YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

GIFT OF
FREDERICK SHELDON PARKER
B.A., LL.B.
YALE 1873

THE HISTOEY

NAPOLEON.

THE HISTORY

OF

NAPOLEON:

EDITED BY E. H, HOENE.

ILLUSTRATED WITH MANY HUNDRED ENGRAVINGS ON WOOD,
FROM DESIGNS BY
RAFFET AND HORACE VERNET.

IN TWO VOLUMES.

VOL. II.

LONDON:
ROBERT TYAS, 8 PATERNOSTER ROW.
MDCCCXLI. m

London :
Vizetelly and Co. Printers,
135 Fleet Street.

CONTENTS.

Chapter 1  1
Battle of Trafalgar — Retreat of Alexander — Affairs of Prussia, Naples,
Sweden — Treaty of Presburg — Death of Pitt — Negociations between England
and France — Napoleon creates New Kingdoms, and Titles of Nobility — Peace
with Russia and Turkey — Death of Fox — War with Prussia — Battles of Saalfield
and Jena — Occupation of Prussia by the French.
Chapter II  29
Prussia attempts to treat for Peace, but fails — Berlin Decree — The Russians
in Poland — French Army crosses the Vistula — Battle of Pultusk — French go
into Winter Quarters — Napoleon at Warsaw — Battle of Eylau — Napoleon offers
Peace, but is refused — Battle of Friedland — Armistice — Treaty of Tilsitt —
Return to Paris.
Chapter III  57
Sweden — English Expeditions — Bombardment of Copenhagen — France de
clares War on Portugal — Proclamation of Godoy — Treaty of Fontainebleau —
Invasion of Portugal — Flight of the Royal Family — Junot enters Lisbon —
Affairs of Spain — Napoleon visits Italy.
Chapter IV  71
Occupation of Spain by the French — Insurrection of Aranjuez— Abdication of
Charles IV. — Ferdinand VII. — Ferdinand's Journey to Bayonne — Insurrection
of Madrid — Second Abdication of Charles IV. — Joseph Bonaparte, King of Spain
— Insurrection of Cadiz — Battle of Rio Seco — Murat, King of Naples — Capitu
lation of Baylen — Joseph leaves Madrid — Sir Arthur WeUesley in Portugal —
Battle of Vimiero — Convention of Cintra — The French evacuate Portugal.
Chapter V  103
Turkish Revolution — Conference at Erfurt — Napoleon leads his Army into
Spain — Rapid Victories — Surrender of Madrid — Sir John Moore advances — Is
obliged to retreat — Battle of Corunna — Napoleon leaves Spain — Surrender of
Saragossa, and Victories of the French Armies.

Vill CONTENTS.
Chapter VI  118
Advance of the Austrian!) — Napoleon places himself at the head of his Army
—Battles of Abensherg and Eckmuhl— Ratisbon taken— Bombardment and
Capitulation of Vienna — Napoleon takes possession of the Papal Territory-
War in Italy, Poland, Germany, and the Tyrol— Passage of the Danube— Battle
of Essling— Death of Lannes— The French Army entrenched in the Island
of Lobau.
Chapter VII  •  133
Operations of the Hostile Armies — Napoleon excommunicated — Passage of
the Danube — Battle of Wagram — Armistice — The English Expedition to the
Scheldt— Battle of Talavera— The Pope carried to France— Attempt to assas
sinate Napoleon — Peace of Vienna.
Chapter VIII  145
The Divorce of Napoleon from Josephine — His Marriage with the Arch
duchess Maria Louisa of Austria — Differences between Napoleon and Louis
Bonaparte — Holland incorporated with France — Bernadotte elected Crown-
Prince of Sweden — Successful Campaign of Lord Wellington in Portugal — Birth
of a Son to Napoleon — Victories of the French in Spain — The Guerilla System —
A fresh Conscription of One Hundred Thousand Men.
Chapter IX  161
Causes of the Russian War — Alliance of Austria and Prussia with France,
and of Sweden and Turkey with Russia — Napoleon at Dresden — The French
Army enters Poland — Passage of the Niemen — Entry into Smolensko — Battle of
the Moskowa — Napoleon at Moscow — The Burning of Moscow — Retreat —
Napoleon leaves the Army, and returns to France.
Chapter X  255
Napoleon at Paris — -His immense exertions — A new Army raised — The
Pope — Affairs of Spain — Storming of Badajoz — Battle of Salamanca — Lord
Wellington enters Madrid — Prussia declares War against France — Rapid move
ments of the Russian and Prussian Armies — Treacherous Policy of Austria —
Maria Louisa, Regent- — Napoleon leaves Paris for Mayence.
Chapter XI  261
Movements ofthe French Ariny — Combats of Weissenfels and Posern — Death
of Bessieres — Battle of Lutzen — Napoleon at Dresden — Austria assumes the
Office of Mediator — Battle of Bautzen — Death of Duroc — Armistice granted by
Napoleon.

