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IOWA BIOGRAPHICAL SERIES
EDITED BY BENJAMIN F. SHAMBAUGH

ROBERT LUCAS

ROBERT? LUCAS
SHOW AN OIL PAINTINGBY'-;;6j(!dJg9E H. TEWELL
IN THE POSSESSION, OE THE STATE HISTOEICAIi
.SOCIETY OJ. IOWA . . IOWA CITY IOWA

X
IOWA BIOGRAPHICAL SERIES
EDITED BY BENJAMIN F. SHAMBAUGH

ROBERT LUCAS

BY

JOHN C. PARISH

THE STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OF IOWA
IOWA CITY IOWA 1907

AUTHOR'S PREFACE
The life of Robert Lucas presents an outline of
intense convictions and strong assertive action.
Set in a background of pioneer conditions, it
partook distinctly of the characteristic vigor
and ruggedness of that great westward move
ment. Robert Lucas was one who made up his
mind definitely and positively; and when once
convinced of the righteousness of a course of
action, no power could divert him from it. His
determination amounted in some cases, perhaps,
to stubbornness. _ The intense earnestness with
which he pursued what he deemed to be right
aroused hostilities which a man of greater tact
and less strong convictions might have avoided.
But the aggressive strength of character of an
Executive like Robert Lucas was greatly needed
both in the formative period of the State of
Ohio and in the period of the organization of the
Territory of Iowa. This volume is written in
the hope that it may lead to the better ap
preciation of the life of one who, though sorely

x AUTHOR'S PREFACE
buffeted, kept to the end his energetic patri
otism and adherence to the principles of civic
righteousness. The most important source of information
from which this biography was written is the
collection of letters and papers of Robert Lucas,
preserved through half a century by his descend
ants and heretofore unknown to the student of
Iowa history. The discovery by Professor Benj.
F. Shambaugh of the original manuscript of the
Executive Journal of Iotoa, 1838-1841, covering
the term of Governor Lucas, strengthened the
belief that there must be papers in the posses
sion of the descendants of the Governor which
would add materially to the knowledge concern
ing his career. Inquiries were made, and through
the kindness of Robert Lucas, of Iowa City,
grandson of the Governor, a collection of per
haps two thousand manuscripts was placed at
the disposal of the author. These included
speeches, military commissions and reports,
and letters written both in Ohio and in Iowa,
bearing dates from 1803 to 1853. Without
this material an adequate treatment of the life
of Robert Lucas would have been impossible.

AUTHOR'S PREFACE xi
The utmost gratitude is therefore due to Robert
Lucas, the grandson, not only for this first great
assistance, but for his many subsequent kind
nesses in furthering the work.
Aside from this source, valuable material
was gathered in Ohio and elsewhere. In the
use of quotations the author has followed the
practice of editing with exactness, following the
original in spelling, punctuation, and capitaliza
tion. Citation to authorities and additional items
of information will be found under Notes and
References at the close of the text.
To the editor Of the series, Professor Benj. F.
Shambaugh, the author desires to make especial
acknowledgments. It was at his instance that
the work was undertaken; and in the collection
of material he has rendered valuable aid. He
read the entire book both in manuscript and in
proof, making helpful suggestions in many ways.
In particular, for his inspiration and constant
personal interest in the work the author is sin
cerely grateful. John C. Parish
The State University of Iowa
Iowa City Iowa

CONTENTS
I. Eaelt Life  1
II. MlLITAEY MATTEES  8
III. Political Beginnings  16
IV. The Wae of 1812  25
V. The Invasion of Canada  38
VI. The Sukeendek of Detroit . . . . 48
VII. The Close of the Wae  56
VIII. State Senator  70
IX. A Jacksonian Democrat  82
X. State Politics  95
XI. The Baltimore Convention .... 105
XII. GOVEENOE OF OHIO  115
XIII. The Ohio-Michigan Boundary . . .126
XIV. The Toledo War  138
XV. 1836-1838  150
XVI. From Ohio to Iowa  160
XVII. Secretary Conway  168
XVIII. The Fiest Legislative Assembly . .179
XIX. Territorial Expenditures .... 187
XX. The Executive Veto  200
XXI. The End of the Conteoversy . . .216
XXII. The Missouei-Iowa Boundary . . .227

XIV
XXIII. XXIV. XXV.
XXVI.

CONTENTS
Removal from Office  258
Later Politics  267
Political Philosophy  278
The Last Days  284
Notes and References  293
Index  339

PORTRAITS

Robert Lucas, from an oil painting . . frontispiece
Robeet Lucas, from a water color painting opposite 2 5
Robeet Lucas, from a crayon . . . opposite 82

Early Life
The history of the Lucas family is a story of
pioneer settlements and frontier life, a tale of
Indian wars and boundary disputes, a story with
chapters generations long, with ever the same
pioneer background and ever the same pursuit
of the border-line of civilization from England
in the Cromwellian days to the middle of the
American continent two centuries later. In a
word it is the story of the transcontinental march
of the American pioneer — that wonderful tale,
already three centuries long and still unfinished,
which will some day be the theme when the na
tion's epic is sung.
In England the Lucas family had been Quak
er; and when the tide of westward colonization
set toward American shores there crossed the
Atlantic one Robert Lucas who arrived in 1679
and took part in the founding of William Penn's
colony.1 Bucks County, Pennsylvania, was his
habitat; and here generations sprang forth to
carry on the work he had begun. Here Edward
1

2 ROBERT LUCAS
Lucas, the grandfather of Governor Robert Lu
cas, was born and reared and married. For his
wife he took Mary Darke, a descendent of a
Cromwellian soldier named John Rush. This
same John Rush had married Susanna Lucas at
the close of the war, turned Quaker, and crossed
the waters to Pennsylvania in 1683.2
Pennsylvania grew rapidly and prospered ; so
that, by the time of Edward Lucas and Mary
Darke, Bucks County had ceased to be the fron
tier. The spirit of their fathers pointed toward
the mountains; and so, westward beyond the
Blue Ridge peaks and the Potomac River, Ed
ward Lucas led his bride and settled down again
on the border land. It was near the year 1735,
runs the tradition, that he purchased from Lord
Fairfax 10,000 acres of land in Jefferson Coun
ty, Virginia, and made a home for himself and
Mary a few miles above the juncture of the
Shenandoah and Potomac rivers.3 In this home,
in the course of years, a family of children grew
up; and among them, born about 1743, was
William Lucas, father of Robert. As he grew
into manhood he met and married, at Shepherds-
town, Miss Susannah Barnes, likewise of Jeffer
son County. It was Joseph Barnes, a brother,
who a few years later, according to local tradi
tions, successfully propelled against the current

EARLY LIFE 3
of the Potomac River a steamboat of his own
invention — long before Fulton's Clermont had
ploughed the waters of the Hudson.
In William the long slumbering instincts of
the Quaker seem to have passed away forever;
for when the Revolution convulsed the little
line of American Colonies, he enlisted as a pri
vate in a company of the 2d Virginia Regiment,
captained by Nathaniel Welch.4 His enlistment
was on February 13, 1777, and for a term of
three years. Moreover, the army records do not
show that he attained in that time higher rank
than that of private. His military service, how
ever, did not end with the Continental army.
In the Shenandoah Valley in those days the
Indian troubles were a matter of no small con
cern. If the colonies needed protection against
the civilized nation across the waters, they need
ed no less protection against the uncivilized
nations on the western border. It seems that
William Lucas was captain of a company en
gaged in this frontier duty, and at the muster of
this company in January, 1781, was read a proc
lamation by Governor Thomas Jefferson of Vir
ginia, warning all who had sworn allegiance to
England to leave the country.5
It was in these eventful times and stirring en
vironments that Robert Lucas was born at Shep-

4 ROBERT LUCAS
herdstown, Jefferson County, Virginia, on the
first day of April, 1781. 6 That he spent his
boyhood in much the same way as other Vir
ginia youths of that day is presumable. There
was plenty to interest him. It may be that he
amused himself in watching the experiments of
his uncle Joseph and the engineer Rumsey with
the steamboat at Shepherdstown. He may per
haps have seen the trial trip and envied his ten
year old cousin, John Barnes, who was a passen
ger on the boat and who afterwards served with
him in the Ohio Legislature.7
But little is known of Robert's early life.
His father seems to have been possessed of land
and slaves; and in this typical Virginia environ
ment the boy grew to manhood. He is said to
have received his early education in part from a
private tutor (a Scotch schoolmaster named Mc-
Mullen, or McMurren) who instructed him par
ticularly in mathematics and surveying.8 In the
light of his later career, and perhaps shaping it
in a measure, this training was certainly of great
yalue. As years and these troublous times passed,
the men of '76 turned themselves to the pur
suits of peace and nation-building. But the war
had bred a restless spirit; and out through the
Cumberland Gap and down the winding ways

EARLY LIFE 5
of the westward flowing rivers went little bands
of strong and rugged frontiersmen, at first to
Tennessee and Kentucky and later to the broad
rich valleys north of the Ohio River. In the
spring of 1788 a company of New Englanders
landed at the mouth of the Muskingum River
and founded the first town in the Northwest
Territory, naming it Marietta. Following the
pioneers of this settlement came others. Flat-
boats and rafts drifted lazily down the Ohio
River depositing individuals and families here
and there on its shores, like seeds carried far
off by the wind.
To the men who had settled the Shenandoah
Valley, the groping for the edge of civilization
had become a passion; and to let that enchanted
border-line slip out westward and away from
them was not to be thought of. The Lucas
family was no exception to this rule. And so,
about 1796, William and Joseph, two older broth
ers of Robert, left the Jefferson Valley and
made their way to the Ohio country, pausing
near the mouth of the Scioto River.9 Where
the Scioto empties into the Ohio, they found
the land subject to inundations. They there
fore moved on up the Scioto River before set
tling down to wait for civilization. William
Lucas became in time a General in the Ohio

6 ROBERT LUCAS
Militia, in command of the lst Brigade, 2d Divi
sion. Joseph sought more peaceful ways. He
entered politics and represented Adams County
in the first legislature of the State of Ohio, which
convened at Chillicothe in March, 1803. He
was also appointed in that year Associate Judge
of the Court of Common Pleas; and in this serv
ice he continued until his death in 1808.10
Meanwhile, back in Jefferson County, the old
Revolutionary soldier felt the spirit of disquiet
working in his bones, and the allurements of the
west proved too great for him. A Virginian by
birth, and a Jeffersonian democrat by everything
sacred to politics, William Lucas waited only to
cast his vote in 1800 for Thomas Jefferson as
President, then moved with his family to the
land where two of his sons were awaiting him.11
Some, at least, of his slaves he took with him
and freed in Ohio where they were thereafter
known as the Lucas negroes. On either side of
the Scioto River he bought land and settled'
down in what is now Scioto County.12 Such was
the third transplanting of the Lucas family —
and the end was not yet.
Ohio was not then a State. Early in the year
1800 the Northwest Territory had been divided
and the western part organized as the Territory
of Indiana; while the district that is now Ohio,

EARLY LIFE 7
together with a part of what is now Michigan,
remained as the Northwest Territory.13 A few
settlements had sprung up here and there, but
for the most part the country lay* in unbroken
forests and untilled plains. All day long the
pioneer settler worked in his clearing and lay
down at night with only the mournful howl of
the wolves to disturb his quiet. The game of
the forests sufficed for food; and the buckeye
and bearskin provided materials for furniture
and bedding. He lived much out of doors, and
enlivened his existence by an occasional bear
hunt, wedding, or camp meeting.14 As popula
tion grew and Ohio entered upon statehood,
these frontier conditions gradually changed.
But for more than thirty years the history of
this great Commonwealth is characterized by
that sturdy western ruggedness and independ
ence which conquered the forest and the prairie,
built roads and canals, and everywhere laid the
foundations of our democratic social and polit
ical institutions.

II
Military Matters
The opening of a new century found Robert
Lucas just entering upon his years of manhood,
with the instincts of a Virginia gentleman and
the reckless vigor and spirit of a frontiersman.
His training under the Scotch schoolmaster in
Virginia was just such as would fit him for life
in this new country. Land was unsurveyed,
claims were indefinite, and boundaries were in
dispute. In December of 1803 he was appoint
ed Surveyor of Scioto County; and in this capac
ity, in connection with Nathaniel Beasley, of
Adams County, he ran the line between the two
counties of Scioto and Adams.15
In these early days, too, he became interested
in the militia movement which throughout his
life enlisted his most intense sympathy and sup
port. His military career began in this wise. In
the year 1803 was consummated the treaty be
tween President Jefferson and Napoleon for the
purchase of the Territory of Louisiana. Now
this territory had been only a few years before

MILITARY MATTERS 9
ceded to France by Spain and was still in pos
session of the Spanish officials. The treaty be
tween France and Spain, moreover, expressly
forbade the transfer of the country by Napoleon
to another power. So when the perfidious Na
poleon made arrangements to break his agree
ment and sell to the United States, Spain imme
diately entered protest. With Spain in posses
sion of the territory and in a bad humor over the
matter, the state of affairs was somewhat critical.
In view of the anticipated refusal of Spain to
give up possession of the recently acquired ter
ritory the President deemed military precautions
advisable. As a part of this plan Secretary of
War Henry Dearborn, on October 31, 1803,
issued to Governor Tiffin of Ohio, a request for
the assembling of five hundred men of the Mili
tia of Ohio to be formed into a regiment of eight
companies. In compliance with this request,
Governor Tiffin appointed various men in the
State to raise enlistments of ten, twenty, or thir
ty men each. Commissions as ensigns, lieuten
ants and captains respectively were to be given
upon receipt of the muster roll of these enlist
ments. Robert Lucas received a commission to
recruit twenty volunteers. The active service
of these troops was not required, however, for
Spain withdrew her protest at the dictation of

10 ROBERT LUCAS
Napoleon and the transfer was peacefully con
summated. On May 24, 1804, Lucas was com
missioned Lieutenant of the third company of
militia in the county of Scioto, in the lst Bri
gade of the 2d Division of the Ohio Militia.16
On November 2, 1804, he was made Brigade
Inspector of the lst Brigade with the rank of
Major, and on the same day resigned his lieuten
ancy. " In the year and a half that followed little
is known of his military life, but he must have
retained his interest and enthusiasm, for on Feb
ruary 14, 1807, he received a commission as
Lieutenant Colonel Commandant of the 2d Regi
ment, lst Brigade, 2d Division of the Ohio
Militia. This command of a frontier brigade
soon brought him into a position of special op
portunity. Relations between England and the United
States, and France and the United States were,
in the spring of 1807, in a very critical condi
tion.17 The alternate decrees of England and
France regarding neutrals had inflicted great in
jury upon our commerce. For months Monroe.
joined by Pinckney, had been laboring at Lon
don to negotiate a treaty on commercial lines
But the action taken by England in May, 1806
blockading the European Coast, could not pass
unnoticed by Napoleon and his retaliatory Ber-

MILITARY MATTERS H
lin decree which on November 21, 1806, block
aded the British Islands, practically wrecked all
hope of bringing negotiations to a favorable
conclusion. England and France pursued their
struggle regardless of the right of neutrals and
only now and then paused to throw out a worth
less promise or an unauthorized negotiation as
a sop to the feeble protests of the American
administration. Thus matters stood when the Chesapeake af
fair occured in June, 1807. It was only the cul
mination of a long series of insults offered to
America by British officers on our eastern coast.
On the morning of the twenty-second of June
the United States ship Chesapeake left Norfolk
and sailed out of Hampton Roads on her way to
the Mediterranean. The English ship Leopard
followed her out upon the high seas, spoke her,
and demanded the right to search her and carry
off certain seamen claimed to have deserted from
English ships. This was refused by Commo
dore Barron; whereupon the English command
er opened his broadsides upon the American
vessel. The Chesapeake was in every way un
prepared for conflict; ammunition was misplaced;
some of the guns were off their carriages, ram
mers were missing; not a match was to be found
on shipboard and only by means of a live coal

12 ROBERT LUCAS
from the ship's galley could a single return fire
be made.
After the hold of the Chesapeake had been
perforated by the enemy and her masts and rig
ging broken and torn, her commander was forced
to haul down the ¦ American flag and surrender
to the British. The English commander did
not accept the prize, but left the wreck to make
its way, with every pump going to keep the wa
ter from the hold, back to Hampton Roads.
The result of this outrage was an almost in
stantaneous outburst of excitement and indigna
tion from one end of the United States to the
other. Mass meetings were called, resolutions
were passed, proclamations issued; and conditions
seemed ripe for an immediate war.
President Jefferson sent a proclamation to
England demanding an explanation and redress
for the outrage and at the same time decided to
call upon the Governors of the States for their
quota of 100,000 militia, having in contempla
tion a winter campaign against Canada. In ac
cordance with this call Robert Lucas was, on
August 1, 1807, ordered to take effectual meas
ures for detaching a company of fifty-four men
from his regiment to make up part of the quota
from the State of Ohio.18 This company was to
hold itself in readiness for immediate call to ac-

MILITARY MATTERS 13
tive service and might be mustered either by
voluntary enlistment or by a draft. The prox
imity of the Canadian border made the need of
precautionary measures apparent, and the enthu
siastic patriotism of the Ohio pioneers rendered
a draft unnecessary. In a few days a volunteer
company was organized which chose Robert Lu
cas as Captain, his commission as such from Act
ing Governor Thomas Kirker being dated Aug
ust 25, 1807.
Great events in the life of Robert Lucas seem
ed to call out efforts at verse; and on this occa
sion, fired with patriotic enthusiasm, he composed
a song of five stanzas, in which he exhorted the
heroes to march on to Canada and pull down the
British standard, to follow the example of Wash
ington and redress the insults offered to Colum
bia's sons. He ends with the following senti
ment — perhaps more patriotic than poetic:19
Tho sundry snares has oft been spread
To catch our freedom from us
All conspirators should be lead
And hung upon the gallows.
The song was sung on this occasion to the
tune of Soldier's Return; and under the inspira
tion, perhaps, of its martial strains the company
drew up the following tender of their services to
the President of the United States:

14 ROBERT LUCAS
To the honorable Thomas Kirker Esquire acting Gov
ernor of the State of Ohio:
Sib: We the undersigners do hereby voluntarily
enroll ourselves in a volunteer Company, to serve as
such, on any Expedition the president of the United
States may think proper to Call us to — In Conformity
to an act of Congress in that case made and provided —
and to abide the orders thereof, in such matters as is
relative thereto, — in assisting to Expell all foreign and
Domestic Envations and to defend the great wrights and
Liberties, of a free and Independent Nation — respect
fully we are your Excellencies most obedient and very
Humble Servants.20
Following this statement is the list of the sig
natures of the members of the company headed
by the peculiar autograph of Robert Lucas as
their commanding officer. This patriotism was
commendable; but, as events transpired, it was a
matter of over four years before the field of bat
tle actually required their service.
Meanwhile the proclamation of Jefferson with
his demands for reparation had reached England.
After much beating about the bush the English
ministry sent a commissioner, named George
Henry Rose, to America to discuss the matter.
Upon being received by Jefferson in January,
1808, he assumed the attitude of one expecting
an apology from the American administration
for the demands they had made in the proclama-

MILITARY MATTERS 15
tion. Of course the negotiations came to naught,
Rose returned to England, Jefferson swallowed
the insult of the Chesapeake outrage as best he
could and turned to the policy of an embargo.
The administration meekly and cringingly ac
cepted the insults heaped upon it and plodded
on in desparation until four years later it was
forced into the war which it had striven so long
to avoid.

Ill
Political Beginnings
Military matters, however, did not keep Rob
ert Lucas out of civil office. As early as the
16th of December, 1805, he was commissioned
by Governor Tiffin a Justice of the Peace for
Union Township, Scioto County, and on the fol
lowing day took the oath of office before Elijah
Glover, another Justice of the Peace for Union
Township who a few years later became Lucas's
most bitter enemy. At this time an important
function of "the Squire" was solemnizing the
bonds of matrimony. Indeed, nearly all mar
riage ceremonies were performed, by the Justice
of the Peace — owing perhaps to the fact that
the exponents of the law were much more in
evidence than exponents of the gospel. No
town could be long without its tavern; so in the
town of Portsmouth at the mouth of the Scioto,
a little man with a peppery temper and the sturdy
name of John Brown opened the first tavern or
hotel. It stood on the street fronting the Ohio,
where the patrons might look out across the river

POLITICAL BEGINNINGS 17
and enjoy the beautiful SQenery of the Kentucky
hills beyond. It so happened that this landlord
had two attractive daughters, Elizabeth and Ra
chel; and the records show that in 1806 Robert
Lucas in his capacity as Justice of the Peace
united in marriage William Kendall and Rachel
Brown. The fact is interesting in the light of
after events; for Robert Lucas four years later
married the other daughter, Elizabeth, and made
his home at the tavern, while William Kendall,
his brother-in-law, became his most constant rival
for political office.21
The 4th of July, 1808, is memorable for a great
farmers' celebration held on the farm of Major
Isaac Bonser near the mouth of the Little Scioto
River. It was by no means a local gathering.
From forty and fifty miles in every direction the
crowds gathered. Some came across country in
wagons, while others floated down the rivers in
boats. Not having a fieldpiece at hand they im
provised a cannon by boring out a log and band
ing it with iron. Their enterprise and effort
were worthy of better results than followed; for
this home made instrument of warfare burst dur
ing the firing. More successful, however, was
the literary program. The speaker of the occa
sion was Robert Lucas, who, after reading the
Declaration of Independence, delivered an oration
to the assembled crowd.22

18 ROBERT LUCAS
Whether or not this oration had any political
significance we can only surmise; but in the fall
of that same year Robert Lucas was elected by
the people of Scioto County to represent them
in the lower branch of the Ohio legislature. The
session convened at Chillicothe on December 5,
1808, and adjourned on February 21st of the
next year. Lucas was appointed on a committee
which had to do with the regulation of fees of
civil officers; and he seems to have performed
his part satisfactorily in the session, although
from the records in the Journal of the House he
does not appear conspicuously prominent in the
proceedings.23 After the adjournment he re
sumed his private life and not until five years
later does he again appear in the legislature of
the State.
An act, however, was passed by this session
which was of a distinct interest to Robert Lucas.
This was an act for disciplining . the Militia of
the State, which became a law February 14, 1809.
It reorganized brigades and divisions so that the
regiment from Scioto County, under the com
mand of Lieutenant Colonel Robert Lucas and
formerly a part of the lst Brigade was attached
to the 2d Brigade, 2d Division. The law also
provided that all officers holding commissions as
Lieutenant Colonels should be commissioned as

POLITICAL BEGINNINGS 19
Colonels, so that Robert Lucas received a com
mission dated February 20, 1809, making him
Colonel of the lst Regiment of the 2d Brigade
of the 2nd Division of the Ohio Militia.
Let us follow his military advancement one
step further. Lucas had at this time a firm friend
in the person of Duncan Mc Arthur, Major Gen
eral of the 2d Division. McArthur had been in
the Senate the year Lucas was in the House, and
as Senator his term of office extended over the
following year. In February of 1810 he wrote
to Lucas in regard to the latter's candidates for
Associate Judges of Scioto County — to be ap
pointed by the legislature — and closed his letter
with an expression of his regret at the ' ' loss of
that social enjoyment which I experienced last
session in the representative from Scioto." In
July of the same year McArthur informed Lucas
that by the resignation of Jeremiah McLene,
Brigadier General of the 2d Brigade, the duties
of that officer would devolve upon Lucas until a
Brigadier General could be elected and qualified.24
While no proof in the way of a commission has
been found to show that such election resulted
in the choice of Robert Lucas, yet the fact is evi
denced by the letters of Major General McAr
thur, addressed in the following year, to General
Lucas, and by a letter from Lucas to the Secre-

20 ROBERT LUCAS
tary of War at Washington, which he wrote in
1811 and signed: Robert Lucas, Brigadier General,
2d Brigade, 2nd Division of Ohio Militia.
Life in a frontier country is fraught with many
drawbacks and disadvantages. Here the tempta
tions to lawlessness are great and constant. The
spirited temperament that is fostered by the dan
gers and hardships of such a life is not a tem.
perament that lends itself easily to restraint or
check. Journeying with the westward move
ment of the border, living in an atmosphere of
excessive freedom and intensity, men were de
veloped in whom energy and vigor rather than
self-restraint were the prominent characteristics.
Men of the frontier breathing daily the freshness
of unrestrained freedom and ever courageously
facing the dangers of the wilderness did not al
ways possess that sense of order and control of
self which gives poise and character to life.- This
is not true of all, but it is the case with a large
number. It was so especially with many of the
early settlers of Ohio and the Territory of the
Northwest. Robert Lucas inherited from his father, in spite
of his Quaker antecedents, an intense military
spirit. Brought up on the border line of Vir
ginia, in a slave-holding family, he imbibed the

POLITICAL BEGINNINGS 21
high-strung temperament of the Virginian. Mov
ing from there to a still newer country before
maturity had brought him wiser consideration,
and thrown with others of a kindred mould, the
result was but natural that he should have been
in the days of his early manhood one whose
rugged self-assertion had in it more than a tinge
of recklessness. Because of this prevalent ten
dency in the early communities of Ohio, the
county Sheriff was a personage of no mean im
portance and of no infrequent duties. Indeed,
among the best of families and the most promi
nent persons of the community arrests were not
of unusual occurrence.
And so it is not a matter of surprise that in
1810 a suit was brought against Robert Lucas.
The Sheriff of Scioto County attempted to take
him into custody. Lucas, however, was not one
to submit tamely to arrest, and successfully re
sisted the officers of the law. He was a formid
able and determined man, a prominent officer of
the militia, and with many friends in the com
munity. The Sheriff, rather than endanger his
life, resigned his office. His duties then devolv
ing upon the Coroner, he also resigned. Then
Lucas swore vengeance upon the Clerk who had
issued the writ, and he too resigned.
The situation was an interesting one — a re-

22 ROBERT LUCAS
fractory militia-man defying the laws, and seem
ingly no one with courage enough to execute
them. But at this j uncture a young school teacher
named John R. Turner appeared, and agreed, if
made Clerk, to issue the writ. At the same time
Elijah Glover undertook the responsibility of
making the arrest if appointed Sheriff. These
two — John R. Turner and Elijah Glover — re
ceived the appointments. The writ was issued;
and Glover, reinforced by his brother Nathan
and three others as a posse comitatus, proceeded
boldly up the street of Portsmouth in the per
formance of his new found duty.
Early in the year Robert Lucas had married
Elizabeth Brown, the daughter of John Brown
the tavern keeper, and was himself at this time
living at the tavern. Accounts differ as to his
reception of his visitors, some claiming that he
made no resistance, while Glover himself, some
years later, says that he met with resistance in
the shape of a billet of wood. However that
may be, the arrest was accomplished and the pro
cession started for the jail.
But John Brown, though insignificant in stat
ure, was a man of fiery disposition. In his wrath
he followed them from his tavern and made some
demonstration as if to rescue his son-in-law from
the long arm of justice. But he reckoned with-

POLITICAL BEGINNINGS 23
out his host; for Nathan Glover, a man of enor
mous frame, picked the little man up bodily and
rudely threw him into a clump of jimson weed.
No more resistance came from the father-in-law.25
Lucas, lodged in jail, was restless, and the mili
tia seemed to him to offer a loophole for escape.
To various officers he wrote letters or orders, look
ing toward a forcible release of their unfortunate
commander. Eighteen years later, in a senatorial
campaign between Lucas and Kendall, the follow
ing was printed in the Western Times, as a copy
of one of these letters: Portsmouth, Sep 15, 1810 ™
Captain Lindsay: — You are requested to attind at Ports
mouth immediately, armed and as many of your neigh
bors as are willing to support the Constitution, as the
revolutionist party has, by violence fourced me into
prison. If you respect the constitution of your country,
which you are sworn to support, you will attind imme
diately and defend your constitutional officers.
You will pleas attend at Mr. Brown's as soon as pos
sible, as there will doubtless be a number in town by
that time that will unite with you in supporting the
constitution of the State. I am with every sentiment
of respect, your obedient and very humble servant
Robert Lucas.
Capt. John M. Lindsay.
On the fold of the letter was the following en
dorsement:

24 ROBERT LUCAS

Elijah Glover [

¦ The dam

Nathan Glover <

> raskels

Nimrod Hogue - |

that

Alexander McClane j

1 mobbed

John H. Thornton <

' me

The Sheriff, however, quelled any attempt at
jail breaking and Lucas paid the penalty of the
law. From this time on, the Lucas and Glover
families were in a state of feud, constant arrests
and law-suits taking place for years.27
On April 4, 1810, Lucas had married Elizabeth
Brown and since that time had made his home
at the inn of his father-in-law. In 1811 a daugh
ter, Minerva, was born to them. This daughter
grew to womanhood and married Mr. Horatio
N. Sumner, a younger brother of Lucas's second
wife, Friendly Sumner. Robert Lucas became,
therefore, the brother-in-law of his own son-in-
law. At the tavern he seems to have turned his
attention to mechanical pursuits and amused him
self, as tradition relates, by experimenting with
the construction of a perpetual motion machine
which greatly excited the curiosity of the people
of Portsmouth and was a point of interest to
which all visitors in the town were referred.28

IV
The War of 1812
Robert Lucas was no less a soldier than he was
a pioneer. Away back in the days of the Cav
aliers and Roundheads an ancestor had fought
under the standard of Oliver Cromwell; and, in
the generations that followed, the heritage of
military talent had not been lost. The War of
1812 found Lucas in his thirty-second year and a
Brigadier General in the militia of a State which
from its geographical position was sure to assume
a prominent part in the coming hostilities.
It is not necessary to detail the events leading
to the second war for American independence.
In the five years preceding 1812 the Adminis
tration had exhausted every expedient known to
its diplomacy and had suffered countless insults
from both England and France in an effort to
avoid war. For over four years the Chesapeake
outrage had passed without reparation. The in
terference with neutral trade in American vessels
had been unremitting; and the impressment of
American seamen by British commanders had
been continued on a constantly increasing scale.

26 ROBERT LUCAS
The Congress that convened in November,
1811, was strongly Republican in both houses,
and the infusion of new members made a distinct
change in its attitude toward the war. Young
men like John C. Calhoun, William Lowndes,
and Langdon Cheves gave an aggressive charac
ter to the whole body of legislators. Under the
leadership of Henry Clay, who was chosen speak
er of the House, a declaration of war seemed al
most a foregone conclusion. The President's
message rang with a more warlike tone, and de
bate on measures looking to preparations for a
conflict at once began. On January 11, 1812, a
bill was passed increasing the regular army to
twenty-five thousand, and on February 6th the
President was authorized to receive volunteers
from the State militias to the number of fifty
thousand. An invasion of Canada was of course
the object for which these warlike preparations
were being made.
Out in the Northwest, meanwhile, affairs were
assuming a critical aspect. For years the British
traders across the Canadian line had been heap
ing presents at the feet of the Indian warriors
and encouraging and abetting them in their efforts
to unite all the tribes into a confederation under
Tecumseh. Smarting under the blow inflicted
at Tippecanoe by General William Henry Har-

THE WAR OF 1812 27
rison in 1811, the Red Men embraced the op
portunity to make common cause with the Eng
lish and to widen their confederation among
neighboring tribes. Their fiercely eager desire
to fall at once upon the Americans was, however,
curbed by the traders, who, not without some
difficulty, held them in leash until a more oppor
tune time.29
Notwithstanding the protestations of peace
made by the wily Tecumseh, the settlers of the
Northwest generally understood and appreciated
the situation, and already in the early months of
1812 held themselves in readiness for instant de
fense. In April, isolated murders were com
mitted by Indian bands, followed by symptoms
of panic among the inhabitants of Indiana and
the western border line of Ohio. It was in this
same month of April that Congress authorized
the President to call out one hundred thousand
State militia and that Return Jonathan Meigs,
Governor of Ohio, took immediate measures to
raise the quota of volunteers apportioned to his
State. Robert Lucas was then Brigadier General of
the 2d Brigade of the 2d Division of the Ohio
Militia. Accordingly, in April he received or
ders through his friend, Major General Duncan
McArthur (at that time commanding the 2d

28 ROBERT LUCAS
Division) to transmit without delay from his bri
gade its proportion of the twelve hundred men
required of the State. The volunteers were to
be organized to march immediately to Detroit.
These orders placed Lucas in a rather peculiar
position. For some time he had been desirous
of entering the United States Army; and mainly
through the efforts of General McArthur and
Alexander Campbell, United States Senator from
Ohio, he had received a commission as Captain
in the 19th United States Infantry. This office
he had accepted only a few days before receiv
ing the brigade orders. Moreover, he had not
yet received orders of an assignment as a United
States Army officer. After some deliberation
he concluded that the urgency of the call for
volunteers necessitated his attending to his du
ties as Brigadier General; and so without delay
he set about recruiting volunteer companies from
his brigade.
At this point, April 25th, Lucas began an ex
ceedingly interesting daily journal which he car
ried with him throughout the Hull campaign and
to which constant reference has been made for
the facts herein given.30 The board covers of
this unique record are broken, and the pages are
yellow with age; but despite its almost one hun
dred years the writing is as legible as ever and

THE WAR OF 1812 29
tells a story of wonderful interest to the student
of American history.
In Portsmouth, Lucas began his recruiting;
and gathering together two companies — a volun
teer company and a rifle company — from Scioto
County, he started on his march northward.
David Rupe had been chosen Captain of the rifle
company; and on the morning of the 29th of
April the volunteer company held an election
and chose as their Captain, John Lucas, a young
er brother of Robert. That night they encamp
ed at Chillicothe, and spent the next day getting
together camp kettles, wagons, and other sup
plies for the trip to Dayton, the place of their
rendezvous. When, after a four days' march,
they reached Dayton, they found the town rap
idly filling up with the gathering volunteers.
Three other companies of Lucas's brigade were
there. These, with the two companies which he
had brought from Scioto County, he proceeded
to organize into a battalion which chose James
Denny as its Major. A battalion was also or
ganized from the other brigade with Major Wil
liam A. Trimble as commanding officer.31 At
the same time Duncan McArthur was unani
mously chosen Colonel of the volunteer regi
ment thus formed from his division.
Two other volunteer regiments were organized

30 ROBERT LUCAS
at this time under Colonels Lewis Cass and James
Findlay. Before starting for Detroit the Ohio
volunteers were joined by Lieutenant Colonel
James Miller and his veteran 4th Regiment of
regulars from Port Vincennes.
Robert Lucas could undoubtedly have had the
command of the battalion recruited from his bri
gade if he had so desired; but, in order to encour
age enlistments at the start, he had volunteered
as a private in his brother's company.32 His po
sition was certainly unique. At one and the
same time he was Captain in the United States
army, a Brigadier General in the Ohio Militia
and a private in a volunteer company. And in
addition the records show that he was constant
ly performing the independent duties of scout,
guide, express messenger, and staff officer.
On May 8, 1812, — news having come to Day
ton of some Indian murders on the western bor
der line of the State of Ohio — Lucas was re
quested to go to Greenville with Captain Rupe
and thirty of his men and ascertain the condition
of affairs.33 They found the settlers on the Still
water Creek greatly alarmed, building block
houses, and abandoning their farms. Here and
there they found traces of Indian ambushes. But
the alarm seemed greatly out of proportion to the
cause, and so on the fourteenth they returned to

THE WAR OF 1812 31
Dayton. On the following day Lucas made his
report to the Governor of Ohio.
In a frontier campaign of this nature there was
great need of competent -men to perform inde
pendent services; and Governor Meigs fully ap
preciated the value of Lucas to the army. It may
have been that, having fulfilled his duty as re
gards the organization of his troops, Lucas was
now meditating upon his captaincy in the United
States Army. At all events the Governor re
quested him to stay with the volunteers, and
promised to write to the Secretary of War in his
behalf. Upon the assurance that he should lose
neither rank nor emolument as a United States
Army officer, Lucas consented to remain with
the Ohio Militia.
The next few days were spent in assisting in
the discipline of the officers. His duties were
now varied and interesting. For the twenti
eth of May, his journal records the single state
ment: "done my duty with the army." One
night a noise like turkey calling was heard and
the apprehensive camp immediately suspected
the presence of Indians. When night came on
again Robert Lucas and Samuel Herd lay in the
bushes outside the camp, but discovered nothing.
On the day that followed, which was the 23d
of May, 1812, General William Hull arrived and

32 ROBERT LUCAS
reviewed the army. It was then and there that
the famous Hull campaign began which ended
so ignominiously less than three months later.
The coming of Hull brought a new duty to Lu
cas. The General desired an express to start
immediately for Detroit with despatches to Act
ing Governor Reuben Atwater at Detroit and
with addresses to the Indians of northern Ohio.
Upon the suggestion of Governor Meigs, Robert
Lucas was selected to perform this important
task. Waiting but to witness the transfer of the
command of the army to General Hull, Lucas
started on his journey on the 25th of May ac
companied only by William Denny. It was a
long and arduous journey that lay before them
and one by no means free from dangers. Hun
dreds of miles of very sparsely settled country
stretched between them and the far-away Detroit.
Vast reaches of wilderness and mile after mile
of swamp must be traversed. Nor were their
minds, as they traveled by day or lay by the camp
fire at night, free from the terrible thought of
Indian bands turned hostile by English intrigues.
This was not an idle fear. As they passed the
head of Darby, and before they had even reached
Delaware, they found the inhabitants in a state
of alarm. At Delaware it was with great diffi-

THE WAR OF 1812 33
culty that they discovered a man with sufficient
valor to accompany them to Lower Sandusky
and return with despatches. As they proceeded
northward they found the inhabitants stockading
their houses or abandoning their homes. Ar
riving at Upper Sandusky, they secured an in
terpreter who gathered together the Indian chiefs
of the neighborhood at Negro Town. Here
Lucas read to them the message from General
Hull, which was addressed to the Wyandots,
Delawares, Miamis, Ottawas, Pottawattomies,
Chippewas, and Shawnees: — Long had he lived
amongst them, and long had smoked the pipe of
peace and friendship with them. The great
Father of the nation carried in one hand the
olive branch of peace, and in the other a sword;
those of them that accepted the one should enjoy
protection, peace, and happiness, and those that
preferred the other should experience all the
punishment his powerful hands could inflict.
The present was a most awful crisis; everything
dear to them was at stake. Should they commit
acts of hostility they would forfeit their lands,
their annuities, and their very existence among
the white people.
In this tenor he continued his address, prom
ising them, in case they remained true to the
existing treaties, all the blessings a bountiful
3

34 ROBERT LUCAS
country could bestow. He closed with the as-
surance that the white people sincerely wished
to live at peace with their red brethren. In
general the Indians seemed well pleased at the
message of their father, General Hull, and dis
claimed any hostile intentions.
Lucas and Denny pushed on toward the north
again. For a dollar they hired an Indian to
ferry them across the high waters of the Tym-
ochte in a canoe. On the 29th of May they ar
rived at Lower Sandusky where they delivered
despatches to Mr. Varnum, the United States
Factor at that place. Here also a council was
held with the Wyandots and Miamis, in which
the former seemed friendly, but not so the latter.
After leaving Lower Sandusky they struggled
through "a tremendious Swamp of 40 m[i]l[e]s
distanc[e]", swam the Miami of the Lake34 and
pushed on to the River Raisin. Here Denny's
horse gave out. Lucas, however, went on with
Mr. Beard (the contractor at Detroit), reaching
the end of his journey about four o'clock in the
afternoon of the second day of June.
Lucas lost no time in delivering his messages,
and was treated with great hospitality by the
officers at Detroit. The next two weeks passed
very pleasantly after his arduous journey. He
stayed at the home of Captain Hickman, a son-

THE WAR OF 1812 35
in-law of General Hull, and spent the time in
making himself acquainted with the city of De
troit and its vicinity. At that time Detroit was
the point which marked the western flank of
settlement in both Canada and the United States,
and the winding water line between there and
Nova Scotia was sure to be the scene of conflict
in the coming war. The plan of campaign on
the part of the United States was to push the
conquest of Canada from Detroit and from Buf
falo and sweep the Canadian frontier from west
to east. It was an excellent plan; but it was
most miserably executed.
Lucas, as he looked across at the Canadian
border early in June, must have seen the diffi
culties that faced the army. A few miles down
the river at Maiden the British forces lay wait
ing. One day Lucas descended the river in a
canoe to within a mile of the garrison and
watched the Queen Charlotte (a twenty gun ship)
arrive with Governor Brock35 and reinforcements
of a hundred British troops. Two days later
(June 16th) having received word from General
Hull, he started back through the wilderness
with an interpreter to meet the troops and lead
them to Detroit.
Sometimes Lucas and his companion journeyed
mile after mile in torrents of rain. Again they

36 ROBERT LUCAS
encamped and let the horses graze while they
picked strawberries. Fifteen canoe loads of In
dians passed them going to Maiden. Rumors
came to them of war parties of Pottawattomies;
and all one night, thinking themselves surround
ed by hostile Indians, they deserted their camp
fire and lay in the bushes fighting mosquitoes
and gnats. Pursuing their way through Round
Heads Town and Solomons Town they finally
reached the army at Camp Necessity where they
reported to General Hull. Here Lucas records
the following characteristic entry in his journal:
"Invited to remain in the general's family but
seeing so many fops and so much parade and no
action among them, I Chose to attach myself
to Gnl McArthurs Regiment, return[e]d and
lodged with Gnl McArthur — "
The army now numbered, according to Hull's
own statement, over two thousand men.36 On
June 24th, it resumed the march cutting the
road as it went, with Lucas usually in the lead
performing the varying duties of scout, guide
and picket. After a somewhat eventful journey
they reached the rapids of the Miami of the
Lake on the twenty-ninth of June. Here Hull
committed a fatal mistake. Securing a small
schooner at the mouth of the river, he shipped
part of the baggage and all of his valuable mili-

THE WAR OF 1812 37
tary papers by way of Lake Erie to Detroit, un
aware of the fact that nearly two weeks before,
the Congress at Washington had declared war
against England. Of course the schooner was
captured by the English.37 The Department of
War was certainly to blame for his failure to re
ceive notice of that vital decision; yet censure
cannot be avoided by a General who would en
trust his military papers to an unprotected
schooner and expect them to cross in safety a
lake which he knew and acknowledged to be in
control of the vessels of a country with which
his nation was on the verge of war.
From the mouth of the Miami of the Lake to
Detroit the army marched through the mud and
water of the wretched pioneer roads in constant
fear of attack from the hostile Indians and bom
bardment from the British on the Canadian
shore. It was about four o'clock on the after
noon of July 5th that the army came within
sight of Detroit and encamped at Spring Well38
on the bank of the river, three miles below the
town. Across on the Canadian side lay the little
village of Sandwich. Against this point the first
move in the conquest of Canada was directed.

The Invasion of Canada
General Hull made his plans to cross the river
on Friday night, the 10th of July; but the un
dertaking was delayed until the dawn of the
12th.39 On Saturday night there had been some
insubordination among parts of the Ohio volun
teers, and Captain Rupe's company had refused
to cross. When the Sabbath dawned, however,
and the army embarked for the Canadian shore,
fifteen members of the mutinous company joined
the ranks of their regiment and went over with
the invading army. Lucas tells of the landing
in these words: "Colo Cass and the 4th regular
Regmt was to cross first I could not endure to
be behind. I asked permission of Colo Cass and
crossed with him and was among the first that
landed in Can[a]da. We made our landing good
and formed an encampm[e]nt opposite Detroit
and raised the American flag without there even
being a gun fired at us, — "
General Hull immediately issued a proclama
tion (under date of July 12th) to the inhabitants

THE INVASION OF CANADA 39
of Canada.40 He offered them safety and peace
if they remained neutral; he agreed to accept
their services if voluntarily tendered. But he
assured them that if they joined the British the
horrors and calamities of war would stalk before
them, and he promised to make it a war of ex
termination if the savages were let loose upon
the war path. "Had I any doubt of eventual
success", he declared, "I might ask your assist
ance but I do not. I come prepared for every
Contingency. I have a force which look down
all opposition and that force is but the van-guard
of a much greater  The first stroke with
the Tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalp
ing Knife, will be the signal of one indiscrimi
nate scene of desolation. No White man found
fighting by the side of an Indian will be taken
prisoner Instant destruction will be his lot."
These words certainly had the ring of energy
and determination; but they were not followed
by deeds correspondingly decisive. Hull called
a council of war which decided against the attack
upon Maiden and advised delay. Perhaps the
reasons for not storming the town were good;
but delay was certainly a poor expedient for the
American army. If a blow was to be struck at
all, the sooner it was done the better were its
chances for success. Every day brought rein-

40 ROBERT LUCAS
forcements to the British army. Hull's procla
mation to the inhabitants of Canada, while it
brought some deserters into the American camp,
so alarmed the British that immediate steps
were taken to concentrate a large army on the
western frontier; and the magnificent energy of
General Brock of the British forces overcame in
a few weeks obstacles perhaps greater than those
which confronted the more vacillating Hull.41
For weeks the American army lay in camp
at Sandwich without any concerted action. Oc
casionally troops were detached to make a sally
here and there, and often skirmishes occurred;
but never was action followed up vigorously by
a large enough force to be effective. Very soon
the troops became restless and murmuring began.
During this time Lucas was by no means idle.
Conducting reconnoitering trips, ascertaining
the grounds of Indian alarms, and attending the
picket guards, he was constantly in the place of
the most active service. On the night of July
14th McArthur led a party of troops on an ex
pedition to seize supplies, and Lucas in his jour
nal mourns the fact that he did not go with
them. July 16th, according to the journal, was
a busy day. Colonels Cass and Miller obtained
permission to capture the bridge over the river
Aux Canards, within three miles of Maiden.

THE INVASION OF CANADA 41
Down across Turkey Creek they went, two hun
dred strong, with Lucas and a few rangers in
front of the advance guard. As they approach
ed, they found the bridge fortified by a field-
piece and defended by both British and Indians.
Here they divided. Leaving a force to advance
openly upon the bridge, Lucas went with an
other party up stream and crossed. "We as-
sended the river", he says, "about 5 or 6 miles
(piloted by two frenchmen that we made go
with us) crossed the river (myself, Wm Stock
ton and Saml Herd being the first ther[e] and
advanced on a rise and kept a lookout while the
others crossed) We De[s]cended on the oppo
site side through a tremendous thicket of Bush
es and Prickly ash swamps till we came in Sight
of the Bridge."
By this time the other division had reached
the bridge, the defenders of which found them
selves menaced from both quarters. The fight
was immediately on in earnest, the British and
Indians generally retreating. "A party of Rifle
men", writes Lucas, "was directed to take the
woods, they appeared Backward Supposing a
body of Indians lay therein. But Capt [ ]*
myself and Denton Scott  rushed into
the woods and was followed bravely by Capt
*The name is omitted in the original manuscript.

42 ROBERT LUCAS
Ullery8 Compa[n]y and part of Capt Rob[in]-
sons we ran through the point of woods to
where the British and Indians had been encamp
ed, by this time our troops that was across the,
riv[e]r Joined us, we fired upon them from the
woods, being about 200 yards distan[t] being the
nearest we could get to them, they retreated in
Such hast[e] that we Could not Come up with
them, by this time it began to get dark in the
evening, we returned not having one man in
jured, we left a guard at the Bridge and returned
about 1 or 2 miles to Some houses and Barnes
and encamped."
The next morning Lucas crossed over the
bridge in company with Colonel Cass and others
and advanced some distance toward Maiden.
Upon their return the officers held a council up
on the wisdom of holding the bridge. Colonel
Cass vehemently protested against evacuating a
position once gained, especially since the bridge
was the only obstacle between Sandwich and
Maiden. He was overruled, however, and the
bridge was abandoned, much to the disgust of
Lucas, who wrote that "This was a bad manner
to fateegue men to take the Bridge and give it
up as we fo[u]nd it."
The humor of a little incident that took place
seems to have mollified him somewhat. ' ' One

THE INVASION OF CANADA 43
of the British Soldi[e]rs that was wounded was
brought up a prisoner with us, the oth[e]r con
sidered mortally wounded, was left, he died the
same day the Indians Came and scalped him and
sold his scalp to the British a good trick for an
indian to make the British Gov. pay for their
own Soldiers Scalps."
The British immediately took advantage of
the evacuation of the bridge by cutting away the
sills and erecting a breastwork of timber on the
south, side of the stream. For days there was
skirmishing at the bridge. On the twentieth
of July Lucas ends the day's account with the
words: "We all returned to Camp in Safety, but
much f ateeguied and very Hungary being nearly
two days without much to eat — There appears
to be a mistery in these proceedings, if the bridge
was wo[r]th contending for, why did we not keep
it when we had it, if it is not an object why fa
teegue troops in sending them to it 15 m[i]l[e]s
from camp. I fear that these proceedings will
prove injurious to us — "
As days went by, the restlessness of the army
increased. On the twenty-third, Lucas records
that "report said that 50 Indians was on yester
day Several miles above the bridge in Com-
pa[n]y with a merchant from Sandwich — also
that the proph[e]t had ar[r]ived at Maldon with

44 ROBERT LUCAS
a reinforcement of Indians (Why does the ar
my dally, why do they not make the Stroke on
Maldon at once, had proper energy been used
we might have been in Maldon now, we are tam
pering with them untill they will be able to drive
us back across the river  had the Bridge
been kept when we had it, untill the whole army
was prepared to march all would have been
well—" Thus the last days of July and the first of
August wore away — days of alternate explora
tion and skirmishing, with nights of weary watch
and sudden alarm. By the fourth of August
parties of the British and their savage allies not
only had passed over the River Canards, but
had crossed Turkey Creek and advanced to with
in four miles of the American camp at Sandwich.
On the day following, Lucas started on an ex
pedition (under Major Van Horne) back across
the Detroit River and down to the River Raisin
to escort the mail and meet Captain Brush, who
had arrived at that point with reinforcements
and provisions for Hull's army. At daybreak
they crossed the river. It was a beautiful morn
ing when they landed on the American side; but
it inaugurated an ill-fated expedition. They
passed through the evacuated Indian town of
Maguawga and, in the words of Lucas, "proceed-

THE INVASION OF CANADA 45
ed on with great care to a place known by the
name of the Big-Appletree Capt McColloch and
myself was then together, the Capt alighted from
his horse; and I proceeded on, the roads forked
one round the right of an Indian Cornfield and the
other on the left .... unfortunately for Capt
McColloch he took the left hand road round the
field he was accompanied by a Black man waiter
to Major Van horne, they was fired upon by 12
or 14 Indians, as Soon as we heard the report
of the guns I exclaim[ed] that McColloch was
fired upon and requested the men in front to
form a line across to the riv[e]r and to advanc[e]
to the place where the fire was being about 150
yards in the rear of us and between the main
body and the river, we don[e] so in front and had
the rear performed the Same maneuvor we might
have killed all the Indian[s], the rear g[u]ard at
the fire was thrown into Confusion, the Indi[a]ns
scalped and tom[a]hawked McCollo[c]h ran across
the Cornfield and fired upon the rear g[u]ard and
made the[i]r escape without being hurt".
This was only the beginning of misfortunes.
As they went on towards the River Raisin, they
were warned by a Frenchman of an ambush of
Indians near Brownstown. But the French had
cried "Wolf! wolf!" so often that the men dis
regarded the caution and walked open-eyed into

46 ROBERT LUCAS
the trap. With the mail between the columns,
they marched on four or five miles till they came
to a defile near Brownstown through which they
had to pass. "As we approached the defile",
wrote Lucas, "I rode along the right colum[n]
and requested of the men to see that their guns
were fresh primed assur[i]ng them that their
Safety depended on on their arms and their
Valur and pointing out the place told them that
if we met an enemy at all that day that it would
be there, the road here passes through a narrow
parari Surrounded on the right by a Mirey
Creeck which cannot be crossed but at the one
place for Some distan[ce] up and on the oppo
site Side Covered with thick Bushes, on the left
flank was a n[u]mb[e]r of small Indian Cornfields
and thickets of Bushes, the Indians lay in the
Bushes on the opposite Side of the Creek from
us immediately on the bank in our front and
right flank and in the Cornfields on the left-flank,
the flank had to close at this place in ord[e]r to
Cross the Creek within 40 or 50 yards of each
other, as soon as I had Cautioned the right flank
I rode up in front betwe[e]n the lines to Major
Vanhorn[e], in compa[ny] with Wm Stockton
the hors[e]men on the flanks was just entering
the Creek and myself Major Vanhorn[e] and Wm
Stockton was of a breast in front between the

THE INVASION OF CANADA 47
lines, and had advanced within 25 or 30 yards of
the Indians when we was fired upon, the first fire
appeared to be principally directed at us that
was a hors[e]back. My Horse and Wm Stock
ton's was shot mine wheeled and gave a fierce
lunge and pi[t]ched against a horse that had
his fore leg broke and pi[t]ched me of[f] in the
fall my gun flew out of my hand I raised and
looked round for my gun but not Seeing it, and
Seeing the Indians rushing out of the Bushes
in front and a heavy fire from them at me on
the left I ran into the ranks of Capt Barrens
Compa[n]y without my gun and requested them
to form and fire upon the Indians which they
did at the first fire Mr Fowler and Sev[e]ral
other[s] was kil(T.]ed, the fire Soon was gen[e]ral
on both Sides, and finding ourselves overpow
ered and likely to be Surrounded the major or
dered a retreat, we retreated in as good order
as we possibly could from our situation, halting
and firing upon the en[e]my where occation
would admit ".
Back the troops went to Detroit and across
to Sandwich again with their object unaccom
plished. Seventeen men had been killed and
several wounded. Colonels Cass and McArthur
asked permission to take a detachment of troops
back and bury the dead; but General Hull pos
itively refused to grant their request.

