I am now vindicating myself and
my own action against the assaults of my calumniators ; and, for that purpose,
it is sufficient to show that, in the report and bill which I have presented to the
Senate, I have only carried out the known principles aud solemnly declared
will of the State whose representative I am. I will now invite the attention of
the Senate to the report of the committee, in order that it may be known how
much, or rather how little, truth there Is for the allegation which has been so
often made and repeated on this floor, that the idea of allowing the people in
Nebraska to decide the slavery quesiion for themselves was a "sheer after
thought," conceived since the report was made, and not until the senator from
Kentucky proposed his amendment to the bill.
I read from that portion of the report in which the committee lay down the
principle by which they proposed to be governed :
" In the judgmept of your committee, thpse measures (compromise of 1850)
were intended to have a far more comprehensive and enduring effect than the
mere adjustment of the difficulties arising out of tbe recent acquisition of Mex
ican territory. They were designed to establish certain great'prlnciples, which
would not only furnish adequate remedies for existing evils, but in all time fo
come avoid the perils of a similar agitation, by withdrawing the quesiion of
slavery from the halls of Congress and the political arena, and committing it
to the arbitram,ent of those who were immediately interested in and alone respon
sible for its consequences."
After making a brief argument in defence of this principle, the report pro
ceeds, as follows :
" From these provisions, it Is apparent that the conipromise raeasures of 1850
affirm and rest upon the following propositions :
" First. That all questions pertaining to slavery in the Territories, and in the
new States to be formed therefrom, are to.be left to the decision of the people
"residing therein, by their appropriate representatives, to be chosen by them for
thait purpose."

374
And, in conclusion, the report proposes a substitute for the bill introduced
by the senator from Iowa, and concludes as follows :
" The substitute for the bill which your committee have prepared, and which
is commended to the favorable action of the Senate, proposes to carry these
propositions and principles into practical operation, in the precise language of
the compromise measures of 1850."
Mr. President, as there has been so much misrepresentation npon this point,
I mUst be permitted to repeat that the doctrine of the report of the committee,
as has been conclusively proved by these extracts, is —
First. That the whole question of slavery should be withdrawn from the
Halls of Congress, and the political arena, and committed to the abitrament of
those who are immediately interested In and alone responsible for its existence.
Second. The applying this principle to the Territories and the new States to
be formed therefrom, all questions pertaining to slavery were to be referred to
the people residing therein.
Third. That the committee proposed to carry these propositions and princi
ples into effect in the precise language of the compromise measures of 1850.
Are not these propositions identical with the principles and provisions of the
bill on your table ? If there Is a hair's breadth of discrepancy between the
two, I ask any senator to rise In his place and point it out. Both rest upon the
great principle, wbich forms the basis of all our Institutions, that the people
are lo decide the question for themselves, subject only to tbe Constitution.
But my accusers attempt lo raise up a false issue, and thereby divert public
attention from the real one, by the cry that the Blissouri compromise is to be
repealed or violated by the passage of this bill. Well, if the eighth section of
the Missouri act, which attempted to fix the destinies of future generations In
those Territories for all time to come, in utter disregard of the rights and
wishes of the people when they should be received Inlo the Union as Stales, be
inconsistent with the great principle of self-government and the Constitution of
the United States, it ought to be abrogated. The legislation of 1850 abrogated
the Missouri compromise, so far as the country embraced within the limits of
Utah and New Mexico was covered by the slavery restriction. It is true, that
those acts did not in terms and by name repeal the act of 1820, as originally
adopted, or as extended by the resolutions annexing Texas in 1845, any more
than the report of the Commitiee on Territories proposes to repeal the same
acts this session. But the acts of 1850 did authorize tbe people of those Ter
ritories to exercise " all rightful powers of legislation consistent with the Con
stitution," not excepting the question of slavery ; and did provide that, when
those Territories should be admitted into the Union, they should be received
with or without slavery as the people thereof might determine at the date
of their admission. These provisions were in direct conflict with a clause
in a former enactment, declaring that slavery should be forever prohibited
in any portion of said Ten-I lories, and hence rendered such, clause Inope
rative and void to the extent of such conflict. This was an inevitable con
sequence, resulting from the provisions in those acts which gave the people
the right to decide the slavery question for themselves, in conformity with
the Constitution. It was not necessary to go further and declare that cer
tain previous enactments, which were incompatible with the exercise of the
powers conferred In the bills, " are hereby repealed." The very act of grant
ing those powers and rights have the legal effect of removing all obstructions lo
the exercise of them by tbe people, as prescribed In those territorial biUs. Fol-_
lowing that example, the- Committee on Territories did not consider it necessary
to declare the eighth section of the Missouri act repealed. We were content
to organize Nebraska in the precise language of the Utah and New Mexican

375
bills. Our object was to leave the people entirely free to form and regulate
their domestic institutions and internal concerns In their own way, under the
Constitution ; and we deemed it wise to accomplish that object in the exact
terms In which the same thing had been done in- Utah and New Mexico by the
acts of 1850. This was the principle upon which the committee reported ; and
our bill was supposed, and Is now believed, to have been in accordance with it.
When doubts were raised whether the bill did fully carry out the principle laid
down In the report, amendments were made, from time to lime, In order to
avoid all misconstruction, and make the true Intent of tbe act more explicit.
The last of these amendments was adopted yesterday, on the motion of the
distingushed senator from North Carolina, (Mr. Badger,) in regard to the re
vival of any laws or regulations which may have existed prior lo 1820. That
amendment was not intended to change the legal effect of the bill. Its
object was to repel the slander which had been propagated by the enemies of
the measure In the north, that tbe southern supporters of the bill desired to
legislate slavery inlo these Territories. The south denies the right of Con
gress either to legislate slavery into any Territory or State, or out of any
Territory or Slate. Non-Interventoin by Congress with slavery in the States or
Territories is the doctrine of the bill, and all the amendments which have been
agreed to have been made with the view of removing all doubt and cavil as to
the true meaning and object of the measure.
Mr. President, I think I have succeeded in vindicating myself and the action
of the committee from the assaults wbich have been made upon us in conse
quence of these amendraenls. It seeras lo be the tactics of our opponents to
direct their arguments against the unimportant points and incidental questions
which are to be affected by carrying out the principle, with the hope of relieving
themselves from the necessity of controverting the principle itself. The senator
from Ohio [Mr. Chase] led off gallantly in the charge that the commitiee, in
the report and bill first submitted, did not contemplate the repeal of the Mis
souri compromise, and could not be brought to that point until after the senator
from Kentucky offered his amendment. The senator from Connecticut [Mr.
Smith] followed his lead, and repeated tbe same statement. Then came the
other senator from Ohio, [Mr. Wade,] and the senator from New York, [Mr.
Seward,] and the senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Sumner,] all singing the
same song, only varying the tune.
Lel me ask these senators what tbey mean by this statement ? Do they wish
to be understood as saying that the report and first form of the biU did not
provide for leaving the slavery quesiion to the decision of the people in the
terms of the Utah bill ? Surely they will not dare to say that, for I have
already shown that the two measures were identicp,! in principle and enactment.
Do they meap to say that tbe adoption of our first bill would not have had the
legal effect to have rendered the eighth section of the Missouri act "inoperative
and void," to use the language of the present bill ? If this be not their mean
ing, win they rise in their places and inform the Senate what their meaning
was ? They must have had some object in giving so much prominence to this
statement, and In repeating It so often. I address the question to the senators
from Ohio and Massachusetts, [Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner.] I despair in
extorting a response from them ; for, no matter in what way they may answer
upon this point, I have in my hand tbe evidence over their own signatures, to
disprove the truth of their answer. I allude to their appeal or- manifesto to the
people of the United States, in which they arraign the bill and report. In coarse
and savage terms, as a proposition to repeal the Missouri compromise, to violate
plighted faith, to abrogate a solemn compact, &c., &c. This document was
signed by these two senators in their official capacity, and published to the world
before any amendments had been offered to the biU. It was directed against
the committee's first bill and report, and against them alone. If the statements

376
in this document be true, that the first bill did repeal the eighth section of the
Missouri act, what are we lo think of the statements In their speeches since,
that such was not the intention of the coramittee, was not the recommendation
of the report, and was not the legal effect of the bill ? On the contrary, if the
statements In their subsequent speeches are true, what apology do those senators
propose to make to the Senate apd country for having falsified the action of the
coraraittee in a docuraent over their own signatures, and thus spread a false
alarra among the people, and misled the public mind in respeoi^ to our proceed
ing*? These senators cannot avoid the one or the other of these alternatives.
Let them seize upon either, and they stand condemned and self-convicted ; in
the one case by their raanifesto, and in the other by their speeches.
In fact, it is clear that they have understood the bill to mean the same thing,
and to have the same legal effect In whatever phase il has been presented.
When first introduced, they denounced II as a proposition to abrogate the Mis
souri restriction. When amended, they repeated the same denunciation, and so
on each successive amendment. They now object lo the passage of the bill for
the same reason, thus proving conclusively that they bave not the least faith in
tbe correctness of their own statements in respect to the mutation and changes
in the bill.
They seem very un .vllllng to meet the real issue. They do not like to discuss
the principle. There seems lo be something which strikes them with terror
when you invite their attention to that great fundamental principle of popular
sovereignly. Hence you find that all the memorials they have presented are
against repealing the Missouri compromise, and in favor of the sanctity of com
pacts — in favor of preserving plighted faith. The senator from Ohio is cautious
to dedicate his speech with some such heading as " Maintain Plighted Faith."
The object is to keep the attention of -the people as far as possible from this
principle of self-government and constitutional rights.
Well, sir, wbat is this Missouri compromise, of which we have heard so much
of late ? It has been read so often that II Is not necessary to occupy the time
of the Sepate in reading it again. , It was an act of Congress, passed on the Oth
of March, 1820, lo authorize the people of Missouri to forra a constitution and
a Slate government, preparatory to the admission of such Slate inlo the Union.
The first section provided that Missouri should be received inlo the Union " on
an equal footing with the original Stales in all respects whatsoever." The last
and eighth section provided that slavery should be " forever prohibited" in all
the territory which had been acguir^d from France north of 36° 30', and not
included within the liraits of the Stale of Missouri. There is nothing in the
terms of the law that purports to be a compact, or indicates that it was any
thing more than an ordinary act of legislation. To prove that it was more than
it purports to bo on its face, gentlemen must produce other evidenoe, and prove
that there was such an understanding as to create a moral obligation in the na
ture of a compact. Have they shown it ?
I have heard but ono item of evidence produced during this whole debate,
and that was a short paragraph from Niles's Register, published a few days af
ter the passage of the act. Bui gentlemen aver that II was a solemn compact,
which could not be violated or abrogated without dishonor. According to their
understanding, the contract was that, in consideration of the admission of Mis
souri into the Union, on an equal fooling with the original Slates in all respects
whatsoever, slavery should be prohibited forever in the Territories north of 36°
30'. Now, who were the parties to this alleged compact ? They tell us that it
was a stipulation between the north and the south. Sir, I know of no such
parties under the Constitution. I am unwilling that there shall be any such
parties known in our legislation. If there is such a geographical line, it ought
to be obliterated forever, and there should be no other parties than those pro-

377
vided for in the Constitution, viz : the States of this Union. These are the only
parties capable of contracting under the Constitution of the United States,
Now, if this was a compact, let us see how It was entered inlo. The bUl
originated In the House of Representatives, and passed that body without a
southern vote in its favor. It is proper to remark, however, that it did pol at
that lime coptain the eighth section, prohibiting slavery in the Territories ; but
in lieu of it, contained a provision prohibiting slavery in the proposed State of
Missouri. In the Senate, the clause prohibiting slavery in the Slate was stricken-
out, and the eighth section added to the end of the bill, by the terms of which
slavery was to be forever prohibited in the territory not embraced in the State
of Missouri north of 86° 30'. The vote on adding this section stood, in the
Senate, 34 In the affirmative, and 10 in the pegative. Of the northern sena
tors, 20 voted for. it and 2 against it. On the question of ordering the bill to
a third reading as amended, which was the lest vote on its» passage, the vote
stood 24 yeas, 20 nays. Of the northern senators, 4 only voted in the affirma
tive, and 18 in the negative. Thus It will be seen that, if It was intended lo
be a compact, the north never agreed lo it. The northern senators voted to insert
the prohibition of slavery in the Territories; and then, in tho proportion of
more than four to one, voted against tbe passage of the bill. The north, there
fore, never signed the compact, never consented lo it, never agreed lo be bound
by it. This fact becomes very Important in vindicating the character of the
north for repudiating this alleged compromise a few raonths afterwards. The
act was approved and became a law on the 6th of March, 1820. In the sum
mer of that year, the people of Missouri formed a constitution and State gov
ernment preparatory to admission inlo the Union, in conformity with the act.
At the next session of Congress, the Senate passed a joint resolution declaring
Missouri to be one of the States of the Union, on an equal footing with the
original Slates. This resolution was sent to the House of Representatives,
where Itwas rejected by northern voles, and thus Missouri was voted out of the
Union, Instead of being received into tbe Union under tbe act of the 6th of
March, 1820, now known as the Missouri compromise. Now, sir, what becomes
of our plighted faith, If the act of the 6tb of March, 1820, was a solemn com
pact, as we are now told ? They have all rung the changes upon It, that It
was a sacred and irrevocable compact, binding in honor, in conscience, and mo
rals, which could not be violated or repudiated without perfidy and dishonor !
The two senators from Ohio, (Mr. Chase and Mr. Wade,) the senator from
Massachusetts, [Mr, Sumner,] the senator from Connecticut, [Mr. Smith,] the
senator from New York, [Mr. Seward,] and perhaps others, have all assumed
this position.
Mr. Seward. Will the senator excuse me for a moment?
Mr. Douglas. Certainly.
Mr. Seward. Mr. President, I have foreseen that It would be probable that
the honorable senator from Illinois would have occasion to reply to many argu
ments which have been made by the opponents of this measure ; and it would
seem, therefore, to create a necessity, on the part of the opponents of the bill,
to answer his arguments afterwards. Yet, at the same time, meaning to be fair
and desiring to have no such advantage as the last word, but to leave il to him,
to whom il rightly belongs, I had proposed, if agreeable to him, when he should
state anything which controverted my own position, to make the answer during
his speech, instead of deferring it until afterwards. To me the last word is
never of any advantage ; but I know that II Is to him, and ought to be so re
garded by him. I have a word lo say here, and I propose to say another word
at another time ; but if it be at all uncomfortable to the senator, I will reserve
what I have lo say until after he concludes.
Mr. Douglas. If it will take but a minute, I will yield now ', but if the
senator is to take considerable time, I prefer to go on myself.

378
Mr. Seward. No, sir, I make no long speeches anywhere ; I never make a
long speech, and therefore I would prefer saying what 1 have to submit now, if
the honorable senator prefers it.
Mr. Douglas. Very well.
Mr. Seward. I thought he would. In the first place, I find that the hono
rable senator is coming upon my own ground in regard to compromises.
Mr. Douglas. That is not a vindication of any point which-l have attacked.
I hope the honorable senator will state his point.
Mr, Seward. I am going to state the point, or I will state nothing. Who
ever will refer to my antecedents, will find that In the year 1850 I expressed
opinions on the subject of legislative compromises between the north and south,
which, at that day, were rejected and repudiated.
Mr. Douglas. If the object of the senator is to go back, and go through all
his opinions, I cannot yield the floor lo him ; but if his object is now to show
that the north did not violate the Missouri compromise, I will yield.
Mr. Seward. If the honorable senator will allow me just one minute and a
half, without dictating what I shall say within that minute and a half, I shall
be satisfied.
Mr. Douglas. Certainly, I will consent to that.
Mr. Seward. I find that the honorable senator from Illinois is standing upon
the ground upon which I stood in 1850. I have nothing to say now, in favor
of that ground. On this occasiop, I stand upon the ground. In regard to com
promises, which has been adopted by the country. Then, when the senator tells
me that the north did pol altogether, wlllipgly apd unanimously, consent to the
compromise of 1820, I agree to It ; but I have been overborne In the country,
on the ground that if one Portherp map carried with him a majority of Con
gress he bouud the whole Porth. Apd so I hold Ip regard to tbe compromise
of 1820, that II was carried by a vole which has beep held by the south and by
the honorable senator from Illinois lo bind the porth. The south having re
ceived their copslderallon and equivaleut, I oply hold him, upou his own doc-
tripe apd the doctripe of the south, bound to stand to It. That is all I have to
say upon that point.
A few words more will cover all that I have to say about what the honorable
senator may say hereafter as to the north repudiating this contract. When I
was absent, I understood the senator alluded to the fact that my name appeared
upon an appeal which was issued by the honorable senator from Ohio, and some
other members of Congress, lo the people, on the subject of this bill. Upon
that point il has been my intention throughout to leave to tbe honorable senator
from Illinois, and those who act with him, whatever there is of merit, and
whatever there is of responsibility for the present measure, and for all the agi
tation and discussion upon il. Therefore as soon as I found, when I returned
to the Capitol, that my name was on that paper, I caused, it to to be made
known and published, as fully and extensively as I could, that I had never
been consulted in regard to it ; that I know nothing about it ; and that tho
merit of the measure, as well as the responsibility, belonged lo the honorable
senator from Ohio, and those who co-operated with him ; and that I bad never
seen the paper on which he commented ; nor have I In any way addressed the
public upon the subject.
Mr. Douglas. I wish to ask the senator from New York a question. If I
understood his remarks when he spoke, and if I understand his speech as pub
lished, he averred that the Missouri compromise was a compact between the
north and the south ; that the norlh performed it on its part ; that it had done
so faithfully for thirty years ; that the south had received all its benefits, and
the moraent these benefits had. been fully realized, the south disavowed the ob
ligations under which it had received them.* Is not that his position ?

379
Mr. Seward. I am not accustomed to answer questions put to me, unless
they are entirely categorical, and placed In such a shape that I may know ex
actly, and have time lo copsider, their whole extent. The honorable senator
from Illinois bas put a very broad question. What I mean to say, however,
and that will answer his purpose, is, that his position, and that the position of
the south Is, that this was a compromise ; and I say that the norlh has never
repudiated that compromise. Indeed, it has never had the power to do so.
Missouri came into the Union, and Arkansas came inlo the Union, under that
compromise; and whatever individuals may have said, whatever individuals,
more or less humble than myself, may have contended, the practical effect is,
that the south has had all that she could get by that compromise, and that the
norlh Is now in the predicament of being obliged to defend what was left to her.
I believe that answers the question.
Mr. Douglas. Now, Mr. President, I choose to bring men directly up to
this point. The senator frora New York has labored in bis whole speech to
make it appear that this was a compact ; that the north had been faithful ; and
that the south acquiesced until she got all its advantages, and then disavowed
and sought to annul it. This he pronounced to be bad faith ; and be made ap
peals about dishonor. The senator from Connecticut [Mr. Smith] did the same
thing, and so did the senator from Massachusetts, [Mr. Sumner,] and tbe sena
tor from Ohio, [Mr. Chase.] That Is the great point to which the whole aboli
tion party are now directing all their artillery in this battle. Now, I propose
to bring them to the point. If this was a corapact, and If what they have said
is fair, or just, or true, who was it that repudiated the compact ?
Mr. Sumner. Mr. President, the senator from Illinois, I know, does not in
tend to misstate my position. That position as announced in the language of
the speech which I addressed to the Senate, and which I no-w hold in my hand,
is, " this is an infraction of solemn obligations, assumed beyond recall by the
south, on the admission of Missouri into the Union as a slave State ; which was
one year after the act of 1820.
Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, I shall come to that ; and I wish to see whe
ther this was an obligation which was assumed " beyond recall." If it was a
compact between the two parties, and one party bas been faithful, it is beyond
recall by the other. If, however, one party has been faithless, what shall we
think of them, if, while faithless, they ask a performance ?
Mr. Seward. Show il.
Mr. Douglas. That Is what I am coming to. I have already stated that, at
the next session of Congress; Missouri presented a oonstilution in conformity
with the act of 1820 ; that the senate passed a joint resolution to admit her ;
and that the .House refused lo admit Missouri In conformity with the alleged
compact, and, I think, on three distinct votes rejecting her.
Mr. Seward. I beg my honorable friend, for I desire to call him so, to answer
me frankly whether he would rather I should say what I have lo say in this
desultory way, or whether he would prefer that I should answer him afterwards;
because it Is -with me a rule in the Senate never to interrupt a gentleman, ex
cept lo help him in bis argument.
Mr. Douglas. I would rather hear the senator now.
Mr. Seward. What I have to say now, and I acknowledge the magnanimity
of. the senator from Illinois in allowing rae to say it, is, that the north stood by
that compact until Missouri came In with a constitution, one article of which
denied to colored citizens of other Stales the equaUty of privileges which were
allowed to all other citizens of the United States, and thep the North Insisted
on the right of colored men to be regarded as citizens, and entitied to the privi
leges and immunities of citizens. Upon that a new compromise was necessary.
I hope I am candid.

380
Mr. Douglas. The senator is candid, I have no doubt, as he understands
the facts ; but I undertake to maintain that the Norlh objected to Missouri be
cause she allowed slavery, and not because of the free-negro clause alone.
Mr. Seward. No, sir.
Mr. Douglas. Now I will proceed lo prove that the North did not object,
solely on account of the free-negro clause ; but that in the House of Represen
tatives at that time, the North objected as well because of slavery In regard lo
free negroes. Here is the evidenoe. In the House of Representatives, on the
12th of February, 1821, Mr. Mallory, of Vermont, raoved to amend the Senate
joint resolution for the admission of Missouri, as follows :
" To amend the said amendment, by striking out all thereof after the word
respects, and inserting the following : -' Whenever the people of the said State^
by a convention, appointed according lo the manner provided by the act to au
thorize the people of Missouri to form a constitution and Stale government, and
for the admission of such State Into the Union on an equal footing with the
original States, and to prohibit slavery in certain territories, approved March 6,
1820, adopt a constitution conformably to the provisions of said act, and shall
IN addition io said provision, further provide, in and by said constitution, that
neither slavery nor involuntary servitude shall ever be allowed in said State of
Missouri, unless inflicted as a punishment for crimes committed against the laws
of said State, whereof tbe party accused sball be duly convicted : Provided,
That the civil condition of those persons who now are held lo service in Mis
souri shall not be affected by this last provision.' "
Here I show, then, that the proposition was made that Missouri should not
come In unless. In addition to complying with the Missouri compromise, so
called, she would go further, and prohibit slavery within the limits of the State.
Mr. Seward. Now, then, for the vote.
Mr, Douglas. The vote was taken by yeas and nays. I hold it In my hand.
Sixty-one northern men voted for that amendment, and thirty-thr9e against it.
Thus the North, by a vote of nearly two lo one, expressly repudiated a solemn
compact upon the very matter in controversy, to wit : that slavery, should not
be prohibited in the State of Missouri.
Mr. Weller. Let the senator from New York answer that.
Mr. Douglas. I should like to hear his answer.
Mr. Seward. I desire, if I shall be obtrusive by speaking In this way, that
senators will at once signify, or that any senator will signify that I am obtru
sive. But I make these explantions in this way, for the reason that I desire to
give the honorable senator from IlUnois the privilege of bearing my answer to
him as he goes along. It is simply this : That this doctrine of compromises is,
as il has been held, that if so many northern men shall go with so many south
ern raen as to fix the law, then It binds the north and south alike. I there
fore have but one answer to make : that the vote for the restriction was less
than the northern vole which was given against the whole compromise.
Mr. Douglas. Well, now, we come lo this point : We have been told, during
this debate, that you must not judge of the norlh by the minority, but by her
majority. You have been told that the minority, who stood by the Constitution
and the rights of the south, were dough-faces.
Mr. Seward. I haye not said so. I will not say so.
Mr. Douglas. You have all said so In your speeches, and you have asked us
to take the majority of the north.
Mr. Seward. I spoke of the practical fact. I never said anything about
dough-faces. Mr. Douglas. You have asked us to take the majority instead of the mi
nority. Mr. Seward. The majority of the country.

381
Mr. Douglas. I am talking of the majority of the northern vote.
Mr. Seward. No, sir.
Mr. Douglas. I hope the senator will hear me. I wish to call him to the
issue. I stated that the norlh in tbe Housc of Representatives voted against
admitting Missouri inlo the Union under the act of 1820, and caused the defeat
of that measure; and he said that they voted against it on the ground of the
free-negro clause in her constitution, and not upon the ground of slavery.
Now, I have shown by the evidence that il was upon the ground of Slavery, as
well as upon the other ground; and that a majority Of the north required not
only that Missouri should comply with the compact of 1820, so called, but that
she should go further, and give up the whole consideratiop which the senator
says the south received from the north for the Missouri coraproraise. The
compact, he says, was that in consideration of slavery being permitted in Mis
souri, it should be prohibited in the Territories. After having procured the
prohibition In the Territories, the north, by a majority of her votes, refused lo
admit Missouri as a slaveholding State, and, in violation of the alleged com
pact, required her to prohibit slavery as a further copditiop of her admission.
This repudiation of the alleged compact by the north is recorded by yeas and
nays, sixty-one lo thirty-three, and entered upon the Journal, as an imperisha
ble evidence of the fact. With this evidence before us, against whom should
the charge of perfidy be preferred ?
Sir, if this was a compact, what must be thought of those who violated It
almost immediately after it was formed ? I say it was a calumny upon the norlh
to say that it was a compact. I should feel a fiush of shame upon my cheek,
as a northern man. If I were to say that It was a compact, and that the section
of the country to which I belong received the consideration, and then repudiated
the obligation in eleven raonths after it was entered into. , I deny that it was
a compact in any sense of the term. But if it was, tbe record proves that faith
was not observed ; that the contract was never carried into effect ; that after the
north had procured the passage of the act prohibiting slavery in the Territories,
with a raajority in the House large enough lo prevent its repeal, Missouri was
refused admission into the Union as a slaveholding Stale, in conformity with
the act of March 6, 1820. If the propositiop be correct, as coptended for by
the opponents of this bill, that there was a solemn compact between the north
and south that, in consideration of the prohibition of slavery in the Territories,
Missouri was to be admitted ipto tbe Union In conformity with the act of 1820,
that compact was repudiated by the north and rescinded by the joipt action of
the two parties within twelve months from its date. Missouri was never ad
mitted under tbe act of the 6th of March, 1820. She was refused admission
under that act. She was voted out of the Union by northern Voles, notwith
standipg the stipulation that she should be received ; and, in consequence of
these facts, a new compromise was rendered necessary, by the. terms of whioh
Missouri was lo be admitted into the Union conditionally — admitted on a condi
tion not embraced In the act of 1820, and. In addition, to a full compUance with
all the provisions of« said. act. If, then, the act of 1820, by the eighth section
of which slavery was prohibited in the Territories, was a compact, il is clear lo
the comprehension of every fair-minded man that the refusal of the north lo
admit Missouri, in compliance with its stipulations, and without further condi
tions, Imposes upon us a high moral obUgation to remove. the prohibition of
slavery in the Territories, since it has been shown to have been procured upon
a condition never performed.
Mr. President, inasmuch as the senator from New York has taken great pains
to Impress upon the publio mind of the north the convletion that the act of
1820 was a solemn compact, the violation or repudiation of which by either
party involves perfidy and dishonour, I wish to call the attention of that senator
[Mr. Seward] to the fact, that his own State waa the first to repudiate the

382
compact and to Instruct her senators in Congress not to admit Missouri into the
Union in compliance with il, nor unless slavery should be prohibited in the
State of Missouri.
Mr. Seward. That is so.
Mr. Douglas. I bave the resolutions before me, in the printed Journal of
tbe Senate. The senator from New York is familiar with the fact, and frankly
admits it :
State of New York, 1
In Assembly," November, 13, 1820. |
" Whereas the legislature of this Slate, at the last session, did instruct their
senators and request their representatives In Congress to oppose the admission,
as a State, Into the Union, of any territory not comprised within the original
boundaries of the United Stales, without making the prohibition of slavery
therein an indispensable condition of admission ; and whereas this legislature is
impressed with the correctness of the sentiments so communicated to our sena
tors and representatives : Therefore —
"Resolved, (if the honorable the Senate concur herein,) That this legislature
does approve of tbe principles contained in the resolutions of the last session ;
and further, if the provisions contained' in any proposed constitution of a new
State deny to any citizens of the existing States the privileges and immunities
of citizens of such new Stale, that such proposed constitution should not be
accepted or confirmed ; the same, in the opinion of this legislature, being void
by the Constitution of the United Slates. And that our senators be instructed,
and our representatives in Congress be requested, to use their utmost exertions
to prevent the acceptance and confirmation of any such constitution."
It will be seen by these resolutions, that at the previous session the New
York legislature had "instructed" the senators from that State " to oppose
THE ADMifSioN, AS A State, INTO THE Union OF ANY TERRITORY not com
prised within the original boundaries of the United States, without making
THE PROHIBITION OF SLAVERY THEREIN AN INDISPENSABLE CONDITION OP AD
MISSION." These instructions are not confined lo territory north of 36° 30'. They apply,
and were intended to apply, to the whole country wesl of the Mississippi, and
to all territory which might hereafter be acquired. They deny the right of
Arkansas to admission as a slaveholding Slate, as well as Missouri. They lay
down a general principle to be applied and insisted upon everywhere, and In all
cases, and under all circumstances. These resolutions were first adopted prior
to the passage of the act of March 6, 1820, which the senator now chooses to
call a compact. But they were renewed and repeated on the 13th of Novem
ber 1820, a little more than eight months after the adoption of the Missouri
compromise, as Instructions lo the New York senators to resist the admission of
Missouri as a slaveholding State, notwithstanding the stipuktions in the alleged
compact. Now, let me ask the senator from New York by what authority he
declared and published in his speech that the aot of 1820, was a compact which
could not be violated or repudiated without a sacrifice of honour, justice, and
good faith. Perhaps he will shelter himself behind the resolutions of his
Slate, which he presented this session, branding this bill as a violation of plighted
faith. Mr. Seward. Will the senator allow me a word of explanation ?
Mr. Douglas. Certainly, with a great deal of pleasure.
Mr. Seward. I wish simply to say that the Slate of New York, for now
thirty years, has refused to make any compact on any terms by whioh a conces
sion should be made for the extension of slavery. But, by the practical action

383
of the Congress of the United States, compromises have been made, which, it
is held by the honorable senator from Illinois and by the south, bind her against
her consent and approval. And therefore she stands throughout thi? whole
matter upon the same ground — always refusing to enter into a compromise,
always insisting upon the prohibition of slavery within the Territories of the
United States. But, on this occasion, we stand bere with a contract which has
stood for thirty years, notwithstanding our protest and dissent, and in which
there is nothing left lo be fulfilled except that part yrhich is to be beneficial to
us. All the rest has been fulfilled, and we stand here with our old opinions on
the whole subject of compromises, demanding fulfillment on the part the south,
which the honorable senator from Illinois on the present occasion represents.
Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, the senator undoubtedly speaks for himself
very frankly and very candidly.
Mr. Seward. Certainly I do.
Mr. Douglas. But I deny that op this point he speaks for the State of New
York. Mr. Seward. We shall see.
Mr, Douglas. I will stale the reasop why I say so. He has presepted here
resolutiops of the State of New York which have beep adopted this year, de
claring the act of March 6, 1820, to be a "solemn compact."
I read from the second resolution :
" But at the same time duty to themselves and to the other States of the
Union demands that when an effort is making to violate a solemp compact,
whereby the political power of the State and the privileges as well as tbe ho
nest sentiments of its cilizens will be jeoparded apd ipvaded, they should raise
their voice in protesfagalnst the threatened infraction of their rights, and de
clare that the negation or repeal by Congress of the Missouri compromise will
be regarded by them as a violatiop of right and of faith, apd destructive of
that confidence and regard wbich should attach to the enactments of the fede
ral legislature."
Mr. President, I cannot let the senator off on the plea that I, fbr tbe sake of
the argument, in reply to him and other opponents of this bill, have called it a
compact ; or that the south have called it a compact ; or that other friends of
Nebraska have called it a compact which has been violated and rendered inva
lid. He and his abolition confederates' bave arraigned me for a violation of a
compact, which, they say. Is binding In morals. In conscience and honor. I
have shown that tbe legislature of New York, at its present session, has de
clared Il to be " a solemn compact," and that its repudiation would " be regard
ed by them as a violation of right, and of faith, and destructive of confidence,
and regard." I have also shown, that if It be such a compact, the Stale of
New York stands self-condemned and self-convicted as the first to repudiate
and violate it.
But since tbe senator has chosen to make an issue with me in respect to the
action of New York, with the view of condemniug my conduct here, I will in
vite the attention of the senator to another portion of these resolutions. Re
ferring to the fourteenth section of the Nebraska bUl, the legislature of New
York says :
" That the adoption of this provision would be in derogation of the truth, a
gross violation of plighted faith, and an outrage and indignity upon the free
States of the Union, whose assent has been yielded to the admission into the
Union of Missouri and Arkansas, with slavery, in reliance upon the faithful
observance of the provision now sought to be abrogated known as the Missouri
compromise, whereby slavery was declared to be ' forever prohibited in all that
territory ceded by France to the United States, under the name of Lousiana,

384
which lies north of 36° 30' norlh latitude, not included within the limits of
the State of Missouri."
I have no comments to make upon the courtesy, and propriety exhibited in
thjs legislative declaration, that a provision in a bill, reported by a regular
committee of the Senate of the United Stales, and known to be approved by
three-fourths of the body, and which has since received the sanclicn of their
votes, is " in derogation of truth, a gross violation of plighted faith, and an
' outrage and indignity," &c. The opponents of this measure claim a monopoly
of all the courtesies and amenities, which should be observed among gentlemen,
and especially in the performance of official duties ; and I am free to say that
tbis i-> one of the mildest arid most respectful forms of expression in which they
haye indulged. But there is a declaration in this resolution to which I wish to
Invite tbe particular attention of the Senate and the country. Il is the distinct
allegation that " the free States of the Union," including New York, yielded
their "assent to the admission into thc Union of Missouri and Arkansas, with
slavery. In reliance upon the faithful observance of the provision known as the
Missouri compromise."
Now, sir, since the legislature of New York has gone out of its way to ar
raign the State on matters of truth, I will demonstrata that this paragraph con
tains two material statements in direct " derogation of truth." I have already
shown, beyond controversy, by the records of the legislature, and by the jour
nals of the Senate, that New York never did give her assent to the admission
of Missouri with slavery ! Hence, I must be permitted to say, in the polite
language of her own resolutions, that the statement that New York yielded her
assent to the admission of Missouri with slavery is in " derogation of truth !"
and, secondly, the statement that such assent was given "in reliance upon the
faithful observance of the Missouri compromise" is equaUy " in derogation of
truth," New York never assented to the admission of Missouri as a slave
State, never assented to what she now calls the Missouri compromise, never ob
served its stipulations as a compact, never has been wilUng to carry It out;
but on the contrary has always resisted II, as I have demonstrated by her own
records, Mr. President, I have before me other journals, records, and Instructions,
which prove that New York was not the only free Slate that repudiated the
Missouri compromi.se of 1820 within twelve months from Its date. I will not
occupy the time of tbe Senate at this late hour of the night by referring to
|;hcm, unless some opponent of the bill renders II necessary. In that event, I
may be able lo place other senators and tbeir States In the same unenviable
position in which the senator from New York has found himself and his State.
I think I have shown, that to call the act of the 6th of March 1820 a com
pact, binding in honor, is to charge the northern States of this Union with an
act of perfidy unparalleled in the history of legislation or of civilization. I
have already adverted to the facts, that In the summer of 1820 Missouri formed
her constitution, in conformity with the act of the 6th of March ; that it was
presented to Congress at the next session; that the senate passed a joint resolu
tion declaring her lo be one of the States of the Union, on an equal footing
with the original States; and that the house of representallves rejected it, and
refused to allow her to come into the Union, because her constitution did not
prohibit slavery.
These facts created the necessity for a new compromise, the old one having
failed of its object, whicb was to bring Missouri inlo tbe Union. At this pe-'
riod in the order of events — in February 1821 — when the excitement waa
almost beyond restraint, and a great fundamental principle, involving the right
of the people of the new States to regulate their own domestic institutions, wag
diyiding the Union into two great hostile parties — Henry Clay, of Kentucky,

385
came forward with a new compromise, which had the effect to chapge the issue
and make the result of the controversy turn upon a different point. He brought
in a resolution for the admission of Missouri into the Union, not in pursuance
of thc act of 1820, not in obedience to the understanding when it was adopted,
and not with her constitution as it had been formed in conformity with that act,
but he proposed to admit Missouri into the Union upon a "fundamental condi
tion," wbich condition was lo be in the nature of a solemn compact between
the Upited States on the one part and the State of Missouri on the other part,
and to which "fundamental condition" the State of Missouri was required to
declare her assent in the form of a " soleran public act." This joint resolution
passed, and was approved March 2, 1821, and is known as Mr. Clay's Missouri
compromise, in contradiction to that of 1820, which was introduced into
the Senate by Mr. Thomas, of IlUnois. In the month of June, 1821, the leg
islature of Missouri assembled and passed the " solemn public act," and fur
nished an authenticated copy thereof to the President of the United States, In
compliance with Mr, Clay's compromise, or joint resolution. On August 10,
182i, James Monroe, President of the United States, issued his proclamation, in
which, after reciting the fact that on the 2d of March, 1821, Congress had
passed a joint resolution " providing for the admission of the State of Missouri
into the Union, on a certain condition ;" and that the general assembly of Mis
souri, on the 26th of June, having, "by a solemn public act, declared the as
sent of said State of Missouri to the fundaraental condition contained in said
joint resolution," anJ having furnished hira with an authentic copy thereof, he,
" In pursuance of the resolution of Congress aforesaid," declared the admission
of Missouri to be complete.
I do not deem it necessary to discuss the question whether the conditions
upon which Missouri was admitted were wiso or unwise. It is sufficient for my
present purpose to remark, that the "fundamental condition" of her admission
related to certain clauses in the constitution of Missouri in respect to the mi
gration of free negroes inlo that State; clauses similar to those now in force in
the constitutions of Illinois and Indiana, and perhaps other States; clauses sim
ilar to the provisions of law in force at that time in many of the old States of
the Union; and, I will add, clauses which, in my opinion, Missouri had a right
to adopt under ,the Constitution of the United States, It is no answer to this
pOwsition to say, that those clauses in the constitution of Missouri were in viola
tion of the Constitution. If they did not confiict with the Constitution of the
United States, they were void ; if they were not in conflict, Missouri had a right
to put thera there, and to pass all laws necessary to carry them Inlo effect.
Whether such conflict did exist is a question which, by the Constitution, can
pnly be determined autihoritatively by the Supreme Court of the United States.
Congress is not the appropriate an^ competent tribunal to adjudicate and deter
mine questions of conflict between the constitution of a State and that of the
United States. Had Missouri been admitted without any condition or restric
tion, she would have bad an opportunity of vindicating her constitution- and)
rights in the Supreme Cour{ — the tribunal created by the Constitution for that
purpose. By the condition Imposed on Missouri, Congress not- only deprived that State
of a right which she believed she possessed under the Constitution of the
United Stales, but denied ber the privilege of vindicating that right in the
appropriate apd copstitutional tribuuals, by compelling her, " by a solemp pub
lic act," lo give an irrevocable pledge never lo exercise or claim the right..
Therefore Missouri came in under a hamiUalIng oondition — a condition not Im
posed by the Constitution of the United States, and which destroys the princi
ple of equality which should exist, and by the Constitution does exist, bei-
tween all the Slates of this Union This inequality resulted from Mr, Clay's
compromise of 1821, and is the principle upon whioh that compromise was

386.
constructed. I own that the act is couched In general terms and vague phrases
and therefore may possibly be so construed as not to deprive the State of any
right she might possess under the Constitution. Upon that point I wish only
to say, that such a construction makes the " fundamental condition" void,
while the opposite construction would demonstrate It to be nnconslllutional. I
have before me the " solemn public act" of Missouri to this fundamental con
dition. Whoever will take the trouble to read it will find it the richest speci
men of irony and sarcasm that has ever been incorporated inlo a solemn public
act. Sir, in view of these facts I desire to call the attention of the senator from
New York to a statement in his speech, upon whicb the greater part of his ar
gument rested. His statement was, and it is now being published in every
abolition paper, and repeated by the whole tribe of abolition orators and lectu
rers, that Missouri was admitted as a slaveholding State, under the act of 1820 ;
while I have shown, by tbe President's proclamation of August 10, 1821, that
she, was admitted in pursuance of the resolution of March 2, 1821. Thus Itis
shown that the material point of his speech is contradicted by the highest evi
dence — the record in the case. Tbe sam.e statement, I believe, was made by
the senator from Connecticut [Mr. Smith] and the senators from Ohio [Mr.
Chase and Mr. Wade] and the senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner.]
Each of these senators made and repeated this statement, and upon the strength
of this erroneous assertion called upon us to carry into effect the eighth section
of the same act. The material fact upon which their arguments rested being
overthrown, of course their conclusions are erroneous and deceptive.
Mr. Seward. I hope the Senator will yield for a moment, because I have
never had so rauch respect for hira as I have to-night.
Mr, Douglas. I see what course I have to pursue in order to command the
Senator's respect. I know now how to gel il. [Laughter.]
Mr. Seward. Any man who meets meets me boldly commands my respect.
I say that Missouri would not bave been admitted at all into the Union by the
United States except upon tbe coraproraise of 1820. When that point was
settled about the restriction of slavery. It was settled In tbis way ; that she
should come in with slavery,, and that all the rest of the Louisiana purchase,
which Is now known as Nebraska, should be forever free from slavery. Missouri
adopted a constitution, which was thought by the northern States to infringe
upon the right of citizenship guarantied by tbe Constitution of the United
States, which was a new point altogether; and upon that point debate was held
and upon it a new compromise was made, and Missouri carae into the Union
upon the agreeraent that, in regard to that question, she submitted to the 'Con
stitution of the United States, and so she was admitted Into the Union.
Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, I must remind the senator again that I have
already proven that he was In error In stating that the north objected to thc ad
mission of Missouri merely on account of the free negro clause in her consti
tution; I have proven by the vote that tbe north objected to her admission
because sbe tolerated slavery; this objection was sustained by the norlh by a
vote of nearly two to one. He cannot shelter himself, therefore, under the free
negro dodge, so long as there Is a distinct vote of the north objecting to her admis
sion ; because, in addition to complying with the act of 1820, she did not also
prohibit slavery, which was the only consideration that the south wag to have
for agreeing to the prohibition of slavery In the Territories. Then, having de
prived the senator, by conclusive evidence from the records, of that pretext,
what do I drive him to ? I compel him to acknowledge that a new compromise
was made.
Mr. Seward.. Certainly there was.
Mr. Douglas. Then, I ask, why was it made ? Because the north would
not carry out the first one. And the best evidence that the north did not carry

387
out the first oue is the senator's admission that the south was compelled to sub
mit to a new one. Then, if there was a new compromise made, did Mis
souri come in under the new one or the old one.
Mr. Seward. Under both.
Mr. Douglas. This is the first time, in this debate, if has been Intimated
that Mlsisouri came in under two acts of Congress. The senator did not allude
to tbe resolution of 1821 in his speech; none of the opponents of this bill have
said It. But il is now adraitted that she did not come into the Union under
the act of 1820 alone. She bad been voted out under the first compromise, and
this vote compelled her to make a new one, and she camo in under the new one;
and yet the senator from New York, In bis speech, declared to the world that
she came in under the first one. This is not an immaterial question. His
whole speech rests upon that misapprehension or misstatement of the record.
Mr. Seward. You had better say misapprehension.
Mr. Douglas. Very well.- We will call II by that name. His whole argu
ment depends upon thai misapprehension. After stating that the act of 1820
was a compact, and that the north performed its part of il In good faith, he ar
raigns the friends of this bill for proposing to annul the eighth section of
the act of 1820 without first turning Missouri out of the Union, In order
that slavery may be abolished therein by the act of Congress. He says to us,
in substance : " Gentlemen, if you are going lo rescind the compact, have res
pect for that great law of morals, of honesty, and of conscience, which compels
you flrst to surrender the consideration which you have received 'under the com
pact.' " I concur with him in regard lo the obligation to restore consideration
when a contract is rescinded. And, inasmuch as the prohibition In the Terri
tories riorth of 36° 80' was obtained, according to his own stateraent, by an
agreement to admit Mis,sourI as a slaveholding State on an equal footing with
the original States, "iri all respects whatsoever," as specified In the first section
of the act of 1820 ; and. Inasmuch as Missouri was refused admission under
said act, and was compelled lo subrait to a new compromise in 1821, and was
then received into the Union on a fundamental condition of inequiility, I call
on him and his abolitiop confederates lo restore the consideration which they
have received, in the shape of a prohibition of slavery north of 36° 80', under
a compromise which they repudiated, and refused to carry into effect. I call
on them to correct tbe erroneous statement in respect lo the admission of Mis
souri, and to make a restitution of the consideration by votirig for this bill. I
repeal, that this is not an immaterial statement. It is the point upon which
the aboUtionisls rest their whole arguraent. They could not get up a show of
pretext against the great principle of self-government Involved in this bill. If
they could not repeat all the time, as the senator from New York, did in his
speech, that Missouri came inlo the Union with slavery, in conformity to the
compact which was made by tbe act of 1820, and that the south, having re
ceived the consideration, is now trying to cheat the norlh out of her part of the
benefits. I have proven that, after abolitionism had gained its point so far as
the eighth section of the act prohibited slavery in the Territory, Missouri was
denied admission by northern votes until she entered into a compact by which
she was understood to surrender an important right now exercised by several
States of the Union.
Mr. President I did iiot wish to refer to these things. I did pot uudersland
them fully in all their hearings at tbe lime I made my first speech on this sub
iect ¦ and so far as I was famiUar with thera, I made as little reference to them
as was consistent with my duty; because It was a mortifying reflection to me,
as a'Nortbern man, that we had not been able, In consequence of the abolition
excitement at the time, to avoid the appearance of bad faith In' the observance
of legislation which has been denominated a compromise. ' There were a few
men then, as 'there are now, who had the moral courage to perform their duty

388
to the country and the Constitution, regardless of consequences personal to
themselves. There were ten Northern men who dared to perform their duly by
voting to admit Missouri into the Union on an equal footing with the original
States, and with no other restriction than that iraposed by the Constitution, I
ara aware that they were abused and denounced as we are now ; that they were
branded as dough-faces, traitors to freedom, and to the section of the country
whence they come,
Mr, Geyer. They honored Mr. Lanman, of Connecticut, by burning him in
effigy. Mr. Douglas. Yes, sir; these Abolitionists honored Mr. Lanman in Connec
ticut just as they are honoring me in Boston, and other places, by burning me
in effigy.
Mr. Cass. Il will do you no harm.
Mr. Douglas. Well, sir, I know il will not; but why this burning In effigy?
It Is the legitimate consequences of the address which was sent forth to the
world by certain Senators whom I denominated, on a former occasion, as the
AboUtion confederates. The Senator from Ohio presented here the other day
a resolution — he says unintentionally, and I take it so — declaring that every
Senator who advocated this bill was a traitor to his country, to* humaoily, and
to God; and even he seeraed to be shocked al the results of his own advice
when it was exposed. Yet he did not seem to know that it was, in substance,
what he had advised in his address, over his own signature, when he called upon
the people to assemble, in public meetings apd thupder forth their indignation
al the criminal betrayal of precious rights; when he appealed lo ministers of
the gospel lo desecrate their holy calling, and attempted to Inflame passions,
and fanaticism, and prejudice against Senators who would not consider them
selves very highly complimented by being called bis equals ? And yet, when
the natural consequences of his own action and advice come back upon him, and
he presents them here, and is called lo an account for the indecency of the act,
he professes his profound regret and surprise that anything should have occur
red which could possibly be deemed unkind or disrespectful to any member of
this body !
Mr. Sumner. I rise merely to correct thc Senator In a statement In regard
to myself, to the effect that I had said that Missouri came into tbe Union under
the act of 1820, instead of the act of 1821. I forebore to designate any parti
cular act under which Missouri came inlo the Union, but simply asserted, aa
the result of the long controversy with regard to her admission, and as the end
of the whole transaction, that she was received as a slave State; and that on
being so received, whether sooner or later, whether under the act of 1820 or
1821, the obligations of the compact were fixed — irrevocably fixed — so far as
the South is concerned.
Mr. Douglas. The Senator's explanation does not help him at all. He sayS
he did not state under what act Missouri carae in ; but he did say, as I under
stood him, that the act of 1820 was a compact, and that, according to that com
pact, Missouri was lo come in with slavery, provided slavery should be prohi
bited in certain territories, and did come in in pursuance of the compact. He
no'ff uses the word " compact." To what compact does he allude ? Is It not to
the act of 1820 ? If he did not, what becomes of bis conclusion that the 8th
section of that act Is irrepealable ? He will not venture to deny that his refer
ence was to the act of 1820. Did he refer to the joint resolution of 1821, un
der which Missouri was admitted ? If so, we do not propose to repfeal it. We
admit that It was a compact, and that Its obligations are irrevocably fixed. Bat
that»joint resolution does not prohibit slavery In the territories. The Nebraska
bill docs not propose to repeal it, or impair its obligations in any way. Then,
sir, why not take back your correction, and admit that you did raean the act of
1820, when you spoke of irrevocable obligations and compacts ? Assuming,

389
then, that the Senator meant what he Is now unwilling either to admit or deny,
even while professing to correct me, that Missouri came in under the act of
1820, I aver that I have proven that she did not come into the Union under
that act. I have proven that she was refused admission under that alleged
compact. I have, therefore, proven incontestibly that the material statement
upon which his argument rests is wholly without foundation, and unequivocaUy
contradicted by the record.
Sir, I believe I may say tbe same of every speech wbich has been made
against the bill, upon the grouud that it Impaired the obligation of compacts.
There has not been an argument against the measure, every word of which in
regard lo the faith of compacts is not contradicted by the pubUc records. What
I complain of is this-: The people may think that a Senator, having the laws
and journals befote bim, to which he could refer, would not make a statement
In contravention of those records. They make the people believe these things,
and cause them to do great injustice to others, under the delusion that they
have been wronged, and their feelings outraged. Sir, this address did for a
time mislead the whole country. It made the Legislature of New York be
lieve that the act of 1820 was a compact which il would be disgraceful to vio
late; and, acting under that delusion, they framed a series of resolutions, which,
if true and just, convict that State of an act of perfidy and treachery unparal
led in the history of free governments. You see, therefore, the consequences
of these misstatements. You degrade your own State, and Induce tho peeple,
under the Impression that they have been Injured, to gel up a violent crusade
against those whose fidelity and truthfulness will In the end command their re
spect and admiration. In consequence of arousing passions and prejudices, I
am now. to be found in effi.gy, hanging by the neck, in all the towns where you
have the influence to produce such a result. In all these,- excesses, the people
are yielding to an honest impulss, under the Impression that a grievous wrong
has been perpetrated. You have had your day of triumph. You have suc
ceeded in directing upon the heads of others a torrent of insult and calumny
from which even you shrink with horror, when the fact is exposed that you
have become the conduits for conveying it Into this hall. In your State, sir,
(addressing himself to Mr, Chase,) I find that I am burnt In effigy in your abo
lition towns. All this is done because I have proposed, as it is said, to violate
a compact ! Now, what will those people think of you when they find out that
you have stimulated them to these acts, which are disgraceful to your State, dis
graceful to your party, and disgraceful to your cause, under a misrepresentation
of the facts, which misrepresentation you ought to have been aware of, and
should never have been made ?
Mr. Chase. Will the Senator from Illinois permit me to say a few words ?
Mr. Douglas. Certainly.
Mr. Chase. Mr. President, I certainly regret that anything has occurred In
my State which should be otherwise than in accordance with the disposition
which I trust I have ever manifested to treat the Senator from-^lUnois with en
tire courtesy. I do not wish, however, to be understood, here -or elsewhere, as
retracting any statement whicb I have raade, or being unwilling lo reassert that
statement when it is directly impeached. I regard "the admission of Missouri,
and the facts of tbe transaction connected with II, as constituting a corapact be-^
tween the two sections of the country ; a part of which was fulfilled in the ad
mission of Missouri, another part in the admission of Arkansas, and other parts
of which have been fulfilled in the admission of Iowa, and the organization of
Minnesota but wbich yet remains to be fulfilled in respect lo the Territory of
Nebraska and which, In my judgment, will be violated by the repeal of the
Missouri prohibition. That is my judgment. I have no quarrel with. Senators
who differ with me ; but upon tbe whole facts of tbe transaction, however, I
have not changed my opinion at all, in consequence of what has been said by the