CONTENTS. iX
Chapter XII  269
Napoleon at Dresden— Congress of Prague— Protraction of the Conferences-
State of Spain— Advance of Lord Wellington —The Battle of Vittoria— The
French Army retreats upon Bayonne— Lord Wellington on the Pyrenees— The
Envoys of the Allied Sovereigns increase their Demands— Napoleon refuses their
Conditions— Hostilities recommence— Austria declares War against France.
Chapter XIII  279
Amount and Distribution of the Armies — Battle of Dresden — Death of
Moreau — Battles of Culm, Gross-Beeren, Katzbach, and Dennewitz — Napoleon
abandons the right bank of the Elbe— Retreats from Dresden— Battle of Leipsic
— Defection of the Troops of Saxony, Wurtemberg, and Baden — Death of
Poniatowski— Napoleon retreats upon the Rhine— Defection of Bavaria — Battle
of Hanau— Napoleon at Mentz— The Allies on the Rhine.
Chapter XIV   295
Affairs of Spain to the close of 1813 — Napoleon at Paris— Declaration of
Frankfort — Surrender of the French Garrisons in Germany and Prussia —
Restoration of the Pope — Treaty of Valencay — New Conscription of Three
Hundred Thousand Men — Convocation of the Senate, Legislative Body, and
Council of State.
Chapter XV  309
Invasion of France — Capitulation of Dantzic — Napoleon leaves Paris for the
Army — Battles of Brienne and La Rhotiere — Congress of Chatillon — Battles of
Champaubert and Montmirail — Flight of the Army of Silesia — Battle of Nangis
— The Allies retreat at all points — Quadruple Alliance — Lord Wellington enters
Bordeaux — The Allies march on to Paris — Battles of Arcis and Fere-Champenoise
— Capitulation of Paris.
Chapter XVI  333
The Allied Sovereigns enter Paris — Talleyrand — Meeting of the Senate —
Provisional Government — The Senate proclaims that Napoleon has forfeited
the Throne — Conference at Fontainebleau — Napoleon abdicates in favour of
his Son — Defection of Marmont — Napoleon abdicates unconditionally — Treaty
of Fontainebleau — Death of Josephine — Battle of Toulouse — Louis XVIII. enters
Paris — Napoleon leaves Fontainebleau, and lands in Elba.
Chapter XVII  347
Napoleon in Elba — State of France under the Bourbons — Their Infractions
of the Treaty of Fontainebleau — Napoleon leaves Elba — Lands in France —
Advances to Grasse — Joined by a Detachment from Grenoble — Joined by
Labedoyere — Enters Grenoble — Lyons — Assumes the Reins of Government —
Joined by Ney — Arrives at Fontainebleau — Joined at Melun by the last Royalist
Army— Flight of Louis XVIII.