VI
The Surrender of Detroit
The seventh of August, 1812, was a day of
bitter disappointment to the army. It marked
nothing less than the giving up of all the hopes
of a Canadian conquest and an ignominious re
treat to Detroit. Lucas, on that day, graphically
records the movement as follows: "This morn
ing Genl orders issued for the army to draw 5
days provision to have three days cooked and
prepare themsel[v]es against the next morning
to take the field against the en[e]my. Major
Den[n]y was directed to stay in the fort at Gow-
ris with 150 Men but by Solicitation Capt Cook
of the 4' Regt was allowed to stay with him those
that was to Stay in the fort was the Conveles-
sent that was not able to take the field, the ex
pected attack was on Maldon every Countenance
was cheered and their spirits raised with the
prospect of having liberty to act in Defence of
their Countary, but to the[i]r great supprise and
dissatisfaction in the dusk of the evening the
Orders for taking the field was Comprimanded

THE SURRENDER OF DETROIT 49
and the army was ordered to recross the Detroit
River to detroit after night, which was done, or
at least as many as Could be Crossed till day
light, (and from this time will be recorded the
Dastardly evacuation of Sandwich by Gnl Hull
Contrary to the general wish of all his troops)"
And so, after four weeks of futile delay, with
out making one concerted attack upon the ene
my, Hull and the army which he boasted would
"look down all opposition" crept back under
cover of the night across the river to American
soil and encamped near the fort behind the
town of Detroit. He had crossed the river a
month before with a united army loyal to his
command and praying only for the opportunity
to sweep down upon the enemy with the energy
and courage of western ways. He led back to
Detroit a sullen and rebellious army, destitute of
all respect for its General and ready to support
its Colonels in deposing him from the command.
He had proclaimed great things; but his procla
mation had become the laughing-stock of the
British army. He had gained absolutely noth
ing; yet he had lost quantities of provisions,
weeks of time, and scores of human lives. Most
dangerous of all, he had shown to General Brock
the fatal weakness of a vacillating temperament.
The end of his blunders had not yet come.

50 ROBERT LUCAS
In the meantime, down at the River Raisin,
Captain Brush with his reinforcements and pro
visions was still waiting for an escort. On Sat
urday, August 8th, Colonel Miller was sent out
with a force of six hundred fifty men to bring
him into camp. Near Maguawga they met the
Indians and British who had crossed the river to
intercept communication. A stubborn battle
was fought, resulting in the retreat of the enemy
and a decisive victory for Colonel Miller. Great
ly encouraged by this good fortune, a despatch
was immediately sent to General Hull asking for
provisions and support in following up the ad
vantage. The General, however, refused; and on
the eleventh Lucas, stirred with wrath, recorded
these words: "It is stated that Colo Miller is
ordered back to Detroit, without accomplish
ing the object for which he started, and for
which the lives of many valuable men have been
lost — !!! My God what proceedings — " The
next day he talked with Mr. Beard — the con
tractor at Detroit and a friend of General Hull.
Convinced from this conversation that the Gen
eral was contemplating the surrender of the ar
my, he sat down and wrote to his brother-in-law
(William Kendall of Portsmouth) a long des
pairing letter concerning the condition of the
army and its commander.42

THE SURRENDER OF DETROIT 51
The week went by with inaction in the Amer
ican camp and a growing feeling of mutiny and
rage toward the inefficient General; while with
the British force across the river there were signs
of the greatest energy and vigor. Exasperated
and indignant, Lucas continued each day to give
more vent to his feelings. On Thursday the
thirteenth he wrote: "The British have taken
possession of the Bank opposite Detroit and have
commenced erecting a Battery, opposite the town.
Lieute Anderson and Dallaby each threw up a
Battery on our side one in the old Public Garden
and the other Just below the town, — The British
is suffered to work at their batterys undisturbed
and perhaps will Soon Commence firing upon
the Town (Why in the name of God are they
not routed before they compleet their Battery)
This afternoon Colo Finley with a Detachm[en]t
was ordered to prepare to march on a Detachment
up the river. They prepared and waited for
orders application was made and the Gnl was
found asleep he could not be disturbed, therefore
the Detachment had to remain in camp till the
next day,— -he probably had been taking a little
Wine with his friends, which threw him into a
deeper repose than Usual, — We also this day
heard that a party of Indians from Ma[c]kinaw
was coming do[w]n and was seen at Lake St Clair".

52 ROBERT LUCAS
Friday passed without preparation in the gar
rison at Detroit or attempt to molest the work
of the British on the Canadian side. Toward
sunset, Colonels McArthur and Cass were sent
with three hundred fifty men to the River Raisin
to meet Captain Brush. To send these two
prominent Colonels out of the camp at this most
critical time on an expedition which had been
refused them earlier in the week when the dan
ger was less imminent appeared to the army as
only a step towards the surrender to the enemy.
Saturday came with "Everything in confusion
as usual" and the British busily engaged fin
ishing their batteries. About two o'clock Gen
eral Hull awoke from his inaction long enough
to give an immediate refusal to a demand for
the surrender of the fort; and soon the town
was under bombardment. At Spring Well be
low the town that night, Captain SneUing ascer
tained that the enemy were coming across the
river; and when daylight of the sixteenth came,
it found troops and artillery busily making a
landing on the American side three miles below
Detroit. Captain Snelling sent to General Hull
for some pieces of artillery; but Hull neglected
to send any, and the British landed without
molestation and began to march up the river in
columns of platoons. Here an effective attack

THE SURRENDER OF DETROIT 53
upon the British, and the use of artillery would
perhaps still have saved the day. But instead
the impotent General commanded the artillery
not to fire, and ordered all to retreat into the
fort. The head of the British column had now
arrived within five hundred yards of the Ameri
can lines. General Hull held a consultation with
the enemy, and at about eight o'clock surren
dered his command.43 Not a stroke of defense
had been made, not a shot fired at the oncoming
troops ; nor was there even a council called lest
the purpose of a tame surrender be defeated.
Lucas writes : "In entering into this capitulation
the Gnl only consulted his own fealings, not an
officer was consulted, not one antisipated a Sur
render till they Saw the white flag displayed up
on the walls. Even the women was indignant
at the Shameful degradation of the Americ[an]
character, and all felt as they should have felt
but he who held in his hands the reins of au
thority." No words can express the bitter disappoint
ment of the men when they learned that the en
tire army (including the troops of McArthur
and Cass, returning through the woods to De
troit) had been surrendered as prisoners of war.
They had left their homes and struggled for
two months on a weary march over wretched

54 ROBERT LUCAS
roads and through leagues of swamp and wil
derness, braving the constant peril of Indian am
bush in the hope of finally serving their country.
They had crossed the border and taken posses
sion of foreign soil — an army of American pio
neers courageous even to recklessness and eager
only for an opportunity to engage the enemy.
For long weeks they had delayed and waited
at the command of their General, hoping always
for a chance to strike a blow at the hated British.
They had gone without food in days of fatiguing
skirmish duty; they had endured loss of sleep in
nights of weary watches; they had seen their
comrades fall in engagements where proper sup
port and reinforcement were refused by their
timorous commander. Balked in every patriotic
effort, and forced to watch the army of the ene
my growing stronger at every dallying step of
Hull's tactics, they had endured the final retreat
from the foreign shores in the hope of at least a
brave defense of their own fortress and soil.
And now at last this Sabbath morning in
August found their General at bay on his own
ground. There remained nothing but a last
bold defense against British invasion of Ameri
can soil, and hope revived in the garrison. Guns
were placed to command the approach, troops
were stationed and everything was in preparation

THE SURRENDER OF DETROIT 55
for a courageous stand. Just at this moment,
when expectancy was on every countenance and
the joy of action and the eagerness to retrieve
their fallen fortunes in every heart, the white
flag of surrender fluttered above the walls. On
an instant the hopes that had sustained the men
on the long marches and weary watches and per
ilous sallies faded away and the pent up feelings
of a disappointed army gave way to impotent
wrath. Officers in their rage snapped their
swords in two across their knees and strong
men by the hundreds broke down and cried like
children.44

VII
The Close of the War
With the surrender of the fort a complex prob
lem confronted Robert Lucas in connection with
his anomalous position in the army. Was he
to be considered as an officer of the United States
Army? If so, he would be transported to Can
ada with the 4th Regiment. Or was he to be
classed as a volunteer of the Ohio Militia? In
that case he would be sent home to Ohio on
parole as a prisoner of war. Lucas was fearful
that Hull would consign him to the former al
ternative, in spite of the fact that he had person
ally taken the responsibility of Lucas's staying
with the volunteers when he had received con
trary orders as a Captain in the United States
Army.45 He finally decided to take the matter
into his own hands.
"I assertained", writes Lucas in his journal,
"that all the U. S troops was to be sent to Que-
beck, and being apprehensive that Gnl Hull would
wish to have me Sent with them, I thought it pru
dent to leave the garrison previous to the British

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 57
taking possession I therefore placed my Sword
and uniform clothes in my brother [(]Capt J Lu
cas's) Trunk threw my musket and cartridge box
against the wall and left the fort, I went down
in the town of Detroit and passed in the capaci
ty of a citizen, and paid a particular attention to
the Proceedings. The British first placed a
peace of Artillery in front of Gnl Hulls Door
one at each of our Battery and placed guards to
command the defiles round the fort previ[o]us to
our troops being marched out of the fort. Their
order of march into the fort wa[s] the Regulars
and those in Uniform in front, the Militia not in
Uniform next a Compa[n]y with handkerch[i]ef s
round their heads and painted like Indians next
and the Indians in the rear Commanded by
British officers Dressed and painted like Indians.
The Indians was not suffered to go into the fort,
I Stood at the corner of the street and Saw them
pass me in this order, with indignant feelings,
but when our troops was marched out our Coul-
ors Struck and the British Coulors hoisted in
their Stead, my feelings was affected beyond ex
pression, My God who could bare the sight
without vowing eternal vengeanc[e] against the
perpetrators of Such Diabolical acts, and against
the Nation that would employ such Detestable
Savage allies, To See our Coulors prostitute to

58 ROBERT LUCAS
See and hear the firing from our own battery
and the huzzaws of the British troops the yells
of the Savages and the Discharge of small arms,
as Signals of joy over our disgrace was scenes
too horrid to meditate upon with any other view
that to seek revenge — " Finally he saw Gen
eral Hull "walking linked arms, with a British
officer, from the fort to his own hous[e] 
and appeared to be very pleasingly engaged in
conversation with him — "
In the afternoon, hearing that the 4th Regi
ment and "General Lucas" were to be sent to Que
bec, he went down to the river and boarded the
Maria of Presque Isle, on which Major Denny's
detachment of Ohio Militia was to be transport
ed. The ship weighed anchor on the eighteenth
and started down the river to Maiden where a
short stay was made. Here, in order to escape
notice and a possible transfer to Quebec, Lucas
kept himself "tolerably close below" where he
complains that the "vessel was loaded with furs
and the Strength of the Skins and the Bilge
water was enough to Suffocate us to Death."
The journey to Cleveland was not an alto
gether agreeable one, for there were about two
hundred thirty men aboard, not more than half
of whom could ever lie down at a time. On the
twenty-third day of August, Colonel McArthur

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 59
and a number of his men, including Lucas, land
ed at a point about twenty-six miles from Cleve
land and walked the remaining distance. At
Cleveland, Lucas, filling a knapsack with his
uniform, his journal, and such other articles as
he did not wish to leave, started on foot across
the country to Canton. From there he journeyed
to Georgetown, and descended the Ohio River by
boat to Portsmouth. He arrived at his home
about ten o'clock on Friday morning, the fourth
of September, 1812. On that day he concluded
his journal with this interesting paragraph:
I do hope that the Disasterous Surrender of Detroit
may terminate in Public good, It has kindeled an un-
exampeled flame of Patriotism in the western countary,
and it may perhaps be a usefull Caution to our Govern-
m[en]t who they entrust with th[e] Command of their
armies — for my part I am determined if life is spared,
nev[e]r to desert till I have Satisfaction, for the insults
giv[e]n us by ou[r] Detestable Enemy the British and
the[i]r savage allies. Robert Lucas
Portsmouth Ohio 4th Sept[embe]r 1812 Safe arr[i]ved
&C.46 Thus ended the unfortunate Hull campaign.
Colonel Cass proceeded at once to Washington,
D. C, with despatches to the government. His
report told the story of the campaign much to
the discredit of General Hull; and largely upon
this report were based the charges which resulted

60 ROBERT LUCAS
in the court martial and final conviction of that
officer.47 Moreover an examination of the ofiicial
report of Colonel Cass reveals the interesting
fact that in making up his account of the cam
paign, he had access to the journal of Robert
Lucas; and in many cases he embodies in his re-
pert sentences and even paragraphs taken direct
ly from the daily record of Lucas.48 From this
source he obtained his minute and thrilling ac
count of the surrender of Detroit, which occurred
when Cass and McArthur were in the wilderness
miles away from the scene of action.
Upon his return to Portsmouth, Robert Lucas
found his wife lying very sick. All summer she
had been unwell; and on the eighteenth of Octo
ber of that year she died, leaving Robert with
an infant daughter, Minerva, who was then not
more than a year and a half old.
The death of his wife, following almost im
mediately upon his return from a disastrous mil
itary campaign, must have made the winter of
1812-13 a sad one for Lucas. He spent the time
acting as recruiting officer under instructions
from Colonel Miller of the regular army and at
tending to his duties as Brigadier General in the
Ohio Militia. On January 2, 1813, he wrote to
James Monroe, then acting as Secretary of War,
resigning his position as Captain in the 19th

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 61
United States Infantry. He gave as his reasons
the necessity of attending to the needs of his
brigade in the Ohio Militia, the impossibility of
confining himself to the duties of a platoon
officer after having so long served as a field
officer, and finally the feeling that he was doing
his country no service in the capacity of a United
States Army officer. He stated, however, his
willingness to accept, if the government thought
proper to confer it, a position more consistent
with his rank in the State Militia; and in March
he received and accepted an appointment, dated
February 20, 1813, as Lieutenant Colonel in the
regular army. This position, however, seems
to have brought him even less satisfaction than
the former one.
Early in April, 1813, he received orders from
Duncan McArthur, then a Brigadier General in
the regular army, to repair to Chillicothe to su
perintend the recruiting of the 26th Regiment
of Infantry. At once he proceeded to that place
and commenced his duties. Soon afterward he
received orders from Washington requiring him
to report at St. Louis, where he had been as
signed to the command of the Rangers. This
was not at all to the liking of Lucas, who had
accepted the appointment under the full impres
sion that he was to be assigned to duty under

62 ROBERT LUCAS
McArthur. So he protested, stating that the
Rangers were a class of troops with whom he
had never had any connection and of whom he
had never had a favorable opinion. He finally
resigned from the office of Lieutenant Colonel,
as he had previously from that of Captain, the
resignation taking effect June 30, 18 13.49
His service in the regular army having ter
minated, Lucas turned again to the more con
genial duties of Brigadier General in the Ohio
Militia. In the meantime, General William
Henry Harrison had been placed in command of
the Northwestern army, with a large force at
his disposal and instructions to resume the con
quest of Canada. From a military point of view
it was an unwise undertaking; but the desire of
the troops for revenge would brook no hesita
tion. During the winter General Harrison made
an ineffectual attempt to march on Detroit, which
ended only in the massacre of one wing of his
force at the River Raisin. Reversing his tactics,
he assumed the defensive and strove to protect
the line of forts stretched across northern Ohio
against the approach of Proctor and the hordes
of Indian allies. This attack from Proctor as
sumed threatening aspects in July, when he
sailed from Lake Erie up the Sandusky River
and made preparations to take Fort Stephenson.

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 63
On July 24, 1813, Lucas was ordered to have
his troops ready to march at once and take the
field with Harrison. He paid three dollars to
the express who brought him the message, and
at once set about making preparations for the
march. The first week in August found him
in camp with the Northwestern Army at San
dusky; but he had arrived too late to do more
than appreciate the glory of the gallant defense
of Fort Stephenson by Major Croghan on Aug
ust 2d. Here he remained for some weeks per
forming the routine duties of military life at
Camp Ohio.50
The enthusiasm for the campaign was very
great at this time, and volunteers came pouring
in from all parts of the State. General Harri
son, however, did not feel the need of so large
an army as had gathered at Sandusky; and so,
relying on his regular forces, he decided to dis
miss the volunteer troops. This aroused a great
deal of dissatisfaction among the Ohio volun
teers, who considered it a reflection on their
abilities and a lack of appreciation of the prompt
ness with which they had responded to his call.
On the 29th of August, 1813, a meeting of the
general and staff officers of the Ohio Militia at
Upper Sandusky was held. At this meeting a
committee was appointed, consisting of Briga-

64 ROBERT LUCAS
dier General Lucas, Brigadier Quarter Master
Ezra Osborn, and William Key Bond, Judge
Advocate of the Army of Militia. They were
requested to draw up resolutions to be reported
to a general meeting of the commissioned and
staff officers at noon of the following day.
On the next day at the appointed time, the
meeting was held near the center of the camp.
Brigadier General James Manary was chosen
President, and Ezra Osborn was made Secretary.
General Lucas, on behalf of the committee, made
a long report in the form of a preamble and five
resolutions. The preamble constituted the great
er part of the instrument and discussed at length
the urgent call for volunteers by General Har
rison to Governor Meigs on July 2 2d, his re
peated letters to the Governor urging haste in
their assembling, and his final rejection of their
services. The resolutions which followed en
dorsed and commended Governor Meigs for his
services. Referring to General Harrison, how
ever, it was resolved ' ' That the conduct of his
Excellency, the Commander in Chief (Wm. H,]
Harrison) of the Northwestern Army, is on this
occasion shrouded in mystery and to us per
fectly inexplicable." The report was adopted,
signed by the leading officers, and ordered printed
in the Franklinton and Chillicothe newspapers.51

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 65
A copy of the United States pay roll of Ohio
soldiers, in the office of the Adjutant General of
the State of Ohio, shows that the service of Lucas
in the campaign of 1813 ended September 9th.
He returned to his home at Portsmouth without
further participation in the actual combat.
Lucas had enemies many and bitter. But none
were more implacable or unceasing in their hos
tility than Elijah Glover, the county Sheriff who
had arrested him in the year 1810. In 1814
Glover was arrested on grounds furnished by
two letters of a treasonable nature written over
his signature. He immediately accused Lucas
of the authorship of the letters and charged him
with forgery. A military court of enquiry, called
at the request of General Lucas, sat upon the
case, investigated the charge, and unanimously
acquitted Lucas of any connection with or know
ledge of the matter.
The incident, however, was made use of by his
political opponents in after years to defeat him
for office. In 1830 when Lucas was a candidate
for Governor of the State of Ohio the charge
made by Glover sixteen years before, was resur
rected and circulated against him. In answer to
a letter of inquiry from one of his constituents,
Lucas wrote the following detailed account of
the court of enquiry of 1814:

66 ROBERT LUCAS
Friendly Grove Pike County Ohio52
August 2d 1830
Dear Sir
Your very friendly letter of the 24th ult was re-
c[ei]ved by last mail; for the information ther[e]in con
tained I tender you, together with your broth[er] David
Robb Esqr my Sincere thanks, — That the Toung of
Slander Should be let loos[e] upon me, and the pen of Cal
umny wielded aga[in]st me by the aristocratic coalition
upon my nomin[a]tion being annou[nce]d [?] by the Dem
ocratic Republicans as a Candidate for Gov[e]rn[or] is
nothing more than I expected — The reports you allude
to are base fabrications as th[e]re wer[e] nev[e]r any
officers tried on my charges, or letters written by me,
neither were therfe] any officers agai[ns]t whom I had
an antipathy — The Circumstances out of which the re
port m[u]st have arisen are the following — Sometime in
the year 1814 — a letter Postmarked at Portsmouth and
Directed to Major W H Puthuf[f] enclosing one Di
rected to Mr M'Gregor Caneday, both Signed E Glover,
has as app[ear]ed by the post marks been forw[a]rded
to Detroit, and retur[ne]d to Major Puthuff who receiv-
[e]d th[e]m at Chillicothe — Major Puthuff on examining
the letters, Caused Glover who was then acting as
Sheriff of Scioto Co[u]nty, to be ar[r]ested and take[n]
to Chillicothe, on an exami[na]tio[n] before Judge
Thompson, he deni[e]d being the writer of the letters,
and being a most violent Personal and political enemy
of mine, asse[r]ted me to be the author — his assertio[n]
oaus[ed] considera[b]l[e] ex[c]item[en]t, so that I consid-
e[re]d it due to myself and friends to have a public in
vestigation] of the charge and requested of Major Genl
Denny und[e]r whose Command I held the office of

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 67
Brigadi[e]r Gnl to detail a Court of Enquiry to inq[u]ir[e]
into the grounds of the report as well as into my g[e]n-
[e]ral chara[c]t[e]r and conduct as an officer and Citizen
My req[u]est was granted and a Co[u]rt of Enqu[i]ry
Conven[e]d at Chillico[t]he on the 29th of July 1814 and
lasted to the 7* [?] of September.
Glover was subp[oen]ed and att[end]ed the Co[u]rt as
my accusfer] at my request The Co[u]rt admit[t]ed him
as a witness and grant[e]d him the most extrem[e] range
to introd[uc]e testim[on]y that might be prejudici[a]l to
my chara[c]ter — The opinion of the Court with regard
to the letters is as foll[ow]s viz — "The Court Unani
mously agree on the following opinion viz — After ma
ture deliberation the Court are of opinion that no evi
dence has been presented which proves General Robert
Lucas to be the author or writer of the two letters
Signed E Glover the one directed to Wm H. Puthuff
enclosing one directed to Mr Mag[r]egor Caneda nor
that he was knowing thereto — "
The Major Genl forward[ed] to me a Co[p]y of the
opinion of the Cou[r]t, with his approval ther[e]of in the
following letter which will show in what light he viewed
me as an officer —
^ „. Circlevill[e] October 7th 1314
Dear Sir
Pardon me for the neglect of not Sending you before
this time, a Copy of the opinion of the Court of Enquiry
on the testimony recorded by the Court of those things
which you have caused to be inquired of — I now enclose
it — I have received your Rank roll, and your return of
the Strength of your Brigade, I do assure you that it
gives me a sinsere pleasure, to acknowledge the Merit
of officers who deserve it — You sure [?] will not Suspect

68 ROBERT LUCAS
me of flattery when I acknowledge that you have in
ev[e]ry instance complyed with my order[s] and that in
due time
Please to ac[c]ept my sinc[er]e respect &c
Genl Robert Lucas — (Copy-) James Denny.
Genl McLene now Secretary of State, was recorder of
the Court of Enquiry He will recelle[c]t al[l] the cir-
c[u]mstanc[es] and I pr[e]s[u]m[e] he would give a stat[e-
me]nt if it should be thought ne[ce]ssary of [?] the
ch[a]rges atte[m]pt[e]d to be exhib[i]ted ag[ai]nst me, —
I carried a Suit ag[ai]nst Glover in Scioto Co[u]nty on
that and an other Case of Slander they were both tried
before Judge McLene — Should any further Charges be
made, and it should be thought nec[e]ssa[r]y to have
Judge McLen[e]'s opinion[?], I pre[su]me he would be
willi[n]g to do me Justice, his statem[en]t would clear
me from any imputatio[n], — with Sinc[ere] resp[ec]ts I
am your Obt Svt Robert Lucas
Joshua Robb Esqr (Confidential)
The court consisted of Colonel John McDon
ald, President; Jeremiah McLene, Recorder; and
Colonel Clark, Major Kilgore, and possibly
others as members. During the course of the
trial Glover was allowed to bring in evidence of
a personal nature. Aside from the charge of
forgery, he brought before the court the story
of Lucas's resistance of arrest in 1810 and also
accused him of misconduct in the Hull campaign
in the War of 1812. Lucas admitted that he
had been imprudent in his resistance of arrest

THE CLOSE OF THE WAR 69
while under the influences of passion, but stoutly
defended his conduct as an officer in the service
of his country. The result of the court of en
quiry was a complete justification of General
Lucas; and in the latter part of the same year
(1814) the people of his senatorial district
showed their appreciation of his public services
by sending him to the State Senate to succeed
Lewis Summers.

VIII
State Senator
Many varying events had come into the life of
Robert Lucas since he left his seat in the House
of Representatives in 1809. Five years had
passed, and he was again elected to sit among
the Solons of his State — this time in the Senate.
During the session of 1814-1815 we find him
representing in that body the counties of Gallia
and Scioto. His chief interest in the proceed
ings seems to have been centered in militia leg
islation, being appointed chairman of a commit
tee to act jointly with a committee from the
House in regard to militia laws. Affairs of this
nature, together with matters of a local concern —
such as reporting a bill for the incorporation of
the town of Portsmouth, and presenting a peti
tion from the citizens of Scioto County for an
appropriation to open a road — constituted his
share in legislation.53 He was reelected in 1816
and, indeed, continued to succeed himself every
two years until 1822. Nor was his military en
thusiasm without its reward; for in February

STATE SENATOR 71
1816, the Senate and House in joint session
elected him Major-General of the 2d Division
of the Ohio Militia.54
On the 7th of March, 1816, he married Miss
Friendly Ashley Sumner, a daughter of Edward
Sumner. About this time, or shortly after, he
moved north into Pike County (then newly or
ganized) and settled in the town of Piketon,
which, for over a score of years, was to be his
home. Ninety years have passed by; and yet the
little village of Piketon, with the hills on one side
and the Scioto River on the other, has not grown
a great deal. In all probability it has not changed
materially from the village which claimed Rob
ert Lucas as its most prominent citizen. The
present postmaster is a grandson of Robert's
brother, Joseph Lucas ; and there still tread the
gravel paths of Piketon, men and women who
remember the tall straight figure and stern face
of the Governor and the delicious currant pies
of his wife Friendly.
When Lucas first made this place his home
he was thirty -five years of age — in the prime of
his young manhood with the best years of his
life before him. He lived in a house that still
stands on the main street of the town. In the
front part of this house he opened the first general
store in Piketon, in partnership, it is said, with

72 ROBERT LUCAS
his brother-in-law, William Kendall. They
seem to have carried a stock of from four to five
hundred dollars worth of goods, including every
thing from shoe-strings to molasses. For those
days this was a large store, and it held a promi
nent place in the town's early life.55
Here this merchant legislator lived his simple
life while years tempered his disposition and
responsibility brought him calmer wisdom. In
the election of 1818 he received three hundred
forty-five votes in Scioto County, while his op
ponents polled but seventy and twenty-five re
spectively. In the session that followed he was
chosen Speaker of the Senate. The General
Assembly of 1818-1819 took up the matter of
judicial circuits, created two new circuits of the
Courts of Common Pleas, and appointed presi
dent judges for them. This legislation seems to
have involved Lucas in some difficulty. The sub
ject was assigned to a joint committee appointed
by the Speakers of the two houses ; and as Speak
er of the Senate, Lucas appointed Daniel Ma
deira and William R. Cole to represent the
Senate upon the committee.
Charles Hammond, who represented the coun
ties of Belmont and Monroe in the House, took
occasion, in an address to the citizens of Ohio,
to attack Speaker Lucas in particular for the

STATE SENATOR 73
appointment of Mr. Madeira — a tavern keeper
of Chillicothe, who was, as Hammond claimed,
"from his associations and situation" as little
qualified for the position as any member of the
Senate. This, together with further aspersive
remarks, greatly aroused the ire of Lucas and in
April, 1819, he wrote out a lengthy answer to
Hammond and sent it to the Ohio Monitor at
Columbus for publication, under the signature
of "Plain Truth". His defense of Madeira is
interesting, especially in connection with the
positive stand which he took against intemper
ance in his later life. "Does Mr. Hammond . .
. . . ", he asks, " wish it to be believed, that no
member but one of his own profession, ought to
be appointed on the committee ? Does he con
sider an intelligent and respectable tavern keep
er of Chillicothe to be included in a class of
citizens that ought to be deprived of equal privi
leges ? or does he wish to class such men in that
degree of humility, that he must have consider
ed the people of Ohio in, when he on a former
occasion called them a 'Swinish Multitude' and
consequently not capable of knowing their own
interests or that of the public ? Whatever may
be. Mr. Hammond's views of equality; and the
dignity of certain persons or professions, I pre
sume that the people of Ohio will never submit

74 ROBERT LUCAS
to invidious distinctions between professions,
avocations callings, or other situations in life,
but that the principle enquiry into the conduct
of their public offices, will be, whether they pos
sess Political honesty, capability, and have faith
fully discharged their duty".
During this session, the two houses met joint
ly to elect a United States Senator to succeed
Jeremiah Morrow. The records show that Rob
ert Lucas received votes on the first three bal
lots; but the fourth ballot resulted in the election
of William A. Trimble, who, as a Major in Col
onel McArthur' s Regiment six years before, had
tramped with Lucas through the mud and the
swamps of northern Ohio and laid down his
arms at the surrender of Detroit.
After the War of 1812 the country had settled
down to more peaceful ways, and the influences
of law and order and civilization were making
themselves felt in the community. Time had
wrought great change in Robert Lucas. Out of
the depths of his nature was being forged that
rugged earnestness that made his later life so
powerful for good. His character had never
lacked strength; it had simply lacked direction.
Now, with a more mature view of life and a
saner conception of its duties, higher ideals ap
pealed more strongly to him.

STATE SENATOR 75
The year 1819 seems to have been a marked
one in this respect; for in July he united with
the Methodist Church at Piketon, and through
out the remainder of his life was a prominent
worker in the cause of that denomination. View
ed in the light of his subsequent career, the gen
uineness of his religious convictions can not be
questioned. Lucas was always intense. He was
as intense in his religion as he was in political
activities or military matters. And both at this
time and later in his life this intensity found ex
pression in verse. There has been preserved in
his own handwriting a hymn of seven stanzas
written a short time before he joined the church
and entitled, "Robert Lucas's Constant Prayer."56
The first, third, sixth, and seventh stanzas read:
Oh Lord my soul from sin relieve,
And from a mind extremely blind,
Oh that the truth I could believe
With all my heart, and soul, and mind.
Oh that through faith, I could behold,
My Lord, and Savior, on the tree,
And realize, that he was sold,
Scourged, crucified, and bled for me.
Prepare me Lord, to meet the day,
When death's appointed time is come,
And with a faithful heart to say,
Oh Lord, thy gracious will be done.

76 ROBERT LUCAS
And when the vale of death is past,
May I, with saints, unite above,
Where songs of praises, ever last,
In sounding, Christ's redeeming love.
Another religious poem of thirty-two stanzas
which is extant bears this heading: "A revery
of the mind while riding alone, in Pike County,
Ohio, in July 1819, the afternoon of the day I
joined the church." Poems and verse of this
nature, of which over one hundred manuscript
pages have been preserved, illustrate a phase of
Lucas's life that is not generally considered and
which deepened constantly as he grew older.
That the respect of the community was his
is shown by his frequent reelection in Ohio to
the office of State Senator. In 1820 Thomas
Hersey appeared as a candidate against him.
This Thomas Hersey was a physician, a minister
and a new comer in the State, and his immediate
entrance into the political field aroused no little
interest among the voters. Campaign arguments
of various kinds were used against Lucas, but
-the one that perhaps did him the most injury in
the remote parts of the district was the report —
to quote from a letter from one of his constitu
ents at Portsmouth — "that you voted to give
Mr Wilson four hundred Dollars for preaching
a sermon after the success of Gen1 Jackson at

STATE SENATOR 77
New Orleans." Hersey, however, withdrew
from the race in September, having learned that
his residence in the State had not been long
enough to make him eligible. Thereupon Lucas
was reelected without opposition. In the same
year he was chosen as a presidential elector and
cast his vote for James Monroe.
On the 12th of December, 1821, United States
Senator William A. Trimble died; and in the Jan
uary following, the two houses of the State leg
islature met in joint convention to elect his suc
cessor. Lucas received votes on the first ballot;
but the contest soon narrowed down to Ethan
Allen Brown (at that time Governor of the
State) and his predecessor in that office, Thomas
Worthington. On the ninth ballot Brown was
elected and immediately resigned the office of
Governor to accept the duties of United States
Senator. The fact is significant of the compar
ative regard in which the two positions were
held. The salary of the Governor of the State
at this time was $1000.
In the fall election of 1822 William Kendall,
the brother-in-law and political rival of Robert Lu-
cas,was elected to represent Pike, Scioto and Law
rence counties in the State Senate. Thereafter
Lucas for two years devoted his time and atten
tion to his private affairs. It was during this in-

78 ROBERT LUCAS
termission that he built himself a house which
was among the finest in all southern Ohio. To
this old time mansion years have brought some
what of change; but it still stands on the Jack
son road two miles east of Piketon. It was a
large, two-story brick house with a hall in the
center and sitting-room and parlor opening on
either side of the hall. Each room, upstairs and
down, was provided with a fireplace. Over the
front door was placed a stone on which were cut
the following words: "Virtue Liberty and Inde
pendence". Beneath the word "Liberty" ap
peared a five-pointed star; while below the motto
were carved name and date: "R. Lucas, 1824."
Located on a farm of four hundred thirty-seven
acres, surrounded with large trees and with sweet
brier and eglantine growing in profusion about
the place and over the walls, it was indeed a
home of wonderful attractiveness.57
The grove about the house was the distinctive
feature of the farm; and so, in honor of his wife,
Lucas named his new home "Friendly Grove".
Here the Lucas family lived for fifteen years and
here Robert Lucas and his hospitable wife enter
tained in great state. Political friends came to
discuss weighty matters of public concern and to
laugh at the quick-witted sallies of Mrs. Lucas.
Methodist circuit riders stopped here in their

STATE SENATOR 79
unending round of pioneer preaching and found
spiritual improvement in religious conversation
with the serious minded legislator — while they
incidentally nourished their gaunt frames upon
the ample and delectable meals outspread by
their hostess. And not least eagerly came the
nephews and nieces from Piketon and the neigh
borhood to spend a week or so amid the charms
of Friendly Grove. Here they lived in constant
happiness on the cakes and smiles of Aunt
Friendly, and looked with awe upon the stern
figure of the master of the house as he returned
from his legislative duties, silent and intent upon
matters of importance in the councils of the
State. Aunt Friendly Lucas was a large woman. Not
a great deal over five feet in height, she weighed
perhaps two hundred pounds. She had a florid
complexion and an ever ready tongue, an un
quenchable fund of spirits and vigor, and a wide
spread reputation as a cook; and she was a gen
eral favorite, particularly with those to whom
these and her many other virtuous qualities ap
pealed. One of her pastimes was horseback
riding. Indeed, it was a common sight to see
her galloping over the rough country roads of
early Ohio on her coal black horse "Nig", or,
with a big basket swung from the pommel of

80 ROBERT LUCAS
her saddle, riding over the stretch of hills that
lay between Friendly Grove and Piketon on her
way to do the shopping for the family.58
In the winter of the year that saw the comple
tion of his new home Lucas was returned to his
seat in the Ohio Senate, receiving a large ma
jority in each of the three counties of the dis
trict. Two bills deserve special attention in this
session. One was passed on February 4, 1825,
and provided for a board of canal commissioners
to construct the Ohio Canal from Portsmouth to
Cleveland, and that part of the Miami Canal lo
cated between Cincinnati and Dayton. The same
act provided for another board to raise loans for
the canal; and on the 4th of July, 1825, the work
of construction was begun near Newark, Gover
nor De Witt Clinton of New York throwing the
first shovelful of dirt. The second bill was one
passed on the next day (February 5th), and was
the first act establishing a uniform system of
free schools for the State of Ohio. Both of
these subjects were near to the heart of Robert
Lucas. The support of the public schools es
pecially enlisted his sympathy; and throughout
his life he never lost an opportunity of advanc
ing their cause. The subject of canals had for
him a local as well as a general interest. Con
sidering the fact that the projected Ohio Canal

STATE SENATOR 81
was to run along the Scioto River through Pike
County and connect his former town of Ports
mouth with Lake Erie, he could hardly be other
wise than enthusiastic in its support. He was,
moreover, one of the most prominent advocates
of general canal legislation and other policies of
internal improvement in the State. He was
chairman of the joint canal committee that pre
pared and drafted the bill authorizing the con
struction of the Ohio Canal, and for years he
continued to hold this position on the committee.
But this canal business brought him woes as
well as weal. During the campaign of 1828 (as
we shall see in the next chapter) his conduct in re
gard to canal matters in the Senate was severely
criticized by his opponents; and to this day cit
izens of Piketon aver that the reason the Ohio
Canal does not run down the Piketon, or eastern
side of the river, is that Robert Lucas owned
lands at Jaspar on the west side, and secured the
placing of the canal so as to benefit his lands in
that region.

IX
A Jacksonian Democrat
Ever since the battle of New Orleans in 1815,
Robert Lucas had been an ardent admirer of An
drew Jackson, whom he resembled in many ways.
The same intense spirit and tenacity of purpose
dominated both men. They were cast in the
same rugged pioneer mould; and one can see in
the portraits of the man from Ohio, a marked
resemblance to the strong stern features of his
Tenneseean chief. Long before the Democratic
mantle of Jefferson had fallen upon the shoulders
of Jackson, Lucas had become a devoted follow
er of Old Hickory. Indeed the political princi
ples of Andrew Jackson were the most firmly
fixed tenets in the political philosophy of Rob
ert Lucas.
The decade from 1820 to 1830 is conspicuous
for the rise in political influence of the western
States. It is a fact that prior to 1824 no State
outside of the original thirteen had brought for
ward a candidate for the Presidency. But Ken
tucky and Tennessee, with their favorite sons,

A JACKSONIAN DEMOCRAT 83
and Ohio, with her rapidly increasing population
and her many young men of promise, were mak
ing the West a factor which could not safely be
overlooked in the planning of political cam
paigns. In a way the struggle of Jackson for
the Presidency of the United States was the
struggle of the West for recognition. Both Clay
and Jackson were leaders of this movement; but
Jackson had an advantage over Clay in two par
ticulars. First, the tenets of Democracy flour
ished more naturally in the western frontier
States; and secondly, Jackson with his vigorous
and successful military career had a distinct ad
vantage over Clay whose nearest approach to a
military campaign was to assist in the negotiation
of a treaty of peace in 1814 which settled none
of the points for which the war had been fought.
In 1822 the legislature of Tennessee placed
Andrew Jackson in nomination as a candidate
for President of the United States; and in the
following year he was sent to represent his State
in the United States Senate. Jackson's friends
in Ohio took up the campaign with vigor. In
September, 1824, Caleb Atwater (Ohio's first
historian) wrote to Robert Lucas from Circle ville:
"we are doing well and our ticket will carry in
Ohio beyond a doubt. In Fairfield, Hocking,
Perry, and Pickaway we shall have a majority

84 ROBERT LUCAS
over Adams and Clay both. Who is for Jack
son, in Scioto, Lawrence, Gallia & Meigs coun
ties? I wish to know who to write to, there."59
His hopes and predictions, however, were not
realized, for Ohio cast its entire electoral vote for
Henry Clay.
This "Scrub Race for the Presidency" in 1824
which finally resulted in the election of John
Quincy Adams by the House of Representatives
accomplished two things. It gave rise to the
charge (repeatedly disproved) against Clay and
Adams of a "corrupt bargain" and operated to
ward their defeat four years later. It placed
Jackson, who had received a plurality of the
popular votes, of the electoral votes, and of the
votes of the States, in the position, in the eyes
of a great mass of the people, of a man publicly
wronged. The new administration had not been
in operation eight months before the legislature
of Tennessee (with but three dissentient votes)
nominated Andrew Jackson as a candidate for
the Presidency of the United States in the elec
tion of 1828, then three years away. In May of
the following year (1826) a large public meeting
in Philadelphia endorsed the nomination, and
throughout the States the Democrats made early
preparations for the contest.
In July of 1826 Caleb Atwater, fresh from

A JACKSONIAN DEMOCRAT 85
interviews with General Duff Green, Colonel
Thomas H. Benton, and other friends of Old
Hickory, wrote enthusiastically to Robert Lucas
of the prospects of Andrew Jackson. "All is
going well," he wrote, "Jackson will receive 200
votes or upwards, out of 261, at the next election
beyond a doubt .... All is well and Mr.
Adams himself is in despair. All is misery, re
morse, shame, fear and despair at Washington,
among the coalition people. Cards, dice, back
gammon, chess and billiards are resorted to, for
the purpose of keeping off the disagreeable ideas,
which crowd into their minds .... It is time
to form our line and beat up the long roll.
Those who are not for us are against us. ' '
Ohio was considered as a doubtful State by
both parties, and the struggle was an earnest
one. It resulted in a curious and not altogether
creditable piece of legislation in the United
States Congress. The idea occurred to both
parties that a liberal grant of land to Ohio for
the benefit of the canals then in process of con
struction in that State would prove helpful to
their cause in the election. Both parties acted
almost simultaneously in the matter; but the
Jackson members of the Ohio delegation suc
ceeded in bringing their bill in first and secured
for it first consideration by the committee. By

86 ROBERT LUCAS
some unaccountable means, however, the bill of
the opposing party was transferred above the
other bill on the calendar and successfully passed
the House. The passage of a second bill for
the same purpose was of course out of the ques
tion; but the Jackson men hurried over to the
Senate and secured the passage of their bill as
an amendment to the bill of their opponents.
In this form the bill became law. Thus Ohio
received a double grant of the public funds sim
ply because the opposing parties were willing to
sell their legislative prerogative for the use of
their respective candidates.60
In the State of Ohio the friends of Jackson
were toiling assiduously for the Democratic
cause. Corresponding Jackson committees were
organized throughout the entire State for the
purpose of communicating with members of the
party in all sections and stirring up enthusiasm.
As the Democratic Senator from Scioto, Pike,
and Lawrence counties, and as a warm admirer
of the candidate, Robert Lucas was in the fore
front of the strife. Early in 1827 he received a
letter from Elijah Hay ward, of the Jackson
committee at Cincinnati, inquiring about the
progress of the campaign in Lucas's Congression
al district and asking for the names of "eight or
ten of the most frm, active and influential J ack-

A JACKSONIAN DEMOCRAT 87
sonians" together with a list of all the Jackson
postmasters in the district. Thus the corre
spondence committees worked, reaching out into
every county in the State and drawing the Jack-
sonians together into a united force.
The year 1827 wore away and the busy presi
dential year came in, with the politicians on both
sides straining every nerve to accomplish victory
for their respective parties. In July of 1828
Lucas wrote to John Davidson of Lawrence
County: " Will you be so good as to inform me
how the parties stand in Lawrence County as to
the Presidential election, in this County there
are at least ^ for the Republican Candidate, A.
Jackson. I have just returned from Jackson
Count[y] and I believ[e] there is at least f$ in
that County for the old patriot ".
Meanwhile Robert Lucas was himself a candi
date for the Senate of the State of Ohio; and
the local campaign was no less strenuous than
the presidential. The opposing candidate for
State Senatorship was his brother-in-law, Gen
eral William Kendall. At the same time Lucas
was a candidate for presidential elector on the
Jackson ticket, while Kendall was a candidate
for the same office on the Adams ticket.
The discussion in the local campaign seems to
have centered about matters relative to the Ohio

88 ROBERT LUCAS
Canal, then under construction.61 The contro
versy over the route of this canal was a compli
cated one and the part that Lucas took in the
negotiations is not easily ascertained. The con
struction of the canal, begun so enthusiastically
in 1825, progressed rapidly. The details of the
route were left in the hands of the Canal Com
missioners — and here the trouble originated. It
seems to have been the universal understanding
in the years 1825 and 1826 that the canal was to
cross the Scioto River at Chillicothe, proceed
down the west side to a point opposite or slightly
above Piketon, and there recross and connect
Piketon and Portsmouth on the east side. With
this understanding the land between Piketon
and Portsmouth was valued at canal rates and
taxes assessed proportionately.
When the canal was under discussion in the
legislative session of 1825-1826 Mr. Hale, of
Clinton County, introduced in the Senate a res
olution to instruct the Canal Commissioners to
enquire into the possibility of uniting the canal
from Cleveland with the Miami and Dayton
Canal, and in the meantime to suspend all pro
ceedings on the canal in the Scioto Valley. This
menace to the interests of the Scioto Valley re
quired immediate action. A council of the mem
bers of both houses who represented that sec-

A JACKSONIAN DEMOCRAT 89
tion was at once called. In this council it was
decided to offer a resolution instructing the Canal
Commissioners to make the permanent location
of the southern section of the canal; and since
the matter of crossing the river was considered
settled it was thought best to require in the res
olution the building of a dam. No definite pro
vision, however, was made for the recrossing of
the river. As the most experienced member of
the council, Lucas was requested to offer the res
olution. He did so and it was passed by both
houses. But this resolution was destined to
make trouble for him.
In January of 1827 the people. east of the
Scioto began to be alarmed for fear the Canal
Commissioners intended to continue the canal
down the west side instead of recrossing at Pike
ton. In view of the increase in their taxes be
cause of the canal, this was truly alarming. On
January 22, 1827, John R. Turner, of Ports
mouth, wrote to Lucas asking for information
regarding the reports concerning the commis
sion. Their fears were realized, for the Canal
Commissioners fixed the route on the west side,
without again crossing the river. In the cam
paign of 1828 the resolution which Lucas had
introduced into the Senate was used against him
with great effect. They forgot that it perhaps

90 ROBERT LUCAS
was the only thing that had saved the southern
section of the canal from being abandoned alto
gether and the Cleveland section connected with
the Miami instead of the Scioto valley. They
remembered only that the resolution had con
tained no specific provision for the recrossing of
the river at Piketon.
In the Western Times of Portsmouth for Sep
tember 20, 1828, a communication signed "Rural
Swain" bitterly arraigned Lucas for his conduct
in connection with canal matters. In answer to
his attack, Theo. H. Burrows, a Portsmouth
friend of Lucas, took up the cudgel in his behalf
under the pen name of "Henry". In the Times
for October 4 and October 11 he published a
strong defense of Lucas and called into question
the attitude of his opponent, William Kendall,
on these same canal difficulties. Just how much
Lucas had to do with the change of the route to
the opposite side of the river is difficult to ascer
tain. The fixing of the route was a matter to
be settled by the Commissioners and not the
legislators; and the evidence at hand does not
support the charge that Lucas had anything to
do with it. Moreover, the evidence does show
that after the Canal Commissioners had made
their decision, in July, 1828, in favor of the west
side, Lucas voiced the sentiments of the people

A JACKSONIAN DEMOCRAT 91
of Piketon and the east side in a strong protest
against the action, and a plea for justice to the
town of Piketon which would suffer so grievous
ly by the change of location.62
Aside from matters connected with the Ohio
Canal, the campaign against Lucas was carried
out largely on personal lines. His enemies re
vived and published in the newspapers of the
day sensational accounts of his arrest eighteen
years before at Portsmouth. A man signing
himself "Old Mockasin" reproduced in the col
umns of the Western Times the letter which Lu
cas wrote to Captain Lindsay while confined in
the county jail; and accompanied it with various
uncomplimentary remarks. A week later the
same paper published a communication from his
ancient enemy, Elijah Glover, in which, after re
counting the details of the arrest, he proceeded
to renew his charges of forgery made against
Lucas in 1814, and of perjury in connection with
the Court of Enquiry which sat upon his case
and acquitted him of the charge.
With these preliminaries the contest went to
the polls. The result was the election of Wil
liam Kendall as State Senator. The defeat of
Lucas must not, however, be laid necessarily to
personal grounds, since the entire Federal ticket
for the district was elected. The State as a

•92 ROBERT LUCAS
whole, on the other hand, went Democratic as
far as national politics were concerned, and Lu
cas was chosen as a presidential elector. So that
while Kendall was sent to the State Senate, Lu
cas had the pleasure and satisfation of casting
his presidential vote as elector for his beloved
chief, Andrew Jackson.63
Kendall's service in the Senate was short. On
July 18, 1829, he resigned his seat, thus neces
sitating the election of his successor in the mid
dle of a term. The same four counties of Pike,
Scioto, Lawrence, and Jackson made up the dis
trict; and of course the same Federalist majority
existed which had elected Kendall the previous
year. That party, however, made a fatal blun
der. Two candidates, David Mitchell and Giles
S. B. Hempstead (both Federalists) announced
themselves, and neither would withdraw in favor
of the other.
Thus matters stood when the Democrats of
the district began to wake up to the possibilities
of the campaign. On September 17, 1829, a
letter was written to Robert Lucas, signed by a
score of prominent men of Jackson County, ask
ing him — if not inconvenient to his private con
cerns — to allow them to use his name as a can
didate. Lucas replied, stating that it had al
ways been his belief that the promotion of the

A JACKSONIAN DEMOCRAT 93
public good should be the ruling principle with
every good Republican and that private interest
should never be permitted to control a man's
political actions. Feeling that the people had a
right to command the services of any man when
in their opinion his services were useful to the
public, he acceded to their request and appeared
as a candidate to succeed his brother-in-law.
The outcome is not difficult to guess. The final
vote stood: Lucas, 1078; Mitchell, 880; Hemp
stead, 441. It is apparent that, had the Feder
alists combined on one man, Lucas would have
been again defeated.64
When the Senate convened on the 7th of De
cember, 1829, Robert Lucas was chosen Speaker
without opposition. It was to be his last year
in the State Senate; and among his colleagues
for this session were Duncan McArthur, who in
the following summer was to be his opponent in
the gubernatorial race, and Darius Lyman, whom
he was to defeat in the same contest two years
later. For term after term Lucas had been re
elected to the State Senate; twice he had been
chosen presidential elector; and twice he had
been considered as a candidate for the United
States Senate.
A story told of him — perhaps true and per
haps untrue — illustrates his hold upon his own

94 ROBERT LUCAS
district. In one of the campaigns for the State
Senate, his enemies (and he had many) feeling
that it was impossible to defeat General Lucas,
invented a plan to humiliate him. There was
in the district at that time a Pennsylvania Dutch
man named Delawder, illiterate and in no way
qualified for a position of public trust. The
enemies of the General, with flattery and cajol
ing, persuaded him to become a candidate for
the position; and he with proud seriousness
played his comic part in the campaign. Natur
ally he received few if any votes. Being rallied
upon his defeat he explained that "he was mak
ing a pooty good race, when that tarn big Gener
al Lucas came along riding on his horse and all
the tarn fools voted for him."65

State Politics
The activity of Lucas in support of Andrew
Jackson in the late twenties, together with his
long and faithful career in the halls of the Gen-
eneral Assembly had brought him, in 1830, to
a place of distinct prominence in the Democratic
politics of the State of Ohio. The leaders of
the Democratic Republican party in his Con
gressional district were making plans, during the
winter of 1829-1830, to run Lucas as a candidate
against Samuel Vinton for the seat in the House
of Representatives; but these plans were with
drawn when it was learned that the Jacksonian
leaders of the State were contemplating his can
didacy for the Governorship.66 During this
winter, also, it was decided to arrange for a
State nominating convention. This was an in
novation and was opposed at first by several of
the leaders of the party; and even as late in the
campaign as September the Ohio State Bulletin,
a Democratic organ, felt it necessary to publish
in an editorial an extended defense of the system

96 ROBERT LUCAS
of conventions for the nomination of candidates.
The movement, however, gained strength during
the spring of 1830, and the convention which
finally met on the 12th of July was a success in
both numbers and enthusiasm. The meeting
was held in the German Lutheran Church at
Columbus, and about two-thirds of the counties
were represented. There was little doubt as to
who the candidate should be. Judge Campbell
was favored by some; but he declined. And so
Lucas received the unanimous nomination of the
convention as the Democratic Republican candi
date for the Governorship of Ohio.67
While the convention was in session in Col
umbus, Henry Clay was also in the city. In
January, 1830, he had made a trip to New Or
leans and the Mississippi River towns; and dur
ing the summer toured the State of Ohio. At
Columbus the National Republicans of the State
gathered about him — Charles Hammond, of the
Cincinnati Gazette, Jacob Burnet, John C.
Wright, Philip Doddridge, Thomas Ewing, and
many others.68 Indeed, it seems to have been a
time of vigorous rallying for both parties.
At this time the candidate of the National
Republicans had not been announced. The Co
alition Party — as the followers of Adams and
Clay were frequently termed — was opposed to

STATE POLITICS 97
the plan of conventions and followed the old
method of announcement through the newspa
pers. After this manner the nomination of the
Coalition forces seems finally to have fallen up
on that canny Scot and old-time comrade of
Robert Lucas, namely, Duncan McArthur. For
more than a score of years the two men had
been the closest of friends. They had eaten,
slept, and fought together; and in his journal of
the Hull campaign Lucas wrote: "Never was
there a braver or better hearted man than Colo
McArthur."69 The careers of the two opposing candidates
for Governor had been very similar. Each had
come out to the Northwest Territory as pioneers
before the State of Ohio was formed. Each
had risen in the Ohio Militia to the rank of
Major General, fought in the War of 1812, and
joined the regular army; and each had served
fourteen years in the General Assembly of the
State of Ohio. In addition General McArthur
had been twice elected from an Ohio district to
a seat in the United States Congress. McAr
thur was an older man than Lucas by about nine
years and in this way had somewhat of an ad
vantage. He had come to the Northwest before
Lucas; he had been Lucas's superior officer in
the War of 1812, and had won marked distinc-

98 ROBERT LUCAS
tion both under General Hull and later under
General Harrison. In 1818 he had broken with
the Democratic party on the issue of the United
States Bank, which he favored. He was a man
of note throughout the State and an exceedingly
strong opponent.70
The campaign progressed with enthusiasm
through the summer and fall. In August,
Thomas L. Hamer (who in later years secured
for Lucas the Governorship of Iowa) wrote to
him: "You must '¦'keep a stiff upper lip,' — until
the election is over. I have very little doubt that
you will be elected." He also said, referring
to Henry Clay's tour through the State : " It has
injured him more, in my estimation, with the
great body of the People, than any other move
ment he has made since his retirement." Strong
men were behind the candidacy of Lucas. Men
like Judge John McLean, of the United States
Supreme Court, Judge Elijah Hayward, Dr.
John Hamm, Judge Campbell, and many others
were using every effort to bring about his elec
tion. The campaign was not without vituperation
and personal attack; and the system of "Coffin
Hand Bills " used against Jackson had not been
forgotten as an instrument of political warfare.
The leader of the attacks upon Lucas by the

STATE POLITICS 99
Coalition party was Charles Hammond. In his
Cincinnati Gazette of July 27, 1830, an article
appeared making pointed inquiries regarding the
charge of forgery of which the court of enquiry
had acquitted Lucas some sixteen years before.
The story, much garbled, twisted, and exag
gerated, was circulated throughout the State
and created a great deal of comment. Letters
came to Lucas from his friends inquiring about
the matter; and J. C. Melcher, editor of the
Chillicothe Evening Post, wrote asking him for
information that could be used in answer to
Hammond's article.
Out at Friendly Grove, however, Robert Lu
cas appears not to have been greatly disturbed
by the bitterness of the attacks against him. In
August he wrote in answer to Melcher: "Hav
ing been consid[er]ably engaged during the pres-
[e]nt week with my Hay and Oat Harvest, I did
not call at the post office in Piketon until the
Post ar[r]ived this day — when I found your fa
vor of the 2a inst and a Cincin[na]ti Gazette that
appeared to have been forwarded by Tu[e]sdays
mail ". Lucas then proceeded to give him a de
tailed account of the court of enquiry in 1813,
and of his acquittal.
Throughout the State in this campaign there
was a faction variously called the "Ebonies" and

100 ROBERT LUCAS
"Ebonites" which opposed the election of Lucas
with a most unrelenting vigor.71 In September,
Judge Reuben Wood, of the Third Circuit,
wrote to him of the "scurrility of some of the
late 'Ebony' publications" and of the extremely
active campaign against the Jacksonian candi
date being conducted in the Western Reserve by
Judge Hitchcock and others. Yet the Demo
cratic publications were optimistic, and in the
last issue before election day the Ohio State
Bulletin printed the following in capital letters:
GENERAL LUCAS WILL BE ELECTED GOVERNOR
OF THIS STATE, IN ALL PROBABILITY, BY A MAJOR
ITY OF FROM FIVE TO TEN THOUSAND VOTES. WE
CARE NOT WHETHER ONE CANDIDATE RUNS AGAINST
HIM OR HALF A DOZEN  NO MATTER HOW MANY OR
HOW FEW, ALL THE HOBBIES IN CHRISTENDOM,
CANNOT WITHDRAW FROM HIM THE SUPPORT OF THE
DEMOCRATIC PARTY  HE IS SURELY THE PEOPLE'S
CANDIDATE  A PLAIN UNOSTENTATIOUS FARMER, A
DEVOTED PATRIOT  AND A FIRM AND ZEALOUS
FRIEND OF HIS COUNTRY.
These hopeful predictions, however, were not
realized by the election. The contest was waged
strenuously by both parties up to the last day;
and when it went to the voters in October, Dun
can McArthur was, by a small majority, elected
Governor of the State of Ohio.