390
honorable Senator from IlUnois. I say that the fads of the transaction, taken,
together, and as understood by the country for more than thirty years, consti
tute a compact binding in moral force; though, as I have always said, be
ing embodied in a legislative act, it may be repealed by Congress, if Congress
see fit.
Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, I am sorry that the Senator from Ohio bas re
peated the statement that Missouri came in under the corapact which he says
was raade by the act of 1820. How many tiraes have I to disprove the state
ment? Poes not the vote to which I have referred show that such was not the
case? Does not the fact that there was a necessity for a new compromise show
it ? Have I not proved it three times over ? and is it possible that the Senator
from Ohio will repeat it in the face of the record, with the vote staring him in
the face, and with the evidence which I have produced ? Does he suppose that
he can make his own people believe that bis statement ought to be credited In
opposition to the solemn record ? I ara araazed that the Senator should repeat
the stateraent again unsustained by the fact, by the record, and by tbe evidence,
and overwhelraed by the whole current and weight of the testimony which I
have produced.
The Senator says, also, that he never intended to do me, injustice, and he Is
sorry that the people of bis State have acted in the manner to which I have re
ferred. Sir, did he not say, in the sarae documept lo which I have already al
luded, that I was eugaged, with others, in " a criminal betrayal of precious
rights," in an "atrocious plot?" Did he not say that I and others were guilty
of meditated bad faith ?" Are not these bis exact words ? Did he not say that
" servile demagogues" might make the people believe certain things, or aitempt
to do so ? Did he not say everything calculated to produce and bring upon my
head all the insults to which I have been subjected publicly and privately — not
even excepting the insulting letters whicb I bave received from bis constituents,
rejoicing at my domestic bereavements, and praying that other and similar cala
mities may befal me ? All these have resulted from that address. I expected
such consequences when I first saw it. In il be called upon the preachers of
the Gospel to prostitute the sacred desk in stimulating excesses ; and then, for
fear that the people would not know who it was that was lo be insulted and
calumniated, he told them, in a postcripl, that Mr. Douglas was the author-of
all this iniquity, and that they ought not to allow their rights lo be made the
hazard of a presidential game ! After having used such language, he says he
meant no disrespect — he meant nothing unkind ! He was amazed that I said
in my Opening speech that there was anything offensive in this address; and he
could not sufier himself to use har.-ih epithets, or to impugn a gentleman's mo
tives ! No ! not he ! After haying deliberately written all these Insults, Im
pugning motive and character, and calling upon our holy religion to sanctify
tbe calumny, he could not think of losing his dignity by bandying epithets, or
using harsh and disrespectful terms I
Mr. President, I expected all that has occurred, and more than has come, as
the legitimate result of that address. The things to which I referred are the
natural consequences of It. The only revenge I seek Is to expose the authors,
and leave them lo bear, as best they may, the just indignation of an honest
community, when the people discover how their sympathies and feelings have
been outraged, by making them the instruments in performing such desperate
acts. Sir, even in Boston I have been hung In effigy. I may say that I expected
it to occur even there, for the Senator from Massachusetts lives there. He
signed his name to that address ; and for fear the Boston Abolitionists would
not know that It was he, he signed it " Charles Sumner, Senator from Massa
chusetts." The first outrage was In Ohio, where the address was circulated un
der the signature of " Salmon P. Chase, Senator from Ohio." The next came

391
froni Boston — the same Boston, sir, which, under the direction of the same
leaders, closed Fanueil Hall to the immortal Webster in 1850, because of his
support of tbe compromise measures of that year, which all now confess have
restored peace and harmony to a distracted country. Yes, sir, even Boston, so
glorious in her early history — Boston, around whose name so many historical
associations cUng, lo gratify the heart and exalt the pride of every Araerican —
could be led astray by Abolition misrepresentations so far as lo deny a hearing
to her own great man, who had shed so much glory upon Massachusetts and her
metropolis ! I know that Boston now feels humiliated and degraded by the act.
And, sir, (addressing himself to Mr. Sumner,) you will remeraber that when
you came into the Senate, and sought an opportunity to put forth your Aboli
tion ipcendlarism, you appealed to our sense of justice by the seutiraent, " Strike,
but hear me first." But when Mr. Webster went back In 1850 to speak to bis
constituents in his own self-defence, to tell the truth, and to expose his slander
ers, you would not hear him, but you struck flrst!
Again, sir, even Boston, with her Fanueil Hall consecrated to liberty, was so
far led astray - by abolitionism, that when one of her gallant sons, gallant by
his own glorious deeds, inheriting a heroic revolutionary name, had given his
life to his couutry upon the bloody field of Buena Vista, and when his remains
were brought home, even that Boston, under abolition guidance and abolition
preaching, denied him a decent burial, because he lost his life in vindicating
his country's honor upop the southern froutier ! Evep the name of Lincoln,
and the deeds of Lincoln, could not secure for him a decent interment, because
abolitionism follows a patriot beyond the grave. [Applause In the galleries,]
The presiding officer, Mr, Mason, in the chair. Order m-ust be preserved.
Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, with these- facts before me, how could I hope
to escape the fate which had followed these great and good men ? While I had
no right to hope that I might be honored as they had been under abolition aus
pices, have I not a right to be proud of the distinction and the association ? Mr.
President, I regret these digressions. I have not been able to follow the line of
argument which I had marked out for myself, because of tbe many interruptions.
I do not complain of them. It is fair that gentlemen should make thera, inasmuch
as they have not the opportunity of replying ; hence I have yielded the floor,
and propose to do so cheerfully whenever any senator intimates that justice to
him or his position requires him to say anything in reply.
Returning lo the point from which I was diverted.
I think I have shown that, if the act of 1826, called the Missouri compro
mise, was a compact, it was violated and repudiated by a solemn vote of the
House of Representatives in 1821, within eleven months after it was adopted.
It was repudiated by the north by a majority vote, and that repudiation was so
complete and successful as lo compel Missouri to make a new compromise, and
she was brought Into the Union under the new compromise of 1821, and not un
der the act of 1820. This reminds me of another point made in nearly all the
speeches against this bill, and, if I recollect right, was alluded to in the aboli
tion manifesto ; to which, I regret to say, I had occasion to refer so often. I
refer to the significant hint that Mr. Clay was dead before any one dared to
bring forward a proposition to i^ndo the greatest work of his hands. The sena
tor from New York [Mr. Seward] has seized upon this insinuation, and elabo
rated perhaps more fully than his compeers ; and now the abolition press sud
denly, and as if by miraculous conversion, teems with eulogies upon Mr. Clay
and his Missouri compromise of 1820.
Now Mr. President, does not each of these senators know that Mr. Clay was
not the' author of the act of 1820 ? Do tbey not know that he disclaimed it in
1850 in this body ? Do they not know that the Missouri restriction did not
originate In the House of which he was a meriiber ? Do they not know that
Mr. Clay neyer oame into the Missouri controversy .as a: compromiser until after

392
the compromise of 1820 was repudiated, and it became necessary to make
another ? I dislike to be compelled to repeat what I have conclusively proven,
that the compromise which Mr. Clay effected was the act of 1821, under which
Missouri came inlo the Union, and not the act of 1820. Mr. Clay made that
coraproraise after you had repudiated the first one. How, then, dare you call
upon the spirit of that great and gallant statesraan to sanction your charge of
bad faith against the south on this question ?
Mr. Seward. Will the senator allow rae a moment ?
Mr, Douglas, Certainly.
Mr. Seward: In the year 1851 or 1852, I think 1851, a medal was struck
in honor of Henry Clay, of gold, which cost a large sum of money, which con
tained eleven acts of the life of Henry Clay. It was presented to him by a
committee of citizens of New York, by whom it had been made. One of the
eleven acts of his life which was celebrated on that medal, whicb he accepted,
was the Missouri compromise of 1820. This is my answer.
Mr. Douglas. Are the words " of 1820" upon it ?
Mr, Seward, It commemorates the Missouri compromise.
Mr. Douglas. Exactly. I have -seen that medal ; and my recollection is
that it does not contain the words " of 1820." One of the great acts of Mr.
Clay was the Missouri compromise, but what Missouri compromise ? Of course
the one which Henry Clay made, the one which he negotiated, the one whieh
brought Missouri inlo the Union, and wbich settled the controversy. That
was the act of 1821, and not tbe act of 1820. It tends lo confirm the
statement which I have made. History is misread and misquoted, and these
statements have been circulated and disseminated broadcast through the coun
try, concealing the truth. Does not the senator know that Henry Clay,
when occupying that seal In 1850, [pointing lo Mr. Clay's chair,] in his
speech of the 6lh of February of that year, said that nothing had struck
him with so much surprise as the fact that historical circumstances soon
passed out of recollection ; and he instanced, as a case in point, the error
of attributing to him thc act of 1820. [?Ir. Seward nodded assent.] The
senator from New York says that he does remember that Mr. Clay did say so.
If so, how Is it, then, that he presumes now- to rise and quote that medal as
evidence that Henry Clay was the author of the act of 1820 ?
Mr. Seward. I answer the senator in this way : that Henry Clay, while he
said he did not disavow or disapprove of that compromise, transferred the merit
of It to others who were more active in procuring it than he, while he had en
joyed the praise and the glory which were due frora il.
Mr. Douglas. To that I have only to say that il cannot be the reason ; for
Henry Clay, in that same speech, did take to himself the merit of the compro
mise of 1821, and hence it could not have been modesty whicb made him disa
vow the other. He said that he did not know whether he had voted for the act
of 1820 or not; but he supposed that he had done so. He furthermore said
that il did not originate in the House Of which he was a member, and that he
never did approve of Its principles ; but that he may have voted, and probably
did vote for il, under the pressure of the circumstances.
Now, Mr. President, as I have been doing justice to Mr. Clay on this ques
tion, perhaps I may as well do justice lo another great man, who was associated
with him In carrying" through the great measures of 1850, which mortified the.
Senator from New York so much, because they defeated his purpose of carrying
on the agitation. I allude to Mr. Webster. The authoriiy of his great name has
been quoted for the purpose of proving that he regarded th6 Missouri act as a
compact — an irrepealable compact. Evidently the distinguished Senator from
Massachusetts (Mr. Everett) supposed he was doing Mr. Webster entire justice
when he quoted tbo passage which he read from Mr. Webster's speech of the
7th of March 1850, when he said that he stood upon the position that eyery

393
part of the American continent was fixed foi; freedom or for slavery by irrepeal
able law.
The Senator says that, by tbe expression " irrepealable law," Mr, Webster
meant lo include the compromise of 1820. Now, I will show that that was not
Mr. Webster's meaning — that he was never guilty of the mistake of saying
that the Missouri act of 1820 was an irrepealable law. Mr, Webster said in
that speech, that every foot of territory in the United States was fixed as to its
character for freedom or slavery by an irrepealable law. He then enquired if
it was not so in regard to Texas ? He went on to prove that it was ; because,
he said, there was a compact in express terms between Texas and the United
States. He said the parties were capable of contracting, and that there was a
valuable consideration ; and hence, he contended, that in that case there was a
contract binding In honor, and morals, and law : and that it was irrepealable
without a breach of faith'.
He went on to sny :
"Now, as to California and New Mexico, I hold slaveryto be excluded frora
those Territories by a law even superior to that which admits and sanctions it
In Texas — I mean the law of nature, of physical geography, the law of the for
mation of the carth."
That was the irrepealable law which he said prohibited slavery In the Terri
tories of Utah and New Mexico. He next went on to speak of the prohibition
of slavery in Oregon, and he said it was an "entirely useless, and, in that con
nexion, senseless proviso."
He went further, and said :
'.' That the whole territory of the States in the United States, or In tbe newly-
acquired territory of the United States, has a fixed and settled character, now
fixed and settled by law, whicb cannot be repealed in the case of Texas without
a violation of public faith and cannot be repealed by any human power in re
gard to California or New Mexico ; that, under one or other of tliese laws, every
¦foot of territory in the States, or in the Territories^ has now received a fixed
and decided character."
What irrepealable laws? "One or the other" of those which be bad stated.
One was the Texas compact, the other the law of nature and physical geogra
phy; and he contended that one or the other fixed the character of the whole
American continent for freedom or for slavery. He never alluded to the Mis
souri compromise, unless it was by the allusion to the Wilmot proviso in tbe
Oregon bill, and there 1« said it was a useless, and, in that connexion, senseless
thing. Why was it a useless and a senseless thing? Because il was re-enact
ing the law of God ; because slavery had already been prohibited by physical
geography. Sir, that was the meaning of Mr. Webster's speech. My distin
guished friend from Massachusetts, (Mr. Everett,) when be reads the speech
again, will be utterly amazed to see how he fell into such an egregious error as
to suppose that Mr. Webster bad so far fallen from his high position as to say
that the Missouri act of 1820 was an irrepealable law.
Mr. Everett. Will the gentieman give way for a moment ?
Mr. Douglas. With great pleasure.
Mr. Everett. What I said on that subject was, that Mr. Webster, In my
opinion, considered the Missouri compromise as of tbe nature of a compact. It
is true 'as the Senator from Illinois has just staled, that Mr. Webster made no
allusion, in express terms, to the subject of the Missouri restrictiou. But I
thought' then, and I think now, that he referred in general terms to that as a
final settiement of the question, in the region to which it appUed. It was not
drawn In question then on either side of the House. Nobody suggested that
it was at slake. Nobody intimated that there was a question before the Senate

394
whether that restriction should be repealed or should remain in force. It was
not distinctly, and In terms, alluded to, as the gentleraan correctly says, by Mr.
Webster, or anybody else. What he said in reference to Texas, applied to
Texas alone. What he said in reference to Utah and New Mexico, applied lo
thera alone; and what he said with regard to Oregon, to that Territory alone.
But be stated in general terms, and four or five times, in the speech of the 7th
of March 1850, that there was not a foot of land in the United States or |its
Territories the character of which, for freedom or slavery, was not fixed by
some irrepealable law; and I did think then, and I think pow, that by the
" Irrepealable law," as far as copcerped the territory porth of 86° 30', and in
cluded ip the Louisiana purchase, Mr. Webster bad referepce lo the Missouri
restriction, as regarded as of the pature of a compact. That restriction was
copied from one of the provisions of the ordinance of 1787, which are declared
in that Ipstrumept itself 16 be articles of compact. . Tbe Missouri restriction
is the article of the ordinance of 1787 applied to tbe Louisiana purchase. That
this is the correct Interpretation of Mr. Webster's lapguage, is confirmed by the
fact that he said, rao're than once, apd over again, that all the Norlh lost by the
arrangement of 1850, was tbe pop-imposition of the Wilmot proviso upon Utah
apd New Mexico. If, Ip addition to that, the North had lost the Missouri re
striction over the whole of the Louisiana purchase, could he have used language
of that kind, and would he not have attempted, in some way or other, to recon
cile such a momentous fact with his repealed statements that the measures of
1850 applied only to the territories newly acquired from Mexico ?
Mr. Douglas. Mr. President, I will explain that matter very quickly. Mr.
Webster's speech was made on the 7th of March 1850, and the territorial bills
and the Texas boundary bill were first reported to the Senate by myself on the
25th of the same month. Mr. Webster's speech was made upon Mr. Clay's re
solution, when there was no bill pending. Then the omnibus bill was formed
about the Ist of May subsequently ; and hence this explains the reason why
Mr. Webster did not refer to the principle involved in these acts, and to the
necpssary effect of carrying out the principle.
Mr, Everett. The expression of Mr. Webster, which I quoted in my remarks
on the 8 th of February, was from a speech on Mr. Soule's amendment, offered,
I think, in June. In addition lo this, I have before me an extract from a still
later speech of Mr. Webster, made quite late in the session, on the 17th of
July 1850, in which he reiterated that statement. In- it he said :
" And now, sir, what do Massachusetts and the north, the anti-slavery States,
lose by this adjustment. What is it they lose ? I put that question to every
gentleman here, and to every gentleman In the countrjfc They lose the appli
cation of what Is called the ' Wilmot proviso' to these territories, and that is
all. There, is nothing else, I suppose, that the whole North are not ready to do.
They wish to get California Into the Union; they wish lo quiet New Mexico;
they desire to terminate the dispute about the Texan boundary In any reasona
ble manner, cost what il reasonably may. They make no sacrifice in all that.
What they do sacrifice is exactiy this? The application of the Wilmot proviso
to the Territory of New Mexico and the Territory of Utah, and that is all,"
Could Mr. Webster have used language like this if he had understood that,
at the same time, the non-slaveholding Stales were losing the Missouri restric
tion, as applied to the whole vast territory included in the bills now before the
Senate ?
_ Mr. Douglas. Of course that was all, and if he regarded the Missouri pro-
bibition in the same light that he did the Oregon prohibition, it was a useless,
and, in that coppcxIop, a sepseless proviso ; apd hence the porlh lost nothing
by not having that same senseless,' useless proviso applied to Utah and New
Mexico. Now, to show the senator that he must be mistaken as to Mr. Web-

395 ,
ster's authority, let. me call his attention back to this passage In his 7th of
March speech : «
" Under one or other of these laws, every foot of territory in the States or
Territories has now received a fixed and decided character."
What laws did he refer to when he spoke of "one or other of these laws?"
He had named but two, the Texas compact and the law of nature, of cUmate,
and physical geography, which excluded slavery. He had mentioned none
other; and yet he says "one or other',' prohibited slavery in all the States or
Territories — thus including Nebraska, as well as Utah and New Mexico.
Mr. Everett. That was not drawn in question at all.
Mr. Douglas. Then if it was not drawn in question, the speech should not
have been quoted in support of the Missouri compromise. It is just what I
complain of, that, if it was not thus drawn in question, that use ought not lo
have been made of it. Now, Mr. President, It is well known that Mr. Webster
supported the compromise measuree of 1850, and the principle involved in tbem,
of leaving the people lo do as they pleased upon this subject. I think, there
fore, that I have shown that these gentlemen are not authorized lo quote the
narae either of Mr. Webster or Mr. Clay in support of the position which they
take, that this bill violates tbe faith of compacts. Sir, it was because Mr.
Webster went for giving the people in the Territories the right to do as they
pleased upon the subject of slavery, and because he was in favor of carrying
out the Constitution in regard to fugitive slaves, that he was not allowed to
speak in Fanueil Hall.
Mr. Everett. That was not my fault.
Mr. Douglas. I know it was not; but I say it was because he took that po
sition ; It was because he did not go for a prohibitory policy ; il was because he
advocated the same principles whicb I now advocate, because he went for the
same provisions In the Utah bill which I now sustain in this bill, that Boston
abolitionists turned tbeir back upon him, just as thiy burnt me in effigy. Sir,
If identity of principle, if identity of support as friends, if identity of enemies
fix Mr. Webster's position, his authority is certainly with us, and not with the
abolitionists. I have a right, therefore, to have the sympathies of his Boston
friends with' me, as I sympathized with him when the same principle was in
volved. Mr. President, I am sorry that I have taken up so much time ; but I must
notice one or two points more. So much bas been said about the Missouri com
promise act, and about a faithful compliance with it by the north, that I must
foUow that matter a littie further. The senator from Ohio [Mr. Wade] has
referred, to-night, to the fact that I went for carrying out the Missouri compro
mise in the Texas resolutions of 18-15, and in 1848, on several occasions ; and
he actually proved that I never abandoned it until 1850. He need not have
taken the pains to prove that fact; for he got all his information on the subject
from my openinty speech upon this bill. I told you then that I was wUling, as
a northern man. In 1845, when the Texas question arose, to carry the Missouri
compromise line through that Stale, and in 1848 I offered it as an amendment
to the Oregon bill. Although I did not Uke the principle involved in that act,
yel I was willing, for tbe sake of harmony, to extend to the Pacific, and abide
by II in good faith, in order to avoid the slavery agitation. The Missouri com
promise was defeated then by the same class of politicians who are now com
bined In opposition to the Nebraska bill. It was because we were unable to
carry out that compromise, that a necessity existed for making a new one in
1850. And then we established this great principio of self-government which
lies at the foundation of all our iuslilutions. What does his charge amount to ?
He charges it, as a matter of offence, that I struggled in 1845 and In 1848 to
observe good faith ; and he and his associates defeated my purpose, and deprived

% 396
me of the ability to carry out what he now says is the plighted faith of thc
nation. Mr. Wade. I did not charge the senator with anything except with making
a very excellent argument on my side of the question, and I wished he would
make it again to-night. That was all.
Mr, Douglas. What was the argument which I made ? A southern senator
had complained that the Missouri compromise was a matter of injustice to the
south. I told him he ought not to complain of that when his southern friends
were here proposing lo accept il; and if we could carry it out, he had no right
to make such a complaint. I was anxious to carry it out. It wojuld not have
done for a northern man who was opposed to the measure, and unwilling to
abide il, to take that position. It would not havo becorae the senator from
Ohio, who then denounced the very meusure whicb he now calls a sacred com
pact, to take that position. But, as one who had always been in favor of carry
ing it out, it was legitimate and proper that I should make that argument in
reply. _ •
Sir, as I have said, the so\>th were willing to agree to the Missouri compro
mise in 1848. When it was proposed by me to the Oregon bill, as an amend
ment, to extend that line to the Pacific, the south agreed to It. The senate
adopted that proposition, and the House voted it down. In 1850, after the
omnibus, bill had broken down, and we proceeded to pass the compromise mea
sures separately, I proposed, when the Utah bill was under discussion, to make
a slight variation of the boundary of that Territory, so as to include the Mor
mon settlements, and not with reference lo any other question ; and it was sug
gested that we should take the Une of 86° 30'. That would have accomplished
the local objects of the amendraent very well. But when I proposed it, what
did these free-soilers say ? What did the senator ff om New Hampshire, [Mr.
Hale,] who was then their leader in this body, say ? Here are his words :
" Mr. Hale. I wish to say a word as a reason why I shall vote against the
araendraent. I shall vote against 36° 80', because 1 think there is an impUca
tion in it [Laughter.] I will vote for 37° or 86° either, just as it is conve
nient; but it is idle to shut our eyes to the fact that here is an attempt in this
bill— I win not say it is the intention of the mover — to pledge this Senate and
Congress to the imaginary line of 36° 30', because there are some historical
recollections connected with it in regard to tliis controversy about slavery. I will
coptent myself with saying that 1 never will, by vote or speech, admit or submit
io anything that may bind the action of our legislation here to make the parallel
of 36° 30' the boundary line between slave and free territory. And when I
say that, I explain the reason why I go against the amendment."
These remarks of Mr. Hale were not made on a proposition to extend the
Missouri compromise line to the Pacific, but on a proposition to fix 86° '30' as
the southern boundary line of Utah, for local reasons. He was against it be
cause there raight be, as he said, an implication growing out of historical recol
lections in favor of the imaginary line between slavery and freedom. Does that
look as if his object was to get an iraplication in favor of preserving sacred
this line, in regard to which' gentleraen now say there was a solemn compact ?
That proposition raay Illustrate what I wish to say in this connexion upon a
point which has been made by the opponents of this bill as to the effect of an
amendment inserted on the raotion of the sepator froni Virginia, [Mr. Mason,]
into the Texas boundary bill. The opponents of this measure rely upon that
amendment lo show that the Texas compact was preserved by the acts of 1850.
I have already shown. In my former speech, that the object of the amendment
was lo guaranty to the Stale of Texas, with ber circumscribed boundaries, the
same number of Stales which she would -haive had under ber larger boundaries,
and with the same right to come in with or without slavery, as they please.

397
We have been told over and over again that tbere was no such thing inti
mated In debate as that the country cut off from Texas was to be relieved frora
the stipulation of that compromise. This has been asserted boldly and uncon
ditionally, as if there could be no doubt about it. The senator from Georgia
[Mr. Toombs] in his speech, showed that, in his address lo nis constituents of
that Stale, he had proclaimed lo the world that the object was to establish a
principle which would allow the people to decide the question of slavery for
themselves, north as well as south of 36° 80'. The line of 36° 30' was voted
down as the boundary of Utah, so that there should not be even an implication
in favor of an imaginary line to divide freedom and slavery. Subsequently,
when the Texas boundary bill was under consideration, on the next day after
the amendment of the senator from Virginia had been adopted, the record
says: " Mr. Sebastian moved to add to the second article the following :
"'On the condition that the territory hereby ceded may be, at the proper
time, formed into a State, and admitted Into the Union, with a .constitution
with or without the prohibition of slavery therein, as the people of the said
Territory may at the time determine.' "
Then the senator from Arkansas did propose that the territory cut off should
be relieved from that restriction In express terras, and allowed to come in ac
cording lo the principles of this bill. What was done ? The debate continued :
"Mr. Foote. Will my friend allow me to appeal to bim to move this amend
ment when the territorial bill for New Mexico shall be up for consideration ?
It will certainly be a part of that bill, and I shall thep vote for il with pleasure.
Now it will only embarrass our action."
Let il be remarked, that no one denied tbe propriety of thfe provision. All
seemed to acquiesce In tbe principle ; but It was thought better to insert it in
the territorial bills, as we are pow doing, instead of adding it to the Texas
boundary bill. The debate proceeded :
" Mr. Sebastiau. My OPly object io offering the amepdment is to secure the
assertiop of this principle beyond a doubt. The principio was acquiesced ip
without difficulty In regard to tbe territorial governraent established for Utah,
a part of this acquired territory, apd, it is proper, in my opinion, that it should
be incorporated in tbis bill.
" Messrs. Ca.ss, Foote, and others. Oh, withdraw il.
"Mr. Sebastian. I think this is the proper place forit. It Is uncertain
whether it will bp, Incorporated in the other bUl referred to, and the bill itself
may not pass."
It will be seen that the debate goes upon the stipposition that the effect was
to release the country north of 36° 30' from the obligation of the prohibition ;
and the only question, was whether the declaration that It should be received
inlo the Union " with or without slavery" should be inserted in the Texas bill,
or the territorial bill.
The debate was continued, and I will read one or two other passages :
" Mr. Foote. I wish to state to the' senator a fact of which, I think, he is
not observant at this moment ; and that is, that the senator from Virginia has
introduced an amendment, which is now a part of the biU, which recognises the
Texas compact of annexation In every respect.
" Mr Sebastian. ' I 'was aware of tbe effect of the amendment of the sena
tor from Virginia. . It is in regard to the number of States to be formed out of
TeisaB, apd is referred to only in general terms."

398
Thus il will be seen that the senator from Arkansas, then explained the
araendraent of the senator from Virginia, which had been adopted, in precisely
the same way in which I explained it in my opening speech. The senator from
Arkansas continued :
"If this amendment be the same as that offered by the senator from Virgi
nia there can certainly be no harm In reaffirming itin this bill, to which I
think il properly belongs."
Thus it will be seen that nobody disputed that the restriction was to be re
moved ; and the only question was, as to the bill in which that declaration
' would be put. It seems, from the record, that I took part in the debate, and
said :
" Mr. Douglas. This boundary as now fixed, would leave New Mexico
bounded on the east by tbe 103° of longitude up to 86° 80', and then east lo
the 100° ; and It leaves a narrow neck of land between 86° 30' and the old
boundary of Texas, that would not naturally and properly go lo New Mexico
when il should become a State. This amendment would compel us lo include
it in New Mexico, or to form it into another State. When the principle shall
come up in the bill for the organization of a territorial government for New
Mexico, no doubt the samo vote which inserted it In the omnibus bill, and the
Utah bill will insert it there.
" Several Senators. No doubt of It."
Upon that debate the amendment of the senator from Arkansas was voted
down, because it was avowed and distinctly understood that the amendment of
the senator from Virginia, taken In connexion with the remainder of the biU,
did release the, country ceded by Texas, north of 36° 30' from the restriction ;
and il was agreed that if we did not put it into the Texas boundary bill, It
should go into the territorial bill. I stated, as a reason why it should not go
into the Texas boundary bill, that If it did il would be a corapact, and would
compel us to put the whole ceded country into one State, when it might be
more convenient and natural to make a different boundary. I pledged myself
then that il should be put into the territorial bill ; and when we considered the
territorial bill for New Mexico we put in the same clause, so far as the country
ceded by Texas was embraced within that territory, and it passed in that shape.
When il went into the House, they united the two bills together, and thus this
clause passed in the same bill, as the senator from Arkansas desired.
Now, sir, have I not shown conclusively that it was the understanding in that
debate that the effect was to release the country north of 36° 80', which for
merly belonged to Texas, from the operation of that restriction, and to provide
that it should come into the Union with or withaut slavery, as its people should
see proper ?
That being the case, I ask the senator from Ohio [Mr. Chase] If he ought
not to have been cautious when he charged over and over again that there was
not a word or a syllable uttered in debate to that effect ? Should he not have
been cautious when he said that it was a mere after-thought on my part ?
Should he not have been cautious when he said that even I never dreamed of it
up to the 4lh of January of this year? Whereas the record shows that I made
a speech to that effect during the pendency of the bills of 1850. The same
statement was repeated by nearly every senator who followed him In debate In
opposition to this bill ; and it is now being circulated over the country, pub
lished in every abolition paper, and read on every stump by every abolition ora
tor, in order to get up a prejudice against me and the measure I have introduced.
Those gentlemen should not have dared to utter the statement without knowing
whether it was correct or not. These records are troublesome things sometimes.
It is not proper for a man to charge another with a mere after-thought because

399
he did not know that he bad advocated the same principles before. Because he
did not know II he should not take II for granted that nobody else did. Let
me tell the senators that il is a very unsafe rule for them lo rely upon. They
ought lo have had sufficient respect for a brother senator to have believed, when
he came forward with an important proposition, that he had investigated It.
They ought to have had sufficient respect for a commitiee of this body to have
assumed that they meant what tbey said.
When I see such a system of misinterpretation, and misrepresentation of-
views, of laws, of records, of debates, all tending to mislead the public, to
excite prejudice, and to propagate error, have I not a right to expose il in very
plain terms, without being arraigned for violating the courtesies of the Senate?
Mr. President, frequent reference has been made in debate to the admission
of Arkansas as a slave-holding State, as furnishing evidence that the abolition
ists and freesoilers, who have recently become so rauch enamored with the Mis
souri coraproraise, have always been faithful to its stipulations and iraplication.s.
I will show that the reference is unfortunate for thera. When Arkansas applied
for admission in 1836, objection was made in consequepce of the provisiops of
her constitution In respect lo slavery. When the abolitionists and fresoilers of
that day were arraigned for making that objection, upon the groiind that Ar
kansas was south of 36° 30', they repUed that the act of 1820 was never a
corapromise,much less a compact, imposing any obligation upon the successors
of those who passed the act to pay any raore respect to Its provisions than to
any other enactraent of ordinary legislation. I have the debates before me, but
will occupy the attention of the Senate only to read one or two paragraphs.
Mr.- Hand of New York, in opposition to the admission of Arkansas as a slave-
holding State, said :
" I api aware it will be, as it has been already contended, that by the Mis
souri compromise, as It has been preposterously termed, Congress has parted
with its right lo prohibit the introduction of. slavery into the territory south of
36° 80' north latitude."
He acknowledged that by thc Missouri compromise, as he said It was prepos
terously termed, the north was estopped from denying the right to hold slaves
south of that line ; but, he added :
" There are, to my mind, insuperable objections to the soundness of that pro
position." Here they are :
" In the first place, there was no compromise or compact whereby Congress
surrendered any power, or yielded any jurisdiction; and, In the second place. If
it had done so, it was a mere legislative act, that could not bind their successors,
it would be subject to a repeal at the will of any succeeding Congress."
I give these passages as specimens of the various speeches made In opposition
to the admission of Arkansas by the same class of politicians who now oppose
the Nebraska bill upon the ground that it violates a solemn compact. So much
for the speeches. Now for the vote. The Journal which I hold in my hand,
shows that forty-nine northern votes were recorded against the admission of
A TKflTlflftS Yet sirs in utter disregard — and charity leads me to hope, in profound ig
norance—of all these facts, gentlemen are boasting that the north always ob
served the contract, never denied its vaUdity, never wished to violate it ; and
they have even referred to the cases of the admission of Missouri and Arkansaif
as instances of their good faith. '^
Now is it possible that gentlemen could suppose these thipgs could be said
and distributed in their speeches without exposure ? Did they presume that,

400
Inasmuch as their lives were devoted to slavery agitation, whatever they did not
know about the history of that question did not exist ? I am willing to be
lieve, I hope it raay be the fact, that they were profoundly ignorant, of all
these records, all these debates, all these facts, whioh overthrow eyery position
they bave assuraed. I wish the senator from Maine, [Mr. Fessenden,] who
delivered his maiden speech here to-night, and who made a great many sly
stabs at me, had informed himself upon the subject before he repeated all these
groundless assertions. I can excuse him for the reason that he has been here
but a few days, and, having enlisted under the banner of the abolition confede
rates, was unwise and simple enough to believe that what they had pubUshed
could be relied upon as stubborn facts. He may be an innocent victim. I
hope he can have the excuse of not having investigated the subject. I am
willing to excuse him on the ground that he did not know what he was talking
about, and it is the only excuse which I can make for him. I will say, how
ever, that I do not think he was required by his loyalty to the abolitionists to
repeat every disreputable insinuation which they made. Why did he throw
ipto his speech that foul Inuendo about a "northerp man with southern princi
ples." and then quote the senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Sumner] as his au
thority ? Ay, sir, I say that foul iusinuation. Did pot the senator from Mas
sachusetts, who first dragged it into this debate, wish to have the public under
stand that I was known as a northern man with southern principles ? Was not
that the allusion ? If it was, he availed himself of a cant phrase in the public
mind, in violation of the truth of history. I know of but one man in this
country who ever made it a boast that he was " a northern map with southern
principles," and he [turning to Mr. Sumner] was your candidate for the Presi
dency in 1848. [Applause in the galleries.]
The Presiding Officer, [Mr. Mason,] Order, order.
Mr, Douglas. If his sarcasm was inteoded for Martin Van Buren, il involves
a family quarrel, with which I. have no disposition to interfere. I will only add
that I have been able lo discover nothipg ip the presept positiop or recent his
tory of that distinguished statesman, which would lead me. to covet the sobri
quet by whioh he is known — " a northern man with southerp principles."
' Mr. President, the senators from Ohio and Massachusetts, [Mr. Chase and
Mr. Sumner,] have taken the liberty lo impeach ray motives in bringing for
ward tbis measure. I desire lo know by what right they arraign me, or by
what authority they impute to me pther and different motives thap those which
I have assigned. I have shown from tbe record that I advocated and voted for
tho same principles and provisions in the compromise acts of 1850, which are
embraced in this bill. I have proven that I put tbe same construction upon
those raeasures Immediately after their adoption that is given in the report
which I submitted this session from the Coramittee on Territories. I have
shown that the legislature of Illinois at its first session, after those mea.sures
were enacted, passed resolutions approving thera, and declaring that the same
great principles of self-governraent should be incorporated into all territorial
organizations. Yet, sir, in the face of these facts, these senators have the
hardihood to declare that this was all an "afterthought" on my part, conceived
for the first time during the present session ; and that the measure is offered as
a bid for presidential votes ! Are they Incapable of conceiving that an honest
man can do a right thing from worthy motives ? I must be permitted to tell
those senators that their experience In seeking political preferment does not
furnish a safe rule by which to judge the character and principles of other sena
tors !
_ I must be permitted to tell the Senator from Ohio that I did not obtain my
seal in this body, either by a corrupt bargain or a dishonorable coalition ! I
must be permitted to remind the Senator from Massachusetts that I did not en
ter into any combinations or arrangements by which my character, my prinoi-

401
pies, and my honor, were set up at public auction or private sale in order to pro
cure a seat in the Senate of the United Stales ! I did not come Into the Senate
by any such means. '
Mr. Weller. But there are sorae men whom I know that did.
Mr. Chase, (to Mr. Weller.) Do you say that I carae here by a bargain ?
The Presiding Officer, [Mr. Mason.] Order must be preserved in the Se
nate. '
Mr. WeUer. I will explain what I mean.
The Presiding Officer. The Senator from IlUnois is entitied to the floor.
Mr. Dodge of Iowa. I call both the Senator from Califorpia apd the Senator
from Ohio to order.
Mr. Douglas. I canpot yield the floor until I get through. I say, thep
there is nothing whioh authorized that Senator to impugn my motives.
Mr. Chase. Will the Senator from Illinois allow me ? Does he say that I
came into the Senate by a corrupt bargain ?
Mr. Douglas. I cannot permit the Senator to change the issue. He has ar
raigned me on the charge of seeking high political station by unworthy means.
I tell him there is nothing in my history which would create the suspicion that
- I come into the Senate by a corrupt bargain or a disgraceful coalition.
Mr. Chase. Whoever says that 1 came here by a corrupt bargain states what
is false. •
Mr. WeUer. Mr. President, 
Mr. Douglas. My friend from CaUfornia wUl wait till I gel through, if he
pleases. '
The Presiding Officer. The Senator from Illinois is entitled lo the floor.
Mr. Douglas. Il will not do for the Senator from Ohio lo return offensive
expressions after what I have said and proven. Nor can I permit him to change
the issue, and thereby divert public attention from the enormity of his offence
in charging me with unworthy motives ; while performing a high public duty,
in obedience lo the expressed wish and knowp principles of my State. I choose
to maintain my own position, and leave the public lo ascertain, if they do not
understand, how and by what means he was elected lo the Senate.
Mr. Chase. If the Senator will allow me, I will say, in reply lo the remarks
which the Senator has just made, that I did not understand him as eaUing
upon me for any explanatiop of the statement which he said was made in re
gard to a presidential bid. The exact statemepl ip the address was this — it was
a question addressed to the people : " Would they allow their dearest rights to
be made thc hazards of a presidential game ?" That was the exact expression.
Now, sir, it is well known that all these great measures ip the country are Ip-
fluenced, more or less, by reference to the great public capvaisses which are go
ing on from time lo tirae. I certainly did oot intend to, impute to the Senator
from Illinois — and I desire always to do justice — in that any improper motive,
I do not think it is an unworthy ambition lo desire lo be a President of the
United States. I do not think that the bringing forward of a measure with re
ference lo that object would be an improper thing, if the measure be proper in
Ilself I differ from the Senator in my judgment of the raeasure. I do not
think the raeasure is a right one. In that I express thc judgraent which I ho
nestly entertain. I do not condemn his judgment ; I do not make, and I do
not desire to make, any personal imputations upon him in reference to a great
public question.
Mr. WeUer. Mr. President-
Mr. Douglas. I cannot allow my friend from California to come into the-
ring al this time, for this is my peculiar business. I may let him in after
awhile. I wish to examine the explanation of the senator from Ohio, and see
whether I ought to accepi it as satisfactory. He has quoted the language of
the address. It is undeniable that that language clearly imputed to me the de-
26

402
sign of bringing forward this bill with a view of securing my own election to
the presidency. Then, by way of excusing himself for imputing to me such a
purpose, the senator says that he does not consider it " an unworthy ambition;"
and hence he says that, in making the charge, he does not impugn my motives.
I must remind him that. In addition to that Insinuation, he only said, in the
same address, that my bill was a "criminal betrayal of precious rights;" he
only said it was "an atrocious plot against freedom and humanity;" he only
said that it was "meditated bad faith;" he only spoke significantly of " servUe
demagogues ;" he only called upon the preachers of the Gospel and the people
al their public meetings lo denounce and resist such a monstrous iniquity. In
saying all this, and much of the same sort, he now assures me. In the presence
of the Senate, that he did not mean tbe charge to imply an " unworthy ambi
tion ;" that It was not intended as a " personal imputation" upon my motives
or character; and that he raeant " no persopal disrespect" to rae as the author
of the measure. In reply, I will content myself with the remark, that there
is a very wide difference of opinion between the senator from Ohio and myself
in respect to the meaning of words, and especially in regard to the Une of con
duct which, in a publio man, does not constitute an unworthy ambition.
Mr. Weller. Now, I ask my friend from Illinois to give way to me for a few
moments. Mr. Douglas. I yield the fioor.
Mr. Weller. I made a remark whicb no doubt gave cause to this digression
in the argument of the senator from Illinois. I presume that I know the cir
cumstances under which the senator from Ohio was elected to this body. I in
timated them in the expression of opinion which I gave a few moments ago. I
do not know that the senator was elected here under a compromise, or an agree
ment, or an express bargain. I entertain no personal feeling of ill-will against
the senator, however little respect I may have for bis political opinions. I pro
pose lo state some facts, however, connected with bis election, and leave others
to decide how far they constituted a bargain. Soon after the admission of Ohio
into the Union, a law had been passed prohibiting negroes and their descendants
frora testifying in a court of justice when a white raan was a party — the same
law required a negro, upon coming within the limits of the Slate, to give
bond and security that he would not become a pauper. This law was particu- •
larly odious lo the abolitionists, and the democrats' had uniformly opposed ita
repeal, upon the ground that such an act would encourage and Invite emigrants
of that class to the State. Sucb persons, they held, would add nothing to the
real strength of the Stale. Certain judges of the supreme and other courts
were to be elected by the legislature. Somo members of the board of public
works were to be appointed. For these places there were, as Is usually the case,
a multitude of applicants. Tbe poUtical power between the two great parties
in the legislature was so equally divided that a few (three or four, I beUeve)
abolitionists held the balance between them. An effort was made to compro
mise with the whigs and elect an abolitionist in the other branch of Congress lo
the Senate. This faUed. Propositions were then made to the democrats, which
resulted in the repeal of the " black-laws," the appointraent of certain demo
crats to judgeships, &c,, and tbe electiop of Mr. Chase lo tbe Sepate. These
facts Irapspired about the time I left the State for Califorpia, apd I kpow gave
great dissatisfaotlop lo a large portiop of the people.
Mr. Chase. I kpow that the sepator from Califorpia meaps to state the facts
correctly; but I thipk justice to myself,, aud justice to my State, requires me
to say that he Is uot correctly informed ip regard to the material facts. The
truth is, and I owe it to my Slate to say It, that Ip the legislature, at the time
of ray election, there were three parties, one of them known as the independent
democrats, or sometimes as free-soilers, another known as the old-line demo
crats, and another known as whigs. It was impossible for either of these three

403
parties to elect Its candidate of itself, and that happened which I believe has
happened in very many of the States north and south.
Mr. Weller. How many votes had the third parly ?
Mr. Chase. Ten or twelve. There were ten or twelve gentlemen elected as
freesoilers; but it Is true tbe whig portion of them did not vote for me. I got
none but democratic voles. I received the democratic portion of the freesoil
vote, and I received the whole of the old-line democratic vote, without a single
exception. On the other hand, some gentlemen, generally concurring with me
in political views In most respects, and also in respect lo slavery, but belonging
to the old-line organization, were elected as merabers of the supreme court.
That is the whole of it.
So far as tbe repeal of the black laws is concerned ; those laws which, I think,
the senator frora South Carolina [Mr. Buller] once mentioned as a subject of
reproach against the people of Ohio, by which bonds were required for the
good behavior of every colored person coming into the Stale, and by which
every colored person was excluded as a witness upon the trial of a while map,
that whole matter of repeal occurred prior to the electlou, and had no connex
ion with it as far I know.
Mr. Weller. Was not that part of the agreement which resulted in your
election ? I know these laws were repealed at the same session, and I always
understood it was a part of the bargain.
Mr. Chase. It bad no connexion with It, so far as I know. I have no doubt
that the Senator thinks it had, but he is mistaken. Now, I lake occasion lo
say that the repeal of these inhuman and oppressive laws was a measure de
manded by the people. I rejoiced at their repeal. I believe that everybody
who has investigated the subject thinks that that repeal was a humane mea
sure — a wise, fit, and a proper measure. Everybody who knows anything about
the population of my State since that, knows, that, far from having been pro
ductive of any injury, it has resulted in great good. That is all I have to say.
Mr. Sumner. Will the Senator from Illinois yield the floor to me for a mo
ment ?
Mr. Douglas. As I presume it Is on tbe same point, I wUl hear the testi
mony. Mr. Sumner. Mr. President, I shrink always Instinctively from any effort
to repel a personal assault. I do not recognize the jurisdiction of this body to
try my election to tbe Senate ; but I do slate. In reply to the Senator from Illi
nois, that if he means to suggest that I came into the body by any waiver of
principles; by any abandonment of my principles of any kind; by auy effort
or activity of my own, in any degree, he states that which cannot be sustained
by the facts. I never sought, in .any way, the office which I now hold; nor
was I a party, in any way, directly or indirectly, to those efforts which placed
me here.
Mr. Weller. My only excuse for intermeddling with this matter was, that I
am I believe the only member of the Senate who is a native of Ohio. I took
occasion td say, some days ago, that I was very much mortified that my native
Stale should be represented in the manner she is on this fioor. I happened to
be familiar as I have stated, with the circumstances under which the Senator
on my right (Mr. Chase) was elected. He was elected to the Senate the very
year that I left the Slate of Ohio, and I was very glad to have an opportunity
of changing my residence on that remarkable occasion. [Laughter.] That is
the only apology which I have to offer for intermeddling with what is otherwise
a personal matter between the Senator from Ohio and the Senator from Illinois.
Usually I have as much as I can do to attend to my own affairs — I am rarely
a volunteer in the controversies of others. ,. rr ¦ ^ •
Mr Douglas. I do not complain of my iriend trom California for interposing
in the manner he has; for I see that it was very appropriate in him to do so.

404
But, sir, the Senator from Massachusetts comes up with a very bold front, and
denies the right of any raan to put him on defence for the manner of his elec
tion. He says II is contrary to his principles lo engage in personal assaults.
If he expects to avail himself of the benefit of such a plea, he should act in
accordance with his professed principles, and refrain from assaulting the charac
ter and impugning the motives of better men than himself. Everybody knows
that he came here by a coalition or combination between political parties hold
ing opposite and hostile opinions. But il is not my purpose to go into the mo
rality of the matters Inyolved In his election. The public know the history of
that notorious coalition, and have formed its judgment upon it. It will not do
for the Senator to say that he was not a party lo il, for he thereby betrays a
consciousness of the immorality of the transaction, without acquitting himself
of the responsibilities which justly attach lo him. As well might the receiver
of stolen goods deny any responsibility for the larceny, while luxuriating in the
proceeds of the crime, as the senator lo avoid the consequences resulting from
the mode of bis election, while he clings lo the office. I must be permitted to
remind him of what he certainly can pever forget, that whep he arrived here,
to take his seat for the fi.-st time, so firmly were sepators Impressed with the
conviction that he had been elected by dishonorable and corrupt meaps, there
were very few who, for a long time, could deem it cousistenl with personal ho
nor to hold private intercourse with him. So general was that Impression, that
for a long time he was avoided and shunned as a person unworthy of the asso
ciatiop of gentlemen. Gradually, however, these Injurious impressions were
worn away by his bland manners and amiable deportment ; and I regret that
tbe sepator should now, by a violation of all the rules of courtesy and propri
ety, compel me to refresh his mind upon these unwelcome reminiscences.
Mr. Chase. If the senator refers lo me, ho is stating a fact of which I haye
no knowledge at all. I camo here 
Mr. Douglas. I was not speaking of the senator from Ohio, but of his con
federate in slander, the senator frora Massachusetts, [Mr. Sumner.] I have a
word now to say to. the other senator from Ohio, [Mr. Wade.] On the day
when I exposed this abolition address, so full of slanders and calumnies, he
rose and stated that, although his name was signed to it, he had never read it;
and so willing was he to endorse an abolition document, that he signed It in
blank, without knowing what It contained.
Mr. Wade. I have always found them true.
Mr. Douglas. He staled that from what I had exposed of its contents he
did not hesitate to epdorse every word. In the same speech he said, that in
Ohio a negro was as good as a white man; with the avowal that he did not
consider himself any better than a free negro. I have only to say that I should
not have noticed it If none but free negroes had signed It !
The senator from New York, [Mr. Seward,] when I was about to call him
to account for this slanderous production, prompdy denied that he ever signed
the docuhienl. Now, I say, it has been circulated with his named attached to
it; then I want to know of the senators who sent out the document, who forged
the name of the senator from New York ?
Mr. Chase. I am glad that the senator has asked that questioQ. I have
only to say, in reference to that matter, thai I have not the sUghtest knowledge
in regard to the mapper In which yarious names were appended to that docu
ment. It was prepared to be signed, and was signed, by the gentlemen here
who are known as independent democrats, and how any other names came to be
added to it is more than I can tell.
Mr. Douglas. Il is not a satisfactory answer, for those who confess to the
preparation and publication of a docuraent filled with insult and calumny, with
forged names attached to it for the purpose of imparting to it respectability, to
interpose a technical denial that thej committed the crime. Somebody did

405
forge other people's names to that document. The senators from Ohio and
Massachusetts [Mr. Chase and Mr. Sumner] plead guilty to the authorship
and publication; upon them rests the responsibility of showing who committed
the forgery.
_ Mr. President, I have done with these personal raattcrs. I regret the neces
sity which compelled me to devote'so much time to thera. All I have done
and said has been in the way of selfdefence, as the Senate can bear me witness,
Mr. President, I have also occupied a good deal of time in exposing the cant
of these gentlemen about the sanctity of the Missouri compromise, and the dis
honour attached to the violation of plighted faith. I have exposed these mat
ters in order to show that the object of these men is lo withdraw from public
attention the real principle Involved in the bill. They well know that the
abrogation of the Missouri compromise is the incident and not the principal of
the bill. They well understand that the report of the committee and the bill
propose to establish the principle In all territorial organizations, that the ques
tion of slavery shall be referred lo the people to regulate for themselves, and
that such legislation should be had as was necessary to remove all legal obstruc
tions to the free exercise of this right by the people.
The eighth section of the Missouri act standing in the way of this great
principle must be^ rendered Inoperative and void, whether expressly repealed or
not, in order to give the people the power of regulating their own domestic In
stitutions In their own way, subject only to the Constitution. -
Now, sir, if these gentlemen have entire confidence In the correctness of their
own position, why do they not meet the issue boldly and fairly, and controvert
the soundness of this great principle of popular sovereignty in obedience to the
Constitution ? They know full well that this was the principle upon wbich the
colonies separated frora the crown of Great Brillan, the principle upon which
the battles of the revolution, were fought, aud the principle upop which our re
publican system was foupded. They cannot be ignorapt of the fact that the
revolutiop grew out of the' assertiop of the right op the part of the imperial
government lo Iplerfere with the internal affairs and domestic concerns of the
colonies. In this connexion I will Invite attention to a few extracts from the
Instructions of the different colonies to their delegates in the Continental Con
gress, with a view of forming such a union as would enable them to make suc
cessful resistance to the efforts of the crown to destroy the fundamental princi
ple of all free government by interfering with the domestic affairs of the colo
nies. I will begin with Pennsylvania, whose devotion to the principles df human
liberty, and the obKgations of the Constitution, has acquired for her the proud
tille of the Key-stone In the arch of republican Stales. In her instructions is
contained the following reservation :
" Reserving to the people of this colony the sole and exclusive right of regu
lating the ipternal government and police of the same."
And, In a subsequept Instruction, in reference to suppressing the British au
thority in the colonies, Pennsylvania uses the following emphatic language :
" Unanimously declare our willingness to concur in a vote of the Congress
declaring the United Colonies free and independent Stales, provided the forming
the govcMiraent and the regulation of the Internal poUce of this colony be
always reserved to the people of the said colony."
Connecticut, in authorizing her delegates to vole for the Declaration of Inde
pendence, attached to it the following condition :
" Saving that the administration of government, and the power of forming
governments for, and the regulation of the intemal concerns and police of each
colony, ought to be left and remain to the respective colonial legislatures."