X CONTENTS.
Chapter XVIII  36i
Entrance of Napoleon into Paris— His first Review and Levee— First Public
Acts— Declaration of the Congress at Vienna — Napoleon makes Overtures of
Peace to all the Sovereigns of Europe — New Coalition of England, Austria,
Russia, and Prussia — Murat — Napoleon's New Constitution — Fouche — The
Champ-de-Mai — Opening of the Chambers — Amount and distribution of the
Armies of France, and of the Allies — Napoleon leaves Paris for Belgium.
Chapter XIX  383
Number and Position of the Allied Armies — Wellington — Blucher — Napoleon^
arrives to take Command of his Forces — Address to the Soldiers — Ball-room at
Brussels — Attack on Charleroi and Fleurus — Battles of Ligny and Quatrebras —
Battle of Waterloo.
Chapter XX  419
Napoleon returns to Paris — Holds a Council — La Fayette — The Chambers
declare their sittings permanent — Abdication of Napoleon — He receives the
thanks of the Chambers — Demands two Frigates to convey him to America —
Retires to Malmaison — Advance of the Allies, and Proclamation of Louis XVIII.
— Napoleon departs for Rochefort — The Port blockaded by British Ships — Letter
to the Prince Regent from Napoleon — He embarks in the Bellerophon, which
sails for England — He is not permitted to land — Is transferred to the Northum
berland — Departure for St. Helena.
Chapter XXI  449
Napoleon arrives at St. Helena — Description of the Island — Residence of
Napoleon at Briars — His establishment at Longwood — Deaths of Murat, in
Naples, and of Ney and La Bedoyere, in France — Arrival at St. Helena of Sir
Hudson Lowe as Governor — His new restrictions — Napoleon abstains from
exercise — Arrest and Deportation of Las Casas — Removal of O'Meara — of Dr.
Stokoe- — Rapid progress of disease in Napoleon — Arrival of Antommarchi — The
last Illness of Napoleon — His Death.
Appendix. The Second Funeral of Napoleon, in Paris, A.D. 1841.

CHAPTER I.
BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR — RETREAT OF ALEXANDER — AFFAIRS OF PRUSSIA, NAPLES, SWEDEN
 TREATY OF PRESBURG  DEATH OF PITT — NEGOCIATIONS FOR FEACE BETWEEN ENG
LAND AND FRANCE — NAPOLEON CREATES NEW KINGDOMS, AND TITLES OF NOBILITY —
PEACE WITH RUSSIA AND TURKEY  DEATH OF FOX — WAR WITH PRUSSIA — BATTLES OF
SAALFIELD AND JENA — OCCUPATION OF PRUSSIA BY THE FRENCH.

ON the very eve of the decisive victory of
Austerlitz, which humbled before
his power the two greatest sove
reigns of the continent, Napoleon
had received the news of his own
signal defeat on that element, the
empire of which he never again at
tempted to dispute with England.
The battle of Trafalgar had been
fought on the 21st of October.
The English government had
no sooner learnt that Villeneuve
had conducted his squadron into
Cadiz, than they refitted their fleet
in the Mediterranean, with great
celerity and secresy, and gave the command to Nelson. Villeneuve,
meanwhile, watched his opportunity to get out of port ; and trusting to
his large force, set sail on the 19th of October, with the intention of
B