STATE POLITICS 101
In the fall of the following year, 1831, Robert
Lucas was chosen by the people of Pike and
Jackson counties to represent them in the House
of Representatives of the General Assembly of
the State; and again he occupied a seat in the
House where he had sat more than a score of
years before as a young man of twenty-seven.
In the election of Speaker he received the great
est number of votes of the first ballot; but did
not have a majority. On the second ballot he
was defeated by William B. Hubbard. Here,
in the same body where he had begun his polit
ical career, he was exerting his best efforts for
the public welfare when a second State conven
tion nominated him as the Democratic candidate
for the Governorship of Ohio.
In the State of Ohio the campaign of 1832
was a strenuous contest. Four years before the
State had given an undivided electoral vote for
Jackson. Now the Democrats were determined
not only to carry the State for Jackson as Presi
dent, but also to elect a Jacksonian to the office
of Governor. They began the campaign in due
season. As early as the fall of 1831 there ap
peared in the newspapers of Ohio suggestions
for a State nominating convention. It was pro
posed to hold the convention on the 8th of Jan
uary, the anniversary of Jackson's victory at

102 ROBERT LUCAS
New Orleans; but this date happened to occur
on a Sunday, and the time finally fixed upon
was the day following, or Monday, January 9,
1832. All through the fall and winter of 1831 the
Democratic leaders were corresponding and mak
ing preparations for an enthusiastic convention.
The Jacksonian members of the General Assem
bly of the State wrote to the leaders in the vari
ous counties urging them to hold county meetings
and choose delegates to a State Convention.
Lucas, before leaving home to take his seat in
the legislature made arrangements to have dele
gates chosen in Pike and Jackson counties and
wrote to his friends in Scioto and Lawrence
counties urging them to do the same. On Mon
day, December 5, 1831, the General Assembly
convened at Columbus. That same evening,
after the meeting of the legislature, the friends
of Jackson assembled and agreed unanimously to
recommend to the Democratic Republicans that
throughout the State county meetings be held
for the purpose of choosing delegates to the
State convention at Columbus.
The fact that Lucas had headed the State
ticket two years before made him a prominent
figure in the forecasts of the convention. Dur
ing the first week in January, Isaac Humphreys

STATE POLITICS 103
of Washington County, a strong adherent of Lu
cas, wrote to him concerning the convention and
by way of suggestion made this pointed remark:
" Let the Gentleman nominated, or before nom
ination for Governor, be introduced and associate
a little, with affability among the Delegates, with
but little trouble and without lessening any Gen
tlemanly Dignity, much Good will be done."
"I left my harvest," he continued, "cfe went to
Columbus as a Delegate in 1830, & then formed
an opinion, that if you had been there, &, mixed
in your frank, agreeable manner with the Dele
gates that it would have gone far to secure your
Election, an object which I had much at heart."
At the appointed time, on the 9th of January,
this convention of the "friends of the existing
administration" met at Columbus. The purpose
of the meeting was to nominate Democratic can
didates for Governor of the State and presiden
tial electors, and to organize the Democratic Re
publican party for an energetic and efficient cam
paign. A committee was given the task of pre
senting names to the convention for nomination.
They reported in favor of General Robert Lucas,
who was thereon chosen as the Democratic nom
inee for the office of Governor of Ohio.72 Thus
the campaign was opened fully six months earlier
than it had been at the preceding election for

104 ROBERT LUCAS
Governor. It was, however, a more important
occasion. It was a presidential as well as a gu
bernatorial campaign; and a great anxiety was
felt to carry every contest in the State of Ohio
for the principles of Andrew Jackson and the
party which he represented. It may also have
been true that the leaders of the Democracy in
the State were under the stress of New Year
resolutions to retrieve their defeat of two years
before.

XI
The Baltimore Convention
To Robert Lucas belongs the distinguished
honor of presiding over the first national con
vention ever held by the Democratic party of
the United States. In the campaign of 1832
for the first time in the history of American pol
itics the various parties pursued the policy of
holding national conventions to nominate candi
dates. The Congressional caucus had passed
away, and the nomination by local legislatures
and mass meetings failed to give the requisite
backing for a party candidate.
In September, 1831, the Anti Masons con
vened at Baltimore and placed in nomination
for the Presidency and Vice Presidency of the
United States, William Wirt and Amos Ell-
maker respectively. Early in December there
met in the same city a convention of National
Republicans who with considerable enthusiasm
nominated as their candidates, Henry Clay and
John Sergeant.
The plan for a nationial convention of the

106 ROBERT LUCAS
Democratic party was broached in May, 1831,
in a letter from William B. Lewis to Amos Ken
dall.73 Mr. Kendall was at that time visiting
his friend Isaac Hill in New Hampshire. In
this letter Lewis proposed a meeting in the fol
lowing May, at which the friends of the admin
istration could be brought together from all
parts of the Union and harmony secured . n the
campaign movements of the party. The sug
gestion was favorably received by Kendall and
Hill; and at their instance the Democratic mem
bers of the New Hampshire legislature held a
convention which called a Democratic national
convention to convene in Baltimore on the third
Monday of May, 1832.
Lewis in his letter to Kendall spoke of Bar
bour, Dickinson, and McLane as possibilities for
vice presidential nomination; but did not in this
connection mention Martin Van Buren. Whether
this omission was a part of a general scheme
in his favor or whether he was not then consid
ered for the place, it is perhaps useless to dis
cuss. But events so shaped themselves during
the year that intervened before the final meeting
of the convention that no other course than the
nomination of Van Buren was possible.
For some time Van Buren had been cherishing
the hope of inheriting the presidential robe of

THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION 107
Andrew Jackson; and with this hope Jackson
was fully in accord. The city of Washington
was, however, in the year of 1831, hardly the
place in which one could with complacency
await such a legacy. The internal workings of
the administration were anything but harmo
nious; and seemingly the only safe place for a
political aspirant to avoid trouble was across the
seas. Early in 1831 Jackson decided to remake his
cabinet. On the 1 1th of April Martin Van Buren
resigned his place as Secretary of State with the
understanding that he was to be made Minister
to the Court of St. James. In resigning he ad
mitted his candidacy for the office of President,
and laid his resignation to the fact that a cabi
net minister with those ambitions would be open
to the charge of manipulating politics to his own
private ends.
His resignation, which was accepted, was fol
lowed by the break up of the cabinet. Receiv
ing the appointment as Minister to England,
Van Buren soon left for his new post. Congress,
however, was not in session when the appoint
ment was made; and he arrived in London in
September of 1 831 without having had the action
of President Jackson confirmed by the Senate.
At the Court of St. James he entered upon a

108 ROBERT LUCAS
field of work for which he was eminently fitted.
His ingratiating manners and fascinating person
ality at once brought him friends and social en
joyments. He dined and banqueted with Eng
land's proudest sons. He learned to know
many of the leading representatives of Europe.
Prince Talleyrand, in his seventy-eighth year,
was there representing Louis Philippe, the new
King of France. The Duke of Wellington was
there suffering an extreme unpopularity because
of his stubborn resistance to the Reform Bill.
And Sir Walter Scott was there on his way to
Italy, broken in health, living with a pathetic
bravery the last year of his life. At the Amer
ican Legation the new Minister found Washing
ton Irving, then stopping at London on his way
from Spain. Forming an immediate friendship
these two representatives of the Knickerbocker
State toured through England in an open car
riage and visited the scenes of the Sketch Book.™
But Van Buren' s enemies at home were not
idle while he was thus enjoying himself. His
nomination, sent by President Jackson to the
Senate in December, was rejected on January 25th
after a series of formal speeches by Webster,
Clay, Hayne, and others condemning the late
Secretary of State. The opponents of Van Buren
calculating to a nicety the number they could

THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION 109
rely upon and knowing to a certainty the num
ber of Van Buren supporters, excused enough of
their voters to allow Vice President Calhoun the
extreme pleasure of casting, as President of the
Senate, the decisive vote against his enemy.
Thomas Benton in his Thirty Years in the
United States Senate tells us that Calhoun after
wards remarked: "It will kill him, sir, kill him
dead. He will never kick sir, never kick."75
Never was a greater mistake made by a polit
ical faction. The rejection of Van Buren, so far
from performing its purpose as apolitical poison
became instead a most pOtent and healthful med
icine. Calhoun and his friends had overreached
themselves. They had placed Van Buren in
that uncomfortable but eminently advantageous-
position of a man publicly wronged.
The news reached Van Buren as he was pre
paring to attend a party at Talleyrand's. It was
a peculiarly humiliating situation, but he bore it
with the greatest tact and dignity. He appeared
at Talleyrand's with his usual composure and
grace; and if all England had not already known
of his rejection, they could not have read it in
his face and actions. Thus he pursued the tenor
of his official ways with undisturbed demeanor,,
attending social functions and making more
friends in his adversity than he had made in th&

110 ROBERT LUCAS
days of triumph. The inherent desire of Eng
lishmen to see fair play brought him the sym
pathy of the entire nation.
Nor was this less true in the land of trans
planted Englishmen. The reaction against the
movement of|tCalhoun, Clay, and Webster soon
made itself felt in America; and it was every
where acknowledged that Martin Van Buren had,
by that short-sighted blow, been thrust upon the
people as the inevitable Vice Presidential nom
inee. Only by this compliment could his party
defend him from the action of their enemies.
On the 21st of May, 1832, when Martin Van
Buren was touring the continent of Europe prior
to his return to America, the first national Dem
ocratic convention met in Baltimore.76 It was
distinctly a Vice Presidential convention. The
candidacy of Jackson for President was not a
matter of debate. It was a Jackson party; and
he was so unquestionably their candidate that
the discussion of a nominee for the Presidency
would, under the circumstances, have appeared
to the Democrats like an insult to their leader.
For Vice President, however, there were several
candidates, of whom the most prominent, aside
from Van Buren, were Philip P. Barbour and
Richard M. Johnson. At eleven o'clock Monday
morning the convention assembled in the saloon

THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION m
of the Athenaeum. Delegations came from every
State in the Union except Missouri. Among
the delegates from the State of Ohio was Gen
eral Robert Lucas.
Judge Overton of Tennessee had been agreed
upon as the presiding officer of the convention.
He had been a lifelong friend and supporter of
Andrew Jackson, and had succeeded him as
Judge of the Supreme Court of Tennessee. Upon
his name being proposed as chairman pro tem.
however, his colleague John H. Eaton, Jackson's
late Secretary of War, arose and remarked that
Judge Overton was sick and unable to attend
that morning; he thanked the convention for the
honor conferred upon his friend, and closed his
remarks by moving that General Robert Lucas
of Ohio should be chosen chairman pro tem. in
place of the Judge. The motion was unanimous
ly carried and Lucas was conducted to the chair.
The first day of the convention passed in or
ganization and preliminaries. Tuesday morning
the saloon of the Athenaeum was found too small
to accommodate the convention and the members
met in the Universalist church in St. Paul Street.
Here the business of the convention began in
earnest. Mr. King of Alabama, from the com
mittee appointed to nominate officers, presented
the name of General Robert Lucas as permanent

112 ROBERT LUCAS
chairman. The nomination was approved by
the convention and Lucas took the chair. After
expressing his deep appreciation of the honor
which they had bestowed upon him, he paid
tribute to the party they represented, whose ob
ject was to preserve the pure principles of Re
publicanism and to secure to the people the free
and uninfluenced enjoyment of their rights and
privileges. He emphasized the importance of
the session and the propriety of sacrificing all
personal feelings and local preferences for the
sake of the cause in which they were engaged,
which was to preserve the harmony and advance
the prosperity of the great Republican party
throughout the Union. He expressed a con
sciousness of his inability to perform the duty
assigned to him in a manner corresponding with
his wishes; but feeling no doubt of the support
and kindness of the convention, he accepted the
appointment.77 The convention then proceeded to make rules
concerning the conduct of ^business. In the morn
ing session that famous rule was adopted by
which a two-thirds vote was made necessary for
the choice of a candidate. After a short recess
the members reassembled at twelve o'clock and
took up the choice of a Vice Presidential candi
date. It was agreed that no nominations should

THE BALTIMORE CONVENTION 113
be made in convention; but that the States cast
as many votes as they had presidential electors
according to the new appointment, and continue
the balloting until a selection was made.
Only one ballot was necessary. Out of the two
hundred eighty-three votes cast, Martin Van
Buren received two hundred eight, Philip P.
Barbour forty -nine, and Richard M. Johnson
twenty-six.78 Thus on the first ballot Van Buren
received more than two-thirds of the votes. He
was declared the candidate of the convention and
unanimously recommended to the people of the
United States as the Vice Presidential nominee
of the Democratic party.
On Wednesday morning the committee ap
pointed by President Lucas the preceding day
to prepare an address to the people of the United
States reported in favor of allowing each dele
gation to report to its constituents as it judged
best, rather than formulating a national address.
This suggestion allowing the individual States
to fight out the campaign on their own lines was
unanimously acceded to by the convention.
Before adjourning Robert Lucas and the four
Vice Presidents received the thanks of the con
vention for the prompt, impartial and dignified
manner in which they had presided over its de
liberations.79 It was then ordered that immedi-

114 ROBERT LUCAS
ately upon adjournment the members would pro
ceed to visit the venerable Charles Carroll, the
only survivor of the signers of the Declaration
of Independence. With prayer by the Reverend
Mr. Wallace, the meeting ended and the Demo
cratic party closed with the greatest of harmony
its first national convention.
As President of the convention, Robert Lucas,
together with the four Vice Presidents, drafted a
letter on the 2 2d of May and sent it to Van
Buren, announcing his nomination. Upon his
return from Europe, Van Buren, on August 3,
1832, replied from Kinderhook outlining his po
sition. He spoke particularly of the change
that had come over affairs since his departure
for England, and in the light of recent events,
he cheerfully consented to come before the
American people as a candidate for the office of
Vice President of the United States.80

XII
Governor of Ohio
Lucas returned to Ohio after his brief season
of glory at Baltimore and plunged again into his
own campaign for the Governorship.81 From
the first it was anticipated that Governor McAr
thur would be the candidate for the National
Republicans, and preparations were made accord
ingly by the Democrats. Yet spring and early
summer drifted by without definite action being
taken to place McArthur before the people for
reelection. Finally on the last day of June,
1832, there appeared in the State Journal and
Columbus Gazette the following item: "I have
been waiting for some time to see the name of
some suitable person announced in your paper
to be suggested by the National Republicans of
this state as their candidate for governor at the
ensuing election." The writer then asked that
Duncan McArthur be announced as a candidate
to succeed himself. Accordingly, in the next
issue of the paper appeared the name of General
McArthur as a candidate against Lucas.

116 ROBERT LUCAS
Until September 15th this announcement was
continued in the columns of the State Journal.
But on this date which was less than a month
before the final election, a peculiar change oc
curred in the campaign of the Anti-Jacksonians.
In the State Journal there appeared a letter,
addressed by McArthur to the Corresponding
Central Committe, withdrawing his name from
the list of candidates "with the view of uniting
all who are opposed to the reelection of General
Jackson, upon some one candidate for the office
of Governor." In another column of the same
issue McArthur addressed a letter to the electors
of the Seventh Congressional District, agreeing
to become a candidate for Representative in Con
gress from that district (Richard Douglas and
William K. Bond having withdrawn in his fa
vor). Soon after, the name of Darius Lyman
was announced as one on which all Anti-Jackson
forces could unite in the campaign for the Gov
ernorship. The explanation of this shift of candidates is
found in a coalition in the State of the forces
opposed to Jackson. The Anti-Masonic party,
at this time possessing considerable strength,
had already nominated Darius Lyman as their
candidate for Governor. They now agreed that,
if the National Republicans would withdraw

GOVERNOR OF OHIO 117
McArthur as a candidate for Governor and sup
port Lyman, the Anti-Masons would withdraw
their electoral ticket and vote for the presiden
tial electors nominated by the National Repub
licans.82 Earlier in the campaign this combination
might have been successful, but at this late date
it was fatal. The strength of General Lucas
was everywhere admitted; and a well planned,
persistent campaign, together with the prestige
he had won as chairman of the Baltimore Con
vention, brought him the undivided support of
the Democrats.
A few days before the election the Columbus
Sentinel came out with an appeal to the Demo
cratic voters. "Look for a moment", it urged,
"at the Opposition Ticket. It is as speckled as
an adder. The venomous viper lies coiled be
hind the bush to make you its prey. A striped
tri-ooloured, federal, clay, anti mason Tick
et has been got up against us and the Jackson
party are called upon to march up to the work
set before them. They can, they will give this
chamelion this ' beast of many spots1 his death
blow."83 And they did. The dilatory, unsys
tematic policy of the opposition had brought de
feat and a change of administration. The elec
tion occurred on the 9th of October; and General

118 ROBERT LUCAS
Robert Lucas with a majority of over eight
thousand votes was chosen the ninth Governor
of the State of Ohio. It is worthy of notice
that although Lucas was elected by such a large
majority, the Anti- Jackson candidates for Con
gress received an aggregate vote greater by about
five thousand than that given to the Jackson
candidates.84 In the Seventh District the contest for Repre
sentative in Congress was a remarkable one.
When General McArthur withdrew from the
race for the Governorship and entered the race
for Congress he encountered as his opponent a
young man of twenty-six named William Allen.
Forty-two years later, after winning national dis
tinction in both Houses of Congress, Allen be
came Governor of the State of Ohio; but at this
time he was at the beginning of his career, a
staunch Democrat and a firm friend of Robert
Lucas. The contest was close, and for weeks after
election day the result was doubtful, the two
parties living in alternate hopes and fears. When
the decision was finally made William Allen was
declared elected with a majority of one vote,
having received 3738 votes, while for McArthur
there were exactly 3737 ballots.
The defeated veteran shortly after retired from

GOVERNOR OF OHIO 119
public life and settled down at his country home
at Fruit Hill to reflect over his long and honor
able career in the service of the public. Many
years later William Allen, having married a
daughter of General McArthur, came into the
possession of Fruit Hill and spent his later days
in the home of his sometime opponent.
Governor Lucas was inaugurated on the 7th
of December, 1832, and delivered on that occa
sion an address which is worthy of notice in three
particulars. First, he laid great stress upon the
encouragement of education, particularly the
system of free public schools. Then he pressed
upon the legislature the great need of revising
the militia law. This was a subject to which he
was never indifferent, and to which he pays
tribute in these words: "The militia is the dread
of tyrants and the guard of freemen. They are
the strong arm of national defense, and are the
first resort, in case of hostilities." In the third
place his inaugural address is noticeable for its
comment on Nullification. He says: "The doc
trine of Nullification (as it is called) that has
been zealously and no doubt seriously asserted
by many eminent politicians in South Carolina,
I believe to be without the support of constitu
tional authority, dangerous in its consequences

120 ROBERT LUCAS
and if adopted, would lead to anarchy, and the
ultimate dissolution of the Union."
The Governor of Ohio in those days was by
no means the prominent and powerful figure that
he is to-day. Indeed, the government under the
first State Constitution may be characterized as an
over-strong legislature with executive and judicial
appendages. The prerogatives of the one and
the appointment of the other were in the hands
of the Senate and House of Representatives.
This condition of affairs was the result of a re
action against the power of the executive in Ter
ritorial days. General Arthur St. Clair had been
Governor of the Northwest Territory for a period
of fifteen years; but his term of office was not as
successful as it was long. An imperious temper,
an unfortunate stubbornness of disposition, and
an unwarranted conceit in his power as a civil
administrator brought misfortune to his career
and final removal from office in 1802 by Presi
dent Jefferson. An Englishman by birth and
all his life a soldier, he had, in his long experi
ence as an officer, come to forget that an Amer
ican body politic can not be governed by the
same methods as a frontier army. There was
no lack of sincerity in the man, but there was a
great lack of wisdom and tact. And so mistakes
and blunders characterize the life of this patriot

GOVERNOR OF OHIO 121
whose good intentions far exceeded those of
many men of greater success.85
By the Northwest Ordinance the Governor
was made part of the legislative department, and
no bill could become a law without his assent.
Governor St. Clair, by his use of the veto power
and his assumption of executive authority in the
organization of new counties, had aroused a great
deal of bitterness which, intensified by other
acts, engendered an intense hostility among the
legislators. When the time came for the State
of Ohio to be carved out of the Northwest Terri
tory and the Convention of 1802 met to construct
a State Constitution, there was worked out a
plan of government in evident dread of executive
power. It took away from the Governor en
tirely the power of veto and turned over prac
tically all appointments to the legislators, thus
burdening that department with an enormous
and dangerous patronage.
The Governor remained Commander in Chief
of the State Militia, which to Robert Lucas
proved an important consideration. But aside
from this there remained to the Governor, when
he took an inventory of his prerogatives, only
the thankless task of pardoning criminals and
the appointment of notaries and a few other
minor officers.86 When we consider that the

122 ROBERT LUCAS
salary was limited by constitution and statute to
$1000 we are inclined to look upon the incum
bent as the responsible tenant of an empty office.
Yet the office was one of honor, and on certain
occasions carried with it some little power; and
never was there a lack of candidates.
To Governor Lucas the power to grant re
prieves and pardons was not an unalloyed bless
ing. If he pardoned, he aroused a bitter storm
of wrath from the citizens of the convict's dis
trict; if he did not pardon, he encountered like
wrath from the friends of the abused law-breaker.
One of the first official acts of Governor Lucas
was to pardon a convict named Asher, from Co
shocton County. This was in December, 1832,
the first month of his term of office; and from
then on for several months he was subjected to
a series of denunciatory letters, anonymous and
otherwise, censuring his action. On the other
hand interesting communications of this nature
were sometimes received at the executive office:
Muskingum County®?
-*, -c, T Ohio May 1833
Me Robeet Lucas j
Sir
I have taken this plan of informing you that Col.
Gault has abused an old friend of mine who is now a
prisoner under his controle. The gentlemans name is
William Thompson

GOVERNOR OF OHIO 123
My wish is that he receive his pardon by the first day
of August 1833. Should he not be pardoned by that
time I shall be under the necessity of calling at your
plantation and if I do you may expect to see fire and
smoke more plentiful on your plantation than it has
been for some time.
A word to the wise is a plenty
an injured and determined man
Robeet Lucas
The first term of Robert Lucas, aside from
these minor incidents, passed rather uneventfully.
These years were years of great progress for
Ohio in the way of internal improvements.
Roads were being laid out, railways planned, and
work on the State canals pushed with great en
thusiasm. Many executive duties incidental to
the carrying on of these public works fell to the
Governor and occupied a large part of his time.
In his annual message to the General Assem
bly in December, 1833, he dwelt largely upon
the matter of internal improvement, emphasizing
the canal construction and the improvement of
the National Road. He also favored a State
Bank and constant organization and develop
ment of the militia system.
The peaceful years of a nation or State may
test the worth of public officials as truly as years
of crises and alarms. It was in this uneventful
first term that Governor Lucas proved his abil-

124 ROBERT LUCAS
ity as a careful and competent executive. His
diligence in the performance of administrative
duties was particularly noticed by his contem
poraries. In a biography of Allen G. Thur
man, who was for some time the private sec
retary of Governor Lucas, we are told that
the Governor was wont to be in his office at
eight o'clock in the morning; and there he and
his secretary remained until eight o'clock at
night performing the innumerable duties that
were necessary in the executive office of a great
State.88 As the summer of 1834 drew on, thoughts of
•election began to fill the minds of the politicians.
Lucas again became the candidate of the Jackson
forces for the Governorship.89 The opposition
combined on James Findlay. During the War
of 1812 Findlay had been one of the three Col
onels commanding the Ohio militia. Although
he had had little experience in public office in
the State of Ohio he had represented the first Con
gressional District of that State in the National
House of Representatives for four successive
terms. The campaign was as usual attended
with more or less of the personal attacks. In
one district the story was circulated that Lucas
had "pardoned a convict, furnished a thousand
dollars to set him and a crop-eared Irishman up,

GOVERNOR OF OHIO 125
as printers of a party newspaper". The Anti-
Jackson men, led by Jacob Burnet, Cavalry Mor
ris, and others, strenuously opposed the reelec
tion of Lucas; but to no avail. Lucas was vic
torious with about three thousand majority; and
on December 8, 1834, was inaugurated in the
presence of the two houses of the General
Assembly.

XIII
The Ohio-Michigan Boundary
The second term of Robert Lucas as Governor
of Ohio is largely the story of the Northern
Boundary Dispute and its settlement, the tale of
the memorable Toledo War, with its exciting
muster of armies, its humorous incidents, and its
final peaceful determination by Congress. The
controversy over the boundary line between the
State of Ohio and the Territory of Michigan
was of such a complex nature that it would be
unwise in a limited space to attempt to more
than state clearly the general points of dispute
and trace briefly the course of Ohio's Governor
in upholding the claims of his State.90
The story of the controversy takes us back to
the Ordinance of 1787, which provides for the
organization and government of the Northwest
Territory. This document mentions a geograph
ical line which for half a century thereafter was
the basis of dispute and misunderstanding. The
Ordinance provided for the creation of not less
than three nor more than five States to be ulti-

THE OHIO-MICHIGAN BOUNDARY 127
mately carved out of the Northwest Territory.
In case only three States were created, the terri
torial line between Canada and the United States
was made the northern boundary. To this,
however, was added the proviso "that the bound
aries of these three States shall be subject so far
to be altered, that, if Congress shall hereafter
find it expedient, they shall have authority to
form one or two States in that part of the said
territory which lies north of an east and west line
drawn through the southerly bend or extreme
of Lake Michigan." It was this "east and west
line" over which a State and a Territory so
nearly came to blows.
The map used by the Congressional committee
in drawing up the Northwest Ordinance was one
published by Mitchell in 1755. This map (as
was the case with most maps of that time) was
very inaccurate in regard to the relative positions
of the Great Lakes. According to it a line drawn
due east from the southerly extreme of Lake
Michigan would strike Lake Erie several miles
north of the mouth of the Maumee River, or, as
it was then called, Miami of the Lake.91 As a
matter of fact a true geographical line east from
this point would enter Lake Erie some distance
south of the Maumee, emerging again to pass
through the northern counties of Ohio and thence

128 ROBERT LUCAS
strike the western boundary of the State of
Pennsylvania. But at this time the mistake in
the maps was not dreamed of, and the framers
of the Northwest Ordinance fixed the line with
the evident understanding that it would pass
north of the mouth of the Maumee River.
For fifteen years the mistake remained undis
covered. By 1802 the territory that is now
Ohio had grown in population sufficiently to en
title it to admission into the Union, and on
April 30th of that year Congress passed an act
authorizing the people to form a State Constitu
tion. In this enabling act Congress, in describ
ing the northern boundary of the proposed
State practically reaffirmed the line designated
in the Northwest Ordinance. In the fall a con
vention met at Chillicothe to form a State
Constitution to be submitted for the approval
of Congress.
During the course of the convention an old
trapper from the northwest appeared upon the
scene and brought the disquieting information
that the east and west line, so long accepted and
understood as terminating north of the Maumee
would in reality cut far south of that point and
exclude from the proposed State a valuable strip
of country including the mouth of the Maumee
River.92 In view of this fact the convention

THE OHIO-MICHIGAN BOUNDARY 129
added this proviso to their acceptance of the
northern boundary Line as designated by the en
abling act:
Provided always, and it is hereby fully understood
and. declared by this convention, that if the southerly
bend or extreme of Lake Michigan should extend so far
south that a line drawn due east from it should not in
tersect Lake Erie or if it should intersect the said Lake
Erie east of the mouth of the Miami River of the lake,
then and in that case with the assent of the Congress of
the United States, the northern boundary of this state
shall be established by, and extend to, a direct line run
ning from the southern extremity of Lake Michigan
to the most northerly cape of the Miami Bay, after in
tersecting the due north line from the mouth of the
Great Miami River as aforesaid, thence northeast to
the territorial line, and, by the said territorial line, to
the Pennsylvania line.93
On November 29, 1802, the Constitution was
adopted by the convention. Ohio was recognized
by Congress as a State in the Union without
mention of the boundary line, thus giving, as
Ohio claimed, tacit consent to the provisional
clause. Three years later Michigan Territory
was organized; and Congress, ignoring the pro
viso in the Ohio Constitution, gave to the new
Territory as its southern boundary the line orig
inally designated in the Northwest Ordinance
and reaffirmed in the enabling act for the State
of Ohio.

130 ROBERT LUCAS
The attitude of Congress toward the proviso
is not difficult to see. The proviso availed noth
ing until two things happened: first, it must be
shown that the east and west line did not inter
sect Lake Erie or that it intersected the Lake
east of the mouth of the Maumee; and secondly,
even after that point had been shown, the assent
of Congress was necessary before the line to the
north cape of Miami Bay should be established.
Thus, until a survey should show the required
condition and furthermore until Congress should
assent to the change, the boundary was evidently
that which had been stated in the Ordinance, in
the enabling act for the admission of Ohio, in
the Constitution of Ohio itself (excluding the
proviso), and in the act organizing the Territory
of Michigan — in other words, an east and west
line from the southerly bend of Lake Michigan
to Lake Erie.
The people of Ohio appreciated the strength
of this reasoning sufficiently to make repeated
efforts to induce Congress to act upon their pro
viso.94 Their efforts resulted in the passage of
an act by Congress on May 20, 1812, ordering
the Surveyor General to run and re-mark the
northern boundary of the State. So far from
carrying into effect the proviso, however, it re
quired the survey to be made "agreeably to the

THE OHIO-MICHIGAN BOUNDARY 131
boundaries established by the act entitled 'An
act to enable the people of the eastern division
of the territory northwest of the river Ohio to
form a constitution and state government . . . .'
passed April thirtieth, one thousand eight hun
dred and two; and to cause to be made a plat or
plan of so much of the boundary line as runs
from the southerly extreme of Lake Michigan
to Lake Erie, particularly noting the place where
the said line intersects the margin of said lake,
and to return the same when made to Congress."
This meant the running of the east and west
line and the location of the point where it en
tered Lake Erie. It was the first step necessary
to the execution of the provisional clause of the
Ohio State Constitution. The opening of the
War of 1812, however, and the trouble with the
Indians of that region prevented the immediate
execution of this act, and it was not until 1817
that the survey was finally made. In that year
under the direction of Surveyor General Tiffin, of
Ohio, William Harris surveyed a line presum
ably in accordance with the act of 1812. What
he did in reality was to run a line from the north
cape of Miami Bay toward the southerly extreme
of Lake Michigan as far as the western boundary
line of the State of Ohio.95 In other words he
surveyed the line called for in the proviso of the

132 ROBERT LUCAS
Ohio State Constitution instead of the east and
west line.
The Line thus surveyed was henceforth known
as the "Harris Line", and it represented the
boundary as claimed by Ohio. When the report
of the survey by Harris was made to the United
States authorities exceptions were taken to the
Line as run by him; and so the Secretary of the
Treasury ordered the Commissioner of the Gen
eral Land Office to have the northern boundary
of Ohio run and marked in conformity to the
provisions of the act of the 20th of May, 1812.
In 1818 this order was carried out by John A.
Fulton, and the line thus surveyed was known
as the "Fulton Line". It approximated the east
and west line mentioned in the Ordinance of
1787 and formed the boundary as claimed by the
Territory of Michigan. Between these two lines
lay a strip extending entirely across the northern
boundary of Ohio west of Lake Erie, and vary
ing in width from about five miles at the west
end to nearly eight miles at the east end. This
strip, although claimed by both Ohio and Mich
igan, was as a matter of fact under the jurisdic
tion and laws of the Territory of Michigan.
By the running of the Fulton line it was
proved that the location of the east and west
line was in accordance with the condition stated

THE OHIO-MICHIGAN BOUNDARY 133
in the proviso, namely; that it would strike Lake
Erie south of Miami Bay. Only the second
step, the assent of Congress, lay between the
Ohio people and their coveted northern boundary.
But this assent, though petitioned for time and
again, was not granted by Congress.
Thus for some time the controversy over the
strip of territory remained unsettled. The dis
trict was sparsely populated and the inhabitants
did not feel a great deal of concern over the un
certainty of their allegiance. But as years went
on and the population increased the disputed jur
isdiction became a question of more importance.
The proposed completion of one of the Ohio
canals was the immediate event which precipi
tated the trouble.
Since 1825 Ohio had been trying to accom
modate the construction of a canal from the Ohio
River at Cincinnati to the navigable waters of
the Maumee. In 1834 the construction had pro
gressed only as far as Piqua in Miami County.
It was now proposed to complete the canal to the
Maumee River thus connecting Cincinnati with
Lake Erie. It had been intended to place the
terminus of the canal at the foot of the rapids
of the Maumee; but it was now ascertained that
Toledo, at the mouth of the river, was more
suitable for a terminus than Maumee or Perrys-

134 ROBERT LUCAS
burg. This, however, would leave the end of
the canal in the disputed tract. Such a possibil
ity was enough to convince the people at the
mouth of the Maumee River that their allegiance
was due to Ohio.96 Many of the most prominent
citizens of Toledo at once petitioned Governor
Lucas to extend the laws of the State of Ohio
over them.
When the General Assembly of Ohio met in
December, 1834, Governor Lucas laid the Mich
igan matter before the members in his annual
message. On February 6, 1835, he sent a special
message to the legislature advising them to pass
a law extending the northern counties of Wil
liams, Henry, and Wood to the line known as
the Harris Line.97 In this special message Gov
ernor Lucas outlined clearly the grounds upon
which Ohio stood in the matter. He emphasized
very strongly the fact that the controversy, if
there was a controversy, was not one between the
State of Ohio and the Territory of Michigan,
but between the State of Ohio and the United
States. This, indeed, was the basic principle in
the mind of Governor Lucas throughout the dis
cussion. Michigan, being only a Territory had
no sovereign rights and no power to participate
in a controversy with one of the sovereign States
of the Union. Moreover, the feeling in favor of

THE OHIO-MICHIGAN BOUNDARY 135
State Sovereignty was at this time very strong
and Governor Lucas as the executive of one of
the most prominent States in the Union was a
firm believer in the dignity and sovereignty of
the individual States, even though he was as
strongly opposed to the doctrine of nullification.
At the time he sent his special message to the
legislature in February, Lucas did not, however,
admit that there was any question at issue as to
the boundaries. He held that the proviso in the
State Constitution was assented to by Congress
when Ohio was admitted into the Union, and
that the line mentioned in the proviso was,
therefore, the legal and indisputable northern
boundary of Ohio. He adverted also to the en
abling act for the admission of Ohio in 1802 in
which the boundary line was designated as an
' ' east and west line, drawn through the southerly
extremity of Lake Michigan, running east until
it shall intersect Lake Erie or the territorial line;
thence with the same through Lake Erie to the
Pennsylvania Line." This he claimed to be an
impossible line because it would pass too far
south to ever intersect the territorial line.
The belief of Governor Lucas in the active
force of the proviso and the validity of the Har
ris Line as the northern boundary of the State
was shared by the General Assembly; and on

136 ROBERT LUCAS
the 23d of February an act was passed, accord
ing to the suggestion of Lucas, extending the
jurisdiction of the northern counties as far as the
Harris Line. The act also required the Govern
or to appoint commissioners to run and re-mark
the Harris Line.
The action of the Territory of Michigan, mean
while, was not less determined. The Legislative
Council on February 12, 1835, anticipated the
action of the Ohio legislature and passed an act
"to prevent the exercise of foreign jurisdiction
within the limits of the Territory of Michi
gan".98 Thus it was evident that both Ohio and
Michigan considered the strip as part of their
own territory and regarded the other as the
aggressor. In the spring of 1835 elections were held in
the disputed tract in accordance with the act of
the Ohio General Assembly. On April 2d Gov
ernor Lucas arrived at Perrysburg with commis
sioners who had been appointed to run and re
mark the Harris Line.99 At Perrysburg also
gathered the troops of the Ohio militia (enlist
ing under General Bell), until about six hundred
had been mustered and gone into camp at old
Fort Miami.
The Acting Governor of Michigan Territory
at this time was Stevens T. Mason, a young

THE OHIO-MICHIGAN BOUNDARY 137
Virginian under twenty-one years of age.100 An
ardent spirit dominated this youth, and he was
not slow in taking measures to guard the Terri
tory of Michigan against what he termed the
aggressions of Ohio. About the time Governor
Lucas reached Perrysburg, just below the dis
puted tract, Governor Mason accompanied by
General Joseph W. Brown and about a thousand
troops arrived at Toledo.101 Here there con
fronted one another across the line the Govern
or of scarce twenty years and the veteran of
over a half century. And behind each was an
army as determined as its leader. Surely unless
some intervention occurred the next step was
war.

XIV
The Toledo War
While affairs on the border were assuming this
warlike aspect, the United States government
at Washington was not asleep. President Jack
son had become sufficiently alarmed by the con
ditions in the west to dispatch two Commission
ers to confer with Governor Lucas and Governor
Mason and further the appeals already made to
these gentlemen by the Federal Government to
refrain from violence and bring the matter to a
peaceful conclusion. The Commissioners were
Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, and Benjamin
C. Howard, of Maryland. They were accom
panied by Elisha Whittlesey, the Congressman
from the 16th Ohio district, as a voluntary peace
maker. The Commissioners reached Perrysburg
on the evening of the 6th of April, 1835, and on
the next day held a conference with Governor
Lucas. After mutual discussion the following
agreement was reached:102
First. That the Harris Line should be run
and re-marked pursuant to the act of the last

THE TOLEDO WAR 139
session of the legislature of Ohio without inter
ruption. Second. That the civil elections under the
laws of Ohio having taken place throughout the
disputed territory, the people residing upon it
should be left to their own government, obeying
the one jurisdiction or the other, as they might
prefer, without molestation from the authorities
of Ohio or Michigan until the close of the next
session of Congress.
It is important to remember that Lucas held
that it was only with the United States that the
State of Ohio could carry on negotiations and
that with the Territory of Michigan he had noth
ing to do.103 The Territorial officers were ap
pointed by the Federal government and amen
able only to the authority of that government.
With this view in mind Lucas believed that an
agreement entered into with Commissioners ap
pointed by the President of the United States
was perfectly legal and binding, regardless of
what action the Territory of Michigan might
take in regard to the matter. That Territory,
however, led by the impetuous Acting Governor
Mason repudiated the terms made with the Com
missioners, and refused to abide by them. Ar
rests and prosecutions by the Michigan authori
ties in the disputed tract were carried on with

140 ROBERT LUCAS
increased vigor in accordance with the act of the
1 2th of February. Some time later it transpired
that the Commissioners had authority only to
confer, not to make agreements; but at the time
the terms were made this power was not ques
tioned. The agreement involved simply a cessation of
any attempt on the part of either State or Ter
ritory to enforce jurisdiction until Congress had
a chance to pass upon the matter. In addition
to this, permission was granted to Ohio to run
and re-mark the Harris Line. These terms seem
eminently reasonable. It was evident from the
condition of affairs and the attitude taken by
both Ohio and Michigan that only a competent
third party could satisfactorily decide the ques
tion. Then, too, Congress had many years be
fore admitted Ohio as a State with the proviso
that, under certain circumstances, the line now
known as the Harris Line should be made their
border. It was, then, only just that this line
should be clearly ascertained for the benefit of
Congress in the consideration and settlement of
the question.
The contention of Governor Lucas on behalf
of the State of Ohio that the proviso was already
in force and that the Harris Line was thereby
the established northern boundary of Ohio was

THE TOLEDO WAR 141
probably ill-founded and not capable of proof;
but Lucas, as the legal representative of his
State, was in a way acting as an attorney for his
State before the tribunal of the Federal Govern
ment. It seems probable that Michigan had,
from the legal point of view, the burden of the
evidence on her side. It was clearly evident
that President Jackson was fully convinced of
the soundness of the claims of the Territory of
Michigan104 and it would seem that her wisest
course would have been to acquiesce in the terms
of the agreement and submit the matter to Con
gress for settlement.
But the people of Michigan were fearful — and
perhaps with reason — that the great political in
fluence of the State of Ohio would unduly affect
the action of Congress and work to their disad
vantage. This contingency appealed too strong
ly to the young and headstrong Governor to
permit of his acquiescence, and so he continued
his policy of encouraging the prosecutions in the
disputed tract under the act of February 12th.
The attitude of Governor Mason was, perhaps,
influenced in a large measure by an opinion given
by Attorney General Benjamin F. Butler in an
swer to a request of President Jackson. 105 But
ler took a position favorable to the claims of
Michigan, holding that, until Congress should

142 ROBERT LUCAS
give assent to the boundary as designated in the
proviso to the Ohio Constitution, the disputed
tract must be considered as belonging to Mich
igan. The Michigan authorities made this the
basis for their ignoring the terms of the Com
missioners, and arrests went on as before.
Governor Lucas, proceeding in accordance
with the terms of the agreement, disbanded the
army under General Bell and directed the sur
veying party to begin the survey of the Harris
Line. Starting at the northwest corner of the
State the Commissioners began their line and
proceeded toward the north cape of Maumee
Bay. When they crossed the Line, however, in
to Lenawee County the under sheriff of that
county advanced upon them in company with
General Brown and a posse comitatus with a
warrant for the arrest of the entire party. Sev
eral of the party were captured, but the Com
missioners fled precipitately through the woods
in undignified haste to the fastnesses of Ohio,
where they reported to Governor Lucas that they
had been attacked by General Brown and a force
of militia and had "thought it prudent to re
tire".106 This episode created considerable excitement
throughout the State of Ohio. The majority of
the newspapers upheld Governor Lucas, but here

THE TOLEDO WAR 143
and there a few of the opposition organs em
braced the opportunity to arraign his conduct.
The war spirit everywhere ran high, and even
from Philadelphia there came late in May a
frenzied letter signed "Buckeye" urging the
Governor to delay not one moment, but to "wipe
out with blood" the insult the Michiganians
had put upon the State. He had but to say the
word and there was not a single Buckeye that
would hesitate to "follow him through blood to
their eyes".107 Such sanguinary advice was,
however, tempered by the counsel of more con
servative spirits, who were as unbending in their
loyalty to their State and in their support of its
executive, yet were more sane in their patriotism.
The Ohio delegation in congress were as valiant
in the defense of the rights of Ohio as was Lu
cas. Letters from Robert T. Lytle, Thomas L.
Hamer and others kept the Governor informed
of the progress of affairs at Washington and of
the support he might expect from the Ohio del
egation.108 In view of the critical aspect of affairs, Gov
ernor Lucas called a special session of the Gen
eral Assembly of Ohio, to meet June 8, 1835.
This was the first time in the history of Ohio
that a special session had been called by the
Governor of the State. Twice before extra ses-

144 ROBERT LUCAS
sions had been held; but in both cases the Gen
eral Assembly had been convened in pursuance
of a joint resolution passed at a regular ses
sion.109 When the General Assembly convened the
Governor accompanied his special message with
many documents, official and otherwise, throw
ing light upon the controversy.110 The legisla
ture agreed to accept the terms proposed by
Commissioners Rush and Howard, and appro
priated $300,000 for carrying into effect laws re
garding the northern boundary. A new county,
moreover, was erected out of the disputed tract
and named Lucas in honor of the Governor of
the State.
Soon after the adjournment of the extra ses
sion, Governor Lucas appointed three commis
sioners (N. H. Swayne, W. Allen, and D. T.
Disney) to go to Washington and lay the facts
before the President of the United States.111
They proposed to President Jackson the execu
tion of the terms agreed upon with the Commis
sioners on condition that the actions brought by
the authorities of Michigan in the disputed tract
under the act of February 12, 1835, be discon
tinued. The President promised to make an
earnest recommendation to Governor Mason of
the Territory of Michigan that no obstruction

THE TOLEDO WAR 145
should be interposed to the marking of the Har
ris Line, that prosecutions growing out of the
act mentioned be discontinued and no further
proceedings begun, and that all discussion of
questions regarding the boundary be postponed
till after the next session of Congress. He did
so, but it had little effect upon the Acting Gov
ernor of Michigan who pursued his way as be
fore. This overzealousness on the part of Mason
resulted in his removal from office by the Presi
dent on August 29th and the appointment of
Charles Shaler. Shaler, however, declined to ac
cept the position, whereupon John S. Horner
was appointed as Acting Governor of the Terri
tory.112 The act which created Lucas County provided
for the holding of court in Toledo, the seat of
justice in that county, on the seventh of Sep
tember. This was a somewhat difficult propo
sition inasmuch as it was sure to be resisted by
Michigan. Governor Lucas, moreover, was fully
cognizant by this time of the fact that further
forcible aggression on the part of Ohio would be
met by United States troops. However, he was
determined the court should be held to establish
jurisdiction in that region — and held it was.
The judges under a small guard of militia en
tered the town unknown to the Michigan troops
10

146 ROBERT LUCAS
gathered there, held court sometime between
midnight and the dawn of the 7th of September
and withdrew again to Maumee in safety.
Content with this exercise of authority, Gov
ernor Lucas desisted from further attempt to en
force jurisdiction. In November the Harris
Line was run peacefully, and quiet reigned once
more upon the disputed tract, while all parties
waited for the action of Congress. John S. Hor.
ner, Acting Governor of the Territory of Michi
gan, arrived at the scene of his new duties and
entered upon a career in which he made a sorry
figure. Although Congress had refused to admit Mich
igan until the boundary line was settled, the
people had organized a State government, elect
ed Stevens T. Mason as Governor and proceeded
to exercise the functions of a State without
authorization or recognition from the United
States government. The great majority of the
people supported the State Governor, Mason;
while the authorized Territorial Acting Govern
or, Horner, received little else than sneers. He
soon retired fuming with impotent rage to the
wilds of the Territory beyond Lake Michigan.
From here he showered imprecations upon all
concerned with the State Government of Michi
gan.113

THE TOLEDO WAR 147
Congress met in December, 1835, and to its
consideration were submitted for decision two
questions: the admission of the State of Michi
gan, and the settlement of the northern boundary
of the State of Ohio. The State of Michigan,
although as yet unrecognized, sent to Washing
ton as its Senators, Lucius Lyon and John Nor-
vell, and as its member of the House of Repre
sentatives, Isaac Crary. The claims of the peo
ple of Michigan were warmly advocated by the
venerable John Quincy Adams in the House and
by Thomas Hart Benton in the Senate. Ohio
of course relied upon its own Senators and Rep
resentatives to bear the brunt of the contest.
Thomas Ewing in the Senate, and Samuel Vin
ton and Thomas L. Hamer in the House gallant
ly contended for the cause of their State and op
posed the admission of Michigan except with
the Harris Line as its southern boundary. For
months the contest was carried on, until finally
as the session was drawing to a close a bill was
passed combining the two measures and provid
ing for the admission of Michigan as a State by
proclamation of the President of the United
States whenever the people accepted in conven
tion the southern boundary as claimed by Ohio.
As a recompense to Michigan for the relinquish
ment of the disputed Territory, the new State

148 ROBERT LUCAS
was given a large tract of land north and west
of Lake Michigan.
Throughout the discussion, the delegations of
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois were unanimous in
their support of Ohio's claim. It has been said
that political influences largely controlled the
decision of Congress. Perhaps this is so. The
Democracy would not be benefitted by the elec
toral votes of Michigan if she thereby lost those
of Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Yet there were
other considerations. Ohio needed Toledo as a
terminus for the Miami Canal and as an addi
tional lake port. Ohio had only the southern
shore of Lake Erie while Michigan was practi
cally surrounded by lakes. But back of all the
controversy was the reiterated claim of Ohio
that the framers of the Northwest Ordinance in
designating the east and west line as the future
border did it with the evident understanding
that it would pass north of the mouth of the
Miami of the Lake, or Maumee River, and that
when Congress passed the enabling act for the
admission of the State of Ohio the same under
standing prevailed. Congress then, in 1836,
simply restored the spirit of that venerable doc
ument, the Ordinance of 1787.
But the passage of the Act of Congress in the
summer of 1836 did not settle the question. It

THE TOLEDO WAR 149
but transferred its discussion to the people of
Michigan. Here for months controversy waxed
strong as to whether the State should stay out
of the Union in dignified loneliness, or accede to
the terms, accept what had been so long con
tended against, and enter the Union of States.
In September a convention called by the State
legislature refused to accept the terms. 114 Agi
tation in the State continued, and on the four
teenth of December, 1836, a convention called
through the instrumentality of the newspapers
met at Ann Arbor. This meeting, irregularly
convened and styled in derision the "Frost Bit
ten Convention", declared assent to the terms of
Congress and sent a notification to that effect to
the President of the United States. President
Jackson, instead of issuing his proclamation as
instructed returned the matter to Congress. Here
again the discussion waged warm, this time over
the legality of the assenting convention. Fin
ally on January 26, 1837, Michigan with the
Harris Line as her southern border was admitted
to Statehood and the border difficulty which had
for so many years racked men's minds was at
last settled in peace and amity.