406
New Hampshire annexed this proviso to her instructions to her delegates to
vote for independence :
" Provided the regulation of our internal police be under the direction of
our own assembly." i
New Jersey imposed the following condition :
" Always observing that, whatever plan of confederacy you enter Into, the
regulating of the internal police of this province is to be reserved to the colonial
legislature." Maryland gave her consent lo the Declaration of Independence upon the
condition contained in this proviso :
" And that said colony will hold itself bound by the resolutions of a majority
of the United Colonies in the premises, provided the sole and exclusive right of
regulating the internal governraent and police of that colony be reserved to the
people thereof."
Virginia annexed the following condition to her Instructions to vote for the
Declaration of Independence :
" Provided that the power of forming government for, and the regulations of
the internal concerns of the colony, be left to respective colonial legislatures."
I will not weary the senate in multiplying evidence upon this point. Il Is
apparent that the Declaration of Independence bad its origin in the violation of
that great fundamental principle which secured to the people of the colonies
the right to regulate their own domestic affairs in their own way ; and that the
revolution resulted in the triumph of that principle, and the recognition of the
right asserted by it. Abolitionism proposes to destroy tbe right, and extin
guish the principle for which our forefathers waged a seven years' bloody war,
and upon which our whole system of free government is founded. They not
only deny the application of this principle to the Territories, but insist upon
fastening the prohibition upon all the States lo be forraed out of those Territo
ries. Therefore, the doctrine of the abolitionists — the docirine of the opponents
of the Nebraska and Kansas bill, and of tbe advocates of the Missouri restric
tion — demand congressional Interference with slavery, not only in the Territo
ries, but in all tbe new States to be formed therefrom. It is the same doctrine
when applied to the Territories and new States of this Union, which the British
government attempted to enforce by the sword upon the American colonies. It
is this fundamental principle of self-government which constitutes the distin
guishing feature of the Nebraska bill. The opponents of tbe principle are con
sistent in opposing the bill. I do not blame them for their opposition. I only
ask them lo meet the Issue fairly and openly, by acknowledging that they are
opposed to the principle which It is the object of the bill to carry Inlo opera
tion. It seems that there Is no power on earth, no intellectual power, no me
chanical power that can bring them to a fair discussion of tbe true issue. If
they hope to delude the people, and escape detection for any considerable length
of time under the catch- word " Missouri compromise," ani " faith of compacts,"
they will find that the people of this country have more penetration and intel
ligence than they have given them credit for.
Mr. President, there is an important fad connected with this slavery resolu
tion, which should never be lost sight of. Il has always arisen from one and
the same cause. Whenever that cause has been removed, the agitation has
ceased ; and whenever the cause has been renewed, the agitation has sprung
into existence. That cause Is, and ever has been, the attempt on the part of
Congress to interfere with the question of slavery in the Territories and new

407
States formed therefrom. Is il not wise, then, to confine our action within the
sphere of our legitimate duties, and leaye this vexed quesiion to take care of
Itself in each Stale and Territory, according lo the wishes of the people Ihereoof,
in conformity lo the forms and In subjection to the provisions of the Constitu
tion ?
The opponents of the bill tell us that agitation Is no part of their policy,
that their great desire is peace and harmony ; and they complain bitterly that I
should have disturbed the repose of the country by the Introduction of this
measure. Let rae ask these professed friends of peace and avowed enemies of
agitation, how the issue could have beeu avoided ? They tell me that I should
have let the questiop alone — that is, that I should bave left Nebraska unorgan
ized, the people unprotected, and the Indian barrier in existence, until the swel
ling tide of emigration should burst through, and accomplish by violence what
it is the part of wisdom and statesmanship to direct and regulate by law. How
long could you have postponed action with safety ? How long could you main
tain that Indian barrier, and restrain tbe onward march of civilization, Christi
anity, and free government by a barbarian wall ? Do you suppose that you
could keep that vast country a howling wilderness in all time to come, roamed
over by hostile savages, cutting off all safe communication between our Atlantic
and Pacific possessions ? I tell you that the lime for action has come, and can
not be postponed. It Is a casein which the "let alqne" policy would precipi
tate a crisis which must inevitably result in violence, anarchy, and strife.
You cannot fix bounds to the onward march of this great and growing coun
try. You cannot feller the limbs of the young giant. He will burst all your
chains. He will expand, and grow, and increase, and extend civilization,
Christianity, and liberal principles. Then, sir, If you cannot check the growth
of the country in that direction, is it not the part of wisdom to look the danger
in the face, and provide for an event which you cannot avoid ? I tell you, sir,
you must provide for continuous lines of setueRient from the Mississippi valley
to the Pacific ocean. And ip making this provision, you must decide upon
what principles the Territories shall be organized; in other words, whether the
people shall be allowed lo regulate tbeir domestic Institutions in their own way,
according to the provisions of this bill, or whether the opposite doctrine of
congressional interference is to prevail. Postpone it, if you will ; but when
ever you do act, tbis question must be met and decided. '
The Blissouri compromise was interference; the compromise of 1850 was non
interference, leaving tbe people to exercise their rights under the Constitution.
The Comraittee on Territories were compelled lo act on this subject. I, as
their chairman, was bound to meet the question. I chose to take the responsi
bility, regardless of consequepces personal to myself. I should have done the
samo thipg last year, if there had beep time ; but we kuow, considerlpg the
late period at which the bill thep reached us frora the House, that there was pot
sufficient lime to consider the quesiion fully, and to prepare a report upon the
subject. I was, therefore, persuaded by friends to allow the bill to be reported
to the Senate, in order that such action might be taken as should be deemed
wise and proper. ...
The bill was never taken up for action ; the last night of the session having
been exhausted In debate on tbe motion to take up the bill. This session, the
measure*was introduced by my friend frora Iowa, [Mr. Dodge,] and referred to
the Territorial Committee during tbe first week of the session. We have abun
dance of time to consider the subject; It was a matter of pressing necessity,
and there was no excuse for not meeting it. directly and fairly. We were com
pelled to take our position upon the doctrine either of intervention or non-in
tervention. We chose the latter, for two reasons : first, because we believed
that the principle was right; and, second, because it was the principle adopted

408
in 1850, to which the two great political parties of the country were solemnly
pledged. There is another reason why 1 desire lo see this principle recognised as a rule
of action in all lime to come. Il will hckve the effect lo destroy all sectional
parlies and sectional agitations. - If, in the language of the report of the com
mittee, you withdraw the sl-avery question from the halls of Congress and the
political arena, and commit it to the abitrament of those who are immediately
interested in and alone responsible for its consequences, there is pothipg left
out of which sectiopal parties can be organized. It never was dope, apd never
can be dope op the bank, tariff, distribution, or any other party issue which has
existed, or may exist, after this slavery questiop is withdrawn from politics. On
every other political question these bave always supporters apd opponents in
every portion of the Union — in each State, county, village, and neighborhood-
residing together in harmony and good-fellowship, and combating each other's
opinions apd correcting each other's errors Ip a spirit of kindness and friend
ship. These differences, of opinion between neighbors and friends, and the dis
cussions that grow out of thera, and the sympathy which each feels with the
advocates of his own opinions In every other portion of this wide-spread repub
lic, adds an overwhelming and irresistible moral weight lo the strength of the
confederacy. Affection for the Union can never be alienated or diminished by any other
party issues than those which are joined upon sectional or geographical lines.
When the people of the North shall all be rallied under one banner, and the
whole South marshalled under another banner, and each section excited lo frenzy
and madness by hostility lo the institutions of the other, then the patriot may
well tremble for the perpetuity of the Union. Withdraw the slavery question
from the political arena, and remove II to the States and Territories, each lo de
cide for itself, such a catastrophe can never happen. Then you will never be
able to tell, by any senator's vote for or against any measure, from what State
or section of the Union he comes.
Why, then, can we not withdraw this vexed question from politics? Why
can we not adopt the principle of this bill as a rule of action in all new territo
rial organizations ? Why can we not deprive these agitators of their vocation,
and render it Impossible for senators to come here upon bargains on the slavery
question ? I belieye that the peace, the harmony, and perpetuity of the Union
require us to go back lo the doctrines of the Revolution, to the principles of
the Constitution, to the principles of the compromise of 1850, and leave the
people, under the Constitution, to do as they may see proper in respect to their
own internal affairs.
Mr. President, I haye not brought this quesiion forward as a northern man
or as a southern man. I am unwilling to recognise such divisions and distinc
tions. I have brought II forward as an American senator, representing a Stale
which is true lo this principle, and which haa approved of my action in respect
to the Nebraska bill. I have brought it forward not as an act of justice lo the
south more than tothe north. I have presented il especially as an ad of jus
tice to the people of those Territories, and of the States lo be formed there
from, now and iu all time to come.
I have nothing to say about northern rights or southern rights. I know of
no such divisions or distinctions under the Constitution. The bill does equal
and exact justice to the whole Union, and every part of it ; it violates the
rights of no State or Territory, but places each on a perfect equality, and leaves
the people thereof to the free enjoyment of all their rights under the Constitu
tion. Now, sir, I wish to say to our southern friends, that if they desire to see this
great principle carried out, now is their time to rally around it, to cherish it.

409
preserve it, make it the rule of action in all future time. If they fail to do it
now, and thereby allow the doctrine of interference to prevail, upon their heads
the consequence of that interference raust rest. To our northern friends, on
the other hand, I desire to say, that frora this day henceforward, they must re
buke the slander which bas been uttered against the south, that th'ey desire lo
legislate slavery into the Territories. Tho south has vindicated her sincerity,
her honor on that point, by bringing forward a provision, negativing, in express
terms, any such efiect as a result of this bill. I am rejoiced lo know that,
while the proposition to abrogate the eighth section of the Missouri aot comes
from a free State, the proposition to negative the conclusion that slavery is
thereby introduced comes from a slaveholding State. Thus, both sides furnish
conclusive evidence that they go for the principle, and the principle only, and
desire to lake no advantage of any possible misconstruction.
Mr. President, I feel that I owe an apology to tbe Senate for having occupied
their attention so long, and a still greater apology for having discussed the ques
tion in such an incoherent and desultory manner. But I could not fui-bear to
claim tho right 'of closing this debate. I thought gentlemen would recognise
its propriety when they saw the manner in which I was assailed and misrepre
sented in the course of this discussion, and especially by assaults still more dis
reputable in some portions of the country. These assaults have had no other
effect upon me than to give me courage and energy for a still more resolute dis
charge of duty. I say frankly that In my opinion, this measure will be as
popular al the north as at the south, when its provisions and principles shall
have been fully developed and become well understood. The people at the
north are attached to the principles of self-government; and you cannot con
vince them that that is self-government which deprives a people of the right of
legislating for Ihemselyes, and compels them to receive laws whioh are forced
upon them by a legislature In wbich they are not represented. We are willing
lo stand upon this great principle of self-government everywhere ; and it is lo
us a proud reflection that, in this whole discussion, no friend of the bill has
urged an argument in its favor which could not be used with the same proprie
ty in a free State as in a slave State, and vice versa. Bui no enemy of the bill
has used an argument whicb would bear repetition one mile acro.ss Mason and
Dixon's Une. Our opponents have dealt entirely in sectional appeals. The
friends of the bill bave discussed a great principle of universal application,
which can be sustained by the sarae reasons, and the same arguments, in eyery
lime and in every corner of the Union.

MR. WISE IN WASHINGTON CITY AFTER THE RESULT WAS
KNOWN.
After it was fully ascertained that Mr. Wise was certainly Governor elect of
Virginia, his friends and admirers of the City of Washington concluded to call
him out, being then In their midst. Arrapgemepts being made, Mr. Wise was
to address In a brief manner the citizens irrespectively of party, from the bal
cony in front of Brown's Hotel. Early in the evening the cfowd commenced
assembling, and when the hour for speaking arrived, we are told by persons who
were present, that such an assemblage of human beings had scarcely if ever
been seen in that city on any similar occasion. Mr. Wise appeared, calm and
serene and made a few remarks— when the infuriated Know Nothings set up,

410
and kept up, the most unearthly and demoniac yell that was ever heard on this
side of or In all probability even in the Infernal regions. Mr. Wise made seve
ral attempts to go on ; but his voice was incontinently stifled by the yells of this
midnight banditti and culvert swarm of debauched ruffians and rowdies. FinaUy
his friends withdrew him from the presence of the rabble. They still conti
nued to bawl and vociferate in this manner until, to carry out a simile of Spa
nish barbarity, they erected in the centre of the street a garote, when some vic
timised babbler mounted the sunless scaffold, with the iron collar already adjust
ed, and commenced a Know Nothing harapgue. This dissipated orator, with
much gravity of manner and air of superiority, ranted about the " insidious en
croachments of the Pope of Rome, the Holy Bible," &c. Now and then al
the lop of his voice, with a countenance frantic with fear, and uervous with fa
naticisra, he exclaimed "Americans must rule America." Here was a genuine
specimen of a Know Nothing harangue. When you have heard this Shibbo
leth about seventy-five limes in a discourse of eighty minutes, you may set it
down that you have had what was known about the middle of the nineteenth
century as a Know Nothing harangue. After several of the leaders had ha
rangued thus to their satisfaction, this disgraceful mob dispersed to their seve
ral dens. Such was the courtesy shown to a stranger and a distinguished Vir
ginian in the Federal City ! Such was Know Nothing politeness in the middle
of the nineteenth century !

From the Enquirer.
THE WAY THE MONEY WAS LOST.
I have compiled a few extracts from Know Nothing papers printed before the
election, to show " the way the money was lost." They may serve as a caution
for the future. They fully sho\^ that the Know Nothings are eminently enti
tled to the name they have assumed. Such statements and estimates as are lo
be found In the extracts below, were never made by Wise-men. The game of
" brag" was " the order of the day" with Sam's faraily, and many a poor fel
low was duped out of his money by It. I particularly commend the perusal of
these extracts to sick persons and those who are in low spirits. They cannot be
read without creating a laugh :
The prospect still brightening, — We subjoin additional letlers of the
most encouraging character from the Southwest. Sam is evidently making tre
mendous progress all over the Stale. Wise is a used up man. After next Thurs
day, he will be heard of no more. A thousand cheers for the victorious Flour
noy. — [ Whig, May 19.
" The Junto without even the Jionor of a decent burial."
The political sky is clear and unclouded. A few shadows at first obscured
the brilliancy of the sun — but they have been dissipated Into thin air, and are
no longer visible. The great American army, moving steadily and harmoniously
under these auspicious circumstances, will, beyond a doubt, achieve a most bril
liant victory. The disjecta membra of Juutoism, after the election, wUl be

411
scattered far and wide, without even the honor of a decent burial. — [Richmond
Wliig, May 7.
Fifteen hundred Know Nothing majority in, Richmond.
Richmond achieved a glorious and startling victory In her charter elections ;
but that triumph Is as nothing compared with that which is shortly to crown
her afresh. The great Araerican party of this city is firmly, and enthusiasti
cally resolved to give Flournoy, Beale and Patton, a raajority of not, less than
1500 ! This is no vain boasting, but the State will soon see the prediction con
verted Into sober reaUty, — [Richmond Whig, May 11. ,
[Richmond gave 977 Know Nothing majority.]
Wise will be defeated by 20,000.
The following Is extracted from a letter from a Virginian, now a merchant in
Baltimore : — " I received the other day a letter on business frora an extensive
merchant in Richraond, Va., who said, 'Business is good, and I really believe
Wise will be defeated by 20,000.' "—[Norfolk Beacon, May 2.
^Flournoy's majority 34,000.
There are known to be 72,000 members of the American parly in Virginia.
This force, together with the 15,000 Whig votes, which the Chronicle concedes
to Mr, Flournoy, would make an aggregate of 87,000 votes, leaving Mr. Wise
but 53,000, and electing Flournoy by 34,000 majority. That will do for to
day. — [American Organ of Washington Ciiy.
Wise not more than 30,000 votes in the Stale.
Elections. — For the information of our readers we ha-vt compiled the vote
of the last Presidential contest in the cities where municipal elections have been
held, and have compared the result, in order that they may see how fast the
Democracy is tottering to its fall :
American gain (in Richmond, Portsmouth, Alexandria, Lynchburg and Fre
dericksburg) 1496 in a vote of a little over 6000.
A corresponding gain in the different counties would not leave Wise with
more than 30,000 voles after the election. We hope, therefore, that " Sam"
will respect the misfortunes of the poor deluded traveller of " OnaUcock" and
only beat him by about twenty thousand majority. — [Floyd Intelligencer.
600 Majority for Flournoy in Preston County.
Preston. — A correspondent says, " Sam Is here in every neighborhood, and
Wiseocracy is so weaJc it dare not show Its face. Flournoy will carry the county
by 600 majority, and II usually gives a majority the other way of about 150.
We Intend too to elect an Araerican Congressraan In spite of Wise and all other
demagogues." — [Penny Post, May 7.
[Preston gave Wise 57 majority.]
SOUTH-WESTERN VIRGINIA.
Wise cannot get 10 votes where Johnson gol 100.
Lee County.  " Sam" has been all around here, and will sweep South
western Virginia, such as no country was ever swept before. The people have

412
become sick of demagogueism, and their only desire appears now to be, to re
trieve the past. Wise cannot possibly get 10 voles where Johnson received 100,
and this is not particularly confined to any particular locality, but will charac
terize the election throughout the entire South-west. This you may state as an
unalterable certainty. I have always been a Democrat, but have been so com
pletely disgusted with the action of the party, iu forcing upon us a broken
down, false, hacknied, renegade ticket, that I deterrained lo be off forever. I
consider this the very time lo break down the severity of party, and give the
country good and true men In the State and National offices. " Let Americans
rule America," is my motto. — [Penny Post,
[Lee county gave Wise 736 majority. It gave Johnson 234. South-western
Virginia (McMuUen's district) gave Johnson 450 majority. It gives Wise
3,500 majority. Yet it was an " unalterable certainly" that Wise would not
get " 10 votes where Johnson gol 100."
Boteler's Majority over Faulkner, 600.
We received thp most favorable reports from the Loudoun district. Mr. Bote
ler is gaining friends wherever he appears, and will beat Faulkner from 200 to
800 votes.
Other estimates make Boteler's majority as high as 600. — [American
Organ. A Great Political " Ground Swell'] on the South- Side.
Henry County. — The Lynchburg Virginian assures us that late advices
from this county are exceedingly encouraging. The American cause is daily '
gaining ground, while Wise slock is rapidly declining. It is the same case In
Floyd, Patrick, Carroll and Franklip — indeed, Ip all the counties south of the
river. The Ameridln party will sweep the south-side country, after the manner
of a tornado. It will leave nothing standing whicb dares to oppose It. Verily,
the great political ground-swell of 1840 Is nothing compared with that of
1855. — [Richmond Whig, before the election,
[Henry gave Wise 99 majority; Floyd, 125 majority; Patrick, 192 majo
rity ; Carroll,. 859 majority ; and Franklin, 847 majority. Such was the way
in which the "American party" swept the south-side country, "after the
manner of a tornado."
Tazewell County — Wise's Defeat an Absolute Certainty.
Tazewell County. — A letter from a gentleman of this county informs us
that tho prospects for the American cause are most encouraging. The people
there, he says, will resent, with manly indignation, the abusive epithets which
Mr. Wise applies to the Know Nothings. The same spiril.prevails throughout
that whole section, and Wise's defeat is regarded as an absolute certainty. —
[Richmond Whig, May 7.
[Tazewell gave Mr. Wise 915 majority ! — and the same spirit prevailed
throughout that whole section."]
Paulus Powell, the Worst Beaten Man in Virginia.
Hon. Paulus Powell. — Is there a faithful Democrat in Virginia who will
rejoice with us, when we announce that iplelligence from all portions of the
Red Land district assures us of the certainty of this gallant, tried public ser-
'vant's re-election ? — [Richmond Examiner.

413
Our information is exactly the reverse of this, and livipg upou the border of
the district, familiarly acquainted with most of the counties composing it, we
have better opportunities than the Examiner of knowing the true state of things.
We wdl wager the Examiner " a ducat to a denier" that Mr. Powell is one of
the worst beaten candidates in Eastern Virginia ?[ — Lynchburg Virginian,
before ihe election.
[Powell's majority In the District Is 793.]
"Official" from the Norili-west — 15,000 Majority against Wise.
From the North-west, that is the portion of Virginia north and west of the
Alleghany mountains, we are permitted to give the following extract of a letter
from official sources :
"We now number 201 councils, and about 26,000 members, and increaslnn-
rapidly. As to withdrawals, there has uot been 100 withdrawals outside of
Harper's Ferry.
" I think that when the vote is counted frora the West, that Mr. Wise will
find at least 15,000 against him."
The reader will bear in raind that this Is ofiicial, and we respectfully call
upon the Junto, If they deny the statement as to withdrawals, to give us the
names. We don't want so many indefinite localities and mythical " defectors."
Oar butterfly chasing days were over years ago. — [Penny Post, May 5.
[The " 15,000 against Wise in the North-west" turned out lo be about 1500
in his favor.]
Eight Know Nothing Congressmen Elected, and a Majority of the Legislature.
The Campaign. — Notwithstanding the ridiculous statements of the anti-
American press in regard to the defections and a host of other dire calamities
said by them to have overtaken the American party, we still continue to receive
the most encouraging accounts from every section. Our prospects certainly in
dicate the election of the whole State ticket — eight out of thirteen Congress
men, and a majoritv at least of the Legislature. The American ticket will
sweep the West like a tornado. — [Penny Post
[There is a Democratic majority of 54 in the Legislature,]
The "G'round- Swell" — Greenbrier the Banner County in ihe " Great Ameri
can RevoluUon,"
Greenbrier. — From this county, we bave the intelligence that " Flournoy,
Beale and Pattop will roll up a tremendous majority on the 24th of May.
Everything is harmonious and deterrained. Greenbrier will be the banner
county in this great American Revolution. Nothing can slay the ground-
swell." — Penny Post, May 5.
[Greenbrier gaye Flournoy 386 majority. It gave Sumners 622 majority.]
A most Overwhelming Defeat to the Enemies of Sam.
" Sam."  Our country exchanges bring us most cheering accounts of the
prospects of this invincible gentieman. The progress which he bas made, and
is now making in Virginia, Is unparaleled in the history of political parties, and
we predict as the result of his operations the most overwhelming defeat to his
enemies, ever sustained by any party in the Old Dominion. We append a few

414
extracts from correspondents of the True American, frcm different counties, as
to his doings, — Lynchburg Virginian, before the election.
[Here followed a number of letters, the reading of which at.,thi3 time would
make a dying man laugh,] Col. Roane Elected Triumphantly.
Essex and King and Queen. — From these counties we have the most
flattering accounts. Col. Roane, the capdidate Ip oppositiop to • Mr. Garnett,
will be elected triumphantly. Tbe State ticket will also be strongly supported.
A friend writes us that tbe Know-Nothings are as thick as . " grasshoppers" in
that section. — Penny Post, April 30.
[Coh Roane, Know-Nothing, was defeated " triumphantly."
Ligon's Majority so very Large, that we fear io name il.
Ligon's majority In Nelson and Amherst will be so very large, that we fear
to name it. It will exceed the most sanguine anticipations of Sam's friends. —
[ Charlottesville Advocate, before the election.
[Ligon's raajority in the two counties named was 162. Is the Advocate stilL
" afraid to name il ?" Wise beaten by 40,000.
A great and overwhelming revolution is sweeping over the whole country.
"Revolutions," It is said, "never go backward." In Virginia, il has almost
entirely obliterated old party lines. The wave bas reached the mountains, and
washed the sand out of the eyes of the people. With tbe opposition Mr.
Wise bas, it is utterly Irapossible for him lo succeed. He cannot stand up
against opposition within and without his own party. He cannot win the race
with Gen. Bayly tripping him up at tbis corner, Bowden knocking him down at
that. Extra Billy hedging up his way at a third, Nat. Claiborne digging a pit
fall for him at a fourth, all the time sweating and panting with his associate
"renegades" lashed to his back. The indications are that he will be beaten
20,000 — some say 40,000. — [Abingdon Virginian, before the election.
Four to Five Hundred Majority in Hardy.
We are assu.red that Hardy will roll up a majority of frora four to five hun
dred for the American ticket, and that there are not four Whigs in the county
who will vote for Wise. -^[Romney Intelligencer, May 4.
[Hardy gave 57 majority for the " American" ticket. It gave 388 majority
for Summers.] W, K. Pendleton "Elected with Ease." ' «
We have cheering accounts from all parts of this Congressional District. W.
K. Pendleton, Amerioan, will, I think be elected with ease, over Dr. Kidwell.
Mr. P. is a popular speaker, and has canvassed the district thoroughly. He
will make his mark in Congress if elected. — [Correspondence of the Penny
Post, May 11.
[Dr. Kidwell's majority is 1386.]

415
" Our Nat" Certainly Elected, " and no Mistake."
Franklin District, — The news from this district Is cheering. Claiborne
is gaining every day, and will, we are Informed by letters from some of the
Knowing ones, most certainly be elected. Bocock Is awfully frightened and
rio mistake. Old Pittsylyapia apd Patrick will give him a terrible lashing, and
one from the effects of which he will not be able lo recover in time to take his
seat in the next Congress. Our " Nat" will however be In Washington about
that time lo attend to the interest of the people of the Franklin Congressional
District. Mark our prediction and don't forget. — [Floyd Intelligencer, May 12.
" Especially in Pillsylvania."
Campbell, Bedford, Henry, Pittsylvania and Halifax. — We saw an
intelligent Democrat, yCsterday, who has recently travelled over the above coun
ties. He is a member of the Order, knows what he speaks, and is reliable in
everything. He represents the prospects of our ticket as being In all respects
raost brilliant. He veiled many councils, knew the people, and found large
numbers of Democrats in the Order In all these counties. The unjust and false
charges against Mr. Flournoy are recoiUng with tremendous effeftt upon the
miscreants who make them. Very, very few have left the Order, and most of
them who bave done so will vote the American ticket, whUe numbers are
coming In daily. The greatest enthusiasm prevailed, especially in Pittsylva
nia, — [Penny Post, May 9.
[Pittsylvania gave Flournoy 20 — It gave Summers 166 majority.]
" Heavy Gains in the Valley."
" The Valley will certainly do remarkably well, and will show heavy gains."
[Correspondence of the Post, May 9.
[A correspondent of the Enquirer, a few days ago, showed the side on which
the gains were in the Valley. Wise's majority in the Valley Is about 10,000.]
" A'o disposition to Manufacture Public Opinion."
We have no disposition to enter into the manufacture of public opinion, as
do the Wise organs, or crow, until after the election ; but there never was a
more apparent and manifest fact than that Thomas S. Flournoy will be Gover
nor by more than 20,000 majority. Every Indication from all quarters is to
that effect. — [Wheeling Times [Abolition) May 5.
Millson defeated by 600 lo 1,000 Majority.
"Tbis (Millson's) Congressional District will give the American ticket from
600 to 1,000 majority, and It may even exceed that number. Great enthusi
asm prevails throughout tho entire district. The reported withdrawals in this
section are base fabrications." — [Correspondent of the Richmond Whig, May
22. [MUlson's majority is about 568.]
Sam's Majority in Floyd 225 to 375.
Floyd County.  "The majority in this -county will not be less than 225,
and we are making every effort to carry it up to 375. Scott's majority was
only 83."  [Correspondent of the Richmond Whig, May 22.
[Floyd county gave Wise 125 majority.]

416
Sam's Majority in Patrick 350.
Patrick County. — " Place no reliance on the statement in the Enquirer In
regard to this county. You raay safely put dowp the raajority for the Ameri
cap ticket ip Patrick at 350, and I surely believe it will exceed that. From
Henry, Franklin and Floyd, I have the most cheering account of the progress
of the great American movement." — Correspondent of ihe Richmond Whig,
May 22.
[Wise's majority In Patrick is 192,]
" Saw but one man in 5 months against Sam."
Frederick and Page Counties. — " I rejoice to inform you that the cause
of our country Is progressing so well In this (Frederick) county. I have tra
veled very considerably for the last 5 months in the upper end of 'this and the
lower end of Hampshire county, and In all that time I have met with but one
man thai was against vs, apd I feel assured that I am warranted iu saying that
old Frederick will give a majority of 150 for our pominees.
"I have, also beep ipformed that there are upwards of 400 members In
Page. " Having belopged to the Democratic party, I am utterly astonished at the
course they pursue iu regard to this great patiopal moveraent. They seem to
be blinded not only to the best interests of society, but of the country." —
[Correspondent of ihe Richmond Whig, May 22.
[Frederick gave 180 for Wise — and the official vote of Page is 1033 for
Wise, 72 (!) for Flournoy. If the gentleraan will travel " five months" through
Pago, he will probably be able lo find rather more than " one man" against
Sam,] A Handsome Majority for Sam, in Pulaski County. ,
Pulaski County, — " We shall elect our county delegate, Thomas Poage,
aud give the Winchester ticket a hapdsome majority." — Correspondent of the
Richmond Whig, May 22.
[Pulaski gave Mr. Wise " a hapdsome majority," and didn't elect Mr.
Poage. ]
Sam's Majority 1500 in Kidwell's District — and 2000 In Lewis's District
" As to the report of withdrawals in the North-West, it is false. We have
but few, and we lake in five lo one that withdraws. We will carry this dis
trict by 1500 majority, arid we have 2000 lo overcome. We will elect Fendle-
to Congress. The adjoining district will do better than what we do.- There ia
1600 majority against them, and they will carry it by 2000. — [Correspondent
of the Richmond Whig, May 22.
[Kidwell's majority upwards of 1300 — and Sam's majority In Lewis's dis
tricl 891, instead of "2000."]
An overwhelming Majority for Sam's candidates.
Hanover County. — Dear Post : We are augmenting our forces daily and
nightly. We wUl give Reins, Flournoy and Scott a tremendous vote. Thomp
son, American candidate for the House of Delegates, will certainly be elected
by an overwhelming majority. — [Correspondent of the Post, May 17.

417
Nearly Every Man in favor of the Know Nothing Ticket !
Hanover and New Kent.— Dear Post :— I happened a few days since to
be among the people of New Kent and Hanover, when, greatiy lo my surprise^
meii whora a few years ago, were the strongest advocates of Democracy are now
seizing every chance to let their friends know that Flournoy is the man of their
choice and not Henry A. Wise, the slanderer of all parties. So far, Mr. Editor,
as I was able to learn, there are few members of the Americap Order Ip the
above couptles, but so well are the people copvinced of its republican and na
tional principles that nearly every map I saw will go for the whole ticket. You
can rest assured that both counties will give a larger majority than has ever
been given for any other party. I am yours, &c. — [ Correspondent ofthe Penny
Post [Hanover gave the Democratic ticket about 200 majority.]
George W. Palmare Elected in Cumberland and Powhatan,
Cumberland. — We have very cheering news from this (Cumberland) county.
George W. Palraore will be elected from Powhatan and Cumberland, and the
American ticket will get one hundred majority in the latter county. — [Penny
Post, before the electiori.
[The "American" ticket got 25 majority in " the latter county" — and Mr.
Palmore was defeated by about 100 majority. Powhatan gave Wise a majority
of 137.] Louisa- — " Statements Utterly Unfounded."
Louisa, — Various exaggerated calculations have been made by the Anti-
American parly in regard to their anticipated majorities in this county — claim
ing as high as 200 for Judge Caskie, &c. These statements we have the best
reason for knowing are utterly unfounded. With the gallant Clayton G. Cole
man as our standard bearer for the State Senate, and the other excellent candi
dates in the field, we confidently anticipate a glorious triumph in Louisa. —
[Fenny Post, May Vl.
[The majority for Caskie In Louisa was precisely 200 — 644 to 444.]
" Sam" in Mecklenburg.
In this county (Mecklenburg) our Information Is that Hutcherson, the Ame
rican candidate for the Legislature, will certainly be elected. At the last elec
tion the whole vole of the country was 1167, and the Democratic majority was
about 840. Flournoy is certaip to get, next Thursday, at least 600 votes.
Pretty good progress in one county. There are seven councils in the county,
and the Presidents of four of them are Old Line Democrats. We learn also
that there was a free barbecue at Williamson's store last Saturday, after which
thirty-eight joined the order, twenty-two of whora were Democrats. — [Pewny
Post, May 17.
[Mecklenburg gives Mr. Wise and the whole Democratic ticket about 400.
majority. Johnson's majority. over Summers was 317,]
Botetourt 175 or 225 Majority for Flowmoy.
Botetourt County. — " From the statistics I send, you. will peitseive' thai
the American PM*y ^^^^ * '^^^" majority, of the votes in this oouBty, besides.
0*T

418
scores of outsiders to be sympathizing with us and will .vote our ticket. Pierce's
majority was 317. We shall change this Into at least 175 and very likely to
225, for Flournoy, Beale and Patton." — [Richmond Whig, May 15.
• [Botetourt gave Wise 430 majority.]
" Sam" Dividing Marion County.
"We shall poll 900 votes In Marion, which is half of the whole." — [Cor
respondent of the Richmond Whig, May 22.
[The vote of Marion stands, for Wise 1127, Flournoy 450.]
20,000 and Probably 40,000 Majority for Flournoy.
We shaU not be satisfied with less than 20,000 majority for Flournoy. We
are disposed to think we shall double that figure. " Press on the column,"
therefore, we say, and look not to the right or left until after the election. We
wish to have as large a majority as possible. Already certain of success, we
wish something more than mere victory. We desire to secure a triumph I —
[Penny Post, May 7. What a "Fall," my Countrymen!
" Press on the Column." — As the day of election approaches, the confi
dence of the American party rises. Already 72,000 strong, their numbers are
daily increasing. So certain are they of success, that we fear they may be in
duced to relax their exertions. We trust that raay not be the case. Let us
keep up the fire until we exterrainate the enemy. We shall give Mr. Wise such a
fall that he-will stand no more chance of rising than Lucifer. — [Penny Post,
May 7. Mr. Wise Ruminating in Accomac.
" Revolutions never go backward. Tbe grand political revolution of the
Know Nothings is the spontaneous uprising of the people against political
trickery and parly eorruptions. It wero as vain to aitempt to check its progress
as to stop tbe tornado in Its course. It bas tbe imprimatur of popular approval,
and Mr. Wise ought by tbis time lo be convinced of the futility of attempting
to arrest it. Beneath the classic shades of " Only, near Onancock," he may
ruminate on the result — and from the Instructive teachings of the past may
gather some valuable lessons for the future." — Richmond Whig, May 8.
Know Nothing Sympathy for the Dead Wise Men.
We can assure our anti-American friends here that we feel no little sympathy
for them in the present condition of political affairs — the certain, overwhelming
defeat that awaits them at the coming election staring them in the face. We
know they feel bad — the forebodings of their approaching doom haunt them day
and night. Now, we must say we have not the least objection that they should,
to the last, show true pluck and grit — indeed, these qualities will always chal
lenge our admiration ; but we are solicitous that they should be preparing to
fold tbeir togas about them and die with t'he grace and dignity that become the
remaining few ofa once powerful and honorable party — that they wiU so deport
themselves in this last death-struggle, that the future faithful historian will be
unable to find the least spot upon their fairness, truth or honor. We do reUlly
bope that . we shall haye it in our power, after the election, with a clear con-

419
science, to comply with the old maxim — " to say nothing but good of the dead,"
—r[Kanawha Republican, May 2.
" Sam Doing Wonders in Brunswick."
We learn that " Sam" is doing wonders In the Democratic county of Bruns
wick. Two councils bave been slartfed in that county, and they are working
finely. Brunswick is the last county in the State in which " Sam" was intro
duced. Nevertheless he will give a good account of himself and family even
there on election day. — [Penny Post, May 17.
' [Sure enough, Sam " did wonders in Brunswick." Wise's majority Is 332.
Johnson's majority over Summers was 154.]
A Large majority for Sam in Smyth County.
We learn that there are seven councils' in Smyth county, all In full blast, and
working finely. The order numbers sorae of the best men ip the county, aud
will give a large majority for the' Wipchester ticket. — [Penny Post, May 17.
[Smyth gave Wise 83 majority.]
Our " Nat" Elected by 8^00 to 1,000 Majority.
The Halifax Congressional District. — "Information received from
every county in this district renders certain the election of Claiborne by a ma
jority frpm 800 lo 1,000, while Flournoy will not fall short of 1500, and the
best Informed gentleraen say it wUl go beyond 2,000." — Richmond Whig, May
15. ["Our Nat" was defeated by 1,700 raajority.]
Tazewell County Safe for Trigg — Trigg Elected.
Wytheville, — " Dear Whig : — Rejoice ! rejoice ! for truly have the friends
of American and haters of foreign policy, cause to do so here. The determined
progeny of Sara now nuraber in this county 800 good and true. It Is now
universally conceded that Trigg will get a majority over both Martin and Mc-
Mullen, not only in this county, but in the whole district. Tazewell Is thought
safe for Trigg; Smyth will give a very large raajority ; Preston's fate Is sealed,
and Sheffey's majority may be safely put down at 100." — [Richmond Whig,
May 15.
[Tazewell gave tbe whole Democratic ticket more than 900 majority — and
Trigg was defeated by McMullen, by a majority of about 8,500.]
Sam in Rockingham.
Sam introduced himself to the good people of Rockinghara in September
last, In the persons of an old Rockingham Democrat, who now resides In Albe
marle, and an Alexandria Democrat. Endorsed thus by two " old liners," he
was most cordially received, and we have never for a moment fell any disposition
lo cut his acquaintance. His family Is now large and respectable, having daily
additions of pure old Jackson Democrats, who can never forget how Henry A.
Wise used lo abuse them and their party. You may rest assured, that tbe
Winchester ticket will receive at least 1600 votes in this oounty .-[Richmo-hd
Whig, May 15.
[The vote of Rockingham was : Wise 2,702, Flournojy 612.]

420
Tlie Penny Post Entitling Itself to the Gratitude of Beliefs.
A Chance, — The love of money is the besetting sin of the people of this
world. We scarcely ever meet a man who does'nt want more than he has.
We are very sure then that we should entitle ourselves io tlie gratitude of many
if -we direct them to a plan by which money can be made. Well, listen, all ye
lucre-loving sinners, and we wiU tell you how $ 5,000 can be made as clear as
grit in a little raore than a month. Here It is :
' Just get 1 2,500 and come to.this office, and we will direct you to a gentie
man who has f 5,000, and who Is particularly green. He is anxious , to bet
that amount to f 2,500, that Flournoy will be elected. Well, of course, you
have seen accounts of so many withdrawals, and of course you know that the
Know Nothing house is fast tumbling to pieces. So bring us your $ 2,500 and
stake it as we direct, deposit it In Bank, and on the 4th Thursday in May,
you'll be $ 5,000 richer than you are now — if Wise is elected. — [Richmond
Penny Post.

From the Richmond Enquirer.
OBITUARY OF SAM.
It has fallen to our lot to perform the melancholy task of announcing to his
friends and the public, the death of the lamented " Sam." He departed thia
life on the 24th day of May, 1855, at a place in Virginia, called the Polls, af
ter a short illness of extrerae mental and bodily suffering. In the morning of
the 24tb, on which the sad catastrophe occurred, he was, apparently, in fine
health and spirits, and manifested, it was observed by everybody, unusual acti
vity in his business. But, alas ! before night he was numbered with those that
have been. Indeed, the writer saw him the very day he died; he said he never
felt better, and promised himself a long, happy, and prosperous life. What
shadows we are ! Sara's days were swifter than a weaver's shuttle, and spent
without " Hope." His days were few and evil. As for " Sara," his days are
as grass ; as a flower of the field he fiourisheth, the breeze of public opinion
passed over him, he Is gone, and the places in Virginia, that knew him once,
will know him no more for ever. Because, "Sam" goeth lo his long home,
and the mourners go about the streets. As the particulars of his death may
be gratifying to his friends at a distance, we give them, as we received them,
from the most authentic sources.
About one o'clock, in the afternoon of the 24lh, "Sam" became dejected,
and was soon after taken with a nausea al the stomach, and vomiting up of a
quantity of crude indigestible matter, supposed to be green fruit, with which he
had overloaded his stomach, brought frora Massachusetts ; this was soon fol
lowed by a violent purging at the Polls ; when great debility ensued, termina
ting in death.
The friends of the deceased, both North and South, may be assured that no
pajns or expense was wanting here to save the life of this estimable man.
Steam and eleclrioily were taxed to the highest power — servants were going
day and night after the doctors, and the most skillful " knowing" ones. North
and Sputh, were employed — Councils were held in every corner, and groups of
the H»ost eminent praotltiooer.*, were seen here and there ip solemn conclave-^-
cpnsulting physicians were called in to confer with family doctors — the prayers,
of the church and the advice of the most eminent divines, in other States, was,
earnestly soUcited — the elders of the churoh were oaUed for, tp anoint, him y^ith

421
oil ; but all In vain — " Sam's" tirae had come— the decree had gone forth— a
portion of the members of the Whig church which had long been ii;i a cold and
dead state, but had began to " strengthen the things that remain, and were
ready to perish," and to pray and hope for a revival, saying, all our help must
come from " Sam,", now sunk in deep despair ; and a universal gloom, as still
as the grave, hung over the vestals of the " Dim Lantern." The patient was
In an awful state of collapse, and every expedient was tried to produce a re-ac
tion In the system. Blisters or Sinapisms, composed of -different Ingredients,
and spread on blue paper, were constantly applied to the extremities, at the
polls ; but they failed to draw. Americap " Gpats" instead of Spapish flies,
were applied lo the back, apd " Clay" poultices to the abdomep ; and the cele
brated " Patent" gruel, (said to be a specific in every disease,) given as an in
jection; hut there was rib " Hope." " Sic transit gloria mundi!"
After the physicians had despaired of " Sam's" body, the Doctors of Divini
ty were sent for lo lake care of his soul. An eminent Divine (from Kentucky)
who visited him In his last moments, conversed freely with hira on the subject
of reUgion. His reraarks were published in the Presbyterian Critic. He as
sured "Sam" that he need not be uuder any apprehensions about his "future
destiny;" that his conduct and principles were in perfect accordance with the
Word of God, and he was perfectly orthodox. " Sam" had no fears upon that
score; he had endeavoured lo obey the will of the "Grand Master," and wh^t
he had committed lo him, he bad kept to the day of his death. But, turning
from the Doctor to one of the family — ^a gentleman from Lunenburg, a Mr. T.,
(who, It is thought, will never forget the remark and the impression it made ou
him,) he observed, he was conscious of his approaching dissolution, and he
would die perfectly " contented," if he only knew what killed him. The Doc
tor gravely remarked, he believed that it was that " intepse Democracy" of
Virginia that was the Iraraediate cause of his death. Mr. T.,lt will be remem
bered, retired from " Sam" " with a bird iu the hand ;" and that " Goode"
gentleman, whose death he predicted. Is still alive. The above meptioned is
the Kentucky Doctor that prophesied (if "Sam," before his death, in Virginia,
said the coming of " Sam" would be as the comipg of the Kingdom of Heaven,
" in sUence, (secretly,) withouf observation." " That is the way," said he,
"in which all 'grand' moyements corae." (Mark the expression, "grand
movement," "Grand Master,," "Grand Council," — everything grarid about
"Sam;" "Sam is one of the grandees.) Said that "Sam" would swallow
Democracy and live forever; that "Sam's" family would swaUow up every
olHIr family in America, and there would be left but one national, native-born,
American family — "Sara's!!!" But if "Sam" swallowed a small dose of
Democracy, and he died instantly, what would become of him if he should take
a full dose ? Tbo Democratic Medical Faculty has just prescribed the following
dose for " Sam" in Virginia -. Take —
Of Wise, 9 or 10,000 drowt '
" Congress 13 do^
" Legislature 48 do.
Given in pure Democracy, in broken doses, at the polls, in the day time —
" Sam" wUl be dead by next morning. If " Sam" should revive, give the
same In larger doses. For a "National" dose, see Democratic Dispensatory.
See, also, " Rush" on Sam al the polls. _ , . , , ,
We had predicted that poor " Sam" had been deceived — that he had not ex
amined tbe ground of his hope. The Doctors have led him to rely on secrecy
for salvation, and faith alone In the " Grand Master ;" preaching to him that
"every grand movement must be secret," when they ought to haye urged him
to come out, and make an open, bold profession of his religion before the world,
that it might be seen whether his practice accorded with his principles. Not to

422
be " ashamed of ' Sam' before men ;" " let his light so shine" — " not lo put It
under a bushel" — that we are " children of the day, not of the night." And,
above aU, to haye referred him to his " Bible in hand" — particularly that pas
sage In John xviii : 19, (if he wished to come as the kingdom of heaven)-:
"The High Priest then asked Jesus of his doctrine." 20 : " Jesus answered
him, I spake openly to the world : I even taught In the Synagogue and in the
Temple, where the Jews always resort, and in secret have I said nothing."
And, again : " This thing was not done In a corner" (or a culvert.) " Sam"
ought to have been taught that the kingdom of heaven came openly, (though It
came not with "observation," that is, with great outward pomp, and a particu
lar locality, as a temporal kingdom,) and not secretly, like tbe Jesuits ; that it
had a visible organization, and that publicity was its grand characteristic. The
70 disciples were sent out by tbe Ruler, himself, of, the Kingdom, to preach
before the world, that " the Kingdom of Heaven was al hand." So " Sam"
ought to have sent out his "72,000" disciples to preach his doctrines, and to
announce his coming; and, verily, (according to Mr. Bolls and other prophets,)
they would not have gone over Virginia, before " Sam" would be in all his
power and glory. But, on the contrary, whenever the Know Nothings were
asked by the Democrats whep the kingdom of " Sam" should come, and what
its doctrines, tbey answered and said, " Sam coraeth pot with observation."
Neither shall they say, Lo ! bere, or, lo ! there, for, behold, " Sam" is within
you. For as the Ughtning that lightnelh out of the one part under Heaven,
shineth unto the other part under Heaven, so shall " Sam" be in his day. Here
the analogy of the Know Nothing commentators, between the kingdom of
"Sam" and the kingdom of Heaven, fails. "Sam" goes, it is true, by the
telegraph, but is unseep. The lightning is seen under thc whole Heavens.
Not so with the great "Invisible and Invincible." And as it was in the days
of Noah, (continue these same doctors, in the same chapter,) so shall it be also
in the days of " Sam," The Democrats were carousing, say they, until the
day that the Know Nothings were taken inlo the ark and the flood of Know
Nothingism came and destroyed th»m all. Likewise, also, it was in the days of
Lot : " They did eat and drink," &c. 'But the sarae day that " Sam" went
out of Sodom, It rained fire and brimstone from " Sam" on the Democrats, and
destroyed them all. Even so shall it be in the days of " Sam ;" so saith the
prophet. The delayed retribution Is impending, and like every other great re
tribution, it takes those it falls on by surprise' — (The "Critic") On. whose
head, tell me, did the fire and brimstone fall, at the polls in Virginia ? Who
was taken by surprise ? . "Sam" was taken in his own nel. Who is fea|{Ing
and reveling now, till the fiood comes again, walking in political lasclviousness,
lusts of power, excess of wine, revellngs, banquetings, and abominable idola
tries, wherein they think il strange that ye run not with them to the same ex
cess of not speaking evil of you ? It is " Sam" In Pljiladelphia, like Belshaz-
zar in Babylon, giving a great feast lo a thou.^-and of bis lords, his wives and
concubines. But, a fing^has written over against the dim "lantern," on the
plaster of the wall; and ^e magicians, astrologers, chaldeans, and soothsayers,
are failing,) Daniel, as before, will be sent for to Interpret il. Daniel will leach
Sam that the Most High ruleth in the kingdom of men — that Sam had not
humbled himself since his fall In Virginia. And, therefore, for the thought
of his heart, this Is the interpretation of the thing : Mene — Thy kingdom is
numbered. Tekel — Thou art weighed. Peres — Thy kingdom is divided. In
vain will " Sam" sing " he brought me into the ' banqueting house,i and his
banner over me was love." Sam has prepared this great feast in imitation of
Queen Esther's emancipation of the Jews, to liberate the slaves of the south ;
and " Sam," like Haman, boasts that no man is permitted to come to the
"banquet" prepared by the Queen, but himself. Yet all this (honor) avails
me nothing, says he, so long as I see Democrats in office. But, mark ! Haman

423
will hang himself op the very gallows he is preparing for Mordecai ; and Es
ther will be celebrated by the Democrats. The Kentucky doctors also said, that
the poor Democrats, (like the Demoniacs, when they saw Christ approach them,)
would " scream at the bare mcHtion of Sam" !!! Who screamed at the polls ?
" Sam" — the " invincible Sam." And it turns out to be, that it was the Know
Nothings, (whose name they say was legion,) that besought the Democracy that
they might go Into the herd of swine, (Northern aboUtionists,) and, behold, the
whole herd of swine rushed headlong down a precipice and were drowned in the
sea, and the herdsmen, (the Northern Whigs,) that attended them fled into the
city, (of Philadelphia,) and the whole city came out and besought the Democ
racy to depart out of their course. The Doctors mistook Democracy for De-
moniacy ! If " Sam-' is so expert in casting out devils, it is a wonder he has
not dispossessed hiraself, long ago. This, indeed, would be Belzebub, casting
out the Devil — " Sam's"' kingdom divided against itself — the harlot of Massa
chusetts complaining of the "whore of Babylon!"
As to the disease with which "Sam" died, there are yarious conjectures.
Some think he died of Flux, or "Fusion," (as it is termed in modern nomen
clature,) from the appearance of his stools or "platforms" — that is, a running
together of Northerp Abolitiopists with Northern Whigs, agaipst the Catholics
for power and office. The purgipg which Sam got al the polls did pol indicate
that his bowels were open, for physicians know, that, in dysentery, the purging
is a sesretion from the bowels themselves, while the food, or natural passages,
are retained; so, that, although he disgorged (by the mouth) a good deal of
what he had swallowed, and lost flesh, he was still bound In the bowels to the
last. " Sam" had been subject lo costiveness from his birth, both at the mouth,
by oath, and in the belly. But a few weeks before bis death, being alarmed at
his situation, he was wont to go out very badly from his lodging, and take an
aperient, but the physicians forbid it. Said thai a sudden evacuation would
produce such debility, it would certainly carry hira off — to confine himself
closely lo his room and keep quiet. There is a great anxiety now to know, I
am told, that of the different kinds of isms " Sam" eat, which it was that dis
agreed with him, so that tbey might diet him hereafter, for dysentery (running
from the lodges) and obstinate costiveness of the bowels — secresy is hereditary
in the family. They are still bound, as before, and now under the care of the
Philadelphia doctors, who advise them to touch nothing but what agrees with
them. But a Philadelphia doctor can't cure " Sam" — he is too far gone. There
are others of opinion that " Sam" died from sheer debility, (or " civil disabili-
Ijy") from being overheated in the crusades. Some contend he had the Scrofula
or King's Evil — hatred to free institutions — (as freedom of opinion, aUen, &c.,
can never be mentioned in his presence without producing nausea at the sto
mach) which he inherited from old federal Sam and which broke out, pow
and then, in various branches of the Whig family, there being a predisposi
tion to the disease. Others again, presume that he was killed by swallow
ing too many different kinds of isms at once, as appears frora a post mortem
examination, there having been found about forty in his belly, in an indi
gestible state. The last one which he swaUowed just before he died — ^^Arne
rican or Kuow Nothingism — lodged in his throat, and produced Bronchitis at
the poUs. Some conjectured, and not without reason, that " Sam" had Hydro
phobia, from his dread of " Holy Water," as he had been bitten by a canine
fanatic at the North, during dog-days there. Others supposed he took cold tra
velling In Missouri and the territories of Kansas and Nebraska ; while many
think that he was wounded in a rencounter with the " Fugitive Slave Bill"
Others think he died from-emaciation— that he pined away from pure love for
the Negroes the Union and Native Americans, and envy at the prosperity of
the South. ' Some think that he was literally consumed with lust for power and
office and they gave him the balsam of Know Nothingism. Many, again, sup-