« THE HISTORY OF
giving battle. The hostile navies hove in sight of each other on the 21st
of October, 1805. The combined French and Spanish fleet amounted
to the tremendous power of thirty-three sail of the line, and seven large
frigates; the English to twenty-seven line-of-battle ships, and three
frigates. Yet, it is said that, even with so great a superiority, the
French admiral would not have sought the fearful contest, had he be
lieved the report that Nelson commanded in person; or that the
English fleet had -been so strongly reinforced. He arranged his ships
in a singular and ingenious manner, with a view to counteract the
well-known English manoeuvre of " cutting the line." His fleet formed
a double line, each alternate ship being about a cable's length to the
windward of her second, ahead and astern. Nelson advanced to the
attack in two lines. Eight of his fastest sailing two-deckers were
ordered to cut off three or four of the enemy's ships, a-head of their
centre ; Admiral Collingwood, the second in command, who led the
van, was to break in about the twelfth ship from the rear, while
Nelson himself, in the Victory, led the division which should bear
down on the centre. He explained to his admirals and officers that
his object was a close and decisive engagement ; and that, if in the
confusion and smoke of the battle signals should not be visible, the
captain would never do wrong who laid his ship alongside of the
enemy. His last signal bore the words, "England expects every man
to do his duty ; " and the expectation was fully justified. The enemy
fought desperately and bravely, but their line was penetrated in every
direction; the British ships engaging sometimes two of the hostile
squadron at a time : the Victory at one period maintaining an incessant
fire on three. The result was the well-known and decisive victory
which nearly annihilated the French and Spanish navies. Nineteen of
their ships were taken; besides four which struck to Sir Richard
Strachan, in a subsequent action; and of those which escaped into
Cadiz, seven had been rendered unfit for service. The threat of inva
sion was never again held over England by Napoleon. But the triumph
was dearly bought ; the long list of names blotted out of existence in
obtaining it, being headed by that of Nelson. The Spanish admiral,
Gravina, also died of his wounds ; and Villeneuve, unable to endure
the anguish of mind consequent on his irretrievable disaster, committed
suicide shortly afterwards. The mode of his death is appalling, from
its calm and deliberate minuteness. He procured some anatomical
prints, and carefully studied the precise position of the heart; which
having ascertained, he drove a large pin up to the head into his breast,
so accurately, as to penetrate that vital organ, and 'instantly expired.
He was found dead, with the pin in his heart, and a mark correspond
ing with the wound, on the print which lay beside him.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE <>
It was the confirmed habit of Napoleon's mind to occupy itself only
with one great object at a time ; the battle of Austerlitz, therefore,
partly neutraUsed the first impression of the defeat of Trafalgar ; but
it was not the less deep and lasting. He said little on the subject;
and it is a singular fact that the action was never so much as men
tioned in any French newspaper, being suppressed, of course, by his
express order. Thus, while the whole English nation were in the ut
most excitement at this victory over their enemies — celebrated by
prayers, praises, illuminations, pictures, bonfires, ballads, newspaper ar
ticles, and poems, as was very natural on such an occasion — the whole
nation of these enemies knew nothing whatever of the matter. An
incident, however, that shortly occurred, may serve to illustrate the
passionate mortification which Napoleon thus kept smouldering within.
Denon, who was engaged to execute a series of medals in commemo
ration of the battle of Austerlitz, brought them to the Emperor for
his inspection, on his return to St. Cloud. "What does this mean?"
said Napoleon, looking at the reverse of the first medal. " Sire,"
answered Denon, " it is a French eagle strangling, in its talons, the
leopard, one of the emblems of the coat-of-arms of England." Napo
leon dashed the gold medal with violence to the other end of the
room, exclaiming, "Vile flatterer! how dare you tell me that the
French eagle strangles the English leopard, when I cannot send out
to sea the smallest fishing-boat that the English do not seize upon ?
It is, indeed, the leopard that strangles the French eagle. Let this
medal be instantly destroyed, and never present any of the same kind
to me again,"
We return to the events of the 4th of December. It quickly trans
pired that Napoleon, in his interview with the Emperor of Austria,
had granted him an armistice, and had agreed to suffer the Russians
to pass unmolested to their country, on condition that they left the
Austrian dominions with the least possible delay. He returned towards
his bivouac thoughtful and silent. The Emperor Alexander, together
with the remains of the Russian army, which amounted to about five
and twenty thousand men, many of them without arms or baggage, were
entirely at his mercy. He had only to order the advance of Marshal
Davoust's division to ensure their surrender. But he chose to sacrifice
this important opportunity to the false glory of playing a magnani
mous part towards the legitimate sovereigns of Europe ; a fatal delusion
which grew upon him more and more, and exactly defeated its own
object. Whatever they might pretend, it was his presumption in
having acquired, and being able to maintain, sovereign power, which
enraged those monarchs against him, not the use he made of his power,
one way or the other ; and if they hated him for conquering them,'