XV
1836—1838
While Congress was wrestling with the ques
tion of the Ohio-Michigan boundary, the people
of Ohio turned their attention to the approach
ing campaign for Governor. Prior to Lucas no
Executive of the State had ever held that office
for three consecutive terms; nor has anyone since
been accorded that honor. Having served with
credit for four years (two terms), Robert Lucas
determined before the State nominating conven
tions met that he would not again become a can
didate, and so informed his friends.
The Democratic convention again remembered
Jackson's victory at New Orleans and convened
at Columbus on January 8, 1836. As their can
didate for Governor they nominated Eli Baldwin.
The Whigs, on the other hand, met on the anni
versary of Washington's birthday and put in
nomination Joseph Vance. A meeting of the
State Rights Association, however, passed reso
lutions in April agreeing to cast their vote for
Robert Lucas as Governor. This called forth a

1836 — 1838 151
protest from Lucas against the use of his name
as a candidate. It was then explained that the
resolutions were passed by the convention large
ly as a tribute which the Association desired to
make to Governor Lucas.
The Columbus newspaper which had most
strongly opposed his election in the two previous
campaigns said of him in the summer of 1836:
"Although elected on party grounds, and called
to the Executive Chair of the State at a very
trying period, he has so discharged the duties of
his office as to command the respect and esteem
of his political opponents, whose cordial good
wishes will accompany him in his approaching
retirement. " 115
In the early months of 1836 the enemies of
Lucas circulated the story that the Governor had
joined the forces of the Whigs and become a
staunch Harrison man. This was a choice bit
of gossip for his opponents and they spread it
everywhere. It reached Lucas's home district;
and from friends, relatives, and political sup
porters came letters of enquiry. It reached the
Ohio delegation at Washington, where it met
with the ready belief of Senator Thomas Morris;
but encountered the sturdy denial of Thomas L.
Hamer. Hamer immediately wrote to Lucas
and received satisfying assurances of the falsity

152 ROBERT LUCAS
of the story. From Wheelersburg his sister-in-
law, Rhoda Boynton, and her husband wrote
anxiously for the truth.
Long will the answer of Robert Lucas be re
membered. He assured his faithful friends and
sympathetic relatives of his Democratic princi
ples and of his unwavering support of Martin
Van Buren. His sister-in-law wrote in reply:
"You dont know how much pleasure your
letter give[s] the Democrats here I saw one
with the tears to his chin at the reading of it I
have read it again & again the poor w[h]igs
dro[o]ped their feathers some, all they could
say was its a lie Gov. Lucas never wrote it."
The term of Thomas Ewing, United States
Senator from Ohio, was to expire on March 4,
1836, and the Democrats were anxious to gain
an ascendency in the State legislature in order
to choose a Democrat as his successor. Lucas
was approached before the election as to whether
he would consent to be a candidate for the posi
tion, providing the Democratic party gained the
ascendency in the legislature. He expressed his
willingness if the party really desired it. His
friends at once took up the matter and efforts
were directed to accomplish this result. The
legislature met early in December with the par
ties very evenly divided. In the House the

1836—1838 153
Democrats had a majority of three; while in the
Senate the Whigs outnumbered their opponents
by two votes. Thus in joint session the Demo
cratic party had a majority of a single vote. The
retiring message of Governor Lucas to the Gen
eral Assembly was read; and on December 13,
1836, Governor Vance, the successful Whig can
didate, was inaugurated. Robert Lucas soon
after vacating the office of Governor started for
Friendly Grove; he reached home on the nine
teenth. He had not been home a week before
he received word from Judge Hay ward and other
friends urging him to return at once to Colum
bus, and warning him in particular of the active
efforts being made for the position by his friend
William Allen. The ice in the Scioto River,
however, prevented the stage from running be
tween Chillicothe and Portsmouth, and it was
not until a few days before election that Lucas
finally reached the State capital. When the
election took place it became practically a con
test between William Allen and Thomas Ewing
in which Allen was victorious on the thirteenth
ballot.116 Defeat in the cherished hope of years is not
borne easily by a man in middle life. It comes
with bitter force to a man whose years have car
ried him beyond the half century mark. For

154 ROBERT LUCAS
many years Robert Lucas had served his party
and his State courageously, honestly, and ably
on the field of battle, in legislative halls and the
executive office. Now the place in the United
States Senate which seemed deservedly his be
cause of long and faithful service, was given to
one who less than a twelvemonth before had
passed the minimum age limit. An ex-governor,
he seemed fated to be shoved aside into that
limbo of half-remembered names whose casual
mention brings a passing twinge to the emotions
of his erstwhile friends and only an idle wonder
to the mind of the younger generation of poli
ticians. Back to the quiet retirement of Friendly
Grove he went — back to the farm on the road
from Piketon, where through the long summer
months he would work in utter disregard of the
doings and sayings of the busy outside world.
Only now and then would an old friend drop
him a line. In his hermitage he almost forgot
that he had ever been concerned in public life;
and when he did remember the fact he almost
believed the public had forgotten him.
But the Democracy of his district needed a
strong man to head the ticket as a candidate for
the Ohio State Senate in the contest. of 1837.
Lucas reluctantly, and with "a degree of self con-

1836 — 1838 155
demnation for permitting himself to be urged
from his retreat", assumed the candidacy. The
fall election was not a day of triumph for the
Democracy. John I. Van Meter, the Whig op
ponent of Lucas, and the entire Whig delegation
to the legislature were elected and the ex-gov
ernor returned once more to the simple duties of
the farm.117
But in the quiet of this retreat at Friendly
Grove he was not forgotten by his friends. For
years an intimate friendship had existed between
Robert Lucas and Thomas L. Hamer. In his
long service at Washington, Hamer had per
formed many services to Lucas and not less
faithfully had Lucas served Hamer in affairs at
home. Their correspondence breathes a spirit
of candid fellowship, of mutual respect and con
fidence. It was not merely a political friendship;
it was a strong personal attachment. In the
campaign of 1836 when United States Senator
Thomas Morris was exerting every effort to
bring about the defeat of Hamer for Congress,
Lucas was able to frustrate one of Morris's plans
and assist his own friend.118 Now the time had
come when Hamer could repay the kindness.
On June 12, 1838, Congress passed an act
creating the new Territory of Iowa. The ap
pointment of Governor of the Territory rested

156 ROBERT LUCAS
with the President of the United States. It
was a responsible position. The Territory of
Iowa then extended to the British line on the
north, and lay on the very frontier of civilization.
In the Territory and along its borders were the
Indian tribes — partly native and partly tribes
that had been moved west of the Mississippi
by the United States Government. The posi
tion carried with it a salary of $1500 as Govern
or and $1000 as Superintendent of Indian Affairs.
Thomas Benton, of Missouri, and other western
men urged the appointment of General Henry
Atkinson, of the United States Army, who was
at this time stationed at Jefferson Barracks near
St. Louis. General Atkinson was eminently fitted
for the place and as President Van Buren desired
a military man he received the appointment. It
was considered doubtful, however, whether he
would accept the position; and Hamer pushed
the candidacy of Lucas in the event of Atkinson's
declining. On June 24, 1838, he wrote to Lu
cas telling him the condition of affairs and ask
ing Lucas to let him know at once whether he
would accept the position if it were offered.119
He also urged him, if he could not answer before
the adjournment of Congress, to write directly
to President Van Buren.
Robert Lucas was meanwhile away from home

1836 — 1838 157
on a visit in Indiana and did not receive his
friend's communication until July 8th. As he
returned through Columbus he learned that Gen
eral Atkinson would probably decline; and a
recommendation was there drawn up and signed
by a number of the friends of General Lucas
from different parts of the State who were there
attending Court. This recommendation favor
ing the appointment of Lucas as Governor of the
Territory of Iowa was sent to President Van
Buren. The day after his return to Friendly Grove,
Lucas, in compliance with the suggestion of his
friend, wrote directly to President Van Buren.
He stated that, should the President see proper
to tender to him the appointment, he would use
every exertion to discharge the duties to the
satisfaction of the Executive of the United States
and to promote the interests and prosperity of
the inhabitants of the Territory of Iowa.
The wheels at Washington had, however, been
moving more rapidly than had Robert Lucas.
General Atkinson had declined to accept the po
sition, President Van Buren had conferred the
appointment upon Lucas, and his commission as
governor of the Territory of Iowa had been
dated two days before the letter of Lucas left
Friendly Grove. On July 17, 1838, Lucas re-

158 ROBERT LUCAS
ceived official notification of his appointment
from Secretary of State John Forsyth; and on
that same day he answered, accepting the office
and stating his intention of starting in a few
days for his new post.120
In the years that Robert Lucas had spent in
Ohio the spirit of the frontiersman had not left
him. He had seen the State grow up from a
wilderness with only here and there a solitary
settlement to a Commonwealth of over a million
people and hundreds of thriving towns. With
his own axe he had helped to cut the early roads
and lay the first bridges. With the surveyor's
chain he had tramped over miles of trackless
prairie and marked county lines. In the legis
lature and in the executive chair he had strug
gled year after year for the improvement of the
roads and the construction and completion of the
great canals that belt the State.
Robert Lucas had, indeed, spent the best years
of his life in the growing Commonwealth of
Ohio; but in the meantime the frontier with its
rough honesty and its rugged charms had not
lingered. It had passed far out beyond the Mis
sissippi. Toward this distant border line where
the Indian still paddled up and down the streams
and the wolf still howled at night by the lonely
squatter's cabin Lucas now turned his face.

1836 — 1838 159
But to his wife Friendly, in whom the nomadic
spirit of the Lucas family did not stir, the pros
pect had less alluring charms. To leave Friendly
Grove where all these years she had lived so
happily, and take the long winding trail by
water or land out to a haunt of savages and
frontier settlers, seemed far from pleasant.121
It was finally agreed that Robert Lucas should
go out alone to the new Territory and report his
judgment of the country, while Friendly should
stay for the present on the farm with the family.
And so, on the twenty-fifth day of July, 1838,
Robert Lucas, in the fifty-seventh year of his
age, with his rugged spirit unbroken by the
years of service, began his long journey to the
far western country where sturdy men dared in
spite of toil and suffering to plough the fields of
the wilderness and build their habitations in
places of loneliness.

XVI
From Ohio to Iowa
For about five days Governor Lucas stopped at
Cincinnati. Here, on Friday, the 27th of July,
1838, a young man called at his lodging-place,
but did not find him in. Again on Monday he
came with Mr. J. C. Avery, who introduced him
to the Governor as Theodore S. Parvin. Mr.
Parvin was a youth of only twenty-one years,
with a legal education, a romance, and an eager
desire to win his fortune in the far West. After
making arrangements with the Governor to ac-
, company him to the Territory of Iowa, he de
parted to pack his books and bid farewell to his
family, his friends, and his sweetheart. Before
leaving Cincinnati Lucas attached to himself an
other companion, a young man of about Parvin's
age, named Jesse Williams. The story of these
two men is for the next few years closely woven
with that of their leader and friend, the Gov
ernor. While in Cincinnati Governor Lucas, taking
note of the fact that the Organic Act of the

FROM OHIO TO IOWA 161
Territory of Iowa provided for an appropriation
of $5000 for the purchase of a Territorial libra
ry, made a selection of volumes which he deem
ed suitable for the needs of a pioneer govern
ment and left the list with Edward Lucas &
Company, booksellers.
It was in the afternoon of Wednesday, the
first day of August, that Governor Lucas and
his two young friends left Cincinnati and started
on the long trip down the Ohio River on the
steamboat Tempest.*23, The summer of 1838 was
hot and dry and the river lay very low in its
banks. In the morning they reached Louisville,
Kentucky, where they landed and proceeded to
visit the place. But the weather appeared to
have oppressed the town ; business seemed dull
and lifeless; and the party soon returned to the
river and the little steamboat library. All day
and all night they remained at the wharf listen
ing to the roar of the falls below the town and
fighting the swarms of mosquitoes that threat
ened to devour them. With the morning they
were off again and soon passed through the ca
nal around the falls. At Louisville Jesse Wil
liams secured some papers. In the perusal of
these and the books in the library of the boat
and with long chats they passed the time while
the Tempest was dragging its slow course over
n

162 ROBERT LUCAS
the shallow flats of the great emigrants' water
way. Often they sat together on the deck while
the Governor, out of the rich sources of his long
experience, told them of the early days in the
State of Ohio — tales of the time when he who
traveled must make his road as he went and
build out of bark withed together the bridges
for the streams he crossed. Now and then he
would talk to them of their future on the fron
tier and the things it held in prospect for them.
Thus they read and talked and dreamed dreams
while the boat moved slowly down the Ohio.
It was a tedious voyage. Again and again
the boat grounded on a bar and in company with
other unfortunates lay to for hours at a time in
a vain effort to disengage itself. Often they
were under the necessity of transferring the en
tire cargo, freight, baggage, and passengers to a
large "flat" which accompanied them in order
to lighten the steamboat. The patient passen
gers perched themselves upon potato barrels
bound for the south and fought mosquitoes in
the hot sun, while over on the steamboat the
-captain was endeavoring to coax his craft away
from the mud bar.
Sometimes when the bottom of the river ob
truded itself so unobligingly upon the steam
boat's keel the young men forsook the craft

FROM OHIO TO IOWA 163
and, taking to the shores in the yawl, sought
the refreshing joys of cool springs and melon
patches. Now and then with the night came a
shower; but morning brought again the warm
sultry weather. Sunday, as they lay aground
on French Island, passengers from other boats
in the same predicament, and out of provisions,
dined with them. While the hot August sun
beat down upon them and the boat still clung
to the bottom of the river the ice gave out. But
at last after the usual process of unloading they
swung clear again and pursued their way. At
every opportunity the passengers were glad to
land and hunt for cool water; and when Jesse
Williams or some other excursionist brought
back ice to the boat he was universally blessed.
But the days went by and with them the
shores of Indiana and Illinois. The Governor
passed much of the time in reading, spending
hours over Buckland's Geology. Parvin, who
in those days of his youth kept a daily journal,
records many interesting incidents of this mem
orable trip. He describes Governor Lucas as
"advanced in years (57) wears double glass
specks, of good size, well formed erect and pre
senting a fine appearance of social qualities,
plain and unassuming almost to a fault active
and of business habits and well calculated for

164 ROBERT LUCAS
the station he now holds which he will no doubt
fill with honor to himself and country."
The purpose of the Governor in taking with
him Parvin and Williams seems to have been
largely to help these young men in getting a
start. Although Parvin never was connected
with Lucas in any official capacity, he acted as
his Private Secretary and performed some of
the clerical duties of the executive office while
waiting for clients to bring him a law practice.
Williams also seems to have assisted at times in
the executive office, and was employed by Lu
cas as Messenger in connection with Indian af
fairs.123 On the boat the two younger men were
thrown much together; and while the Governor
pursued his reading they engaged in many long
conversations ranging from wondering specula
tions about the life in Iowa to animated discus
sions of the usual amusements of young persons,
which Parvin heartily disapproved and Williams
as strongly favored.
On the eleventh of August, after ten days of
alternate progress and enforced idleness, they
came in sight of the Mississippi and entered its
turbid waters with a feeling of great joy. That
evening the passengers held a meeting, with
Lucas as chairman and Parvin as secretary; and,
as was the custom in the days of early steam-

FROM OHIO TO IOWA 165
boating, they drew up resolutions expressing
their appreciation of the efforts made during the
voyage by the officers of the boat. All the next
day, which was Sunday, the boat made its way
up the Mississippi, reaching St. Louis early on
Monday morning.
Here they paused and spent the forenoon vis
iting friends and seeing the sights of this west
ern center of migration. In the afternoon they
were under way again with the boat's band play
ing and all thoughts on the approaching end of
the long journey. Past Alton and Quincy they
went, past Warsaw and the mouth of the Des
Moines River; and about half past five on the
14th of August they saw for the first time the
shores of the Territory of Iowa.
To Robert Lucas, as he drew near to the land
of his final adoption, there must have come many
conflicting thoughts. For the third and last
time his lot was to be cast with the forerunners
of the nation's civilization. He had always been
a pioneer. It was in his blood and in his race.
By the shores of the Shenandoah River, away
back in the Old Dominion, he had first opened
his eyes upon a frontier environment. A score of
years passed quickly by and when the encroach
ments of civilization had dotted the Shenandoah
Valley with the habitations of a well organ-

166 ROBERT LUCAS
ized society, he had traveled out along the trail
of the pioneer emigrant until he found, on the
shores of the Ohio, the border line of westward
progress. In this new land he had spent a third of a
century. From the fastnesses of an unpeopled
wilderness he had seen the rise of a great State
whose roads, laws, and history he had helped to
make. But while he had busied himself with
affairs of state, the pioneer conditions had once
more escaped him. Each year had found the
squatter's cabin, the restless tribes of Indians,
and the receding forests a little nearer the set
ting sun.
And now the lure of the untamed frontier had
led him out to the border line beyond the Father
of Waters. Two warm and weary weeks he had
spent on the winding waterway. He had left
behind him the settled ways of established civ
ilization. He had overtaken once more the far-
flung outskirts of the nation's growth.
As Lucas and the little band of passengers
gathered to look upon the promised land, the
clouds grew darker, and the rain that had for
some time been falling beat down upon the
steamer and ran in little rivulets across the deck.
The Tempest lay to and waited for kinder weather
and fairer skies.

FROM OHIO TO IOWA 167
About eight o'clock on the morning of the
15th of August, 1838, they arrived at the wharf
of Burlington in Iowa Territory. Crowds of citi
zens were there to greet them. William B. Con
way, the Secretary and Acting Governor of the
Territory was there. Prominent townsmen came
to bid the Governor welcome, and less prominent
townspeople to satisfy their curiosity.
It was an erect and dignified figure that step
ped from the steamer to the wharf on that sum
mer morning. He was about five feet ten inches
in height, though he probably seemed taller
because of his straight military bearing. His
thick wavy hair, dark in his younger days but
grown white in the course of years, was combed
straight back from a high forehead. Blue eyes
set deep beneath shaggy overhanging eyebrows,
a long and slightly aquiline nose, and a straight
firm mouth gave a rather severe expression to
his thin face. Though the years drew wrinkles
between the beetling eyebrows and tightened the
lines about the stern mouth, they failed to dim
the flash of those intense blue eyes. He had
passed middle age when he came to Iowa; yet
little of the vigor and relentless energy of his
youth had left him; and one at least of those
who met him at the wharf was destined to realize
that he was not a man to be dealt with lightly.

XVII
Secretary Conway
Governor Lucas and his little party took lodg
ings at the Burlington House. Here an invita
tion was tendered, signed by James W. Grimes,
James Clarke, and others of a committee, ask
ing him to a public dinner to be given in his
honor at such time as he should see fit. Lucas
replied at once, thanking them; but asked that
the dinner be postponed until after his return
from a trip he must make on official duty to the
northern part of the Territory.
That same afternoon he began his work as the
Chief Executive of the Territory. Secretary Con
way, who had arrived nearly a month before,
had taken upon himself the office of Acting Gov
ernor, according to what he deemed to be the
intent of the provisions of the Organic Act of the
Territory. By the time Lucas arrived Conway
had written certain letters, issued a proclamation,
and was planning other official duties as Acting
Governor. Some of these documents Governor
Lucas when he entered office sanctioned and had

SECRETARY CONWAY 169
recorded in his Executive Journal.™ On the
afternoon of his arrival the Governor issued a
proclamation providing for the election of mem
bers of the Territorial legislature.125
In order to understand the condition of affairs
upon the arrival of Governor Lucas in the Ter
ritory of Iowa, it is necessary to review some of
the events of the preceding months. On June
12, 1838, an act of Congress was approved which
divided the original Territory of Wisconsin and
established, out of the country west of the Mis
sissippi River, the Territory of Iowa. The peo
ple of the new Territory were naturally interest
ed in the appointment of their Territorial officers
by the President of the United States. Several
names were suggested by the local newspapers
for the office of Governor, most prominent among
them being Henry Dodge and George W. Jones,
who at the time were Governor and Delegate to
Congress respectively for the original Territory
of Wisconsin.126
Neither of these gentlemen, however, receiv
ed the appointment, although George W. Jones
seems to have been allowed to name a large pro
portion of the President's nominees for the Ter
ritorial offices.127 While the negotiations were
going on for the Governorship, the appointment
of Secretary of the Territory was made without

170 ROBERT LUCAS
the least delay. William B. Conway had for
some years conducted a Democratic newspaper
in Pennsylvania, and with considerable partisan
spirit had labored for the political success of An
drew Jackson and Martin VanBuren.128 On the
day after the Organic Act was approved, a com
mission was made out in favor of Conway as Sec
retary of the Territory of Iowa. The appoint
ment was at once accepted.
On the 21st of June, 1838, Mr. Conway wrote
to the Secretary of State asking if he might not
visit Washington on his way to the new Terri
tory. Secretary Forsyth replied that the Terri
tory was to be organized on the third of July,
at which time the presence of the Governor and
Secretary or of one of them would be required.
He spoke of the delay occasioned by the uncer
tainty regarding General Atkinson and empha
sized the importance of incurring no delay which
would render his arrival by the 3rd of July at
all doubtful.129 Whether Conway made his visit
to Washington or not is unknown; but the fact
remains that he did not reach Iowa Territory
until the twentieth of July, on which date — near
ly three weeks after the time set for the organ
ization of the government — he arrived at the
town of Burlington.
Three days later he took the oath of office be-

SECRETARY CONWAY 171
fore Judge Irwin. For nearly three weeks the
Territory had endured an interregnum without
serious calamity, and there was little reason to
anticipate any need for the exercise of the Gov
ernor's prerogative before Robert Lucas should
arrive. The Organic Act, however, provided that
"in case of the death, removal, resignation, or
necessary absence of the Governor from the Ter
ritory, the Secretary shall have, and he is here
by authorized and required to execute and per
form all the powers and duties of the Governor".
Interpreting the delayed arrival of the Executive
as a technical "absence" and, perhaps, finding
an implication in the desire of Secretary Forsyth
that he should be in the Territory by the 3rd of
July in the event of the Governor's delay, Con
way felt authorized to assume the Governor's of
fice. He immediately began operations as Act
ing Governor of the Territory of Iowa.
The assumption of the Governorship by Sec
retary Conway was legal; and if he had executed
it in a judicious manner, attending only to that
which required immediate action and postponing
other matters until the arrival of Governor Lu
cas, his course would have given no cause for
objection. But Mr. Conway was young and he
was ambitious. Nor had he any experience in
public office. This opportunity for the brief ex-

172 ROBERT LUCAS
ercise of authority seems to have carried him be
yond the limits which a wiser and more exper
ienced judgment would have prescribed.
On the same day that Secretary Conway took
his oath of office there occurred a meeting of the
Burlington bar. This meeting took under con
sultation the division of the Territory into judicial
districts and the time of holding courts. After
adjournment they reported their suggestions to
Secretary Conway. Two days later, the 25th
day of July, Conway as Acting Governor issued
a proclamation dividing the Territory into dis
tricts for judicial purposes, assigning a judge to
each district, and designating the time at which
the court in each county should be held.
The following extract from a letter written by
Conway on the same day that he issued this first
proclamation and addressed to Governor Lucas
at Burlington is rather significant: "Inasmuch
as your arrival, at this place [Burlington], is
daily expected, it is deemed proper to inform
you, that any communication you may think
proper to make will reach me at Dubuque, to
which place I am about to proceed, by the next
boat. "130 In view of the fact that the arrival of
Lucas was "daily expected", it would seem that,
Conway might have been less impetuous in the
issuing of an executive proclamation, particularly

SECRETARY CONWAY 173
one regarding the holding of courts, the earliest
of which was not to convene until the second
Monday of September.
His letter to the Governor was, however, very
courteous. In it he mentioned the "strong local
expectations", jealousies, and rivalry that exist
ed in several places along the river as regards
the temporary location of the capital; and sug
gested visiting the towns as far as Dubuque be
fore deciding the matter. He also stated that in
expectation of the Governor's arrival he had
suspended the apportionment of the Territory
through proper deference to the superior judg
ment of Lucas.
Conway proceeded up the river to Davenport
where he became intimate with Antoine LeClaire,
Colonel Davenport, and other prominent citi
zens. Charmed with the town and flattered by
its inhabitants he made Davenport his home, and
with the exception of the periods of legislative
sessions lived there until his death in November
of 1839. It is only natural that, influenced by
his friends and fellow townsmen , he should have
been anxious to have Davenport made the capi
tal of the Territory; and the statement is made
that he assured persons in Davenport that this
would be done.131
During the first two weeks of August (before

174 ROBERT LUCAS
the arrival of Lucas) Conway continued his per
formance of executive duties, commencing nego-
tations, among other things, for the appointment
of a Commissioner to confer with Commission
ers representing the United States and the State
of Missouri regarding the southern boundary line
of the Territory. When Governor Lucas arrived
at Burlington he found the Acting Governor
about to issue a proclamation apportioning the
Representatives and ordering an election. Con
way handed to the Governor the copy of his
proclamation and left for Davenport within an
hour after the arrival of Lucas. 132
These peculiar conditions, which existed at
the beginning of the Territorial government,
formed the foundation for a bitter quarrel be
tween the Governor and the Secretary and in
tensified the later quarrel between the Governor
and the first legislature. Governor Lucas with
his long years of experience in political office
looked upon the conduct of the young Secretary
as a most uncalled for presumption and was great
ly incensed thereby. On the other hand, Sec
retary Conway, young, inexperienced, and high
ly ambitious, having enjoyed a few weeks of
executive authority, was deeply humiliated at
being relegated to the more humble position of
Secretary under a cloud of executive displeasure.

SECRETARY CONWAY 175
One of the first duties of the Executive was to
locate the temporary capital of the Territory.
In order to make a judicious choice, Governor
Lucas determined to follow Conway's suggestion
and visit the principal towns along the river.
On Saturday afternoon, August 18, the Gover
nor together with his two "aids" (as he often
called them) left on the steamboat Knickerbock
er for Dubuque. At this place he was royally
entertained. Mr. Langworthy took him for a
drive Monday afternoon, and Judge Wilson and
John King and others opened their homes to
him. On Friday, after nearly a week of enjoy
ment, they left for Galena. While riding across
the country in the stage they met George W.
Jones, who was on his way to Dubuque to see
the Governor. The woes of pioneer traveling
still visited them, and in consequence of a break
down of the stage they proceeded on foot until
they reached the house of George W. Jones at
Sinsinnawa Mound. They paid a short visit to
Galena and then journeyed back to the Missis
sippi and down stream to Davenport, where Con
way met them at the bank. Here they Sunday -
ed and lingered till Tuesday when they again
took the stage which again broke down before
they had traversed the few miles between Daven
port and Rockingham. With short stops they

176 ROBERT LUCAS
passed on from Rockingham to Bloomington;
and at daybreak of August 30th reached Burling
ton.133 The trip up the river and the examination of
the advantages of the various towns resulted in
the choice of Burlington as the temporary capi
tal of the Territory. Here Lucas settled down
on the day of his return and busied himself with
executive duties. Commissions were to be is
sued, officers appointed, and numberless arrange
ments to be made before the meeting of the first
legislature. The Secretary of the Territory,
whose duty it was to make preparations for the
meeting of the legislature, was at Davenport.
On September 5th Governor Lucas wrote to him :
"I have procured me an office and have bespoke
an adjoining room as an office for you, as it will
be convenient to have the executive office near
the Sect? I would be glad to see you at this
place. I am anxious to commence official duties
in a regular manner, which cannot be done un
til the Sec? is present."
He also spoke of the need of procuring sta
tionery for the use of the legislature and sug
gested that Mr. Parvin, who was expecting to
start for Cincinnati in a few days, should pro
cure at that place such supplies as Conway should
see proper to authorize. On the same day Con-

SECRETARY CONWAY 177
way wrote to Lucas asking to be allowed to
choose a room for himself in order that he might
find an apartment with a bed in it. He stated
his intention of being in Burlington shortly af
ter the election. He did not, however, leave
home for Burlington until October 20th. On
September 27th he wrote again from Davenport
submitting bids for the furnishings of the legis
lative halls and asked the Governor to interview
the bidders, secure further information, and com
plete negotiations. He speaks of the sickness
of his wife, and this may have been the reason
for his delay.
Meanwhile Parvin had started for Cincinnati.
As he passed Davenport on his way up the riv
er Conway came aboard; and the Secretary of
the Territory and the Private Secretary of the
Governor had a not eminently satisfactory inter
view on the way to Galena over the subject of
supplies for the Territory. Secretary Conway
refused to sanction the purchase of goods by
Parvin. In consequence of this, Governor Lucas
requested a conference with the Secretary of
the Territory to arrange the matter. Conway
describes the conference afterward in these words :
"The Secretary was obliged to put out on board
of the old steam Boat 'Science,' when the water
was low, the weather warm, the mosquitoes furi-
12

178 ROBERT LUCAS
ous, the crew sickly, and the provisions scarce:
In this situation he had to weather it out for
four nights and three days, in a passage from
Rock Island to Burlington; and all on account
of this stationery; — all because the person last
named in your resolution [Parvin] was going to
Cincinnati, and because Governor Lucas, there
fore thought stationery could be had 'cheaper'
at that place."134
The matter was arranged and instructions were
sent to Parvin to procure the supplies. He was
also entrusted with the task of shipping to the
Territory the library of books which Governor
Lucas had selected in Cincinnati while on his
way to Iowa.135 The extremely low water in the
river prevented the materials being sent to the
new Territory for some time, which occasioned
further statements of dissatisfaction from the
Secretary of the Territory. The election for the
new members of the First Legislative Assembly
occurred on September 10, 1838, the day fol
lowing Parvin' s departure for Ohio; and on No
vember 12, 1838, the legislators convened in
Zion Church at Burlington.

XVIII
The First Legislative Assembly
The First Legislative Assembly of the Territory
of Iowa was a characteristically pioneer body.
The members were mostly young men, almost a
third of the number being under thirty years of
age. They were, naturally, for the most part
farmers. In the House of Representatives nine
teen out of the twenty-six members followed this
occupation. There were in the entire list of
thirty-nine legislators only four lawyers. Among
the others were merchants, physicians, a gun
smith, a miner, and a retired army officer. As
legislators they had little experience; but there
were some who afterward attained considerable
prominence in the State and nation — notably
James W. Grimes and Stephen Hempstead, both
of whom became Governor of the State of Iowa.
Grimes was at this time but twenty -two years of
age, while Hempstead was four years older.136
On the first day of the session, November 12,
1838, Governor Lucas read his first message to
the legislature. It was a noteworthy document.137

180 ROBERT LUCAS
It was the message of a man advanced in years
and experienced in politics to a body of men of
untried years and for the most part little versed
in the art of government. It was backed by the
knowledge gained from the weals and woes of
four years as Governor of a great State. It was
in many respects in advance of the times.
The number of children in the Territory of
Iowa was not great at this time, and so the need
for a well organized system of public schools
was not generally appreciated. But Lucas with
a far sighted view of the Territory's growth
urged the attention of the early legislators to
this need. "There is no subject", he said, "to
which I wish to call your attention more em
phatically, than the subject of establishing, at
the commencement of our political existence, a
well digested system of common schools".
The compilation of a code of criminal law
was also strongly urged. In connection with
this subject Governor Lucas had the courage to
give expression to an opinion which was later
the cause of much hostility. He arraigned the
two vices of gambling and intemperance in se
vere terms. "These two vices", he said, "may
be considered the fountains from which almost
every other crime proceeds . . . They have pro
duced more murders, robberies and individual

FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 181
distress, than all other crimes put together . . .
Could you in your wisdom devise ways and
means to check the progress of gambling and
intemperance in this Territory, you will per
form an act which would immortalize your names
and entitle you to the gratitude of posterity."
This recommendation he reenforced by the
statement of his intentions in regard to appoint
ments. "I shall at all times pay a due respect
to recommendations; but cannot conscientiously
nominate to office any individual of bad moral
character, or, that may be addicted to intemper
ance or gambling, if known to me. These vices
are so contaminating in their character, that all
public officers in my opinion should be clear of
even a suspicion of being addicted to them."
This was bold doctrine indeed to preach to a
body of men many of whom were themselves
addicted to these contaminating vices.
A short time before the meeting of the legis
lature Cyrus Jacobs, a member elect of the Leg
islative Assembly, had as a result of a political
quarrel been shot and killed in the streets of Bur
lington by David Rorer, a prominent lawyer of
that city. Lucas made it the occasion of a stern
censure of the practice of wearing concealed
weapons. "The recent transaction in this city," he
said, "that deprived the Legislative Assembly of

182 ROBERT LUCAS
one of its members elect, as well as all other trans
actions of a similar character, should meet with
the indignant frown of every friend of morality
and good order in community; and the practice
of wearing concealed about the person, dirks,
pistols, and other deadly weapons, should not
only be considered disreputable, but criminal,
and punished accordingly. There certainly can
not be a justifiable excuse offered for such a
practice; for in a civil community, a brave man
never anticipates danger, and an honest man
will always look to the laws for protection."
Whether influenced by this rebuke or not, David
Rorer was thenceforth a most bitter enemy of
the Governor.
In this first message the Governor also rec
ommended the efficient organization and disci
pline of the militia for defense against possible
Indian attacks. He advised the appointment of
three commissioners to choose the permanent
seat of government; and urged the compilation
and enactment of a complete code of laws for
the Territory. The financial policy of Governor
Lucas is worth noting. "In disbursing the ap
propriation," he said, "we would avoid parsi
mony in its application to defray necessary ex
penses; but at the same time should use strict
economy, and be careful in our expenditures

FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 183
never to exceed the appropriations made by
Congress." Thus, with sane advice, experienced
counsel, and courageous warning the first Leg
islative Assembly of the Territory of Iowa be
gan its labors. But the session was marked
with bitterness and strife, and adjournment was
attended with an open rupture between the Gov
ernor and the legislators.
By the Organic Act the Governor was made
an integral part of the legislative department.
"The legislative power shall be vested in the
Governor and a Legislative Assembly," and the
Governor "shall approve of all laws passed by
the Legislative Assembly before they shall take
effect". It was a position of great power and
influence. Governor Lucas had by no means
crossed the line of settled civilization to accept
an office of inferior rank. As Governor of Ohio
he had not been allowed even the vestige of a
veto power; he had enjoyed but little appointive
power; and his salary was limited to $1000. As
Governor of the Territory of Iowa he had abso
lute veto power on legislation, large appointive
powers, and received an annual salary of $2500 —
$1500 forhis duties as Governor and $1000 as
Superintendent of Indian Affairs. In Ohio the
power of the executive was too limited. In
Iowa it may have been too great. And the re-

184 ROBERT LUCAS
suit was political jealousies and constant strife
until the Organic Act was amended.
The very inauguration of the Territorial gov
ernment had been attended with unfortunate re
lationships between Governor Lucas and Secre
tary Conway, and before the first month of the
legislative session had expired Secretary Conway
had involved himself in a controversy with the
Legislative Assembly. During the second month
he had made his peace with the legislature, but
had broken with the Governor. Before the
close of the third month and the adjournment
of the session, the Legislative Assembly with
the able assistance of Secretary Conway had be
come involved in a dispute with the Governor
which resulted in an unsuccessful effort to per
suade the President of the United States to re
move Robert Lucas from the executive chair.
The story of these three controversies constitutes
very largely the history of the First Territorial
Assembly. The trouble between Conway and the Legis
lative Assembly began late in November, 1838.
The members of the Council finding themselves
lacking in certain articles necessary or convenient
for their use passed resolutions asking the Sec
retary of the Territory to provide them with
knives, tin cups, and some other articles of a

FIRST LEGISLATIVE ASSEMBLY 185
like nature. Secretary Conway replied with a
communication in rather flippant and ironical
language which greatly offended the dignity of
the Council.138 The communication was referred
to a committee; and the report of the committee,
characterizing the communication as lacking in
respect, and assuring the Secretary that "the
present Legislature will not tamely submit to
the insults and derision of any officer of this
Territory", was adopted by the Council with no
dissenting votes.
Meanwhile Conway had learned of the opinion
which the Council held in regard to his reply,
and before the report was presented he suggest
ed to members of the committee that they should
inquire formally of him ' ' whether any disrespect
was intended by said communication?" He also
repeated this suggestion in a written note to the
committee. But the Council evidently felt it
beneath its dignity to ask for explanations or
to make inquiries regarding the animus of the
Secretary, for it paid no attention to the note.
The report of the committee, beside taking ex
ceptions to the tone of Conway's reply, proceed
ed to arraign him for negligence in providing for
the comfort and convenience of the Assembly
and complained that "great pains were taken to
prevent the Merchants and citizens of Burling-

186 ROBERT LUCAS
ton from crediting the officers of the Council and
House of Representatives of this Territory, for
small articles necessary for their use and the
Hon Secretary of the Territory was understood
to intimate that accounts made by the officers of
the legislature, would not be paid by him."
The Secretary denied the charges but added:
"It must be known, that the Secretary, as the
disbursing officer of the Territorial Government,
would not allow every man who might be, or
might call himself 'an officer of the Legislature,'
to go and deal with whom he pleased, and for
what he pleased without the restrictions imposed
by a specific order."
Greatly incensed by the refusal of the Council
to rescind their vote of censure, the Secretary
proceeded in turn to solemnly arraign the Council.
He finally threatened that, unless the resolutions
were withdrawn from the Journal, he, as Sec
retary, would refuse to certify to the authenticity
of the record when he transmitted his copy of
the proceedings to Congress. The quarrel was
finally settled amicably, all communications re
lating to the matter were withdrawn from the
Journal, and Conway, having made his peace
with the Council, joined forces with the General
Assembly in opposition to the Executive of the
Territory.139

XIX
Territorial Expenditures
The quarrel between the Governor and the Leg
islative Assembly was precipitated by the prob
lem of Territorial expenditures. In his message
to the legislature at the opening of the session,
Governor Lucas had recommended strongly the
practice of strict economy and the desirability of
never exceeding the appropriations made by
Congress. This wholesome advice was not alto
gether palatable to a class of younger men in
the Territory who seemed to feel that since the
United States Government was paying the bills,
the opportunity of spending should be freely
used.140 Thus the policy of expenditures early
became a problem difficult of settlement.
In accordance with the proclamation of the
Governor the Legislative Assembly met on the
12th day of November, 1838. Two days later
a resolution passed by the House of Represen
tatives regarding the expenditure of money was
handed to the Secretary of the Territory. Sec
retary Conway, after consulting with the Gov-

188 ROBERT LUCAS
ernor, replied to the House in a detailed com
munication which is worthy of careful notice.141
The Organic Act of the Territory of Iowa
made the following provision in regard to the
public expenditures: "There shall also be ap
propriated, annually, a sufficient sum, to be ex
pended by the Secretary of the Territory, and
upon an estimate to be made by the Secretary
of the Treasury of the United States, to defray
the expenses of the Legislative Assembly, the
printing of the laws, and other incidental ex
penses; and the Secretary of the Territory shall
annually account to the Secretary of the Treasury
of the United States, for the manner in which
the aforesaid sum shall have been expended."142
Secretary Conway, after quoting this provision,
proceeded to outline his views upon the expen
diture of the public funds. The warning of the
Governor against overstepping the. limits set by
Congress evidently did not impress him greatly,
for he wrote: "that we are bound to limit our
necessary and proper expenditures by the Con
gressional appropriation, is an opinion from
which I feel reluctantly constrained to withhold
my assent". This vital difference of opinion in
respect to the public finance of the Territory
boded ill for the peace and harmony of the Ter
ritorial administration.

TERRITORIAL EXPENDITURES 189
Conway thought it advisable, however, that a
general law should be enacted by the Legislative
Assembly providing specifically for the items
of expense in the Territory and the manner in
which the funds should be expended. He enu
merated the several points upon which pro
vision should be made. Among them he men
tioned the provision for the number of clerks
and officers of the Legislative Assembly and the
specification of the salary per diem that they
should receive. He also recommended a pro
vision for a sufficient sum to pay for the rent
and furniture of the Governor's office and of the
Secretary's office, "together with a sufficient sum
to pay the perquisites of the latter, in preparing
the laws and superintending their publication
and distribution — allowing him a frank at all
times, for letters and documents to every part
of the Territory." But later when Governor
Lucas presented to him a bill for furniture in
the executive office, he refused to pay it, claim
ing that it should come out of the Governor's
contingent fund. A bill of the nature suggested
by Secretary Conway was introduced into the
House and was known as "Mr. Frierson's Bill";
but it failed of passage.
Meanwhile the two houses had been consider
ing their needs in the way of legislative clerks,

190 ROBERT LUCAS
janitors and sergeants-at-arms. Altogether there
were but thirty-nine legislators — thirteen in the
Council and twenty-six in the House. It would
seem that so small a body of men, convened in
a church in the frontier town of Burlington for
the purpose of legislating for a pioneer Territory,
would not need a great many assistants. Yet
the Legislative Assembly saw fit to provide it
self with clerks, janitors, firemen, and sergeants-
at-arms to the extent of twenty-three officials to
wait upon the thirty-nine representatives of the
people of the Territory. In other words, the
Territory of Iowa, with a legislature hardly more
than a third as large as that of the State of Ohio,
had a body of legislative attendants four or five
times as numerous. Lucas later pointed out the
fact that whereas the salaries of the legislative
officials of the State of Ohio, being fixed by
statute, would, for a seventy-five day session,
amount to $1200, the salaries for these officers
of the legislature of the Territory of Iowa dur
ing the first session amounted to $6150.143
The members of the Legislative Assembly
were well aware that the Governor would never
give his approval to a bill authorizing so many
assistants; and so they determined to ignore the
legislative prerogative of the Governor. They
passed a resolution determining the number of

TERRITORIAL EXPENDITURES 191
officials and fixing their salaries at from three to
six dollars per day. The resolutions directed
the Secretary of the Territory to pay these sal
aries upon the presentation of certificates signed
by the presiding officer and chief clerk of the
house which the individual served. But, con
trary to universal practice and interpretation in
regard to joint resolutions, they did not submit
the measure to the Governor for approval, but
regarded their own action as final. In accordance
with this unapproved resolution a certificate enti
tling Samuel W. Summers to pay as sergeant-at-
arms was presented to Conway for payment.
The Secretary, unwilling to take the respon
sibility of performing his duties upon insufficient
vouchers, was yet anxious not to cross the Leg
islative Assembly. Possibly, too, he was glad
of a chance to array the Governor and Assembly
in opposition. At all events he shifted the bur
den to the executive shoulders by asking the
advice in writing of Governor Lucas. In his
letter he stated that his only object was "to en
quire whether your Excellency would consent to
give me a written opinion on the subject stat
ing whether the certificate in question, is or can
be legally. regarded as a sufficient voucher, in set
tling my accounts with the Treasury Depart
ment of the United States."

192 ROBERT LUCAS
Governor Lucas replied immediately. He
stated his belief that inasmuch as the Organic
Act provided that the legislative power should
be vested in the Governor and Legislative As
sembly, and inasmuch as it expressly specified
that the Governor should approve all laws passed
by the Legislative Assembly, the joint resolution
not being presented to the Governor or receiv
ing his approval, was without legal authority.
The certificate would, therefore, not constitute
a satisfactory voucher. For the same reason he
held that the officers named in the joint resolu
tion were legally unknown to the general gov
ernment. This answer to the Secretary's inquiries Con
way at once sent to the legislature for its con
sideration. It had been written not for the Leg
islative Assembly, but for the Secretary in re
sponse to a request for advice to guide him in
the performance of his duties as disbursing agent
of the Territory. But the submission of the
letter to the Legislative Assembly permitted the
Secretary to withdraw and watch the melee"
which he well knew would result from his action.
On December 7, 1838, the legislature took the
communication under consideration and voted
(by joint resolution again) to adjourn until the
tenth, but meanwhile to meet the next morning

TERRITORIAL EXPENDITURES 193
"in convention" (Governor Lucas being asked
to attend) and discuss the matter.
On Saturday morning in pursuance of the call
the convention met. Governor Lucas, however,
was not there. Much eloquence seems to have
marked the session of this "friendly confer
ence".144 Stephen Hempstead, as chairman of a
committee appointed to draft resolutions to sub
mit to the convention, reported a preamble and
several resolutions. They contained the follow
ing statements:
Whereas, the Executive has not only neglected to
attend, but has withheld all communications from this
convention, not even assigning his reasons for failing
to attend : And whereas the Governor of said Territory
in a communication to the Hon. William B. Conway,
of the 6th of December, 1838, declared that the Legis
lative Assembly of this Territory, had no vested power
independent of the Governor — that a joint resolution of
both Houses was destitute of legal authority — and that
the Officers of the Legislative Assembly were legally un
known to him. Therefore be it resolved by the Council
and House of Representatives in Convention Assembled,
lst. That the Governor of this Territory is not in
vested by the Organic law with advisory and restrain
ing powers over the Legislature, further than the nom
ination of Territorial officers as provided by law, nor
restraining power further than the disapproval of bills,
resolutions and memorials presented for his signature.
This last sentence is significant. It concedes
13

194 ROBERT LUCAS
the power of the Executive to veto all bills, res
olutions, and memorials presented for his signa
ture, while it implies the power of the Legis
lative Assembly to withhold certain bills and
only send in for his approval such as it desired.
Such a power had never been given to the legis
lature. The Organic Law specifically stated
that the Governor should approve all laws be
fore they took effect; and if the legislature made
the concession involved in their first resolution
it was virtually conceding the entire ground.
The convention had been called for a "friendly
conference". Its proceedings consisted of a
spirited discussion of the Governor's communi
cation to Conway. The opposition to the Ex
ecutive was led by Stephen Hempstead and James
W. Grimes. On behalf of Governor Lucas,
Gideon S. Bailey and John Frierson took the
floor. And the Honorable Secretary Conway
was also present and delivered an address justi
fying himself for communicating the opinion of
Governor Lucas to the Legislative Assembly.
It is not necessary to dwell in detail upon the
arguments of the gentlemen. Messrs. Hemp
stead and Grimes confined themselves largely to
an arraignment of the Governor for overstepping
the bounds of his delegated authority and at
tempting to reduce the powers of the Legislative

TERRITORIAL EXPENDITURES 195
Assembly. Mr. Bailey and Mr. Frierson, on
the other, hand, protested that in no way had the
Executive made an attempt to override the
powers of the legislature.
A careful examination of the facts seems to
justify their protest. Governor Lucas had not
vetoed the resolution for it had never been pre
sented to him. He had not even said he would
veto it. He had sent no communication con
cerning it to the Legislative Assembly. He had
simply given to the Secretary, upon request, his
opinion that the certificate based upon the joint
resolution did not constitute a sufficient voucher.
Lie was exercising no executive prerogative in
opposition to the resolution, nor was he attempt
ing to control the Secretary in his actions. The
resolution had not come to him officially; there
fore, officially he had nothing to do with it or
with the Legislative Assembly in relation to it.
As regards Conway, Lucas had simply given
him advice upon request. As Lucas stated in
his opinion, the Secretary was the disbursing
agent of the Territory and responsible to the
United States Treasury for the expenditure of
funds. He was free to spend money upon what
ever vouchers he chose, and the letter of Lucas
constituted no restraint upon his powers. It
was purely an advisory act between the Govern-

196 ROBERT LUCAS
or and the Secretaiy of the Territory; and
whether or not Lucas afterward gave permission
for the transmission of the letter to the legisla
ture in no way altered or affected its purpose or
official character.145
So much for the executive standpoint. A
word as to Conway is necessary. The Secretary
of the Territory was made by act of Congress
the disbursing agent of the Territorial Govern
ment, and he must annually render an account
to the Secretary of the Treasury for the expen
ditures of the public funds appropriated by Con
gress. Being, then, responsible for his accounts it
was clearly his place to determine what he should
consider a sufficient voucher for his payments,
and to refuse to honor any other. Such refusal,
however, would in this case bring him in conflict
with the Legislative Assembly; and, remember
ing his late experience with that body, he wish
ed to avoid any repetition of difficulties. Know
ing well the opinions of Governor Lucas upon
the subject, he was shrewd enough to see a way
to preserve the good will of the Legislative As
sembly by involving the outspoken Executive
in the dispute in his behalf, and then letting him
bear the consequences. Thus he might be able
to protect his credit with the United States gov
ernment and at the same time transfer the storm

TERRITORIAL EXPENDITURES 197
of wrath from himself to the Governor of the
Territory. The action taken by the Legislative Assembly
was the first step in a long struggle which, on
their part, seems to have been due to three
causes: their attitude toward public expendi
tures; their idea of their own position in the gov
ernment; and their determination to be the dom
inating power in the Territory.
The members of the Assembly were little in
clined to look with favor upon economy in pub
lic expenses and shared with, the Secretary the
opinion that the Territory need not limit itself
to the Congressional appropriation. The warn
ing of the Governor against extravagance in ex
penditures had little weight with them.
In regard to their position in the government
they seemed to forget that they were legislators
of a Territory, not of a State, and that they
could not expect to pursue their course regard
less of the official representative of the United
States government. They did not seem to re
alize that Congress had passed the Organic Act
advisedly and had intentionally made the Gov
ernor an integral part of the legislative depart
ment, with the definite purpose of imposing a
check upon the Territorial legislature. The Or
ganic Act was the fundamental law of the Ter-

198 ROBERT LUCAS
ritory and should have been sustained regardless
of any possible feeling on the part of young or
inexperienced legislators that their dignity had
been injured.
Finally, the fact was patent that the control
ling faction of the Legislative Assembly had
come to the determination to make itself the
dominating power in the Territory and to pur
sue its own policy upon the expenditure of funds
or upon any other question that might arise.
The members of the convention for a "friendly
conference", having, after much discussion, pass
ed the preamble and resolutions, closed their ses
sion and met again in their official capacity as a
Legislative Assembly. They had adjourned the
only body that had any right to take any official
action, had met in an unofficial "convention"
and passed resolutions regarding a communica
tion from a Federal officer — a communication
which had never been intended for them, but
for an entirely different department of the Ter
ritorial government.
On December 13, the houses each passed res
olutions instructing the Secretary of the Terri
tory to pay the specified salaries. In the House
of Representatives a certificate signed by the
Speaker and Chief Clerk and in the Council the
resolution itself were declared sufficient vouchers

TERRITORIAL EXPENDITURES 199
for such expenditure. How much these declara
tions really meant appeared later.
Reassured by these resolutions Conway, on the
15th of December, sent a long communication to
the legislature.146 He reviewed the entire matter
and informed the members that "from a calm,
impartial and considerate examination of the case,
the Secretary concurs in the principle for which
the Legislature contends; and he is therefore
constrained, by the force of conviction, to dissent
from the opinion of the Governor." He closed
by stating his intention of paying the salaries as
provided for by the two houses.
Thus, this first episode of the legislative
struggle ended with the Secretary and Legisla
tive Assembly (so lately in controversy over pen
knives) banded together in a firm alliance against
the Governor of the Territory.