424
pose that he died from refusing fo take stimulus, from his conscientious scruples
about " Maine Liquour," and from substituting sour butter-milk in the Sacra
ment, in the place of wine. While not a few are persuaded he suffered from
religious melancholy, or derangement from discarding the Bible from his heart,
and substituting Know Nothingisra. But the most probable opinion is that the
immediate cause of his death, was the sheck frora the Democratic battery,,when
the positive and negative poles were brought together, to cure him of tbe Rheu
matism, which he got by going out loo late at night ! All these, no ^oubt, con
tributed to " Sam's" sufferings. Never did a poor man groan under a greater
complication of maladies, than did "Sam" in Virginia; and it was, no doubt,
best for him and tbe community, that he was taken away in his youth, for his
disease was a contagious one, whatever raight have been its nature in other re
spects. The Democratic Faculty, as soon as he died, recommended that the
room (Virginia) should be constantly fumigated with vinegar^ (Democratic prin
ciples,) and well ventilated. The clothing, as well as the. bedding, ought to be
often removed and all offensive odors (particularly the fseces) should be removed
as speedUy as possible.
As to the character of " Sam" he was perfectly consistent in his " Platform"
and practice. He stood broad in public estimation. No man doubted his vera
city, purity or piety. His Bible was always in hand, if not in heart. He loved
(like the good Samaritan) his neighbor as himself His charity covered a mul
titude of sins in others, and extended to all without exception. He was parti
cularly noted for entertaining strangers, for he thought that thereby he might
entertain angels unawares. In creed, Sam was a Unitarian, and required his
followers to swear by and beUeve in one God, and he propagated this doctrine
under the cover of political principle.
If Sam's conscious scruples about slavery, wine, &c,, in the Bible, did lead
him to reject the New Testament and its authors, yet he very piously beUeved,
like Mahomet, In the unity of God, and received a small portion of the Old
Testament. " Sam" was a good author ; he wrote pamphlets, in which he
" denied that Christ made an intoxicating wine, and if he did, he was no Sa
viour for him." And he had the charity to believe, that " if Christ bad known
the misery he brought on the world by making an intoxicating Uquor, he neyer
would have made It." Sam's doctrines in the Church In which he was first
brought up, had prepared him for apy emergency in the State. But no raan was
more tolerant or more opposed to retaliation. He was perfectly wUling that
eyery man should think for himself in matters of religion. That all reUgious
sects and denominations of professing christains, should have their own w-ays of
thinking and modes of worship ; that " every one should be fully persuaded
in his own mind," was " Sam's" motto written on his forehead — a living epis
tle to be read o^ all men, whatever he might have kept behind. He read with
horror, and tears In his eyes, how they used to fry men, for thinking, on grid
irons, and drive them out of the country just for opinion sake. S-am, although
not a Presbyterian, Baptist, Methodist, EpiscopaUan, or Roman Catholic, but
of the Know Nothing persuasion, yet he loved all, and was all things to all
men, peradventure, he might wiu some. He held that when In Rome, (where
he often went,) we must do as Rome does. He had lately joined the Know
Nothing church, and was a consistent member to the day of his death. He
possessed a zeal for God, exactly according lo Know Nothingism. He was a
great Protestant. He protested against all party spirit and sectarianism in
Chui-ch and Slate, but his own " American party," He " set aside all parties
for the time al least," (Pres. Critic) except the Know-Nothing parly. How
beautifully consistent was " Sam !" Sam was a great Patriot, He so loved
his country, that he called hiraself " American," " National Republican,"
" Star- Spangled Banner," &o.; following the example of the good old Romau
fathers who called themselves the opposite of what they were — Pius, Clement,

425
(mild) Innocent, Felix, (happy) Celestine, (Heavenly,) &c. "Sam" was not
only exceedingly exemplary in his own conduct and conveisation, but he brought
up his children in the way they should go, and they never lived to be old enough
to depart from it. " Sam kept a family Rpcord in his Bible where he recorded
all the births of his children. It is true be omitted the deaths, but this is ex
cusable, as his feelings were so tender, he couldn't think "on the subject. At
bis death, " Sam" had 72,000 children in- Virginia, besides grand children, —
They were as the stars of Heaven in multitude. He had been promised a nu
merous sepd. It was said in " Sara" " all the nations of the earth should be
blessed," and he should live forever. " The American pariy involves the over
throw of every other party," "Democracy has lived 100 years; 'Sam' will
swallow Democracy and live forever," is the language of the prophet of Ken
tucky. - _ ^ , _
" Sam was born in Massachusetts, of royal parentage, and was descended in
a direct Une from a British Whig family. His ancestors emigrated from Eng
land lo America before the revolutionary war. After the war, " British Whig"
Sam, died, and left an only son, " Federal" Sam^^a respectable honest man,
but of bad principles — he became odious by his connection with the Adams
family in Sjassachusetts. Federal Sam died, and left an only son. Whig
Sam, He died and left an only son, National Republican Sam. He died, and
left an only son, Whig " Sam" or " Sam Pure" again, named, after his grand
father. Whig Sam. 'This family separated from the Whig faraily South, and
" Sam" married an abolition lady in Massachusetts, a relation of Adams, Gree
ley, Seward, Wilson, &c.
The fruit of this connection, was Know-Nothing or American " Sam." So
that Know Nothing Sam was an abolitionist on the matemal side, and on the
paternal a Whig. Now this is the genealogy of " Sam." British Whig Sam
begat Federal Sam. Federal Sam begat Whig Sam again. Whig Sam begat
National Republican Sam. National RepubUcan Sam begat Know Nothing
Sam. And all the generations of Sara, from British Whig Sam to Know
Nothing Sam, are five generations. And the days of the years of Sam are
about three-score years and ten ; and if by reason of strength they be four
score' years, yel is their strength, labor and sorrow ; for it is soon cut off and we
fly away. So teach us to number our days, that we may apply our hearts unto
wisdom — may all the Know Nothipgs pray.
Sam haying heard through the Board of Domestic Miesiops, (the Grand
Council,) of the ignorance and superstitious devotion of the Heathen in' Vir
ginia to the Constitution, his sonl was stirred within him ; for he saw they were
wholly given to idolatry. He determined to visit that destitute region, on a
missionary tour, and preach to them the gospel of Know Nothingisrii — lo de
clare unto them the " unknown (or Know-Nothing) God" whom they ignorant
ly worshipped ; but the cUmate proving unfavorable to his health, he died in
Virginia, May 24lh, 1855. ,
While on this mission South, Araerican Sara' married a Miss Know-Nothing,
his first cousin, for he had relations in Virginia, both on the mother s and lath
er's side, who had settled in that State before, and in other States. This mar
riage united the Know Nothing family North, with the Know Nothing family .
South. But this raatch was opposed by the most respectable portion ot the^
Whig family South, who, about the time of " Sam's" death, married mto the
Democratic family. We may observe here, that although Sam claims km with
the Washington, Jefferson, Madison and Jackson famil;^, they are not blood re
lations. He tries to trace his pedigree to those families, (to gel office.) Al
though he dogs Virginia for her family pride.— Sam's amiable consort, is now
in desolate widowhood. She is advised to raarry again as soon as it is decent,
as Sara left his matters in a bad condition and she needs funds. She is already
beginnin.. to wax wanton and will marry. They say that the Know Nothing

426
church ought not to be burthened with the support of such. But the younger
widows refuse ; (that Is lo take op the charity of the Church) for wheu they
have begun to wax wanton, they will marry ; having condemnation because
they have cast off their first faith. And with all this they learn lo be idle,
wandering about from North lo South, and not only idle, but tattlers also, and
busy-bodies in othei men's matters, speaking things which they ought not. I
will, therefore, (says the Grand Council) that the young women marry and
bear children." Sam's widow needs not the slightest encouragement on this
score, for II Is reported that she was discovered recently ogling a young Demo
cratic gentleman of the Know Nothing family at the funeral who owned ne
groes ! ! !
Sam and his wife, it is well known, married each other for money, at first, or
for " quills," as they say. But, alas ! tbey were both deceived, " deceiving and
being deceived ;" and when they came together, they found each other perfectly
fealherless ! ! ! Love had jumped out of the window, and they had commenced
quarreling, and if Death had not parted them, they would have soon parted
themselves. 'As a Had Nothing had married a Know Nothing, the pubUc
thought it was a first rate match at first, and the conjugal knot for brevity was
written thus, " 00."
The widow Know Nothing declares now, that she is determined never to
marry a man for office again ; it is too perishable a property — she means to
marry next lime for " darkeys." This will please the public and aU parties
south. She will never be cdught running off secretly again with a man, but
means to stand boldly before the parson and be married publicly in the Church,
In the day time, and will be choice and exclusive in nothing but inviting per
sons to the wedding, or the banquet. She is said lo be gone Norlh now, look
ing out, a remarkable gay widow — It is thought that she puts out the idea,
however, of marrying for negroes, merely to marry, and really dislikes negro
property, (as she Is a Northern lady,) and as soon as she is married, will go
North and settle in a free State. We understand that such a match is about
being made up now, by some of the family in Philadelphia. In the mean time,
the widow Know Nothing is putting on tbe most coquetisb airs imaginable,
even in the ehurch, which she enters with a lofty head and a most significant
waddle. But the Deraocracy, because the widow of Sara is haughty and walks
with a stretched-forlh neck and wanton eyes, walking and mincing as she goes,
and making a tinklipg with her feet ; therefore, the Democracy will smite with
a scar the crowp (the Grand Couucll) of her head and discover her secrets ; in
that day, will take away the bravery of her tinkling ornaments about her feet,
and her curls and her round lies like the moon ; the chains, and the bracelets,
and the muffles; the bonnets and the ornaments of the legs, and the head
bands and the labels and the ear rings ; the rings and nose jewels ; the chan
geable suits of apparel, and the mantles, and the crimples and the crisplng-pins,
the glasses and the fine linen, and the hoods and the veils. And it shall come
to pass that Instead of a sweet sraell, there shall be a stink ; and instead of a
girdle, a rent; and instead of well-set hair, baldness; and Instead of a stoma
cher, a girding of sackcloth ; and burning instead of beauty. Wherefore, let
us Democrats walk honestly as in the day, not in rioting and drunkenness, not
in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying. Let us, therefore,
cast off the works of darkness. For when they speak great swelUng words of
vanity ("American Nationality," Protestant civilization," "National Union,"
" National Republican," " Grand President," " Grand Council," " American
Platforra,") they allure through the lusts of flesh (for office) through much
wantonness, those that were clean escaped from them, who live in error; while
they promise (the slaves) liberty, they them.selyes are the servants of corrup
tion. But we warn the Democratic family of the raouth of this " strange wo
man," which is as a " deep pit," or a " culvert." Listen to the counsel of the

427
"Wiseman:" "My son attend upto my wisdom and bow thine ear to mine
understanding; 2.. That thou mayest regard discretion, and that thy lips may
keep knowledge; 8. For the lips of a strange woman drop as honey-comb, and
' her mouth is smoother than oil ; but her end is bitter as wormwood and sharp
as a two-edged sword ; her feet go down lo death ; her steps take hold on Hell ;
lest thou should ponder the path of life, her ways are movable that thou canst
not know them. Hear me now, 0 ye children, depart not from the word of ray
mouth ; remove thy way far from ber, come not nigh the door of her Lodse "
Her ways are moveable ! ! ! "
Sam was decentiy interred, al the Polls In Virginia, where he died ; and many
of the Democratic family attended the funeral and assisted at the burial His
obsequies were conducted with all the honor and solemnity due to his character
and station. The funeral sermon was preached by a minister of the Know
Nothing denomination; apd the text was takep from Job 3, 3, Let the day
perish wherem I was borp, apd the night it is said there is a raap child conceived
(with the following Inclusive:) 11. Why died I not frora my mother's womb?
13. For now should I have lain still and be quiet,. I should have' slept • then
had I been at rest. 14. With Kings and Counsellors of the earth, which have
bmll destitute places for themselves. 16. Or, as a hidden untimely birth, I
had not been ; as infapts which pever saw light. 6, 5. Doth the wild ass bray
when he hath grass ? or loweth the ox over his fodder ? My brethren have
dealt deceitfully as a brook, and as a stream of brooks they pass away. 17.
What time they wax warm they vapish. 18. The paths of their way are lurued
aside; they go to "pothipg" and perish.
17.5. But as you for all, do ye return and come now; for I cannot find one
"Wise man" among you. 19.15. They that dwell in my house count me for
a stranger : I am ap outcast ip their sight. 19. AU my ipward fricpds abhor
•"me; and they whom I love have turned against me. 20.4. ^Knowest not thou
- this of old, since man was placed upon the earth ? 5. That the triumphing of
the wicked is short, and the joy of tho hypocrite but for a moment. 15. He
hath' swaUowed riches, and he shall vomit them up again. God shall cast th&m
«out of his belly ; 19. Because he hath oppressed and hath forsaken the poor ;
20. Surely, she shall not be quiet in his belly. 21. There shall none of his
meats be left. 28. When he is about to fill his belly, God shaU cast the fury
of his wrath upOn him, and shall rain il upon him while he is eating. 27.
This is the portiop of a wicked map and the heritage of oppressors. 15. Those
that remain of him shall be buried in death, and his widow shall not weep.
29.2. 0 that I were as in raonths passed; 30.9. But now I ara their song;
yea, I am a by-word (" Shm") lo them : They abhor -rae, they fiee from me.
With many words did the preacher exhort the residue of " Sam" to work out
their salvation with fears and trembling, knowing that the Grand Council
"worked" in them lo will and lo do of his own good pleasure ; to make their
calling and election sure In 1856. He encouraged the family with the hope of
the resurrection of Sam. Our "Gnat," said he, was Clay born, and the Dem
ocratic decree had gone forth, to dust he should return, yet he shall resurrect. ,
As to brother Flournoy, there was Stan-Hope in his name, and there should be
" hope" in his death, that it was needful that Sam should put off this vile
body, that _he might come forth with a more glorious body and narae. He
predicted a raillennlura in 1856, when " all parties," and the Devil of Deraoc
racy should be chained a thousand years, and Know Nothingism have free
scope arid be glorified." " Sara should swallow Democracy and live forever."
These services were introduced by singing, " Hark from the tombs," which
was chanted with awful solemnity ; the whole congregation of Know Nothings
were In tears. The second hymn, was the Resurrection Hymn, and raised by
" our brother Nat Claiborne :"

428
And must this body die,
This feeble frame decay.
And must these active limbs of mine
Lie mouldering in the " Clay ?"
Arrayed in glorious grace,
Shall these vile bodies shine,
And every shape and every face
Look heavenly and divine.
Then came the third hymn, raised by father Beale :
On Jordan's stormy banks I stand.
And cast a wishful eye.
To Canaan's fair and happy land,
'Where m-y possessions lie.
Services closed by singing S. M. Doxology, and the benediction was pro
nounced : Give Federal " Spm" the praise,
Give glory to his son,
And to the childie-n of his grace
Be equal honor done.
The congregation was then dismissed.
What rendered the services peculiarly interesting, was, Brother Tazewell,
who had arrived lo a state of assurance and had not doubted of his election for
some time, struck up in some distant corner of the church :
When I can read my title clear,
To mansio-ns in the skies,
I'll bid farewell to every fear,
And wipe my weeping eyes.
The whole congregation chimed in and sung with great animation al the pros
pect of the revival of Sam.
The deceased left a will, in which, after distributing offices among all his
children, he left the residue of his estate to his -widow Know Nothing dowager.
This will was made before his death, (as he was in bad health) and never
altered. In a codicil lo the will, he expressed a wish, thai if bis widow had a
child, (which was expected) that after her death, her property should go to it,
and if it died under age, it should revert to the Whig family. Messrs. Flour
noy, Beale, Pattpn, Claiborne, Tazewell and Watkins were appointed executors
in Virginia, by the " Grand" court. They have just wound up Sam's matters,
and find that he has nothing to give, and a great many of his children have been
taken into the Democratio faraily for support.
In the meantime the widow Know Nothing is in Philadelphia, expecting
every day to have a litf.le one : and speculation is rife what sort df a thing it
will be. Some think il will prove an abortion, others premature and It won't
live. Some think it will be black, others think It will be mulatto. Some think
it will be white on one side of its face, and black on the other : and that It will
turn one side or the other North, or South, as it suits. Some think she will
have twips differipg Ip some particulars, but alike in the main, enough to show
that 'they are old Sam's children. They are now disputing about the name.
They are trying lo pick out a very popular name, as the old lady says', they
mean to make him President after a while, if Le Uves to be grown. They say

429
he must not have any double name; but "National" Sam, "American" Sam
" Protestant Republican" Sara, or sorae " Grand" general name, that will give
Sam a free pass throughout the United States. , I think they will call him after
his grand-father, "National" Rep-ablican Sam. Sam will beget a son. In his
own likeness.
ROANOKE.

[From the Peters|)urg South Side Democrat.]
LETTER FROM MR. WISE.
We pubUsh the following interesting correspondence between Mr. Wise and
the committee appointed al a late meeting of the Petersburg democracy, to In
vite him to a barbecue to be given In this city al such day as he might desig
nate. [CORRESPONDENCE.] Petersburg, Virginia, May 31st, 1855.
Sir:— At a meeting of the Democracy of Petersburg on the 30th inst., we
were appointed a committee to invite you to an old fashioned Virginia 'barbe
cue, to be given on such day as you may appoint. It is with the greatest satis
faction that we now perform the duly. Your inappreciable services In the re
cent canvass have inspired the deraocracy of this city, and the adjoining coun
try, with an earnest desire to see you, and to extend to you their thanks for
your eminent services and gallant bearing during the contest, and their earnest
congratulations at the signal success that has attended them.
The importance to free government of the principles involved in the late
election, and their triumphant assertion, demands something raore than an ordi
nary celebration of the event.
The Democracy of the Cockade Cilyi tho only Democratic city In the Com
monwealth, are prpud of their right lo be the first to entertain as their guest
their distinguished and gallant leader.
Permit us to conclude by expressing to you, as individuals, our high admira
tion of, and regard for your private as well as your public virtues, and the -hope
that you will find it compatible, pot merely with your feelipgs and wishes, but
with your convenience also, to comply with the request of a portion of your
friends and constituents. Very respectfully,
R. K. Meade, Thomas Wallace,
F. E. Rives, B. B. Vatjghan,
J. J. Thw^eatt,

Committee.

[reply.]

Onancock, Virginia, June 9th, 1855.
Gentlemen : — ^In reply to yours of the 31st ult., I beg you to present to the
De.mpcracy of Petersburg my most grateful thanks. May Heaven forevfer bless
the Cockade City and the South Side counties around her, for doing their fujl
part in defending the faith and the ajtaj-s of Virginia. There, Is. no sectioa
whose people I would be p^aud^r to greet, none whosa good opinions I am more,
desirous to deserve. Petersbjurg is with the country and the country iswith.

43Q
her. Her name, her honor, her interests, shall be enshrined by the Democracy
— that steadfast, homestead Democracy of Virginia, which is too intelligent,
too conscientious, and has loo much al stake not to be conservative. But, gen
tlemen; however grateful I feel to you, you must allow me the indulgence of
remaining' quietly al horae. I would have sacrificed much raore than I did in
the late canvass to prevent defeat under ray lead, but I assure you the labors I
underwent nearly cost me my life. I was absept nearly five months from my
children and Mrs. Wise, whose health now requires ray constant pursing. My
domestic affairs too, need every every moinent of my tirae until I must leave
for Richmond. I therefore decline no less thau three such iuvltatiops asyours
by this mail. If I accept one, I must all, and I cannot accept apy without
great inconvepience. But let me say to you, that I hope our friends will seize
the raomeut lo strepglhcp the Democratic cause. Eveuls are comipg, you may
rely on it, for which we ought to be prepared. How ? As early as is prudent
reorganize, by having a conference of our friends throught the State.
I am, faithfully yours,
HENRY A. WISE.
To R. K, Meade, Thomas Wallace, Francis E, Rives, B. B. Vaughan, J. J.
Thweatt, Esqrs. <

From the Enquirer.
LETTER FROM HENRY A. WISE.
We copy from tbe last Elizabeth City (N. C,) Democratic Poineer, the fol
lowing eloquent letter, addressed by the Hon, Henry A. Wise to tbe Committees
of Gates and other counties, who had invited bim to address the people at
GatesviUe during the late camp-aign. The Pioneer says : " We publish in
another column a letter frora the Hon. Henry A. Wise, in reply to an invita
tion to attend the late Democratic Mass Meeting near GatesviUe. We regret
exceedingly that the gentleman who received it failed to place it in our hands
at an earlier day. But, though the occasion is past, which called it forth it
loses none of its interest thereby. It Is characteristic of Its author — bold, able
and withering. It gives a passing notice to those Know Nothing emhssaries
who went to Virginia to electioneer during the recent canvass there, and ex
presses the earnest wisb of the author for an opportunity to scourge them at
their own doors in return. But the whole letter is full of Interest. Read it,
and if any regret is felt after rising frora its perusal, Il will be that you did not
have an opportunity of hearing its distinguished author " scourge" Know
Nothingism on the sturap." Only, (Near Onancock,) Va., )
July 1st, 1855. I
James C, Skinner, Esq. :
Dear Sir : — I have delayed a reply to yours of the 18tb ult., in order to try
to make arrangements to accepi the kind and pressing invitation of the Com
mittees of Gates, Perquimans, Pasquotank, Chowan, and Currituck, in North
Carolina, lo participate with thera in a Deraocratic Mass Meeting to be held in
the county of Gates, sometirae betfyeen the 10th of July and the 1st of Au
gust next, the precise day to be fixed by my appointment. I have the strongest
desire to meet your Democracy. It holds the brighter than golden links whieh
bind the. two elder sister States of the South,' North Carolina and Virginia

431
together. Those links are of our earliest history, of our revolution for inde
pendence, of our past political struggles for repubUcan freedom, of common
sacrifices and co-operation in the past and of common hopes for the future. The
Federal party of old and the Fanatical party of the present day (the last is
worse than the first,) never tried and never tended to unite themselves with the
Southern States, or parlies or men, but rather with Northern. Whenever De
mocracy has been dominant in North Carolina, that Slate has always been
united with Virginia, which has always been Democratic ; and whenever either
Federalism or Fanaticism has prevailed there, Virginia and North Carolina have
been divided from each other, both in councils and in action. I would gladly
see them inseparable — inseparable as Macon was frora Jefferson and Madison.
Our fathers were as Jonathans and Davids to each other, and I would have
their children sp united as to preserve the union of all. North and South, by
their inseparable union with each other ! No, not for selfish, or sectional ends
would I bind thera together, but for national, constitutional. State rights,
Union abiding ends, I would have them so solid a phalanx of freedom standing
side by side and sustained by all their sisters of the conservative school, that no
influence, no "ism," shall be able to assail or destroy the Institutions of our
confederacy. T-hose institutions, State and Federal, have been sorely and in
sidiously invaded of late. The invaders were daring enough to touch the sacred
soil of this blessed mother Commonwealth. They mustered emissaries from
every quarter — from abroad, from Exeter Hall In old England, from Canada,
from New England, from New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Tennessee ; and I
regret especially to be corapelled to admit that some of the most venomous,
desperate, most unscrupulous and audacious came here from the South of us —
from North Carolina — to corrupt the popular raind, to instil poison and sow
Dragon's teeth among us. They dared not intermeddle in our canvass publicly,
on the " stump," in debate, before the people, but they skulked to secrel con
claves, and by the light of " dark lanterns" which " burnt a gloom," they im
plored our voters to save them and their plots of mischief from exposure and
explosion. They urged in their agony of midnight harangues that the battle
was with them for life or death — that if they did not succeed they would sink
down to lower depths of infamy — that if victory did not crown their conspiracy
they would be dishonored and disgraced, would be a by-word and a reproach,
politically forever ! They cowered before the lance of Democracy in Virginia,
and the raonstrois treason was hore hurled to its despair. A Pandemopium
has lately beep held Ip Philadelphia, apd there it was plainly proved that pot
the worst enemies of the South were from the North. The Sams of Virginia
and North Carolina were no less traitorous to our Constitution and laws. Fede
ral Union and State Rights, and horaes and altars than were the priestcraft
party of the North, who would not seeraingly keep tbem company or abide their
councUs. To expose these Southern emissaries in your midst, I would Uke, at
their own doors, to scourge them for their nightly prowling about our doors in
the late Virginia canvass. But these would be the least of my aims in attend
ing your District Mass Meeting. I would be glad-to implore you In person to
be true to the faith of the Fathers of this Republic ; to protect the fames of
our Prote'stant churches; to forbid the bans between Church and State, which a
subtle and wily priestcraft is contriving under the false cry of proscribing pope
ry; to fight on and fight ever to have this land continue forever to be the
" land of the free and the home of the brave ;" lo contend for Constitutions and
Bills of Rights, and Statutes to reign over us, and not to subject us to the
higher law of a secrel olii-archy, worse than that of any German Gehime Ge-
richt !— to free us from the " dagger and the cord" of political assassination !—
to preserve the dignity and individ-uality and independence _ of voters atthe
polls '-to save the laws from a conspiracy against their operation 1— to save the
South from an Old England and New England combination, which would shave

432
the American Samson of his strength, knowing that cotton Is his hair, and that
cotton cannot be cultivated but, by Africad slave labor in the land of the lagoon
and the alligator, and which is, therefore, now striving to abolish African
slavery in the South, or to dissolve the blessed union of theso United States,
now so strong, by their power lo pull the colton string, that they need no stand
ing army, no navy, no tax for either, whilst all the world besides is necessarily
armed and taxed for the cost of war ! This Is not half, this is not a beginning
of wbat I would discourse you and all. North and South, about in these strange
times, when old things seem lo be passing away and all things seem to be
coming new. I would go back to the old. I would " recur lo fundaraental princi
ples," lo the teachings of the Revolution, lo the faith of the fathers, to the
religion of the simpler and purer limes of ' the Republic. But I can't by pen
or by word, or in public meeting any where, for a long time to corae, I fear, in
dulge the wish to enlarge upon and illustrate and inculcate these theraes. I
wish you would rise to their full height. Organize, assemble, be watchful and
be prepared lo meet the enemy whenever and however he approaches. I regret
I cannot venture to accept your mvitation, but I will always be found doing
what I cap, wherever I raay be placed, to further the patriotic ends — the coun
try's ends you aim at with me.
. I beg you to assure your committee of my profoundest acknowledgment, and
to accept for thera and yourself individually my sincere thauks, and believe
me. Yours in the bonds and brotherhood of a sound and conservative Democracy.
HENRY A. WISB.

MR., WISE AND THE NEW YORK HARDS AXD SOFTS.
The following letter, addressed by Mr. Wise lo a friend, has been handed to
us for publication. As it is an explanation, by Mr. Wise, of the letter which
he addressed to " The Young Men's Democratic Union Club of the City of New
York," arid which has been the subject of very extensive criticism by journals
In and out of Virginia, we cannot in justice to him refuse the request that it
be laid before our readers. It will be perceived that the sentiments coiitained
in this letter very nearly correspond with those in an editorial upon the same
subject which appeared in the Enquirer some days since :
Only, near Onancock, Virginia,
July 30lh, 1855.
- My Dear Sir : — Yours of the 24th inst., calling ray attention lo an editorial
of the Richmond Examiner of that day, headed " Tlie New York Herald and
ourselves again — Gov. Wise and the Van Buren Democracy," was not received
until yesterday. It was missent lo Old Point Comfort, and I can't account for
such pegligcpce In the mails. Fortunately, this morning, for the first lime since
Il was written, I saw my letter In print, to which this editorial refers. I Inclose
it to you, and ask for its republication in the Enquirer, in order that every fair-
minded person may judge of the justice of tbe Examiner to me.
I was addressed by neither Hards nor Sofls from New York. A most patri
otic letter came to me from " The Young Men's Democratio Union Club," of
the City of New York, congratulating the Democracy of Virginia upon their re
cent triumph over a common enemy, and breathing nothing but a greeting' sym
pathy with our success. Was I to doubt or distrust any portion of our fellow
countrymen who thus openly committed themselves ^o thesame cause with ow
selves? Was I to stop and enqjoite :^Tell me first, gentlemen,. are you Hards-

433
or Softs j" I must distinguish between you in my reply. — Certainly, such a course
of response would have been unbecoming and ungracious. And, if they had
.jvowed themselves either Hard or Soft, was it not enough thai they cordially
congratulated the result of the Virginia election ? Would not that of itself
show the current and direction of their sentiments and sympathies; and would
not both be such as wc could approve most heartily ? But when you see that
they were a Young Men's Club, and a Deraocratic Union Club, aiming lo pre
serve the Union of tbe Stales, iind lo restore the union of the factions of the
party in their own State, I ask, was it for me to meddle in any local and per
sonal divisions of our friends in a sister State ? No- I addressed them, as you
see, hurriedly and, hastily, but warmly and cordially as I would address them
again. And by reading the letter all may see wi^fit it was and what it is in
which I " cordially, then, with all my heart and all my head" united, and with
whom I united. Again, I repeat, that my " heart and soul are 'with the ' Young
Men's Democratic Union Club'" of New York, in their patriotic efforts lo unite
the Democracy in their State and everywhere, again on the National platform
of '51 and '52. I will know no Hards and no Softs in Democracy. AU are
Democrats, or tbey are not. If Democrats, they wIU not repudiate the sentiments
of my letter; and if Democrats, they will not foment dissensions in the Demo
cratic camp, in the very face of Democracy's most formidable foe.
I have not a word of coraraent lo make on the Examiner's article. If divi
sions must come amongst us in Virginia, they shall not come through me; and
I say: "Woe unto him through whom they shall come !" The public is wit
ness of what I bave borne in silence and patience, before and during the late
canvass. I mean to forbear to the last extremity, to promote the harmony and
to unite the whole strength of our party in Virginia, and everywhere, for the
defence of the rights of the Stales and of the Union of the States ; for the
maintainanee of the Constitution and laws of the Federal Government; for the
muniments of individual inalienable rights of the citizens of the Stales, and to
prevent the Samson of America frora being shorn of a single hair of his strength
by the treason and madness whioh would "abolish African slavery or dissolve
the Union "under the lead of the rainions and raoney of a -"Foreign Influ
ence," Certainly the Examiner will unite in these ends. You are welcome to
publish this. Yours, hastily but truly,
HENRY A. WISE.

We submit the following correspondence to our readers wi,thout comment,
feeling assured that they will corae tb right conclusions in the premises, without
any aid or explanation from us :
CORRESPONDENCE.
Hon, Henry A, Wise:
gir .  The strictures of the Richmond Examiner upon your letter of reply
lo the 'invitation of the " Young Men's Democratic Union Club," of this city,.
to address thera upon the occasion of their last anniversary, and the false posi
tion in which it labors to place jou, make il my duty, as the presidmg officer of
that a,«sociation, to convey to you in a few plain, but earnest and heartfelt words,
the feelings wbich prompted our invitation, and the sentaments awakened by
^°Thrsreat purpose of. our association, and chief article of its constitution, ia
the union of the Democratic party. To this end— as essential to the permanent
28

434
and happy union of the States ; to the preservation of all their rights as sepa
rate and distinct sovereignties, co-ordinate in authority and dignity ; and to the
just limitation of both State and Federal powers within the boundaries of a
strict construction of the Constitution — all our efforts are directed. On that
old Democratic basis we united as a political association in 1852, and upon that
basis we stand, and expect always to stand. You can conceive, therefore, sir,
the regret wilb which we saw the division in the Democratic party of this State,
and the painful solicitude with which we have watched its development in sec
tional organization and divided effort. But this strapge and novel antagoplsm
betweep brethrep of our own household excited In us no other feelings than
mingled shame and sorrow at their suicidal folly, and a patient determination to
stand steadily upon the higlr vantage ground of principles preferred by both,
and await the moment when belter councils and kinder influences should re-unlle
them against the common enemy.
.Your triumph in Virginia, which was in fact tbe triumph of our own old
faith over the Proteus of Whig Abolitionism, in alUance with the new and per
nicious heresy of Know Nothingism, appeared to us to offer the very point and
occasion of re-union. Every Democrat, of every faction, professed to rejoice In
it. Our joy was unfeigned ; and we were glad lo believe the sentiment as hon
est as it appeared to be universal. Why, then, we asked ourselves, should not
all, claiming to be Democrats, join in the exhibition of their satisfaction at a
result so honorable lo our arms ; and, forgetting tbe mere personal and sectional
quarrels, notpj-iously engendered by low ambition and the lust of office, seize
the auspicious moment and heartily co-opevate for a common good ? Had thoy
done so, your victory in Virginia would bave been but the Initiative In a series
of brilliant triumphs, and the whole field of the Union, swept by the irresisti
ble columns of the conservative Democracy, would have ceased to be insulted
by the presence either of an open or covert foe to ttiat Union which we cherish
as our best inheritance, or the principles which ensure Its perpetuity. It was
not the fault of the Young Men's Democratic Union Club if that golden oppor
tunity was neglected. But our object Is Union, not war. We desire to reflect
upon no man. We are willing to believe It rather an unfortanale mistake than
a wilful error.
You, sir, however, understood us. You appreciated our motives, and shared
our hopes. You answered our inyitation to assist us in the -undertaking
promptly, warmly — right from the heart. You replied rather with the generous
impulsiveness of friendship than the calculating coldness of the politician. And,
sir, give us leaye to say, however old-fashioned the notion may appear to the
trading politicians of the limes, even in politics, the heart is often wiser than
the head. The sentiraent whicb came warm and glowing from your heart, fouivd
and kindled an answering spark in ours. We thanked you, then, with a spon
taneous and Irresistible impulse, a true Democratic confidence, for your hearty
and comfortable words. We thank you again for their frank and manly repeti
tion; — and we tell you that in eyery purpose which animates you or any other
Democrat, the end of which Is peace, union, the conservation of the rights of
tbe States, the integrity of the constitution and the federal power, the defeat of
sectionalism, fanaticism, and every pretended principle which would elevate it
self above the Constitution, and usurp the rigbts of State, territory or citizen —
which would. In short, disturb the nice adjustment and harmonious proportions
of our social and political structure — the Young Men's Democratic Union Club
of New York are with you, and with them, cordially — with all their heart and
all their head.
You say well, therfefore, "that all may see what it was and what it is in
whicb you cordially unite." Il is something " tapgible to feeUng as to sight ;"
at once the ethical and material good of this great Republican Confederation of
thirty-one sovereign States, distinct yet blended ; obeying, like the planets, the

435
law which ordains them forever to revolve around a common centre, yet never
centralizing ; gravitating to each other In the magnificent harmony of Republi
can order and unity, but never blending into the portentous consolidation pre-
cursive of despotic power.
It is Democracy — tbe Deraocracy of Jefferson and Jackson — with which you
unite. It was the union of that Democracy we aimed at, and will never cease
to aim at. It was to an occasion dedicated to the purposes of that Union we
invited you. And if the apparent egotism of the illustration may be pardoned
for Its truth's sake, I think my election as presiding officer of the Association,
on the very anniversary to which you were invited, afforded a very plain and
unanswerable argument for its entire freedom from sectional prejudice or pas
sion. A Virginian by birth, although for many years identified with the Em
pire State in interest and affection, I can never forget to love tjje Old Dominion,
nor adopt any part of a political creed not catholic enough to embrace both
North and South. Neither ray birth-place nor mj sentiments were a secrel from
any member of the Association, and they did. me the honor to elect me with a
full knowledge that T recognized neither sectionalism nor fantieism as elements
of the faith or the Constitution of the Democratic party.
Let me assure you, as weU as the " Examiner," in conclusion of a letter
already trespassing too rauch upon your patience, that the Young Men's Demo
cratic Union Club of New York acknowledge no higher law than the Constitu
tion of the United States ; no holier bond than the union gf the Stales ; no
worthier purposes than the consolidation and success of that party upon whose
well-tested principles they beUeve the whole glorious edifice can alone securely
rest. In the letter of the Constitution they find the only rule of political faith
and practice which can bind their country in a golden band and brotherhood of
justice ; and, whether the suicidal knife, which aims to sever it, be raised by
mad fanaticism, or heU-engendered ambition ; whether it be levelled at one por
tion of the Union or the other — before the bosom which it threatens — before
the rights It would destroy— rbefore the sovereignly or the citizen it would im
molate upon the altar of its insanity — they trust always to see the Democratic
party throw the shield of its principles and the protection of its power ; and
their highest aim and arabition is to be instrumental, however humbly, in uni
ting every true-hearted Democrat behind that invulnerable defence.
I have the honor to be, sir.
Most truly and respectfully.
Your obedient servant,
S. WALLACE CONE,
President of the Young Men's
Democratic Union Club, N. Y.
P. S.— You are at liberty to make whatever use you may think proper of the
above. S^ ^_ Q_

Only, near Onancock, Va., )
August 23, 1855. f
^° ^' TSent ortbe Young Men's Democratic Union Club, New York :
-P, Q-  Yours of the 14th Instant reached mc most opportunely. Before
tbisvou Wni have seen that the Richmond Examiner has handsomely acknowl
edged its mistake. It is well, perhaps, that it mistook your meanmg and mine.

436
Attention has been drawn to your noble and patriotic purposes, and they will
be approved and be assisted by the entire Democracy of the South. Those
who love and would abide by tbe wise federal Constitution and the sacred Union
of our Slates, in the South, know and feel that we have " a host of freedom,
which is the host of God," for our friends In the North. We will not tolerate
the idea of a separation from you for an instant, and we will depend upon your
faith and your devotion to co-operate with us in defending the good work of our
fathers against internal as well as external foes. We will, North and South,
defend the Rights of the States, and the most precious of tbese : the Rights of
each State lo the Blessed Union of the States. We will defend the Constitu
tion of the Union as the only standard of Slate Rights. And we will defend
the individual and inalienable rights of raan : — his rights of property and his
person, all his fiijjle rights which pertain to poor mortality, and above all his
I infinite right, the only one "not of the earth earthy," his heaven reaching
right, which pertains to immortality — his right of religious liberty — his freedom
of conscience — his right to easement in the way lo God !
Thus I understood you, tbus I took yPur greeting, and thus I greeted you
back. Carp who will, I. will grasp your hands as a brother upon the pledges lo
these rights, for which I am willing to slake " life, fortune and sacred honor."
But no one will object. Petty jealousies will be laid aside, manly patriots will
summon sober reason -to their sides, and we will triumph in the right. God
grant our country and its friends His guidance and His rule ? Yours, devoted
ly, with all my head and heart.
HENRY A. WISE.

THE DOWDELL FESTIVAL IN ALABAMA.
[From the Montgomery Advertiser and Gazette.]
In a brief notice of the Dowdell festival, written for our last issue, we pre
sented an abstract of the speech pf our distinguished townsman, Mr. Yancey,
which the reader has doubtless perused with interest. We should like also to
present a sketch of the speeches delivered by tbe other orators of the occasion;
but we are unable to do so, for the reason that no notes were taken of them.
One of the most intelligent and patriotic of Alabama's sons, (not a pubUc
man, however,) in a private letter, says : " Our gifted and noble friend, Yan
cey, is right in theory, as far as he goes, except that he has not quite faiih
enough in the National Democracy. I want Southern union and self-reliance,
in order, first, to strengthen and build up the conservative national Democracy ;
and, secondly. In the ' last resort,' lo enable us to sustain ourselves against the
world ; but let us live in tbe Union if we may. All the Northern Democratic
leaders are with us on practical issues."
We concur with our correspondent in thc opinion that Mr. Yancey underesti
mates the assistance tbe South is likely to derive from the National Democracy
of the Norlh. Mr. Yancey thinks that our gallant friends In the Norlh are
already rendered powerless by the predominance of Abolition sentiments in that
quarter. We, on the contrary, have strong hopes that a reaction has com
menced in several of the free States In favor of the true principles of the gov
ernment. From the tone of the press, and other Indications, we think that Mr.
Bright will be sustained in Indiana, and Mr. Douglas in Illinois. We have
strong hopes, also, of Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New Hampshire, and Michi-

437
gan, through the influence of their conservative statesmen and the " sober,
second tnought" of their people. We maybe too sanguine, but we cannot
withhold the expression of our opinion that the South has much to expect from
the National Democracy of tbe Norlh.
But Mr. Yancey Is right in impressing upon the minds of the Southern
people the idea of self-reliance. " Forewarned," let us be " forearmed and
well prepared" for future emergencies.
In connection with the proceedings at the Oak Bowery Dinner, we would call
attention lo the letters of Gov. Wisfe, Gov. Winstou, Mr. Bullock, and Mr.
Gwin, in reply to tbe Committee of Invitation. They were not received in
time lo be read al the dinner, but they will be perused with pleasure by the re-
pubUcans who were present, as well as by many who were not.
The letter of Mr. Wise will attract particular attention. The opening sen
tence of his letter is In response lo a complimentary passage in the note of invi
tation. The whole letter is eloquent and spirit-stirriug. We understand that
one of the regular toasts prepared for the occasion was in these words :
" Henry A. Wise : The Knight sans peur sans reproche — who met ' Sam '—
the redoubtable Sam — Sam the Sampson on the plains of Virginia, and sent
him, like Caius Marius, ' to a marsh in Italy ' — a son of whom the grand old
'mother of States and statesmen' might well have been prpud In her best days;
when the national coronal was lustrous with her jewels — a. Tribune of the
people ! He deserves the highest office in the nation, and if he lives will at
tain it." [letter EROM MR. WISE.] Only, near Onancock, Va., 1
August 23, 1825. j
Gentlemen :^Yours of the 13lh Inst, came to hand yesterday.
I stand on the shore of my " Ocean home," and meet Alabama, coming
greeting, with arms and bospm open, with expanding chest and dilating nostril,
as I have oftep met Heavep's sweet airs and Oceap's waves as they came with
Inspiring and re-invigorating freshness. The blessed child Stale seems lo rush
to the arms of the mother Stale, and Virginia'lakes Alabama close home to her
bosora, and embraces her with motherly pride and affectionate joy. I did not
for a moment doubt or distrust her. She Is too Southern, too conservative, too
Constitution-loving, too true to State Rights, and too fondly cherishes the most
precious ot; State Rights— the Union of the States— and prizes too inestimably
the inalienable rights of individual man— bis finite rigbts of property and rights
of person, and above aU his infinite right— the only one not "of the earth,
earthy"— the only right of poor humanity pertaining to immortality— the
Heaven-high right of Religious Liberty- the soul-saving right of Freedom of
Con.scIence. She is too true lo the American Revolution, and to the memories
and faith of the Fathers of the Republic, ever to have betrayed the great cause,
the holy mission of America upon Earth ! She was too intelligent to be duped
by a worse than veiled prophet ; she had too much integrity to countenance po
litical imposture ; she was too Protestant and too Christian to allow the ways
to God to be barred and bolted by sectarian bigotry and intolerance; she loved
the Churches of her faith too well lo allow them to be corrupted by a touch of
party political power, and by leaving the spiritual for the carnal kingdom ; and
she was too patriotic to permit the liberties of the State to be destroyed by an
union of 'Church and State, brought about by a Priestcraft Power ambitiously
asnlrlne to lay its hands on temporal things, and to control conscience and will
and retson and to make laws, and to debate " what we shall eat and what we

435
shall drink, and wherewith we shall be clothed ! " The hypocrites who skulked
in the shades between " midnight and one hour before day-break," with " dark-
lantern " in band, making night hideous with howls of " down with the Pope !"
were dragging the robes of Christ's righteousness through the mire of party
politics to set up a Protestant Popery here, in America, Instead of leaving Ca
tholic Popery to die of itself in Italy 1 The Impostors who exultingly boast
that " Americaps shall rule Araerica " — as if, frora Washington's days down to
these days of "isras," America has not been all the time ruled by Americans —
exclaim against " Foreign Influence," and are letting in that European, that
British-born intruder, whom they call " Sam " — the most insidious foreign foe
who has ever entered the back door of our country, like a thief in the night !
The Old World is ravaged by war, and yet we need bo standing armies, no
navy, and to pay taxes for none. Why ? It Is, in three words, because —
" Cotton is King ! " Uncle Sam, not Sara, holds the British Lion, and the
Gallic Cock and Russian Black Eagle by cotton strings, wbicb be may pull at
any time. Colton Is Power, Cotton Is Peace-Maker ; Cotton is the hair of the
Sampson of the United States of North America, and Cotton can be planted,
and hoed, and gathered, and ginned, and packed and sent to market, in the land
of the Southern sun, by African slave labor alone. Hence the cry, that "Af
rican slavery shall be abolished, or the American Union shall be dissolved."
Exeter Hall has so whispered to WilUams Hall, of Boston, and New England
Preachers of Christian Politics have joined the British, the Old England policy
and parly cry, that the Nebraska Bill shall be repealed — no slave territory shall
be admitted as a Stale — slavery shall be abolished, or the Union shall be dis
solved ! Either alternative would shave our Sampson of bis strength.
The Kansas and Nebraska Bill repealed the Missouri Compromise, which was
the first act to violate Washington's injunction not to recognize geographical
lines — which was the first lo make a border between tbe North and the South —
which was the first to begin a separation of the States ! Now, the Kansas and
Nebraska BUl simply restores us lo statu quo ante 1819, '20, "where Washing
ton and Hancock, Adams and Jefferson, Virginia and Massachusetts, and the
old Thirteen, stood. It brought us back lo the Constitution. The question is,
shall it be repealed, and a heart-burning statute be restored to the place of the
Constilullon ? Virginia votes rio. North Carolina no, Georgia, glorious Geor
gia, no, Alabama no. The entire slaveholding states will, notwithstanding the
hesitancy of gallant but blood-stained Kentucky, all unite in shouting, as a
host of Freedom, as friends of America —
" African slavery shall not be abolished !
" The American Union of States shall not be dissolved ! "-
Then let us abide, under the Mgis of the Constitution and the Laws. To
defend these, I will stake " life, fortune and sacred honor," against internal as
well as external foes.
The South Is full of emissaries from abroad, and they must be guarded
against. We have a host of patriotic friepds Ip the Norlh, apd they must be
cherished as well-beloved brothers. There are patriots there who will rally to
rescue aud restore the sacred thipgs whicb are in danger, apd I implore you, for
their sakes, for our owp, to favor po sectional war, to countenance no alienation
of feeling from tbe North, but lo rely on reason and argument, aud a moral
sepse of right, and to adhere ourselves lo the Constitutional compact. This
wUl save us and save all, if anything wiU; and if nothing will, we wUl be in
nocent. We will not bear the world's curse of aiding to destroy the only hopes
of mankind for the light, and love and charity of human freedom. And if the
worst comes to the worst, " God will speed the right."

439
I cannot leave home before January next, and could not be In time for your
feast lo your gallant Representative, the Hon. J. F; DowdeU. Feast him weU,
and let him roll the people's good cheer Uke a sWeet morsel under his tongue,
and let that tongue ever speak the sentiments of Truth and Justice to the
People, and le1^them ever repay him with their " sweet voices."
I cordially greet you back, and am
Yours, devotedly,
HENRY A. WISE.
To Wm. F. Sanford, Jno. H. Thomas, Christopher Davis, and others,
Committee.

HENRY A. WISE TO THE BOSTON NEGRO STEALERS.
Only, near Onancock, 1
Accomac County, Va., Oct. 5, 1855. J
Gentlemen : — On ray return home, after an absence of some days, I found
yours of the 19th ult., " respectfully inviting me to deliver one of the lectures
of the course on slavery, at Tremont Temple, in the city of Boston, on Thurs
day evening, January 10th, 1856 ; or, if that time will not suit my engage
ments, you request that I will mention at once what Thursday evening, between
the middle of December and the middle of March next, will best accommodate
me." Now, gentlemen, I desire to pay you due respect, yet jou compel me to be
yery plain with you, and to say that your request, in every sense, is Insultiug
and offensive to me. What subject of slavery have you " iuitiated" lectures
upou ? I cappol conceal il from myself that you have uuderlaken. In Boston,
to discuss and decide whether my property. In Virginia, ought to remain mine
or not, and whether II shall be allowed the protection of laws, federal and State,
wherever it may be carried or may escape in the United States ; or, whether It
shall be destroyed by a higher law than the constitutions and statutes !
Who are you, to assume thus such k jurisdiction over a subject so delicate and
already fixed in its relation by a solemn compact between tbe States, and by
States which are sovereign ? I will not obey your summons nor recognize your
jurisdiction. You have no authority and no justlflcatiou for thus caUIng me to
account at the bar of your tribunal, and for thus arraigning an Institution es
tablished by laws which do uot reach you and which you cannot reach, by cal
ling on me to defend it.
You send me a card, to indicate the character of the lecturers. Il reads :
. " Admit the bearer and lady to the Independent Lectures on Slavery. Lec
ture committee, S. G, Howe, T. Gilbert,, George F. Williams, Henry T. Parker,
W. Washburn, B. B. Mussey, W. B. Spooner, James W. Stone."
Il is endorsed :
" Lectures at the Tremont Temple, Bpston, 1854-5. November 28, Hon.
Charles Sumner, Rev. John Pierpont, poet. December 7, Hon. Salmon P.
Chase, of Ohio. December 14th, Hon. Anson Burlingame. December 21,
Wendell PhilUps, Esq. December 28, Cassius M. Clay, Esq., of Kentucky.
January 4 Hon. Horace Greeley. January 11, Rev. Henry Ward Beecher.
January 18 Hon. Jobn P. Hale. January 25, Ralph Waldo Emmerson, Esq.
February 8 Hon. Nathaniel P. Banks, Jr. February 15, Hon. Lewis D.
Campbell of Ohio; February 22, Hon. Sam. Houston, of Texas. March 1,
Hon David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania. March 8th, Hon. Charles W. Upham."