4 THE HISTORY OF
they hated him doubly for humbling them by his generosity. The
result of his meditations on this occasion was to despatch Savary to
the Emperor of Russia, to obtain his adhesion to the conditions just
made, and to stop Davoust's movement. Savary found Alexander
impatient to sign the articles required of him. The situation of his
imperial majesty, bad as it was, had only been prevented from be
coming desperate by a trick which he had passed off on Davoust, to
whom he had transmitted a note that morning by the hands of an
Austrian general, written in pencil, to the following effect: —
" December 4."
" I authorise General Meerfeld to acquaint the French general,
that the two emperors of Germany and France are, at this moment,
holding a conference ; that there is an armistice on this occasion, and
that it is, consequently, useless to sacrifice any more brave men.
(Signed) " Alexander."
The truth was, that, as far as the Russians were concerned, the
armistice did not commence till their emperor had signed the condi
tions ; but Davoust, giving credit to the signature of Alexander, had
remained stationary from the time he received the note. The czar,
after gladly completing the business which extricated him from a
perilous dilemma, began to discourse with Savary on the events of
the battle ; concluding the whole by saying, " Your emperor is a great
soldier. I do not pretend to compare myself with him. As to me, it
is the first time I have been under fire. I shall go back to my capital.
I came to help the Emperor of Austria: he has just sent me word
that he is satisfied: I am also." He lost no time in taking advan
tage of the permission thus granted him, but without the conclusion
of any peace between him and Napoleon. Junot was, however, sent
after him with a letter from Napoleon, treating of a peace ; but, on
reaching the Russian army, the marshal found that Alexander had
left it, and set out for St. Petersburgh; and not conceiving that his
orders authorised his following thither, he returned to Vienna, where
Napoleon had again established himself in the palace of Schoenbrunn,
while Talleyrand and Prince John of Lichtenstein adjusted, at Pres
burg, the terms of peace between France and Austria. It is reported
that Napoleon, when he had time for cool reflection, owned that he
had given up a great advantage. In reverting to his interview with
the Austrian emperor, he said, " That man has made me commit an
error, for I might have followed up my victory, and taken all the
Russian and Austrian army ; but, at least, some tears the less will be
'shed."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 0
The suspension of hostilities was immediately followed by two
decrees from Napoleon. The first granted pensions to the widows
and children of all officers and soldiers killed at Austerlitz; the
second ordered, that all the cannon, taken on the field of battle;
should be cast into a pillar, to be erected in the Place Vendome, to
perpetuate the glory of the French army. By a third decree, shortly
afterwards, the Emperor adopted all the children of the generals,
officers and soldiers, killed at Austerlitz; ordered that they should
be maintained and educated at the expense of the state, and per
mitted them to add the name of Napoleon to their own.
Nothing could be more embarrassing than the situation of M. de
Haugwitz, the Prussian ambassador, at that moment. He had been
stationed at Vienna with instructions to form a strict alliance with the
Emperor of Russia, as soon as his triumph over the French army was
completed. He now waited on Napoleon with a congratulatory oration
on his success. " This," answered Napoleon, who perfectly compre
hended the duplicity of Prussia, " is a compliment, the superscription of
which has been changed by victory." The interview ended in a treaty
between France and Prussia; by which the latter power was bound
to a continued neutrality, and to the cession of Anspach and Bareuth,
receiving Hanover in return. That nothing might be wanting to
perfect the crooked policy of Prussia, it happened that at the same
time that M. de Haugwitz completed this treaty with Napoleon at
Vienna, another treaty was actually signed with England at Berlin,
where the battle of Austerlitz was, as yet, unknown. The conster
nation which ensued was great ; as nearly an equal fear was entertained
of offending either of the belligerent powers; but it ended, for the
present, in Prussia abiding by Napoleon, and accepting Hanover, with
many excuses and protestations to his Britannic majesty, who now
saw his continental dominions occupied by the very power, so lately
on the point of making common cause with him against France.
Intelligence reached Vienna at this time, that the Court of Naples,
instigated by the queen, had broken faith with France, and invited
the landing of twelve thousand Russian, and eight thousand English
troops, the moment that the French army had evacuated the country,
according to the treaty which negociated the neutrality of Naples.
Napoleon immediately ordered a large army, under his brother Joseph,
to advance against them. He had a quarrel of long standing with the
Queen of Naples. " As to her," he exclaimed, when he heard of this
new piece of perfidy, " I am not surprised at her conduct ; but woe
betide her if I enter Naples. Never shall she set foot there again."
Meantime, the Russians and English re-embarked on hearing of
the armistice at Austerlitz, and left their unfortunate allies to their