XX
The Executive Veto
The events recounted in the last chapter consti
tuted only the beginning of the legislative strug
gle. Before matters between the Legislative
Assembly and the Executive became critical the
Governor and Secretary Conway had come to
an open rupture. With every day their rela
tions had become more strained. Time had by
no means softened the bitterness of feeling en
gendered by the unfortunate condition of affairs
at the opening of the Territorial government.
Secretary Conway, chafing under the necessity
of exercising a subordinate office after his brief
career as Acting Governor, systematically at
tempted to magnify the office of Secretary to a
place coordinate and equal with that of Govern
or. He referred to his office as a "Department"
in his official correspondence, and with great
assumption of dignity spoke of communications
to his "Department" from the Executive or from
the Legislative Assembly.
Occupying a room adjoining the office of Lu-

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 201
cas, he yet attended to none of the duties in
connection with the Executive Office required of
the Secretary by the Organic Act. Prominent
among these duties was that of recording and
preserving all the acts and proceedings of the
Governor in his Executive Department. The
acts and proceedings were recorded, but not by
Conway. Lucas himself, as the manuscript of the
Executive Journal shows, copied in his own
peculiar handwriting a very large proportion of
the records, and most of the remainder seems
to have been transcribed by Jesse Williams.
Thus the work for which the Secretary of the
Territory was appointed and paid fell very large
ly to the lot of the Executive of the Territory.147
In many other ways the assumption of authority
and neglect of duties by the young man in the
Secretary's office aroused the anger of the white
haired Governor of the Territory.
While it is impossible as well as unjust to
judge with absolute certainty Of a man's motives,
yet the letters and actions of Secretary Conway
lend color to the charge made against him by
his contemporary, James Clarke (at the time
editor of the lotvd Territorial Gazette), that
Conway was anxious to have Lucas supplanted,
hoping that his own appointment as Governor
of Iowa might follow.148

202 ROBERT LUCAS
The constant recurrence of aggravating actions
on the part of the Secretary seems to have pro
duced in the Governor a chronic irritability which
disturbed official negotiations and caused him to
take measures and assume attitudes that he
probably would not have done under ordinary
circumstances. With this condition of affairs,
it is not surprising that the feeling between the
two officers of the Territory soon resulted in a
definite break of friendly relations.
The crisis in the intercourse between the Gov
ernor and the Secretary occurred in the latter
part of the month of December, 1838. As will
be remembered, Secretary Conway in his first
recommendation to the Legislative Assembly
regarding expenditures suggested the passage of
a bill providing specifically for the various items
of expense for which as disbursing agent of the
Territory he was accountable. Among these he
specifically mentioned the payment of a sum
sufficient for the rent and furniture of the Gover
nor's office. Now, however, when the Governor
presented a bill for furniture the Secretary re
fused to pay it, claiming that it should come out
of the Governor's contingent fund of $350 — a
fund provided for by the Organic Act "to be
expended by the Governor to defray the contin
gent expenses of the Territory". On the day

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 203
after Christmas, Governor Lucas wrote the fol
lowing letter to the Secretary:
Sir.
I wish you to inform me distinctly the reasons why
you refuse to pay for the furniture put in the Execu
tive Office out of the appropriation made by Congress
— whether you consider the Executive Office separate
and distinct from that of the Secretary of the Territory
— and if so your reasons for this conclusion. I would
also, wish to know whether you do or, do not intend
to discharge the duty required of you by the Organic
law relative to recording the acts and proceedings of
the Governor in his Executive Department. Nothing
of this kind has yet been done by you, and I think it
time that this business was done. If it is not your in
tention to perform these duties I wish to know it, that
I can make a representation to the proper Department
at Washington.
I request an explicit and unequivocal answer to the
above.149 Conway's reply was somewhat longer than
the note written by Lucas. It covered nine close
ly written pages of foolscap and gave what was
certainly "an explicit and unequivocal answer".
In regard to the first question he was of the
opinion that the bill presented by Mr. Evans
(for furniture) should have been paid out of the
fund for the ' ' ' contingent expenses of the Terri
tory', or out of the private coffers of the Execu
tive himself"; and he takes great satisfaction

204 ROBERT LUCAS
in adding that "this belief receives the fullest
confirmation from a reference to the constitutional
argument addressed, by your Excellency, to this
Department, on the 6th inst. and to which your
attention is very respectfully invited".
Secondly, he replied that he did "consider
the office of the Executive and that of the Sec
retary as 'separate and distinct', and my 'reasons'
for this conclusion may be found in the distinc
tions taken between the respective powers, duties
and responsibilities of the Governor and the Sec
retary, in the provisions of the Organic law".
With regard to the recording of the executive
acts Conway said:
In reply to this cross examination, I have the honor
to inform your Excellency, that all "the acts and
proceedings of the Governor, in his executive depart
ment", which have been transmitted to this office, re
ceived prompt attention; and these, together with those
that may be transmitted hereafter, will be disposed of,
in strict accordance with the provisions of the Act of
Congress. Whether these papers shall be, or shall not
be, transmitted to this office, is a question for the grand
consideration of your Excellency; for it will not be pre
sumed, that the Secretary of the Territory has the right,
or if granted, could consent to exercise the right, of
searching the Executive pockets, or rumaging the Execu
tive office, for "acts and proceedings"; nor is it at all
understood, or admitted, that the Secretary of the Ter
ritory should "live, and move, and have his being", in

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 205
the Executive presence, and be always ready, on the
spot, to "record" that portion of the executive wisdom
which may be permitted to escape, through the medium
of conversation with mister parvin, or even with men
of better breeding.
After thus answering what he termed the "in
sulting enquiries" of Governor Lucas, Conway
proceeded to review his own conduct in the office
of Secretary:
There is not, I repeat it, sir, a single official act of
mine, to which exception may be fairly taken, unless it
be the style and tone of a communication to the Legis
lative Council, on the 24th of November, occasioning a
difficulty which is now happily adjusted; and into that
difficulty, I was introduced, in the first instance, by
officious interference with my department, on the part
of your Excellency, and your man parvin.
This bit of correspondence formed what Con
way termed the ' 'point of separation between
the Governor and the Secretary". From that
time on, although their offices were next door to
each other, they were not on speaking terms ; and
the intercourse necessary between them by reason
of their official relations was carried on in writ
ing or through a third person.
Meanwhile the principle of executive veto,
involved in the struggle over the expenditure of
appropriations, remained a bone of contention
between the Governor and the Legislative As-

206 ROBERT LUCAS
sembly.150 The Organic Act made no provision
regarding the time or manner in which bills
should be presented to the Governor or returned
to the Legislative Assembly. To remedy this
defect the legislature undertook, early in De
cember, 1838, to pass a bill regulating the inter
course between the Governor and the two houses.
On December 4, 1838, a committee of two
was appointed by the Council to confer with the
Governor in the matter. The conference was
held and a bill was agreed to and reported back
to the Council for passage. Before it was passed
by the two houses, however, it received certain
amendments which modified the bill consider
ably. Governor Lucas received the amended
bill for approval on the eighteenth of December,
and on the day following vetoed the bill and
returned it to the Council with the following ex
planation:
In comparing the bill submitted for my consideration,
with the one originally reported by the committee, I
find that the section that was inserted with a view to
keep up a mutual conference and to open the way to a
mutual reconciliation of conflicting views, has been
stricken from the bill; also, the time within which the
Executive was required to return an act, etc., with his
objection, to the Legislative Assembly, has been altered
from ten to five days — with these alterations lean never
concur; but am still willing to yield my assent to the

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 207
bill, if passed as originally reported by the committee.
Until this is done, I must use my own discretion, under
the Organic Law, and for your information' will state
the course I intend to pursue.
All bills, resolutions, or memorials submitted to me,
will be carefully examined, and if approved, will be
signed and deposited in the office of the Secretary of
the Territory. If special objections are found, but not
sufficient to induce me to withold my assent from the
bill, resolutions or memorials, a special note of explana
tion will be endorsed with my approval.
Bills, resolutions, or memorials, that may be con
sidered entirely objectional or of doubtful policy, will
be retained under advisement, or returned to the Legis
lative Assembly with my objections, at such time, and
in such way and manner, as I may, for the time being,
deem to be most advisable.
From thenceforth Lucas had to contend with
both the Secretary and the Legislative Assembly.
The result of the tendency toward extravagance
in expenditures showed itself in a resolution
presented to the Governor on December 29,
1838. This resolution was to the effect that
William B. Conway be "appointed 'fiscal agent'
of the Legislative Assembly, during its present
session, and that all advances of money made by
him shall be refunded to him out of such money
as shall hereafter be appropriated by Congress."
It received immediately the veto of the Execu
tive with the statement that "this Legislative

208 ROBERT LUCAS
Assembly in my opinion, has no power directly
or indirectly to control the application of money
that may be appropriated by Congress, to defray
the expenses of the next Legislative Assembly".
Again on the 4th of January, 1839, he vetoed
a resolution with regard to the manner of return
ing bills, informing the houses that he saw no
place in the Organic Law which vested the Legis
lative Assembly with the right to "dictate to the
Executive in the discharge of his official duties".
On the day following he vetoed another resolu
tion requesting him to inform the legislature of
his sanction of bills immediately upon his ap
proval of the same. He stated that it was his
desire to comply with the pleasure of the legis
lature, wherever possible; but having no secretary
or clerk in the public employ it was impractic
able for him to return bills to the houses imme
diately upon approval. He referred them to his
communication of December 19, 1838, providing
for the deposit of such bills with the Secretary,
and concluded by asserting his intention of main
taining that course until a bill was passed regulat
ing the intercourse between the two departments.
The veto of the resolution authorizing Conway
to be paid out of appropriations not yet made
by Congress, had involved that gentleman in
some difficulties in getting money to pay for

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 209
the numerous items of expense connected with
the legislature. Several other vetoes beside the
ones above mentioned deepened the antipathy
of the Legislative Assembly, and as the session
drew to a close this three cornered controversy
between Secretary, Governor, and Legislative
Assembly became very intense.
Soon after his break with the Governor, Con
way began a series of intermittent communica
tions to the President of the United States,
arraigning in the most decided terms the conduct
of his superior officer, the Governor.151 He
characterized Lucas as superannuated and irri
table, and complained of his "many vexatious,
ungraceful, petulant, ill-natured and dogmatical
interferences, with this Department". In the
meantime he neglected to perform duties that
were connected with the executive office, and
seems to have turned his best energies to cement
ing his friendship with the Legislative Assembly
and disbursing funds to pay for their expenses.
The executive veto of January 5, 1838, reached
the House of Representatives late in the after
noon. It was Saturday, and before adjourning
for the week the communication was referred to
the committee on vetoes of which the youngest
member of the House, James W. Grimes, was
chairman. On Monday morning Grimes was
14

210 ROBERT LUCAS
ready with the report of his committee.152 After
reviewing the different vetoes exercised by Gov
ernor Lucas, the committee assumed the rathei
astonishing ground that the Organic Act dele
gated no power of veto to the Executive. ' 'We
have attempted to ascertain where the Governor
derives the power of unconditionally vetoing
bills, — but in vain. We find no such authority
delegated in the Organic Law, and we believe
no such power can be obtained by implication".
¦They did not forget that the second section of
their fundamental law provided that the Govern
or "shall approve of all laws passed by the
Legislative Assembly before they shall take
effect"; but this section, so Mr. Grimes reported,
' 'makes it imperative and obligatory upon the
Governor to approve all laws passed by the
Legislative Assembly."  It is not left
discretionary with him. 'He shall approve, ' etc. "
This was certainly a curious interpretation;
but it met the approval of the legislators and
the report was adopted. To enquire whether
Grimes really believed in the soundness of this
doctrine or whether he yielded to the exigencies
of the situation and arranged his political philos
ophy accordingly is, perhaps, beyond the prov
ince of the historian. At all events it is more
kind to remember that he was a youth of only

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 211
twenty-two years and that the ripe wisdom and
mature judgment which characterized his conduct
in the trial of President Andrew Johnson had not
yet come to him.
In the Council the Committee on Territorial
Affairs, to which this veto message was referred,
reported in like manner on January 22, 1839,
maintaining that Congress never intended to vest
the Governor with absolute veto power. The
vote upon the report stood six to six; and the
Council thereupon voted to lay the report on the
table, but authorized James G. Edwards to print
five hundred copies.
In the communication of December 19, 1838,
in which Governor Lucas had outlined his policy
regarding the return of bills, he had said: "If
special objections are found, but not sufficient to
induce me to withhold my assent from the bill,
resolutions or memorials, a special note of ex
planation will be endorsed with my approval. "
And such notes of explanation were, indeed,
added in the case of several bills giving fran
chises for ferries across the Mississippi River.153
The following is a typical instance :
As far as this act may be construed to interfere with
private rights, or the property of the United States, I
consider it will be void; in other respects valid. With
this note of explanation, I give it my assent.

212 ROBERT LUCAS
Such interpretation amounted to the expres
sion of "a judicial opinion" which, when given
by the Executive, could have no binding force.
But it seemed to enrage the legislature even more
than the direct use of the veto. On January 1 5,
1839, the House of Representatives (after a long
preamble stating absolutely no ground for com
plaint except that Lucas had "been writing notes
and explanations on sundry laws adopted by
both Houses") resolved that "Robert Lucas is
'unfit to be the ruler of a free people, ' and that
a select committee be appointed to prepare and
report a memorial to the President of the United
States, setting forth the leading facts upon which
the Legislative Assembly found and establish
their objections to the continuance of Robert
Lucas as Governor of this Territory, and pray
ing in strong terms for his immediate remov
al."154 The preamble and resolutions were carried
by a vote of twelve to ten. This action was the
immediate consequence of a communication to
the House from Secretary Conway giving, upon
request of the House and Council, information
regarding bills approved by the Executive and
mentioning in detail the use of the note of ex
planation by Lucas.
Before taking further action, the House again
took occasion to consult the Secretary. On Jan-

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 213
uary 17, 1839, they asked him for a report of
all communications not of a confidential character
on the subject of the disbursement of the public
funds. The Secretary, stating that his own correspond
ence and accounts with the Treasurer of the
United States and with other officers and persons
were as yet "incomplete" and assuming (perhaps
wisely) that these were not desired by the legis
lature, sent to the House of Representatives the
correspondence which the Secretary and Gover
nor had carried on regarding the furniture for
the Governor's office and the recording of execu
tive acts, which had caused the final break be
tween those two officers.
Meanwhile the Governor had in no way receded
from his position relative to the right of veto.
Moreover, an examination of the particular bills
vetoed does not show a despotic use of the power
but on the contrary clearly proves that the bills
passed by the Legislative Assembly were in
many cases faulty and in great need of super
vision by an experienced Executive.
Thus, with the Governor stubbornly deter
mined to uphold the provisions of the Organic
Act as he understood them, and the Legislative
Assembly (and Secretary Conway) as stubbornly
determined to follow their own interpretation,

214 ROBERT LUCAS
affairs in the last week of the session became
more and more stormy. By act of Congress the
session was limited to seventy-five days. The
seventy-fifth day was January 25, 1839. On
January 21, Mr. Bankson, chairman of the com
mittee appointed in the House of Representatives
on the 15th, reported a memorial addressed to
the President of the United States asking for
the removal of Governor Lucas from office. The
resolution passed the House without amendment.
John Frierson then offered a resolution asking
that, inasmuch as the motion calling for the pre
paration of such a memorial had only been
passed by a majority of two, the minority might
present a counter memorial to the President and
spread their protest upon the Journals. But
this privilege was refused upon motion of James
W. Grimes.
Excitement now became intense. From the
House the memorial went to the Council. The
crowd that assembled in the basement of the
pioneer church in Burlington on Thursday morn
ing, the twenty-fourth day of January, was an
intensely interested one.155 Beside the members
of the Council, there were many of the pioneers
of the capital city anxious to see the culmination
of the legislative struggle. The excitement of
the occasion had even attracted to the legislative

THE EXECUTIVE VETO 215
halls a number of ladies who were eager to wit
ness this crisis in legislative events.
At eleven o'clock the memorial was presented.
Much debate ensued," but, after slight amend
ment had been made, it passed the Council by a
vote of seven to five. On the next day the session
closed amid general disorder. As Parvin re
corded in his diary for that day, the "Legisla
ture adjourned in confusion. All drunk with
few exceptions."156 So ended the first Legisla
tive Assembly of the Territory of Iowa. What
better proof could be had of the soundness of
Lucas's subsequent judgment when he said that
a large factor in the opposition to his adminis
tration had been due to the positive stand which
he had taken against intemperance and gambling.

XXI
The End of the Controversy
Soon after the adjournment of the Legislative
Assembly, Governor Lucas made a tour of the
interior and frontier of the Territory. Upon his
return to Burlington, in March, he received a
communication from the Secretary of State of
the United States, enclosing not the memorial
of the Legislative Assembly, but a secret com
munication of the same nature and purpose, ad
dressed to President Van Buren and signed on
January 12, 1839, by eight members of the
Council and seven members of the House of
Representatives.157 This unofficial petition for the removal of the
Executive stated that Lucas did not possess the
"qualifications which are required of a Governor
in a new Territory. " It complained that he had
exercised the power of veto "in all cases without
regard to judgment or propriety, and without
respect to the feelings and rights of the Legisla
ture", and that he frequently treated the mem
bers of the Legislative Assembly "with silent

THE END OF THE CONTROVERSY 217
contempt." After arraigning his use of the veto
it proceeded to condemn him for his approval of
a bill which was "highly objectionable to the
Democratic members; but some of them voted
for it to try the Democracy of the Governor."
Governor Lucas on March 12, 1839, replied to
the Secretary of State answering the charges in
detail.158 In regard to his qualifications for the
office he said, "I will not reply, leaving that
question with those who are acquainted with my
public services in Ohio and else where, for many
years past". He denied the charge of improper
use of the veto and supported his denial by sub
mitting to the President all his communications
to the Legislative Assembly relating to vetoes.
He passed over the complaint regarding his
treatment of members as both untruthful and
too trivial to deserve notice. In regard to his
approval of the bill passed to utry the Democ
racy of the Governor", he replied: "I was un
able to discover that the bill had any relation to
the principals of Democracy — and if these self
styled, Democratic members, who they say 'voted
for the bill to try the democracy of the Govern
or' could thus sport with the oaths they had
taken at the commencement of the Session,
faithfully and impartially to discharge their
duties to the best of their judgment and under-

218 ROBERT LUCAS
standing'' and at the same time to vote against
their judgment and understanding, to try the
democracy of the Governor; I confess that I do
not envy the state of their moral sensibility."
Some time later he received from the Secre
tary of State the official memorial of the Legis
lative Assembly.159 It was an interesting docu
ment. The preamble which preceded the reso
lutions praying for his removal contained, as
finally passed, twelve charges against the Gov
ernor. Seven of these had to do with his use
of the veto power. The others arraigned his
exercise of the power of appointment, his ideas
regarding the expenditure of public funds, and
his treatment of the legislators; and one clause
(upon what basis it is difficult to say) charged
him with alarming inability to command in time
of war.
Lucas in reply to Secretary Forsyth stated
that since the charges were so similar to the ones
answered in his former communication, he would
simply enclose a protest and remonstrance of the
minority of the House of Representatives and a
memorial signed by sundry citizens from all
parts of the Territory defending the actions and
administration of their Governor.
The explanation made by Lucas, together
with the vigorous defense in the protests sent

THE END OF THE CONTROVERSY 219
to Washington, seems to have been entirely sat
isfactory to the President, for no step was taken
for the removal of Lucas, even though Secretary
Conway throughout the summer of 1839 sent
frequent communications to President Van Buren
severely criticising the Governor of the Territory
of Iowa.
Congress, however, passed two acts which had
an important effect in quieting matters in Iowa.
The first was an act limiting the veto power of
the Governor of the Territory by allowing a ve
toed bill to become a law if reconsidered and
passed by a two-thirds vote in both houses of
the Legislative Assembly. The second act gave
the Legislative Assembly power to "provide by
law for the election or appointment of sheriffs,
judges of probate, justices of the peace and
county surveyors," thus still further restricting
the power of the Governor. Both of these acts,
approved by the President on March 3, 1839,
were recognized by Governor Lucas as salutary
measures; and it is probable that, at least with
the first, a feeling of relief far outweighed any
sense of loss at the removal of an executive pre
rogative. Harking back once more to the last few days
of the first session of the Legislative Assembly
of the Territory, it is interesting to note the

220 ROBERT LUCAS
final stages in the career of Secretary Conway
and the outcome of the struggle over the dis
bursement of public money. After the Legisla
tive Assembly had taken the matter of expenses
into its own hands legislative expenditures be
came numerous and lavish. The attempt of
Governor Lucas to restrain this extravagance
brought many letters of commendation and ap
proval from citizens both within the Territory
and in other parts of the country.
In January Thomas L. Hamer wrote to him
from Washington: "What in the name of com
mon sense do they want with so many officers in
the two Houses? They have almost as many as
Congress — & we have double the number that
is necessary .... I should not be surprised if
there is trouble about funds to pay all the claims
that will be presented from Iowa. Uncle Sam
is just now in a mood to economize. His pockets
are nearly empty — & will be still worse off be
fore the end of the year — he don't like to see
his family — especially the younger branches of
it indulging in unnecessary expenses."
Nevertheless, the voting of salaries and extra
allowances went on undiminished. The Journals
of the last week of the session show resolution
after resolution for the extra compensation of
the twenty-three legislative officials or for the

THE END OF THE CONTROVERSY 221
appointment of assistants to these sadly over
worked individuals. The Clerk of the House
and the Secretary of the Council were each
voted $300, beside their regular pay, as compen
sation for superintending the printing of the
Journals. But for all this expenditure there must be an
accounting. A general appropriation bill enu
merating the various items of expense must be
passed by the legislature, approved by the Gov
ernor, and sent to the Secretary of the Treasury
of the United States. The authorization and
sanction for all the expenditures made by the
Secretary of the Territory rested upon this bill.
When the last day of the session arrived the
general appropriation bill had not been present
ed to the Governor for his approval. The day
passed. The session was at last adjourned, and
many of the members had taken their leave of
the Governor preparatory to starting for their
homes. Then, finally, in the evening when the
chance for its return to the legislature — either
approved or vetoed — was gone, there was pre
sented to the Governor "an act to provide for
the compensation of printers of the Legislative
Assembly, and for other purposes.1''
This placed Lucas in an extremely difficult
position. Upon examination the bill was found

222 ROBERT LUCAS
to contain, as might have been expected, items
of expenditure to which the Governor could not
conscientiously give his official sanction. To
Secretary of State Forsyth he wrote as follows:
This last bill contains many extravagant allowances,
which I considered unwarrantable and in voilation of
the organic law of the Territory — among which are al
lowances to the secretary of the Territory, to the amount
of seventeen hundred and fifty dollars, the greater part
of which are for the performance of duties that I con
sider as properly devolving upon him as Secretary of
the Territory and for which the United States pays him
an annual salary of $1200 — i«o
The legislature having adjourned before the bills pre
sented for my consideration, and being highly objec
tionable, were of course, filed among the Executive
papers, to be reported to the next Legislative Assembly
at the commencement of its session —
In the same letter he took occasion to say in
regard to Secretary Conway:
He has not only done nothing to render me assist
ance, but, is generally believed to be the prime mover of
the opposition to my proceedings, and the author of the
documents forwarded to Washington by the members
of the Legislature — and I can briefly state if Mr. Con
way has performed any duty as Secretary of the Terri
tory further than his connection with the Legislative
Assembly it is unknown to me. I know that he has
not made up a page of Executive record; neither do I
believe that he has recorded the certificates of the oaths

THE END OF THE CONTROVERSY 223
of the Territorial office[r]s, as required by the organic
law. He appears to consider his '¦'¦Department'''' as he
styles it — intirely independent of the Executive — He
has not been at this city since the adjournment of the
Legislature, the day following the adjournment he sent
off (unknown to me) all the Legislative Acts of the last
session le\a\ving no record of them at the seat of Gov
ernment, he is now at Davenport, and I presume has
the acts of the Legislature with him.
The Secretary of the Territory, on the day
after the appropriation bill had been presented
to Governor Lucas, wrote to the Governor (for
they were not on speaking terms) requesting the
transmission of that bill — approved or unap
proved — to his office, since it was important to
him and to his securities.161 Well might he
deem it important to his securities! But they
should have been considered in the months be
fore when he had disregarded the warning of
Governor Lucas and thrown open the office of
disbursing agent of the Territory to the dictates
of the Legislative Assembly and to his own per
sonal desires. He had been well aware that the
Governor would sanction no such reckless leg
islative expenditure as the bill provided for.
Nor is it possible that the Secretary could have
convinced himself that an allowance of seventeen
hundred and fifty dollars beside his regular sal
ary would be approved by the Executive.

224 ROBERT LUCAS
A possible explanation of his course is that
he relied upon the success of the attempt to have
Lucas removed from office. At all events he
had cast his lot with the Legislative Assembly
and trusted to them for a sanction for his numer
ous disbursements. Now the Legislative Assem
bly was adjourned and could be of no further
use to him. Conway thus found himself some
what in the position of a member of a firm whose
partner has decamped and left him to face the
debts. , He now realized fully that when the
Organic Act had made him disbursing agent for
the Territory it had made him responsible — not
to the Territorial legislature, but to the United
States government. He did not succeed in ob
taining the appropriation bill; and after further
trouble with the Governor over the possession
of the Seal of the Territory,162 he left for Daven
port, where, as he expressed himself, "it suits
my official and personal convenience to reside."
Thenceforth he made frantic appeals to the
President of the United States and to Levi
Woodbury, the Secretary of the Treasury, for
an order requiring Lucas to turn over to him the
appropriation bill; but without avail. His com
munications to the President of the United States
being unanswered, he finally, on July 8, 1839, in
a communication full of servile flattery, asked

THE END OF THE CONTROVERSY 225
President Van Buren to return to him his " pri
vate and confidential1'' correspondence.
In the meantime the balancing of his accounts
with the Secretary of the Treasury proceeded.
A letter from the Comptroller's office, on June
7, 1839, shows that Conway had included in his
statement several items which were larger than
the amounts the receipted vouchers showed had
actually been paid out. Fragments only of the
correspondence exist, and it is difficult to ascer
tain the exact amount of discrepancy in the ac
counts of the Secretary. Additional light, how
ever, is given by a letter of James Clarke, his
successor in office.
In the fall of that same year, 1839, William
B. Conway died at Burlington during the open
ing days of the second Legislative Assembly.
James Clarke, afterwards Governor of the Ter
ritory, was appointed in his place. In a letter
written by Secretary Clarke on the first of May,.
1840, to W. W. Chapman, Delegate to Congress,
regarding the public finance he said: "In addi
tion the deficiency of last year, as nearly as I
can ascertain claims are held against the Terri
tory of the session before to the amount of from
four to five thousand dollars. To meet this
there will be about three thousand dollars to be
collected from the securities of the late Secretary
16

226 ROBERT LUCAS
Conway, he being, at the time of his death, a
defaulter to that amount."163
Conway died in his young manhood. That
he was a man of brilliant parts seems undeniable;
but his excessive personal ambition together
with a certain bitter intensity of spirit made him
one who, even if he were not lacking in moral
scruples, could serve the public best by refrain
ing from any participation in politics.164 James
Clarke, who succeeded him, had been a friend
of Governor Lucas; and so relations between the
Executive and the Territorial Secretary were
henceforth on a congenial basis.
The first twelve months of the Territory had
been a period of intense domestic discord. The
next twelve months were marked by opposition
to the aggression of a neighboring State, which
knit together the various factions and proved
once more the wisdom and strength of the stern
pioneer Governor, Robert Lucas.165

XXII
The Missouri-Iowa Boundary
From time immemorial an instinct for territorial
conquest has characterized mankind. Nor has
this inherent desire been effaced with developing
civilization. A jealous eye cast upon a neighbor's
vineyard has caused many a quarrel; and a vague
indefiniteness in the determination of boundaries
has time out of mind been the excuse for bring
ing armed forces face to face across the disputed
border. The history of the territorial growth
of the United States is checkered with these oc
curences, varying from an interstate quarrel over
a changing river bed to a contest assuming the
proportions of the Mexican War.
The disputes over the interior division lines
of the country have sometimes developed into
open conflicts. Here the local feelings rise to
the highest pitch. With angry squatters shak
ing their fists at each other across the line that
separates their claims, and two equally angry
Governors, forgetting their dignity and challeng
ing each other in responsive proclamations, the

228 ROBERT LUCAS
scene often presents a ludicrous as well as a seri
ous aspect. More than any other class of
quarrels these disputes over boundaries involve
a combination of the deepest legal and constitu
tional problems with the most intense feeling
and often the most puerile action. Especially is
this true where the contest is over a line between
a State and a Territory; for here are encountered
in most cases the intense convictions and ready
resistance of the pioneer squatter.
Robert Lucas had already, as Governor of the
State of Ohio, participated in one of these so-
called "border wars", where on the other side a
Territory was concerned. Now, as the pioneer
Governor of the Territory of Iowa, he was drawn
into a conflict over boundaries where, in the re
verse of his former situation, he resisted the ag
gressions of a State of the Union. It is needless
for the reader to ask whether he was as strong
in his convictions as formerly; nor is it surpris
ing to note that there were those who delighted
in reminding him of the similarity of the two
controversies. For, although there is much
truth in the statements with which the veteran
Governor indignantly pointed out the differences,
the fact still remains that the two incidents were
in their main features strikingly parallel.166
As in Ohio so in Iowa the story of the border

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 229
runs back to the days of the wilderness when
the Indian paddled in solitary contentment up
the streams that flowed from the west into the
Mississippi, and when the forest and the prairie
gave their game only to red-skinned hunters.
But once did the forest yield to the blazed path
way of the surveyor; then through long, long
years it lay undisturbed by the tread of the
white man, while the grass grew over the stakes
and mounds he left in his wake and time almost
weathered away the blazed trail where the out
stretched hand of civilization had sought to
mark its line.
Where Iowa now reaches from river to river
was the Indian's country. It was a land about
which little was known. Streams were called
by now long-forgotten names; and distorted
maps added little but misrepresentation to the
knowledge of this far western territory. Upon
the lands west of the Mississippi there roamed
and struggled among themselves the Sacs and
Foxes, the Sioux, the Ioways, the Osages, and
the Pottawattamies. But upon these lands the
white man had already cast envious eyes.
In 1808 a treaty was made with the Osage In
dians whereby that tribe ceded to the United
States all their lands north of the Missouri
River.167 This treaty also provided that two

230 ROBERT LUCAS
Indians should accompany the surveyor who
was to mark their boundaries. Eight years
afterward, in 1816, John C. Sullivan was com
missioned to survey the northern boundary of
this Indian tract. Beginning on the Missouri
River opposite the mouth of the Kansas River,
he ran a line due north one hundred miles and
there planted a corner post. From that point
he ran a line due east, as he supposed, to the
Des Moines River, establishing what was known
as the "Sullivan Boundary Line" or the "Old
Indian Boundary".168 After many years it was
learned that this line did not run due east but
in a slightly northern direction striking the Des
Moines River some four miles north of the lati
tude of the northwest corner post from which
Sullivan had started.
On the 6th of March, 1820, Congress passed
an act authorizing the people of Missouri to form
a State Constitution and government. This act
designated the boundaries on the west and north
by a line beginning on the Missouri River on a
meridian running through the mouth of the
Kansas River, thence "north along the said me
ridian line to the intersection of the parallel of
latitude which passes through the rapids of the
river Des Moines, making the said line to cor
respond with the Indian boundary -line; thence

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 231
east, from the point of intersection last aforesaid,
along the said parallel of latitude, to the middle
of the channel of the main fork of the said river
Des Moines; thence down and along the middle
of the main channel of the said river Des Moines
to the mouth of the same, where it empties into
the Mississippi river" 169 In the following year
the State of Missouri was admitted into the
Union, adopting as a part of its Constitution the
section of the enabling act relative to bounda
ries. This ambiguous statement of the northern
boundary, recorded in the ignorance of the real
geography of the border, was bound sooner or
later to cause misunderstanding and dispute; but
at this time, in the prevalent lack of knowledge,
little or no attention was paid to the constitu
tional provision, and only as far north as the
Old Indian Boundary or Sullivan's Line did the
people of Missouri exercise jurisdiction.
Thus for years Sullivan's Line continued to
be regarded as the northern boundary by the
people and authorities of the State, by the ad
joining Territories, and by the United States
government. In 1824, the treaty with the Sac
and Fox Indians indicated the northwest corner
of the State of Missouri as being north one
hundred miles from the Missouri River at the

232 ROBERT LUCAS
mouth of the Kansas. And so throughout the
years that followed the admission of Missouri
the United States government in its treaties
with Indian tribes, in the creation of land dis
tricts, and in many another way gave evidence
that it considered the Sullivan Line the true
northern boundary of the State of Missouri.
Thus the understanding continued, and until
after the close of the Black Hawk War in 1832
no one seems to have bothered his head about
the location of the "rapids of the river Des
Moines." After the Black Hawk treaty of 1832, how
ever, settlers began to locate near the juncture
of the Mississippi and Des Moines rivers; and
soon inquiries began to be made as to the exact
location of the Missouri line. Then it became
evident that, according to the wording of the
State Constitution of Missouri, the line was de
pendent upon the location of the rapids of the
river Des Moines. Were they in the Des Moines
River or were they the Des Moines rapids in the
Mississippi, which time out of mind had been
known by the name of "rapids of the river Des
Moines"? Upon this problem the people began
to ponder a little in the years preceding the for
mation of the Territory of Iowa. In 1834 the
country north of Missouri which, since 1821 had

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 233
been without a local constitutional status, was
attached to and made a part of the Territory of
Michigan, continuing under that jurisdiction un
til 1836. And so during these two years, while
Governor Lucas of Ohio was protesting against
the pretensions of the Territory of Michigan,
and even massing the Ohio State militia on the
border to face the Territorial militia of Michigan
far out in the western section of that same Ter
ritory of Michigan was arising another boundary
dispute which was to reach its climax when,
four years later, the rights of this section were to
be championed by Governor Lucas of the Terri
tory of Iowa.
In 1836, when Michigan after her many trials
and tribulations finally entered the Union, the
Territory of Wisconsin was created including the
land west of the Mississippi and north of Mis
souri. The Organic Act of the Territory of
Wisconsin provided that it should extend as far
south as the northern boundary of Missouri.
Thus the whole boundary question was be
queathed to the Territory of Iowa through the
original Territory of Wisconsin.
It must be kept in mind that at this time the
State of Missouri did not, as now, extend on
the west to the Missouri River but only to a line
drawn north from the Missouri River at the

234 ROBERT LUCAS
mouth of the Kansas River. In the year 1836
Congress provided that the jurisdiction of Mis
souri should be extended by proclamation of
the President of the United States to that tract
of land between this line and the Missouri River.
The State of Missouri, in December of 1836,
authorized the Governor to appoint commission
ers to survey the northern boundary line from
the "rapids of the river Des Moines" west
through the old northwest corner of the State
and on to the Missouri River. The Governor
was instructed to request the appointment of
commissioners by the United States government
and the Territory of Wisconsin to cooperate in
the survey. Neither the Federal government
nor the Territory of Wisconsin responded to the
invitation; and so, according to the provisions of
the act, Missouri proceeded alone to the survey
of the northern boundary. Accordingly, in 1837
the line was run and marked by Joseph C.
Brown for and on behalf of the State.
Assuming that the term "rapids of the river
Des Moines" referred to the Des Moines River
he began a search in that river for rapids. His
final conclusion was that the only obstruction
worthy of the name "rapids" was at the Great
Bend about sixty-three miles above the mouth,
and from this point he began his survey, running

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 235
a line due west to the Missouri River. Now
this line ran several miles north of the Sullivan
Line and included a strip of territory which had
been under the jurisdiction of the Territory of
Wisconsin. An immediate and consuming wrath
thereupon seized the citizens of Wisconsin; and
on November 6, 1837, at a convention of dele
gates from Wisconsin Territory west of the Mis
sissippi assembled in Burlington, a memorial
was passed praying Congress to appoint com
missioners to survey the boundary "according to
the spirit and intention of the act defining the
boundary lines of the State of Missouri."170
Thus matters stood when the Territory of
Iowa was created. From the Territories of
Michigan and Wisconsin had come this legacy
of unsettled borders. Nor was the final adjust
ment of affairs to be made until Iowa, years
afterward, had taken its place as a State in the
Union. Six days after the Organic Act was passed
creating the Territory of Iowa, Congress passed
an act authorizing the President to cause the
southern boundary of Iowa to be ascertained and
marked. This was on June 18, 1838. During
the same year Albert Miller Lea was appointed
as the United States Commissioner for this pur
pose. A commissioner was to be appointed by

236 ROBERT LUCAS
the Territory of Iowa and one by the State of
Missouri; but Congress provided that the survey
should be carried on even if one or both of these
commissioners failed of appointment. Governor
Lucas appointed, on September 1, 1838, Dr.
James Davis. The Governor of Missouri pleaded
for delay. "The weather", he wrote in July,
"will be so extremely warm for a month yet to
come, & the flies in the Prairies so very trouble
some, that it will be almost impossible for you
to proceed in the matter, with any kind of com
fort until about the first of September."171 The
matter ended with no appointment from Missouri.
And so Lea and Davis began their work alone.
They made a careful investigation of the entire
boundary question, examining the survey recent
ly made by Brown as far as time would permit.
In the month of January, 1839, Dr. James
Davis and Albert M. Lea made their official re
ports — the former to the Governor of the Terri
tory of Iowa, and the latter to the Commissioner
of the General Land Office.172 The report of
Lea contained a detailed discussion of the ques
tion, and very logically and fairly presented the
claims of the different parties. In regard to
the "rapids" he reported that there were no ob
structions worthy of the name "rapids" in the
Des Moines River below those at the Great

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 237
Bend designated by Brown; and that if the river
rose as much as three feet above the low water
mark, even these rapids disappeared and the
water presented an unbroken flow. On the other
hand the "Des Moines Rapids", which were lo
cated in the Mississippi River just above the
mouth of the Des Moines River, were and had
been well known for many years. In the days
of the early French explorations in this region,
these rapids had been known as "Les rapides de
la riviere Des Moines", which translated literally
would be "the rapids of the river Des Moines."
The line surveyed by Brown running due
west from the rapids at the Great Bend of the
Des Moines River would pass thirteen miles
north of the old northwest corner of Missouri.
A line drawn west from the Des Moines Rapids
in the Mississippi River would, on the other
hand, pass about a mile and a half south of the
northwest corner. Thus there was between these
parallels of latitude a strip of land from the Mis
sissippi to the Missouri approximating fourteen
miles in width. And lying within this strip was
the Sullivan Line, not quite parallel but running
in a slightly oblique direction so that its eastern
termination on the Des Moines River was about
four miles north of its starting point at the old
northwest corner.

238 ROBERT LUCAS
After a careful discussion of the various lines,
Lea enumerated four possibilities:
I. The old Indian boundary, or Sullivan's line, ex
tended west to the Missouri river.
2. The parallel of latitude passing through the old
northwest corner of the Indian boundary.
3. The parallel of latitude passing through the Des
Moines rapids in the Mississippi river.
4. The parallel of latitude passing through the rapids
in the Des Moines river at the Great Bend.
He summarized with the following opinion:
I. That the old Indian boundary or line No. 1, ex
tended west to the Missouri river, is the equitable and
proper northern boundary of the state of Missouri; but
that the terms of the law do not allow the commissioner
to adopt that line.
2. That the parallel of latitude passing through the
old northwest corner of the Indian boundary, or line
No. 2, is neither legally nor equitably the northern
boundary of Missouri.
3. That lines Nos. 3 and 4, or the parallels of lati
tude passing through the respective rapids, both fulfill
the requirements of the law. I am not, however, pre
pared to say which of these lines should have the pref
erence. Although Lea suggested immediate decision
by Congress as to what line should be deemed
the southern boundary of the Territory of Iowa,
the State of Missouri did not wait for such action.
On February 16, 1839, the legislature of Missouri

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 239
passed an act declaring that the jurisdiction of
the State extended to the line surveyed by Brown
in 1837. The natural outcome of this law was
not slow in presenting itself. The officers of
Clark County, Missouri, immediately south of
Van Buren County, Iowa, began to assess and
attempt to collect taxes in the territory north of
Sullivan's line and south of Brown's line. This
effort to exercise jurisdiction over people who
considered themselves citizens of Van Buren
County in the Territory of Iowa met with imme
diate resistance. Early in July, Governor Lucas
received a letter from the commissioners of Van
Buren County stating that the authorities of
Missouri had "assessed their property", had
"endeavored to ascertain their views in relation
to slavery", and had "ordered that they should
not pay the Collector of this County." 173
These events stirred the military spirit of
Governor Lucas. He had been through such
scenes before and knew what they meant. On
July 29, 1839, he issued a proclamation,174 stat
ing that the "Act to prevent the exercise of a
foreign jurisdiction within the limits of the Ter
ritory" was in full force and effect in the Terri
tory of Iowa. It is extremely interesting to
note that the act referred to is the identical one
which was passed by the Legislative Council of

240 ROBERT LUCAS
the Territory of Michigan on February 12, 1835,
and which was the basis of the arrest of Ohio
officers in the dispute between Ohio and Michi
gan in which Robert Lucas had formerly par
ticipated. The law had been made a part of the
laws of Wisconsin Territory, and from Wiscon
sin was bequeathed through the Organic Act
to the Territory of Iowa. Now, as Governor of
the Territory of Iowa, Lucas was using as
grounds for action a law which four years before
had been used to oppose his action as Governor
of Ohio.
The proclamation urged vigilance on the part
of the Territorial officers in protecting the rights
of the inhabitants of the Territory, but warned
officers and citizens alike "under no circum
stances to permit themselves to become the ag
gressors, or to act against the citizens or author
ities of Missouri, without the aid of civil process,
duly obtained from the proper judicial tribunals
of this Territory, or the United States; and in
all cases to act in strict obedience to the com
mand of such civil process — for in whatever
form an encroachment may be made on the jur
isdiction of the United States, in this Territory
the only proper mode of restraining and correct
ing it is through the instrumentality of judicial
tribunals."

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 241
Thus without counseling radical measures
which would most certainly have resulted in
bloodshed, Lucas took a firm stand for the pres
ervation of the rights of the inhabitants of the
Territory and wisely urged the use of the civil
rather than the military authorities in dealing
with the matter.
Across the line in Missouri the proclamation
of the Governor of Iowa was read with great in
dignation; and on August 17, 1839, the citizens
of Clark County, meeting at their county seat,
Waterloo, passed protesting resolutions and sol
emnly pledged themselves to aid in "supporting
unsullied the dignity and honor of the State."175
Governor Lilburn Boggs, of Missouri, was
also somewhat aroused by the proclamation, and
in answer to it issued one of his own on the
23rd of August. He instructed the officers of
Missouri, "civil and military", to faithfully exe
cute the laws; and if any obstructions to the ex
ercise of their duties were encountered they were
authorized to call to their aid the "power of the
county". He ordered the officers of the militia
to hold themselves in readiness to render assist
ance, and closed by expressing his personal re
gret at the condition of affairs.176
Once more did the Governor of Iowa Territory
come forth with a proclamation.177 This time he
16

242 ROBERT LUCAS
went into the question rather exhaustively. He
contended that Missouri was the aggressor inas
much as Iowa was exercising jurisdiction only as
far as the line which, from the organization of
the State of Missouri down until a very recent
time, that State had acknowledged as its northern
border — namely, the Sullivan Line. He showed
by Indian treaties made by the United States;
by the creation of land districts by act of Con
gress; by proclamation of the President of the
United States regarding land sales in Iowa; by
maps of the State of Missouri drawn only a few
years after her admission into the Union; and
even by statements of the late Governor Clark
of Missouri, that both the United States govern
ment and the State of Missouri had considered
the Sullivan Line as the true northern boundary
from the time of the admission of the State
until the year 1837.
He reiterated and emphasized the theory — so
clearly expressed in his former border dispute
while Governor of Ohio — that the dispute was
not a matter between the State of Missouri and
the Territory of Iowa, but between the State of
Missouri and the United States wherein the
authorities of Iowa were simply the Territorial
agents of the United States. He pointed out
the fact that the official report of United States

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 243
Commissioner Lea had been referred to Con
gress, and maintained that Congress alone had
the constitutional right to settle the matter.
With its decision the authorities of the Territory
of Iowa would abide; but until the decision was
made, no other boundary could be acknowledged
than the one which all parties had for so many
years conceded to be the true one and up to
which jurisdiction had always been exercised.
Inasmuch as the Governor of Missouri had
asked the authorities of the State, both "civil
and military", to hold themselves in readiness
to enforce jurisdiction over the strip of land
under discussion, Governor Lucas called the . at
tention of the United States Attorney and the
United States Marshal for the district to the
matter, asking them to exercise vigilant prompt
ness in exercising the authority of the United
States within the jurisdiction of the Territory of
Iowa. He called upon the civil authorities believing
them sufficiently powerful to protect the rights
of citizens. "Should the Marshal of the United
States, however, under any circumstances deem
it expedient to call to his aid in the service, or
execution of civil process, a posse comitatus, of
armed men, he has the whole force of the Ter
ritory at his command". In conclusion he ex-

244 ROBERT LUCAS
horted the citizens of Van Buren County to be
discreet in their acts, assuring them of the pro
tection of the United States authorities.
Through the fall months of 1839 the tension
of feeling increased. Along the border, attempts
by both sides to exercise jurisdiction created
constantly increasing irritation. About the mid
dle of October, Henry Heffleman, Sheriff of Van
Buren County, wrote to Governor Lucas inform
ing him that the Sheriff of Clark County, Mis
souri, had made his appearance in Van Buren
County, Iowa, to collect taxes; and that upon
being refused payment he had reported to the
authorities at Waterloo, Missouri, whereupon a
force of several hundred men was being collected
in Waterloo to march across the border for the
purpose of taking the property of those re
fusing to pay taxes.
Again, on the twenty-fourth of October, Hef
fleman wrote to Governor Lucas of an attempt
to arbitrate matters on the border. A delega
tion of seven men from Clark County, Missouri,
met a delegation of the same number from Van
Buren County, Iowa, on Indian Creek in the lat
ter county. The Clark County delegates sub
mitted a set of propositions contemplating the
suspension of all military operations on the
border and the exercise of concurrent jurisdiction

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 245
of civil matters by the officers of the two counties
until the question was settled.178
But the delegates from Van Buren County
would consider no proposition looking toward
concurrent jurisdiction. The meeting ended in
failure, and the Missouri authorities were in
structed to collect taxes in the disputed tract.
The Sheriff of Clark County proceeded, accord
ingly, to the discharge of his appointed duty in
the land north of Sullivan's line. On October
26, two days later, a letter signed by Governor
Lucas and by Charles Mason and Joseph Williams
(Judges of the Supreme Court of the Territory),
was sent to the United States Marshal for the
Territory of Iowa, Francis Gehon, informing
him of the situation and urging his immediate
presence on the border and his prompt attention
to the affair.179
October passed and November came. Citi
zens of the border line now sent the information
that orders had been issued by Governor Boggs
for troops to assist in the collection of taxes in
the disputed tract. Before the end of the month
a decisive step had been taken which was of
great effect in precipitating matters. Uriah S.
Gregory, Sheriff of Clark County, while attempt
ing to collect taxes north of the Sullivan Line
was arrested on November 20, 1839, by Sheriff

246 ROBERT LUCAS
Heffleman, of Van Buren County.180 After writ
ing to Governor Lucas, on November 22d, and
reporting the capture, Heffleman took his pris
oner to Burlington. Here Lucas had a confer
ence with Gregory, advising him to enter into
recognizance and return home. He also assured
the Sheriff from Missouri that, should he be
convicted, he would as Executive feel disposed
to remit the penalty.181
The Missouri Sheriff, however, refused to
enter into recognizance (being thus advised by
his counsel in Missouri), but preferred to remain
in the custody of the law. Sheriff Heffleman,
therefore, removed him to Bloomington, "some
distance from the seat of excitement", and gave
him over to the custody of the Sheriff of Mus
catine County. As a matter of fact Gregory
never was put in confinement, but was allowed
his liberty. Together with his wife and child,
who accompanied him, he boarded with Josiah
Parvin, the hotel-keeper of Bloomington.182
While the hapless Sheriff was thus self -exiled
in the enemy's territory, interesting events were
occurring on the border line. The mails were
stopped, private property was taken, and town
and county meetings were passing resolutions
looking toward hostile demonstrations. Here
and there local military companies were formed,

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 247
while lead was being melted into bullets intended
for the neighbors across the line.
Governor Lucas in this crisis turned to the
United States authorities for instructions. Un
der date of October 3, 1839, he wrote to the
Secretary of State, John Forsyth: "It appears
to be my misfortune, to be drawn irresistably,
into a controversy with the authorities of the
State of Missouri, on the subject of boundary."
He enclosed documents for the information of
the United States government and expressed
his desire for suggestions and advice.183
Upon the Governor's request, Charles Weston,
United States Attorney for the Territory of
Iowa, gave his official opinion, on December 6,
1839, as to the course to be pursued. He stated
that until Congress should decide the question
as to the disputed tract it was the duty of the
United States Marshal for the Territory to en
force the rights of citizens in that tract, aided if
necessary by a sufficient force of the Territorial
militia. He particularly stated, however, that
this militia force should be in aid of and subor
dinate to the civil authority.184
Reports coming at this time from the border
relative to the embodiment of an armed force by
Missouri hurried the course of events. In pur
suance of the opinion given by the United States

248 ROBERT LUCAS
Attorney, Governor Lucas on the same day, De
cember 6, 1839, sent orders to Major Generals J.
B. Brown, Jonathan Fletcher, and Warner Lewis
of the three divisions of Iowa militia requesting
them to take measures to furnish to the United
States Marshal of the Territory such forces as he
might from time to time require.185 He also sent
a copy of these orders to the Marshal and left
the matter of using the militia as a posse comita
tus entirely in his charge. Thus the statement so
often made that Governor Lucas called out the
militia of the Territory to resist the aggressions
of Missouri, is without foundation in fact. He at
no time issued an order embodying the militia
as such, nor did the militia ever receive march
ing orders except as a posse comitatus, being in
aid of and subordinate to the civil authorities.
Immediately upon receipt of the Governor's
letter the Marshal made requisitions for troops
and preparations were soon being made for a
body of armed men to march to the front as aposse
comitatus to aid the civil officers in supporting
the jurisdiction of the United States. In many
places there was not a great deal of enthusiasm
in the volunteering of services. Especially was
this true in the northern part of the Territory.
Warner Lewis wrote to Governor Lucas of the
difficulty experienced in getting sufficient re-

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 249
cruits; but reported the mustering of about five
hundred men, over half of whom started on the
march to the border. The reluctance of the
men to leave their families, the inclemency of
December weather, and the uncertainty about
the pay for their services all operated to render
very difficult the raising of troops. The men
also questioned the power of the Marshal to
force them to go, or to punish them for not going.
It was not many days, however, before regi
ments organized from various parts of the Terri
tory were on their way across the country to the
Missouri frontier. From Dubuque and Bloom
ington and Burlington and many other settle
ments this frontier army, a motley throng of
from five hundred to a thousand men, made their
way to the border. They were untrained and
ill prepared for winter weather. Their uniforms,
where such existed, were a humorous assortment;
and their equipment of arms ranged from blun-
derbuses and flintlocks to quaintly shaped and
rusty swords which had perchance adorned the
wall for many generations, telling of warlike
ancestors. An unorganized yet valiant body of
troops, it was officered by such men as S. C.
Hastings, James W. Grimes, Jesse B. Brown,
and Augustus C. Dodge.186
At Farmington in Van Buren County this Ter-

250 ROBERT LUCAS
ritorial army gathered and faced across the bor
der line at Waterloo a similar force from the
militia of Missouri.
In the meantime Governor Lucas was making
every effort to ascertain the condition of affairs
on the boundary line and keep the United States
authorities informed thereof. Stephen Whicher,
a prominent and a very capable member of the
bar, was appointed to proceed to the border and
learn what he could of the exact movements of
the Missourians.187 His report from Farmington
on December 10,1839, to Deputy Marshal Hen
dry confirmed the statements that Missouri had
actually embodied a militia force for the purpose
of enforcing the jurisdiction of Missouri in the
disputed tract. Whicher had mingled with the
men and officers at Waterloo and was told by
them that ten thousand troops were being
mustered in Missouri to march upon the border.
He remarked very favorably upon the unex
pected decorum and lack of excitement among
the officers of this army.
During these rumours of war the Legislative
Assembly was in session at Burlington. The
fever of battle seems to have stirred them some
what, for on the sixth of December, 1839, a
motion was made to adjourn the House and
allow the members to participate in the expected

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 251
conflict.188 The motion, however, did not carry
and the legislature remained in session. On the
next day, Saturday, a delegation appointed by
the County Court of Clark County, Missouri,
arrived at Burlington to attempt an amicable
arrangement of matters. The legislature had
adjourned until Monday; and so the delegates
appeared before a meeting of citizens of various
parts of the Territory, assembled at the State
House in Burlington. They proposed a set of
resolutions whereby both parties were to cease
to exercise civil jurisdiction in the disputed tract,
until the question was settled. Hostile opera
tions were to be suspended and Iowa and Mis
souri were to have "equal and uninterrupted
jurisdiction" in criminal cases in the Territory
under controversy. Good feeling pervaded the
meeting and the propositions and proceedings
were ordered to be sent to the papers of both
Missouri and Iowa. Since, however, no author
ity resided in the conference, the meeting resulted
simply in the proposal of the resolutions as a
possible solution of the present difficulty.189
On Monday afternoon the House of Represent
atives, although not ready to agree to the prop
ositions of the Clark County delegates, passed
resolutions requesting Governor Boggs to au
thorize a suspension of hostilities until July 1

252 ROBERT LUCAS
1840, and asking Governor Lucas to suspend all
military operations on the part of Iowa until the
decision of Governor Boggs was learned. After
passing the Council these resolutions were present
ed on the thirteenth of December to Governor
Lucas, who returned them three days later with
his veto. He objected to the preamble which
spoke of "difficulties hitherto existing between
the State of Missouri and the Territory of Iowa.11
He again emphasized the fact that the dispute
was between Missouri and the United States, and
added that he could not agree to any transaction
which would come in conflict with his solemn
obligation "to take care that the laws of the
United States be faithfully executed." The
resolutions were, neverthless, passed over his veto;
and although Governor Boggs of Missouri viewed
them with as little favor as did Lucas, yet they
aided in the quieting of matters upon the border.
Deputy Marshal Hendry, of the Territory of
Iowa, during these days was gathering under his
charge at Farmington the force of Territorial
militia as a posse comitatus. Before proceeding
to decisive military measures, however, he wisely
decided to send a deputation to Waterloo with
the hope of securing a peaceful settlement of the
immediate difficulties. General Brown, there
fore, following the instructions of the Marshal,

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 253
appointed Augustus C. Dodge, J. A. Clark, and
James Churchman, as a committee for that pur
pose. On the thirteenth of December they
proceeded to Waterloo, in Clark County, where
the Missouri forces were encamped.190 Here
they met with the intelligence that the troops
of Missouri had been dismissed in obedience to
an order of the County Court of Clark County,
and received assurances that all hostilities on the
part of Missouri had been suspended and that no
effort would thereafter be made to enforce juris
diction upon the disputed tract until the general
government had arrived at a decision.
General Dodge and his companions returned
to the Iowa side, and the frontier army that had
gathered at Farmington was disbanded. It was
with general satisfaction that the posse comitatus
from the young Territory packed its pots and
kettles, folded its tents, and, shouldering its non
descript arms, took its homeward way across the
Territory. Here and there they met troops on
the march to the border to whom they told the
welcome news of peace. Thus the pioneer force,
mustered in a week to fight the battles of the
border, dissolved with greater celerity than it
gathered, and returned to tell tales of feats that
might have been. And the gay enthusiasm of
their home-coming and the wild carousing by

254 ROBERT LUCAS
which some of the troops celebrated the disband
ing no way proves that their valor would have
been any the less in case of actual conflict.191
This occurence, however, was but the avoid
ance of a crisis on the border line. The question
was by no means settled. But, though Govern
or Boggs did not sanction the action of the
County Court of Clark County in regard to a
suspension of military operations, the excitement
had, neverthless, subsided and danger for the
present was past.
The question now came before Congress for
settlement. Governor Lucas had sent James M.
Morgan to Washington early in December with
despatches to the government and as a represent
ative of the Territory. The matter of the dis
puted boundary was threshed over in Congress
for session after session without settlement. The
claims of Iowa were valiantly upheld by W. W.
Chapman, Delegate to Congress from the Terri
tory, by Augustus C. Dodge who succeeded him,
and by Garrett Davis, of Kentucky, Chairman of
the Committee on Territories to which the bound
ary dispute was referred.192
Finally, on June 17, 1844, Congress passed
an act providing for the appointment of Com
missioners by the Governors of the State of
Missouri and the Territory of Iowa who with a

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 255
third party to be chosen by them were to ascer
tain and mark out the northern boundary of
Missouri. The line established by these Com
missioners was to be final and conclusive and to
be and remain the true northern line of the State.
The provision was made, however, that the act
was to go into effect only upon the assent of the
legislature of the State of Missouri. This proved
fatal; for, although an act giving assent passed
the legislature of Missouri, it was vetoed by
Governor J. C. Edwards who, as a former rep
resentative of Missouri in the lower house of
Congress, had opposed strenuously any tendency
toward favoring the claims of the Territory of
Iowa. Accordingly the Congressional act failed
of its mission.193
It seemed now that the only solution of the
problem was the submission of the question to
the Supreme Court of the United States. Ap
plication to Congress for a law for this purpose
was made in 1845 and 1846 by both Missouri and
Iowa; and Congress, on August 4, 1846, passed
an act authorizing the submission of the question
to that tribunal.194
Iowa had now been admitted as a State —
wiich fact gave to the Supreme Court original
jurisdiction in the controversy. An agreed case
was arranged and tried in the December term

256 ROBERT LUCAS
of 1848. The counsel for Iowa was Charles
Mason assisted by Thomas Ewing of Ohio. The
decision handed down declared the Sullivan Line
to be the true northern boundary, thus substan
tiating the claim made by Governor Lucas and
the people of the Territory of Iowa. The Court
decided that there were no "rapids", such as the
Missouri State Constitution called for, in the
Des Moines River. On the other hand it held
that since the United States authorities in the Ter
ritorial days of Iowa had "by many acts, and by
uniform assumptions  recognized and
adopted Sullivan's line" Iowa could not claim
rightfully, as she assumed to, any land south of
that line.
The court appointed Commissioners to survey
the old Sullivan Line and carefully remark it,
extending it on the west to the Missouri River,
which was done in the summer of 1850. Upon
the report of the Commissioners, the Supreme
Court entered a final decree adjudging the line
surveyed by them to be the true boundary line
between the State of Missouri and the State of
Iowa. And so, after a dozen years of doubt, the
question which had so long troubled the trans-
Mississippi settlers was at last decided. Time
had brought much change. Robert Lucas was

THE MISSOURI-IOWA BOUNDARY 257
now living in quiet retirement on his farm near
Iowa City, waiting with calm patience the step
that is not far off from the man who has lived
his three score and ten years. Back in the days
of his Governorship when the critical times of
the controversy were being endured and when
civil war seemed inevitable he had with unre
lenting firmness held to the principles that
seemed to him to mark the lines of his official
duty. The boundary for which he had so many
years ago contended was now confirmed by the
highest court of the land. And the news com
ing to him in his quiet old age must have
brought with it as he turned his mind back in.
reminiscence a peculiar sense of satisfaction.