440
All Honorables and Squires, except thosC who are Reverends ! The card does
verily indicate their characters by simply naming thera. And your letter, gen
tlemen, Is franked by " C, Sumner, U. S, S." With these characteristics, I
am al no loss lo understand you and your purposes.
You say, "during the next season, a large number of gentlemen from the
South will be invited," &o., &c. I regret it. If any others can be found in the
slaveholding States lo accept your invitation. You plead the example of Gen.
Houston. It is the last I would follow. I have no doubt that you accorded
very respectful attention lo hira last winter, and were very grateful for his ser
vices in your cause.
You offer " one hundred and fifty dollars to be paid to tbe lecturer, he bear
ing his own expenses." Let me tell you that Tremont Temple cannot hold
wealth enough to purchase one word of discussion from mc, there, whether
mine, here, shall be mine or not; but I am ready to volunteer, without money
and without price, to suppress any insurrection, and repel any invasion which
threatens or endangers the Slate Rights of Virginia, or my individual rights
under the laws and constitutions of my country, or the sacred Union, which
binds Slave Stales and Free States together in one bond of National Confedera
cy, and In separate bonds of Independent Sovereignties !
In short, gentlemen, I will not deliver one of the lectures of the course on
Slavery, al the Tremont Temple, In Boston, on Thursday evening, January
10th, 1856 ; and there will be no Thursday evening between the middle of
December and the middle of March next, or between that and doomsday, which
will best accommodate me for that purpose.
I give you an immediate answer, and at my earliest convenience. Indicate to
you that " the particular phase of the subject" that I will present Is, delibe
rately : TO FIGHT IP WE MUST- Your obedient servant,
HENRY A, WISE.
To S. G. Home, Phys. and Sup't BUnd Inst.
Jno. M. Clark, High Sheriff.
Sam'l May, Merchant.
Philo Sanford, Ex-Treasurer State.
N. B. Shurllelt, Phys. and Antiquarian.
Jos. Story, Pres't Com. Council.
Thos. Russell, Judge.
Jas. W. Stone, Phys.

From the Boston Advertiser, (Whig.)
LETTER FROM MR. WISE.
We take pleasure in laying before our readers the subjoined letter from Hon.
Henry A. Wise, the Governor elect of the ancient Commonwealth of Virginia,
addressed to the Lecture Committee of the Mercantile Library Association, in
answer to an Inyitation lo lecture In this city before that association during the
coming winter. The truly national lone of this letter must renew In the mind
of the reader the patriotic feelings which of old knit together the colonies of
Massachusetts and Virginia In times of darkness and trouble ; and will cause a
regret that Mr. Wise's preparations for the duties of the important office on
which he is about to enter, wUl prevent his accepting the invitation, and will de
prive us of the pleasure of welcoming to Boston so distinguished a guest, who

441
(as he Ipforips us Iu the letter) has pever yet visited apy part of New Eng
land. This letter is the mor^ significant, because another committee in behalf of
the " lectures on slavery," in their indiscreet zeal, by calling upon Mr. Wise
_ to lecture upon slavery in Boston, succeeded in pestering him into writing a
, letter, whicb we are free to say we regretted to see in print, though we cau
easily understand the feeling of annoyance that gave rise lo its sharpness of
expression. Whatever ill feeling (if any) the forraer letter may have engen
dered in the minds of our right-thinking citizens, will be dispelled on the peru
sal of that which we publish below :
Only, near Onancock, Va,, Nov. 11, 1855.
Gentlemen : — Yours of the 2d Inst, was awaiting liiy arrival at home yester
day, from a temporary absence at Washington City.
I gratefully acknowledge the compliment of' your invitation to deUver one of
a course of lectures, during the present winter, before the Mercantile Library
Association of Bosstop.
I am well assured of the highly respectable character, and of the laudable
objects of your literary association, and no body of the kind could have beep
more honored than you have been by the illustrious orators and statesmen who
have shod upon your lectures the lights of their great minds. I have no doubt
too of the "cordial welcofne" I would receive from "very raany" of your hos
pitable citizens ; but it is not in ray power, gentleraen, to accept your invitation.
The situation of ray private affairs, and the duly of preparing for months to'
come for now scenes of public service, will engross all my time and attention
the whole of the coming winter. I ha-ve been compelled to decline every call
of the same kind from many quarters in my own State, and other States besides
yours. I sincerely regret this the more, because I have never yet set my foot on the
beloved soil of that portion of my country called New England. This has not
been owing to any antagonism on my part towards that favored section, Mas
sachusetts especially, I have been taught to venerate and cherish as the elder
sister of Virginia. When I reflect upon their attitudes aud relations in the
darkness and gloom of the night of revolution — when I listen to their hails,
sister to sister — Virginia- to Massachusetts, Massachusetts to Virginia — in the
"times which tried raen's souls" — when I watch the fires, kindling on the
heights of Bostori, and see Virginia going forth across the rivers and over the
land, by the sea, leading her best beloved son by the hand, dripping blood and
tears at every step there and back, leaving him there on post to guard your very
city, and to raake the oppressors evacuate it !— an'd when I contr-ast this picture
with the present state bf things In our confederacy, which makes you assure me
" that the feelings of the people of Massachusetts towards my State are not
those of antagonism," I gush forth in anguish and ask— Why a necessity for
such assurance? Why any antagonism between these, the devoted States ot
Hancock and Washington ? ' May God in his mercy and in love guide them, as
of yore ! May they ever be' cemented in union by tbe blood of the revolution !
And whenever another night of gloom and trial shall come, may they hail and
cheer each other on again to victory, for civd and religious hberty.
Yours truly,
HENRY A. WISE.
To Charles G. Chase and others, committee, &c.

442

POWERFUL LETTER FROM THE HON. H. A. WISE TO THE NA
TIONAL DEMOCRATIC MEETING IN NEW YORK.
Only, near Onancock, ]
Thursday, October 18, 1855. j
Genti»emen : — I gratefully acknowledge yours of the 10th, post-marked the
13lh, and regret that it is not in my power lo accepi your invitation to attend
and address a mass meeting of the National Democratic party of the City and
County of New York, at the Metropolitan Theatre, on Monday, the 22d inst.
The situation of my family Is such that I cannot leaye home before some time
after the 22d instant, and I could not, from the dale of receiving your letter,
reach New York by that day in person ; but 1 give you a fervent, and I would
gladly make it an effectual response.
I have carefully examined the platform which you inclosed of your late Con
vention, held at Waiting Hall in the City of Syracuse, August 23, 1855, and I
hail the National Democracy of New York as brethren worthy to be accredited in
faith and accepted in fellowship by every patriot in the land. You are national,
not ip the sepse of consolidaliop, but ip the constitutional sense ; you are na
tional, as opposed to exclusive and sectional ; and you are national, not like the
party of " ebony and topaz," not like tbe " light-houses in the skies" of the
younger Adams in 1828, nor like tbe " fusion of confusion" party in these
days of Ikter " isms ;" not " National Republican," but you are " National
Democratic." You assert your devotion lo the Constitution ; relnd.grse, in the
ory and practice, the resolutions of the Democratic National Conventions of 1848
and 1849, and you obey the lesson of the fathers by recurring to frugality and
economy, and to all " the fundamental principles of free government" in the
administration of public affairs. In all these I heartily concur, and unite stUl
further with you upon the doctrine of State Rights and strict construction of
the Constitution as applied to all questions, and particularly lo domestic State
quesliops, and the principle of non-intervention by Congress, so as not to deprive
States of their sovereign rights, individuals of their private rights, and the peo
ple of the Territories of their just and natural political powers.
The Constitution, and not any temporary and temporizing compromise stat-_
ute, is the true and only standard of national right. The Constitution, in its
strict sense, and not according lo the latitudinarian construction of a loose fed
eral majority ; the Constitution, which leaves all powers not expressly granted
where it found them, the reserved rights ofthe sovereign States; the Constitu
tiop, which created certaip fedaral relatlops apd rights of private citizeps, among
the most important of which is perfect equality between citizens of the res
pective Stales cn the common groupds of federal jurisdiction ; perfect comity
between the citizens of Stale and States, and common property between them
in the nation-al domain and dominion ; the Constitution is the law of our Con
federacy. It I-) no respecter of persons ; it holds all alike, and equally under
its protecting guardianship wherever it applies. Il pries not into your private
possession, nor Inlo raine. It knows not whether you own one species of pro
perty or I another. It recognizes us only as citizens of co-equal State sove
reignties, who are confederated under its shield, and it provides protection for
whatever right belongs lo either of us on ground which belongs to both. The
mere municipal authoriiy, the Congress caunot deprive Stales and their citizens
of this equaUty, this comity, and this common property of the Confederacy.
If you may go to the common Territory with what is rightfully yours In New
York, I may meet you there with whatever is lawfully mine In Virginia. Con
gress raay not say that I shall pot piigrate with slave properly and hold It there ;
for if they may say that, they may. In like manner, say that you shall not go

443
there with horses and household goods, and hold them ; and if they may declare
against the right of either, they may invade inalienable rights, and enact laws
not within the competency of legislation.
The sovereign act of defining what shall and what shall not be tenable pro
perty by the citizen, can be determined only by the conventional power of the
people, forming organic law— a Constitution changing a Territory into a State.
- Until the new State coraes into being, no power upon earth can lawfuUy deprive
you of your horses and household goods, or rae of my slave in Kansas, unless
the private property be taken for public use with just compensation. And,
gentlemen, you say truly " that the peace and quiet of the corntry demand that
It shouldbe left to the people jif the Territories to determine for themselves,"
what their Constitution of Government shall be, not only in respect to slavery,
but every other local question. The public peace is endangered by this " dis
turbing subject." -It is a practical question of right, and threatens to be one
of fo'fce. Force has already been exerted " on the border," and in the face of
this danger there is an organized " Fusion" whicb raust, if persisted in, compel
a resort to arms in order to resist evd spirits, combined lo repeal the " Kansas
Nebraska biU, and lo re-establish the Missouri Prohibition."
Prior lo 1819-20, the Constitution reigned supreme on this subject. It was
then invaded by a repealable, partial, sectional statuie, called the Missouri
Compromise. It was the first separ^ation of the States— it first sectioned the
country like a survey of the public !ands — It first said lo the people the divi
ding language of Lot and Abraham — lo some " go North" to some " go South"
— it was the first Hue which divided North from South, more Iu feeUng than in
fact. Did it not raake a geographical demarcation — a line of latitude, the
boundary of legal liraitations, and deterraine thai what was constitutional on
one side of it, should be unconstitutional on the other side of il ? No, said its
friends at the tirae of its passage, it leaves slavery, to be governed by the law
of climate. It is a cllmatory not a territorial or sectional line. It raeans to
" follow nature," to let Jack Frost b,o king of the subjeey as slavery was pro
fitable South, and as frost pinched negroe's toes and fingers too sharp north of
36.30 for it lo be profitable there, the quesiion never should be raised con-sla
very south, nor pro-slavery north of that line of latitude. Well admitting this
to be a more consistent and rational construction of the " agreement to disa
gree," djd the " fanatics of fusion" so abide il? Never! In every phase of
the Compromise, first and last, they have broken its letter and spirit. Inces
santly they have raised the question con-slavery South and North, East and
West everywhere. In the States and Territories and District, in the Indian
country on the trade in transitu between States, Districts and Territories, on
the acquisition of territory, on the organization.and admission of States Into
the Union, on questions of speace and war, ever, everywhere, always, in season
and out of season, they have raised the question against slavery, until they
have, on various occasions, nearly raised the very demon of civil war and disu
nion ! They have harbored English emissaries ; raised foreign funds ; wielded
associated infiuence and capital ; wearied Congress with petitions ; fatigued the
pnbUc mind with compromises ; filled it with reviling and abuse ; pepsioned
press, pulpit, preacher, teacher ; run underground railroads ; spirited away
runaways; have scattered broadcast tales of holy horrors; painted on the
stage, scenes ; written log-cabin novels; lectured, ranted, rioted, until they have
made us a divided people, until thoy have cut the continent in two by a line of
border feuds • until they have separated our churches ; set us apart socially, at
the watering and other places, and until they have engendered a sectional an
tagonism more becoming eneraies in hostile array, than tolerant neighbors even,
much less " united brethren" — children of one father — children of a common
country, the only children the Father of that country ever had, whose fareweU
is still our warning !

444
Within the year I bave stood on the rock of Point Pleasant overlooking the
grave of Cornstalk, the battie ground between the Indian and the Long Knife,
fattened by the blood of the conquest, whereby Virginia secured the eminent
domain of the whole Northwest Territory. There before me spread out that
vast domain, now a giant group nf civilized sovereignties, empires of power, a
corapact tier of free States ! Who made thera free States ? Their mother
slave State. Virginia, by her deed of cession, on her own conditions, with a
liberality large as a love of continental country, made Ohio and her sistera of
the Northwest Territory free States. Her's was no WUmot Proviso. It was a
whole and entire grant to freedom, the first ever made upon earth like it, and
made before the Constitution of the United States was formed. After " a more
perfect Union" was formed, a permanent, uniform, universal, organic law began
to reign. It left the domestic institutions with the States. It defines the only
cases where the Federal authority can intervene. One of the caa€s is that of a
slave flying from one State to another, he shall be restored..lo his master. By
a double tier of laws. Federal and State, by constitutional and by statute laws,
the master may reclaim him. And yet, gentlemen, thpugh thus fortified by
laws, organic and legislative. State and Federal, I. might as well have a thousand
dollars fioating on a chip in the Ohio river, as to own a slave worth that sum
on the Virginia shores of that river! What then? The laws do not reign!
The very free soil which Virginia first consecrated on the continent is made the
underground for the railroads of her runaways !
Gentlemen, Mr. Webster once asked a group of Southern members of Con
gress, of whom I was one, with au effed I can never forget : " Shall your
children be aliens lo my chUdren — shall my children be aliens lo your chUdren ?"
And now whilst Fusionists are " ding-donging" us about aliens and foreign in
fiuence, I ask, in the language of Scripture : " Who is our brother ?" ShaU
Ohio be alien and enemy to Virginia ? — shall Virginia be alien and enemy to
Ohio ? — Should Ohio be thus a land of refuge from her mother State ? — Was
il for this that the North West was ceded ? — that Ohio was made perpetually
free by Virginia ? Bitter, bitter reflections for a Virginia son, proud of what
his mother State has done for liberty and union ! I looked up and down the
Ohio and Kanawha river valleys, and saw the richest soil and minerals — the
most beautiful lands I bave ever known God's sun to shine upon, or heaven's
dews to water ; lands more valuable for slave labor than any others to be found
in our liraits. And yet no slave can safely be carried there to labor. And
what the Stale of Ohio is to the frontier tier of counties on those rivers, they
soon must become to the counties behind thera in the interior of Virginia, be
cause no tie, no interest, no association of slavery can exist there. Thus, like
the cancer, " Freesoil and Fusion" are eating into our very vitals. Thus are
we constricted in our rights of property, in our peace and personal safety !
With this example, can you wonder that the Stale of Missouri should be deeply
excited and Interested by the attempt of associated wealth and influence — per
haps foreign influence in part— to constrict her border in like raanner by a cor
don of " Fusion and Freesoil ?" Tell me, gentiemen, would any foreign power
be allowed to insult and endanger tho whole nation as the slave-holding Slates
and their citizens are outraged Ip every offensive form by the Fusionists of the
Norlh ? Tell me not they are weak and harmless when they can send so many
Senators and Representatives to Congress — when they can forra the most formi
dable political parties — so long as they cap seize and hold such States as the
veperable mother State of Hancock and desecrate Faneuil Hall — so long as they
cap carry Ohio — so lopg as they can distract and divide and dwarf in the Union
the very Empire State of New York! What, then, is lo be done? The
"envy, hatred, malice and all uncharltableness" which this engenders cannot
continue to smoulder much longer without bursting out Into a general and de
vouring flame. The Kansas-Nebraska bill repealed the odious mark whence ma-

445
Uce and raischief hurled incendiary torches across the border line. It removed
a heart-burning statute of sectionalism and attempted to restore peace under
the segis of the Constitution. But the cry is now : " Repeal of the Kansas.
Nebraska bill and restoration of the Missouri Compromise !" This raises the
Issue : "Shall the Constitution reign as it did reign from the year 1789 to the
years 1819-20 ?" With head and heart, inight and soul, I unite with you for
the reign of .the Constitution over all compromises ! No higher, no lower law
than the Constitution. ,
Are the Fusionists, indeed, fataUy bent on dissolution of the Uuion, or a
civil, sectional war J I tell you solemnly, that depends upon the strength,
nerve, virtue and wisdom of the sound, conscientious, conservative patriots in
the North., If you can 'come to the aid of the Constitution, at this Crisis, big
with the fate of the Union, it maybe saved. God Almigbty grant it! 'The
Union, I say to you, as I have said to the South, as I have said first and said
last and delight lo repeat — the Union is one of the raost precious rights of tho
States. I never raeant thereby to express the sentiment implied by the plat
form of the Pandemoniums at Philadelphia — ^that, per se, it is the most pre
cious of rights, and must be preserved at every sacrifice. I never uttered
such error as that; but I do say that the Union is the sacred palladium of our
highest and holiest rights. It is, if you please, not of itself liberty. It is not
equaUty, it is not sovereignty, it is not independence — it is not especially, the
end of our government, but II is the means by which all the ends we ought to aim
at are secured, and it Is the means which Washington relied on as indispensa
ble to our existepce as a people. It is the " E Pluribus Unum" by which ope
Is made thirty-one In strength, by whicb Virginia's sovereignty is fortified thir
ty-fold. Measured by what it is capable of attaining, by what it binds and
holds fast, by what it has done and may do yet for this people and all men it is
Inestimable. Il achieved tho American Revblutlon, the Declaration of Inde
pendence, the Constitution, settlement of the public lands, ,the land system, the
peace policy, the second war for " free trade and sailor's rights," the principles
of neutral rights, the long line of measures for development and progress of the
human species, the acquisitions from Mexico, and is the bulwark of freedom
and the hope of the oppressed throughout the world. It does not consist in
the mere confederacy or joining of States, It consists in the ?Constitution, in
the love and affection and brotherhood of our people throughout the country.
If these links be broken it is dissolved. If broken and it binds at all, it will
bind as a chain and It will gall as a chain, and it will cease to bind when fetters
find foes who will not be bound by them. I for one had rather see the conti
nent shaken by earthquakes than lo see the Union of these States dissolved,
built is simply the means of Innumerable and inestimable ends of good; and if
it ceases to subserve them, to secure liberty, equality, sovereignty, indepen
dence, peace, power, and pre-eminence' among the nations of the earth, let it
meet its fate ! Why make a sacrifice to save it ? We will not count its cost —
no mere material interest could weigh it down in the scales; but it is with the
political union of the States as it is with the matrimonial union of persons; the
oath of the altar, love, truth, constancy, fidelity require devotion, devotion to
the last extremity — to bear and- forbear — lo make any and every honorable
sacrifice — to count mere interest nothing; but if honor be touched, then on
the instant, to dissolve the bands which bind to infamy, though it break the
bands which bind to Ufe ! And, I ask, will not the slave States be dishonored- if
they allow theraselves to be provincialized by being excluded from equality Ip
the Union ! The Fusionists intend that they shall be so dishonored. Their Intent
shall never be executed ! We will cling to the Constitution, and when that Is
assaUed, we will defend II with all the means which God and nature have put
Into our hands ; and when these fail, the Union, the eagle, the flag, will be but
emblems of a past Republic, destroyed by a weakness and wickedness unparal-

446
leled in the folly and crirae of mankind ! We demand nothing else but good
faith in keeping the covenants of the Constitution. We demand not that any
other people should be slaveholders. We will certainly not force a slave Upon
their service. But we do demand to be " lel alone" — to be left undistured in
our rights, and unmolested to enjoy the property protected by our laws. If
we are not allowed to be and remain at peace, we must prepare for war. The
hypocrites and knaves who are trading on the pious attachment of our people to
the Union will find, when it is too late, that slaveholders can be driven to self-
defence, and that they can trust — but I forbear ! We will unite to prevent
horrors which II is painful to imagipe in the worst, even, of contingencies to
corae. As to the secret " Americans" — the Know Nothings — day has broke upon
them. And It is amusing to see Sam's bats and owls of midnight, flitting and
flapping, blind, about in the sunlight. They are seeking sorrily lo skulk from
light and sight — here some flap back to poor, deserted Whiggery, and there
sorae escape to the " Republican" fusion. The day has dissolved the charm.
The true bird of America, Jove's own eagle, is on a wing that never tires, in
fhe lambent light of the mid-heavens. Uncle Sam has roused himself and
shaken off the slumber and stupor of the night dreams, and is at his active
work in broad day. *
The devil baited the hooks of sorae preachers with the politics of the Pope's
big toe ; and the hooks- of some politicians with tbe unco-righteousness of a
knavish priestcraft, and set them bobbing together for the souls of dupes, for
the corruption of the Church, aud for the destructiop of the State. No heal
but ope oould have ever welded such a fusion. In tbe Shades they were taught
their parts by the gloom light of the Dark Lauterp ! But —
" The sun is in the heavens, and life on earth !"
Day has caught thera iu their incaptatiops, and light is dispelling their myste*
ries. The next you will see of Sara, he will be on his knees praying agains^
slavery and John Barleycorn. He has dropped Pope Pius Nonus, and has jus
discovered, after all he has said about his Holiness' supreraacy, that every na
turalized Catholic takes an oath expressly to renounce all allegiance to any and
every prince, power, potentate, king, sovereign or state, and particularly to the
prince, power, potentate, king, sovereign or slate, of which he was before a
subjecj. And he begins to admit that if an extra-judicial oath may bind a
Know-Nothing to passive obedience apd non-reslstapce to an unseen, intangible,
irresponsible, secret oligarchy, that perchance, we may rely on the judicial
oaths of naturalized citizens to renounce allegiance to all supremacy whatever
except the sovereignty of the United States of North America.
I give you the right hand of fellowship in opposition to the* sumptuary laws
which haye of late years disgraced tbe codes of some of our Stales. Why,
some Legislatures seem to have lost the horn-books of personal liberty ! They
are for free soil and free negroes, but war upon the liberties of free while men !
They seem lo have never known that there were such things, flrst invented in
North America, as bills of rights, defining those which are inalienable and fix
ing the limits of legislation ! Where was the principle of Liquor laws to slop?
No where short of invading every inalienable right of individual man. If
municipal law cannot touch vested rights, much less can it Invade the natural
rights of the individual person. In such a dominion as that of England, they
may hardly dare lo confine the rights of the person to "air, to light and lo
flowing water," at this day ; but here there never was a moment, since colonial
times, when the rights of persons were not Infinitely extended beyond these
out of the roach of legislation. Oh ! but they say that sucb laws are sanitary,
not sumptuary. And who made them Hospitalers of Hygeia, health nurses for
the people ? Health is about as private a possession, about as "intus et in cute"

447
personal as any man can be endowed with. Who created a government to
turn Quack and proscribe physic ? " Physic to the dogs !" There are other
things which destroy health besides alcohol. Eating as weU as drinking, glut
tony as well as drunkenness hurts health. Will any one say that legislation
may take charge of ray table, and ray diet and appetite, and say what I shall
eat ? If they toay prohibit a raap frora buying and selling whiskey, raay they
not prohibit his planting and sowing op his own fee-simple soil, of his buying
and selling the corn and rye from which the whiskey is distilled ? Ao-ain
French corsets have hurt more the health of whole generations, havo crippled
for their own lives and for their posterity too, mgre women and children than
ever Johp Barleycorp slew of men ! Shall a Hiss commitiee be allowed bylaw
lo inspect Madame's atrd Miss's chambers, and see whether whalebone and hard
cord encompass ladies' waists too tight? The idea would be ridiculous if it
was not so insufferably tyrannous. You cannot legislate men to morality; you
must educate thera to liberty and virtue. Manners and morals must be^in at
the mother's knee ; must be traiued in the schools, and home and domestic
leaching must give lo the country pupils fit for the schools, and the schools
must give to the country a people who will require no such despotic laws. They
don't suit a people fit to be free; they corrupt and demoralize a people already
fit to be slaves. ' The last source I would appeal to, for temperance in eating
and drinking. Is a Legislature, Federal or State; 0 ! ye Metropolitap high
livers! what tales Champagne and London Dock, and canvas backs, and terra
pins, and oysters could tell upon your example of abstemiousness and self-de
nial ! How your temperance tells upon your livers ! and your legislation, too
at times !. The truth is, all these " isms" corae frora the sarae nidus of the
same .cocatrix. They come from the Scribes and Pharisees, who would take
care of others' consciences; they are inventions of ambitious priestcraft  or
men who have a littie religion to help their secular affairs, and who are a little
worldly lo help their religious affairs — of " preachers of Christian politics "
who are subtlely aspiring to civil, secular and political power — of men who don't
"render unto Csesar the things which are Caosar's," nor "unto God the thinn-s
which are God's" — of hypocrites who would superserviceably cut off an ear for
their Master with tbe sword, without his orders and against his law, and who
would deny Hira thrice before the cock crew once. And these are aided by
cowardly and knavish politicians, who either fear or fawn upon their sepret and
sinister influences. We have only to drive out all such from the teraple, as the
dove-sellers were driven out by the Master whose " pure and undefiled reUgion
before God and the Father is, to visit the widow and tbe fatherless, and to keep
one's self unspotted frora the world !"
Finally, gentleraen, according with you, as I do, in the leading principles of
your platforra, I cordially accept your invitation to unite with you in engrafting
them upon the policy of the country. And I especially concur with you iu the
sentiment that it is upon principle alone we ought lo unite ; and that all coali
tions between those who essentially differ on cardinal points, are unprincipled
and demoralizing. And here I might pause ; but, long as this letter is, I have
a word more to say. I hope I have answered your kind compliraent in its own
spirit, without enquiring whether your have any alias — any other name under
Heaven by which you are known among men than that of National Democrats.
I have purposely omitted lo do so.
Like yourselves, another body of Democrats of New York, lately, approached
me fairly and openly, and I responded gratefully lo them as I do to you. I
was soon upbraided with having given " aid and comfort" to a certain party
called "Softs." Now, some one may say thalT haye likewise given in adhe
sion to the Hards of New York! Well, all I can say for myself Is, that I don't
mean to know any Hard or Soft names for my friends who wiU unite with me
in " the mission of the Democracy to proclaim and maintain the great doctrine

448
of civil and religious liberty, and to uphold and enforce the constitution In its
sublirae principles of justice and equality."
You must not wonder that your Democratic friends In Virginia are often con
fused by names and things in New York. We wish lo see a united Democracy
there on the old grounds of Jefferson and Jackson. We hear of Hard, and
Soft, and Half Shells, and the ideas we form of them can be best illustrated by
a subject of natural history. We have in our waters gentlemen, a crustaceous
animal called a crab — a sea fish, with fins and claws at both ends, and it can
run either end foremost. Poke al him this way and he runs that — that way
and he runs this ! He is remarkable, gentlemen, for his transformatiops. At
one time catch him and crack his claw and his shell is hard, very hard, hard
enough for barpacles to grow upop his back, and it will* not separate or be de
tached from the inner cuticle. In that state he is the Hard Crab proper. At
another tirae, catch him and crack his claw — when he is hard, be sure to crack
his claw, gentlemen, and you will find that, though his outer shell is still very
bard, yel it will separate and can be detached from the inner cuticle or film over
the muscles. He is then called the "Peeler," his shell will peal off from,
without breaking, the inner shell. Later, catch hira and you need not crack
his claw to see what he is, for his outer shell is then opening at every suture,
and tbe crab is swelling out of its Hard and taking upon itself its Soft sheU.
In that state he is called a "Buster," bursting his shell. And as "Peeler"
or "Buster" be is very fat, and a bait fit to catch the very " monarchs of the
deep" with ! Later still, he has slipped out of his hard shell, by a sort of pe
ristaltic motion, and left it along the strand, and has become wholly a soft crab.
In that state he is good bait too, and Is preyed upon by hard crabs |i.nd other
fishes, and he is inert and can hardly crawl out of harm's way. Then, again,
this same crab, gentlemen, begins to harden from soft to hard again, as he had
before softened from hard to soft. Found in this, his second intermediate state,
he has become poor but more active, is not so good for bait, and he is called a
" Buckram," for that he is so like the fabric of that narae, and his shell is then
flexible like vellum. So that you see we have an Idea of some Hatds who are
" Peelers," lending to Soft, and of some Softs who are " Buckrams," tending
to Hards. And there is such a Hardening to Soft, and such a Softening to
Hard, that we cannot distinguish the politicians of New York as we do crabs —
sometimes by sight, sometimes by touch, and sometimes by cracking their claws.
But this I do say, that I think I cap see you are Democrats ; that I can distin
guish you, unmistakably, by the platforra of pripciple you haye put forth, and
I am anxious and ready to staud by and with and for any portion of the De
mocracy of New York who will unite on the platform of civil and religious lib
erty, as defined by the constitution and bills of rights of our State and Federal
governments, and as defended by our State sovereignties and our Federal Union.
I cannot and will not unite with any Wilmot Proviso, with any dark lantern,
or with any sumptuary law party !
And how is il that New York is divided against herself in this great cause,
" which, down the tide of time, unborn ages yet will honor and admire ?" She,
the Empire State — she, the centre of commerce — she, the city set upon- a hJU,
to waste her strength, to expend her substance, to dwarf her influence, to lower
her dignity, lo eclipse the light of her own fame and glory by distracting divi
sions, by disastrous discord, by confusion of her friends and fusion of her foes!
Rally and rescue ! Shall the spoils separate us frora each other and from our
country ? No ! nor principalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things lo
come. We will strike together, and strike horae for our God, our Country and
our Constitution ! Tours, in the faith,
HENRY A. WISE.
To Alex'r C. Morion, Chairman, &o. &c.

449
• THB KNOW NOTHING PHILADELPHIA PLATFOM.
notes and comments.
On the 14lh June, 1855, an Astrologer appoupced ip the papers that there
was to be a grapd conjunction of the sun, moon, and the planet Saturn, which
portended, among other things, fires, diseases, accidents, and loss of reputation
to the vulgar. This dire conjunction brought forth, also, the platform of the
Know Nothing Convention. Who, after this, shall doubt the infiuence of the
stars ! Saturn is of course the planet that presides over the destinies of Sam,
their initials being the same. But Saturn alone could do nothing; he was com
pelled to call in the assistance of the sun and raoon, and then, with " a lonn-
pull, a strong pull, and a pull altogether," Sam was delivered of a Platform.
But the operation broke him in two :
Parturient montes ; nascitur ridiculus mus.
From all parts of the country carae the picked men of the party. There
was assembled the very flower of Know Nothingisra, the quintessence, the adar
gul of that inimitable Order. The convention was the mirror of Sambodum.
ButYhis was not enough : the cream of this incomparable galaxy was skimmed
off and set apart to elaborate a scheme of principles wherewith to butter the
brains of the people. And now, with the aid of the sun, moon and Saturn, to
say nothing of his rings and his moons, here it is.
On looking it over, however, the first impression that is felt, is a doubt as to
its authenticity. In all fairness, the opinion of the public gave the Kuow
Nothings credit for that common degree of ability that is found in the ordinary
proceedings of the most unpretending raeetings of citizens, everywhere in our
country. There are some very respectable truisms, trite and hackneyed by fre
quent repetition, indeed. In the platforra. But they are out of place, vaguely
expressed, and utterly insignificant where they stand. They do not save the
rest of the document , they infuse no life into the inert pile. Yet, since there
is every appearance of its official character, and meetings of Know Nothings
have endorsed it, let us regard It as authentic.
I. The first Article is decidedly misplaced in a declaration of political princi
ples. Any oue in the least imbued with religious feeling, must be shocked to
see the Deity called' down, as it were, to preside over a deliberation such as this
Know Nothing Convention must have presented. For, in reading this article,
the mind recalls a certain other platform of more ancient date and higher sanc
tion, having as a clause of its first article : " Thou shalt not take the name of
the Lord thy God in vain ; for the Lord will not hold him guiUless that taketh
his name in vain," What right had the Convention to disregard the common
est decencies which even the irreligious observe before the sober eye of the
public ? Besides; did It not occur to any one of that assembly that il IU be
came the state of mortality to assume that tone of patronizing superiority to
wards the Supreme Being, wbich would be offensive and impertinent, towards
a mere man whose dignity of character, age or station entitied him lo particur-
lar respect ? : i. j i ,
But what, in the name of all the darkness of Egypt, is to be understood bj
" every step by which we have advanced to the character of an independent
nation ?" or, again, by " some token of providential agency." It is scarcely
possible even to speak of this first article without the appearance of profane
ness But surely the observation may be made that there would have been, at
least, sorae meaning in a " token of providential favor/' There Is no Know
Nothlpff but must bave had an opportunity of hearing that not only our eareer
^ 29

450
as a nation is conducted by provldeutlal agency, but the very least occurrence
that lakes place is the result of that agency. Not a sparrow can fall "to the
ground without il.
Whatever reason can be supposed to have led to this " acknowledgment," by
that sarae reason the doctrine of the Trinity, the imraortalily of the soul, and
a state of future reward and punishment, or eternal responsibility, ought to have
been inserted in the Platform. And their non-appearance is, in view of the
first atticle, a fair and irresistible presumption thai the Know Nothing leaders
knew they could not obtain a concurrence of the majority of the body to these
points ; or, that they themselves were not willing to profess them. ^
II. The second Article of their creed is composed of as much froth and fus
tian, and as many long words of three, four and five syllables, about patriotism,
the revolution, &c,, &c,, as could be packed into the space assigned. " Senti
ments of profoundly Intense Araerican feeling ! " (Quotha I) This is piUng
up the agony to some purpose : not content with a feeling, or the sentiment of
a feeling, they must have a profoundly intense feeling to have a sentiment of, to
be put under development and cultivation, like a tender exotic under a glass
bell, to be put Into the second article of the Platform — and no where else. For
out of this article there is mighty little account made of " emulation and ven
eration," or " patriotism and heroism," or " ipstitutiops and constitutions."
Their passionate attachment Is to the emoluraents of the offices they are longing
for, and raost of thera would and will, in time to come, be seen kicking the
National Platform from Dan to Beersheba, If a five, three or two thousand dol
lar office is danced before their eyes, as no sraall portion of thera are even now
kicking and trampling upon the Constitution and laws of the United Slates.
III. The third Article is, " The maintenance of the Union of these United
States." Well done ! Is it really possible that Sara, in his High-mightiness
will condescend to let us preserve the Union ? We ought to be thankful. But
not loo fast — there is a qualification : " as the pararaount political good." This
spoils all. The beginning was excellent and complete in itself. Sam was not
willing, however, to leave us the Union simply and unconditionally. The ex
istence of the clique of political agitators, who are endeavoring to create a new
parly, alone is a danger to our Union. The prominence they assign lo this
question of the maintepapce of the Union, is most Inauspicious. And their
evident determination to agitate the subject, is an imminent peril to that Union,
which it behooves every good citizen of the republic to watch with the utmost
solicitude. Fortunately, the party has at every turn added something lo the
public indignation, that its first rumored existence created. And this attitude
will only serve to increase It. Their attack is very insidious ; for thus they
proceed. The Union, they say, Is in danger, it must be maintained, we must
maintain It. Then, as it becomes necessary to make the people belieye all this,
they magnify whatever they can force into an opposition to the Union, or what
ever they can bring forward as a source of disunion, thereby creating and ex
tending the very peril they pretend to put down. . Sly Sara, he is quite a Nic
Macchiavelli on a sraall scale. It was In this manner the Convention al Phila
delphia gave that importance to the /anatics of the North which otherwise they
could not have attained. Il enabled them to assume the appearance of a digni
fied minority retiring undismayed, from the Injustice of force and numbers.
By such tricks the Know Nothings would justify all this outcry about Union.
They are endeavoring to get up something like an opposition to il that they may
appear to have something to battle with on that ground.
IV. More fine speeches. Obedience to the Constitution I "A habit of re
verential obedience to the laws !" When the Know Nothings recognise that it
is necessary for them solemnly to assure the people that they will obey the Con
stitution and laws, it is a case for the merry to laugh at, and the grave to pityi
But mark the difference ! There is no devotion or loyalty to the Constitution

451
expressed here ; nothing but a cold obedience, very much as when men obey
and submit to laws thai condemn them.* But they have a tender and sacred re
gard for certain acts of statesmanship, &c. What is meant by this ? What
ever particular act may be referred to, it is plain the Know Nothings set above
the laws, the compact of Union, and the Conslilution In their political devo
tion's, certain acts of statesmanship, as a fixed -and settled national policy. There
is a lurking peril here, skillfully concealed, it Is true, and which, to develope,
would require more space than we can give lo tbe whole platform.
V. Here they show what they mean by reverence for the. laws. They only
require that the laws be radically revised. Not so bad for Sam ! When he is.
about to declare himself in opposition to anything, he first displays any amount
of respect and veneration for it.
VI. In Article sixth, the Know Nothings continue to show their regard for
the laws by repealing, rhodifying, &o., another whole class of them. Most ex
ceUent Sam ! While the people are growing more jealous of Federal tenden
cies, here is a Convention sending out its decrees to the Stale Legislatures.
Those who framed our Constitution never intended that a body called the Na
tional Council, should assume the part 'of dictator, pronounce upon the details -
of legislative enactments in the States ; the action of Congress ; the recrulalion
of the Executive ; the Constitution and the Union ; a national' system of educa
tion ; the limitation of the religious rights or opinions of the people ; and set
forth a peculiar sectarian definition of the Supreme Being. Il Is fortunate that
this body, insignificant in itself, should have been rendered still more so, by a
violent disruption and .secession ; fortunate, that its members are such poUtical
ciphers that their ukase possesses no shade of authority. .
Our American form of government recognizes no such thing as a National
Council. Let the Know Nothings disguise themselves as they will, they never
hit upon the true Americap feelipg, torie, look apd bearing. Least of all can
they do so by reviving the old Whig attempts lo " palsy the will of the copstitu-
ent," such as is this of a Natiopal Council.
VII. If the reader has any Inclipallop lo risibility, it will be almost impossi
ble to read the 7th A.rti'cle without a smile or eveu a genuine, frank, hearty
laugh. This article Is specially adapted to assist digestion. "Corrupt means
of forcing upon people political creeds !" Was ever a creed forced upon people
before in this land with sucb violence as Know NolhiDgism ? Some curious
experiments were once made by a naturalist in forcing lurkles to swallow iron
balls covered with strong and sharp prickles. The operations of Sam are very
similar to those experiments; and his pl&,lforra to those iron balls. When the
turkies were killed, it was ftiund that the action of their Internal organs had
completely worn down the iron spikes, so that no sign of thera remained. Most
of the principles of this platform appear to be, ip the same way, worn down by
the Individual moral gizzards of those who assume lo belong lo that party. Sam
further professes admiration for tbe maxim that "Office should seek thc man,
and not man the office." Is not this an exquisitely touching specimen of Ar
cadian simpUcity and verdant innocence ? What high esteem Sam has shown
for this sentiment and the will of the people in the case of Franklin Pierce and;,
Henry A. Wise !
VIII. If in the 8lh Article the National CouncU had commenced by say
ing, " Blue is yellow : to conclude, therefore, blue is red," they would have
been quite as logical as they are In what they do say. But if Sam wiU be ab
surd, he Is unfortunate In always being so wheu on the subject of reUgion. He
may rest assured that Americans intend to govern America without requiring
his permission. And the proof is, that no share of administration wiil be en
trusted lo the Grand Mogul or his adherents, for we Americans have a natural
antipathy for despotism.

452
IX. This is one of the prickles which Know Nothing gizzards will soonest
wear down.
X. Here is the first and only principle in the platform that properly belongs
to an exposition of political views by a party. It is, moreover, expressed in a
sensible, straightforward manner. Il is fairly opening a plain issue for public
opinion, which the people will settle to their satisfaction. Sam would do well
to press this matter vigorously.
XI. The first two lines here are excellent in themselves. But the principle
they contain is not altogether proper for a parly platform. However, the thing
is 60 good in Itself, that this would matter little. But Sam, with his usual pro
pensity- for spoiling his own work when not already bad, immediately proceeds
to overlay it with a mass of verbiage that completely alters its first significance.
The quesiion of the Bible in schools is, in particular, raisplaced in a platform of
party principles.
But on behalf of the good people of these United Slates, one request is to
be raade of the Know Nothings. Let them think, act and speak as they will;
let them rage on to their satisfaction about Catholic and Foreigner ; but let
them not meddle with education. Their party Is going to pieces before it Is
fairly built up, but a threat like this would cut short the slender chances of
popularity they "bave remaining. A rush of fanatics from Boston and New
York would be let loose lo propagate Abolitionism, Bloomerism, Fourierism,
and every pestilent device of the denizens of those menageries of monomaniacs,
throughout all our borders. The newspaper is the whole, or almost the whole
education of numbers; and a noble system of morals, religion, politics, histo
rical, philosophical and social science, and taste In literature and art, might be
diffused by a well-conducted press. The newspaper Is a school, without seeming
so, which raay disserainale throughout the coraraunity a spirit of high refine
ment and cultivation, maintaining that "due balance between different iraportant
subjects which it is so difficult to adjust; rendering rightful honor to rare ex
amples of morality and piety, and so spreading the emulation of these quali
ties ; keeping alive among the people a correct understanding of the political
principles upon whioh our coristitution, laws and social characterislics are foun
ded, in wbich lie the sources of our independence and happiness as men and as
a nation ; and reflecting an image of the progress of the useful and finer arts
whicb belong to true civiUzation and enlightenment. The career of Benjamin
Franklin, which commenced with a newspaper, to end with the Declaration of
Independence, may be referred to here as an illustration of this subject. But
rake up New England, New York and Pennsylvania — rake up the Know No
thing press everywhe're, and It will appear what Sam is likely to do in this
matter, lo say nothing of the stupendous system pf deception he has saved from
the ruins of the Whig party.
XII. Another pretended defence of the Union. Sam, however, has so little
of our national character in his composition, that he is incapable of barely un
derstanding what union means. His essential instincts are against union.
From the first It was necessary to bind his adherents by oath to keep them
united together, and to veil their proceedings in secrecy lo hide their dissen
sions. No sooner do the Know Nothings attempt to come out as a national
party, than they divide in two. Is not this a fine sample of union ? They
have sown dissension between Protestant and Catholic. Is this their idea of
union ? They have arrayed native against fpretgner, parent against son. Is
this union? They have even formed a plan of dividing American from Ameri
can by secret organization. They have built a wall between North and South,
where t^ere was only a narrow ditch before. They have Introduced a quarrel
between the people and the executive, where before, it was understood and
agreed, that the executive was the people, that il stood for and represented them.
They have carried the harsh and bitter spirit of division into the matter of edu-

453
cation. But to pursue the enumeration no farther, we ask again, are not these
flue samples of Sam's conception of union ?
Are the Know Nothings entitled lo prate about maintaining the Union ? As
well might a man born blind aitempt to paint the rainbow, the finest natural
emblem of the covenant of union, as Sam to persuade the people to entrust this
Union of sovereign States to his care.
Sam makes the following astounding announcement : " There can be no dis
honour in submitting to the laws". Now this looks so like a very commonplace
truism, every citizen should respect the laws, that at first il appears to be mere
filling up. But wishing to do Sam justice, a closer examination leads to the
question : why did he give It this peculiar form of expression ? Then, looking
to see what laws in particular are referred to, it appears that existing laws on
' the subject of slavery are meant. This lets rn a flash of Ught. And now we
fully conceive this brilliant sentiment: " There can be no dishonor in s«im(7-
ting to the laws" — oh, no ; the dishonor lies upon the bead of tbose who made
the laws. This Is what Sam intends by his, at first, unaccountable mention of
dishonor. And now, how is Sam going to submit lo these laws ? His platforra, Arli
cles IV., v., VL, the reader bas not forgotten, shows that his way of submit
ting to the laws is to set about a " radical and essential" " revision," " modifi
cation" and " repeal" of the laws. A word to the wise.
There is little doubt that in the National Council the words Union, Constitu
tion, and sorae others were incessantly repeated, but still less that the word by
far most frequently uttered, and most vehemently by every fragment of that
disunited body, was Treason. If every part pronounced this of the rest, is it
too much to make a unanimous vote of the council of it, to be applied to the
whole body ?
XIII. Is a very pretty sentiment.
XIV. Here Sam fulfils a prediction we made long ago. His self importance
made him altogether too talkative to refrain from letting out his secret on the
least occasion. He now gives up the attempt. And, like Samson of old, the
Delilah of hope having fondled the mystery out of him, will cut off his locks ;
and he will lose the only source of his strength. No more tying together of
foxes by the tail; no more slaughters wi^h the jawbone of an ass ! Alas, poor
Sammy !

From the Union.
FOREIGN-BORN CITIZENS IN THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION.
The writer of this communication Is a native citizen of the United States,
and his ancestorSj for not less than six generations, were also natives of this
country. This circumstance will tend to show that he can have no natural bias
or prejudice In favor of foreigners. In common with other native citizens, he
has sometimes heard with regret of pewly-arrived foreigpers interfering with or
assuming an undue importance in our elections, and lacking that modest defer
ence to inteUigent native-born citizens that common sense urges as due to them,
and which is also due, to a certain extent, lo the intelligent foreign-born citizens
'of lopg residepce among us. But Is It prudent or just for this cause to join m
a general and indiscriminate crusade against aU foreigners? As regards the
prudence of such a course, are we not suffering now, in the high prices of all
kinds of edible products, for the want of thousands of brawny arms to-subdue
our almost countiess acres of uncultivated land ? And, as regards Its justice,
are we not morally bound to look to our history, and to reflect that this is a

454
country which, with the exception of a few Indian tribes, is made up of emi-
gra,tion — of Penn and bis peaceful colonists, to Pennsylvania ; of the Pilgrim
Fathers, driven to Plymouth Rock ; of Calvert and his followers, seeking reli
gious liberty on the shores of Marylapd ; of the Huguenots, "taking refuge In
South Carolina; and of innumerable companies of colonists ever since, fleeing
from religious and political persecutions, and finding an asylum in this hitherto
happy country ? In the language of Hezekiah Niles' patriotic song —
" 'Tis my now native land, happy land of the free ;
'Tis the last hope of all men — of sweet liberty !"
Yes ! the liberty of conscience, the liberty of speech, and the liberty of parti
cipating in " the pursuit of happiness," so long as there is no trenching on the
rights of a neighbor.
But I do not propose to enter into an argument on the propriety of a general
disfranchisement of foreigners — a subject which has already been so ably ar
gued as to leave those who favored extreme disqualification with hardly any
ground to stand upon — but simply to show how large a debt we had contracted
towards persons of foreign birth for the liberty we now enjoy — liberties achieved
by those gallant spirits, mostly native, but many of thera foreign, who in our
revolutionary war battled for American indepepdence, apd the rights of civil
and religious freedom.
I have uo Immediate meaos of determining what number of valiant men born
out of the couutry drew tbe sword and shouldered the musket In our revolution
ary contest; but- no man can read any history of that important period of our
national existence without being satisfied that there were thousands so engaged.
We have, however, abundant evidence to show that many of those persons ren
dered themselves illustrious by their heroic deeds, and that the record of " the
times that tried raen's souls" has woven for thera au imperishable chaplet. I
^will cite the names of a few :
Commodore John Barry, born in the county of Wexford, Ireland, command
ed the ship Black Prince, that was converted into a vessel of war, and subse
quently he was appointed by Congress lo comraand the brig Lexington, of 16
guns ; then the Raleigh, of 32 guns ; then the frigates Alliance and the United
States ; and In a number of actions shed lustre on the young flag of America.
Judge George Bryau, borp In Dublin, Ireland. His father having given hira
a sufficiency to establish him in mercantile business^ al the age of 21 he em
barked for Philadelphia, where he remained until his dbath. He was a delegate
to Congress in 1775, In which he became known for his advocacy of petitions
and remonstrances against the arbitrary measures of Great Britain. Soon after
the Declaration of Independence he was elected Lieutenant Governor of Penn
sylvania, and afterwards Governor of that Slate. Subsequently he was a mem
ber of the Legislature, and then Judge of the Supreme Court of Pennsylvania —
such was then the graftitude of the American people for the services of foreign-
born citia^ns.
Captain James Chrystie, born in Edinburg, Scotland, In 1777 was promoted
to tho comraand of a company, which he held until the end of the war. On
the discovery of Arnold's plot at West Point, Gen. Washington selected Cap
tain Chrystie for an important service, and said to him : " Captain Chrystie, you
are to receive no written orders from me. The business is that you proceed with
all possible expedition to West Point, and examine particularly the state of that
garrison in every respect; and to visit all the intermediate posts for the same
purpose. Make this known to no one but the commanding officer at each post ;
and you are to enjoin on them the secrecy of the grave; commit nothing to wri
ting." Here the General paused. " Has your excellency any further orders ?"
enquired Captain Chrystie. " Yes," replied the General, " one, and a very sc-

455
rious one ; that Is, Captain Chrystie, that on this occasion you are not to let rae
hear of your being. taken prisoner. Do you understand me ?" " Perfectly well,"
replied Captain Chrystie, " you shall not hear of that event." Captain Chrystie
proceeded alone; and executed this commission in a satisfactory manner, and
made such a report as set the mind df General Washington perfectly at ease.
Charles Clinton, born in Ireland, (father of George CUnton, afterwards Vice-
President of the United States,) died in .1773, in the 83d year of his age, con
juring his sons In his last moments to stand by the liberties of their country.
Major Willian" Croghan, born in Ireland, was engaged in tbe battles of Bran
dywine, Germantown and Monmouth. He was the father of Col. George Cro
ghan, the gallant defender of Fort Sandusljy In our second war with Great
Britain. Colonel William Richardson Davie, born In White Haven, England, comr
manded a battalion of dragoons with much crpdit during the revolutionary war ;
and subsequeutly rose to. great eminence at the bar In Norlh Carolina, and was
sent as ambassador lo France by the elder President Adaras.
Major General Horatio Gates, born in Englapd, was called from his retire
ment in Virginia, and recommended to Congress by General Washington. His
great services, especially al Saratoga, have made his name a household word.
Major William Gwinn, born In Ireland, joined the revolutionary array In
1776, and served with credit. He died In Baltiraore county in 1819, -in the
70th year of his age.
Alexander Haraillon, born In the island of St. Croix, in the West Indies,
was distinguished through the revolutionary war for his high qualifications in
military science — especially at Yorktown — and was our first Secretary of the
Treasury. »
General William Irvine, born In Ireland, joined the revolutionary army in
1774 ; and was an active member of a public meeting recommending Congress
to assemble, denouncing the Boston port bill, expressing a sympathy with the
sufferers, and declaring their willingness and determination to make any sacri
fices necessary for the support of American rights. 'He was appointed a colonel
of a regiment. In command of which he was captured in an attempt to surprise
a vanguard of the British army. After his release he became the comraanding
General of the secotpd Pennsylvania brigade.
Andrew Irvine, a brother to the foregoing, was a lieutenant in the rPvolu-
ticnary war.
Colonel (afterwards General) James Jackson, born In Devon, England, was
distinguished for his military services in the South during the revolutionary
war. He died in the city of Washington on the 19lb of January, 1806, while
attending to his duties as a Senator of the United States.
Major John James, born in Ireland, was distinguished for his military ser
vices in the South.
Commodore John Paul Jones, born iu Galway county, Scotland. His match
less naval prowess and courage told with terrible effect on the mother country.
Major General Baron De Kalb, born in Germany, received eleven wounds In
the baUle of Camden. To a British officer, who condoled with him, he said :
" I thank you for your generous sympathy, but I die the death I always prayed
for— the death of a soldier fighting for the rights of man." He survived but a
few days. Congress resolved that a nionument should be erected to his memory
in the town of Annapolis, Slate of Maryland.
Thaddeus Kosciusko, born in Poland— his fame classic in two hemi.spheres.
General Hugh Mercer, born in Aberdeen, Scotland, distinguished himself in
the battles of Trenton and Princeton. , ^ t, . ,
Major General Richard Montgomery, born in Ireland, fell in the attack on
Quebec, December 31, 1775, aged 38. In a debate in the British ParUament,
the death of this gallant general was lamented In strains of the most pathetic

466
eloquence that ever were heard in the House of Commons. Three of the prin
cipal orators, Mr. Burke, Mr. Fox, and Colonel Barre, vied with each other in
the panegyric of that hero. General Burgoyne, though he expressed a strong
zeal against the American eause, in a very handsome manner did justice to his
merits, and said that all his virtues were abundantly rewarded when they were
thus " praised, wept and honored by the muse he loved." Lord North, the
prime minister, censured the unqualified liberality of the praises bestowed on
General Montgomery by the gentlemen of the opposition, because they were
bestowed on a rebel ; and said he could not join in lamenting his death as a
public loss. He admitted that he was brave ; that he was able ; that he was
huraane ; that he was generous ; but still he was oply a brave, able, humane
and geuerous rebel ; and -said that the verse of the tragedy of Cato might be
applied to him : " Curse on his virtues, they've undone his country."
Robert Morris, born in Liverpool, England, was the superintendent of our
finances during the revolutionary war, and his credit supplied the country when
the military chest had been drained of its last dollar.
Major General WilUam Moultrie, born in England, was distinguished for his
heroic services in the revolutionary war, and especially for bis defence of the
city of Charleston. He was afterwards Governor of South Carolina.
Thoraas Paine, born in England, was tbe author of "Coraraon Sense," "The
Crisis," " Rights of Man," &c. Whatever his faults, be rendered powerful
aid by his pen lo the revolutionary cause.
Count Pulaski, born in Poland, was raortally wounded In defence of the cfty
of Savannah, where Copgress has erected a mopument lo his meraory.
Major Geperal Frederick William Steubcp, born ip Prussia, was a volunteer
in the action al Monmouth, and commanded iu tbe trenches at- Yorktown on
the day which terminated our revolutionary struggle with Great Britain.
Major General Gilbert Lafayette, born in France. In " Dunlap's Pennsyl
vania Packet," printed in Philadelphia, of August 19, 1777, I find. In a letter
from an American in Paris to a gentleman In Pennsylvania, dated April 10,
1777, the foUowing announcement :
" This letter will be put inlo your hands by the Marquis de Lafayette, of a
noble and ancient family in France, connected by birth and marriage with the
first in the kingdora, and in possession of an estate of upwards of fourteen thou
sand pounds sterlipg per annum, beloved and almost adored by bis numerous
acquaintance ; but preferring glory lo every epjoyraent which these Ip the arms
of a young and beautiful wife and youpg family, could give him, he coutts dan
ger in defence of our cause, which is here universally celebrated as the cause of
mankind." He carae and lent us his powerful aid, shedding his blood in defence of our
liberties. From Brandywine to Yorktown his name shines conspicuous in our
annals. Fellow-citizens, in the Representatives' Hall of yonder capitol there are two
portraits — one of George Washington, the Father of his Country, the other
of Gilbert Lafayette, who crossed the ocean to strike for freedom. Will
you, with sacrilegious hand and base Ingratitude, tear down the latter from
those walls in obedience to a senseless fanaticism against foreigners ? I trust
not. F. J»
Washington, D. C, May 8, 1855.