b THE HISTORY OF
fate. The king and queen fled into Sicily, after abdicating in favour
of their son, who only retained his power long enough to surrender
all his fortresses, and Naples itself, to the French, who took possession
of the whole country without resistance, except from the wild inha
bitants of Calabria, who attempted, in vain, to make a stand ; and the
strong fortress of Gaeta, which maintained a resolute defence, under
the command of the Prince of Hesse Philipsthal, and held out until
July, 1806.

ZZ=~~iV-.i,-^e

The King of Sweden, also, found himself placed in a perilous
predicament by his conduct during the campaign, though the conse
quences did not fall upon him immediately. He had been an ardent
anti-gallican, and was emulous of the fame of Gustavus Adolphus,
and Charles the Twelfth. He had accordingly raised an army to free
Hanover from the French, and commenced the siege of Hamelen in
November. But Bernadotte had left a strong garrison in the fortress,
and before any impression was made on it, the news of the battle of
Austerlitz sent the unfortunate king back to his country, where he
was coldly received by his subjects, who soon began to plot his expul
sion from the throne, partly on account of his own want of conduct,
and partly because they feared the resentment of Napoleon, and
wished to avert it from themselves.
We have never had the least disposition to occupy time and space in
recounting such things as intrigues, affairs of what is called " gallantry"
(heartless folly, would, generally, be a far more appropriate term), and
other court scandals. Something of the kind, however, may here be
slightly noticed, as illustrative of various characters and influences. It
was certainly once the custom to ascribe to Napoleon all the vices of the
Roman emperors, but the world has been set right on this matter long