17

XXIII
Removal from Office
While the Territorial government of Iowa had
been racked with internal dissensions and involv
ed in a boundary dispute, the population had
been growing with marvelous rapidity. And
with this increase in numbers had come many
improvements. The First Legislative Assembly
had, in January of 1839, appointed Commissoners
-to locate the permanent seat of government in
Johnson County, to survey and lay out the new
town, and commence the erection of a new capi
tol building. In May of 1839 the Capital Com
missioners met at Napoleon in Johnson County
and began operations and surveys which resulted
in the laying out of Iowa City on the east bank
of the Iowa River.
Prior to the public sale of lands in Johnson
County, claims were made by settlers who band
ed themselves together for self protection and
Ihe equitable adjustment of their claims in an
organization known as the "Claim Association
of Johnson County. ' ' Among the members who

REMOVAL FROM OFFICE 259
signed their names to the constitution of this
Claim Association, in March, 1839, was Robert
Lucas; and among the recorded claims is one
purchased by Lucas, in February, 1839, of John
Kight and lying immediately south of what
later became Iowa City.195 Upon this land Gov
ernor Lucas afterwards built a home in which he
lived the last years of his life.
Through the summer months, after the site
of the new capital had been laid out by the Com
missioners, buildings began to appear, laborers
came in to aid in the erection of the Capitol, and
soon a thriving town was developed on the banks
of the Iowa.
In the autumn of 1839 Governor Lucas, ac
companied by his two daughters and General
Jonathan Fletcher, of Muscatine, made a visit on
horseback to the new seat of government. While
there they lodged with Mathew Teneick in a
house built of hewn logs and standing at the
corner of Iowa Avenue and Dubuque Street.196
By the summer of the following year the Com
missioners were ready for the laying of the cor
ner-stone of the new Capitol.197 The ceremony
took place on the Fourth of July, 1840, upon
which occasion Governor Robert Lucas again
visited Iowa City and delivered the principal
address. In the city park a public dinner was

260 ROBERT LUCAS
served, and the celebration was attended with
great enthusiasm.
The rapid growth of the Territory early sug
gested to Robert Lucas the formation of a State
government. In his message to the second Leg
islative Assembly he recommended the passage
of a memorial to be sent to Congress asking that
body to take the necessary measures to allow
the people of Iowa to form a State constitution
and government. He also advocated the passage
of an act by the Legislative Assembly to provide
for the calling of a constitutional convention as
soon as Congress should pass an enabling act.
The Governor even went so far as to suggest
boundaries for the new State, recommending the
Mississippi and Missouri rivers on the east and
west, and the St. Peters, Blue Earth, and Calu
met or Sioux rivers on the north.
The legislature of the Territory, however, took
no action during this session, but before adjourn
ing made arrangements for the holding of a
special session on July 13, 1840. Lucas now
proposed a different line of action. A bill had
been by this time reported to the national House
of Representatives by the Committee on Terri
tories, enabling the people of Iowa to form a
constitution and State government. Assuming
that this bill would pass Congress, Governor

REMOVAL FROM OFFICE 261
Lucas suggested to the Assembly the passage
of a law providing for "taking the sense of the
people of this Territory on the subject of a Con
vention at the ensuing annual election." The
Assembly carried out this suggestion, and in the
fall election of 1840 the question was submitted
to a vote of the people of the Territory. The
result was 937 votes for and 2907 votes against
the holding of a convention. Thus it was evi
dent that the people considered the movement
premature, and so Lucas refrained from further
agitation of the matter.
The Governor of the Territory of Iowa was at
the same time Superintendent of Indian Affairs
for the Territory, an office which entailed upon
Robert Lucas no small amount of business. There
was a great deal of correspondence to be carried
on with the Indian agents and with the United
States authorities. For aid in this superintend-
ency Jesse Williams seems to have been employed
under the title of Messenger, and the press of
correspondence seems to have induced Governor
Lucas to employ Williams in the additional
capacity of Clerk in the Department of Indian
Affairs with the hope that the government would
see the need for such service and provide com
pensation therefor. This item of expense in
the final accounts of Lucas with the general gov-

262 ROBERT LUCAS
ernment was, however, disallowed by the Secre
tary of the Treasury.198 Lucas negotiated no
treaties with the Indian tribes, but his efforts
were called into service to secure the proper dis
tribution of the government annuities already
provided for and to protect the Indians against
the exploitation of traders and trading com
panies.199 Thus with the succession of stirring events
and busy office duties the three years of pioneer
governorship allotted to Robert Lucas passed
quickly by. The election of William Henry
Harrison in the fall of 1840 as the new Presi
dent of the United States sealed the fate of the
Democrats for the time being in the Territory
of Iowa. Particularly did the election of this
veteran Whig remove all hope for the reappoint
ment of Governor Lucas; for a personal enmity
had existed between these two individuals for
nearly thirty years. Away back in the campaign
on the Sandusky in the War of 1812, Lucas as a
Brigadier General had reported to a meeting of
Ohio Militia officers in General Harrison's camp
resolutions strongly condemning that officer.
Again in the presidential campaign of 1837,
when William Henry Harrison was defeated for
the Presidency by Martin Van Buren, Lucas
had indignantly repudiated charges of his favor-

REMOVAL FROM OFFICE 263
ing Harrison and had used his efforts to defeat
that gentleman in his own State of Ohio. Ac
cordingly, the removal of Governor Lucas was
expected and speculation became rife as to who
would be his successor.
General James Wilson of New Hampshire
was prominently mentioned as a possibility; while
from the Territory of Iowa two candidates,
Philip Viele and Joseph C. Hawkins, went to
Washington to present their claims.200 The choice
fell, however, upon Colonel John Chambers of
Kentucky, a life-long friend and companion-in
arms of President Harrison.
It was the general expectation, however, that
the change of officers would not be made until
the expiration of the term on July 4, 1841. But
President Harrison lost no time in making ap
pointments. He was inaugurated on March 4th,
and on the twenty-fifth of the same month a
commission was made out to John Chambers as
Governor of the Territory of Iowa. Ten days
later Chambers stood by the death bed of the
President. The new Governor soon started to the Terri
tory of Iowa. On the twelfth of May he reached
Burlington where he was greeted at the wharf by
a delegation of citizens and welcomed on their
behalf by James W. Grimes.201

264 ROBERT LUCAS
In the meantime Lucas had received no official
notice of a change in the office of Governor and
had continued in the exercise of his duties as
usual. On April 30, 1841, he issued a proclama
tion to the effect that the next Legislative As
sembly would convene in Iowa City, where,
although the new capitol was still unfinished,
accommodations had been generously promised
by the citizens.
When Chambers reached Burlington, Lucas
was out of town and did not return until some
time later. Chambers, however, without sending
any word to his predecessor or bringing to him
any notice of his removal, took the oath of office
on May 13, 1841, and began the exercise of
official duties. On June 17th, a few days after
his return to Burlington, Lucas received a letter
from Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, notify
ing him of the appointment of John Chambers
as his successor and asking him to turn over to
the new Governor "after he shall have arrived in
said Territory" the books, papers and other
property of the United States in his possession.
This belated notice was answered by Lucas on
the following day. He wrote that before leaving
Burlington he had, hearing of the appointment
of Colonel Chambers, left instructions that the
"Seals of Office, with all the appendages," should

REMOVAL FROM OFFICE 265
be delivered to him upon his request, should he
arrive in the absence of Lucas, present his cre
dentials and file a certificate of his oath of office.
He expressed his astonishment that neither the
new Governor nor the United States authorities
had hitherto sent him any notice. "I shall", he
remarked in closing, "from the receipt of your
letter [June 17, 1841], consider my commission,
as Governor of Iowa Territory revoked."202
Thus ended the Governorship of Robert Lucas.
It had not been a peaceful term of office. The
opening had been marred by the intrigues of an
ambitious subordinate. The close was a spectacle
of the inexorable working of the Spoils System.
There had been stormy sessions Of the Legisla
tive Assembly and much difference of opinion.
Many were the enemies made by the ste.rn old
Governor and feeble was the appreciation, at the
time, of the great service he was performing.
But years of calm retrospection have brought to
the people of Iowa a keener insight into the
honest and capable statesmanship of Robert
Lucas and a constantly increasing respect for the
stalwart pioneer Executive of the Territory of
Iowa. Soon after his removal from office, Lucas seems
to have made his home at Bloomington (now
Muscatine), being admitted as early as June 29,

266 ROBERT LUCAS
1841, to the Masonic Lodge at that place.203
Here for nearly two years he lived a quiet life,
occasionally speaking at a Democratic meeting
or addressing a temperance society and now and
then making a trip to Burlington or Iowa City.
When Lucas left Ohio in the summer of 1838
he came to the new Territory alone. In the
spring of 1839 William Reed, a nephew of Rob
ert Lucas, made a trip to Iowa and brought with
him by steamboat two of the Governor's daugh
ters, Abigail and Mary. And during the same
year, Edward, the fourteen year old son of the
Governor, started across country from Piketon to
Burlington on horseback by way of Circleville,
Indianapolis, and Peoria. A manuscript expense
account of this trip shows that the boy reached
Burlington with an expenditure of only $23.37^.
The story is told that Edward, having arrived
at Burlington on his fourteenth birthday, cele
brated the occasion by catching three catfish and
threshing a' boy who kicked his hound dog.
Meanwhile Mrs. Lucas still clung to the old
home at Friendly Grove. But the accounts from
the Territory gradually modified her determina
tion to remain in Ohio, and she finally decided
to visit Iowa and see how she liked it. It was
sometime during the year of 1840 that she came
out to the frontier to rejoin her husband.

XXIV
Later Politics
On May 16, 1843, Robert Lucas and his family
left Bloomington on the steamboat "Iowa" and
returned to Ohio. His purpose was presumably
to wind up his affairs in Ohio, for his correspond
ence during the years of his Governorship shows
that he still owned considerable property in that
State. The five years of absence had not effaced the
memory of Robert Lucas from the minds of his
political friends in Ohio. On August 31, 1843,
a Democratic convention of the 8th Congression
al District of Ohio met in Chillicothe. Allen
G. Thurman, the former Private Secretary of
Lucas during his Governorship in Ohio, was
Secretary of this convention. On the second
ballot the convention nominated Robert Lucas
as the Democratic candidate for Congressman in
the 8th District. The nomination had not been
sought for by Lucas, but he acceded to the wishes
of his friends and entered the race. But he was
doomed to disappointment. The election result-

268 ROBERT LUCAS
ed in a victory for the Whigs, and John I. Van
Meter, who had defeated Lucas for the State
Senate in his last campaign in Ohio in 1837,
was chosen to represent the district in the na
tional House of Representatives.204
In the early spring of the next year (1844),
having sold the farm at Friendly Grove, Robert
Lucas returned to Iowa, and made Iowa City his
home. Here he built a house which still stands
upon the claim he had bought years before on
the south edge of the town. By the summer of
1844 Iowa City had assumed thriving propor
tions and, as the new capital, was taking a
prominent part in the politics of the Territory.
The topic which now engrossed the attention
of the people of the Territory was the formation
of a State government. The question of calling
a constitutional convention, which had been so
overwhelmingly voted down in 1840, had been
submitted to the people at the August election
in 1842, and again defeated. In April of 1844,
however, a third vote by the people of the Ter
ritory resulted in a large majority favoring a
constitutional convention; and so the campaign
began for the election of members of the con
vention.205 The campaign of 1844 was carried out on
party lines. Johnson County was entitled to

LATER POLITICS 269
three delegates. Of the three candidates nomi
nated by the Democrats, Robert Lucas was one.
The election was to take place on August 5,
1844. Now the laws of the Legislative Assembly
which provided for the election of delegates, up
on a favorable vote at the April election, had
stated that "said delegates shall be citizens of
the United States, and shall have resided six
months within the Territory before the election
aforesaid." Since Lucas had returned from Ohio
during the month of February or March he had
not been a resident of the Territory for six months
immediately preceding the election. This point
was made much of by his opponents, and the
added fact that he had run for office the fall be
fore in the State of Ohio gave opportunity for
them to brand him as a confirmed office-seeker.206
But the eminent fitness of the Ex-Governor as
a constitution-maker could not be questioned, and
the faith of the Democrats in their venerable
chief was not to be shaken by technicalities of
residence. The election in Johnson County re
sulted in the choice of Henry Felkner and Rob
ert Lucas (both Democrats) and Samuel H. Mc-
Crory, one of the Whig candidates.
On October 7, 1844, the Convention met in
the Old Stone Capitol in Iowa City and held
session for twenty-six days, adjourning on No-

270 ROBERT LUCAS
vember 1, 1844.207 Robert Lucas was appropriate
ly placed at the head of the Committee on the Ex
ecutive Department, and in the debates contended
strongly for the conferring of the veto power
upon the Governor of the State. He was a
member of the Committee on State Boundaries,
which reported to the Convention the Lucas
Boundaries — in substance those suggested by
that Governor in his message to the second Leg
islative Assembly in 1839. These boundaries,
by which the State was made to extend from the
Missouri to the Mississippi River and from the
Missouri State line north to the St. Peters River,
were accepted by the Convention.208
Lucas was also a member of the Committee
on State Revenue. During the debates upon
the provisions of the Constitution, he took a fre
quent part. He vigorously opposed the prohi
bition of banking corporations in the State, believ
ing that the people were capable of managing
this matter for themselves. He also advocated
the individual liability of stockholders in corpora
tions. He objected strongly to the proposal of
Hempstead to combine the offices of Lieutenant
Governor and Superintendent of Public Instruc
tion, and urged the importance of a strong and
independent school system. His counsel upon
matters before the Convention seems in the main

LATER POLITICS 271
wise and conservative and his services as a mem
ber of this constituent assembly were of great
value because of his long and varied career in
governmental affairs.
Upon the adjournment of the Convention the
Constitution was submitted to Congress. That
body, however, took exceptions to the Lucas
Boundaries, and proposed to 'deprive the State
of the land bordering the Missouri River. Large
ly because of the boundaries prescribed by Con
gress the people refused to accept the Constitu
tion; and Iowa still remained a Territory.
In December of 1844 Robert Lucas made his
final trip to Ohio for the purpose of definitely
settling his affairs in that State and removing
permanently to Iowa City. His property near
Jasper in Pike County seems to have been his
headquarters. From this place he wrote a long
letter to Samuel Medary, an old time Ohio friend,
in which he opened his heart freely and con
fided his desire to be reinstated as Governor of
the Territory of Iowa by President Polk, who
was to take the chair of the Chief Executive the
next month. Having been informed that Joseph
Williams was desirous of the appointment, he
protested that Williams had become a Tyler
man upon being reappointed as District Judge
by President Tyler, and therefore as a renegade

272 ROBERT LUCAS
Democrat ought not now to receive consideration
at the hands of the new Democratic Administra
tion. This movement to support Williams, Lu
cas declared, had induced the friends of the Ex-
Governor to push forward the claims of Robert
Lucas for reappointment. He added that such
reappointment, placing him again in the position
from which he had been so abruptly removed
by Harrison, would be very gratifying to him.
"My claim to the appoi[n]tm[ent] of Gov[er]n-
or of the Territ[or]y", he wrote "is fo[u]nded on
the confidence of the people of the Territ[or]y,
and I have abunda[n]t reason to believe that
when I was dismis[se]d by Gov[erno]r Harrison
that it was agai[ns]t the wish of at least three
fourths of the Citizens of the Territory." He
half pathetically apologizes for this request of
his friend and closes with the words: "As an
old friend I have opened my mind to you freely.
You are acqua[in]ted with my character and
qual[i]fications for the appoi[n]tm[en]t appli[e]d
for, and any aid that you can render will be
gratefully remembered."209 His hopes, however,
were not fulfilled. Chambers retained his seat
until November, 1845, and in that month James
Clarke was appointed Governor of the Territory,
which office he held until the State Government
went into operation in December, 1846.

LATER POLITICS 273
Lucas expected to return to Iowa during the
latter part of March, but his letters of these days
show that he did not leave until at least the
last of April, 1845; and not until November 28,
1845, is his attendance recorded in the Masonic
meetings at Iowa City where he had joined the
local lodge in August of the preceding year.
From his return to Iowa in 1845, to his death
in 1853, he lived a rather quiet life on his farm
south of Iowa City. The year 1846 was marked
by the events connected with the transition from
Territorial to State Government. Here again
the almost pathetic desire of the Ex-Governor
to hold the office of Chief Executive of his
chosen people showed itself. He had through
out his life been a servant of the public. Aside
from his early experiences as a surveyor, a village
storekeeper and farmer, he had had no other occu
pation. Politics was, indeed, his profession. And
now as his declining years came upon him and
the fate of the superannuated statesman brought
him that fretful idleness that is so hard for men
of action to endure, he forgot that his years were
behind him, and turned with longing eyes to the
Governorship of the State whose early destinies
he had watched and guarded as the pioneer Ter
ritorial Governor.
But Lucas was sixty-five years of age, and he
18

274 ROBERT LUCAS
had by his intense spirit made many enemies.
Younger men had entered the field, and the stern
old organic Governor of the Territory was for
gotten. Ansel Briggs, who had in 1839 come
to Iowa from the State of Ohio with a letter of
introduction to Governor Lucas from Governor
Shannon of that State, was nominated by the
Democrats of Iowa and elected as the first Gov
ernor of the State.210
Time passed and the allotted four score years
and ten approached. The quietness of the re
tired farm life brought opportunity for medita
tion. But the life-long politician could not give
up his interest in politics. The years of his
political experience had begun with the century;
and since the days of Thomas Jefferson he had
been always a Democrat. He had seen the
Federal party sink feebly to its death after the
War of 1812 and the uncertain gropings of fac
tions take its place — factions that wavered and
veered from point to point of the political com
pass and knew no anchorage save their allegiance
to personalities. Out of this chaos of personal
politics Lucas had seen order come once more.
He had watched the origin and growth of the
Whigs, and in campaign after campaign had
struggled against them. He had presided over
the first national convention of the Democratic

LATER POLITICS 275
party, and had upheld Democratic principles
through three terms of Governorship. He had
been a Democrat for over half a centuiy, through
years of success and years of defeat. He had
grown old in the service, but he was not to end
his days in the camp of his life-long following.
With the year-1850 there came another period
of party moulting. The Compromise of that
year, while it cleared the air of immediate dis
turbances and for a while seemed to quiet the
growing restlessness of political feeling, could
not long force peace upon a house divided against
itself, and the decade that followed became a
time of great shifting of party affiliations. The
day had come when the grand old Democracy
was rent with many factions. Life-long Demo
crats, some because of anti-slavery principles and
some for other reasons, turned their backs upon
the party and joined the Whigs or the Free
Soilers. The Whigs also were consumed with
dissensions and were rapidly giving up to the
disintegrating forces that paved the way for the
origin of the new Republican party.
Among the staunch Democrats who left their
party affiliations after a lifetime of unswerving
devotion was Robert Lucas. When Franklin
Pierce was nominated in 1852 as the Democratic
candidate for the Presidency of the United States,

276 ROBERT LUCAS
Lucas publicly stated his determination never to
vote for him as Chief Magistrate. In reply to
a letter from S. M. Ballard, editor of The Iowa
Republican, he wrote, on September 3, 1852, a
statement of his views and declared his intention
to vote for General Winfield Scott, the Whig can
didate. Unfortunately neither this letter nor the
file of the paper in which it was presumably pub
lished, has been preserved, so that the exact
motives which impelled his change cannot be as
certained.211 It is generally reported, however,
that the Ex-Governor was unable to subscribe
to the position of the Democratic party and its
nominee upon the slavery question.
On September 2, 1852, the Iowa City Central
Scott Club held a meeting and elected Robert
Lucas as its President. The venerable Ex-Gov
ernor accepted this position in the Whig forces,
and on the 8th of September took the chair and
presided over a meeting of the Club. Upon this
occasion he delivered, according to the newspa
per account, an "appropriate address, which was
loudly and frequently cheered by the delighted
audience, among which were a number of la
dies."212 It was his last recorded political speech
and his last political move. It could not have been
other than sincere. He had nothing to gain by the
change except the satisfaction of his own con-

LATER POLITICS 277
science. Long since had the time passed when
he could think of holding office. From the quiet
of his farm he had for years watched the trend
of politics as an old general might with eager
interest watch from afar the course of a battle
and fervently pray for the success of the army
whose movements he no longer could guide.
Though he had ceased to take an active part
in politics he never ceased to take an active in
terest. The dominant note of his life had been
political; and now in the last few months of his
career the event was political which brought him
from his quiet and woke once more the gleam of
his former. intense spirit. Be the motive what
it may, his strong convictions forced him to turn
from his life-long comrades. It was to be his
last vote, but of this he was not aware. Perhaps
he did not know that the Whig party was near-
ing its death. Probably he did not care. He
could not vote for Franklin Pierce, even though
he represented the party which so long had
claimed his allegiance. And so the venerable
Democratic warrior with the last strength of his
feeble steps crossed to the camp of the party
which he for so many years had fought, cast his
lot with the tottering fragments of the old Whig
forces, and breathed out his own life five months
later at his home at Plum Grove, a Whig.

XXV
Political Philosophy
"I have always viewed Thomas Jefferson as the
apostle of Democracy, and his political principles
as the true standard, by which to test the ortho
dox opinions of professing Democratic Republi
cans." These words uttered by Robert Lucas
in April of 1838 may fairly be taken as an indica
tion of the scope and trend of his political phi
losophy, which is reflected in certain Fourth of
July orations, and in letters and official acts and
utterances. His political ideas were never hazy
or ill defined. They were clear-cut and decided;
and in expressing them, although he may have
lacked grace and literary finish, Robert Lucas
spoke with a directness and vigor that left no
doubt as to his meaning.
The generally accepted theories of Democracy
claimed his allegiance throughout life. He be
lieved strongly in a strict adherence to the fun
damental law whether in Federal or State Consti
tution or in the Organic Act of the Territory;
and references to these authorities invariably

POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 279
constituted the basis of his arguments. He al
ways maintained an aggressive opposition to the
United States Bank, and in 1838 he character
ized the whole bank question as the most menac
ing one to the interests of the American people.
The theory of State Rights had a strong attrac
tion for the mind of Robert Lucas. Born in the
State of Virginia he may have imbibed in his
early youth this belief in the sovereignty of the
State. Especially during his Governorship of
the State of Ohio does he hold to this philosophy.
In 1835, when he was involved in the controversy
over the boundaries, his letters to the Federal
government and his various messages and procla
mations constantly exploit this theory to support
the claims of Ohio.
He was not, however, led so far afield as to
acknowledge or yield encouragement to the doc
trine of Nullification. On the contrary, he took
occasion upon his inauguration as Governor of
Ohio in 1832, to say: "The doctrine of Nullifica
tion (as it is called) that has been zealously and
no doubt seriously asserted by many eminent
politicians in South Carolina, I believe to be
without the support of constitutional authority,
dangerous in its consequences, and if adopted,
would lead to anarchy, and the ultimate dissolu
tion of the Union."

280 ROBERT LUCAS
The controversy in the Territory of Iowa be
tween the Governor, the Secretary, and the Leg
islative Assembly emphasizes several basic prin
ciples in the political theory of Robert Lucas.
In the first place it shows his democratic desire
for economy in governmental expenditures and
his opposition to the Territorial policy of exploit
ing the United States Treasury. Secondly, it
shows clearly his belief in the independence of
the executive department of government. His
insistence upon this belief in the case of the veto
of bills was largely the cause of his final rupture
with the legislature. Again, in the Constitution
al Convention of 1844, he showed by his vigor
ous defense of the executive veto that he still
maintained his belief in executive independence.
Intensely patriotic, his reluctance to see his
State or country deprived of an inch of territory
showed itself twice in boundary disputes in which
as a Governor he became involved. The same
attitude showed itself once more in the campaign
of 1843 in Ohio when the Oregon question was
occupying the public attention. Lucas was quoted
as being "in favor of taking possession, and if
need be, with an armed force, of the Territory
of Oregon."213 But with all his intense military
spirit he was generally conservative in a crisis
and rarely lost ground by rash moves.

POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 281
The slavery question claimed his notice as
early as 1835. In that year, in connection with
the agitation of the early abolitionists in Ohio
and other free States and the resulting protests
from the slave States, he wrote as follows in his
message to the legislature of Ohio:
The community, of late, appears to have been thrown
into commotion on the subject of slavery in the south
ern states, and as citizens of a common country, we
cannot view that commotion with indifference. We have
not one word to say in favor of the principle of slavery.
We view it abstractedly, as both a moral and political
evil; but it was interwoven in our political system at
its first organization, and its existence has been con
tinued in many of the states as a part of their local policy.
With this policy we have no right to interfere. Each
state has the constitutional right to regulate its own
internal affairs; and it was with extreme regret we wit
nessed the recent excitement in the slaveholding states,
produced by the misguided zeal of individuals residing
in the free states. The conduct of these individuals we
sincerely deprecate; and the public sentiment of the
people of Ohio has stamped their conduct with the seal
of disapprobation, and will doubtless continue their ex
ertions to allay all excitement with regard to this delicate
question, as far as the moral force and controling in
fluence of public opinion can extend; but we are firmly
of the opinion that no legislative acts can be passed on
this subject, as suggested by some of the southern states,
without an entire disregard to the constitution of the
state of Ohio. The constitution declares "that the print-

282 ROBERT LUCAS
ing press shall be open and free to every citizen who
wishes to examine the proceedings of any branch of gov
ernment, or the conduct of any public officer; and no
law shall ever restrain the right thereof. Every citizen
has an indisputable right to speak, write or print upon
any subject, as he thinks proper, being liable for the
abuse of that liberty."
Our constitution also declares "that no person shall
be liable to be transported out of this state for any of
fense committed within the state." These two provi
sions will effectually bar any legislative action on the
subject, in accordance with the suggestions of some of
the southern states. The good sense of the community,
and the moral force of public opinion will control this
matter, and will doubtless manifest to our brethren of
the south, that, while we yield none of our principles,
we are disposed to respect the rights and feelings of
others. 2M
Three years later, in writing to Thomas L.
Hamer about the "squally times in Congress
with the abolition question", he expressed the
opinion that the danger could be warded off by
an adherence to the principles of the Constitu
tion. He maintained that while the North had
no right to interfere with the "internal regula
tions" of the southern States, neither had the
South a right to interfere with the right of peti
tion by the people of the North. Later years
seem to have brought to Lucas more decided
views in opposition to slavery. He predicted

POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY 283
the Civil War upon the ground of slavery, but
died before his predictions were fulfilled.
Robert Lucas was a man of practical political
sense rather than of formulated political theories.
Self-taught to a large degree, he cared little for
the abstractions of governmental philosophy.
He spent his life in the political field and watched
men and events with a keen eye. A shrewd
common-sense added to years of experience gave
him a knowledge of political affairs and a judg
ment in governmental policies that were funda
mentally solid; and by the light of these he
ordered his ways as a public officer.

XXVI
The Last Days
The retirement of- Robert Lucas from active
political life was by no means a hermitage. He
retained his interest in public affairs and occa
sionally he took part in matters of a public
nature. Occasionally he came to the meetings
of his Masonic Lodge, and now and then his
voice was heard in a public gathering. Beside
his undying interest in political events there
were three main topics of a pubhc character that
in later days particularly enlisted his attention.
These were: the temperance movement, the de
velopment of a public school system, and the
promotion of railways in Iowa.
In the temperance movement he had been a
prominent leader long before he left Ohio, and
he brought with him to the Territory of Iowa a
firm determination to use every effort to further
this cause. There was certainly great need of
reform of this nature in the new Territory where
there was a prevailing tendency toward intemper
ance. It too often pervaded the public offices

THE LAST DAYS 285
and constituted a well known weakness of many
of the Territorial legislators.
Considering this condition of affairs it took no
Little courage for the new Governor to condemn
the evil and declare his determination to nomi
nate to office no man who was addicted to the
vice of intemperance. It made for him many
enemies, but it had a salutary effect in the Terri
tory. Lucas, however, had some strong co-work
ers in the efforts towards temperance. James G.
Edwards, editor of the Hawk-Eye and Iowa Pa
triot, though opposed to the Governor in politi
cal matters was enthusiastically in sympathy with
him in his opposition to intemperance. Judges
Charles Mason and Joseph Williams were also
strong in their support of the cause.
A convention of the friends of the movement
met in Burlington on November 11, 1839, and
organized a society under the title of the Iowa
Territorial Temperance Society. Robert Lucas
was chosen President and Chief Justice Charles
Mason Vice President of the Society.215 The
interest of Robert Lucas continued after his Gov
ernorship ceased. In the last year of his life a
movement was organized in the East to secure
the portraits of a number of the prominent tem
perance leaders of the country and have a group
picture engraved as a memorial to the cause of

286 ROBERT LUCAS
temperance. A request was made of Lucas for
a picture of himself, in response to which, on
July 7, 1852, he had a small daguerreotype
taken.216 The establishment of a system of education
had also received the support of Robert Lucas
before his migration to Iowa. In his first mes
sage to the legislature of the Territory of Iowa
he drew particular attention to the need of mak
ing provision for the common schools of the
Territory, and never afterward did his interest
in this movement flag. Nor was his attention
given entirely to the common schools, for we
find that in 1849 Robert Lucas was a member
of the Board of Trustees of the State University
of Iowa.217
A very important educational step was taken
on December 14, 1848, when a State convention
of the teachers and friends of education of the
State of Iowa met in the Old Stone Capitol at
Iowa City.218 Robert Lucas, upon motion of
Thomas Hart Benton, State Superintendent of
Public Instruction, was chosen President of the
convention, and upon taking the chair delivered
a few remarks upon the subject of popular edu
cation. At this meeting a constitution was drawn
up and adopted for the permanent organization
of the association under the title of "The Educa-

THE LAST DAYS 287
tional Convention of Iowa." Its object was stated
to be "to promote by every laudable means the
diffusion of knowledge in regard to education and
especially to aid in establishing and perpetuating
a system of common school instruction in this
State." Thomas Hart Benton was chosen as
President of the organization. The convention
drew up a series of resolutions, and adjourned
after a two days session. It is interesting to
note that a resolution favoring the striking out
from the school law the word "white" wherever
it occurred, and allowing the colored child equal
educational privileges with the white, was de
feated. Robert Lucas was a typical western man, be
lieving in the development of the West and its
resources. Throughout his career in Ohio his
efforts to establish roads and perfect a great
canal system for that State were particularly
marked. In Iowa the legitimate successor of the
canal — the railroad — claimed his interest. In
1850 enthusiasm over railroads toward the west
ran high in Iowa. In January a large conven
tion of the friends of the Dubuque and Keokuk
Railroad met at the Old Stone Capitol in Iowa
City with delegates from fourteen or fifteen
counties in attendance. Robert Lucas was a
delegate from Johnson County and seems to have

288 ROBERT LUCAS
been prominent enough in the convention to be
chosen as one of the Vice Presidents of the ses
sion.219 A month later another State railroad
convention met at Iowa City, this time in the
interests of the Davenport and Council Bluffs
Railroad. Robert Lucas was appointed chair
man of the committee on resolutions and brought.
in a report and resolutions which cover five
columns of the Iowa Capitol Reporter.™
Thus in his last days we find Robert Lucas —
always a pioneer — exerting his best energies to
ward the development of three great pioneer
movements: education, temperance, and railway
communication. What could have been more
important than these to a frontier community?
His labors were not simply those of a theorist
or well-wisher. A long lifetime had shown him
the need of these movements. In his own youth
he had lacked much in the way of education.
He had been largely self-educated and knew the
difficulties that confronted the pioneer settler
who desired to educate his children. In his
young manhood he must have seen clearly the
evils of intemperance. His father-in-law, John
Brown, kept an old-time tavern on the banks of
the Ohio River, and here Lucas lived for some
time and could not have failed to witness many
object lessons teaching the need of temperance

THE LAST DAYS 289
reform. And the long years of his pioneer ex
perience had taught him that in the development
of a frontier community, almost as essential as
the mitigation of the curses of ignorance and in
temperance, was the development of means of
communication between the settlers.
It was a far cry from the Shenandoah Valley
to the prairies beyond the Mississippi in the first
half of the nineteenth century; and the story of
those hardy pioneers who pushed out to the
West in advance of civilization and conquered
the forests and plains is one of toil and hardship.
They left the comforts of civilization and braved
the dangers of the unknown land. They cleared
the forests and tilled the plains through long;
and weary years of loneliness. They planted!
towns and organized governments and moved
on again to the westward while others came to
settle in comfort upon the lands they had tamed.
Often the pioneer lived to see farms and towns
dot the land whose virgin soil he had turned and
witness a younger generation take charge of and
administer the government he had framed, with
little thought for the passing of the first sturdy
settlers. This was natural; it was inevitable.
But it was sometimes hard for the pioneer to
understand. He failed to grasp the truth of the
doctrine that one shall sow and another reap.
19

290 ROBERT LUCAS
The life of Robert Lucas had brought many
disappointments. With all the intensity of his
spirit he had cherished longings and ambitions
which in the nature of things could not be ful
filled. He had been privileged to sow the seed.
It was given to others to reap the harvest. His
years had been many and his services great. He
had seen a great State rise from the wilderness
north of the Ohio River and had given it a third
of a century of his own life's work. He had
guided the beginnings of the promising Terri
tory of Iowa and helped it to gain admission as
a new State of the Union. But now the years
of his life were nearly spun out and others must
take up the work he had hoped to perform.
Strong men with intense convictions can not
help but make or mar the destinies of the
commonwealth, and the effect — good or evil — ¦
depends on the ruling principle of the individual.
Robert Lucas was a man of unquestioned strength
and vigor, and throughout his public career he
was dominated by a genuine patriotism and
sincerity of purpose. His public service was mark
ed by storm and stress. He decided upon a course
of action and with invincible tenacity clung to
his policy. He made his mistakes, as all men
must, but subsequent events have proved them
to have been very few. The general effect of a

THE LAST DAYS 291
strong and vigorous administration of affairs by
a man experienced in politics and wise in states
manship made the term of office of the organic
Governor of the Territory of Iowa one of which
the people of the Territory and State have shown
far too slight an appreciation.
The home which Governor Lucas had built
south of Iowa City in 1844 was the home of his
last days. Because of the plum trees before
the house, he called it Plum Grove; and here
in the midst of his family he quietly rested from
his long life's work. He had since the days of
his young manhood been a devout Christian
man and a strong pillar in the Methodist Church.
Now he waited for the approach of death with
calmness. The hand which had once signed
proclamations and messages in the Executive
Journal of the Territory, now with more falter
ing lines and less legible letters recorded in the
back of that same Journal page after page of
religious poems and hymns. Day after day he
seems to have thus occupied himself. On the
margin of old newspapers and on the backs of
public documents are still found expressions of
his hopes of immortality and final salvation.
Interwoven with them is an undying evidence of
his affection for his family; for in acrostic form
the initials of the lines of many of his hymns

292 ROBERT LUCAS
spell out the names of his wife and his children,
his nephews, nieces, and grandchildren.221
On the last day of the year 1852 he recorded
a hymn full of hope and cheer in the pages of
the journal he had kept during the Hull cam
paign in the War of 1812. Five weeks later in
the early morning of Monday, February 7, 1853,
Robert Lucas died at Plum Grove, and on the
following day he was buried in the cemetery at
Iowa City.222

NOTES AND REFERENCES

NOTES AND REFERENCES
CHAPTER I
1 In A Partial List of the Families who Resided in
Sucks County, Pennsylvania, Prior to 1687, taken from
a certified copy of the original in possession of the
Historical Society of Pennsylvania, appears the follow
ing entry: "Robeet Lucas, of Deverall, Longbridge,
in the County of Wilts, yeoman. Arrived in this river
the 4* of the 4* Mo., 1679, in the 'Elizabeth and
Mary', of Waymouth. Elizabeth, his wife, arrived
in the ship the 'Content', of London, theM* ., William
Johson, in the 7'n M°., 1680. Children, John, his son,
born the 11* 11th M"., 1654, Giles, Edward, Robert,
Elizabeth, Rebecca, Mary, & Sarah." — The Pennsyl
vania Magazine of History and Biography, Vol. ix, p.
228. This early Robert Lucas seems to have been an im
portant personage in Crewcorne (as the little settlement
on the Delaware River was called). In 1680 his name
appears signed to a petition to the Governor of New
York for the suppression of the sale of liquor to Indians.
Some time later the new court in Bucks County ap
pointed him Justice of the Peace. On the 20th of Feb
ruary, 168', after the arrival of William Penn, an elec
tion was held for members of the Council and Assembly
for the new colony. Nine members of the Assembly
and three members of the Council were elected from

296 ROBERT LUCAS
each of the six counties, and among those chosen to sit
in the Assembly was Robert Lucas. The meeting oc
curred on the 10th of the following month (March), and
Penn laid before them the Frame of Government.
Together they made out a new charter which the founder
of the colony signed and sealed in their presence. — See
Davis's History of Bucks County Pennsylvania, Vol.
i, pp. 30, 36, 37, 66. Winsor's Narrative and Critical
History of America, Vol. in, pp. 484-486.
2 A genealogy of descendants of John Rush appears
in The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biog
raphy, Vol. xvii, p. 325.
3 These facts were obtained from the Manuscript
Notes, of Samuel Brown, of Piketon, Ohio, and from
Evans's Historical Record (manuscript volume, No. 5).
4 Evans's History of Scioto County, Ohio, p. 209.
This company was also known as Captain Philip Talia
ferro's Company and as Captain Thomas Minor's Com
pany. s Manuscript letter of Edward W. Lucas to Dr. T.
S. Barnes, of Chillicothe, Ohio, now in the possession
of Miss Elizabeth Barnes of Piketon, Ohio.
6 In 1838 Robert Lucas, in answer to an inquiry from
John Forsyth, Secretary of State, wrote: "I was born
in Jefferson County, Virginia, on the lst day of April
A. D. 1781." — See Shambaugh's Executive Journal of
Iowa, 18S8-18U, p. 3.
7 Taylor's Ohio Statesmen and Annals of Progress,
Vol. i, p. 138.
8 Caleb Atwater's General Robert Lucas in Annals
of Iowa, Third Series, Vol. vi, No. 2, July, 1903, p. 124.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 297
Lloyd's Robert Lucas, the First Governor of Iowa, in
Annals of Iowa, Vol. vin, January, 1870, p. 45. The
name of the writer of this latter sketch does not appear
in connection with the article; but investigation proves
it to have been written by Dr. Frederick Lloyd who
was at that time editor of the Annals of Iowa. Dr.
Lloyd evidently had access to the letters and papers
of Robert Lucas, and his sketch is the best that has
thus far appeared in regard to the life of Robert Lucas.
9 Evans's History of Scioto County, Ohio, pp. 101,
126. 10 Taylor's Ohio Statesmen and Annals of Progress,
Vol. i, pp. 35, 37. See also Evans's History of Scioto
County, Ohio, pp. 126, 127.
11 Lloyd's Robert Lucas, the First Governor of Iowa
in Annals of Iowa, Vol. vin, January, 1870, p. 45.
The date at which William Lucas migrated to Ohio is
variously given by writers upon the subject. It seems
difficult to determine whether it occurred in the year
1800, as given by Evans, or in 1802, as given by Caleb
Atwater, by Howe in his Historical Collections of Ohio,
and by the writer of a newspaper sketch of Robert
Lucas, published in 1834.
12 The will of William Lucas, dated June 4, 1813, in
the Probate Office of the Scioto County Court House,
Portsmouth, Ohio, and Volumes A, B, and C of the
Record of Deeds in the Recorder's Office in the same
building show that he was possessed of considerable
valuable land in the rich bottoms of the Scioto Valley.
!3 United States Statutes at Large, Vol. n, p. 58.

298 ROBERT LUCAS
" King's Ohio, First Fruits of the Ordinance of 1787,
pp. 296-304. CHAPTER II
16 Access was had, through the kindness of Mr. Nelson
W. Evans, of Portsmouth, Ohio, to eleven volumes of
manuscript material relative to the history of Scioto
County and Southern Ohio. Here were found extracts
from the journals of the County Commissioners of that
county in which reference is made to this survey by
Beasley and Lucas.
16 There are, among the letters and papers of Robert
Lucas, commissions issued to him for the following
offices: Surveyor of Scioto County, December 26, 1803;
Lieutenant, May 24, 1804; Justice of the Peace, De
cember 16, 1805; Lieutenant-Colonel, February 14, 1807;
Captain of a volunteer company, August 25, 1807; and
Colonel, February 20, 1809.
17 Henry Adams's History of the United States, Vol.
iv. This work, covering the administrations of Jeffer
son and Madison, gives a very valuable discussion of
this period of American history.
18 These orders are found in the letters of General
Joseph Darlington to Robert Lucas in August and Sep
tember of 1807, which are among the letters and papers
of Robert Lucas.
19 This song, with a short note by Robert Lucas ex
plaining the circumstances under which it was composed
and sung, is found, together with other songs and
poems, written in the back pages of the original manu
script copy of the Executive Journal of Iowa, 18S8—

NOTES AND REFERENCES 299
184-1. These poems are mostly religious in nature, and
many of them are in the form of acrostics. They cover
one hundred twenty-three pages of the Journal, and
with one possible exception are in the handwriting of
Robert Lucas.
20 This document, or perhaps a copy of the original
made at the time, is still in existence. But in the course
of years the folded edges have been worn through and
the manuscript is now in four pieces, one of which has
been lost. The remaining portions when pieced to
gether present the text as given above and the names
of most of the volunteers. CHAPTER III
21 A number of the facts relating to the early life of
Robert Lucas are found in the History of Scioto County,
Ohio, by Nelson W. Evans. This volume of over
thirteen hundred pages contains a very valuable collec
tion of facts relative to the history of Southern Ohio.
It appears to have been rather carefully compiled, con
siderable of the material being taken from such original
sources as old newspapers, official records,, gravestone
inscriptions, and letters of the early settlers.
22 The story of this celebration is told in Reyes's
Pioneers of Scioto County, a very interesting, if not an
entirely trustworthy collection of biographical sketches.
23 Journal of the House of Representatives, 1808.
24 These letters of McArthur are found among the
letters and papers of Robert Lucas.
25 Accounts of this episode are found in Keyes's Pio
neers of Scioto County and in Howe's Historical Collec-

300 ROBERT LUCAS
tions of Ohio. The latter work was compiled by Henry
Howe, who traveled over Ohio on foot gathering his
material largely from the old settlers in the towns
through which he passed. It is a work of value; but
from the manner of its preparation is not entirely reli
able. It also seems to be tinged somewhat with parti
sanship. The story of the arrest of Lucas is also well authen
ticated by items which appeared in the Western Times
in October, 1828, and by the admission of Robert Lucas
himself in one of his own letters.
26 This letter is taken from the Western Times for
October 4, 1828.
27 Although Glover retained a violent antipathy to
his captive, the subsequent relations of Lucas and John
R. Turner seem to have been of the most cordial nature.
Much of their correspondence is preserved and shows that
the two men for a score of years after the arrest were
the most intimate and confidential friends.
28 This account of the perpetual motion machine is
typical of the tales found in Keyes's Pioneers of Scioto
County. It may or may not have been true.
CHAPTER IV
29 Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the War of 1812
-contains an excellent description of the events leading
up to the war, and a valuable portrayal of the details of
the various campaigns.
30 This manuscript journal, found among the letters
and papers of Robert Lucas, has recently been edited
by John C. Parish and published by The State Histor-

NOTES AND REFERENCES 301
ical Society of Iowa. Reference to this journal and
frequent quotations therefrom have been made in the
belief that the story of the campaign can best be told
in this way.
31 An interesting sketch of William A. Trimble is
found in the Ohio Archaeological and Historical Quar
terly, Vol. xiv, No. 3, July, 1905, pp. 225-246.
32 In the office of the Adjutant General, in the State
House at Columbus, Ohio, is a pay roll of Ohio soldiers
in the service of the United States, copied from the
Records at Washington. Here is found the roll of the
company of John Lucas in which Robert Lucas is listed
as a private.
33 See the letter of instructions from Governor Meigs
to Captain Rupe in Parish's The Robert Lucas Journal,
p. 77.
34 The term "Miami of the Lake" was the name then
given to what is now known as the Maumee River.
Originally these two Indian names were the same.
35 Brigadier General Isaac Brock, Provisional Lieu
tenant Governor of Upper Canada, was in command of
the British forces during the campaign of 1812.
36 See Letter of General Hull to the Secretary of War,
William Eustis, June 24, 1812. This letter is printed
in the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol.
xv, 1890, p. 92.
37, Two American vessels started to Detroit, one carry
ing the baggage and the other the sick. The first (the
Cuyahoga) was captured by the British ship Hunter,
while the second passed up the river to Detroit in safety.

302 ROBERT LUCAS
38 The place of Hull's encampment below Detroit was
so called because of the number of clear springs which
gushed out from the sand hills in this vicinity.
CHAPTER V
39 See Parish's The Robert Lucas Journal, p. 27.
40 This proclamation may be found in the Michigan
Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. xv, 1890, p.
106. It has sometimes been stated that the document
was written by Colonel Lewis Cass, but no proof has
been given for this claim.
41 Henry Adams's History of the United States, Vol.
vi, pp. 316-321. CHAPTER VI
42 This letter, which Lucas copies in full in his jour
nal on the twelfth of August, contains a very severe
condemnation of General Hull for his management of
the campaign.
43 Parish's The Robert Lucas Journal, p. 64.
44 It is interesting in connection with this campaign
to notice the course of subsequent relations between
Lucas and the three Colonels of the Ohio militia. Mc
Arthur and Lucas were together term after term in the
Ohio legislature. In 1830 they were opposing candi
dates for the office of Governor of the State of Ohio —
Lucas was defeated. Two years later they again ap
peared as rival candidates for the Governorship. But
at the last minute McArthur withdrew and entered the
race for Congress, in which he was defeated. Lucas
was elected Governor, and the year that saw him first
installed in the executive chair marked the beginning of

NOTES AND REFERENCES 303
TVIcArthur's retirement from public life. James Find
lay, after spending a number of years in Congress, be-
•came a candidate for the office of Governor of Ohio in
1834. Lucas was then a candidate for reelection, and
was successful in the contest.
After the War of 1812 Lewis Cass left the State of
¦Ohio and became Governor of the Territory of Michi
gan. Many years later (in 1835-1836) when the contro
versy over the boundary between Ohio and Michigan
was at its height, Lewis Cass, then Secretary of War,
and Robert Lucas, Governor of Ohio, became involved
in a bitter quarrel over the settlement of the difficulties
between the State and Territory.
CHAPTER VII
45 In the official account of prisoners exchanged the
name of Robert Lucas appears classified as a Captain
of the United States Army. It seems probable that
•General Hull must have done as Lucas feared and so
returned his name to the British, although it was at his
request that Lucas had disregarded orders as a regular
army officer and stayed with General Hull's army through
out the ill-fated campaign. For this account of the
exchange of prisoners, and the official correspondence
regarding the same, see the Michigan Pioneer and His
torical Collections, Vol. xv, 1890, pp. 205-207.
46 On the page following this last journal entry Lucas
begins to use the book for the record of more of his
hymns, covering twenty-eight pages with compositions
of this nature. The last one, on the subject of baptism,
preceded his death less than six weeks.
47 Among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas is

304

ROBERT LUCAS

found a subpoena issued to Lucas in October of 1812,
requiring him to appear as a witness in the court-mar
tial of General Hull on February 25, 1813. This first
court-martial, however,' did not materialize. For the
court-martial of January, 1814, at which General Hull
was convicted, there is no evidence of a subpoena issued
to Robert Lucas; and an examination of the official
records of the trial in the Judge Advocate General's
office in Washington, D. O, shows that he did not ap
pear as a witness.
48 The following are a few passages taken from the
Cass Report and The Robert Lucas Journal:

Robert Lucas Journal
This afternoon Colo Finley is
ordered with a Detachment to
the Spring wells and about Sun
set Colos McArthur and Cass
is ordered with a Detachment
from their Regiments of 350
men, to march a back way to
the riv[e]r Raisin to escort the
provisions that had Some time
remained there

Cass Report
About sun-set on the evening
of the 14th a detachment of 350
men from the regiments com
manded by Col M' Arthur, and
myself, was ordered to march
to the river Raisin to escort the
provisions, which had some
time remained there

About 4 o'clock 2 vessels hove
in Sight below Sandwich point,
and their battery played upon
the town. The fire was returned
and continued without inter
ruption and with little effect
till Dark the Shells were thrown
till 11 o'clock

About four o'clock their batter
ies began to play upon the town.
The fire was returned and con
tinued without interruption
and with little effect till dark.
Their shells were thrown till
eleven o'clock

NOTES AND REFERENCES 305
In entering into this capitula- In entering into this capitula
tion the Gnl only consulted his tion, the General took counsel
own feelings, not an officer was from his own feelings only.
consulted, not one antisipated Not an officer was consulted.
a Surrender till they Saw the Not one anticipated a surrender
white flag displayed upon the till he saw the white flag dis-
walls. Even the women was played. Even the women were
indignant at the Shameful deg- indignant at so shameful a deg
radation of the Americfan] redation of the American
character, and all felt as they character and all felt as they
should have felt but he who held should have felt, but he who
in his hands the reins of au- held in his hands the reins of
thority authority
The assumption that Cass took his sentences from
Lucas rather than the reverse is further borne out by
the fact that where parallel descriptions occur, those of
Lucas are the more detailed.
49 The dates between which Robert Lucas held com
missions in the United States Army are given in Her
man's Historical Register and Dictionary of the United
States Army.
5° Among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas are
found a number of orders and reports written by and
to Lucas during these few weeks' service at Camp Ohio.
51 These resolutions, reported by Lucas in 1813, were
reproduced in the Democratic Herald of Dayton, Ohio,
in July of 1836 to aid in the defeat of William Henry
Harrison, who in that year was a candidate for the
Presidency of the United States.
52 This letter and a few others touching practically
the same points are found among the letters and papers
of Robert Lucas and constitute the only record of this
interesting court of enquiry known to the author.
20

306 ROBERT LUCAS
CHAPTER VIII
53 Journal of 'the Senate, 1814, passim.
54 In Taylor's Ohio Statesmen and Annals of Prog
ress may be found tabulated statements of each legisla
tive session of the State of Ohio, giving the names of
the members in each house and the important business
transacted. 55 An account of the early history of Pike County is
found in a History of Lower Scioto Valley, Ohio, pub
lished by the Interstate Publishing Company. In this
book is a description of the store of Robert Lucas.
Here also is found the statement that his taxes for the
year 1822 were $7.11. There were only two tax-payers
in Pike County paying a larger tax.
56 This hymn is one of those found in the back of the
manuscript Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-184.1.
57 A very detailed description of this house and a cut
showing it as it has appeared in more recent times are
found in Evans's History of Scioto County, Ohio, pp.
1216, 1254.
58 The description of Mrs. Lucas and of the home as
it appeared in the days of the Governor is taken largely
from the testimony of certain old residents in and near
Piketon who still remember Aunt Friendly and the
palmy days of Friendly Grove as a Governor's country
seat. There is preserved among the letters and papers
of Robert Lucas, an itemized account of the Lucas fam
ily with the village store at Piketon, from March 19,
1833, to January 31, 1837. The account makes up a
total of $679. 34^ and contains a very interesting as
sortment of items.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 307
CHAPTER IX
59 Among the letters from Caleb Atwater are found
several written to Lucas during his Governorship, in
which he asks the Governor for a position in connection
with some Indian transactions which Lucas at that time
contemplated. He adds pathetically: "The world
seems to have forgotten me, and deserted me." A
brief sketch of Caleb Atwater is found in the Ohio
Archaeological and Historical Quarterly, Vol. xiv, No.
3, July, 1905, pp. 247-290.
60 The story of this transaction is told by Senator
Benton, of Missouri, in his Abridgments of the Debates
of Congress, Vol. x, p. 197.
61 Among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas and
also in the unpublished Executive Documents of Ohio,
in the State House at Columbus, are found innumerable
letters regarding the canal question both of this time
and of the time during his Governorship.
62 In December of 1828 Lucas wrote to George B.
Holt, of the Ohio Senate, and presented the claims of
the citizens of Piketon and vicinity "for a general re
view of the Canal line and a revaluation of their prop
erty, for taxation, in Case of its removal". In this
letter he vigorously protests against the action of the
Canal Board in July, 1828, in locating the canal on the
west side of the river. He claims that of the four
members of the Board appointed to examine the two
sides of the river, three were in favor of the east side
and only one in favor of the west. He gives other
reasons why the matter should be reconsidered and the
claim of the east or Piketon side given further attention.