457
Prom the Richmond Enquirer.
KNOW NOTHINGISM UNVEILED.
We comply with the request of patriotic Democrats In North Carolina and,
to-daj' publish at length the Constitution of the " National Council of the
United States of North America," and the State CouncU of North Carolina,
with the Ritual, Degrees and all the other paraphernaUa of the most raischie-
vous and dangerous oligarchy that ever conspired against civil and religious
liberty. The election in the old North State is rapidly approaching, and our
friends are making a gallant fight. They feel confident that the people of
JVorth Carolina cannot hesitate as lo their duty, when they shall be enlightened
as to the trickery and monstrous purposes of a Secret Order, whose inevitable
tendency is lo destroy all individual freedom of action, and to make Americans
the blind and servUe Instruments of an irresponsible, Jesuitical, proscriptive
and tyrannical oligarchy. In-North Carolina the Democracy are warring un
compromising war upop Know Nothingism, exposing its dark movements and
purposes, and appealing to the iplelligence, honesty and patriotism of the
people. By sueh a course the Deraocracy of Virginia laid " Sam" low— a
similar result wdl be seen ip North Carolina. All that the people wapt is light
—and a fiood of it is shed upon the subject by the following publication of of
ficial Know Nothing documents. They explain themselves, and require no
comment :
Constitution of the National Council of the United States of North Ame
rica.
Article First.
This organizatiop shall be known by the name and titie of THE NATION
AL COUNCIL OF THE UNITED STATES OF NORTH AMERICA, and
its jurisdictiop and power shall extend to all the States, Districts and Territo
ries of the United States of North Araerica.
Article Second.
The object of this organizatiop shall be to protect every American citizen in
the legal and proper exercise of all his civil and religious rights and privileges;
to resist the insidious policy of the Church of Rome, and all other foreign In
fluence against our repubUcan institutions in all lawful ways ; to place in all
offices of honor, trust, or profit, in the gift of the people, or by appointment,
none but pative born Protestapt citizens, apd to protect, preserve apd uphold
the uniop of these States apd th^ Constitution of the same.
Article Third.
Sec. 1, — A person to become a member of any Subordinate Council must be
lwenty=one years of age ; he must believe in the existence of a Supreme Being
as the Creator and Preserver of the Universe. He must be a riative born citi
zen ; a Protestant, either born of Protestant parents, or reared under Protestant
influence ; and not united in marrriage with a Roman Catholic ; provided, ne
vertheless, that in this last respect, the State, District or Territorial Councils
shall be authorized to so construct their 'respective Constitutions as shall best
promote the interests of the American, cause in their several jurisdictions ; and
provided, moreover, that no member who may have a Roman Catholic wife shall

458
be eligible to office In this Order; and provided, further, should any State,
District or Territorial Council prefer the words " Roman Catholic" as a disqua
lification to membership. In place of " Protestant" as a qualification, they may
so consider this Constitution and govern their action accordingly.
Sec. 2. — There shall be an interval of three weeks between the conferring
of tbe First and Second Degrees; and of three months between the conferring
of the Secopd and Third Degrees — provided, that this restriction shall not ap
ply to those who may have received the Second Degree previous to the first day
of December next ; and provided, further, that the Presidents of State, Dis
trict, and Territorial Councils may .grant dispensations for initiating in all the
Degrees, officers of new Councils.
Sec. 3. — The National Council shall hold its Annual meetings on the first
Tuesday In the month of June, al such place as may be designated by the Na
tional Council at the previous Annual meeting, and It may adjourn from time to
time. Special meetings may be called by the President, on the written request
of five delegations representing five Stale Councils ; provided, that sixty day's
notice shall be given to the State Councils previous to said meeting.
Sec. 4, — The National pouncil sball be composed of seven delegates from
each Slate, to be chosen by tbe State Councils ; and each Districl Or Territory
where a District or Territorial Council shall exist, shall be entitled to send two
delegates, to be chosen from said Council — provided, that in the nomination of
candidates for President and Vice President of the United Stales, each Stale
shall be entitled to cast the same number of voles as they shall have members
in both Houses of Congress. In all sessions of the National Council, thirty-
two delegates, representing thirteen States, Territories or Districts, shall consti
tute a quorum for the transaction of business.
Sec. 5. — The National Council shall be vested with the following powers and
privileges :
It shall be the head of the Organization for the United States of North
America, and shall fix and establish all signs, grips, passwords, and such other
secret work, as may seem to it necessary.
It shall have the power to decide all matters appertaining to National Poli
tics. It shall have the power to exact from the State Councils, quarterly or annual
statements as to the number of raembers under their jurisdictions, and in rela
tion to all other matters necessary for Its Inforraation.
It shall have the power to form State, Territorial or District Councils, and to
grant dispensations for the formation of such bodies, when five Subordinate
Councils shall have been put In operation in any State, Territory, or District,
and application made.
Xt shall have the power to determine upon a mode of punishment in case of
any dereliction of duty on the part of its merabers or officers.
It shall have the power to adopt cabalistic characters for the purpose of
writing or telegraphing. Said characters to be coramunicated to the Presidents
of the State Councils, and by them to the Presidents of the Subordinate
Councils. It shall have the power to adopt any and every measure it may deem neces
sary to secure the success of the Organization ; provided, that nothing shall be
done by the said National Council in violation of the Constitution ; and pro
vided further, that In all political matters, its raembers may be instructed by
the State Councils, and If so instructed, sballcarry out such instructions of the
Stale Councils which they represent until overruled by a majority of the Na
tional CouncU.

459
Article Fourth.
' The President shall always preside over the National Council when present,
and In his absence the Vice President shall preside, and in the absence of both
the National Council shall appoint a President pro tempore; and the presiding
officers may al all limes call a member to tbe chair, but such appointment shall
not extend beyond one sitting of the National Council.
Article Fifth.
Sec. 1. — The officers of the National Council shall be a President, Vice
President< Chaplain, Corresponding Secretary, Recoi-ding Secretary, Treasurer,
and two Sentinels ; with such other officers as the National Council may see fil
to appoint from time lo time ; and the Secretaries and Sentinels may receive
such compensation as the National Council shall determine.
Sec. 2. — The duties of the several officers created by this Constitution shall
be such as the work of this Organization prescribes.
Article Sixth.
Sec. 1. — All officers provided for by this Constitution, except the Sentinels,
shall be elected annually by balbt. The President may appoint Sentinels from
time lo time.
Sec. 2. — A majority of all the voles cast shall be requisite to an election for
an office.
gee, 3, — All officers aud delegates of this Council, and of all Slate, District,
Territorial and Subordinate Councils, must be invested with all the Degrees of
this Order.
gee. 4. — All vacancies in the elective offices shall be filled by a vote of the
National Council, and only for the unexpired term of the said vacancy.
Article Seventh.
gee. 1. — The Natiopal Council shall eutertaln and decide all cases of appeal
and il shall establish a form of appeal.
gee. 2.— The National Council shall. levy a tax upon the State, District, or
Territorial Councils, for the support of the National Council, to be paid in such
manner and at 'such times as the National Counc!! shall determine.
Article Eighth.
This National Council may alter and amend this Constitution at its regular
Annual meeting in June next, by a vote of tbe majority of the- whole number
of the members present. (Cincinnati, Nov. 24, 1854.)

RULES AND REGULATIONS.
Rule one.— Each Slate, District or Territory, in which there may exist five
or more Subordinate Councils working under dispensations from the Natipnal
Council of the United States of North America, or under regular dispensations
from some Slate, District or Territory, are duly empowered lo establish Ihena-
selves Into a State, District or Territorial Council and when so established, to
form for themselves Constitutions and By-Laws for their government, m pur
suance of and in consonance with, the Constitution of the National Council of

460
the United States ; provided, however, that all District, or Territorial Constitu
tions shall be subject lo the approval of the National Council of the United
States. (June, 1854.)
Rule two. — All State, Districl or Territorial Councils, when established, shall
have full power and authority to establish all Subordinate Councils within their
respective liraits ; and the Constitutions and By-Laws of all such Subordinate
Councils, must be approved by their respective State, District or Territorial
Councils. (June, 1854.)
Rule three.— All State, District or Territoral Councils, when established and
until the formation of Constitutions, shall work under the Constitution of the
National Council of the United States. (June, 1854.)
Rule four. — In all cases where, for the convenience of the Organization, two
State or Territorial Councils may be established, the two Councils together shall
be entitled to but thirteen delegates* In the National Council of the Uuited States
— the proportioned number of delegates to depend on the number of raembers
in the Organizations ; provided, that no State shall be allowed to have more
than one State Council, without the consent of the National CouncU of the
United States. (June, 1854.) '
Rule five, — In any Stale, District or Territory, where there may be more
than one Organization working on the same basis (to wit, the Lodges' apd
" Councils") the same shall be required to combine; the officers of each Or
ganization shall resign, and new officers be elected ; and thereafter these bodies
shall be known as State Councils, and Subordinate Councils, and new Charters
shall be granted lo them by the National Council. (June, 1854.)
Rule six. — It shall be considered a penal offence for any brother not an officer
of aNSubordinate Council, to make use of the sign or summons adopted for pub
lic notification, except by direction of the President ; or for officers of a Coun
cil lo post the same at any other time than from midnight to one hour before
daybreak, and this rule shall be incorporated into tbe By-laws of the State,
District and Territorial Councils. (June, 1854.)
Rule seven. — The determination of the necessity and mode of issuing the
posters for public notification shall be entrusted to the State, District or Terri
torial Councils. (June, 1854.)
Rule eight, — The respective State, District or Territorial Councils shall be
required to make statements of the number of members within their respective
limits, at the next meeting of this National Council, and annually thereafter, at
the regular annual meeting. (June, 1854.) •
Rule nine, — The delegates lo the National Council of the United Stales of
North America, shall be entitled to three dollars per»day for their attendance
upon the National Council, and for each day that may be necessary in going and
returning from the sarae ; and five cents per rail* for every mile they may ne
cessarily travel in going to, and returning from, tbe place of meeting of the
National Council ; to be computed by tbe nearest mail route : which shall be
paid out of the Treasury of the National Council, (November, 1854.)
Rule ten. — Each State, Districl or Territorial Council, shall be taxed fonr
cents per annum, for every member In good standing belonging to each Subor
dinate Council under its jurisdiction on the first day of April, which shall be
reported to the National Council, and paid Into the National Treasury, on or
before the first day of the annual session, to be held in June ; and on the same
day in each succeeding year. And the first fiscal year shall be considered as
commencing on the first day of December, 1854, apd epding (Jn the fifteenth
day of May, 1^5. (November, 1854.)
Rule eleven. — The following shall be the Key to deterraine and ascertain the
purport of any coramunication that raay be addressed to the President of a
* Note. — See Constitiltion, Art. 3, Sec. 4, p. 5.

461
State, District or Territorial Council by the President of the National Coupcil,
who is hereby ipstructed to communicate a knowledge of the same to said offi
cers : ABCDEFGHIJKLM 1 7 18 19 25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15
NOPQRSTUVWXYZ
21 4 10 16 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 18 24
Rule twelve. — The clause of the article of tbe Constitution relative to belief
in the Supreme Being is obligatory upon every Slate and Subordinate Council,
as well as upon each individual member. (June, 1854.)
Rule thirteenth. — The following shall be the compensation of the officers of
this Council :
1st. The Corresponding Secretary shall be paid two thousand dollars per an
num, from the 17th day of June, 1854.
2d. The Treasurer shall be paid five hundred dollars per annura, from the'
17lh day of June, 1854.
3d. The Sentinels shall be paid five dollars for every day they may be In at-.
tendance on the sittings of the National Council.
4th. The Chaplain shall be paid one hundred dollars per annum, from the
17th day of June, 1854.
5th. The Recording Secretary shall be paid five hundred dollars per annum,
from the 17th day of June, 1854.
6th. The Assistant Secretary shall be paid five dollars per day, for every day
he may be in attendance on the sitting of the National Council. All of which
is to be paid out of the National Treasury, on the draft of the President. (No
vember, 1854,) - SPECIAL VOTING.
Vote "first. — This National Council hereby grants lo the State of Virginia two
.State Councils, the one to be located in Eastern and the other in Western Vir
ginia, the Blue Ridge Mountains being the geographical line between the two
jurisdictions. (June, 1854.)
Vote second. — The President shall have power, tiU the.next session of the
National Council, to grant dispensations for tbe formation of Stale, District, or
Territorial Councils, in form most agreeable to his own discretion, upon proper
application being made. (June, 1854.)
Vote third. — The seats of all delegates to and merabers of the present Na
tional Council shall be vacated on the first Tuesday in June, 1855, al> the hour
of six o'clock in the forenoon ; and the National Council convening in annual
session upon that day, shall be composed exclusively of delegates elected under
and in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution, as amended at the
present session of this National Council : provided, that this resolution shall
not apply lo the officers of the National Council. (November, 1854.)
Vote fourth. — The Corresponding Secretary of this Council is authorized to
have printed tbe names of the delegates to this National Council ; also, those
of the Presidents of the several Slate, District, and Territorial Councils, together
with their address, and to forward a copy of the sarae to each person named ;
and further, the Corresponding Secretaries of each State, District, and Territory,
are requested to forward a copy of their several Constitutions to each other.
(November, 1854.) . . j ^i -n- ,
Vote fifth.  In the' publication of the Constitution and the Ritual, under the
direction of the Committee— brother Deshler, Dararell and Stephens— the name,
Signs, Grips, and Passwords of the Order, shaU be indicated by [* * * ] and a

462
copy of the sarae shall be furnished to each State, District and Territorial
Council, and to each member of that body. (November, 1854.)
Vote sixth. — A copy of the Constitution of each Stale, District, and Territo
rial Council, shall be submitted to this Council for examination. (November,
1854.) Vole seventh. — Il shall be the duty of the Treasurer, at each annual meeting
of this body, to make a report of all monies received or expended In the inter
val. (November, 1854.)
Vote eighth. — Messrs. Gifford, of Pa. ; Barker, of N. Y. ; Deshler, of N.
J. ; Williamson, of Va. ; and Stephens, of Md., are appointed a committee to
confer with similar committees that have been appointed for the purpose of con
solidating the various American Orders, with power to make the necessary ar
rangements for such consolidation — subject to the approval of this National
Council, at its uext sessiop. (November, 1854.)
Vote piptb. — Op tbe receipt of the new Ritual by the members of this Na
tional Council who have received the third degree, they or any of them may, and
they are hereby empowered lo confer the third degree upon members of this
body in their respective Stales, Districts and Territories, and upon the Presidents
•and other officers of their State, District, and Territorial Councils. And fur
ther, the Presidents of the Stale, District, and Territorial Councils shall in the
first instance confer the third degree upon as many of the Presidents and offi
cers of their Subordinate Councils, as can be assembled -together in their res
pective localities, and afterwards the same may be conferred upon officers of
other subordinate Councils, by any presiding officer of a Council, who shall
have previously received it under the provisions of the Constitution. (Novem
ber, 1854.)
Vote tenth. — To entitle any delegate to a seat in this National Council, at its
annual session In June next, he must present a properly authenticated certificate
that he was duly elected as a delegate to the same ; or appointed a substitute in
accordance with the requirements of the Constitutions of State, Territorial, or
Dislrld Councils. And no delegate shall be received from any Stale, District
or Territorial Council, which has not adopted the Constitution and Ritual of
this National Council. (November, 1854.)
Vote eleventh. — The coraraittee on printing the Constitution and Ritual is
authorized lo have a sufficient number of the same printed for the use of the
Order. And no Stute, Districl, or Territorial Council, shall be allowed to re
print the same. (November, 1854.)
Vole twelfth. — The right lo establish all Subordinate Councils In any ofthe
States, Districts, and Territories represented in this National Council, shall be
confined to the State, Districl, and Territorial Councils, which they represent.
(November, 1854.)

Constitution for the Government of Subordinate Councils.
Article I.
Sec. 1. — Each Subordinate Council shall be composed of not less than thirteen
members, all of whom shall have received all the degrees of the Order, and
shall be known and recognized as  Council, No.  of the 
of the county of  , and State of North Carolina.
Sec. 2. — No person shall be a member of any Subordinate Council In this
Stale, unless he possesses all the qualifications, and comes up to all the require
ments laid down in the Constitution of the National Council, and whpse wife,
(if he has one,) is not a Roman Catholic.

463
»Sec. 3. — No application for membership shall be received and acted on from
a person residing out of the State, or resides in a county where there is a Coun
cil in existence, unless upon special cause to be stated to the CouncU, to be
judged of by the same ; and sucb person. If the reasons "be considered suffi
cient, may be initialed the sarae night he is proposed, provided he resides five
miles or more from the place where the Council is located. But no person can
vote in any Council, except the one of which he is a member.
Sec. 4.— Every person applying for membership, shall be voted for by ballot,
in open Council, if a ballot is requested by a single member. If one third of
the votes cast be against the applicant, he shall be rejected. If any applicant
be rejected, he shall riot be again proposed within six months thereafter. No
thing herein contained shall be -construed to prevent the initiation of applicants
privately, by tbose empowered lo do so. In localities where there are no Coun
cils within a convenient distance.
Sec. 5. — Any member of one Subordinate, Council wishing to change his
membership to another Council, sball apply to the Council to which he belopo-s,
either in writing or orally through another member, and the question shall be
decided by the Council. If a majority are in favor of granting him an hopo-
rable dismisslop, he shall receive the same in writing, to be signed by the Pre
sident and countersigned by the Secretary. But until a member thus receiving
an honorable dismission has actually been admitted to membership in another
Counoil, he shall be held subject to the discipline of the Council from which he
has received the dismission, to be dealt with by tbe same, for any violation of
the requirements pf the Order. Before being received in the Council, lo which
he wishes lo transfer his membership, he shall present said certificate of hono
rable dismission, and shall be received as new members are.
Sec. 6. — Applications for the Second Degree shall not be received except in
Second Degree Councils, and voted on by Second and Third Degree members
only, and applications for the Third Degree shall be received in Third Degree
Councils, and voted on by Third Degree members only.
, Article II.
¦ Each Subordinate Council shall fix on Its own time and place for meeting :
and shall meet al least once a month, but where net very inconvenient, Il is re
commended that they meet once a week. Thirteen members shall form a quo
rum for the transaction of business. Special raeetings may be called by the
President, at any time, at the request of four members of the Order.
Article III.
Sec. 1-. — The members of each Subordinate Council shall consist of a Presi
dent, Vice President, Instructor, Secretary, Treasurer, Marshal, Inside and
Outside Sentinel, and shall hold their offices for the term of six months> or
until their successors are elected and installed. *
Sec. 2. — The officers of each Subordinate Council, (except the sentinels, who
shaU be appointed by the President,) shaU be elected at the first regular meet
ings in January and July, separately, and by ballot; and each shaU receive a
majority of all the votes cast lo entitie him lo an election. _ No member shall
be- elected to any office, unless he be present and signify his assent thereto at
the time of his election. Any vacancy which may occur by death, .resignation,
or otherwise, shall be filled at the next meeting thereafter. In the manner and
form above described. , , -, /. i -r. • i
gee. 3.  The President. — It shaH be the duty of the President of each Sub
ordinate Council, lo preside in the CouncU, and enforce a due observance of the
Constitution and rules of the Order, and a proper respect for the State Council
and the National Council— to have sole and exclusive charge of the Charter

464
and the Constitution and Ritual of the Order, which he must always have with
him when his Council is in session, to see that all officers perform their respec
tive duties — lo announce all ballotings to the Coupcil — to decide all questions
of order — to give the casting vote in all cises of a tie — to convene special
meetings when deemed expedient — lo draw warrants on the Treasurer for all
sums, the payment of which is ordered by the Council — and to perform such
other duties as are demanded of him by the Constitutions and Ritual of the
Order. Sec. 4. — The Vice President of each Subordinate Council shall assist the
President in the discharge of his duties, whilst his"Council Is In session ; and
in his absence, shall perform all the duties of the President.
Sec, 5. — The Instructor shall perform the duties of the President, in the ab
sence of the President and Vice President, and shall, under the direction of the
President, perform sucb duties as may be assigned to him by the Ritual.
Sec. 6. — The Secretary shall keep an accurate record of the proceedings of
the Council. He shall write all communications, fill all notices, attest all war
rants drawn by the President for the payment of money ; he shall keep a cor
rect roll of all the members of tbe Council, together with their age, residence
and occupation, in the order in which they have been admitted ; he shall, at
the expiration of every three raonths, raake out a report of all work done dur
ing that time, which report ho shall forward to the Secretary of the State Coun
cil ; and when superseded in his office, sball deliver all books, papers, &c,, in
his hands, lo his successor.
Sec. 7. — The Treasurer shall hold all monies raised exclusively for the use of
the State Council, which he shall pay over to the Secretary of the State Council
at its regular sessions, or whenever called upon by the President of the State
Council. He shall receive all monies for the use of the Subordinate Council
and pay all amounts drawn»for on him, by the President of the Subordinate
Council, if attested by the Secretary.
Sec. 8, — The Marshal shall perform such duties, under the direction of the
President, as may be required of bim by the Ritual.
Sec. 9. — The Inside Sentinel shall have charge of the inner dpor, and act
under the directions of the President. He shall admit no person, unless he
can prove himself a member of this order, and of the sarae Degree in which
the Council is opened, or by order of the President, or is satisfactorily vouched
for. Soc. 10. — The Outside Sentinel shall have charge of the outer door, and act
In accordance with the orders of the President. 'He shall permit no person to
enter tbe outer door unless he give the password of the Degree in which the
Council is at work, or is properly vouched for.
Sec, 11, — The Secretary, Treasurer, and Sentinels, shall recive such compen
sation as the Subordinate Councils may each conclude to allow.
§ec. 12,^Each Subordinate Council may levy its own fees for initiation, to
raise a fund to pay its dues to the State Council, and to defray Its own expen
ses. Each Council may, also, at its discretion, initiate without charging the
usual fee, tbose II considers unable lo pay the same.
Sec, 13, — The President shall keep in his po.ssession the Constitution and
Ritual of the Order, He shall not suffer the same lo go out of his possession
under any pretence whatever, unless in case of absence, when he may put them
in the hands of the Vice President or Instructor, or whilst the Council is in
session, for the Information of a member wishing to see it, for the purpose of
ipitiatiop, or cooferring of Degrees. Article IV.
Each Subordinate Council shall have power to adopt such By-Laws, Rules,
and Regulations, for its own government, as It may think proper, not inconsis
tent with the Constitutions of the National and State Councils.

465
» FORM OF APPLICATION
For a Charter to organize a new Council.
Post Office  county, ,
Date  .
To  —
President of the State Council of North Carolina :
We, the uudersigped, members of the Third Degree, being desirous of ex
tending the influence and usefulness of our organization, do hereby ask for a
Warrant of Dispensation, instituling apd organizing us aa a subordinate branch
of the Order, under the jurisdiction of the State Council of the State of North
Carolina, to be known and hailed as Council No.  -, aud to be located at
 , ip the county of  , State of North Carolina.
And we do hereby pledge ourselves to be governed by the Constitution of
the State Council of the State of North Carolina, and of the Grand Council of
the U. S,, N. A., and that we will. In all things, conform to the rules and usa
ges of the Order. Names. Residences.
FORM OF DISMISSION
From one Council lo another.
This Is to certify that Brother  , a raeraber of  Council, No.
-, having raade an appUcation lo change his merabership from this Coun

cil lo that of  Council, No.  , at  , in" the county of
I do hereby declare, that said brother has received an honorable dismission from
this Council, and Is hereby recommended for membership in  Council,
No.  , in the county of  , N, C; provided, however, that until
Brother  has been admitted to membership in said Council, he Is to be
considered subject lo the discipline of this Council, to be dealt with by the
same for any violation of the requirements of the Order. This the  day
of  , 185 — , and the  year of American Independence.
 President  Council,
No.  ':
 Secretary. ' FORM OF CERTIFICATE
For Delegates to the State Council. CouncU, No. .

 county of  , N. C.
This is to certify that  and  were, at the regular meeting of
this Council, held on the  , 185— duly elected delegates to represent
this Council in the next annual meeting pf the State Council, to be held in
 on the 3d Monday in November next. And by virtue of the autho
rity In 'me reposed, L do hereby declare the said -——and  to be in-
ve-sled with all the rights, powers and privileges of the delegates as aforesaid..
This being the  day of  , 185-, and the  year of our Na
tional Independence.  V 'H t t
— '-  Counejl, No. 

Secretary. 30

466
FORM OF NOTICE.
From the Subordinate Councils to the State Council, whenever any member of
a Subordinate Council is expelled. Council, No. ¦

 county of  , N. C.
To the President of the State Council of North Carolina :
Sir : — This is to Inform you that at a meeting of this Council, held on the
¦ day of  , 185 — ,  was duly expelled frora membership in

said Council, and thus deprived of all the privileges, rights and benefits of this
Organization. In accordance with the provision of the Constitution of the State CouncU,
you are hereby duly notified of the same, that you may officially notify all the
Subordinate Councils of the State to be upon their guard against the said  ,
as one unworthy to associate with patriotic and good men, and {if expelled for
violating his cbligation) as a perjurer to God and his country. The said 
is about  years of age, and is by livelihood, a  .
Duly certified, this tbe  day of  185 — , and in the year of our Na
tional Independence.  President of
 Council, No.  .
 Secretary.

FIRST DEGREE COUNCIL.
To be admitted to membership In this order, the applicant shall be —
1st. Proposed and found acceptable.
2nd, Introduced and examined under the guarantee of secrecy.
3d. Placed under the obligation which the order imposes.
4th. Required to enroll his name and place of residence.
5th. Instructed in the forms and usages and ceremonies of the order.
6th. Solemnly charged as lo the objects to be obtained, and his duties.
[A recommendation of a candidate to this order, shall be received only from
a brother of approved integrity. It shall be accompanied by minute particulars
as to name, age, calling, and residence, and by an explicit voucher for his quali
fications, and a personal pledge for his fidelity. These particulars shall be re
corded by the secretary in a book kept for that purpose. The recommendation
may be referred, and the ballot taken at such tirae, and in such a manner as
the State Council may prescribe ; but no communication shall be made lo the
candidate until the ballot has been declared in his favor. Candidates shall be
received in the ante-room by the Marshal and the Secretary.]
outside.
Marshal. — Do you believe in a supreme Being, the Creator and Preserver of
the universe.
Ans. — I do.
Marshal. — Before proceeding further, we require a solemn obligation of
secrecy and truth. If you will take such an obligation, you will lay your right
hand upon the Holy Bible and Cross.
(When it is known that the applicant is a Protestant, the cross may be omit
ted, or affirmation may be allowed.)

467
obligation.
You do solemnly swear (or affirra) that you will never reveal anything said
or done in this roora, the names of any persons present, nor the existence of
this society, whether found worthy to proceed or BOt, and that all your declara
tions shall be true, so help you God ?
Ans.—" I do."
Marshal. — Where were you born ?
Marshal. — Where is your permanent residence ?
(If born out of the jurisdiction of the United States, the answer shall be
written, the candidate dismissed with an admonition of secrecy, and the brother
vouching for him suspended from all the privileges of the order, unless upon
satisfactory proof that he has been misinformed.)
Marshal. — Are you twenty-one years of age ?
Ans. — " I am."
Marshal. — Were you born of Protestant parents or were you reared under
Protestant influence ?
Ans.—" Yes."
Marshal. — If married. Is your wife a Roman Catholic ?
(" No" or " Yes" — tbe answer to be valued as the Constitution of the State
Council shall provide.) .
Marshal.-^ A.re you willing to use your influence and vote only for native-born
American citizens for all offices of honor, trust or profit in the gift of the peo
ple, lo the exclusion of all foreigners and aliens, and Roman Catholics In parti
cular, and without regard to party predilections ?
Ans. — " I am." inside.
(The Marshal shall then repair to the council in session, and present the
written list of names, vouchers and answers to the President, who shall cause
them lo be read aloud, and a vote of the council to be taken on each name, in
such manner as prescribed by its bye-laws. If doubts arise in the ante-room,
they shall be referred to the council. If a candidate be dismissed, he shall be
admonished to secrecy.- The candidates declared elected shall be conducted to
seats within the councU, apart from the brethren. When all are present the
President by one blow of the gavil, shall call to order and say :)
President — Brother Marshal, introduce the candidates lo the Vice-President.
Marshal. — Worthy Vice-President, I present to you these candidates, who
have duly answered all questions.
Vice-President, rising in his place. — Gentleraen, it Is my office to welcome
you as friends. When you shall have assumed the patriotic vow by which we
are all bound, we will embrace you as brothers. I am authorized to declare that
our obUgations enjoin nothing which is inconsistent with the duly which every
good man owes lo his Creator, his country, his family or himself We do not
compel you, against your convictions, to act with us in our good work ; but should
you at any time wish lo withdraw, it will be ouf duty to grant you a dismissal In
good faith. If satisfied with this assurance, you will rise upon your feet, (paus
ing till they do so,) place the left hand upon the breast, and raise the right hand
towards heaven.
(The brethren to remain sealed till called up.)
obligation.
In the presence of Almighty God and these witnesses, you do solemnly pro
mise and swear that you will never betray any of the secrects of this society.

468
nor communicate them even to proper candidates, except within a lawful council
of the order ; that you never will permit any of the secrets of this society lo be
written, or in any other raanner made legible, except for the purpose of official
instruction ; that you will not vote, nor give your influence for any man, for any
office in the gift of the people, unless he be an American born citizen, in favor
of Americans ruling America, nor if he be a Roman Catholic ; that you will in
all political matters, so far as this order is concerned, comply with the will of
the majority, though It may conflict with your personal, preference, so long as it
does not conflict with the Constitution of the United States of America or that
of the State in which you reside; that you will not, under any circumstances
whatever, knowingly recommend an unworthy person for initiation, nor suffer
il to be done if in your power to prevent it; that you will not, under any cir
cumstances, expose the narae of any member of this order, nor reveal the ex
istence of such an association ; that you will answer an imperative notice issued
by the proper authority; obey the command of the -State Council, President,
or his deputy, while assembled by such notice, and respond to the glaim of a
sign or a cry of the order, unless it be physically irapossible; and that you will
acknowledge the State Council of  as the legislative head, the ruling au-
thority, and the supreme tribunal of the order in the State of  , actino.
under the juTisdiction of the National Council of the United States of North
America. Binding yourself In the penalty of excomraunication from the order, the for
feiture of all intercourse with Its members, and being denounced in all the soci
eties of the same, as a wilful traitor to your God and your country.
(The President shall call up every person presept by three blows of the ga-
yll, whep the candidates shall all repeat after the Vice-President In concert :)
All this I voluntarily and sincerely promise, with a full understanding of the
solemn sanctions and penalties.
Vice-President. — You have now taken soleran oaths, and made as sacred pro-
j^ises as man can make, that you will keep aU our secrets inviolate; and we wish
you distinctly to understand that he that takes these oaths and makes these pro
mises, and then violates thera, leayes the foul, the deep and blighting stain of
perjury resting on his soul.
President — (Having seated all by one blow of the gavil.) — Brother Instruc
tor, these new brothers having complied with the demands of the order, are en
titled to the secrets and privileges of the same. You wUl, therefore, invest
them with everything appertaining to the first degree.
Instructor. — Brothers : the practices and proceedings In our order are as fol
lows :
We have pass-words necessary to be used to obtain adraission to our councils;
forms for our conduct while there; raeans of recognizing each other when abroad;
means of mutual protection ; and raethods for giving notices to raembers.
At the outer door you will* {make any ordinary alarm to attract the notice
of the outside sentinel.)
When the wicket Is opened you will pronounce the Qwords — what's the pass,)
in a whisper. The outside sentinel will reply ( Give it), wh'en you will give the
term pass-word and be adraitted to the ante-room. You will then proceed to .
*In the Ritual the words in parenthesis are omitted. In the key to the Ritual, tbey ara
¦written in figures — tho alphabet used being the same as printed below. So throughout.
Key to Unlock Know Nothing Communications.
ABCDEFGH IJKLM
1 7 13 19 -25 2 8 14 20 26 3 9 15
NOPQRSTUVWXYZ21 4 10 16 22 5 11 17 23 6 12 18 24

469
the inner door and give (one rap). When the wicket Is opened, give your
name, tbe number of, and location of your council, the explanation of the term
pass, and the degree pass-word.
If these be found correct, you- will be admitted ; if not, your name will be
reported to the Vice-President, and must be properly vouched for before you
can gain admission to the counoil. You will then proceed to the centre of the
room and address the {President) with the countersign, which is performed thus,
(placing the right hand diagonally across ihe mouth.) When thi.i salutation is
recognized, you will quietly take y^ur seat.
This sign Is peculiar to this degree, and is never to be used outside of the
Cornell room, nor during the conferring of this degree. Wheu retiring, you
will address the ( Vice-President) in the same manner, and also give the degree
pass-word to the inside sentinel. •
The " term'pass-word" is (We are.)
(The pass-word and explanation is to be established by each State Council for
its respective subordinates. )
The " explanation" of the " term-pass," to be used al the inner door, is {our
count-ry's hope.) '
The 5' degree pass-word" is (Native.)
The "travelling pass-word" is (The memory of our pilgrim fathers.)
(This word is changed annually by the President of the National Council of
the United Slates, and is lo be made apd used only wheu the brother is travel
ing beyopd the jurisdictiop of his owp State, District or Territory. It and all
other pass-words must be communicated Jn a whisper, and no brother is entitled
to communicate them to another, without authority frora the presiding officer.)
The " sign of recognition" is {grasping the, right lappet of the coat with the
right hand, the fore finger being extended inwards.)
The " answer" is given by (a similar action with the left hand.)
The " grip" Is given by {an ordinary shake of the hand.)
The person challenging shall {then draw ihe fore finger along ihe palm 'ofthe
hand.) The answer will be given by {a similar action forming a link by hook
ing together the ends of the fore flngcr ;) when the following conversation en
sues — the challenging party first saying (is that yours ?) The answer, (it is.)
Then the response (how did you gel il ?), followed by the rejoinder (it 'is my
birth-right) Public notice for a meeting' is given by means of a {piece of while paper the
shape of a heart)
(In citiesf tbe *** of the *** where the meeting is to be held, will be written
legibly upon the notice ; and upon the eleption day said *** will denote the ***
where your presence 'is needed. This notice will never be passed, but wiU be
**¦" or thrown upon the sidewalk with a *** in the centre. )
If information Is wanting of the object of the gathering, or of the place, &c.,
the Inquirer wIU ask of an undoubted brother {where's when?) The brother
win give the Information if possessed of it; if not, it wiU be yours and his
duly to continue the inquiry, and thus disseminate the call throughout the
brotherhood. If the color of {the paper) be {red,) it wUl denote actual trouble, which re
quires that you como prepared lo meet it.
The " cry of distress"— to be used only in lime of danger, or where the
American interests requires an Immediate assemblage of the brethren— Is {oh,
oh, oh.) The response is (Aio, /ub, A-i-o.) , , .
The "sign of caution"— to be given when a brother is speaking unguardedly
before a stranger— is {drawing the fore-flnger and thumb together across the
eyes, the rest of the hand being closed,) which signifies "keep dark."
t Concerning what is said of cities, the key to the Ritual says ; " Considered unnecessary to
decipher what is said in regard to cities."

470
Brothers, you are now Initiated into and made acquainted with the work and
organization of a council of this degree of the order; and the Marshal will
present you to the worthy President for admonition.
President. — It has, no doubt, been long apparent to you, brothers, that fo
reign infiuence and Romap Catholicism have been raaking steady apd alarming
progress In our country. You cannot have failed to observe tbe significant
transition of the foreigner and Romanist frora a character quiet, retiring, and
evep abject, to ope bold, threatening, turbulent and despotic in "its appearance
and assumptions. You must have becorae smarmed at the systematic apd rapid
ly augmepting power of these dangerous and unnatural eleraents of our national
condition. So is it, brothers, with others beside yourselves in every Slate of
the Union. A sense of danger bas struck the great heart of the nation. In
every city, town and hamlet, the danger has been seen and tbe alarra sounded.
And hence true men have devised this order as a means of disseminating patri
otic principles, of keeping alive the fire of national virtue, of fostering the na
tiopal iptelligepce, apd of advapcing America apd the American ipterest on the
one side, and on the other of checking tbe strides of the foreigner or alien,
or thwarting the machinations and subverting the deadly plans of the Papist
and Jesuit.
Note. — The President shall impress upon the initiates the importance of
secrecy, the manner of proceeding in recommending candidates for initiation,
and the responsibiUty of tbe duties which they have assuraed.
SECOND DEGREE COUNCIL.
Marshal. — Worthy President : These brothers have been duly elected to the
second degree of this order. I present thera to you for obligation.
President — Brothers : You will place your left hand upon your right breast,
and extend your right hand towards the fiag of our country, preparatory to
obligation. (Each council roora should have a neal American flag fesiooned
over the platform of the President.) obligation.
You, and each of you, of your own free will and accord, in the presence of
Almighty God and these witnesses, your left hand resting upon your right
breast, and your right hand extended lo the flag of your country, do solemnly
and sincerely swear, that you will not upder any circumstances disclose Ip any
mapper, nor suffer it to be done by others, if in your power lo prevent It, the
name, signs, passwords, or other secrets of this degree, except in open council
for the purpose of instruction ; that you will in all things conform lo all the
rules and regulations of this Order, and lo the constitution aud by-laws of this
or apy other couocil to which you may be attached, so long as they do not con
flict with tbe Constitution erf the United States, nor that of the State in which
you reside ; that you will under all circumstances, if In your power so to do,
attend to all regular signs or suramons that may be thrown or sent to you by a
brother of this or any other degree of this order ; that you will support in all
political matters, for all political offices, members of this order in preference lo
other persons ; that if il may be done legally, you will, when elected or ap
pointed to any official station conferring ou you tbe power to do so, remove all
foreigners, aliens, or Roman Catholics from office or pFace, and that you will in
no case appoint such to apy office or place ip your gift. You do also promise
and swear that this and all other obligations which you have previously taken
in this order, shall ever be kept through life sacred and inviolate. All this you
promise and declare, as Americans, to sustain and abide by, without any hesita-

471
tion or mental reservation whatever. So help you God and keep you stead-
xSlSXi. (Each will answer "I do.")
President— Brother Marshal, you wiU now present the brothers to the In
structor for ipstructiops ip the second degree of the order.
l/ars^a?.-— Brother Ipstructor, by direction of our worthy President, I pre
sent these brothers before you that you raay instruct them in the secrets and
mysteries of the second degree of the order.
_ Instructor,— Brothers, in this degree we have an entering sign and a counter
sign. At the outer door proceed (as in ihe first degree.) At the inner door
you will make {two raps,) and proceed as in the first degree, giving the second
degree pass-word, which is {American,) Instead of that of the first degree. If
found to be correct, you will then be admitted, and proceed (to the centre ofthe
room,) giving the countersign, which Is made thus {extending ihe right arm lo
the jialional flag over the President, ihe palm of ihe hand being upwards.)
The sign of recognition in this degree is the same as in the first degree, with
the addition of {the middle flnger,) and the response to be made In a {similar
manner.) ^
Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the worthy President for ad
monition. Marshal. — Worthy President, I now present these candidates to you for ad
monition. ^
President — Brothers, you are now duly initiated Into the second degree of
this order. Renewing the congratulations which we extended to you upon your
admission to the first degree, we admonish you by every tie that may nerve pa
triots, to aid us in our efforts lo restore the poUtical institutions of our country
to their original ipurity. Begin with the youth of our land. Instil Into their
minds the lessons of our country's history — the glorious batties and the brilUant
deeds of patriotism of our fathers, through which we received the inestimable
blessings of civil and religious liberty. Point tbem to the example of the sages
and the statesmen who founded our government. Implant in their bosoms an
ardent love for the Union. Above all else, keep alive in their bosoms the me
mory, the maxiras, and the deathless example of our illustrious WASHING
TON. Brothers, recalling to your minds the solemn obligations which you have
severally taken In this and the first degree, I now pronounce you entitled to all
the privileges of membership in this the second degree of our Order.
THIRD DEGREE COUNCIL.
Marshal. — Worthy President, these brothers having been duly elected lo the
third degree of this order, I present them before you for obligation.
President. — Brothers, you will place yourselves in a circle around me, each
one crossing your arras uppn your breasts, and grasping firmly each other's
hands, holding the right hand of the brother on the right, and the left hand of
the brother on the left, so as to form a circle, symbolical of the links of an un
broken chain, and of a ring which has no end.
Note. — This degree Is to be conferred with the natiopal flag elevated in the
centre of the circle, by the side of the President or Instructor, and not on less
than five al any one time, in order to give it solemnity, and also for ike forma
tion of the circle — except in the first instance of conferring II on the officers of
the State and subordinate councils, that they may be empowered to progress
with the work.
The obligation and charge in this degree may be given by the President or
Instructor, as the President may prefer.

472
obligation.
You and each of you, of your own free will and accord. In the presence of
Almighty God and these witnesses, with your hands joined in token of that fra
ternal affection which should ever Isind together the Stales of this Union — for
ming a ring, in token of your determination that, so far as your efforts can
avail, this Union shall have no, end — do solemnly and sincerely swear [or affirm]
that you will not under any circumstances disclose in any manner, nor suffer it
to be done by others if in your power to prevent il, the name, signs, pass-Words
or other secrets of this degree, except to those to whora you may prove on trial
to be brothers of the same degree, or In open council, for the purpose of instruc
tion ; that you do hereby solemnly declare your devotion to the Union of these
States ; that In the discharge of your duties as American citizens, you will up
hold, maintain and defend it ; that you wUl discourage and discountenance any
and every atterapt, coming from any and every quarter, which you believe to
be designed or calculated to destroy or subvert it, or to weaken its bonds ; and
that you will use your influence, so far as in your power. In endeavoring to pro
cure an amicable and equitable adjustment of all {loUtical discontents or differ
ences, which may threaten its injury or overthrow. You further promise and
swear [or affirm,] that you will not vote for any one to fill any office of honor,
profit or trust of a political character, whom you know or beUeve to be In favor
of a dissolution of the Union of these States, or who is endeavoring to produce
that result; that you will vote for and support for all political offices^ third or
Union degree raembers of this Order In preference to all others; that if it may
be done consistently with the constitution and laws of the land, you will, when
elected or appointed to any official statiop which may copfer on you the power
to do so, remove frora office or place all persons whom you know or believe to
be in favor of a dissolution of the Union, or who are endeavoring to produce
that result; and that you will in no case appoint such persons to any political
office or place whatever. All this you promise and swear [ot; affirm] upon yonr
honor as American citizens and friends of the American Union, to sustain and
abide by without any hesitation or mental reservation whatever. You also pro
mise and swear [or affirm] that this and all other obligatioas which you have
previously taken in this order, shall ever be kept sacred and inviolate. To all
this you' pledge your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors. So help you
God and keep you steadfast.
(Each one shall answer, " I do.")
President^— Brother Marshal, you will now present the brothers to the In
structor for final instruction in this the third degree of the Order.
Marshal. — Instructor, by direction of our worthy President, I present these
brothers before you that you raay Instruct them in the secrets and mysteries of
this the third degree of our Order.
Instructor. — Brothers, in this degree as in the second, we have an entering
pass-word, a degree pass-word and a token of salutation. At the outer door
{make any ordinary alarm. The outside sentinel will say U ; you -eay ni ; the
sentinel will rejoin on.) This will admit you to the inner door. Al the inner
door you will make (three) distinct {raps.) Then announce your name, with
the number (or name) and location of the council to which you belong, giving .
the explanation to the pass-word, which Is (safe.) If found correct, you will
then be admitted, when you will proceed lo the centre of the room, and placing
the {hands on the breast with ihe fingers interlocked,) give tbe token of saluta
tion which Is {by bowing to the President.) You will then quietly lake your
seat. '
The sign of recognition is made by the same action as in the second degree,
with the addition of {the third flnger,) and the response is made by (a smilar
action with lhe left hand.)

473
(The grip Is given by taking hold of the hand in ihe usual way, and then by
sUpping theflng'ers around on the top of ihe thumb ; then extending tho lititle
flnger and pressing the inside of the ivrist. The person challenging shall say,,
do you know what that is ? The answer is, yes. The challenging party shall
say, further, xchat is il ? The answer is. Union. )
[The Instructor will here give the grip of this degree, with explanations, and
also the true password of this degree, which is ( Union.y]
CHARGE.
To be given by the President.
Brothers, it is with great pleasure that I congratulate you upon your ad
vancement to the third degree of our Order. The responsibilities you have '
now assumed, are more serious and weighty than those which preceded, and are'
committed to such only as have been tried and found worthy. -Our obligations
are intended as solemn avowals of our duly to, the land that gave us birth ; to
the memories of our fathers; and to the happiness and welfare of our children.
Consecrating to your country a spirit unselfish apd a fideUty like that whioh
distinguished the patriots of the Revolutiop, you have pledged your aid in ce
menting the bonds of a Union which we trust will endure forever. Your de
portment since your initiation has attested your devotion to the principles we
desire to estabUsh, and has inspired a confidence in your patriotism, of which
we can give no higher proof than your reception here.
The dangers which threaten Araerican Libeity arise frora foes without and
frpm enemies within. The first degree pointed out the source and nature of our
most imminent perti, and indicated the first riieasure of safety. The second
degree defined thc next means by which, in coming time, such assaults may be
rendered harmless. The third degree, which you have just received, not only
reiterates the lessons of the other two, but it is intended lo avoid and provide
for a more remote, hut no less terrible danger, from domestic enemies to our
free institutions.
Our object is briefly this : — to perfect an organization modelled after that of
the Constitution of the United States, and co-extensive with the confederacy.
Its object and principles, in all matters of natiopal copcern, to be upiform and
identical, whilst in all local matters the compopept parts shall remain indepen
dent and sovereign within their respective limits.
The great result lo be attained — thc only one which can secure a perfect gua
ranty as to our future — is UNION; permanent, enduring, fraternal UNION !
Allow me, then, to impress upon your- minds and meraories the touching senti
ments of the Father of his Country, in his farewell address :
" The uuity of goverpmept which copstitutes you oue people," says Wash
ington, " is justly dear to you, for it is the main pillar in the edifice of your
real independence, the support of your tranquility al home, of your peace
abroad, of your safety, your prosperity — even that Uberty you so justly prize.
" * * It Is of infinite raoraent that you should properly estimate the im
mense value of your National Union, to your coUective and individual happi
ness. You should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it;
accustoming yqurselves lo think and speak of II, as the palladium of your polit
ical safety and prosperity ; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety ;
discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that It can In any
event be abandoned; and Indignantly frowning upon, the dawning of every at
tempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the
sacred ties which now bind together the various parts."
Let these words of paternal advice and warning, from the greatest man that
ever lived sink deep into your hearts. Cherish them, and teach your children

474
to reverence them, as you cherish and reverence the memory of Washington
himself The Union of these States is the great conservator of that liberty so
dear to the American heart. Without it, our greatness as a nation would dis
appear, and our boasted self-goverBment prove a signal faUure. The very name
of Liberty, and the hopes of struggling Freedom.-jthroughout tbe world, must
perish in the wreck of this Union. Devote yourselves, then, lo its raaintenance,
as our fathers did lo the cause of independence ; consecrating to Its support, as
you have sworn to do, your lives, your fortunes, and your sacred honors.
Brothers : Recalling to your rainds the solemn obligations which you have
severally takeu ip this and the preceding degrees, I now pronounce you entitled
to all the privileges of membership in this organizatiop, and take pleasure in
Informing you that you are now members of the Order of (the American
Union. ) OFFICERS OF THE NATIONAL COUNCIL.
President, James W. Barker, of New York, N. Y.
Vice President, W. W. WiUiamson, of Alexandria, Va.
Corresponding Secretary, C. D. Deshler, of New Brunswick, N. J.
Recording Secretary, James M. Stephens, of Baltimore, Md.
Treasurer, Henry Crane, of Cincinnati, Ohio.
Inside Sentinel, John P. Hilton, of Washington, D. C.