308 ROBERT LUCAS
63 With the commissions of Robert Lucas are found
two certificates issued to him as a presidential elector
for the State of Ohio. One was issued in 1820 when
he voted for James Monroe, and the other in 1828 when
he helped to elect Andrew Jackson.
64 Evans's History of Scioto County, Ohio, pp. 106,
343. 65 This story is told in the sketch of Robert Lucas,
which appears in Keyes's Pioneers of Scioto County.
CHAPTER X
66 The facts regarding this campaign were obtained
partly from files of Ohio newspapers of the time, pre
served in the State Library at Columbus, Ohio. But
by far the larger proportion were gleaned from the cor
respondence of Lucas with prominent Ohio politicians
in the year of 1830. This correspondence is found
among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas.
«7 Ohio Monitor, Vol. xiv, No. 33, July 14, 1830.
68 The letters of J. N. Hamm and Isaac Humphreys
to Lucas, in July of 1830, give interesting descriptions
of the gathering of the followers of Henry Clay about
their chief at the time of the Democratic convention.
"I saw Mr. Clay at Columbus", wrote Humphreys,
"surrounded by 40 or 50 Federalists mostly of the Bar,
he appeared Elevated with hope, Swelled with Impor.
tance, and closely occupied."
69 Parish's The Robert Lucas Journal, p. 57.
70 A short biographical sketch of Duncan McArthur
appears in Evans's History of Scioto County, Ohio, pp.
165-167.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 309
71 Concerning this faction the author has been able
to find nothing further than a few references in letters
written to Lucas during the course of the campaign.
It seems to have been a local party which was strong in
its support of Henry Clay and in opposition to the
Jacksonian forces.
72 Columbus Sentinel, Vol. i, No. 46, January 17,
1832; also the Ohio State Journal (Sew Series), Vol.
i, No. 11, January 11, 1832. These and other news
papers of the time are to be found in the State Library
at Columbus, Ohio. CHAPTER XI
73 A discussion of the origin of this first national
nominating convention of the Democrats is found in
Parton's Life of Andrew Jackson, Vol. in, Chapter
xxix. The letter from Lewis to Kendall is therein
quoted in full.
74 The story of Van Buren's short term of service at
the Court of St. James and of his rejection by the Sen
ate is told in many places — among others in Parton's
Life of Andrew Jackson, Shepard's Martin Van Buren,
and in Benton's Thirty Years View, Vol. i.
75 Benton's Thirty Years View, Vol. i, p. 219.
76 The accounts of the convention itself are found in
the files of newspapers of the time in Baltimore.
Among these papers are the Baltimore Republican, the
Baltimore Gazette, and the American Commercial Daily
Advertiser. Items of value regarding the convention
are found in Niles'' Register and in the various Ohio
papers of the year 1832.

310 ROBERT LUCAS
77 Columbus Sentinel, Vol. n, No. 12, May 31, 1832.
78 Parton in his Life of Andrew Jackson gives other
figures than these. But the contemporaneous news
papers of Baltimore which reported the convention
concur in the figures as given above and deserve cre
dence in preference to a secondary source.
79 Theodore S. Parvin, who in 1838-1839 was Private
Secretary to Governor Lucas, makes the statement (in
some manuscript notes in the possession of the Masonic
Library at Cedar Rapids, Iowa) that Lucas always
walked with a cane which was presented to him by the
Baltimore convention for his impartial service as chair
man of that body.
80 This letter from Martin Van Buren, together with a
printed copy of the letter to him from the officers of
the convention, is found among' the letters and papers
of Robert Lucas. CHAPTER XII
81 The story of this campaign may be followed by
reference to the Ohio newspapers, particularly the Ohio
State Journal and Columbus Gazette and the Columbus
Sentinel, which are found in the State House in Co
lumbus. Much added light, however, is given to the
campaign by the large number of campaign letters
found among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas.
82 This explanation of the change of candidates is
given in Niles'1 Register, Vol. xuin, October 20, 1832,
p. 118.
83 Columbus Sentinel,Vol. ii, No. 28, October 4, 1832.
84 Mies' Register,Vol. xliii, October 27, 1832, p. 130.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 31 1
85 A good discussion — though necessarily brief — of
the early history of Ohio is found in King's Ohio First
Fruits of the Northwest Ordinance in the American
Commonwealth Series.
86 Salmon P. Chase in the introduction to his Stat
utes of Ohio remarks upon this weakness of executive
authority. When Lucas was elected Governor of Ohio,
Chase, then a young and comparatively unknown law
yer in Cincinnati, was busy with the compilation of
these statutes. In March of 1833 he wrote to Lucas
asking for information regarding the early legislation
and history of Ohio. This letter was found among the'
unpublished Executive Documents in the State House
at Columbus, Ohio. Here, stored away in boxes and
classified roughly by years, are hundreds of letters td
Lucas from Salmon P. Chase, Joshua R. Giddings, and
many other men of national reputation.
87 This letter and many others of like nature were
found in the unpublished Executive Documents at Co
lumbus, Ohio.
88 Allen G. Thurman became, at the age of twenty-
one, the Private Secretary of Governor Lucas. Several
of his letters to Lucas while the Governor was away
from the Capital on business connected with the Ohio-
Michigan boundary dispute, are preserved among the
Executive Documents above referred to. In the last of
these, dated May 31, 1835, he is about to take his de
parture and expresses his thanks to Lucas for his kind
nesses to him during his stay in Columbus.
89 In the possession of the Western Reserve Histor
ical Society is a newspaper clipping containing a
lengthy campaign sketch of Robert Lucas. It was

312 ROBERT LUCAS
written in 1834, and deals very largely with his serv
ices in the War of 1812. The writer of the sketch
mentions his opposing candidate, James Findlay, and
"damns him with faint praise" by characterizing him
as a " highly honorable, gentlemanly, correct old man."
The sketch is interesting, but contains many errors and
is naturally very partisan in its estimates.
CHAPTER XIII
90 The sources from which this boundary dispute may
be studied are numerous. The most extensive official
sources of information are the Executive Documents and
the Senate Documents for the 23rd and 24th Congresses.
The correspondence between the two Governors and the
United States government, as well as legislative reports,
maps, and in fact almost all of the important papers
connected with the controversy, are to be found in these
Documents. The laws passed by Ohio and Michigan
and the United States which bear upon the dispute will,
of course, be found in the United States Statutes at
Large and in the statutes of Ohio and Michigan. Poore's
Charters and Constitutions may be referred to for the
constitutions, organic acts, and like instruments. In the
State House at Columbus, Ohio, are preserved in the
unpublished Executive Documents of the State of Ohio
a very large proportion of the extensive correspondence
of Governor Lucas in regard to the boundary. Much
valuable light is also thrown upon the matter by the
letters and papers of Robert Lucas. The Journals of
the legislatures of Ohio and Michigan, as well as the
Congressional Globe, contain much of value. The Jour
nals of the extra session of the Ohio Legislative Assembly
which Governor Lucas called in June, 1835, are indis-

NOTES AND REFERENCES 313
pensible. Valuable side lights upon the question are
given by the newspapers of the time and by the con
temporaneous issues of Niles' Register.
Among the secondary sources of information the
most valuable is a monograph entitled The Southern
and Western Boundaries of Michigan written by Annah
M. Soule and published in the Publications of the Michi
gan Political Science Association, as No. 2, of Vol. ii.
This is compiled from original sources with extensive
footnotes, and is a scholarly piece of work. It treats of
the dispute from the Michigan point of view. Among
the Ohio sources the most extensive is Way's The Toledo
War. While this pamphlet was not prepared in as
scientific a manner as the preceding one, it contains a
great deal of valuable information, taken to a great ex
tent from original sources. Much of the later literature
upon the subject is based largely upon this work. Be
sides these two pamphlets there are numerous less exten
sive articles among which may be mentioned Galloway's
Ohio-Michigan Boundary Line Dispute in the Ohio
Archaeological and Historical Society Publications, Vol.
iv, p. 199, and Robson's Michigan and Ohio Boundary
Line in the Michigan Pioneer Collections, Vol. xi, p.
216. Lastly there are numerous discussions of the dis
pute in the various histories of the States of Michigan
and Ohio.
» Way's The Toledo War, p. 8.
92 Soule's The Southern and Western Boundaries of
Michigan, p. 5.
93 First Constitution of Ohio, Art. vn, sec. 6.
94 Resolutions requesting action by the President of
the United States in the determination of their northern

314 ROBERT LUCAS
boundary line were passed by the General Assembly of
Ohio in 1807, 1809, and in 1811. — See report of com
mittee, Journal of Senate (extra session), June 1835, p.
138. 95 See the report of Elijah Hay ward, Commissioner
of the General Land Office, Senate Documents, lst Ses
sion, 24th Congress, No. 6, pp. 107-112.
9<s Way's The Toledo War, p. 9.
97 This message is given in the Senate Documents,
1st Session, 24th Congress, Doc. No. 6, p. 131.
98 Laws of the Territory of Michigan, Vol. in, p.
1367. 99 Soule's The Southern and Western Boundaries of
Michigan, p. 22.
100 Galloway's The Ohio-Michigan Boundary Line
Dispute in Ohio Archaeological and Historical Society
Publications, Vol. iv, p. 211.
101 Way's The Toledo War, p. 17.
CHAPTER XIV
102 Way's The Toledo War, p. 19.
193 See Letter of Governor Lucas to Secretary Forsyth
in Journal of House (extra session), June, 1835, p. 63-67.
104 i^ evidence of this, see the letters of John For
syth, Secretary of State, in Senate Documents, lst Ses
sion, 24th Congress, Doc. No. 6, pp. 80-88.
105 This opinion may be found in the Journals of the
Senate (extra session), June, 1835, pp. 43-53.
loe Way's The Toledo War, p. 23.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 315
107 This letter may be found in the unpublished Ex
ecutive Documents of the State of Ohio, preserved at
the State House at Columbus, Ohio.
108 Many of these letters were found among the let
ters and papers of Robert Lucas.
109 See outline of legislative sessions given in Taylor's
Ohio Statesmen and Annals of Progress.
110 Journal of the Senate (extra session), June, 1835,,
pp. 13-120.
ui Way's The Toledo War, p. 33.
ii2 Senate Documents, lst Session, 24th Congress, Doc.
No. 6, pp. 86, 87.
i13 John B. Horner was in correspondence for some
time with Governor Lucas; and the letters from him
which are preserved among the letters and papers of
Robert Lucas are full of the most bitter invective, sar
casm, and rough abuse of public officials. Especially
does he condemn Lewis Cass, at that time Secretary of
War and formerly Governor of the Territory of Michi
gan. Cass and Lucas were also involved in a bitter
dispute at this time in which Lucas accused Cass of
using his official position to aid Michigan. Many of
their letters are found in the Senate Documents, lst
Session, 24th Congress, Doc. No. 6.
114 A good discussion of the conventions of Michigan
is found in Soule's The Southern and Western Bounda
ries of Michigan, pp. 37-42.
CHAPTER XV
us The Ohio State Journal and Columbus Gazette,
Vol. xxv, No. 55, June 4, 1836. In this issue there is

316 ROBERT LUCAS
also published the letter of Robert Lucas to John G.
Miller, editor of the Spirit of Seventy-Six, relative to
the nomination of Lucas by the State Rights Associa
tion. The entire correspondence is preserved in the
letters and papers of Robert Lucas.
1X6 An interesting bit of correspondence has been pre
served which throws some light upon the inner history
of this election. On January 13, 1837, a letter was
written, by a committee appointed for the purpose by a
caucus of the Democratic legislators to Messrs. Lucas,
Goodenow, Wood, Allen, and Dean. These gentlemen
were asked to signify immediately in writing whether
they would abide the nomination of the members of
the Democratic party of the legislature for a successor
to Mr. Ewing. In answer to this Lucas wrote the fol
lowing letter: — Columbus January 13th 1837
Gentlemen Your communication of this date, was handed to me by
Mr Van Hacher it appears to be a communication from a com
mittee 
In answer to the above I will state — that my name having
been presented to the public by my friends as a candidate for U.
S. Senate some-time before I left the Executive Chair, — I had
determined to leave the subject entirely with them — under the
impression that my political opinions, and public services were
sufficiently known to the Members of the Gen'l Assembly, to de
serve an impartial investigation of my claims to their support —
under this impression I rested satisfied that if on a fair investi
gation of my claims and the consideration [of] the claims of
others, mine should be learned to have the preference that they
would receive the support of the Democratic party — but if on
the other hand, it should be learned that other individuals had
superior claim on the support of the public — and that the inter
ests and honor of the state would be better suited by the election
of an other individual — that such individual would doubtless be
¦elected and it would be my duty to acquiesce in the decision.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 317
I have not consulted with a solitary individual on the subject
of the proper candidates neither have I had the opinions of my
political friends expressed yet I am free to state that I am will
ing to comply with any arrangement that my friends may make
with regard to the election — and in conclusion assure you that
I have no desire to accept a seat in the U. S. [Senate] unless it is
obtained by the free and mutual expression of the Democratic
members of the Gen'l Assembly With great respect I am
Your obt [servant]
Robert Lucas.*
Exactly what action the caucus took is not known;
but in the ballotting no other name than Allen (of
those written to by the committee) received votes, with
the exception of Reuben Wood, and on no ballot did
Wood receive more than two votes. — See Taylor's Ohio
Statesmen and Annals of Progress, p. 174.
117 State Journal and Register, Vol. xxvn, No. 8,
October 13, 1837.
us Morris wrote to Lucas asking, upon a plausible
pretext, for copies of letters by Thomas Hamer in re
gard to the boundary question, claiming that justice to
Hamer and to the people of his district demanded an
explanation of his course. Lucas at once mistrusted
Morris, and, refusing to comply with his request, wrote
to Hamer in regard to the matter. The subsequent
campaign for Congress showed that Morris had been in
search of private letters and papers to aid in the oppo
sition which he so bitterly made to his fellow Democrat.
119 "It is by no means incompatible with your for-
* [Note. — The letter of Lucas given above was written in such
evident haste and with so many abbreviations that it has been
thought best — contrary to the general practice in this book — to
edit it somewhat freely.]

318 ROBERT LUCAS
mer stations", Hamer wrote, "and will not only throw
you into a favorable position for future advancement —
when the Territory becomes a State — but will enable
you to make some money in that new & charming
country .... The Presd't is your friend — and
although he would not — of course — say at this time
what he will do — I think — he will nominate you — if
Gen. A. declines  It is desirable to have a
soldier of known bravery and military talent at the
head of the Govt, of this new Territory. It is on the
British frontier — all along which great excitement
prevails — & it is not to be disguised, that in connexion
with the Maine Boundary question — there is some fear
that we shall have trouble with Great Britain spring
ing out of this excitement & the depredations to which
it gives rise. Besides — there are numerous hordes of
warlike Savages in the Territory & along its borders
who must be overawed — & chastened if necessary,
There is some chance for ' Glory ' therefore among all
the rest. — "
i20 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888—
1841, p. 3.
121 The letters of William and Samuel Reed to Lucas,
give frequent references to this state of mind of Aunt
Friendly after the departure of Lucas to the Territory
of Iowa. Samuel Reed had married Rebecca, a sister
of Robert Lucas, and it was his son, William Reed,
who brought Abigail and Mary, daughters of Governor
Lucas, out to Iowa in 1839. The letters referred to
were found among the letters and papers of Robert
Lucas and among the Public Archives, Governor's
Office, at Des Moines, Iowa.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 319
CHAPTER XVI
i22 Most of the facts concerning the trip down the
Ohio River are gathered from an unpublished diary
kept for a long period of years by Theodore S. Parvin.
The record begins with the first of January, 1837, in
Cincinnati, over a year before Parvin met the Govern
or. The daily record from 1837 to 1843 is found in five
small quarto volumes. After this time he used smaller
books and the entries are more in the nature of memo
randa. Because of the intimate association of these two
men, the first five volumes of the Parvin Diary contain
much valuable material relative to Governor Lucas.
The entire set of books is in the possession of the Ma
sonic Library at Cedar Rapids, Iowa.
In 1839, Parvin was appointed prosecuting attorney
for one of the districts of the Territory. He was Sec
retary of the Legislative Council in 1840. In the fol
lowing year he was elected probate judge and served in
this office three terms. From 1846 to 1856 he was
Clerk of the United States District Court; and for two
years thereafter served as Register of the State Land
Office. The remainder of his life was spent in academ
ic and Masonic circles. For ten years he was connected
with the faculty of the State University of Iowa, dur
ing a part of which time he acted as Secretary of the
State Historical Society. His most lasting contribu
tion to the State was his work as Grand Secretary of
the Grand Lodge of Iowa.
123 Jesse Williams was the first Auditor of Iowa, being
appointed Territorial Auditor in January, 1840, at the
time that office was created. The next year he was
made Territorial Agent. In 1842 he became interested

320 ROBERT LUCAS
in the Iowa Capitol Reporter, and was one of the editors
of this paper until 1845, when, under the short Demo
cratic regime of Governor James Clarke, he served as
Territorial Secretary. CHAPTER XVII
124 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1838—
1841, pp. 4-13.
125 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1838-
1841, p. 14.
i2«On April 20, 1838, "Citizens of the Iowa Dis
trict", in a public meeting at Dubuque, passed resolu
tions expressing their desire to see George W. Jones
occupy the Executive Chair in the new Territory. The
Fort Madison Patriot for May 2, 1838, takes issue with
this suggestion, objecting strenuously to Jones because
of his recent participation as second in the unfortunate
Graves-Cilley duel which had so stirred the country.
The editor, James G. Edwards, also hints that George
W. Jones was considered in the light of a "tool" of
Mr. Linn, of Missouri. Henry Dodge is mentioned by
this paper as a much more acceptable candidate for the
position. i27 Parvin's Hon. Joseph Williams in the Iowa His
torical Record, Vol. xn, No. 1, January, 1896, p. 386,
387. i28 Theodore S. Parvin in a short sketch in the Annals
of Iowa, Third Series, Vol. n, Nos. 2-3, July-October,
1895, p. 221, answers a few questions in regard to Con
way and his history previous to his coming to the Terri
tory of Iowa.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 321
129 This correspondence, together with a copy of the
commission issued to Conway and his oath of office, is
found among the Archives of the Office of the Secretary
of State, Des Moines, Iowa. Partly because Conway
occupied the Office of Secretary of the Territory, a great
deal of his correspondence, private as well as official,
has been preserved among the records of the office and
is of inestimable value in tracing the history of the
first year of the Territory of Iowa.
130 This letter is found among the letters and papers
of Robert Lucas. The manuscripts found in this collec
tion, taken in connection with the Archives of the Office
of the Secretary of State at Des Moines, Iowa, make
possible a detailed study of the affair generally known
as "The Conway Controversy."
131 The Iowa Sun and Davenport & Rock Island News
for September 1, 1838, quotes as follows from the Iowa
News of August 18, 1838:
It appears from the Burlington Gazette, that a report has been
in circulation that Acting Governor Conway had given the citi
zens of Davenport to understand that in the event of his issuing
a Proclamation authorizing the election he would convene the
Legislature at that place.
132 Shambaugh's Documents Relating to Governor Lu
cas in the Iowa Historical Record, Vol. xvi, No. 2,
April, 1900, p. 71; also Shambaugh's Executive Jour
nal of Iowa, 1838-1841, p. 112. The existence of the
orginal of this Executive Journal was for so many
years unknown that it was almost despaired of by stu
dents of Iowa History. It was recently found, however,
in the possession of descendants of the Governor and
has been edited by Professor Benjamin F. Shambaugh
21

322 ROBERT LUCAS
and published by The State Historical Society of Iowa.
The official documents contained in this Journal make
it invaluable to anyone who wishes to study the history
of the first three years of the Territory of Iowa.
133 The story of this tour is told by Parvin in his
diary, manuscript volume n, pp. 185-200.
134 Almost from the start a bitter antipathy existed
between Conway and Parvin. This was natural because
of their repective attitudes toward the Governor. When,
in his letters, Conway has occasion to refer to Parvin he
usually assumes a tone of contempt and often spells his
name with a small p.
135 The records of the diary show that Parvin did not
(as he later in life was wont to intimate) select the Ter
ritorial Library. The selection was made by Lucas
himself; while Parvin was simply employed as an agent
to purchase and ship the books to the new Territory.
Many of the statements made by Parvin in his later life
are sadly at variance with his own contemporaneous
record in his diary. This is only another illustration
of the fact that he who lives much forgets much.
CHAPTER XVIII
136 A very interesting tabulation of the members of
the first Legislative Assembly, giving age, occupation,
nativity, height, and weight of each individual is found
in Negus's The Early History of Iowa in the Annals of
Iowa, Vol. vn, No. 4, October, 1869, p. 322.
137 Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the
Governors of Iowa, Vol. i, p. 75.
138 In this communication the Secretary took occasion

NOTES AND REFERENCES 323
to dilate upon the trip of Parvin (whom he described
as "a young man of rather interesting personal appear
ance") to Ohio for stationery and supplies, and dwelt
upon the subsequent delays in the arrival of the goods.
The following statements particularly offended the
Council: Much exertion has been made to procure knives at Burlington.
But knives of a suitable finish and quality, cannot be procured
in this town; nor can knives in a sufficient quantity, of any qual
ity, be obtained. And the Secretary can't make knives. If he
could do so, he would do so, with expedition and pleasure. But
if it should comport with his own wishes, and the wishes of all
those whom it may concern, that he should occupy his present
station until the next session, he will take especial care to super
cede the necessity of any further legislation, on the subject of
knives; — for it is ihe earnest and anxious wish of the Secretary,
that all the members should have knives, and stamps, and folders;
and all and singular, such thing or things, device or devices what
soever, as may facilitate the operation of the hands, in yielding
assistance to the deliberations of the head.
139 Although the correspondence connected with this
controversy does not appear in the Journals of the House
and Council it may be found in the Archives of the Of
fice of the Secretary of State at Des Moines, Iowa.
CHAPTER XIX
140 The expression that the United States government
was a cow and should be freely milked seems to have
been a current one among the legislators of this first
Assembly. Lucas mentions the expression in a letter
to Thomas Hamer, and it is frequently referred to in
sketches of early legislation in the Territory.
wi Journal of the House of Representatives, 1838-1839,
p. 25.

324 ROBERT LUCAS
142 Shambaugh's Documentary Material Relating to
the History of Iowa, Vol. i, p. 112.
143 In the message of Governor Lucas to the legisla
ture in December, 1840, is found a very forceful com
parison between the expenditures of Ohio and Iowa
much to the discredit of the Territory of Iowa. — See
Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1838-1841,
pp. 262, 263. In a letter to Thomas L. Hamer, found
among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas, he also
gives some very pertinent statistics showing the com
parative extravagance of the young Territory.
144 The proceedings of this interesting convention'are
not given in the Journals of the House and Council,
but may be found in the Burlington Patriot (specimen
number), December 13, 1838.
145 In a letter to Simon Meredith, of Davenport, on
March 11, 1839, Lucas specifically states that his letter
had been written to Secretary Conway with no intention
of its being addressed to any third party. He further
states that he stopped at Mr. Conway's office and found
him about to send a copy of Lucas's letter to the House
of Representatives without its being accompanied by
his own (Conway's) letter requesting the opinion of the
Governor. Lucas immediately asked him not to send
the answer without the request. Conway, however,
failed to comply with this request and the letter of Con
way would not have been published had not a friend of
Lucas noted the omission and furnished the publisher
with a copy from the original in the Executive Office.
It is evident, therefore, that while the letter was sent
to the legislature with the knowledge of Governor Lucas

NOTES AND REFERENCES 325
it had not been written with that intention, and with a
less outspoken man than Lucas would have been con
fined to the Secretary's Office.
This letter to Meredith was written in answer to a
request for information upon the subject. A letter,
written some time later from Meredith to Lucas, de
scribes in detail certain disturbances in Davenport over
land claims and reads like a description of the Ku Klux
Klan. It represents Antoine Le Claire, with whom
Conway was intimately associated, in a very adverse
light in connection with land negotiations, and impli
cates Conway in disturbances over land claims that are
hardly creditable to the Secretary. This correspond
ence is found among the letters and papers of Robert
Lucas. 146 Journal of House of Representatives, 1838-1839,
p. 113. CHAPTER XX
147 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888—
1841, pp. ix, x.
148 Clarke makes this statement in a very interesting
letter to his father, quoted in the Iowa Historical Rec
ord, Vol. iv, No. 1, Jan. 1888, p. 4. In this letter he
also speaks of his own possibilities for appointment
as Secretary of the Territory, which appointment did
occur after the death of Conway.
149 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1838-
1841, p. 69.
150 An excellent outline of the course pursued by Gov
ernor Lucas in regard to vetoes is found in Shambaugh's
History of the Constitutions of Iowa, pp. 134-142.

326 ROBERT LUCAS
151 These are among the papers preserved in the Ar
chives of the Office of the Secretary of State, Des Moines,
Iowa. They, perhaps, show the true character of Wil
liam B. Conway better than any other writings which
have been preserved.
152 Journal of House of Representatives, 1838-1839,
pp. 183-187.
153 These bills are printed as acts in the Laws of Iowa,
1838-1839, with the note attached in each case.
J54 Journal of House of Representatives, 1838—1839,
p. 223.
155 The sessions were held in the Methodist Church,
which was afterwards known as the "Old Zion Church".
The Council met in the basement and the Representa
tives in the upper story. — See Salter's Iowa the First
Free State in the Louisiana Purchase, p. 237.
156 Parvin on this day attended the session and re
cords in manuscript volume in, p. 37, of his diary, these
interesting items. CHAPTER XXI
]57 This document, of course, did not appear in any
official record. It is really a private petition signed by
public officers. A copy of it is found among the letters
and papers of Robert Lucas and bears the following
signatures : Members of the Council
Stephen Hempstead J. D. Payne
George Hepner L. B. Hughes
Arthur Inghram Jonathan W. Parker
Warner Lewis Robt. Ralston

NOTES AND REFERENCES 327
Members of the House of Representatives
Chancey Swan Laurel Summers
Hardin Nowlin George Temple
Thomas Cox S. C. Hastings
A. Bankson
158 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-
1841, p. 104.
159 This memorial, being an official document, is print
ed in full in the Journal of the House of Representa
tives, 1838-1839, pp. 257-259.
360 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-
1841, p. 110.
lfii Letter of Conway to Lucas January 25, 1839. —
Office of Secretary of State, Des Moines, Iowa.
i62 Both the Governor and Secretary claimed that the
Great Seal belonged in their own possession. Lucas,
however, had nine points of the law in his favor when
the legislature closed and Conway was unable to regain
the Seal before his departure to his home in Davenport.
Angered by this he left orders for the commissions of
the officers of the Territory not to be turned over to Lu
cas until the Great Seal was delivered to the Secretary.
Lucas, however, made out new commissions and sent
them to the various officers in the Territory without
the signature of the Secretary. This grievance over
the Seal forms one of the main topics of discussion in
the one-sided correspondence between Conway and Presi
dent Van Buren.
163 A copy of this letter, as well as of those mentioned
in the preceding paragraph, is found in the Office of the
Secretary of State, at Des Moines, Iowa.

328 ROBERT LUCAS
164 in Wilkie's Davenport Past and Present is found
a series of resolutions drawn up by citizens of Daven
port expressing their sorrow at the death of their fellow
townsman, William B. Conway, and paying tribute to
his memory.
i65 The Conway controversy was so much a part of
the history of the first year of the Territory that the
materials to be found regarding it are rather copious.
The official documents regarding the controversy are
preserved (1) in the Journals of the Legislative Assem
bly for the term 1838-1839; (2) in the Archives of the
Office of Secretary of State, in Des Moines, Iowa (this
collection is very rich, containing correspondence not
only with Iowa officials but with the United States
Government); (3) in Shambaugh's Executive Journal of
Iowa, 1888-1841; (4) in Shambaugh's Messages and
Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa; and (5),
among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas. Aside
from these main sources, there is a great quantity of
miscellaneous material to be found in the newspapers
of the time.
In the line of secondary sources, Shambaugh's His
tory of the Constitutions of Iowa gives an excellent
sketch of the controversy. Lloyd's Governor Robert
Lucas deals rather carefully with the matter, and the
texts that treat of the history of the State give more or
less valuable accounts of the difficulty. In the Annals
of Iowa and the Iowa Historical Record are preserved
many brief sketches that add light to the controversy,
among which Shambaugh's Documents Relating to Gov
ernor Lucas in the Iowa Historical Record for January,
1900, is the most valuable.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 329
CHAPTER XXII
166 The story of the Missouri-Iowa Boundary Dispute
has never been satisfactorily written, notwithstanding
the fact that there exists a large body of accessible
original material relating thereto. Among the United
States records there is found much information in the
Congressional Globe for the period 1840-1846. The
Senate Documents, Executive Documents, and the Re
ports of Committees (especially for the 27th Congress)
present valuable materials in the way of official letters,
reports, etc. In Poore's Charters and Constitutions and
in the United States Statutes at Large are found the
acts of Congress touching the boundary. The volumes
of American State Papers also give some information
that is helpful. In the main, the Missouri sources were
not accessible to the author, although much has been
preserved by being copied in Iowa newspapers and doc
uments. In Iowa the sources are extensive. In the Of
fice of the Secretary of State at Des Moines, Iowa, are
found a number of official letters and papers including
field-surveys, maps, and reports of commissioners.
Among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas is found a
great deal of the private and official correspondence of
Governor Lucas in the matter. Probably the largest col
lections of official correspondence, however, are found
in Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-1841,
and Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the
Governors of Iowa, Vol. i. The Journals of the Legis
lative Assembly for 1839-1840 contain some added light.
A very valuable source is the contemporaneous
newspapers of the day. The Hawk-Eye and Iowa Pa
triot and the Iowa Territorial Gazette in particular are

330 ROBERT LUCAS
full of information, proceedings of meetings, and ed
itorial comments upon the dispute. The Iowa Histori
cal Record, Vol. n, Nos. 1 and 2, copies a very valuable
report of Commissioner Albert Miller Lea and also the
Supreme Court Decision which finally settled the dis
pute. There is not a great deal to be found in secondary
sources. Charles Negus has written a sketch for the
Annals of Iowa, Vol. iv, No. 4, p. 743 — perhaps the
most thorough and comprehensive that has been pre
pared. But Negus has only used a certain class of
source material, and his sketch is consequently little
more than an outline. Lander's The Southern Bound
ary of Iowa is an attempt to briefly outline the official
history of the dispute and seems to be rather carefully
prepared. This article appears in the Annals of Iowa,
Third Series, Vol. i, No. 7, October, 1894, p. 641. In
the same number Alfred Hebard gives some reminis
cences of the difficulty which are interesting (coming
from an actual participant) but of little value histori
cally. Some interesting light is given in a very short
article by Suel Foster in regard to the origin of the
dispute and the trouble in the Half Breed Tract. This
appears in the Annals of Iowa, Vol. xi, No. 2, April,
1873, p. 444. Beside these there are discussions to be
found in Gue's History of Iowa, in Sabin's The Mak
ing of Iowa, in Salter's Iowa, The First Free State in
the Louisiana Purchase, and in Lloyd's Governor Rob
ert Lucas in the Annals of Iowa, 1870. Aside from
these there are numerous scattering and in most cases
practically valueless references.
167 This treaty is found in the American State Papers,
Vol. v, Indian Affairs, Vol. i, pp. 763, 764.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 331
i68 Lea's Report in the Iowa Historical Record, Vol.
n, No. 1, January, 1886, pp. 194, 195.
i69 Poore's Charters and Constitutions, Vol. n, p.
1102. i™ Iowa News, Vol. i, No. 23, Nov. 25, 1837.
171 This letter is found among the documents pre
served among the Archives of the Office of the Secretary
of State, at Des Moines, Iowa.
172 The report of Doctor James Davis is found in the
Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 27th Congress, Doc.
No. 141, p. 17. The report of Commissioner Lea is
quoted in full in the Iowa Historical Record, Vol. 11,
No. 1, Jannary, 1886, p. 193.
173 Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the
Governors of Iowa, Vol. 1, pp. 123, 124.
174 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888—
1841, p. 132.
175 The Hawk-Eye and Iowa Patriot, Vol. 1, No. 14,
Sept. 5, 1839.
176 This proclamation of Governor Boggs was sent by
Lucas to the legislature as a document accompanying
his second annual message. Hence it may be found in
Shambaugh's Messages and Proclamations of the Gov
ernors of Iowa, Vol. 1, p. 124.
177 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-
1841, p. 139.
178 The correspondence between Heffleman and Lucas
is found among the documents accompanying the sec
ond annual message of Governor Lucas.— Shambaugh's

332 ROBERT LUCAS
Messages and Proclamations of the Governors of Iowa,
Vol. i, pp. 130-136.
179 This letter is found in the Archives of the Office
of the Secretary of State, at Des Moines, Iowa.
180 Negus's The Southern Boundary of Iowa, in the
Annals of Iowa, Vol. iv, No.. 4, October, 1866, p. 747.
18i Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-
1841, p. 170.
182 T. S. Parvin in his diary tells of the presence of
the Missouri Sheriff at the house of his father.
183 Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-
1841, p. 162.
184 A copy of this opinion of the United States At
torney was found in manuscript form among the letters
and papers of Robert Lucas.
185 A copy of these orders was found among the letters
and papers of Robert Lucas.
i86 Many of the facts regarding this army were found
in the letters and papers of Robert Lucas. Others were
gathered from the reminiscences of pioneers, which have
appeared from time to time in the Annals of Iowa and
in the Iowa Historical Record.
i87 See Report of Stephen Whicher in the Hawk-Eye
¦and Iowa Patriot, Vol. i, No. 29, Dec. 19, 1839.
188 Journal of the House, 1839-1840, p. 98.
189 The proceedings of this meeting together with the
propositions made by the visiting delegation are given
in full in the Hawk-Eye and Iowa Patriot, Vol. i, No.
28, Dec. 12, 1839.

NOTES AND REFERENCES 333
190 In the Executive Documents, 2nd Session, 27th
Congress, Vol. in, Doc. No. 141, p. 11, is found the re
port of Deputy Marshal Hendry to Lucas.
191 Parvin records this item in his diary under the
date of December 21, 1839: "The Border war turned
to be a Humbug — troops returned — a drinking frolic
followed." i^See Congressional Globe, 1841-1842, pp. 770, 771;
also Reportsof Committees, 2nd Session, 27th Congress,
Vol. iv, Report No. 791.
193 Negus's The Southern Boundary of Iowa in Annals
of Iowa, Vol. v, No. 1, January, 1867, p. 788.
is* United States Statutes at Large, Vol. ix, p. 52.
CHAPTER XXIII
i9^ Shambaugh's Constitution and Records of 'the Claim
Association of Johnson County, Iowa, p. 82. This
work, edited from the original manuscript, presents a
valuable study of an early stage in the evolution of
land titles in Iowa.
i96 Shambaugh's Iowa City, A Contribution to the Early
History of Iowa, p. 33. This book covers the period
in the history of Iowa City when that town was the
capital successively of the Territory and State of Iowa.
It contains, therefore, much material of interest and
value to the student of the early history of Iowa.
197 The Journal of the proceedings of the Commis
sioners to locate the Seat of Government was found by
Professor Benj. F. Shambaugh among the Archives of
the Auditor's Office, Des Moines, Iowa, and published
in the Iowa Historical Record, Vol. xvn, No. 2, April,

334 ROBERT LUCAS
1902, p. 460. It is not long, covering only two pages
of matter, but it is a very interesting and valuable
contribution to early Iowa history.
198 Among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas are
many letters to and from the general government in re
gard to the payment of Territorial salaries. Recorded
in the manuscript of a memorandum of bills and reso
lutions kept by Robert Lucas is an account by which
the United States government is credited with certain
allowances to the Office of Superintendent of Indian
Affairs. The payment of moneys to Jesse Williams as
Messenger is a prominent part of this account. See
Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888—1841,
p. 312.
199 A large collection of the letters of the Territorial
Governors in their capacity as Superintendents of In
dian Affairs have been carefully bound in manuscript
volumes by the Historical Department, Des Moines,
Iowa. 299 Bloomington Herald, Vol. i, No. 23, April 2, 1841.
291 Hawk-Eye and Iowa Patriot, Vol. n, Nos. 50 and
51, May 13 and May 20, 1841.
202 This letter to Daniel Webster is in no way a com
plaint. It is a simple statement of the facts connected
with the taking of office by his successor, John Cham
bers. It constitutes the last letter recorded in the Ex
ecutive Journal of Iowa, during the administration of
Robert Lucas. The full text of the letter is found in
Shambaugh's Executive Journal of Iowa, 1888-1841,
p. 277.
293 An examination of the records of the Iowa Lodge

NOTES AND REFERENCES 335
No. 2 (Muscatine) and No. 4, (Iowa City) gives valuable
information regarding the whereabouts of Lucas during
the last twelve years of his life.
CHAPTER XXIV
204 Facts regarding this campaign are to be found in
The Ohio State Journal, Vol. vn, Nos. 36 and 41,
Sept. 30 and Oct. 12, 1843; in The Iowa Standard,
Vol. iv, No. 27, July 4, 1844, and in The Ohio States
man, Vol. iv, No. 607, Sept. 5, 1843. The last named
paper contains the following comment upon the views
of Lucas:
General Robert Lucas, who for two terms made one of the most
popular governors Ohio ever had, is in favor of taking possession,
and if need be, with an armed force, of the Territory of Oregon.
205 The story of the agitation for a State government
is told in Shambaugh's History of the Constitutions of
Iowa, pp. 145-175.
206 The discussion over the eligibility of Robert Lu
cas for a seat in the Constitutional Convention may be
found in The Iowa Capital Reporter and The Iowa
Standard for the months of June, July, and August,
1844. 297 Shambaugh's Fragments of the Debates of the Iowa
Constitutional Conventions of 1844 ccnd 18 46 along with
Press comments and Other Materials on the Constitu
tions of 1844 and 1846 is the most valuable source of
information regarding the conventions. The materials
given in this volume were collected and reprinted from
the newspapers of the Territory of Iowa for the time
of the two conventions. In appendices also is given
valuable data concerning the members of the Conven
tions of 1844 and 1846.

336 ROBERT LUCAS
208 A series of four boundary maps was made by
Bertha H. Shambaugh for the Department of Political
Science of the State University of Iowa. Two of these
show the location of the Lucas Boundaries and the
Nicollett Boundaries of the State of Iowa. Cuts from
these maps appear in connection with a short article on
the boundary history of Iowa by Professor Benj. F.
Shambaugh in the The Iowa Journal of History and
Politics, Vol. n, No. 3, July, 1904, p. 369.
299 This letter, written from Jasper, Pike County,
Ohio, on February 18, 1845, is found among the letters
and papers of Robert Lucas.
210 This letter of introduction is preserved among the
Archives of the Office of Secretary of State, at Des
Moines, Iowa.
2u Much of this correspondence has been preserved
among the letters and papers of Robert Lucas and in
The Iowa Republican, Vol. iv, No. 50, Sept. 15, 1852.
2i2 The proceedings of this meeting are reported in
The Iowa Republican, Vol. iv, No. 50, Sept. 15, 1852.
CHAPTER XXV
2is The Ohio Statesman, Vol. vi, No. 607, Sept. 5,
1843. See note 204.
2" Mies' Register, Vol. xliv, Dec. 26, 1835, p. 291.
CHAPTER XXVI
2i5 Missouri and Illinois Temperance Herald, Vol. iv,
No. 7, December, 1839. The same issue of this paper
devotes a column to a discussion of the temperance

NOTES AND REFERENCES 337
views of Robert Lucas as represented in his message to
the Second Legislative Assembly in December, 1839.
2ie On June 8, 1852, Robert Lucas wrote:
In compliance with your request, I herewith send you by mail,
my Daguerreotype that I had taken yesterday for the purpose.
It is thought to be a good likeness.
I am now in my 72nd year of age. My h[e]ight is at this time
5 feet and 10 inches, weight 145 po[u]nds—
The particulars in regard to height and weight are
given upon the request of Mr. Van Dien, to whom this
letter is addressed. A number of letters upon the sub
ject have been preserved, in one of which Lucas remarks
that he has not the money to pay for many copies of
the picture but will subscribe for five copies at five
dollars each. The daguerreotype which he mentions is
probably the one from which both the Yewell portrait
in the rooms of the State Historical Society, at Iowa
City, Iowa, and the Murray portrait at the Historical
Department, Des Moines, Iowa, were painted.
m Laws of Iowa, 1848-1849, p. 59.
218 The Iowa Capitol Reporter, Vol. vn, No. 40, Dec.
27, 1848. Little account seems to have been taken in
the history of education in Iowa of this early teachers'
convention which was the fore-runner of the State
Teachers' Association.
2i9 The Iowa Republican, Vol. n, No. 18, Jan. 30,
1850. 229 The Iowa Capitol Reporter, Vol. vin, No. 45,
Feb. 27, 1850.
22i Friendly A. Lucas outlived her husband more than
twenty years. On December 18th, 1873, she died and
was buried in the cemetery at Iowa City. Beside his
22

338 ROBERT LUCAS
wife, two sons and four daughters survived Lucas. Of
the sons, Robert, filled with the heritage of the pioneer
spirit, moved out to Nebraska in its early days, and,
after helping to organize Pierce County of that State,
died there leaving a son Robert, who is at present
engaged in live stock business in Nebraska. The other
son of the Governor, Edward, who as a boy had migrated
to Iowa on horseback, became a Lieutenant Colonel in
the War of Rebellion and was later prominent in poli
tical life. He was for some time postmaster at Iowa
City, and in 1882 and in 1884 served in the House of
Representatives of the State. His death occurred in
December, 1900. His only surviving son, Robert, still
lives at Iowa City, although the old home at Plum Grove
is no longer occupied by the Lucas family.
Of the four daughters, Minerva, daughter of his
first wife, married Horatio Sumner, and moved finally
to Denver, Colorado, where she died. Abigail and
Susannah became respectively Mrs. Nealley and Mrs.
Smith. Mary is the only child of the Governor who
is now alive. She is unmarried and lives with her
.nephew at Iowa City, hearty and vigorous despite her
nearly fourscore years.
122 On the west side of a tall shaft erected over the
the grave of Robert Lucas is the following inscription:
Robert Lucas Died Feb. 7, 1853; Aged 71 Ys. 10 Ms. & 6 Ds.
He served his country in the war of 1812. Was elected twice
governor of Ohio. And was the organic governor of Iowa Ter
ritory. I am the resurrection and the life: he that believeth in
me though he were dead, yet shall he live.

INDEX

INDEX

Abolitionists, agitation of, 281
Adams, John Quincy, in campaign
of 1824, 84; letter concerning,
85; supports claims of Michigan,
147
Adams County (Ohio), Joseph Lu
cas a representative of, 6 ; coun
ty line of, 8
America, return of Van Buren to,
110
American Colonies, Revolution of, 3
Alabama, 111
Allen, William, election of, to Con
gress, 118; marries daughter of
Duncan McArthur, 119 ; goes to
Washington, 144; election of, to
United States Senate, 153
Alton (Illinois), 165
Anderson, Lieutenant, battery erect
ed by, 51
Ann Arbor, "Frost Bitten Conven
tion" at, 149
Anti-Jacksonians, in campaign of
1832, 116; in campaign of 1834,
125
Anti-Masonic party in Ohio, Ly
man nominated by, 116 ; agree
to combination with National Re
publicans, 117
Anti-Masons, convention of, 105
Appropriation bill of Territory of
Iowa, 221
AthensBum, Baltimore, meeting of
national convention in, 111
Atkinson, Henry, offered Governor
ship of Territory of Iowa, 156,
157, 170
Atwater, Caleb, letters of, to Lucas
83, 84
Atwater, Reuben, Lucas given des
patches to, 32
Aux Canards River, capture of
bridge over, 40 ; reference to, 4,4
Avery, J. C, introduces Parvin to
Lucas, 160
Bailey, Gideon S., defends Lucas,
194, 195
Baldwin, Eli, nomination of, 150
Ballard, S. M., correspondence of,
with Lucas, 276
Baltimore, Anti Masons hold con
vention- at, 105 » Democratic na
tional convention at, 110; Lucas
returns from, 115

Baltimore Convention, the, of 1832.
105-114, 117
Bank of United States, 98, 279
Bankson, A., reports memorial
praying for removal of Lucas,
214
Barbour, Philip P., mentioned as
Vice Presidential candidate, 106,
110; votes for, in convention, 113
Barnes, John, passenger on early
steamboat, 4; member of Ohio
legislature, 4
Barnes, Joseph, steamboat of, 2, 4
Barnes, Susannah, William Lucas
marries, 2
Barren, Captain, company of, 47
Barron, Commodore, fired upon,
11; surrenders Chesapeake, 12
Beard, Mr., Lucas accompanied by,
34; conversation of Lucas with,
50
Beasley, Nathaniel, survey of coun
ty line by, 8
Bell, General, enlists troops at Per
rysburg, 136; army under, dis
banded, 142
Belmont County (Ohio) represent
ed by Charles Hammond, 72
Benton, Thomas H, 85 ; story told
by, 109 ; supports claims of Michi
gan, 147; urges appointment of
General Atkinson, 156
Benton, Thomas Hart, Jr., helps
to organize Educational Conven
tion of Iowa, 286, 287
Berlin decree, issue of, 10
Big-Appletree, attack at, 45
Black Hawk treaty, 232
Black Hawk War, 232
Bloomington (Iowa), 176; hotel
keeper of, 246; troops march
from, 249; Lucas makes his
home at, 265 ; Lucas family
leaves, 267
Blue Ridge peaks, Edward Lucas
crosses, 2
Boggs, Lilburn, issues proclamation
from Missouri, 241 ; issues or
ders for troops, 245; suspension
of hostilities by, requested, 251;
does not favor resolutions of
Iowa legislature, 252; does not
sanction action of Clark County
Court, 254

342

INDEX

Bond, William Key, in meeting of
militia officers at Camp Ohio, 64 ;
withdrawal of, in favor of Mc
Arthur, 116
Bonser, Major Isaac, celebration
on farm of, 17
Boundaries, Ohio-Michigan, 126-
149 ; Missouri-Iowa, 227-257
Boynton, Rhoda, letter from, 152
Briggs, Ansel, elected Governor of
Iowa, 274
British, headquarters of, 35; skir
mishing with, 41, 50; energy
among, 51, 52; landing of, at
Spring Well, 52 ; take posses
sion of garrison at Detroit, 57
British Islands, blockaded, 11
Brock, Isaac, arrival of, at Mai
den, 35 ; energy of, 40 ; refer
ence to, 49
Brown, Elizabeth, marriage of, to
Lucas, 17, 22, 24
Brown, Ethan Allen, election of, to
United States Senate, 77
Brown, Jesse B., Lucas sends in
structions to, 248 ; officer of bor
der troops, 249
Brown, John, tavern of, 16, 288;
attempt of, to assist Lucas, 22 ;
Lucas requests meeting of troops
at tavern of, 23
Brown, Joseph C, surveys bound
ary of Missouri, 234; examina
tion of survey of, 236, rapids
designated by, 237; survey of,
237, 239
Brown, Joseph W., in charge of
army at Toledo, 137; accompa
nies posse comitatus, 142
Brown, Rachel, marriage of, to
William Kendall, 17
Brownstown, Indians near, 45; ex
pedition approaches, 46; attack
at, 46
Brush, Captain, expedition to meet,
44, 50, 52
"Buckeye", letter to Lucas signed,
143
Buckland's Geology, Lucas reads,
163
Bucks County (Pennsylvania), habi
tat of Lucas family, 1; ceases to
be frontier, 2
Buffalo (New York), invasion of
Canada from, 35
Burlington (Iowa), 172, 176, 177,
178, 190, 214, 216, 225 235,
264; Lucas arrives at, 167; Con
way arrives at, 170; meeting of
bar of, 172; troops start from,
249; Legislative Assembly at,
250 ; delegates from Missouri at,
251; Chambers arrives at, 263;
Edward Lucas arrives at, 266

Burlington House, Lucas lodges at,
168
Burnet, Jacob, with Henry Clay at
Columbus, 96; leads Anti- Jack
son men in 1834, 125
Burrows, Theo. H., defense of Lu
cas by, 90
Butler, Benjamin P., legal opinion
of, 141
Calhoun, John C, influence of, in
Congress, 26 ; casts deciding vote
against Van Buren, 109; quota
tion from, 109; rejection of Van
Buren by, 110
Camp Necessity, Hull's army at,
36
Camp Ohio, Lucas at, 63
Campbell, Alexander, assists Lucas
to secure commission, 28
Campbell, Judge, considered for
Governorship of Ohio, 96; sup
ports Lucas for Governor- of
Ohio, 98
Canada, border of, threatened, 13;
invasion of, 26, 35, 37, 38, 48,
62 ; 4th regiment 'transported to,
56; reference to, 66, 67; line
between United States and, 127
Canal, Miami and Dayton, 88-, 148
Canal, Ohio, construction of, 80,
81, 88; trouble over route of,
88, 89, 90, 91
Canal Commissioners, 80, 88, 89,
90
Canal legislation, interest of Lucas
in 80, 81
Canals, construction of favored by
Lucas, 123 ; effect of completion
of, upon Ohio-Michigan boundary
dispute, 133
Canton, Lucas passes through, 59
Capitol, Old Stone, corner stone
laid, 259; convention of 1844
meets in, 269; State convention
of teachers meets in, 286 ; rail
way convention in, 287
Carroll, Charles, members of con
vention visit, 114
Cass, Lewis, chosen Colonel of
Ohio troops, 30; crosses Detroit
River, 38 ; given permission to
capture bridge, 40 ; objects to
evacuation of bridge, 42 ; .asks
to take detachment to bury dead
at Brownstown, 47; expedition
of, to meet Captain Brush, 52;
troops of, surrendered, 53 ; re
port of Hull campaign by, 59, 60
Caucus, failure of Congressional,
105
Cavaliers, days of, 25
Chambers, John, chosen Governor
of Territory of Iowa, 263; as-

INDEX

343

sumes executive duties, 264; re
tains his seat until 1845, 272
Chapman, W. W., letter from Clark
to, 225; defends claims of Iowa.
254
Charlotte, Queen, arrives at Mai
den, 35
Chesapeake affair, 11-15
Cheves, Langdon, influence of, in
Congress, 26
Chillicothe, Ohio legislature at, 6,
IS; troops encamp at, 29; re
cruiting at, 61; newspapers of,
64 ; letters returned to, 66 ; court
of enquiry convened at, 67; Mr.
Madeira a tavern keeper of, 73;
reference to, 88, 153 ; conven
tion in, 267
Chillicothe Evening Post, 99.
Chippewas, address of General Hull
to, 33
Churchman, James, member of del
egation sent to Waterloo, 253
Cincinnati, 80, 133, 160, 161, 176,
177, 178
Cincinnati Gazette, 96, 99
Circleville, (Ohio), 67, 83, 266
Civil War, Lucas predicts, 283
Clark, Colonel, member of court
of enquiry, 68
Clark, Governor, of Missouri, 242
Clark, J. A., member of delegation
sent to Waterloo, 253
Clarke, James, invitation signed by,
168; attitude of, toward Conway,
201 ; letter of, concerning Terri
torial finances, 225 ; succeeds
Conway as Secretary, 226 ; ap
pointed Governor of Territory of
Iowa, 272
Clark County (Missouri), officers
of, attempt to collect taxes, 239;
meeting of citizens of, 241; Sher
iff of, collects taxes in Van
Buren County, 244, 245; dele
gates from, 244, 251; order of
County Court of, 253, 254
Clay, Henry, leadership of,in House
26 ; advantages of Jackson over,
83 ; receives vote of Ohio in
1824, 84; visit of, to Ohio in
1830, 96, 98; nominee for Presi
dency, 105; speech of, against
Van Buren, 108, 110
Clermont, Fulton's steamboat, 3
Cleveland (Ohio), 58, 80
Clinton, DeWitt, inaugurates work
on Ohio canal, 80
Coalition Party, opposed to plan of
conventions, 96 ; McArthur the
candidate of, for Governor of
Ohio, 97
"Coffin Hand Bills," use of, 98

Cole, William R., appointment of,
on committee, 72
Columbus (Ohio), Democratic
State convention at, 96; 102,
103, 150; reference to, 157
Columbus Sentinel, quotation from.
117
Compromise of 1850, 275
Congress, meeting of, in 1811, 26;
levy of troops authorized by, 27;
declaration of war by, 37; pecu
liar legislation in, 85; McArthur
elected to, 97; McArthur runs
for, 116; division of Northwest
Territory by, 127; action of, con
cerning boundaries of Ohio and
Michigan, 129; requires north
ern boundary of Ohio to be re
marked, 130; fails to confirm
Harris line, 133 ; considers ad
mission of Michigan, 147; re
stores spirit of Ordinance of
1787, 148; passes act creating
Territory of Iowa, 155 ; amends
Organic Act of Territory of Io
wa, 219 ; provides for exten
sion of jurisdiction of Missouri,
234; authorizes marking of
boundary line of Iowa, 235 ; Lea
suggests decision of boundary
question by, 238; passes act for
appointment of boundary com
missioners, 254; authorizes sub
mission of boundary question to
Supreme Court, 255; Constitu
tion of Iowa submitted to, 271
Congressional caucus, failure of,
105
Constitutional Convention in Iowa,
vote on, 261, 268
Constitutional Convention of 1844,
269, 280
Continental Army, service of Wil
liam Lucas in, 3
Convention of 1832, national Demo
cratic, 105-114
Conway, William B., meets Gov
ernor Lucas, 167; Secretary,
168-178; early career of, 170;
appointment of, 170; issues proc
lamation, 172; letter of, to Lu
cas, 172 ; home of, at Daven
port, 173 ; humiliation of, 174 ;
correspondence of, with Lucas,
176; interview of, with Parvin,
177; controversies of, 184; Ter
ritorial expenditures and, 187-
199 ; requests opinion of Lucas,
191; submits communication to
legislature, 192 ; speech of, in
conference, 194; standpoint of,
in matter of expenditures, 196 ;
concurs with the legislature, 199 ;

344

INDEX

relations with Lucas, 200, 202;
neglects to perform executive du
ties, 201, 222; ambitions of,
201; recommendation to legisla
ture, 202; "unequivocal" answer
to Lucas, 203 ; crisis with Lu
cas, 205 ; appointed "fiscal
agent," 207; financial difficulties
of, 208; correspondence with
President of the United States,
209, 219, 224; gives informa
tion to legislature, 212, 213; fi
nal stages in career of, 220 ; ex
tra allowance of, 222, 223; let
ter to Lucas from, 223 ; position
of, after adjournment of session,
224 ; accounts with United States
Treasury, 225; death of, 225;
alleged defalcation of, 225, 226
Cook, Captain, stays at Gowris, 48
"Corrupt bargain," charges of, 84
Court of enquiry, Lucas tried by,
65; Lucas's story of, 66-68; ref
erence to, 91, 99
Court of St. James, Van Buren
goes to, 107
Crary, Isaac, represents State of
Michigan, 147
Croghan, Major, defense of Fort
Stephenson by, 63
Cromwell, Oliver, fighting under, 25
Cumberland Gap, migration through,
4
Daliba (Dallaby) Lieutenant, bat
tery erected by, 51
Dallaby (see Daliba)
Darby, Lucas crosses, 32
Darke, Mary, marries Edward Lu
cas, 2
Davenport, Colonel George, influ
ence of, over Conway, 173
Davenport, 173, 174, 175, 176,
177, 223
Davenport and Council Bluffs Rail
road, convention in interests of,
288
Davidson, John, letter from Lucas
to, 87
Davis, Garrett, supports claims of
Iowa, 254
Davis, James, appointed boundary
commissioner, 236; report of,
236
Dayton, troops rendezvous at, 29 ;
Indian alarm reaches, 30 ; Lucas
returns to, 31; canal to, 80
Dearborn, Henry, request of, for
troops, 9
Declaration of Independence, read
by Lucas, 17; last survivor of
signers of, 114
Delaware, Lucas reaches, 32

Delawares, address of General Hull
to, 33
Delawder, Mr., a candidate against
Lucas for Ohio Senate, 94
Democracy, leaders of the, 104;
loss of electoral votes by, 148;
factions of, 275; Jefferson the
apostle of, 278
Democratic Party, national conven
tion of, in 1832, 105-114; Van
Buren receives nomination of,
113 ; allegiance of Lucas to, 275 ;
Lucas leaves, 275 '
Democratic Republicans, Lucas a
candidate of, 96
Democratic voters, appeal to, 117
Democrats, in campaign of 1829,
92; plans of, in 1830, 95; State
convention of, in 1830, 95, 96;
activity of, in 1831, 101, 102,
103 ; preparations of, for cam
paign of 1832, 115; hopes of, in
1836, 152; candidates of, for
convention of 1844, 269
Denny, James, chosen Major, 29 ;
stays at Gowris, 48; troopB of,
board ship, 58; Lucas under
command of, 66; letter of, to Lu
cas, 67-68
Denny, William, Lucas accompa
nied by, 32; leaves Upper San
dusky, 34; remains at River
Raisin, 34
Des Moines River, 165, 230, 231,
232, 234, 236, 238
Detroit, troops to march to, 28;
Lucas sent to, 32; Lucas arrives
at, 34; Lucas leaves, 35; Hull
ships papers to, 37; march of
army to, 37; reference to, 38,
47 ; retreat of American army to,
48; Hull's army camps at, 49;
Miller ordered back to, 50; sur
render of, 53 ; Harrison attempts
march on, 62 ; letters sent to, 66
Detroit River, 38, 44, 49
Dickinson, Mr., mentioned as Vice
Presidential candidate, 106
Disney, D. T., goes to Washing
ton, 144
Doddridge, Philip, with Henry
Clay at Columbus, 96
Dodge, Augustus C, officer of bor
der troops, 249; member of dele
gation sent to Waterloo, 253;
defends claims of Iowa, 254
Dodge, Henry, mentioned for Gov
ernorship, 169
Douglas, Richard, withdrawal of,
in favor of McArthur, 116
Dubuque (Iowa), 172, 173, 175,
249

INDEX

345

Dubuque and Keokuk Railroad,
convention of friends of, 287
Dubuque Street (Iowa City), 259
Eaton, John H., nominates Lucas
as chairman pro tem of conven
tion, 111
"Ebonies" ("Ebonites") activity
of, in campaign of 1830, 99, 100
"Ebonites" ("Ebonies")
Education, encouraged by Lucas,
119, 286
Education in Iowa, 180
Educational Convention of Iowa,
The, 286
Edwards, J. 0., vetoes act of Mis
souri legislature, 255
Edwards, James G„ ordered to
print report on vetoes, 211; tem
perance ideas of, 285
Ellmaker, Amos, nominee for Vice
Presidency, 105
England, Lucas family in, 1; alle
giance of colonists to, 3 ; affairs
between United States and, 10,
11, 25 ; Commissioner sent by,
to America, 14; Van Buren ap
pointed Minister to, 107; Van
Buren and Irving tour through,
108; effect of Van Buren's re
jection in, 110 ; return of Van
Buren from, 114
Erie, Lake, 37, 62, 81, 127, 130,
131, 133, 135
Europe, Van Buren tours conti
nent of, 110
Ewing, Thomas, with Henry Clay
at Columbus, 96; supports
claims of Ohio, 147; term of,
expires, 152 ; votes for, 153 ; as
sistant counsel for Iowa in boun
dary case, 256
Executive Journal of Iowa, 1838-
1841, viii, 169, 291
Expenditures, Territorial, 187-199;
220
Fairfax, Lord, land of, 2
Fairfield County (Ohio), 83
Farmington (Iowa) border troops
gather at, 249; troops at, dis
banded, 253
Federal party, 274
Federalists, in election of 1829, 92,
93
Felkner, Henry, chosen delegate to
convention of 1844, 269
Fletcher, Jonathan, Lucas sends
orders to, 248; visits Iowa City
with Lucas, 259
Findlay, James, chosen Colonel of
Ohio troops, 30; detachment of,
delayed by Hull, 51; candidate
for Governor of Ohio in 1834,
124 ; earlier career of, 124

Fort Miami, Ohio troops camp at,
136
Fort Stephenson, attack upon, 62,
63
Forsyth, John, notifies Lucas of ap
pointment, 158 ; letter of, to Con
way, 170, 171; letters of Lucas
to, concerning charges, 217, 218
Fowler, Mr., death of, at Browns
town, 47
Fox Indians, 229, 231
France, Louisiana ceded to, 9 ; af
fairs between United States and,
10, 11, 25
Franklinton (Ohio), newspapers of,
64
Free Soilers, 275
French, American forces warned
by, 45
French Island, 163
Fruit Hill, home of McArthur and
Allen, 119
Friendly Grove, letter dated at, 66
home of Lucas so named, 78
reference to, 153, 154, 157, 268
Mrs. Lucas leaves, 266
Frierson, John, bill of, 189; de
fends Lucas, 194, 195 ; asks to
present counter memorial, 214
"Frost Bitten Convention," 149
Fulton, John A., line surveyed by,
132
Fulton, Robert, steamboat of, 3
"Fulton Line," 132
Galena (Illinois), 175, 177
Gallia County (Ohio), 70
Gambling, attitude of Lucas to
ward, 180
Gault, Colonel, prisoner said to be
abused by, 122
Gazette, Iowa Territorial, 201
Gehon, Francis, United States Mar
shal, 245
Georgetown (Pennsylvania), Lucas
stops at, 59
Glover, Elijah, Lucas takes oath
before, 16 ; Lucas arrested by,
22, 24; charges Lucas with for
gery, 65; letters signed by, 66,
67; testimony of, in court of
enquiry, 67, 68 ; suit of Lucas
against, 68; renews charges of
forgery against Lucas, 91
Glover, Nathan, helps in arrest of
Lucas, 22, 23, 24
Gowris, Major Denny at, 48
Great Lakes, Mitchell's map inac
curate as to, 127
Green, Duff, 85
Greenville, Indian murders near,
30
Gregory, Uriah S., arrest of, 245,
246

346

INDEX

Grimes, James W., invitation signed
by, 168; member of First Leg
islative Assembly, 179; opposi
tion of, to Lucas, 194; chairman
of committee on vetoes, 209 ; re
port of, 210; moves to refuse
counter memorial, 214; officer of
border troops, 249 ; welcomes
Governor Chambers, 263
Hale, Samuel II., resolution of,
concerning canals, 88
Hamer, Thomas L., letter to Lucas
from, 98; informs, Lucas of af
fairs at Washington, 143; sup
ports claims of Ohio, 147 ; denies
rumors concerning Lucas, 151;
relations with Lucas, 155; sup
ports Lucas for Governorship of
Territory of Iowa, 156-158; let
ter to Lucas concerning expendi
tures, 220; Lucas writes to, con
cerning slavery and other pub
lic questions, 282
Hamm, ' John, supports Lucas for
Governor, 98
Hammond, Charles, Lucas attacked
by, 72 ; answered .by Lucas, 73 ;'
with Clay at Columbus, Ohio, 96 ;
leads opposition to Lucas in
1830, 99
Hampton Roads, Chesapeake leaves,
11; Chesapeake returns to, 12
Harris, WilHam, survey of bound
ary line by, 131; report of, to
United States authorities, 132 .
"Harris Line," 132, 134, 135, 136,
138, 140, 145, 147, 149
Harrison, William Henry, victory
of, at Tippecanoe, 26; takes
charge of Northwestern Army,
62; dismisses Ohio volunteers,
63; conduct of, arraigned by
militia officers, 64; McArthur
serves under, 98 ; election of,
262 ; enmity between Lucas and
262 ; resolutions condemning,
262 ; appoints Chambers as Gov
ernor, 263; death of, 263; Lu
cas removed by, 272
Hastings, S. C, officer of border
troops, 249
Hawk-Eye and Iowa Patriot, 285
Hawkins, Joseph C, aspires to
Governorship, 263
Hayne, Robert V., speech of, against
Van Buren, 1.08
Hayward, Elijah,, letters to Lucas
from, 86, 153 ; supports . Lucas
for Governor of Ohio, 98
Heffleman, Henry, writes to Lucas
of affairs on the border, 244;
arrests Missouri Sheriff, 246

Hempstead, Giles S. B., candidate
for Ohio Senate, 92, 93
Hempstead, Stephen, member of
Fir6t Legislative Assembly, 179;
resolutions drafted by, concern
ing Lucas, 193 ; opposition of, to
Lucas, 194; participates in con
vention of 1844, 270
Hendry, Deputy Marshal, report of
Whicher to, 250; gathers force
of militia as posse comitatus, 252 ;
sends deputation to Waterloo, 252
"Henry," communication signed,
90
Henry County (Ohio), 134
Herd, Samuel, watches outside
camp, 3 1 ; crosses Aux Canards
River, 41
Hersey, Thomas, a candidate against
Lucas for Senatorship, 76; with
draws from Senatorial race, 77
Hickman, Captain, Lucas stays
with, 34
Hill, Isaac, Amos Kendall visits,
106
Hitchcock, Judge, activity of, in
campaign of 1830, 100
Hocking County (Ohio), 83
Hogue, Nimrod, assists in arrest of
-Lucas, 24
Horner, John S., appointed Acting
Governor of Territory of Michi
gan, 145 ; career of, in Territory
of Michigan, 146
Howard, Benjamin C, commission
er to confer with Governors Lu
cas and Mason, 138, 144
Hubbard, William B., chosen
Speaker of House in Ohio, 101
Hudson River, Fulton's steamboat
upon, 3
Hull, William, arrives at Dayton,
3 1 ; command of army transferred
to, 32 ; message of, to Indians, 33,
34; son-in-law of, 35; message
of, to Lucas, 35 ; baggage and
military papers shipped by, 36;
strength of army of, 36; papers
of, captured, 37; army of,
crosses Detroit River, 38; proc
lamation of, 38, 39, 40, 49;
council called by, 39; obstacles
confronting, 40; refuses troops
to bury dead at Brownstown,
47; issues orders for retreat to
Detroit, 48 ; evacuation of Sand
wich by, 49 ; weakness of, 49 ;
letter of Lucas concerning, 50;
found asleep, 51; refuses to sur
render Detroit, 52; neglects to
provide artillery, 52; Detroit sur
rendered by, 53 ; disappointment
of army of, 55 ; fears of Lucas

INDEX

347

concerning action of, 56; conver
sation of, with British officer,
58; blamed for failure of cam
paign, 59; court-martial of, 60;
McArthur serves under, 98
Hull campaign, journal of Lucas in,
28, 59, 60, 97, 292; reference
to, 32
Humphrey, Isaac, letter to Lucas
from, 102
Illinois, supports Ohio in bound
ary dispute, 148
"Indian Boundary, Old" 230, 231,
238
Indian Creek (Iowa), meeting on,
244
Indiana, Indian troubles in, 27;
supports Ohio in boundary dis
pute, 148; visit of Lucas to, 157
Indianapolis (Indiana), 266
Indians, wars with, 1; trouble
with, in Shenandoah Valley,- 3 ;
confederation of, 26; murders
by, 27, 30; in northern Ohio,
32; intrigues of, 32; address to,
at Upper Sandusky, 33; council
with, at Lower Sandusky, 34;
alarms of, 36; danger from, 37;
skirmish with, 41 ; British sol
diers scalped by, 43 ; attack by,
45 ; engagement with, at Magu-
awga, 50 ; seen at Lake St. Clair,
51; at surrender of Detroit, 57;
trouble with, prevents survey of
boundary, 131; reference to, 156
229, 230
Iowa Avenue (Iowa City), 259
Iowa Capitol Reporter, 288
Iowa City (Iowa), retirement of
Lucas at, 257 ; laying out of,
258; growth of; 259, 268; Lucas
makes his home at, 268, 271,
273, 291; reference to, viii, 266,
282, 288, 292
Iowa City Central Scott Club, meet
ing of, 276
Iowa-Missouri Boundary, 227-257
Iowa Republican, The, 27 '6
Iowa, State of, asks for submis
sion of boundary question to Su
preme Court, 255 ; government
of, 268, 271; boundaries of, 270
Iowa, steamboat, 267
Iowa Territorial Gazette, 201
Iowa, Territory of, act creating,
155; Lucas sees, for first time,
165; legislature of, 169; Organic
Act of, 171, 193, 197, 201, 204,
206, 208, 210, 213, 233, 278;
temporary Capital of, 173, 175,
176; First Legislative Assembly
of, 179-186; militia of, 182;
prerogatives of Governor of, 183 ;

boundary question bequeathed to,
233; reference to, 238, 239, 240,
242, 254, 255, 256, 264, 266,
271, 284, 285, 286, 291
Ioway Indians, 229
Irwin, Judge, Conway takes oath
before, 171
Italy, Sir Walter Scott on his way
to, 108
Jackson, Andrew, success of, at
New Orleans, 76 ; Lucas an ad
mirer of, 82; struggle of, for
Presidency, 83 ; effect of elec
tion of 1824 upon, 84; political
prospects of, 85, 86, 87; Lucas
casts vote for, 92; activity of
Lucas in support of, 95 ; use of
"Coffin Hand Bills" against, 98 ;
desire to support principles of,
in Ohio, 104 ; decides to remake
his cabinet, 107 ; sends nomina
tion of Van Buren to the Sen
ate, 108; candidacy in 1832 tak
en for granted, 110; Judge
Overton a friend of, 111; forces
opposed to, 116; sends Commis
sioners to confer with Governors
Lucas and Mason, 138 ; convinced
of soundness of claims of Michi
gan, 141 ; legal opinion concern
ing Ohio boundary requested by,
141; proposal of commissioners
to, and answer of, 144; returns
boundary question to Congress,
149; Conway supports, 170
Jackson committees, work of, 86
Jackson County (Ohio), 92
Jackson forces in campaign of
1834, 124
Jacobs, Cyrus, death of, 181
Jasper (Ohio), land owned by Lu
cas at, 81; letter of Lucas from,
271
Jefferson, Thomas, proclamation
of, 3 ; William Lucas votes for,
6 ; treaty of, with Napoleon, 8 ;
negotiations of, with England,
12, 14, 15; Democratic mantle
of, falls upon Jackson, 82 ; re
moves Governor St. Clair from
office, 120; days of, 274; Lucas's
opinion of, 278
Jefferson Barracks, General Atkin
son stationed at, 156
Jefferson County (Virginia), Ed
ward Lucas settles in, 2 ; Lucas
family leaves, 5, 6
Johnson, Andrew, impeachment
trial of, 211
Johnson, Richard M., candidate for
Vice Presidential nomination,
110 ; votes for, in convention,
113

348

INDEX

Johnson County (Iowa), Claim As
sociation of, 258; reference to,
258, 268, 269, 287
Jones, George W., names presiden
tial nominees, 169 ; meets Lu
cas, 175
Journal of Robert Lucas, 28, 59,
60, 97, 292
Kansas River, 230, 232, 234
Kendall, Amos, letter of William
B. Lewis to, proposing national
convention, 106
Kendall, William, marriage of, 17;
campaign between Lucas and,
23; Lucas writes to, 50; part
nership of, with Lucas, 72; suc
ceeds Lucas as Senator, 77; can
didate for State Senate in 1828,
87; attitude of, on canal ques
tion, 90; election of, to Senate
in 1828, 91; resignation of, 92
Kentucky, migration to, 5 ; refer
ence to, 17, 254; political rise
of, 82
Kight, John, Lucas purchases claim
from, 259
Kilgore, Major, member of court of
enquiry, 68
Kinderhook (New York), Van Bu
ren writes from, 114
King, John, entertains Lucas, 175
King, Mr., of Alabama, presents
name of Lucas as chairman of
national convention, 111
Kirker, Thomas, issues commission
to Lucas, 13 ; tender of service
of troops addressed to, 14
Knickerbocker, steamboat, 175
Lake Erie, 37, 62, 81, 127, 130,
133, 135
Lake Michigan, line drawn from
southern extremity of, 127, 129,
130, 131, 135
Lake St. Clair, Indians at, 51
Langworthy, Mr., 175
Lawrence County (Ohio), 77, 84,
86, 87, 92
Lea, Albert Miller, appointment of,
as commissioner, 235 ; survey
and report of, 236; recommenda
tions of, 238 ; report of, 243
LeClaire, Antoine, influence of, over
Conway, 173
Legislative Assembly of Territory
of Iowa, First, 179-186; clerks
of, 189-199; attitude of, toward
expenditures, 197; desire of, to
dominate, 198, 213 ; asks for
removal of Lucas, 215; adjourn
ment of, 215; lavish expendi
tures of, 220
Lenawee County (Michigan), 142
Leopard, attacks Chesapeake, 11

Lewis, Warner, Lucas sends orders
to, 248; letter to Lucas, 248
Lewis, William B., letter of, pro
posing national convention, 106
Library, Territorial, 161, 178
Lindsay, John M., Lucas writes to,
23, 91
Little Scioto River, 17
London, Van Buren arrives in,
107; Washington Irving at, 108
Louisiana, purchase of, 8, 9
Louisville (Kentucky), 161
Lowndes, William, influence of, in
Congress, 26
Lucas, Abigail, comes to Iowa, 266
Lucas, Edward, and Company, 161
Lucas, Edward, migration of, 2
Lucas, Edward W„ trip of, to
Iowa, 266
Lucas, Friendly A., life of, at
Friendly Grove, 79 ; remains at
Friendly Grove, 159 ; joins her
husband in Iowa, 266
Lucas, John, chosen Captain of
volunteers, 29; reference to, 57
Lucas, Joseph, migration of, to
Ohio, 5; political record of, 6;
descendant of, 71
Lucas, Mary, comes to Iowa, 266
Lucas, Minerva, 24, 60
Lucas, Mrs. (Elizabeth Brown),
death of, 60
Lucas, Robert (early ancestor), ar
rives in America, 1
Lucas, Robert, characterization of,
vii; letters and papers of, viii,
portraits of, frontispiece, oppo
site 25, opposite 82; history of
grandfather and father of, 2 ;
birth of, 3 ; early life of, 4 ; Sur
veyor of Scioto County, 8; re
ceives appointment to raise
troops, 9 ; receives military com
missions, 10 ; ordered to detach
troops, 12; Captain of volunteer
troops, 13 ; verse by, 13 ; signa
ture of, 14, 20; commissioned
Justice of the Peace, 16; Wil
liam Kendall married by, 17; de
livers Fourth of July oration,
17, marriage of, to Elizabeth
Brown, 17, 22, 24; election of,
to State legislature, 18 ; commis
sioned Colonel, 19; elected Briga
dier General, 19; arrest of, 21,
91; experiments of, with perpet
ual motion machine, 24; at open
ing of War of 1812, 25 ; ordered
to transmit troops, 27; commis
sioned as Captain in United
States Army, 28 ; journal of,
28, 59, 60, 292; troops recruited
by, 29 ; enlistment of, as private,

INDEX

349

30; report of, to Governor Meigs,
31; watches outside camp, 31;
reads message of Hull to Indians,
33; leaves Upper Sandusky, 34;
reaches Detroit, 34 ; leaves De
troit, 35 ; report of, to General
Hull, 36; crosses Detroit River,
38 ; duties of, with army, 40 ;
in skirmish at bridge, 41; in ex
pedition to River Raisin, 44; in
engagement at Brownstown, 46,
47; conversation of, with Mr.
Beard, 50; position of, at close
of Hull campaign, 56; leaves
Fort Detroit, 57 ; nossibility of
being sent to Quebec, 58: boards
ship for Ohio, 58; stops at Cleve
land, 59; arrives at Portsmouth,
59; end of journal of, 59; first
wife of, dies, 60; resigns Cap
taincy in United States Army,
60; appointed Lieutenant Colo
nel in United States Army, 61;
resigns office of Lieutenant Colo
nel, 62 ; joins army of Harrison,
63 ; in meeting of militia officers
at Camp Ohio, 64 ; tried by court
of enquiry, 65 ; later political
campaigns of, 65 ; letter of, con
cerning court of enquiry, 66; re
sistance of arrest by, 68 ; accused
by Glover of misconduct in Hull
campaign, 68; acquitted by court
of enquiry, 69 ; elected to State
Senate, 69, 70 ; interests of, in
Senate, 70; reelection of, to Sen
ate, 70 ; elected Major General,
71; second marriage of, 71;
moves to Piketon, 71; store of,
71, 72 ; chosen Speaker of Sen
ate, 72 ; attacked by Charles
Hammond, 72 ; receives votes for
United States Senate, 74, 77 ;
changes in, 74; joins Methodist
Church, 75; poems of, 75, 76;
in campaign of 1820, 76, 77 ;
builds house in Pike County, 78 ;
returned to State Senate, 80 ;
conduct of, concerning canals,
criticised, 81; admiration of, for
Jackson, 82 ; letter from Caleb
Atwater to, 83, 84; a candidate
for State Senate in 1828, 87;
offers canal resolution, 89 ; de
feat of, in 1828, 91; chosen presi
dential elector, 92; in election of
1829, 92, 93 ; chosen Speaker of
Senate in 1829, 93 ; campaign of,
for Governorship of Ohio, 95 ;
nomination of, as Governor of
Ohio, 96 ; characterizes Duncan
McArthur, 97 ; political attacks
upon, 98; letter of, to Melcher,

99; defeat of, in election of 1830
100; election of, to Ohio House
of Representatives, 101; nomi
nation of, in 1832, 101, 103;
urges appointment of county dele
gates, 102 ; chairman of Demo
cratic national convention of
1832, 105; a delegate from Ohio
in national convention, 111; ad
dress of, to national convention,
112; committee appointed by,
113; receives vote of thanks of
convention, 113 ; helps draft let
ter to Van Buren, 114; strength
of, in campaign of 1832, 117;
election of, as Governor of Ohio,
118; inauguration of, 119; inau
gural address of, 119 ; military
power of Governor, 121; pardon
power not altogether a blessing
to, 122 ; letter to, concerning par
don, 122; first term of, as Gov
ernor of Ohio, 123 ; message of,
to General Assembly, 123 ; per
formance of administrative duties
by, 124; Allen G. Thurman pri
vate secretary of, 124; a candi
date for Governorship in 1834,
124; attacks upon, 124; reelec
tion of, as Governor of Ohio, 125;
inauguration of, 125; second
term of, largely concerned with
boundary, 126; petitioned by peo
ple of disputed, tract, 134; spe
cial message upon boundary mat
ters, 134; attitude of, toward
State Rights, 135 ; arrives at
Perrysburg, 136, attitude of, to
ward claims of Ohio, 140 ; dis
bands border army, 142 ; report
of survey commissioners to, 142 ;
calls special session of legislature,
143 ; county of Ohio named after,
144 ; sends commissioners to
Washington, 144; not a candi
date for Governorship in 1836,
150 ; State Rights Association
agrees to vote for, 150; accused
of joining Whigs, 151; candi
dacy of, for United States Sen
ate, 152, 153 ; retiring message
of, in 1836, 15>J-; /candidate for
State Senate, 154 ; defeat of,
155 ; relations with Thomas L.
Hamer, 155; appointed Governor
of Teritory of Iowa, 157; life of,
in Ohio, 158; leaves Ohio, 159;
stops in Cincinnati, 160; selects
Territorial library, 161; descrip
tion of, 163 ; chairman of steam
boat meeting, 164; reaches Ter
ritory of Iowa, 165; personal ap
pearance of, 167; sanctions docu-

350

INDEX

ments of Conway, 168; letter
from Conway to, 172; attitude
of, toward Conway, 174; corre
spondence of, with Conway, 176 ;
conference of, with Conway, 177;
message of, 179; attitude of, to
ward intemperance and gambling,
180, 215 ; financial policy of,
182, 187-199; gives opinion to
Conway, 192 ; not present at con
ference of legislators, 193 ; trans
mission of letter of, to legislature,
196; alliance of Secretary 'and
legislature against, 199; rela
tions to Conway, 200, 202; cop
ies records in Executive Journal,
201; contingent fund of, 202;
letter to Conway concerning fur
niture and executive duties, 203 ;
crisis with Conway, 205 ; vetoes
of, 206, 207, 208, 209, 213;
policy of, concerning vetoes, 206,
211; Conway characterizes, 209;
notes on bills, 211; memorial
praying for removal of, 212, 214,
215, 218; makes a tour of the
interior, 216; unofficial petition
for removal of, 216; writes to
Secretary of State, concerning
petition for removal, 217; ans
wers charges, in memorial, 218;
not removed, 219 ; recognizes
amendments as salutary, 219 ;
appropriation bill presented to,
221; letter of, to Secretary For
syth, 222; relations of James
Clarke and, 226; part of, in
boundary disputes, 228; cham
pions claims of Territory of Iowa,
233 ; appoints Dr. Davis as com
missioner, 236; letter from Van
Buren County to, 239; issues
proclamation, 239 ; former par
ticipation in boundary dispute,
240; issues a second proclama
tion, 241 ; calls attention of Mar
shal to need of vigilance in
boundary troubles, 243 ; warns
inhabitants of Van Buren Coun
ty, 244; receives word from bor
der, 244; signs letter to Marshal,
245; talks with captured Sher
iff, 246; writes to Secretary For
syth, 247; use of militia by, in
border troubles, 248 ; asked to
suspend military operations, 25.2 ;
vetoes resolutions, 252; sends
Morgan to Washington, 254; re
tirement of, at Iowa City, 256,
257; visits of, to Iowa City, 259;
urges formation of State govern
ment, 260; suggests boundaries
for State, 260; office duties of,

261; negotiations of, with In
dians, 262; removal of, expected,
262; removal of, 264, 265; let
ter from Daniel Webster con
cerning removal of, 264 ; makes
home at Bloomington, 265 ; joins
Masonic Lodge, 266; family
joins, 266; returns to Ohio, 267;
enters campaign in Ohio in 1843,
267; defeated for Congress in
1843, 268; chosen delegate of
convention of 1844, 269 ; partici
pation of, in convention of 1844,
270; boundaries proposed by,
270; final trip to Ohio, 271; de
sires re-appointment as Govern
or of Territory of Iowa, 271,
272; final return to Iowa, 273;
retirement of, 273, 274, 277;
leaves Democratic party, 275;
refuses to vote for Pierce, 276;
presides over Scott Club, 276;
political philosophy of, 278-283;
sentiments concerning slavery,
281, 282; letter to Hamer, 282;
last days of, 284-292; interest
of, in . temperance movement,
284, 285, 288; daguerreotype of,
286 ; suports cause of education,
286, 288; member of Board of
Trustees of State University of
Iowa, 286; interest of, in canals
and railways, 287, 288; disap
pointments of, 290; influence of,
290, 291; life at Plum Grove,
291; religious poems of, 291;
death of, 292
Lucas, Robert, (grandson of the
Governor), assistance of, viii, ix
Lucas, Susanna, John Rush mar
ries, 2
Lucas, William, birth and marriage
of, 2; military service of, 3;
land and slaves of, 4, 6; migra
tion of, to Ohio, 6
Lucas, William (Jr.), migration
of, to Ohio, 5 ; military record of,
5
Lucas family, history of, 1 ; migra
tions of, 5, 6
Lucas County (Ohio), 144, 145
Lucas Boundaries, 270, 271
Lyman, Darius, colleague of Lucas
in 1829, 93; anounced as Anti-
Jacksonian candidate, 116
Lyon, Lucius, senator from Michi
gan, 147
Lytle, Robert, letter from, 143
McArthur, Duncan, friendship of,
and Lucas, 19; assists Lucas to
secure commission, 28; chosen
Colonel, 29; Lucas lodges with,
36; expedition of, 40; asks to

INDEX

351

take detachment to bury dead at
Brownstown, 47; expedition of,
to meet Captain Brush, 52 ;
troops of, surrendered, 53; lands
near Cleveland, 58; reference to,
60, 61, 62, 74; colleague of Lu
cas in 1829, 93 ; nominated as
Governor of Ohio, 97; Lucas's
opinion of, 97; early career of,
97; election of, as Governor of
Ohio, 100; renomination of, 115;
withdraws to run for Congress,
116 ; defeat of, for Congress,
118 ; William Allen marries a
daughter of, 119
McClane, Alexander, assists in ar
rest of Lucas, 24
McCrory, Samuel H., chosen dele
gate to convention of 1844, 269
McCullough, Captain, death of, 45
McDonald, John, member of court
of enquiry, 68
M'Gregor, Mr., letter directed to,
66, 67
Mackinaw, Indians on way from,
51
McLane, Louis, mentioned as Vice
Presidential candidate, 106
McLean, John, suports Lucas for
Governor of Ohio, 98
McLene, Jeremiah, resignation of,
as Brigadier General, 19; mem
ber of court of enquiry, 68
McMullen (or McMurrin), Robert
Lucas instructed by, 4
McMurrin (or McMullen), Robert
Lucas instructed by, 4
Madeira, Daniel, appointment of,
on committee, 72 ; arraigned by
Hammond, 73; defense of, by
Lucas, 73
Madison, James, message of, 26
Maguawga, Indian town of, 44; en
gagement at, 50
Maiden, British forces at, 35 ; In
dians-going to, 36; attack upon,
39; reference to, 40, 42, 44, 48,
58 ; Prophet arrives at, 43
Manary, James, in meeting of mili
tia officers at Camp Ohio, 64
Maria of Presque Isle, the, leaves
for Ohio, 58
Marietta (Ohio), settlement of, 5
Mason, Charles, signs letter to Mar
shal, 245 ; counsel for Iowa be
fore Supreme Court, 256 ; inter
ested in temperance movement,
285
Mason, Stevens T., Acting Govern
or of Territory of Michigan, 136;
arrives with troops at Toledo,
137; repudiates terms of commis
sioners, 139; attitude of, 141;

Jackson makes recommendations
to, 144 ; removal of, 145 ; chosen
Governor of State of Michigan,
146
Masonic Lodge, Lucas joins, 266;
attendance of Lucas at meetings
of, 273, 284
Maumee (Ohio), 133, 146
Maumee River, 127, 128, 129, 130,
133, 148
Medary, Samuel, letter from Lucas
to, 271
Mediterranean Sea, Chesapeake
bound for, 11
Meigs, Return Jonathan, calls for
troops, 27; asks Lucas to stay
with militia, 31; commended by
militia officers, 64
Meigs County (Ohio), 84
Melcher, J. C, editor of ChUUcothe
Evening Post, 99
Methodist Church, Lucas joins, 75;
Lucas a member of, 291
Mexican War, 227
Miami and Dayton Canal, 80, 88,
148
Miami Bay, line drawn to north
cape of, 129, 130
Miami Canal, 80, 88, 148
Miami County (Ohio), 133
Miami of the Lake, Lucas passes
the, 34; 36, 37; reference to,
127, 129, 130, 133, 148
Miami . Indians, address of Gen
eral Hull to, 33 ; council with,
34
Michigan, Lake, line drawn from
southern extremity of, 127, 129,
130, 131, 135
Michigan, part of Northwest Terri
tory, 7
Michigan, Territory of, dispute over
boundary of, 126-149; organiza
tion of, 129; act organizing, 130;
Fulton Line claimed as boundary
by, 132 ; disputed strip under
jurisdiction of, 132; boundary
dispute not one between State of
Ohio and, 134, 139; act of Feb
ruary 12, 1835, passed by, 136;
arrests by authority of, 139;
claims of, 141 ; reference to, 233,
235, 240
Michigan, State government of, 146,
147, 148, 149
Militia, ideas of Lucas concerning,
119, 123, 182
Miller, James, Ohio troops joined
by, 30 ; given permission to cap
ture bridge, 40 ; expedition of, to
meet Captain Brush, 50; in en
gagement at Maguawga, 50; Lu-

352

INDEX

cas acts as recruiting officer un
der, 60
Mississippi River, 96, 164, 165,
169, 175, 211, 229, 231, 232,
237, 238, 260, 289
Missouri (State), not represented
in convention at Baltimore, 111;
boundaries of, 174, 231, 232,
235, 238, 242, 256; admission
into the Union, 231; commission
er appointed by, 234; letter of
Governor of, 236; old northwest
corner of, 237; adopts Brown
Line, 238; proclamation of Lu
cas received in, 241; embodiment
of armed force by, 247, 250;
asks for submission of boundary
question to Supreme Court, 255;
settlement of boundary dispute
of, 256
Missouri-Iowa Boundary, 227-257
Missouri River, 229, 230, 233, 234,
235, 237, 238, 256, 260
Mitchell, map published by, 127
Mitchell, David, candidate for Ohio
Senate, 92, 93
Monroe, James, tries to negotiate
treaty with England, 10; letter
from Lucas to, 60 ; Lucas votes
for, 77
Monroe County (Ohio), represented
by Charles, Hammond, 72
Morgan, James M., sent to Wash
ington, D. C, by Lucas, 254
Morris, Cavalry, among Anti-
Jacksonians in 1834, 125
Morris, Thomas, accepts rumors
concerning Lucas, 151; Lucas
frustrates plan of, 155
Morrow, Jeremiah, election of Sen
ator to succeed, 74
Muscatine (Iowa), 259, 265
Muskingum County (Ohio), 122
Muskingum River, Marietta found
ed at mouth of, 5
Napoleon Bonaparte, treaty of, with
President Jefferson, 8, 9; issues
Berlin decree, 10
Napoleon (Johnson County, Iowa),
commissioners meet at, 258
National Republicans, gather about
Henry Clay, 96; candidate of,
96, 115; national convention of,
105 ; withdraw their candidate,
116
National Road, improvement of, fa
vored by Lucas, 123
Negro Town, address to Indians at,
33
New Englanders, settle Marietta, 5
New Hampshire, national conven
tion called by legislature of, 106

New Orleans, Battle of, 77, 82,
102, 150; Henry Clay at, 96
Newark (Ohio), work on Ohio Ca
nal begun at, 80
"Nig", horse of Friendly Lucas, 79
Norfolk, Chesapeake leaves, 11
Northwest Ordinance, 121, 126,
127, 128, 129, 132, 148
Northwest Territory, first town in,
5; division of, 6; pioneers in,
97; Governorship of, 120; State
of Ohio carved out of, 121; or
dinance for government of, 126;
States to be carved out of, 127
Norvell, John, Senator from Michi
gan, 147
Nova Scotia, 35
Nullification, ideas of Lucas con
cerning, 119, 279
Ohio, influence of Lucas upon
formative period of, vii; legisla
ture of, 4, 6, 18, 97; migration
to, 5; militia of, 5, 9, 10, 12, 18,
19, 20, 30, 31, 58, 60, 61, 63,
64, 65, 97, 121, 123, 124, 136,
233; early life in, 7, 20, 21; In
dian disturbances in, 27; volun
teers of, refuse to cross Detroit
River, 38; political rise of, 83;
result of campaign of 1824 in,
84; considered a doubtful state,
85; canal legislation for, 86;
campaign of 1828 in, 92; Henry
Clay visits, 96; delegate to na
tional convention from, 111; pre
rogatives of Governor of, 120,
121, 183 ; convention to form State
constitution of, 121, 128; inter
nal improvements in, 123 ; dis
pute over boundary of, 126-149;
northern counties of, 127; State
constitutional convention discuss
es boundaries of, 128 ; proviso
as to boundary in State consti
tution of, 129, 130, 131, 133,
135; constitution of, adopted,
129; attitude of people of, to
ward boundary proviso, 130; al
legiance of people of disputed
tract to, .134; grounds of, in
boundary dispute, 134; boundary
dispute one between United States
and, 134, 139; activity of dele
gation in Congress in boundary
matter, 143, 148; lake ports
needed by, 148; growth of, 158;
legislative expenditures of, 190;
Lucas returns to, 267, 271; An
sel Briggs comes from, 274; Lu
cas as Governor of, 279, 280,
287
Ohio Canal, construction of, 80;

INDEX

353

bill authorizing, 81, 88; trouble
over route of, 88, 89, 90, 91
Ohio-Michigan Boundary, The, 126
Ohio Monitor, Lucas sends commu
nication to, 73
Ohio Eiver, 5, 16, 59, 160-167, 288,
290
Ohio State Bulletin, editorial of,
95; predictions of, in 1830, 100
"Old Hickory," Lucas a follower
of, 82
"Old Mockasin" newspaper item
signed, 91
Ordinance of 1787, 121, 126, 127,
128, 129, 132, 148
Oregon question, 280
Osage Indians, 229
Osborn, Ezra, in meeting of mili
tia officers at Camp Ohio, 64
Ottawas, address of General Hull
to, 33
Overton, Thomas, unable to attend
national convention, 111
Parvin, Josiah, Gregory boards
with, 246
Parvin, Theodore S., meets Lucas,
150; acts as Private Secretary
to Lucas, 164; Secretary of
steamboat meeting, 164; trip of,
to Cincinnati, 176, 178; inter
view of, with Conway, 177; de
scribes close of legislative ses
sion, 215
Pay roll of Ohio soldiers, 65
Penn, William, colony of, 1
Pennsylvania, Bucks County, 1;
John Rush crosses to, 2
Peoria (Illinois), 266
Perry County (Ohio), 83
Perrysburg (Ohio), 133, 136, 138
Philadelphia, 84, 143
Pickaway County (Ohio), 83
Pierce, Franklin, nomination of,
275; Lucas unable to vote for,
276, 277
Pike County (Ohio), Lucas moves
to, 71; reference to, 77, 81, 86,
92, 271
Piketon (Ohio), description of, 71;
Lucas opens store at, 71; Ohio
canal and, 81, 88, 89, 90, 91;
Edward Lucas leaves, 266
Pinckney, William, joins Monroe at
London, 10
Pioneer, story of the, 1, 289; life
of, in Ohio, 7
Piqua (Ohio), canal finished to,
133
"Plain Truth," communication of
Lucas signed by, 73
Plum Grove, the last home of Rob
ert Lucas, 277, 291, 292

Polk, James, appointments of, in
Iowa, 271
Port Vincennes, troops from, 30
Portraits, Robert Lucas, from an
oil painting, frontispiece; Rob
ert Lucas from a water-color
painting, opposite 25 ; Robert Lu
cas from a crayon, opposite 82
Portsmouth (Ohio), tavern in, 16;
life of Lucas at, 24; Lucas re
cruits troops at, 29 ; arrival of
Lucas at, 59, 60 ; reference to,
65, 76, 81, 88; letter postmarked
at, 66; canal to, 80; stage from
Chillicothe to, 153
Potomac River, Edward Lucas set
tles near, 2 ; steamboat upon, 3
Pottawattomies, address of General
Hull to, 33 ; war party of, 36 ;
reference to, 229
Proctor, Henry, attack upon Fort
Stephenson by, 62, 63
Puthuff, Major W. H., letter direct
ed to, 66, 67
Quakers, Lucas family, 1; John
Rush joins, 2 ; instincts of, 3
Quebec, sending of troops to, 56,
58
Queen Charlotte, the, arrives at Mai
den, 35
Quincy (Illinois), 165
Railways in Iowa, 287, 288
Raisin River, Lucas passes, 34: ex
pedition to, 44; Captain Brush
at, 50, 52 ; massacre of wing of
Harrison's army at, 62
Rangers, Lucas ordered to take
command of, 61
"Rapids of the river Des Moines",
232, 234, 237
Reed, William, trip of, to Iowa,
266
Republican party, rise of, 275
Revolution, service of William Lu
cas in, 3
Robb, David, Lucas thanks, 66
Robb, Joshua, letter of Lucas to, 68
Eobinson, Captain, company of, 42
Rock Island (Illinois), 178
Rockingham (Iowa), 175, 176
Rorer, David, shoots Cyrus Jacobs,
181
Rose, George Henry, sent to Amer
ica, 14 ; returns to England, 15
Roundheads, days of, 25
Round Heads Town, Lucas passes,
36
Rumsey, engineer, 4
Rupe, David, chosen Captain of
rifle company, 29 ; trip of, to
Greenville, 30; mutiny in com
pany of, 38

354

INDEX

Rush, John, comes to America, 2
Rush, Richard, sent as .commission
er to confer with Governors Lu
cas and Mason, 138, 144
Sac Indians, 229, 231
St. Clair, Arthur, Governorship in
Northwest Territory, 120; use of
veto power, 121
St. Clair, Lake, Indians at, 51
St. Louis, Lucas ordered to, 61 ;
General Atkinson stationed at,
156 ; Lucas arrives at, 165
"Rural Swain", communication
signed, 90
St. Paul Street, Baltimore, 111
Sandusky, Lower, journey of Lucas
through, 33., 34
Sandusky, Upper, address to In
dians at, 33 ; army of Harrison
at, 63
Sandusky campaign, 262
Sandusky River, 62
Sandwich, importance of, in Hull
campaign, 37 ; army encamps at,
40; reference to, 42, 43, 44, 47;
evacuation of, 49
Science, steamboat, 177
Scioto County (Ohio), 6, 8, 18, 70,
72, 77, 84, 86, 92
Scioto River, 5, 6, 16, 71, 81, 88,
153
Scott, Denton, in skirmishing at
bridge, 41
Scott, Sir Walter, at London, 108
Scott, Winfield, Lucas determines
to vote for, 276
Scrub Race for the Presidency, re
sult of, 84
Seat of Government of Territory of
Iowa, 258
Sergeant, John, nominee for Vice
Presidency, 105
Shaler, Charles, declines offer of
Acting Governorship of Michigan
Territory, 145
Shambaugh, Benj. F., discovery of
Executive Journal of Iowa, 1838-
1841 by, viii; acknowledgments
to, ix
Shannon, Wilson, introduces Ansel
Briggs to Lucas, 274
Shawnees, address of General Hull
to, 33
Shenandoah River, 2, 165
Shenandoah Valley, 3, 5, 289
Shepherdstown (Virginia), mar
riage of William Lucas at, 2;
Robert Lucas born at, 3 ; steam
boat at, 4
Sketch Book, scenes of, 108
Sinsinnawa Mound, 175
Sioux Indians, 229

Slavery, opinion of Lucas concern
ing, 281
Slaves of William Lucas, 4, 6
Snelling, Captain, asks for artil
lery, 52
Solomons Town, Lucas passes, 36
South Carolina, nullification in, 119,
279
Spain, involved in purchase of
Louisiana, 9 ; Irving returns
from, 108
Spoils System, working of, 265
Spring Well, army encamps at, 37;
British landing at, 52
State Bank, favored by Lucas, 123
.State Journal and Columbus Ga
zette, quotation from, 115, 151;
letter from McArthur in, 116
State Rights, 279
State Rights Association, resolu
tions of, 150
State University of Iowa, Lucas a
Trustee of, 286
Stillwater Creek, settlers on, 30
Stockton, William, in engagement
at Brownstown, 46, 47
Sullivan, John C., boundary line
surveyed by, 230
Sullivan Boundary Line, 230, 231,
235, 237, 238, 239, 242, 245,
256
Summers, Lewis, Lucas succeeds,
as State Senator, 69
Summers, Samuel W., certificate
of, 191
Sumner, Edward 0., Mrs. Lucas
a daughter of, 71
Sumner, Friendly A., Horatio Sum
ner a brother of, 24; marriage
of, to Lucas, 71
Sumner, Horatio N., marriage of,
24
Supreme Court of the United States,
boundary question submitted to,
255
Surrender of Detroit, 53, 59, 74
Swayne, N. H., goes to Washing
ton, 144
Talleyrand, Prince, at Court of St.
James, 108, 110
Tecumseh, confederation under, 26 ;
protestations of peace by, 27
Temperance, attitude of Lucas to
ward, 180, 284
Temperance Society, Iowa Territori
al, Lucas president of, 285
Tempest, steamboat, 161, 166
Tennessee, migration to, 5 ; politi
cal rise of, 82; nomination of
Jackson by legislature of, 83 ;
reference to, 111
Teneick, Mathew, house of, 259

INDEX

355

Thompson, Judge, Glover examined
before, 66
Thompson, William, Lucas asked to
• pardon, 122
Thornton, John H., assists in ar
rest of Lucas, 24
Thurman, Allen G., private secre
tary of Governor Lucas, 124;
secretary of convention which
nominates Lucas for Congress,
267
Tiffin, Edward, military appoint
ments by, 9 ; commissions Lucas
Justice of the Peace, 16; directs
survey of Ohio boundary to be
run, 131
Toledo, proposed terminus of canal,
133 ; troops enter, 137, 145 ;
court to meet in, 145
Toledo War, The, 126, 138
Treasury Department of the United
States, accounts of Conway with,
191, 213, 221, 224; exploitation
of, 280
Trimble, William A., chosen Major,
29; United States Senator, 74;
death of, 77
Turkey Creek, force crosses, 41 ;
British cross, 44
Turner, John R„ issues writ for
arrest of Lucas, 22 ; letter to Lu
cas from, 89
Tyler, John, appointments of, in
Iowa, 271
Tymochte, Lucas ferried across the,
34
Ullery, Captain, company of, 42
Union Township, (Scioto County,
Ohio), 16
United States, trouble with Eng
land and France, 10; plan of
campaign on the part of, in the
War of 1812, 35; line between
Canada and, 127; boundary dis
pute between State of Ohio and,
134; territorial growth of, 227;
boundary dispute between Mis
souri and, 242, 252
United States Bank, 98, 279
Universalist Church, Baltimore, na
tional convention meets in, 111
Vance, Joseph, Whig nominee for
Governor, 150; inauguration of,
153
Van Buren, Martin, aspirations of,
106, 107; resignation as Secre
tary of State, 107; Minister to
England, 107-110; rejection of,
by Senate, 108; effect of rejec
tion of, 109, 110 ; nomination of,
as Vice President, 113 ; accept
ance of nomination by, 114; Lu
cas's support of, 152 ; letter of

Lucas to, 156, 157; appoints
Lucas Governor of Iowa, 157;
Conway supports, 170; corre
spondence of Conway with, 209,
219, 224; petition addressed to,
216; defeats Harrison for Presi
dent, 262
Van Buren County (Iowa), collec
tion of taxes in, 239, 244, 245;
reference to, 246, 249
Van Horne, Major, expedition of,
to River Raisin, 44-47
Van Meter, John I., defeats Lucas
for State Senate, 155; defeats
Lucas for Congress, 268
Varnum, Jacob, despatches deliver
ed to, 34
Veto power of Governor, 193, 194,
200-215, 219, 270, 280
Viele, Philip, aspires to Governor
ship, 263
Vinton, Samuel, Lucas a candidate
against, 95 ; supports claims of
Ohio, 147
Virginia, Edward Lucas migrates
to, 2; Thomas Jefferson Govern
or of, 3 ; early training of Lucas
in, 8
Wallace, Rev. Mr., prayer by, at
national convention, 114
War of 1812, 25-65; events lead
ing to, 25 ; conditions following
the, 74; reference to, 97, 274,
292 ; prevents running of bound
ary line, 131; Sandusky cam
paign in, 262
War, Department of, neglect of duty
by, 37
Warsaw, 165
Washington, George, example of, 13
Washington, D. C., Cass goes to,
59; Lucas receives orders from,
61; affairs at, 85
Waterloo (Missouri), meeting at,
241; troops gathering in, 244,
250; delegation to, 252
Webster, Daniel, speech of, against
Van Buren, 108, 110 ; correspond
ence with Lucas concerning re
moval, 264
Welch, Captain Nathaniel, company
of, 3
Wellington, Duke of, resistance of,
to Reform Bill, 108
Western Reserve, politics in, 100
Western Times, letter of Lucas in,
23 ; attack upon Lucas in, 90
Weston, Charles, gives official opin
ion on boundary dispute, 247
Wheelersburg, 152
Whicher, Stephen, 'report of, con
cerning border troubles, 250
Whigs, 268, 269, 274, 277

356

INDEX

Whittlesey, Elisha, accompanies
commissioners, 138
Williams, Jesse, joins Lucas, 160;
reference to, 161, 163 ; employed
by Lucas as Messenger, 164; re
cords Executive Journal, 201;
assists in Department of Indian
Affairs, 261
Williams, Joseph, signs letter to
Marshal, 245 ; desirous of Gov
ernorship of Iowa, 271, 272; in
terest of, in temperance move
ment, 285
Williams County (Ohio), 134
Wilson, James, mentioned as suc
cessor of Lucas, 263
Wilson, Mr., sermon of, 76

Wilson, Thomas, entertains Lucas,
175
Wirt, William, nominee for Presi
dency, 105
Wisconsin, Territory of, 169, 233,
234, 235, 240
Wood, Reuben, letter to Lucas from,
100
Wood County (Ohio), 134
Woodbury, Levi, letters of Conway
to, 224
Worthington, Thomas, candidate
for United States Senate, 77
Wyandots, address of General Hull
to, 33; council with, 34
Zion Church, legislature convenes
in, 178