CONSTITUTION OP THE
NORTH CAROLINA STATE COUNCIL.
Adopted January \%th, 1855.
Article I.
Sec. 1— This body shall be known by tbe name of the NORTH CARO
LINA STATE COUNCIL ; and shall be composed of delegates appointed by
the Subordinate Councils, as hereinafter provided.
Sec. 2. — A person to become a member of any Subordinate Council in this
State, must be twenty-one years of age ; he raust believe in the existence of a
Supreme Being as the Creator and Preserver of the Universe ; he must be a
native-born citizen, a !?roleslant, either born of Protestant parents, or reared
under Protestant influence; and not united in marriage with a Roman Catholic.
Sec, 3, — The State Council shall be composed of two delegates from each
Subordinate Council in the Stale, to be appointed al the first regular meeting of
the same, that shall be held after the flrst day of October in each and every
year, whose terra of appointment shall continue for one year ; provided, that
this section shall not affect the tenure of office, uptil the flrst day of October,
1855, of apy member of the presept Couucil ; apd provided further, that an'
appointment may be made at any regular meeting of said Subordinate Councils
to fill vacancies.
Sec 4, — The State Coupcil shall be vested with the following powers, viz :
It shall be the chief head and authority of the Order In the State of North
Carolina, subject to the requirements of the National Council. It shall have
power to establish terra aud explapatiop passwords for the State, and ^Subordi
nate Councils in tbe Stale, and such other secret work as to il may seem neces
sary. It shall have power to exact from the Subordinate Councils, annual or
quarterly statements as to the number of members under' their respective juris-

475
dictions, and also as to all other matters It raay deera essential for full and nec
essary information. It shall have the sole power of forming apd establishing
Subordinate Councils ip the Slate, and of granting dispensations or charters for
the same — provided, however, that when the Stale Council is not in session, the
President thereof may grant such dispensations — and provided, further, that no
dispensation or charter sball be issued hereafter for the formation of a Subor
dinate Council, unless the application therefor be signed by at least thirteen
full degree members of this Order, who are in good and regular standing. It
shall have the power to decide on a mode of punishment in case of a derelic
tion of duty on the part of its officers or members.
Sec. 5. — The State Council shall bold its regular annual meeting on the third
Monday in November of each and every year, al such place in the State as may
be agreed on by tbe same at the preceding regular appual sessiop — provided,
however, that the Presidept of the State Coupcil may convene the same in the
city of Raleigh, at any time he may think the ipterests of the Order imperi
ously require it. Article II.
Sec. 1. — The officers of the Stale Coupcil shall be a Presideut, Vice Presi
dent, Secretary, Treasurer, Marshal, Chaplain, Inside Sentinel, Outside Senti
nel, and such other officers as the State Council may see fit lo appoint from time
to lime ; and the Secretary, Treasurer, and Sentinels shall receive such compen
sation for their services, as the Council may determine.
Article III.
Sec. 1. — The President shall preside when present, and in his absence the
Vice President shall preside ; and In the absence of both, the Council shall
elect a President pro tem., and the presiding officer may al all times call a
member to the chair, but such appointmept shall never extend beyond one day.
Sec. 2. — The President shall preserve order, and cause the Constitution and
the laws to be strictly observed by all the members. His decisions upon all
points of order shall be obeyed, unless reversed upon appeal. He sball have
the casting vote in all cases. He shall sign all orders on the State Treasurer
for the payment of money, and all other documents requiring his signature.
He shall fill all vacancies in the State offices, until the next regular annual
meeting of the Council. He shall transmit the ritual passwords, or other se
cret matters of the Order, to the proper officers of the Subordinate Councils —
and exercise general supervision over the Order throughout the Stale, accoi-ding
to its Constitution, Laws, and usages.
Sec, 3, — The Secretary shaU keep a record of the proceedings of the State
Counoil; file all documents connected therewith; preserve all books and papers
belonging to the, same; and havo the custody of the seal of the same. He
shall receive all monies due to the State Couucil, and pay over the sanie to the
Treasurer ; attest all orders drawn on the Treasurer for monies appropriated by
the State Council, and keep the accounts of the State Council with the Subor
dinate Councils. He shall atteel all dispensations and orders of the State Coun
cil, and when directed, summon all merabers to attend its special meetings.
He shall transmit an annual report of the state of the Order, in Norlh Caroli
na to the President of the National Council. He shall conduct the necessary
correspondence of the State Counoil, and attend to such other clerical business
as the Stale Counoil may direct. He shall be entitled lo receive for his servi-
ces such compensation as the State Council may, from time to time, determine
upon, not exceeding the sum of $500 per year, and shaU give such bond and
security as the Slate Council may require.

476
Sec'. 4. — The Treasurer shall have the custody of the funds of the State
Council ; keep accurate accounts of all monies received by hira from the Secre
tary, and pay all orders drawn on hira by the President, and attested by the
Secretary. He shall keep all lys accounts regularly posted up iu a book, lo be
kept for the purpose, al every regular session of the State Council, and submit
tbem to the same, or to any committee appointed for that purpose, together
with a written report setting forth in detail the affairs and condition of the
Treasury. Pie shall give such bond and security as the State Council may from
time lo time require, and in a sum not less than double the amount he will
probably at any one time have in his hands ; and he shall receive such compen
sation for his services as the Slate Council may agree upon, not exceeding the
sum of $100 per annum.
Sec. 5. — The Marshal shall obey the orders of the President in the govern
ment and proceedings of the State Council; shall present officers elect for in
stallation ; receive and Introduce delegates and visitors, and perform such other
appropriate duties as the State Council may direct.
Sec. 6, — The Chaplain's duty will be lo open the sessions of the State Coun
cil with prayer, and to lecture before the Subordinate Councils, as may be con
venient. Article IV.
Sec. 1, — All officers of the Slate Council, provided for In this Constitution
(except the Sentinels, who shall be appoipted by the President,) shall be elec
ted by ballot, at the regular annifal meeting of the Council ; and shall, op the
last day of the session of the same, be installed in such mapner and form as
the National Council, or the President thereof, may establish.
Sec. 2, — A majority of the votes cast shall be necessary to an election to any
office. Sec, 3, — In all sessions of the State Council, forty members shall constitute
a quorum, for the transaction of business.
Article V.
Sec. 1. — The Slate Council shall hear and decide all questions of appeal
from the decisions of Subordinate CouncUs, and may establish a form of ap
peal. Sec. 2. — The State Council shall have power to levy a tax upon the Subor
dinate Councils, for the support of the National Council, lo be paid in such
manner and al such tiraes as the National Council shall determine. It shall
also have power to levy a tax for the support of the Stale Council, to be paid
at such, time and in such manner as the State Council shall determine.
Article VI.
The delegates to the National Council shall be elected by ballot at the regu
lar annual meeting of the State Council, in November.
Article VII.
The State Council shall have power to adopt all such by-laws, rules and reg
ulations for its own government, and also for the government of the Subordinate
Councils, as it may deem necessary for uniformity and the general good of the
Order, not inconsistent with this Constitution, or the Constitution of the Na
tional Council.

477
Article VIII.
Sec. 1. — The political powers of the Slate Council shall be limited to the se
lection of candidates for State officers, to be supported by tbe members of tbis
Order — which selections may be by ballot, or viva voce, as the Council may
decide; provided, however, that in the selection of a candidate for Governor of
the State, the Stare Council may, at its regular annual meeting next before the
election for such offices, either make the nominations itself, or call a convention
of the order in the State, at such tirae and place as the State Council may de
cide for the purpose of making such nominations — and in case of the calUng
of such convention, the Subordinate Councils shall be represented in such con
vention, as according to the provisions of this Constitution tbey are to be rep
resented in the State Council, and subject lo the same manner and proportion
ate strength in casting the vote.
. Sec. 2. — In the selection of candidates for all offices to be filled by the Gen
eral Assembly, the following method shall be preserved, viz :
For United States Senators, Secretary of State, Treasurer, Comptroller, Su
perintendent of Common Schools, Judges of the Supreme and Superior Courts,
Attorney General, and Solicitors, and all other offices now provided, or hereaf
ter created by law, whose appointment devolve on the General Assembly, a ma
jority of the Stale Council shall decide upon the candidate lo be supported by
the Order.
Sec. 3. — In tbe selection of candidates for Congress, the Subordinate Coun
cils in each Congressional District, shall each select three delegates, who shall
meet on the second Monday in May, of eaoh year in which the Congressional
elections lake place, at the places fixed by law for comparing the votes in the
said District, and proceed to-select the candidate for that Districl. A majority
of all the delegates from all the Subordinate Councils in each and every coun
ty, shall cast the same number of voles the said county Is entitled to mem
bers in the House of Commons in the State Legislature — a majority of the
whole nuraber of votes cast being necessary to a selection ; provided, however,
that in those Congressional Districts in which the law provides that the returns
shall be compared at some place other than a county lown, in such Districts
the delegates shaU meet at the county town in such county Instead of the
place desigpated by law.
Sec. 4.  The selection of candidates for members of the General Assembly
shall be by the Subordinate CouncUs in the following manner, viz : For mem
bers of the House of Commons, for Sheriff, Clerks of the County and Superior
Courts, County Solicitors, and all other officers elected by the people or the
County Courts, if there be but one Council in tbe county, the Council shall
make the selection by tbe vote of the majority— if there be more than one
CouncU in the county, then each Council shaU select one delegate for every
thirteen members, not couutipg fractions, in the same, and when delegates from
the several Councils shall have met al such time and place as may be agreed
upon the majority shall make the selection ; provided, however, that where
there is more than one Council In a county, the Council at the county seat shall
have the power to appoint the time and place for the assembling county conven
tions for the nomination of candidates, and calling general meetings of the Or
der in said county for the good of the same. In the selection of candidates for
State Senators, tbe same rule shaU pre vad, except that the delegates from the
Councils in the Districts where the District is composed of more counties than
one, shall meet al such time and place as may be agreed on by them, and then
and there make tbe nomination. -, ,, ti j ^ *x ii
S-'c 5 —In the election of candidates for Mayor, or Intendant of towns, and
of Commissioners for 'the same, the Subordinate Council in such towu shall
make the nominations by ballot; and in those towns where the aeveral wards

478
-vote separately for Coraraissioners in thesame, the candidates shall be norainated
for one ward at a time, instead of nominating the whole Board by general tic
ket; a majority of the whole number of ballots cast being necessary to a
choice. Sec. 6,-^In tbe selection of candidates for Electors of President and Vice-
President, the-Subordinate Councils in each Electoral District, shall each select
three delegates, who shall meet at such time as the good of the Order may re
quire the ticket to be formed, at the places fixed by law for comparing the votes
in such Electoral District, and proceed to select the candidate for Elector in
that Electoral District. 'The same rules, regulations and provisions shall be ob
served, as to the place and manner of making the selections, as are provided for
the selections of candidates for Congress.
Sec. 7. — In all nominations herein provided for, whether by the State or Sub
ordinate Councils, the vote shalbbe by ballot.
Sep. 8, — Members of this Order who shall fail to sustain the nominations of
the sarae for office, shall be dealt with In the following manner, viz : — A mem
ber of the Order who sball merely fail to vote for the candidate of the Order,
without voting for any one else, shall, for the first offence^ be reprimanded by
the President, In the presence of his Council ; and for the second offisnce, shall be
expelled. Those voting against the candidates of the Order, or who allow them
selves lo be run as opposition candidates against the same, shall be expelled.
Members of the Legislature who shall refuse to support the nominees of the
State Council, for offices to be filled by the General Assembly, shall be reported
by the President of the Slate Council to the Subordinate Council to which such
member may belong, to be dealt with ; provided, however, that in all these
cases here provided for, every such recusant member shall, before being dealt
with, be duly notified to appear before the Council, and be heard in defence —
and if three-fourths of the Council then present, shall suppose that the recu
sant member has acted ignorantly, or from a want of a full appreciation of his
obligation, the Council may, by a vole of three-fourths, excuse him, upon the
promise that he will not so offend again.
Sec, 9, — When a member is expelled by any one of the Subordinate CouncUs,
the same shall be notified to the President of the Stale Council, with the name,
age, and occupation of the person expelled — and the President of the State
Council shall immediately notify every Subordinate Council in the State. The
person so expelled to be thus published as a perjurer and traitor, unworthy the
notice or regard of good men : and the President of the State Council shall
keep on hand blank notices printed, for immediate use.
Article IX.
In the decision of all disputed questions that may arise in the State Council,
the vote shall be taken per capita, unless a call for a division by counties is se
conded by one-fourth of the merabers present — in which case the vote shaU be
taken by counties, a majority of the delegates from the Subordinate Council or
Councils in each county represented, casting as many votes as the said county is
entitled to merabers In the House of Commons of the Stale Legislature. In
the decision of all questions, the vote of the majority shall prevail. This me
thod of voting shall equally apply in the election of officers of the State Coun
cil, and to nominations for political office or place. ,
Article X.
Sec. 1. — For the entire work of the Order, including Ritual, the Constitution
of the National Council, the Constitution of the State Council, and the Consti
tutions for Subordinate Councils, each Subordinate Council shall pay the sum

479
of five dollars ; and for every dispensation and charter for opening Councils, the
applicants therefor shall pay tbe sum of three doUars.
Sec. 2. — Each Suibordinate Council shall pay an annual contribution of 25
cents for each member under its jurisdiction, ope half to be paid into the Trea
sury of the Slate Council semi-annually, to be paid over by the Secretary to tbe
Treasurer'of the State Counoil; provided, however, that the Subordinate Coun
cils may exempt from the payment of this contribution, such of its members
as they may suppose it would bear heavily upon.
Article XI.
No alteration or amendraept of this Copstitution shall be made, unless pro
posed in writing and signed by at least seven members of the State Council,
submitted al least one day before its adoption, and afterwards concurred in by
tworthirds of the members present.
OFFICERS OF THE NORTH CAROLINA STATE COUNCIL.
President, P, F. Pescud, Raleigh.
Vice-President, John M. Mathews, EUzabeth City.
Secretary, W. H. Harrison, Raleigh.
Treasurer, E, L, Harding, Raleigh.
Mjirsbal, S, E, Phillips, Raleigh.
Chaplain, Rev. James Reid, Louisburg.

LYNCHBURG KNOW NOTHING CONVENTION.
The Lynchburg Convention, as It was termed, to distinguish It from a secret
authoritative council of the Order, was held ou the 19lh day of October 1855,
in commemoration of tbe crouching of thc British lion before the American
eagle upon the plains of Yorktown. The 19th of October, 22d of February,
and the 4th day of July, are favorite days with Know Nothings for political as
semblies. We would suggest, (should they ever have an occasion to convene
and deliberate again,) the 24lh day of May, as a day In eyery sense of the word
suitable. ,
This Lynchburg Convention, after several attempts at organization, finally
appointed as president Capt. Richard G. Morris, of Richmond city. , The pres
ident on taking thc chair, as usual, (even amongst Know Nothings,) relumed
thanks for the honor conferred upon him. After the election of other officers,
&c., the Convention proceeded to business.
The secretary, Mr. Gilman, of WheeUng, then called over the names of the
counties ; the delegates present answering for their respective counties. When
the list was concluded, the counties, towns and cities of the State represented
-were forty-two ;— 'Dr. Caldwell, a travelling dentist, representing ten counties.
A committee was appointed by the president to report resolutions for the adop
tion of the body ; Mr. A. Judson Crane, of Richmond, being chairman. After
the committee had retired and concocted their resolutions, they were brought

480
before the Convention for adoption. These resolutions embodied a complete
and final surrender of the main issues this parly had made in the State of Vir
ginia, but five months previous. The resolutions passed'by this Convention
counseled the abandonment of the ceremonies of initiation, thc oaths, signs,
secrets and passwords. And, finally, Mr. Samuel G. Staple^, from near the
Ball raountains of Patrick, introduced a resolution, which was carried, invi
ting all good and true men Into their fold who professed to owe no temporal al
legiance lo any foreign power. This was certainly a virtual surrender of the
Catholic test. The Catholic, as well as all other foreigners, cannot become citi
zens of tbis nation until they do renounce all allegiance to all foreign powers,
potentates, kings, deys, sultans, popes, czars and emperors. But before the 24th
day of May 1855, in Virginia, no raember of the Catholic church, or who had
Catholic parents, or worse than all, who bad a Catholic wife, could be entitled
to any of the privileges of the native' born. There was only one dissenting
veice to the resolutions adopted ; and that was the " Lone Star," Mr. Woodfin,
of the county of Buckingham. He considered the resolutions a complete
surrender of the principles of the "American Pariy." But the Convention
paid but little attention lo the gentleman from Buckingham, he being unfortu
nately a renegade democrat.
After the deliberations of tbe day were over, the Convention adjourned to
Friends' warehouse to Usten to the patriotic appeals of distinguished orators.
Mr, Thomas Stanhope Flournoy discoursed the audience for about three hours
upon the so-called principles of the " American Party." Mr. A. Judson
Crane, of the Richmond congressional district, was then loudly called for, but ex
cused hiraself on account of indisposition. Then carae Mr. John D. Imboden,
of Augusta. Mr. Nathaniel C. Claiborne, of Franklin, was then called for. He
appeared, and in his peculiar way amused the audience for a little while.
Then appeared the eloquent but totally unprepared and offhand orator, Mr. Wal
ler Staples, of Montgomery. We have read the Hon. Jere. Clemens's eulogy
upon Henry Clay, likewise the eulogy of the Hon. John C. Breckenridge,
and also WUliam Wirt's u^on Thomas Jefferson and John Adaras, but Mr.
Staples' offhand speech before that Convention surpassed and totally eclipsed
anything that we, in the most extravagant mood of Imaginatiop, could pos
sibly, conceive of. If the Know Nothing party had not, just abolished
their ceremonies of Initiation, &c,, we should have looked out for a council as
soon as the oration was over. It is said that John Hampden Pleasants attemp
ted to take down in short hand the speech of John Randolph, of Roanoke, in
the delivery of his eloquent Philippic against the administration of John Q.
Adams, but the eloquence, pathos and satire of the orator completely entranced
him. It was so on this occasion. A reporter from the New York Herald was
present, but after hearing a few sentences from the gentleman of Montgomery,
and seeing his anatomical mien, he threw himself back and appeared (as did
the whole audience) perfectly enraptured and bewildered. Virginia has had her
Henrys, her Randolphs, her Morrisses, and gave birth to a Clay, but still she
has her Staples. The last orator upon the stand was Dr. Withers, of Campbell.
He, in his remarks, was yery timely and sensible, and finally wound up the ball

481
by telling his fellow orators that he was fearful that all their speaking was like
a gentleman he once heard of, who was ver^ much engaged at breakfast one
morning, eating some boiled eggs and reading the morning's paper; when his
mind was abstracted frora his plate to his paper, still continuing to devour
the eggs, to his great surprise, just as he swallowed, he heard a chicken chirp.
He very cosily continued to read, but at the sarae tirae carelessly remarked to
the unfortunate chicken, that he chirped a little too late ! He feared that all
their speaking was a little loo late. Thc doctor is decidedly a man fif observa
tion, forecast and good sense.
Thus concluded this grand but futile rally of the remuants, fragments, de
feated candidates for the Board of PubUc Works, Congress, Senates, Legisla
ture, &c. &c. Thege were the last funeral obsequies performed by the followers
and admirers of poor Sam since the 24<A of May, " The way of the trangres-
sor Is hard." — Proverbs. We will here Insert the proceedings and resolutions
of this Convention, as they appeared In the Richmond Whig.

[Correspondence of the Dispatch.]
KNOW nothing CONVENTION.
ATFERNOON SESSION — FIRST DAY.
Lynchburg, Oct, 19.
The Conventiop met Ip the afternoon, and Mr. Staples, of Patrick, from the
Committee to report Perraanent officers for the Convention, reported the follow
ing names :
Presidept — Capt. Richard G. Morris, of Richmond.
Vice Presidepts— J. D. Imboden, of Augusta ; Wm. CoUins, of Halifax ;
John T. Anderson, Botetourt ; Dr. Patterson, Amherst ; Maurice Langhorne,
Lynchburg ; A. J. Crane, Richmond ; Dr. Caldwell, Greenbrier.
Secretaries— Wm. Semple, Richmond; W. Gilman, Wheeling-; Robt. Ridg
way, Richmond ; J. McDonald, Lynchburg ; S. T. Peters, Lynchburg ; Mr.
Duke, Floyd ; J. C. Shields, Lynchburg,
Mr. R. G. Morris rose and returned thanks for the honor conferred on him.
It had been so long since be had been connected with a legislative body, that
he would ask the Convention to bear with bim in the discharge of the duties of
the chair. They had assembled upon the discharge of an important duty, and
il was important that they should exercise forbearance and a compromising
spirit He thought the American party the only hope for saving the Union.
All that remained of the old parties at the North, save the Hard Shells and
SUver Greys had become abolitionized, and declared that no more Slave Slates
should enter 'the Union. If they succeed, disunion will be the result. A dark
cloud hovered over the Union, and the thunder of abolitionism can be heard
roaring around us. It was time for true patriots to rally around our beloved.
Union! and save il from the ruin consequent on the efforts of fanaticism.
Mr Imboden moved that the Secretary call over the counties of the Statej.
and that the names of the delegates from them should be recorded.
The Secretary called over the list, and the following counties were shown toi
be represented : Albemarle, Alleghany, Amherst, Appomattox, Angusta, Bed-
ford, Botetourt, Braxton, Buckingham, Campbell, Caroline, Charlotte, Cnm-ber-
81

48^
land, Elizabeth City, Floyd, Franklin, Fayette, Fluvanna, Gloucester, Green
brier, Giles, Halifax, Henrico, Kanawha, Lewis, Monroe, Montgomery, Nicho
las, Nelson, Nottoway, Ohio, Pocahontas, Pulaski, Patrick, Pittsylvania, Prince
Edward, Randolph, Roanoke, Rockbridge, Wythe, Richmond City, Lynchburg,
Wheeling. On motion bf Mr. Ridgway, all persons who belonged to or sympathized
with the American party, were Invited lo record their names as delegates from
the counties from whioh they came.
Mr. Imboden moved the appointment of a commitiee of thirteen to prepare
business for the action of the convention ; and nominated Mr. A. J. Crane as.
chairman of the same.
The President appointed the following gentlemen to constitute the commit
tee \ A. J. Crane, Richraond ; J. D. Imboden, Augusta ; Wm. Burwell, Bed
ford ; Dr. Payne, Lynchburg ; Walter Staples, Montgomery ; John Mosby,
Elizabeth City ; P. Boiling, Prince Edward ; Dr. Charles Cocke, Albemarle ;
Col. J. D. Davis, Amherst ; A. D. Mitchell, Henrico ; John Gilmer, Pittsyl
vania; R. C. McClure, Rockbridge.
On motion of Mr. Ridgway, the convention then adjourned until 7 o'clock,
P.M.
Night Session, — The. con vention re-opened to-night, at 7, P. M.
Mr. Crane, chairman of the committee to report business for the convention,
made the following partial report :
Resolved, That this convention adopt the Philadelphia Platform, with the
following exposition of the 8th section :
Resolved, That the 8th Section of the Philadelphia platform is not Intended,
in the opinion of this convention, to exclude any citizen from public station, on
account of his religious faith, but only such as may have reserved a paramount
allegiance lo a foreign potentate.
The convention then adjourned until next day, 9 A. M.
PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND DAT.
Lynchburg, Oct 20th, 12 M.
The convention re-assembled this morning, and proceeded to the business be
fore them.
On motion of Mr. J. T. Anderson, the two resolutions in the partial report
of the committee submitted last night, were separated and made to read as fol
lows :
Resolved, That this convention adopt the Philadelphia platform.
Resolved, That the 8lh section of the Philadelphia platform Is not intended/
in the opinion of this Convention, to exclude any citizen from political station
on account of his religious faith, but only such as may have reserved para
mount allegiance to a foreign potentate.
Mr. Crane, from the Committee to prepare Resolutions, reported in full, as
follows : *
Resolved, That in the 12lh section of the Philadelphia platform we recog
nize a true national and constitutional adjustment of the vexed question of
slavery, and we pledge the American parly of Virginia to an unyielding resist
ance to any change or modification, in substance or spirit, of that section.
Resolved, That the wholesale proscription recommended by the organs of the
Democratio party of this State, of more than half of the native cilizens of Vir
ginia, deserves the most decided reprobation of every honest and patriotic citi
zen ; that the hypocritical reason assigned for this proscription, viz : the false
charge of proscription against the American party, is an insult to an inteUigent
people ; that such a charge comes with a bad grace from a party who have al-

483
ways proscribed their political opponents, and who disfranchised nearly one half
of the freemen of this State by a fraudulent system of legislative gerrymander
ing unparalleled in party legislation.
Resolved, Thai the open interference of the Federal Government in the re
cent elections of Virginia deserves the indignant reprobation of every good
citizen. Resolved, That in vindication of public morality and of the necessity for the
formation of a new party, ws hereby recommend a rigid investigation of the
manner in which official trusts have been discharged by the Federal and State
Governments, and a pubUcation of- all facts developed thereby.
Resolved, That In the opinion of this Convention, the nominations of the
American party, for President apd Vice President of the United States, should
be postponed to a period not later than the 1st of June.
Resolved, That this committee recommend to the convention, the appoint
ment of a committee of three, whose duty It shall be to prepare and pubUsh an
address to the people of Virginia, setting forth the principles of the American
party. In accordance with the principles of the platform and the resolutions
.adopted by the Convention at their present session.
(Under this resolution the President appointed Messrs. Wm. M. Burwell, A.
J. Crane and Robert Ridgway. On motion the President was added to the
committee.) Resolved, That, in the judgment of this convention, all ceremonies of initia
tion into the American party be discontinued, and all obUgations of secrecy re
moved — that its meeting should be open and public, and its proceedings con
ducted in accordance with the usages of political bodies — and we invite the co
operation of all good men who approve the principles and objects of the party.
All of the resolutions reported by the comraittee were adopted without dis
cussion save the last one, whieh was strongly opposed by Mr. D. J. Woodfin of
Buckingham, who contended that the party had already yielded loo much to
outside infiuence. Should the ban of secrecy be removed, the cry would go
forth that the order had changed into an open Whig organization — a cry which
had been often sounded during the last canvass. He said that in the last elec
tion there were no withdrawals until the party commenced yielding to outside
Influence, and relaxing their strict secrecy. Then it was that their adversaries
found out who were raerabers of the organization, and commenced operating
upon them. From that tirae withdrawals commenced.
The resolution was supported by Messrs. Wm, M. Burwell, of Bedford ; J.
T. Anderson, of Botetourt ; S. G. Staples, of Patrick ; W. R. Staples, of Mont
gomery ; and J. D. Imboden, of Augusta. The principal arguments advanced
were the utter uselessness of secrecy and the great efforts made by the Democ
racy in the last campaign to bring the order inlo discredit on account of It. The
pripciples of the party had not been attacked, and instead, the enemy had ridi
culed and condemned the ceremonies, secrecy, &c., of the order.
Mr. W. T. Sutherlin, of Danville, offered the following resolution as a sub
stitute for that of the committee :
Resolved, That tbis Convention recommend to the American parly of Virgi
nia an open, thorough and complete organization in each county in the State.
Mr. S. afterwards withdrew the' resolution as an amendment to that of the
committee, and offere'd it as a distinct resolution, in which term it was adopted.
The vote was then taken on the committee's resolution, and it was adopted
without a dissenting voice. ,„-,,. , .
Mr. Imboden, of Augusta, offered the following resolution :
Resolved, That this Convention recommend to the Amerioan Party of Vir
ginia to hold a Convention in the city of Richmond on the 14th of January '
next.

484
As a substitute for the above, which met with some opposition, Mr. Imboden
offered a resolution calUng an American Mass Meeting In the city of Richmond,
Cn the 31st inst., which was adopted.
Mr, Staples of Patrick, offered the following resolution, which was adopted :
Resolved, That this Convention, recommend the holding of Conventions in
each Congressional District, for the purpose of sending delegates to the National
Convention, and that three delegates be sent from said Congressional Districts
with power to cast such vote only as may be prescribed by the National Con
vention. Dr. Patterson of Amherst, offered a resolution admitting to public office any
citizen who shall openly disclaina allegiance to a foreign potentate.
As the Convention was rapidly breaking up and members leaving, the reso
lution was withdrawn.
After the usual vole of thanks to the officers of the Convention, and to the
cilizens of Lynchburg, for thpir hospitality, the Convention adjourned sine die.

THE NATIONALITY OF THB DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
In tho Slates of Ohio and Connecticut, the Whig and Know Nothing
parties have beeu thoroughly abolitionized, and their elections and declarations,
their acts and their words, render the fact unquestionable. They are waging a
war of extermination on slavery, in and out of Congress at this time.
In those two Slates, where the hostility to slavery Is stronger than in any
other, either of the western or New England States, the Democracy are not
merely conservative on that question, they are more — they are the defenders of
the South and her peculiar institution, as the following resolutions will prove.
We copy in extenso the following resolutions of the late Democratic State
Convention of Connecticut :
DEMOCRATIC STATE CON-VENTION OF CONNECTICUT.
The Hartford Times, of the 15th instant, contains a full report of the pro
ceedings of the Democratic State Convention of Connecticut, which was held at
New Haven on the preceding day. Itwas one of the largest delegated conven
tions ever held in Connecticut. Our readers have already been advised of the
of the nominations of State officers by this convention. The followin" resolu
tions, which were unaniraously' adopted, are worthy of extensive circulation.
They breathe the right spirit, and admirably meet all the Issues raised by the
enemies of the Democratic party :
"Resolved, That the strict adherence of the President of the United States
to those great principles of constitutional government which have received the
entire sanction of the democracy of the Union, and the oheoks which he has
interposed upon legislation at war with those principles by his vetoes of the
insane land bUl, and the river and harbor bill, assure us that, under his admin
istration, the country will be secure from any Inroads upon that constitution
which is the written bond uniting thirty-one sovereign States, and on the strict
construction of whioh depends the harmonious existence of our confederated
system.

I

485
Resolved, That the power of Congress over the Territories of the U. Slates
should be only employed to -such an extent as the necessities of the case may
require, and for the equal benefit of all the parties to the federal compact, and
that when any Territory, having the requisite number of iuhibitants, applies
for admission Into the Union as a sovereign State, she must, to be received as a
co-equal member of the family of States, be admitted with such constitution as
her people may ordain, provided said constitution does not conflict with the
organic law of the confederacy.
Resolved, That those just and equitable laws providing for tbe naturaUza
tion of those born in other lands, established in accordance with the principles
of the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and continued to this day
without any Interruption, save that caused by the bigoted federalists under the
administration of John Adams, have contributed to the growth of this republic
and tho fraternization of its inhabitants ; and that these laws are essentially the
part of that wise American policy which, founded on a comprehensive and phi
lanthropic basis, has signalized our beloved country as the home of the exile
and oppressed, and will make her as renowned for her power and greatness as
she is distinguished for her freedom and enterprise.
Resolved, That, in order lo recognise in the raost solemn forra the princi
ples of reUgious freedom, the copstitution of the United States doth ordain that
'Congress shall raake oo law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohib
iting the free exercise thereof,' and that the various States have, almost without
exception, incorporated some distinct ackpowledgmepl of religious liberty iuto
their several coLslitutions, and that thus religious freedom has become, by the
actiop of the sovereign States and of the general government, whose powers are
derived from those States, a great American principle.
Resolved, That political parties organized with the view of sh-utting out from
all posts of political trust the members of any religious denomination, do vir
tually condemn that system of religious Uberty which is American in its char
acter, beneficent in its conception, and which has greatly promoted tho harmo
ny aud happiness of the people ; and that all political organizations founded on
hatred of religious creed or prejudice of birth are alien lo the great Ideas of
American liberty and American progress, and deserve the condemnation of
American freemen."
Al a convention of the Democratic parly in Ohio, held at Dayton, Oct. 29lh,
1855, after eloquent addresses from several prominent Democrats in fayor of
the Kansas Nebraska act :
" Capt. E. A. King, from the committee on resolutions, reported the follow
ing, which were received severally with loud applause, and adopted without a
dissenting voice.
" Whereas : The formal reorganization and consolidation o^ the old Abolition
party of the North, under the name of " Republican parly," into an avowed
northern faction bounded by a geographical line, and pledged to an unrelenting
warfare, even to the destruction of the Constitution and the sundering of the
Union, 'upon the domestic instilutions of the people of aU the Stales lying
south of that line, demands of the only National party now in existenoe, the
Democracy of the United States, but especially of that of the North, that
laying aside old issues and controversies, they should come up as one man to
the full measure of the exigencies which press upon us, and boldly meet the •
new and living questions of the day : .
" Therefore, we a portion of the Democracy of Ohio and the North, in public
meeting assembled, do resolve and declare :—

486
"Resolved, That we congratulate the peopleof the United States, on the fi
nal inauguration of the grand scherae of domestic policy for which the Demo
cratic party of the Union so raany years contended, and the consequent pros
perity, which, under the auspices of thai party, has distinguished every sec-.
tion of the country, vindicalipg al once the sound doctrine and policy of
that party, apd the iptelligence, patriotism, and discriminating justice of the
American people.
Resolved, That tbe powers of the Federal Governmeut, are derived solely
frora the coostitutiopal corapact to which the several States are parties : that
tbese are limited by the plain sepse and ipleptiop of the Instrumeut consltltu-
ting that compact ; that the grants of power raade In that Instrument, ought to
be strictly construed by all the departments and agents of the government :
that all powers not expressly granted or necessarily implied, are expressly re
served to the Stales respectively, or to the people : that it is inexpedient and
dangerous to exercise powers of doubtful constitutionality.
Resolved, That in delegating a portion of their powers to be exercised by
the Federal government, tho Stales retained, severally, the exclusive and sole
right over their own domestic institutions and police, and are alone responsible
for them ; and that any intermeddling of any one or more States, or of a com
bination of their citizens, with the domestic institutions and police of the others
on any ground or under any pretext whatever, political, moral, or religious,
with a yiew to their alteration or subversion, is an assumption of superiority,
not warranted by the Constitution, Insulting to the States interfered with, ten
ding to end-auger their doraestic peace and tranquiUty, subversive of the objects
for which the Constitution was fraraed, and by necessary consequence, tending
to weaken and destroy the Union itself.
Resolved, That domestic slavery as it exists in the southern States of this
Union, comprises an important part of their domestic Institutions inherited from
their ancestors, and existing al the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is
recognized as constituting an essential element in the distribution of its powers
among the States ; and that no change of opinion or feeUng on the part of the
other States of the Union In relation to II, can justify them or their citizens in
open and systematic attacks thereon with a view to its overthrow ; and that all
such attacks are In manifest violation of the mutual and solemn pledge to pro
tect and defend each other, given by the States respectively on entering into
the constitutional compact which formed the Union, and as such is a manifest
breach of faith and a violation of the most solemn obligations, moral and reU
gious, Resolved, That Congress has no power, under the Conslilution, to interfere
with or control the domestic institutions of the several Slates ; and that such
States are the sole and proper judges of everything appertaining to their own
affairs, not prohibited by the Constitution ; and that all efforts of Abolitionists,
or others, by whatever name known, made to Induce Congress to interfere with
questions of slavery, or to lake incipient steps In relation thereto, whether for
the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, or the Territories, or its
prohibition therein, or for the interdiction of the coastwise or inter-slate slave
trade, or the repeal of the Fugitive Slave Law, or of the Kansas Nebraska act,
are calculated lo lead to the most alarming and dangerous consequences ; and that
all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the happiness of the
people and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, and ought not
to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions.
Resolved, That regarding these compromises of the Constilullon, solemnly
entered Inlo by Its founders, as. wise and necessary provisions, and such as ought
neither to be disregarded nor tampered with, we are for the Constitution as it
is, and the Union as It Is ; and that we will preserve, maintain and defend both
at every hazard, observing with scrupulous and uncalculating fidelity, every

487
article, requirement aud compromise of the constitutional compact between these
Stales, to the letter and in its utmost spirit, and recognizing no " higher law"
between which and the constitution we know of any conflict.
Resolved; That the Constitution was " the result of a spirit of amily, and of
that mutual deference and concession which the peculiarities of oUr political
situation rendered indispensable ;" and that by amity, conciliation and compro
mise alone can it and the Union which it estabUshed, be preserved : and thatit
Is the duty of all good citizens lo frown indignantly upon every attempt where
soever and by whomsoever made, lo array one section of the Union against the
other, to foment jealousies or heart burnings between them by systematic and
organized misrepresentation, denunciation and calumny, and thereby lo render
alien In feeling and affection the Inheritors of so noble a coraraon palriraony,
purchased by our fathers at so great expense of blood of treasure.
Resolved, That the Constitution confers no power upon Congress to establish
or prohibit slavery In the Territories of the United States : thai these Territo
ries aro the common property of the States in their federal capacity, purchased
by the common blood and treasure of all the States : and that the.people of
each and every State, have the right to an equal participation in every respect,
in the use of these Territories in comraon, without interference by Congress.
Resolved, That the right of the people of e-ach particular State and Territory
to establish their own constitution or forra of government ; to choose and regu
late their own domestic institutions of every kind, and to legislate for themselves'
is a fundamental principle of all free government ; that it is the self same right
to secure which our ancestors waged the war of the revolution ; a right lying at
the very fouudatiop of all our free ipstitutions, recognized in the Declaration of
Independence, and established and secured by the Constilullon of the United
States; and we hereby endorse and reaffirm this now disputed principle, as it is
embodied In the Acts for the orgapization of Utah and New Mexico In 1850,
and of Kansas and Nebraska in 1854.
Resolved further, That the foregoing right Is no otherwise limited or restricted
by the Constitution of the United States, except so far as the- constitution of a
State applying for admission inlo the Union is required to be " republican," or
representative in form ; a limitation In no wise affected by tbe domestic institu
tion of slavery ; and that therefore all efforts to exclude a Slate from such ad
mission, ou the ground that her constitution or laws sainction slaveholding, are
violations aUke of sound democratic principles and of the Constitution of the
Union. . . , ,.
Resolved, That the Introduction of moral or religious questions into the poli
tical controversies and issues of the day, is a wide departure from the ancient
principles and sound policy of the country ; at war with the true interests of
the people, corrupting alike to morals, religlou and politics, apd of most perni-
nicious and dangerous tendency; and that therefore we are unconapromisingly
opposed to the provisions of the « Maine Liquor Law, so called, the principles
of the " Order of Know Nothings," and the fanaticisms and wicked and traito
rous purposes of Abolitionism."

A SPEAKER ELECTED.

The p-otracted struggle for the speakership was brought to a close last ev^
ning by the election of Hon. N. P. Banks. Nine f"" weeks were consumed
blffre this result was attained, and it was finally brought about by the adoption
T„ 1 i-t„ ^nio Althouahllis absolutely certain that there is a maiori-
tl Tttl%Z:eu:at^.ilnZ House who agrJe with Mr. Banks on the^-
tional qtiestions which now agitate the country, yet it has been demonstrated,

488
again and again, that a portion pf his own political friends would never agree
to vote for him for Speaker, and hence that he could never be elected by a ma
jority vote.
As we have remarked, the contest was finally terminated under the operation
of the plurality rule. The votes taken during several days past had indicated
that a Speaker could only be chosen by resorting to that rule. There was a
strong repugnance amoUgst the national merabers to its adoption, more especially
after the revolting declaration of Mr. Banks as lo the test of superiority in the
races. The southern Know Nothings manifested a determination against cast
ing their votes for the democratic nominees not less persistent than their refusal
to vote for Mr. Banks, On Friday, however, propositions were made by Demo
crats to wnich the southern Know Nothings Indicated a disposition to accede —
the one proposing Mr. Oliver, an old-line Whig, and the other Mr. Aiken, a
National Democrat, for Speaker. The votes on these propositions, compared
with that given on the same day on a resolution declaring Mr. Banks the
Speaker, showed so little difference that it was exceedingly doubtful what would
be the result upon the adoption pf the plurality rule. Al this point Mr. Smith,
of Tennessee, believing thai the chances of Mr. Aiken were at least equal to
those of Mr. Banks, brought forward a resolution for the plurality rule. Mr.
Orr immediately withdrew unconditionally his name as the democratic nominee,
and the resolution was adopted. The result was, as we have slated, the elec
tion of Mr. Banks by a plurality of three votes — Mr. Banks receiving 103
votes, and Mr. Aiken 100 — six national Americans throwing their votes on Mr.
Fuller, and four Republicans throwing theirs on Mr. L. D. Campbell. It is
apparent that a perfect union of the national merabers (the four Republicans
voting for Mr. Campbell) would have elected Mr. Aiken by a plurality of three.
Thus has ended the most extraordinary struggle that bas ever occurred. Al
though the result is one which every national man will regret, yet, as the
Republicans have a known majority in the House, and therefore were entitled
to the Speaker, there is reason for acquiescing, inasmuch as it enables the ma
chinery of government once more to move on. Saturday, February 2, 1856.
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.
The House met at 12, m.
Prayer by the Rev. Mr. Cummins.
The journal of yesterday was read and approved.
The Clerk staled that the first business In order was the resolution submitted
by the gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. Talbott,] as follows :
Resolved, That the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens be, and he Is hereby de
clared Speaker of the House of Representatives for the 34th Congress.
Mr. Talbott had offered the resolution without having any conference with
the honorable gentleman whose name was contained in it. He had hoped that
it would reconcile all the discordant elements of the House, and bring about an
organization. He rose for the purpose of withdrawing the resolution at the re
quest of the gentleman from Georgia.
Mr. Smith, of Tennessee, stated that he had heretofore voted against the
plurality rule ; but the vote of yesterday indicating that there was at least the
chance of the election of a man of sound national principles under its opera
tion, he therefore offered the following resolution, and--called' for the previous
question :
Resolved, That the House -will proceed Immediately to the election of a
. Speaker viva voce ; and If, after the roll shall have been called three times, no
inember shall have received a majority of the whole number of votes, the roll

489
shall again be called, and the member who shall then receive the largest num
ber of votes, provided II be a raajority of a quorum, shall be duly declared
Speaker of the H6use of Representatives of the Thirty-fourth Congress.
Mr. Goode, of Virginia, moved to lay the resolution on the table; which
motion was not agreed to — yeas 104, nays 114.
The previous question was seconded, and the main question was ordered to be
now put.
The question was taken, and the resolution was adopted — yeas 113, nays
104 — as follows :
Yeas — Messrs. Albright, Allison, Ball, Banks, Barbour, Barclay, Henry
Bennett, Benson, BilUnghurst, Bingham, Bishop, Bliss, Bradshaw, Brenton,
Buffington, Burlingame, James H. Campbell, Chaffee, Bayard Clark, Ezra
Clark, Clawson, Clingman, Colfax, Corains, Covoke, Cragin, Cumbaok, Dararell,
Timothy Davis, Day, Dean, De Witt, Dick, Dickson, Dodd, Durfee, Edie, Flag
ler, GaUoway, Giddings, Gilbert, Granger, Grow, Robert B. Hall, Harlan, Her
bert, Hickman, Holloway, Thomas R. Horton, Howard, Jewett, Kelley, Kel
sey, King, Knapp, Knight, Knowlton, Knox, Kunkel, Leiter, Mace, Matteson,
MpCarty, , Meacham, Killi-an Miller, Morgan, Morrill, Molt, Murray, Nichols,
Norton, Andrew OUver, Parker, Pearce, Pelton, Pennington, Perry, Pettit,
Pike, Pringle, Purviance, Ritchie, Robbins, Roberts, Robison, Sabin, Sage,
Sapp, Sherman, Simmons, Samuel A, Smith, Spinner, Stanton, Stranahan, Tap-
pan, Thorington, Thurston, Todd, Trafton, Tyson, Wade, Walbridge, Waldron,
C, C. Washburne, E. B. "Washburne, Israel "Washburn, Watson, Welch, Wells,
Williams, Wood, Woodruff, and Woodworth — 113.
Nays — Messrs. Aiken, Alien, Barksdale, Bell, Hendley S. Bennett, Bocock,
Bowie, Boyce, Branch, Brooks, Broom, Burnett, Cadwalader, John P, Camp
beU, Lewis D, Campbell, Carlile, Caruthers, Caskie, Howell Cobb, W, R, W.
Cobb, Cox, Crawford, Davidson, H. Winter Davis, Denver, Dowdell, Dunn,
Edmundson, Elliott, English, Etheridge, Eustis, Evans, Faulkner, Florence,
Foster, H. M. Fuller, T. J. D. FuUer, 'Goode, Greenwood, Augustus Hall, J.
M, Harris,' S. W.. Harris, T. L. Harris, Harrison, Hoffman, Houston, George
W. Jones, J, Glancy Jones, Keitt, Kennetl, Kidwell, Lake, Letcher, Lindley,
Lumpkin, A. K. Marshall, Humphrey Marshall, S. S. Marshall, Maxwell, Mc
Mullen, McQueen, Smith Miller, Millson, Millward, Moore, Mordecai OUver,
Orr, Paine, Peck, Phelps, Porter, Powell, Puryear, Quitman, Ready, Ricaud,
Rivers, Ruffin, Rust, Sandidge, Savage, Scott, Shorter, William Smith, William
R, Smith, Sneed, Stephens, Stewart, Swope, Talbott, Trippe, Underwood, Vail,
Valk, Walhir, Warner, Watkins, Wheeler, Whitney, Winslow, D. B. Wright,
J. V. Wright, and ZolUcoffer— 104.
[The announcement was applauded in the galleries,]
Mr. Orr of South Carolina, said that his name had been put in noraination
some two weeks ago by the Democratic party for the speakership, and though
very many ballots had taken place since that time; and although the members
of that party supposed that by changing their nominee they might increase and
' strengthen them, yet the result had shown that they were mistaken in the con
clusion to which they arrived. The complimentary vote given yesterday to his
colleague [Mr Aiken] rendered it very evident to his mind that thai gentleman
would be able to concentrate a greater strength than himself, and as he desirtid
to see the House organized upon national principles, and m opposition to sec
tionalism, he look occasion, after returning his thanks to his party friends for
their fidelity and confidence in nominating and sustaining him, to withdraw un
conditionally his name from the contest. w • • * j . j
Mr Boyce of South Carolina, moved lo rescind the resolution just adopted.
Mr! Smith,' of Tennessee, moved to lay that motion on the table; which was

agreed to— yeas 117, nays 101.
[Applause in the galleries.J

490
Cries of " Call the roll."
- Mr. Jones, of Tennessee, moved an adjournment of the House, in order to
give members an opportunity to confer, that they might cast their voles under
standingly in the great crisis which thpy were now approaching. The motion
was not agreed to — yeas 84, nays 133.
E Applause In the galleries.]
>ies of " Call the roll."
Mr. Walker, of Alabama, moved to rescind the plurality resolution.
Mr. Clingman raised the point that the motion was not In order, it having
been decided once already during the day.
The Clerk thought that the motiop was Ip order, but submitted the question
to the House, apd it was decided that it was pol in order — yeas 83, pays 128.
Mr. Paine, of North Carolina, moved that the House do now adjourn; which
motion was not agreed to.
[Applause in the galleries.]
Mr. Orr said that if the House was to be annoyed by continued applause he
would have to move that the galleries be cleared. He did not allude to the la
dies' gallery. [Laughter.]
[Cries of " Call the roll."] VOTE FOR SPEAKER.
The House then proceeded to vote for Speaker, it being the first under the
plurality rule.
The Clerk called the roll the one hundred and thirtieth time, with the fol
lowing result :
Whole nnmber of votes, 215 ; necessary to a choice, 108 : of these —
Mr. Banks received, - - 102
Aiken, . . - 93 ,
H. M. FuUer, - - - 14
L. D. Campbell, - - 4
Wells, - . - 2
Mr, Richardson, of Illinois, gave notice that he had paired off with Mr. Em-
rie, otherwise he would have voted for Mr. Aiken.
, There being no choice, the House proceeded lo tbe one hundred and thirty-
first vote, being the second under the pluraUty rule, with the foUowing result :
Whole nuraber of votes, 214 ; necessary to a choice, 108 : of these —
Mr. Banks received - - 102
Aiken, ... 93
H. M. Fuller, - - - ' 13
L. D. Campbell, " - - 4
Wells, ... 2
So there was no choice, t
Mr. Kennetl, of Missouri, moved that the House do now adjourn ; which
motion was not agreed lo. [Applause.]
•The House then proceeded to the one hundred and thirty-second vote, being
the third under the plurality rule, with the following result :
Whole nuraber of votes, 213 ; necessary to a choice, 107 : of these —
Mr. Banks received - - 102
Aiken, ... 93
H. M. Fuller, - - - 13
L. D. Campbell, - - 4
Wells, ... 2

491
So there was no choice.
Mr. Rust, of Arkansas, moved that the House do now adjourn ; which mo
tion was not agreed to — yeas 52, nays 162.
[Shouts of " Call the roll."]
Mr. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, desired to repeat what he had said upon two
former occasiops, that he was pot, apd did pot desire lo be, a capdidate. [Ap
plause,] One hundred and thirty ballots would have satisfied him that he
was not the choice of a majority of the body, aud upou no other terms, upou
no other conditions, would he consent to take that position. He again returned
his acknowledgments to the genlemen who had honored him with their sup
port, and he requested them to cast their suffrages for a better and abler man.
During the call of the roll on the last ballot the following explanations were
made. Mr. Barclay, of Pennsylvania, said that his votes stood on the record, and
he saw no reason why he should change them. He had been adverse, from the
first to the last, to anything that looked like a coalition with know nothingisra,
he did not care whether il came from the North or the South. He bad on
three voles this morning cast bis voles away, and before he again cast a vote he
wished lo ask the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Aiken], whether he had
written a letter to the honorable gentleraan from Kentucky [Mr. H. Marshall],
and whether he had raade any pledges satisfactory to the Southern wing of the
National American party ?
Mr. Rust objected to the gentieman proceeding further.
Mr. Aiken said that he was not a candidate for the office of Speaker. If his
friends saw fit lo elect him to that position, he would serve them lo the best of
his ability. [Great applause.]
Mr. A. K. Marshall, of Kentucky, said that he and those 'v^ith whom he
acted had discharged their duty lo their parly, and It now reraained for them to
discharge it to their country. He voted for Aiken.
Several other gentleraen raade explanations before voting for Aiken.
The House then proceeded to the one hundred and thirty-third vote for
Speaker, and the last vote under the plurality rule, with the following result :
whole number of votes, 214 : of these —
Mr. Banks received, - - 103
Aiken, - - - ¦ ^^2
H. M. Fuller, - - ' • a
L. D. CampbeU, - ¦ - ^ 4
Wells, - - -, 1
The following Is the vote in detaU :
Ior Mr Banks.— Messrs. Albright, Allison, Ball, Barbour, Henry Bennett,
Benson, BilUnghurst, Bingham, Bishop, Bliss, Bradshaw, Brenton Buffington,
BurUngame, James H. CampbeU, Lewis D. Campbell, Chaffee, Ezra Clark,
Clawson, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cragin Cumback, Dararell Timothy Davis,
Day, Dean, De Witt, Dick, Dickson, Dodd Durlee Edie, Ragler, Gallovyay,
Giddings, Gilbert, Granger, Grow, Roberl B. Hall Harlan, Holloway, Thomas
R, Horton, Howard, Kelsey, King, Knapp, Knight Know on, Knox, Kun-
¦ kei, Leiter, Mace, Matteson, McCarty, Meacham KiUian Mdler Morgan Mor
rill Mott Murray Nichols, Norton, Andrew OUver, Parker, Pearce, Pelton,
plTnglperr?, Pettit, 'Pike, Pri'ngle, Purvlapce, Ritchie Robblps Roberts,
-D I,- a V.-r, cj/rro Rann Sherman, Simmons, Spinner, btanton, btranahan,
TlZ'Tto^!t:r,'Tl^^^^^^
JroTcadwaladi C. Washburne, EUihu B. Washburne, Israel Washburn,
Watson, Welch, Wood, Woodruff, and Woodworlh-103.

492
For Mr. Aiken. — Messrs. Allen, Barksdalle, Bell, Hendley S. Bennett, Bo
cock, Bowie, Boyce, Branch, Brooks, Burnett, Cadwalader, John P. Campbell,
Carlile, Caruthers, Caskie, Clingman, Howell Cobb, WUUamson R. W" Cobb,
Cox, Crawford, Davidson, Denver, Dowdall, Edmundson, Elliott, English, Ether-
ridge, Eustis, fevans, Faulkner, Florence, Foster, Thomas J. D, Fuller, Goode,
Greenwood, Augustus HaU, J. Morrison Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Thomas
L. Harris, Herbert, Hoffman, Houston, J(^witt, George W. Jones, J. Glancy
Jones, Keitt, Kelly, Kennetl, Kidwell, Lake, Letcher, Lindley, Lumpkin,
Alexander K. Marshall, Humphrey Marshall, Samuel S, Marshall, Maxwell,
McMullen, McQueen, Smith MiUer, Milson, Mordecai Oliver, Orr, Paine; Peck, '
Phelps, Porter, Powell, Puryear, Quitman, Reade, Ready, Ricaud, Rivers, Ruf
fin, Rust, Sandidge, Savage, Shorter, Samuel A. Smith, William Smith, Wm.
R, Smith, Sneed, Stephens, Stewart, Swope, Talbott, Trippe, Underwood, Vail,
Walker, Warner, Watkins, Wells, Wheeler, WiUiams, Winslow, Daniel B.
Wright, John V. Wright, and ZolUcoffer— 100:
For Mr. Fuller. — Messrs. Broom, Clark of New York, Cullen, Davis of
Maryland, MiUward, and Whitney — 6.
For Mr. Campbell. — .Messrs. Dunn, Harrison, Moore, and Scott — 4.
For Mr. Wells. — Mr. Hickraan.
Mr. ]?enson, of Maine, one of the tellers, announced that Nathaniel P. Banks,
jr., of Massachusetts, was duly elected Speaker. ,
Mr. A. K. MarshaU raised the question that the House ilself must declare
the result, and that the Clerk could neither do so himself nor delegate any one
to do so. He should be very sorry to see the Clerk depart from that course
which had hitherto secured him so many friends.'
After some debate on this point, in which Messrs. Rust, Clingman, Cobb, of
Georgia, Smith of Alabama, Paine of North Carolina, H, Marshall, Campbell
of Ohio, Herbert, and Stewart participated, and during which Mr. Aiken asked
permission of the House to conduct the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr.
Banks] lo the chair, as the duly elected Speaker of the House.
Mr. Clingman offered the following resolution :
" Resolved, That, by reason of the adoption of the proposition known as the
plurality resolution, and the voles taken under II, the Hon. N. P. Banks, jr., of
Massachusetts, has been duly chosen Speaker, and is hereby so declared."
After some debate, the previous question was called on the resolution, and
seconded, and ordered lo be now put.
The question was taken, and the resolution was adopted — yeas 156, nays 40
— as follows :
Yeas — Messrs. Aiken, Albright, Allen, AUison, Ball, Barbour, Barclay, BeU,
Henry Bennett, Benson, BilUnghurst, Bingham, Bishop, Bliss, Bowie, Bradshaw,
Branch, Brenton, Broom, Buffington, Burlingame, Cadwalader, James H.
Campbell, Lewis D. Campbell, Chaffee, Bayard Clarke, Ezra Clark, Clawson,
Clingman, Howell Cobb, Colfax, Comins, Covode, Cox, Cragin, Cullen, Cum
back, Damrell, Timothy Davis, Day, Dean, De Will, Dick, Dickson, Dodd,
Dunn, DUrfee, Edie, English, Etheridge, Evans, Flagler, Florence, Thomas J.
D, Fuller, Galloway, Giddings, Gilbert, Granger, Grow, Robert B. Hall, Har
lan, J. Morrison Harris, Sampson W. Harris, Harrison, Herbert, Hickman,
Hoffman, Holloway, Thomas R. Horton, Howard, Jewitt, Georgo "W. Jones, J.
Glancy Jones, Kelley, Kelsey, Kennett, King, Knapp, Knight, Knowlton,
Knox, Kunkel, Leiter, Lumpkin, Mace, Matteson, McCarty, Meacham, KUlian
Miller, Millward, Moore, Morgan, MorrUl, Mott, Murray, Nichols, Norton, An
drew OUver, Parker, Pearce, Pelton, Pennington, Perry, Pettit, Pike, Porter,

493
Pringle, Purviance, Puryear, Reade, Ready, Ritchie, Rivers, Bobbins, Roberts,
Robison, SabiUj Sage, Sapp, Scott, Sherman, Simmons, Samuel A. Smith,
William R. Smith, Spinner, Stanton, Stephens, Stewart, Stranahan, Talbott,
Tappan, Thorington, Thurston, Todd, Trafton, Tyson, Underwood, Vail, Wade,
Walbridge, Waldron, Warner, Cadwalader, C. Washburne, EUihu B. Wash
burne, Israel Washburn, Watkins, Watson, Welch, Wells, Wheeler, Whitney,
WUUams, Winslow, Wood, Woodruff, and Woodworth — 156.
Nays — Messrs. Barksdale, Hendley S. Bennett, Boyce, Burnett, John P.
Campbell, Carlile, Caskie, Crawford, Dayidson, H. "Winter Davis, Dowdell,
Edmundson, Elliott, Foster, Goode, Greenwood, Thomas L. Harris, Houston,
Keitt, Kidwell, Lake, Letcher, Alexander K. Marshall, Maxwell, McJIullen,
McQueen, Mordecai OUver, Orr, Phelps, Powell, Ruffin, Rust, Sandidge, Sav
age, Shorter, Sneed, Trippe, Walker, Daniel B. Wright, and John V. Wright
—40. The Clerk appointed Messrs. H. M. Fuller, Aiken, and L. D. Campbell to
conduct Mr. Banks to the chair.
Mr. Banks, on taking the chair acknowledged the honor done him in a brief
and neat speech.
The usuil oath of office was then administered to him by Mr. Giddings.
On motion of Mr. Stanton, of Ohio, the following resolution was unanimously
adopted :
" Resolved, That the thanks of this House are eminently due, and are hereby
tendered, to John W. Forney, Esq., for the distinguished ability, fidelity and
impartiality with which he has presided over the deliberations of the House of
Representatives during the arduous and protracted contest for Speaker which has
I just closed."
On motion of Mr. Cobb, of Georgia, the House, at 7 o'clock, adjourned.

From iMzerne Union, Jan. 30, 1855.
HON. HENRY M. FULLER.— HIS SOMERSET.
Tn order to make an answer to the very many letters we have received as to
the antecedents of Henry M. Fuller, we have collected together to-day, some
facts connected with that honorable gentleman's antecedents. The gentiemen
who have written us on this subject, will please t-ake this for an answer, as It
embodies the facts which we bave at hand. Here, In this district, no man will
he found, can be found, who has any regard for truth, that wUl pretend lo say
that the gentieman was ever anything else than an Abolitionist, and as such,
received the hearty support of the rankest of thera. A Whig, a Free Soiler,
an AboUtionlst, a Wilraot Proviso man, a Know Nothing— this Is tae history
of the gentieman's political career. He never pretended that he was anything
else, till he bid for the Speakership. To gain this, he did not merely repudiate
his old faith and turn his back on his old friends and old principles, but he de
nied that he' was one of them, and was elected on their platform. Not only a
change of faith, which might under some circumstances be justified, but a de
nial that he ever advocated such a faith as his friends always claimed for him.
A correspondent of the New York Times, of the 19lh of January, instant,
holds this language :

494
" Anti-NebrasJca did not Elect him. — Mr. Fuller, of Pennsylvania, became
restive In the debate to-day, and distinctly denied that he was elected by the
Anti-Nebraska sentiment of his district. Mark this enunciation, Anti-Nebraska
men of Pennsylvania, and take care that when you nominate again, you make-
the fetters of principle at least strong enough to be understood by the candi
date." " He denied that he was elected by the Anti-Nebraska sentiment of his dis
trict ! ! ! ! " Can this be possible ? Can il be, that a raan in his senses could
utter such a palpable, open, and. bare-faced falsehood? He "not elected by
the Anti-Nebraska sentiment ! " When his friends justified him on the ground
that he had a right to change his views, we thought they went far in the deed
of character, particularly as they elected him on a pledge to vote to repeal the
" infamous Nebraska act — to restore the Missouri line ;" but what will they
say now, when their man denies that he was the exponent of their views ?
What can they say ? Nothing — absolutely nothing. With their fingers in
their mouths, they are silent ! But il is a silence that is ominous. Il is a si
lence that precedes the storm aud the whirlwind, and so the honorable gentle
man will find it, if he ever enters the political track agaip. We spoke of his
friends justifying hira for " a change of opinion " — we mean his personal po
litical friends. The masses of the old Une wbo gave him their support, whis
per " treason," and call to mind a worthy old gentleman who betrayed his
master. But let us see what the issue was before the .canvass, which resulted in the
gentleman's election. The Record of the Times, of this place, the organ of
Mr. Fuller, knows full well what the issue was, and that we may not be mis
taken, we will quote from that paper, and see how this matter was understood
at the time. But In the first place, what was the Deraocratic Issue ? We will
see the affirraative first.
On the 12th of Septeraber, 1854, the Deraocratic conferees of the counties
coraposing the district, met and put in noraination Col. Wright, for Congress.
To show the platform they made for him, we copy from this paper of the 13th
September, 1854. The resolutions were drawn by the vigorous pen of the late
Samuel P. Collings, Esq., who recently died in Tangiers, at the time a United
Stales Consul.
" Resolved, That In the large Intelligence, generous impulses, and frank and
cordial character of their nominee for Congress, the Democracy have a guaran
tee that he will represent their interests and maintain the character of this Dis
trict honorably and faithfully in< Congress; that the only rational objection
heretofore urged for withholding any portion of Democratic support, was fairly
removed by his ujiright and honorable course during the late session of Con
gress ; and that any present opposition, from the same quarter, to his triumphant
election, under the fair and honorable nomination enjoyed by him, would oe an
act of unjustifiable persecution, an exhibition of personal spite and malignity
with which no honest Democrat can sympathize, and calculated to clothe with
dark suspicion the former motives avowed by its authors.
" Resolved, That the patfiots of the Revolution in achieving and establishing
the freedom and Independence of these Stales, vindicated and asserted the great
principle of popular sovereignly and equal rights as affirmed and declared in
the late acts of Congress, organizing the territories of Nebraska and Kansas;
that nature, and nature's God, appeal to the virtue, the integrity and intelligence
of the people, to guard this precious principle as the ark of the covenant of
their safety : and that the sufferings, the perils and the blood of the Revolu
tion, will have been wasted in vain, and the dearest hopes of man on earth
yielded up, when this great principle is sacrificed.

495
" Resolved, That the Missouri Compromise was an act of usurpation by Con
gress, and a fraud upon the people of these States : that Congress Is sworn to
uphold the Constitution and not to interpolate or destroy it : that any acquies
cence in, or submission to, changes of the, fundamental law by Congress, would
be in the last degree dangerous lo the liberties of the people : and that the re
peal of the Missouri Compromise was a wise and necessary measure to efface
frpm the statute books a precedent violation of the great charter of our inde
pendence and to arrest further insidious encroachments upon the great principle
of popular sovereignty and equal rights."
Hera is the Democratic platform — and we copy extracts from the letter of
acceptance of Col. Wright — it is loo long for pubUcation entire. Also the let
ter announcing his nomination. It may be found in the files of this paper of
the 20th of September, 1854. Steele's. Hotel, Wilkes-Barre, ")
September 12, 1854. j" '
Hon. Hendrick B. Wright —
Dear Sir : — The Democratic Congressional Conference this day assembled
and have placed you in nomination before the people of this District for Con
gress. The undersigned are a committee appointed by said Conference lo com
municate to you the fact and request your acceptance. In making this commu
nication pleasure combines with duty. Your course upon the various raeasures
which came before Congress, at the late session, has justly confii-med you In
their confidence and regard. We refer especially to the great measure estab
lishing the principle of popular sovereignty in the Territories of this Union —
a principle vital to the security of every freeman : dear to his heart, and upon
which is based his enjoyments of civil and religious freedora. We especially
refer to this measure as first in importance. Your votes against squandering
the public raoney in raisnamed iraprovements being in acoi»rdance with tbe one
settled policy of this District, is also gratifying to know. In your publicly ex
pressed yiews upon religious toleration, we heartily accord. Your votes upon
the Homestead bill, and in favor of old soldiers' rights, are true indexes of a
hearty, sound and consistent Democrat. And it is our hearty prayer that the
people appreciating their true interests may return you to Congress by a trium
phant majority. Your friends and fellow citizens,
JOHN DEEN, JR.,
HUDSON OWEN,
JOHN V. SMITH.

Wilkes-Barre, Sept. 14th, 1854.
» * * * *
"In the acceptance of the nomination wbich you have tendered me, and
which was stamped with so much unanimity in the primary naeetmga of the
TiPnnlp T bave no policy as to my future course to conceal. The journal of the
fast'congres wUirxhi^it my coLe as to the past. No voter of this Dislrld
shall have occasion to say I have deceived Hi^ He who casts his vole for me,
does It with full knowledge of my political faith. I assume that he who soli-
." " a ^ rtf tVip neonle for so high a place as a seat m the councils of
cits the «"fi^?g«,/f^ ^'kly and honestiy avow his opinions. There should be
no concealment ^^ j^^^^^ ^,^^ ^^^^^^ ^ ,^^ j^^ device;— no
>SsSriTpreteS^^^^^^^ ''• ^"'^ '''' ^"*''""' *''* '' *° "^ """'

496
among " the various measures which came before Congress at the late session,"
and whicb elicits your " confidence and regard," you refer "especially lo the
great measure establishing the principle of popular sovereignty In the Territo
ries of this Union — a principle vital lo the security of every freeman — dear lo
his heart, and upon which is based his enjoyment of civil and religious free
dom." Your allusion Is lo the bill establishing Territorial Government In
Kansas and Nebraska. I spoke In favor of that bill. I voted for that bill —
and as I then said, on the floor of Congress — I now repeat — that " I would
rather bo stricken down as the advocate of popular freedom, than be returned
to the House In opposition lo the great principle." Before taking my seat, I
swore to support the Constitution of my country. Among Its wise provisions,
I found that, " The powers not delegated to the United States, by the constitu
tion, nor prohibited by it lo the States, are reserved to the Slates respectfully,
or to the people." That poVer which was not conceded, lo the general govern
ment, but reserved in the people, I resolved, so far as I was concerned, should
remain there. Wisdora dictated the reservation and fanaticism should never
change it. Congress had no power, even by Implication, (an abhorrent doc
trine al best) to interfere with law-making power of States or Territories. On
the 6th of March, 1820, the 16th Congress passed an ad establishing a territo
rial government for Missouri, In which was incorporated a provision that "sla
very should be prohibited, north of thirty-six degrees and thirty minutes north
latitude" in the territory ceded by France, under the name of Louisiana ; thus
iriiplying that slavery should not be prohibited south of that line. In favor of
the repeal of the law establishing tbis line, I cast my vote. I did so under the
conviction that the power to make laws for the territories was, under the consti-
tion. In "the people," and not In Congress. I had good reason lo believe that
the hardy pioneers who subdued the forests and broke up the prairies — who
were exposed to the toils and privations of a frontier life — whose battles were
with the wild beast and the savage, should not be deprived of making their
own laws, as their situatiou aud copditiop might ws.rrant. That they were bet
ter judges of this than I ; and to deprive them of this privilege would be an
act of usurpation and tyranpy. I desire that the people, who wept to these
pew_ Territories, might go there as freemen, and not as slaves; and if In their
good judgment, they pleased to make a slave Territory of It, it was no business
of mine. However much I may condemn slavery as au abstract question, I
had nothing to do with the act of the freemen of Kansas and Nebraska. My
allegiance was to the Constitution. Had I been guilty of usurping that power
which the people had expressly reserved lo themselves, I should have cnmpiil-
teda wrong; and done an act of gross ipjustice lo the people of those Territo- *
ries ; to the people of my own State ; to the people of this Union — and to
liberal principles throughout the world — pay, I should have violated my solemn
oath. To please fanaticism, I could not do this ; nor could a reasonable man
expect it of me."
"I have been charged with treason tir my vote on the Kansas and Nebraska
bill ! This is the kind of treason that rankled in the heart of Jeffersop, when
he had the temerity to assert the doctrine that the people were intelligent enough
to govern themselves — and opposed to the Idea of consolidated power. Il was
the treason of Jackson when he threw himself between the encroachments of
the Federal government, and the sovereign rights of the States; in his vetoes
of the Bank and the Maysvllle Road bill.
" And the man who votes for sovereign power. to remain with the enlightened
freemen of this land ; in the place of robbing them of II : — is the Traitor to
whom I will cling — and to whom I will do reverence. The indefatigable and
persevering pioneer, who settles these new territories as his home — and that of
his childreu — who reclaims the wilderness and makes it blossom as the rose —

497
who builds churches and school-houses; — and above afl, who defends his coun
try and supports her treasury, shall not by my act, or vote, be robbed of his
civil rights — and denied the privilege of participating in making his own laws.
I ara not numbered araong those philanthropists of these latter days — who yield
the privilege of labor ; of taxatiop — of battle, — lo the citizens of Kansas apd
Nebraska, apd deny bim the right of makipg his own laws. If this be treason,
then I am a traitor ! — and along with me in this catalogue of treason — is Frank
lin Pierce, Lewis Cass, Stephen A. Douglas, R. M. T. Hunter — and one hun
dred and twelve members of the House of Representatives of the United States."
The foregoing extraets will show the plain and unmistakable platform of Col.
Wright — and on the stump, frora one end of the, District to the other, he car
ried it out — dissembling nothipg — publicly, everywhere, proclaiming the doc
trineof his address.
What was Mr. Fuller aud his friends at, about these times ?
On the 12th of September 1854, (See Record of the Times, of the 13lh of
Sept.,) the Whig County Convention met. They nominated Mr. Fuller— and
laid down for him, the following platform :
" Resolved, That while we question not the right to alter or amend any ad of
Congress by subsequent legislation, we view the passage of the act of the last
session commonly called the 'Kansas Nebraska Bill,' as a wanton, uuprovoked,
and cruel violation of plighted faith between the Northern and Southern por
tions of this confederacy^ — wanton, because unrequired by the cii;cumslances of
that portion of the public domain — unprovoked, because to the extent of their
ability the Northern States had fully executed the compromise measures of
1850 — cruel, because destlued lo shackle with slavery a Territory larger than
the old thirteen States.
" Resolved, That while we recognize apd will carry out in good faith all our
constitutional obligations, we are opposed to the extension of slavery beyond
existing limits, and to any further increase of its power in the National Coun
cils. "Resolved, That sincerely. holdipg these views, we do hereby mark the au
thors, aiders and abetters of that act as men unworthy the support of enlight
ened freemen for any office In their gift.
" Resolved, That we have undiminished confidence In Hon. H. M. Fuller, and
that our conferees are instructed to use all honorable means to secure his re-no
mination." Then while they had "undimished confidence. in Mr. Fuller," they "marked
the aiders and abetters and authors of that act as men unworthy the support of
enlightened freemen ! !" As Mr. Fuller was not an " aider nor supporter" of
the infamous act— he had the " confidence" of the party— Nay, the " undimi
nished confidence." , , , -r i
His conferees raet— they nominated him— and soon after he and Judge Pol
lock started canvassing the District— as none of these speeches are reported we
cannot give extracts. In the one alTunkbannock, 3Ir. Fuller went further on
the Abolition question than Gov. Pollock— they both denounced tbe Nebraska
Kansas bill-and both pledged a repeal as far as was in their power.
They came to Wilkes-Barre— they both made speeches here— and both de*
Bounced the Kansas bill, and preached Know Nothingism. The Times of Oct..
4, 1854, says :
" After the Judge the Hon. H. M. Fuller spoke in his happiest style, and-
explained his position pn the question of Slavery to the satisfaction of eyery,
freeman present."
That "exposition" was'the repeal of Nebraska and the restoration of the'
Missouri line, and we can prove it by 100 witnesses on the ground !

498
From the paper of the sarae date we copy the following editorial :
" B^* Freemen bear in mind that the issue is not merely about raen. Neither
Wright nor Fuller — Pollock nor Bigler, has any claim personally thus to up
heave the popular Masses, like ocean into mountain billows. In voting (a most
sacred right) you express your opinions of the great question at issue. Pollock
and Fuller st.ind before you as the representatives of Freedom, opposed to the
extension of Slavery into Nebraska, Ohio, Pennsylvania, everywhere throughout
the Union. Their opponents, Bigler and Co., justify the principle that would
so extend Slavery. Which do you approve '! A solemn question. Your votes
will record your opinions."
This is the lapguage of the Fuller orgap ? Does he call this Anti-Nebjaska
sentiraents ? Does he change his opinion ? " Anti-Nebraska did not elect him."
Out, out upon such hypocrisy ! Neither Wright nor Fuller was the question ?
It was Freodon and Slavery.
We now copy from the "VVhig press — when it was said Mr. Fuller had changed
his priociples-^the County press. Tho Piitston Ga::r:ite, a Whig paper, which
warmly supported Mr. Fuller — in the issue of the 28th of Dec, 1855, holds
this language :
" For one, we most heartily regret that our representative had not adhered to
the position which was generally understood he occupied — namely that of an
out and out anti-Nebraska raan — opposed to the admission of Kansas upon any
other terms than that slavery should not be t.ilorated there — and upon the sub
ject of tho Missouri compromise; that it should as an act of simple justice to
the free States, be restored."
The Scranion Herald, another Whig county paper, and which also supported
Mr. Fuller — in its columns of the 20th of December, 1855, discourses in this
wise — and Mr., Fuller will not make an Issue with either of these editors — nor
will he say they have stated falsehoods :
" On the Nebraska question, the popular will is decidedly opposed to every
motive and principle which was developed in its passage ; whether it was de
signed to extend the curse of slavery, or lo promote the aggrandizeraent of the
demagogues who urged and accomplished its success. Mr. Fuller was under
stood to be the exponent of the will of the people in tbis qucstion : to be as
warmly devoted to the cause of freedom as any one among his constituents.
In his speeches he openly and unreservedly avowed his principles to be in ac
cordance with the knowp septiments of the great mass of the people. His op-
popent was an ultra Nebraska man, and supposed to be the very antipodes of
Mr. Fuller, in respect to all his political principles. If the latter has pubUshed
on the fioor of Congress any sentiment in conflict with these, he has proved
false to the platform upon which he was sustained and elected."
" In his speeches, he openly and unreservedly avowed his principles." Not
so, Mr. Lathrop ! Mr. Puller said iu Copgress, Ip the first place, that he would
let Kapsas and Nebraska alone, apd pow th.at " he was Pot elected by tbe Anti-
Nebraska sentiment of bis district." In your language, then, (and you were
his political friend,) " he has proved false to the platfoim on which he was
elected," and who doubts it ?
We have thus copied from the three Whig journals in this county, all of
whioh gave hira an honest support, lo show his platform, and we leave it to oth
ers to say whether his has been the conduct of an honorable man I
In Mr. Fuller's speech, in answer to Mr. Zollikoffer's question, he said, " ray
political existence commenced since that flood," — the Wilmot Proviso. He
should haye. said in it. We will show his Hyde Park letter hereafter ; when

499
he was running for Canal Commissioner, he wrote the celebrated Hyde Park
letter, in which he fully endorses the Wilmot Proviso.. We bave not room for
it now. And yet this raan is applauded by Southerp men when he tells them
that " his political existence commenced since that flood." Southern men will
be very careful what importance they give to Mr, Fuller's declaratiops. We
will give tbe Hyde Paik letter soop, and In tbe raeantime let Southern raen ask
Mr. Fuller if he is not now a member of the committee appointed by the Black
Republican convention, which ulet in Pittsburg, in this State, in September,
1855, and which nominated Passmore Williamson as their candidate for Canal
Commissioner, He will hardly be bold enough to deny this, too. But judging
from what he has said, no human power can tell what he may say hereafter.
Having denied that he was elected by the Anti-Nebraska sentiment of his
district, when he gave pledge upon pledge to the Anti-Nebraska men, that if
they would elect hira, he would vote for the repeal of tbe law, and the restora
tion of the Missouri line, we cannot say what he will do next.
His own friends accuse him of having " falsified his platform " — il is his duty
now either to acknowledge publicly that he has wantonly deceived them, or re
sign his scat, and go to sorae other district than this. He is little aware of the
state of things with an injured and outraged constituency. He will. know.

LIST OF MEMBERS
Of (lie House of Representatives of the Un-iied States. Thirty-fourth Con
gress — First Session. Commencing Monday, December 3, 1855.
Maine.

nson.

John M Wood, K. N. Samuel P. Bens ,
John J, Perry, K. N. . -^s™e^ Wasldmrn, Jr.
Ebenezer Knowlton, K. N. Thoraas J. D. FuUer, D.— G.
Ne-w Hampshire.
James Pike, K. N. ^«''<"» ^- Cragin, K. N.— 3.
Mason W, Tappan, K. N.
Vermont. -
James Meacham, ^^"«^' Sabin,-%.
Justin S, Morrill, K. N.
Massachusetts.
Robert B, Hall, K. N. Nath'l P Banks, Jr„K.K.
T 7j Y2; / -(T -\[ Chaunceij L. Knapp, iL. JN,
Janies Buffington, K. N. Alexander De Witt K N
William S. Damrell, K. N. Alexander JJeWnt,^.^. .
T . T, n ¦ TT TJ Calvm u. Vhaffee, lv. JN .
Linus B Gomins^^- rra/to«, K. N.-ll.
Anson Burlingame, JS.. in. j j
Timothy Davis, K. N.
Rhode Island.
Nathaniel B. Durfee, K. N. Benf B. Thurston, K. N.-2. ,

500

Connecticut.

Ezra Clarke, Jr,, K. N.
John Woodruff, K. N.

William W. Valk, K. N.
James S, T. Stranahan, K. N.
Guy R, Pelton, K. N.
John Kelly, D.
Thomas R. Whitney, K. N.
John Wheeler, K. N.
Tliomas Childs, Jr., K. N.
Abram Wakeman, K. N.
Bayard Clark, K. N.
Ambrose S, Murray,
Rufus H, King, K, N.
Killian Miller, K. N.
Russell Sage, K. N.
Samuel Dickson,
Edward Dodd, K. N.
George A. Simmons,
Francis E. Spinner,

Sidney Dean, K. N.
Wm. 'W. Welch', K. N.-

New York.

' Thomas R. Horton,
Jonas A. Hxighslon,
Orsamus B. Matteson, K. N.
Henry Bennett, K. N.
Andrew. Z. McCarty, K. N.
William A. Gilbert,
Amos P. Gra7iger,
Edwin B. Morgan,
Andrew Oliver,
John M. Parker,
William H, Kelsey,
John Williams,f
Benjamin Pringle, K. N.
Thomas T, Flagler, K. N.
Solomon G. Haven, K. N.
Fran. S. Edicards, K. N.— 33.

New Jerse-t.

Isaiah D, Clawson, K. N.
George R, Robbins, K. N.
James Bishop, K. N.

Thomas B. Florence, D.
Job R, Tyson, K. N.
William Millward, K. N.
Jacob Broom, K. N.
John Cadwalader, D.
John Hickman, D.
Samuel C. Bradshaw, K. N.
J. Glancy Jones, D.
Anthony E. Roberts, K. N.
John C. Kunkel, K. N.
James H. Campbell, K. N.
Henry M. Fuller, K. N.
Asa Packer, D.

George Vail, D.
A. C. M. Pennington, K. N.-

Pennsylvania.

Galusha A. Grow,
John J. Pearce, K. N,
Lemuel Todd, K. N.
David F. Robison, K. N.
John R. Edie, K. N.
John Covode, K. N.
Jonathan Knight, K. N.
David Ritchie, K. N.
Samuel A. Purviance, K. N.
John AUison, K. N.
David Barclay, D.
John Dick, K. N.— 25.

Delaware.

Elisha D. Cullen„K. N.— 1.
Maryland.

James A. Stewart, D.
James B. Ricaud, K. N.
J. Morrison Han is, K. N.

H. Winter Davis, K. N.
Henry W. Hoffman, K. N.
Thomas F. Bowie,'^ D.t-6.

501

Virginia.

Thomas H. Bayly, D.
John S. Millson, D.
John S. Caskie, D.
WUliam O. Goode, D.
Thomas S. Bocock, D.
Paulus Powell, D.
William Smith, D.

Charles J. Faulkner, D.
John Letcher, D.
Zedekiah Kidwell, D.
John S. Cariile, K. N.
Henry A. Edmundson, D.
Fayette McMullin,- D.— 13.

North Carolina.

Robert T. Paine, K. N.
Thomas Ruffin, D.
Warren Winslow, D.
Lawrence O'B. Branch, D.

John McQueen, D.
William Aiken, D.
Lawrence M. Keitt, D.

James L. Seward, D.
Martin J. Crawford, D.
Robert P. Trippe, K. N.
Hiram Warner, D.

Edwin G. Reade, K. N.
Richard C. Puryear, K,
Burton Oraige, D.
Thos. L. CUngman,* D.-

South Carolina.

Georgia.

Preston S. Brooks, D.
James L. Orr, D.
WiUiam W. Boyce, D.— 6.

John H. Lumpkin, D.
Howell Cobb, D.
Nathaniel G Poster, K. N.
Alex. H. Stephens,* D.— 8

Alabama.

Percy Walker, K. N.
EU S. Shorter, D.
James F. DowdeU, D.
William R. Smith, K. N.

Daniel B. Wright, D.
Hendley S. Bennett, D.
WilUam Barksdale, D.

George S. Houston, D.
WiUiamson R. W. Cobb, D.
Sampson W. Harris, D. — 7.

Mississippi.

Louisiana.

George Eustis, Jr.,
Miles Taylor, D.

K.N.

/V'fi^-(.

Ohio,

Timothy C. Day,
John Scott Harrison, K. N.
Lewis D. Campbell, K. N.
Matthias H. Nichols,
Richard Mott,
J. Reece Emrie, K. N.

William A. Lake, K. N.
John A. Quitman, D. — 5.

Thomas G. Davidson, D.
John M. Sandidge, D. — 4.

Samuel GaUoway, K. N.
John Sherman, K. N.
Philemon Bliss,,
William R. ^pp, K. N.
Edward BaU, K. N.
Charles J. AUmght, K. N.

502
Ohio — ( Continued.)

Aaron Harlan, K. N.
Benjamin Stanton, K. N.
Cooper K. Watson, K. N.
Oscar F. Moore, K. N.
Valentine B. Horton, K. N.

Benjamin F. Leiter, K. N.
Edward Wade,
Joshua R. Giddings,
Jolm A. Bingham, K. N. — 21.

Kentucky.

Henry C. Burnett, D.
John P. Campbell, K. N.
Warner L. Underwood, K. N.
Albert G. Talbott, D.
Joshua H. Jewell, D.

Albert G. Watkins,* D.
William H. Sneed, K. N.
Samuel A. Smith, D.
Johp H. Savage, D.
Charles Ready, K. N.

Smith Miller, D.
Williara H. Epgllsh, D.
George G. Dunn.t
William Cwmback, K. N.
David P. Holloway, K. N.
Lucian Barbour, K. N.

EUihu B. Washburn,
James H. Woodworth,
Jesse 0. Norton, K, N.
James Knox, K. N.
William A. Richardson, D.

John M. EUiott, D.
Humphrey Marshall, K. N.
Alexander K. Marshall, K. N.
Leander M. Cox, K. N.
Samuel F. Swope, K. N.— 10.

Tennessee.

Indiana.

Illinois.

George W. Jones, D.
John V. Wright, D.
Felix K. ZolUcoffer, K. N.
Emerson Etheridge, K, N.
Thomas Rivers, K, N.— 10.

Harvey D. Soott,J:
Daniel Mace, K. N.
Schuyler Colfax, K, N.
Samuel Brenton, K, N.
John U. Petlit.—ll. *

Thomas L. Harris, D.
James C. Allen, D.

Samuel S. Marshall, D.— 9.

Missouri.

Luther M. Kennet, K. N.
Gilchrist Porter,§
James J. Lindley, K. N.
Mordecai Oliver,* D.

Alfred B. Greenwood, D.

William A. Howard, K, N.
Henry Waldron, K. N^

Arkansas.

Michigan.

John G. Miller,
John S. Phelps, D.
Samuel Caruthers,* D. — 7.

Albert Rust, D.— 2.

David S. Walbridge, K. N.
George W. Peck, D.— 4.

503
Florida.
Augustus E. Maxwell, D.— 1.
Texas.
Lemuel D. Evans, K. N. p. h. Bell D.— 2.
Iowa.
Augustus Hall, D. jaraes Thorington, K. N.-2.
Wisconsin.
Daniel Wells, Jr., D. Charles BilUnghurst— Z.
Cadwalader C. Washburne, California.
James W. Denver, D. PhiUp T. Herbert, D.— 2.
Delegate from the Territory of Minnesota.
Henry M. Rice. — 1.
Delegate from the Territory of Oregon.
Joseph Lane. — 1.
Delegate from the Territory of New Mexico.
Jos^ Manuel Gallegos. — 1.
Delegate from ihe Territory of Utah.
John M. Bernhisel. — 1.
Delegate from the Territory of Washington.
J. Patton Anderson. — 1.
Delegate from the Territory of Kansas.
John W. Whitfield.- 1.
Delegate from the TerPilory of Nebraska.
Bird B. Chapman. — 1.

K_ N',  Know l^othings. !>• — Democrats. Those in italics roting for Banks.
«_Formerly "Whigs. -f— Voting for J. L. Orr. J— Whigs voting for Pennington.
^ — Whig voting for Fuller.

504

THE PHILADELPHIA HETEROGENEOUS "VSEVSDO-AMERIC-iN
KILKENNY CONVENTION, FEBRUARY THE 22d, 1856.
The Know Nothing parly, from every locality, met in the city of Philadel
phia on the 22d day of February, 1856, pursuant to orders, and put forth the
following ticket :
For President, MILLARD FILLMORE, of New York.
For Vice President, ANDREW JACKSON donelson, of Tennessee. -
Mr. FUlmore, Gen. Sam Houston, of Texas, and John M. Clayton, of Dela-
aware, are the triumvirate that is said to have first organized the Know Noth
ing parly in the United Stales ; consequently, one of the thi-ee had to receive
the nomination for President ; and as Mr. Fillmore had absented himself from
the scenes of political broils, on a lour to Europe, he was thought to be the
most available to catch the votes of old line Whigs, anti-Cuba and fishy Demo
crats. We shall not pretend lo raise the hackneyed cry of abolition against
Mr. Fillmore ; but suffice It to say, that a recurrence to his votes whilst a
member of Congress, his Erie letter, his reprieve of two ncgro-stealers whilst
President, and bis nomination without a platform — with nothing lo bind him —
without a pledge lo carry out; all go to show that, if elected, he will adopt a
programme most suited to his taste, and to -the tastes of the innumerable isms
that will evidently rally to his support.
To show that Andrew Jackson donelson, the candidate upon this KUkenny
ticket for the Vice Presidency, regarded Mr. Fillmore unsound upon the subject
of slavery, as late as the spring Of 1851, we have only to introduce what An
drew Jackson donelson says upon that subject whilst editor of the Union.
We copy from the Washington Union, May the 17th, 1851.
MR. FILLMORE AND ABOLITION.
The special organ complains of our allusion to the part which Mr. Fillmore
acted on the abolition question, alleging that in the last election, "it was the
staple of stump speeches and party resolutions, and the American people elect
ed Mr. Fillmore io the Vice Presidency in spile of il," According to. the
logic of the special organ, the statuie of I|iraitations exculpates entirely the
agency of the Whig parly in giving birth and dignity to political Anti-Slavery
in order to secure the election of General Taylor and Mr. Fillraore, but must
be interpreted In the very opposite s^se when it sult^ Its convenience to assort
that the Democratic party Is responsible for the Buffalo platform, and for the
combination which elected Mr. Sumner to the Senate of the ,UnIted States.
This kind of logic will not do, and is so contrary lo the rules of common sense,
that we are inclined to think il Is only a way the special organ has of manifest
ing its ill-will that two such distinguished members of the cabinet as Messrs.
Webster and Corwin should have left us some records on the subject wbich
make the true logic one of ths qualities that must ever be excluded from the
Republic.^ Did not Mr. Corwin Implore the Abolitionists to vole for Mr. Fill
more, saying, they are my children — my Whig children ? Did not Mr. Web
ster say the same thing, in substance, when he reproached the Buffalo plat-

505
form as a theft — an illicit talcing of Whig property ? But the special organ,
admitting all this, says, in substance. Did not the people elect Mr, Fillmore
'in spite of -it? And can it be supposed that anything which Mr. Fillmore did
before the last election is to have any weight in determining his claims as the
present candidate of the Whig party for the Presidency ?
This Is the point whicb we wished lo see distinctly put by the special organ,
in order that our readers m/iy not mistake the lame and impotent defence which
it sets up for the invincibility of the present administration. Instead of raa
king the manly declaration which the truth demands, that the combination by
which Gen. Taylor was elected implicated the Whig party, both as the author of
political anti-slavery and the beneficiary of all the results of the power it be
stowed — instead, we say, of adUiItting what Is as clear as daylight on this sub
ject, and founding the desire of Mr. Fillmore to be elected to the Presidency
on the inagnaniraily of his countryraen, who might forgive such a fault in the
presence of the credit which is due to him for bis conduct as the present head
of the administration — the special organ prefers to persevere in charging un
justly the Democratic parly, which has nobly defied the incendiary spirit of ab
olition in all the stages of its encroachmcpt on the peace and harmony of the
•land. ' ..
But If in this respect the special organ Is unfortunate, it is not less so in
maintaining that the election of Mr. Fillmore to the presidency precludes an
Inquiry into the objections which were made to him during that canvass. This
is indeed strange logic, whether applied to morals, laws, or politics. The wropg
done by individuals or parties is oftep pot really understood until the authors
have been long in possession of the advantage whioh tempted thera lo commit
the wrong. If such logic were recognised, by the people — if the objections
made to the election of an individual to the presidency are lo be considered as
invalidated by his success — one of the highest safeguards against the dangers
of party spirit would be withdrawn. Such logic would have kept John Quincy
Adams in power; for all the faults of his administration were anticipated, as
the natural result of his unsound politieal principles, by those who opposed his
election. Yel It did not avail him lo say lo the American people that the ob
jections made to his re-election had been disposed of by his first election, and
to plead that, if they were true, tbe constituted authorities ought neyer lo have
trusted him with the highest office in the gift of the republic.
We assure the special organ that we have no desire lo profit by the very bad
defence il makes fpr Mr. FiUmore, when il tells us that we ought not to go
back lo the circurastances which connect hira with the aboUtion societies ; but
we insist upon it that coraraon'justice claims for the democratic party the merit
of not being responsible for the sins of those societies, by whose influence, we
feel authorized in saying, the whig ticket succeeded at the last election. It
win not do to answer this demand for justice by saymg that the Erie letter
"was printed and reprinted ten thousand times" dunng the last election, nor
that Gen. Campbell asserts that he "knew Mr. Fillmore to be as free from
abolition sentiments as any man in ihe North, Gen Campbell cannot be pre
sumed lo know Mr. FiUmore as well as Messrs. Webster and Corwin whose
testimony is before tbe whole country, proving, beyond all doubt or dispute,
thai abolition and free-soil were the property of whiggery, rehed upon for a
poUtical purpose, and never abondoned uutil it was seeu that a political power
. thus organized could not exist without destroying our Constitution and Upiop.
But it is not alone on this question of the responsibihty of the adrainistra
tion for the evils of political anti-slavery, that we think tbe defence of the special
™ wUl b , and ought to be, unsatisfactory to the country. When we stated
orgdu ""' ' • jgg^ate proiection of our interests on our Mexican frontier,
facts P7^>;S '^^'^^^fffwe^eemed disposed to lake the side of the Mexican
gte— t • Trihatt bJst, aU that cou'ld be made out Of that fad was, that

506
a democratic Congress had left the War Department without means for the next
fiscal year, which does not commence until the flrst of July next. All the moans
were granted that were asked for during the past two years ; and yet the fron
tier was not defended during that time, and the singular excuse is given that
the appropriations for the estiraates of the next year were not wbat the heads
of bureaus had desired. 'What relation could there be between such appropria
tions and the depredations of Indians that bad occurred a year before, and to
prevent which there had been the most ample means proyided by Congress ?
Who is ANDREW JACKSON donelson ? The adopted son of President
Jackson ? No ! Far from it. ANDREW JACKSON donelson is the ne
phew. If we are correctly informed, of the wife of President Jackson, and was
named for the express purpose of inheriting the estate of General Jackson ;
but Old Hickory not fancying the gentleman, adopted Andrew Donelson, also a
nephew of his wife, and had his name changed from Andrew Donelson to An
drew Jackson, Jr. Therefore Andrew Jackson, Jr., in-herited the whole of
the Old Hero's estate, and Is now quietly residing at the Hermitage. AN
DREW JACKSON donehon (of Tulip Hill) is no more the adopted son of Pre-"
sidept Jacksop thap a man unborn, but on the other hand, is a pompous renegade
of great pretensions, with the faculty of presumption developed al the expense
of all the rest of the bumps.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.
In the foregoing compilation of political matter, we have thought it unneces.
sary in the majority of instances, to make any prefatory remarks, as the whole
object h.is been to present and preserve such articles, letters and speeches as
were elicited during, antecedent and subsequent lo the great fight of the
South against Know Nothingisra. Some portions of the work will show the
consequences aud disorgapized state of things resulting from the influence of
Know Nothingism; whilst other parts are designed for reference in the' approach.
Ing Presidential election ; and lo show that the Democratic party is the only
palladium of this great Republic.

INDEX.

Preface, - - - - - . y
The birth, parentage and ancestry of JHenry A. "Wise, - - vii
The politics of JMr. Wise's ancestors. His education and first marriage, xii
The commencement of JVIr. "Wise's political life. His first election to Congress.
Dnel with Coke, Removal of the deposits. Captain of the Awkward Squad, xv
Re-election to Congress in 1835. Reminiscence of the death of John Randolph,
of Roanoke, - - .... xix
Presidential Campaign of 1836. Pet Bank System. Death of JMrs. "Wise. Re
election to Congress in 1837, - - - - xx
Graves and Cilley duel, ..... xxi
Re-election to Congress in 1839. Presidential Campaign in 1840. Second
marriage, ..... xxvii
Extra session of Congress in 184). Rejection for the mission to France. Re
election to Congress. Elected minister to Rio Janeiro. Returns home in
1847, - - ... xxxii
Returns to private life. State election in 1848. Election to the State Conven
tion. Death of his second wife. Election again in 1842. Third marrfage.
Personal appearance. Conclusion, ... xxxv

Absurdity of fearing the Catholics, ... 137
Asserted temporal power of the Pope, - - ^ - ]4l
A speaker elected, ..... 487
An essay by the Hon. Sherrard Clemens of "Wheeling, "Va. - - 215
An appeal to the clergy, .... - 270
A sermon from Leviticus for Sam, - - 277
American organ, - - - - 242
A monstrous fraud, . - - - - 343
Appendix, - - - - - - . 365
Boston Telegraph, - - - - ''^S
Boston Advertiser, . - - - - 244
Comments of the press upon the Staunton nominees, - 32
Concluding remarks, . - - - - 507
Confidence of the opposition, - ¦ " " 9«
Charlottesville Jeffersonian, - . - - - ^°
Cry of disaffection, - " " ' ' ,.I
CouncU of ten, - - ".. . ^ ] " 'Aon
Comfort for the frightened— cheer for the faint hearted, - - 2^9
Council of thirteen of the U. States, - ,, . ' ^ , .. ' . " i.„
Chang and Eng— Sam and the woolly heads— a chapter of death warrants, - 233
Civil incapacitations &c. ... au
Congressional canvass, - "
Conclusion of the canvass, . . . -

353

7

Democratic meeting in Norfolk County, - - - ' nr
Distinguished Democratic orators of lhe canvass, - - - nb
Downfall of Botts, - . " * „-,,
Dr. R J. Breckenridge— politician, ",..•" ' 907
Disarming of citizens-the first step towards despotism, - - 287
Duplicity better than nationality, ....

330

508
Dying wails from the culvert, ... - 334
Democratic triumph, ..... 363
Dowdell festival in Alabama, .... 4;i6
Essay by the Hon. Sherrard Clemens of Wheeling, Va. . .215
Equal rights and equal laws, - - - - 324
First appearance of Know Nothingism in Virginia, - - 27
Foreign born Democratic martyrs, - - - - 60
Facts of the census, - - - - 131
Foreigners rule America, - - - - 133
Four isms nnited, - - - - ¦ . 252
Foreigners and tli^e South, ... - - 334
Foreign born citizens in the American revolution, ... 453
Gulliver's past, ------ 412
Gulliver again, ------ 418
Hon. Henry A. Wise's letter upon Know Nothingism, - - 7
Hybrid ticket, - - - - - - 16')
Historical researches of the Hon. T. S. Flournoy, - - - 166
Hon. L. M. Keitt of S. Carolinia, his speech, - - - 240
Hurrah for Botts, - - - - - 258
Has emigration injured our country, . - - - 289
Hostility to emigration, .... - 292
Hon. Amos Burlingame, ... - - 241
Hon Henry JVI. Fuller — hia somerset, ... - 493
Introduction, . . - - - 6
Issues of the canvass, - - - - - 43
Inaugural address of Gov. Pollock of Pennsylvania, Tuesday, Jan, 16, 1855, 245
Inaugural address of Gov. Causey of Delaware, . -, - 247
John JMitchell the Irish patriot, - - - 287
Judge Douglas in Richmond, - - - - 67
Know Nothing ritual exposed, - - - - 46
Know Nothingism an alias of Federalism, - - - 54
Know Nothingism aSd Catholicism, - - - - 139
Know PJothings of the North. JMovements upon the slavery question, - 250
Know Nothing humbugs examined and exploded, - - 321
Know Nothing oath, .... - 129
Know Nothing Philadelphia platform. Notes and comments by the Richmond
Enquirer, ...-.- 449
Know Nothingism unveiled, .... 457
Letter of the Hon A. H. Stephens of Georgia, . - - 312
Letter of John H Claiborne, .... 333
Letter from the Hon, D. S, Dickenson, ... - 341
Letter of S, Wallace Cone, - - . - - 433
List of members of the House of Representatives of the United States, - 5(lO
Lynchburg Know Nothing convention, - . . - 479
JMr. Hunter's speech in Petersburg, - - - .70
JVIr. Wise at Alexandria, - - - - • 93
JMr. JVIichie's Letter, - - - - 117
Mr, James Lyons and Bishop McGill, .... 145
Mermaid Ticket, - - - - 166
Mr. Flournoy's Acceptance, - - - - 169
Mr, Patton's speech at Richmond, - - - .178
Mr. Patton and his clients, .... 193
Metropolitan District, - - - 256
Mr. Wise writes from Washington City after he concludes the campaign, - 353
Mr. Wise in Washington after the result was known, - • - 409
Mr. Wise's Petersburg Letter, - - - - 429
Mr. Wise's North Carolina Letter, - - - .430
Mr Wise and the New York Hards and Softs, - - .432
Mr. Wise opens the canvass, . - - -39

509
Mr. Wise in 1843, . . . .40
Mr. Wise's letter to S. Wallace Cone, - . . - - 435
Mr. Wise's letter to the Alabama committee, - - - 4:j7
Mr. Wise's letter to the Boston Negro Stealers, - . 439
Mr. Wise's letter to the Mercantile Library Association, Boston, - 441
Mr. Wise's letter to the National Democrats of New York, - - 442
Members of the House of Delegates elected in May 1855, - " 360
Nationality of the Democratic party in 1855, - . . 202
New York Herald, .... 250
Norfolk Argus, . • . .39
Orators of the canvass, - - - . (J7
One of the victories of the new party, - - • . . , 297
Ofiicial vote of Virginia, .... 355
" Our Nat elected and no mistake," - - - - 415
Obituary of Sam, .... 42Q
Paternity of Know Nothingism — A political chronicle, - - 55
Patriotic sentiments of an eminent clergyman in Virginia, - - 267
Philadelphia North American, . . . .- 243
Political purification, .... 345
Richmond Whig, ..... 45
Reasons why I am a Democrat and not a Know Nothing, - - 205
Religious toleration before the American revolution, ... ggS
Staunton Democratic Convention, - - - - 28
Secret societies and Republican institutions, &c., &c. - - - 160
Some of the antecedents of the Kangaroo ticket, ... jgg
Statesmanship of Mr. Flournoy, - - - ]71
Senator Wilson of Massachusetts, &c., &c. •. . . 236
Speech of Mr. Ruffin, - , - . 299
Sherrard Clemens, .... 350
Signal gun from the Richmond Examiner, ... 351
Speech of Judge Douglas upon the Kansas and Nebraska bill, . - 365
Slavery and Popery, .... 3Qfj
"Saw but one man in 5 months against Sam," . - . 416
Sam's first epistle to the Hindoos, .... 337
State Senators elected in 1855, - - - - 35!)
Twenty rfourth day of May in Virginia in 1855, - - . 362
. The Nationality of the Democratic party, - - - 4H4
The Philadelphia heterogeneous pseudo American Kilkenny convention, ' - 505
Valley Democrat, - - - - 32
Virginia Democratic organization, - ; - - 119
Virginia, Democratic address from the executive committee, - - 723
Various arguments and dogmas of Know Nothingiism examined, - - 129
Virginia Know Nothing platforra, .... 254
Viplence the natural consequence of the Know Nothing organization, - 328

Washington Sentinel,
Winchester Convention,
"Winchester ticketj
What have they done,-
Way the money was lost.
Wise not more than thirty thousand votes

36
146 151
251410
in the State, - ¦ 411

Washiugtun Union, ¦ ¦¦ ^^'^

THE QUARTERLY LAW JOUENAL.
Edited by A. B. GUIGON, of the Richmond Bar.
CoNTKiBUTORS : — Wm. Green, of Culpeper; Judge J. W. Brockenbrough ; Prof. J.
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To meet this waul, it is designed to publish such matters as will be of value to
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In the first place, it is designed to furnish reports of decisions made by the Fede
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