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 7
since. The fact is, that whatever may have been his natural tempera
ment (though we do not discover, in looking back to his early history,
any evidence of a tendency to excess in any of the pleasures of the
senses), his whole life was too full of action and of other intense and
absorbing interests to allow of time or even inclination to any species
of such indulgence. In his campaigns, Napoleon was often known to
be in vigorous action for four and twenty hours, and was in the constant
habit of enduring fatigue, such as would have worn him out but for his
wonderful constitution, which was recruited by one hour of sleep. He
had, moreover, the power of falling asleep voluntarily; being able, in
the midst of the most hazardous circumstances, entirely to banish all
anxiety from his mind, the moment that he had determined on his plan
of action. During the interval of comparative leisure which occurred while
Napoleon resided at Vienna, he was struck with the beauty of a young
girl, whom he had observed in the city ; and she proved quite ready to
accept an invitation to visit him, at the palace, on a certain evening.
She spoke Italian as well as German ; they therefore entered into con
versation; but a change came over the feelings of Napoleon as he
listened to what she said. He found her to be the daughter of re
spectable parents, and discovered that, in consenting to this meeting,
she had been swayed by the excitement of an ardent imagination,
possessed by the glory of his achievements, and enthusiastic feelings
of admiration and devotion towards him personally — such as she had
never experienced for any man before. He was not prepared for any
thing deep and serious like this, and immediately sent the young lady
home in safety, after causing arrangements to be made for her settle
ment in life, and giving her a pension.
A strange anecdote is also related as having occurred at this period,
which appears to be perfectly authentic. A French agent, resident at
Vienna, took it upon him, unauthorised by Napoleon (though, we must
suppose, by no means against his inclination), to persuade a certain beau
tiful German countess, known to be intimate with an English nobleman,
to visit Schoenbrunn. After some demur, she consented, but dropt
expressions, which seemed to intimate, that she meant to seize the
opportunity to rid her country of its great enemy. It is not hkely
that a woman, who had not sufficient self-possession to conceal such
a purpose, would ever have carried it through ; but the hint was taken,
by the terrified agent, and the meeting never occurred.
The treaty between France and Austria, was signed at Presburg,
on the 26th of December, little more than three weeks after the battle
of Austerlitz. No great time was required to settle conditions which
one power had only to dictate, and the other no alternative but to

8 THE HISTORY OF
grant, however humiliating. Austria ceded to Napoleon the states
of Venice, which were added to the kingdom of Italy ; and yielded up
to Bavaria the Tyrol and the country of Salzburgh, with part of Swabia,
thus losing the last of its possessions in Italy, and all command over
the passes of the mountains, which form the natural boundary of that
country. The Elector of Wirtemberg also received a large extent of
territory, at the expense of Austria, and was elevated to the title of king,
as also was the Elector of Bavaria ; while the Margrave of Baden re
ceived the title of Grand-Duke. By these great sacrifices to the emperor
of France and his allies, Austria is said to have lost twenty thousand
square miles of territory, two millions and a half of subjects, and a
revenue to the amount of ten millions and a half of florins, besides being
reduced to the solitary sea port of Trieste. Such were the extraordinary
results of a single campaign which lasted only six weeks, and included,
in its sanguinary annals, only one great battle. Napoleon had levied
heavy contribution upon the Emperor of Austria immediately the victory
was assured ; and the first instalment was actually paid with the English
subsidy, which arrived at that moment to support the war against him.
The very day after the signature of the treaty, Napoleon left Vienna
for Paris. Certain financial disarrangements gave him great uneasi
ness, and he was impatient to return. There had been a run on the
national bank, and a considerable fall in the funds. When examined,
the panic appeared to have been created in the pause of expectation
before the battle of Austerlitz, by some of the inmates of the Faubourg
St. Germain, who were always ready to prophesy the evil fortune of
Napoleon. The alarm and difficulty thus begun, had been increased by
the ill-judged appropriation of a large portion of the public revenue to a
private speculation of the victualling board, which had taken place at the
same period. Had the fortune of war turned against Napoleon, these
embarrassments might have proved very serious ; as it was, he was enabled
to adjust them without much difficulty.
Notwithstanding his anxiety to reach Paris, he remained a week at
Munich, to assist at the marriage of Eugene Beauharnois to the Princess
Augusta, daughter of the King of Bavaria. Josephine had joined him
there on his arrival, and the whole time was passed in fetes and re
joicings. It was on this occasion that he proclaimed Eugene his adopted
son, and, in default of issue of his own, his successor in the kingdom
of Italy. Napoleon, accompanied by Josephine, re-entered Paris on the 26th
of January, 1806, amidst the most enthusiastic acclamations. The
national vanity was flattered and raised to the highest pitch by the glory
he had again acquired ; and the extent and stability of his dominion now
appeared to be lastingly secured. The senate, at a solemn audience

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. i*
besought him to accept the title of " the Great ;" and public rejoicings,
which lasted for many days, attested his popularity. An important
political event at the same time opened new views of security and peace
to the empire. William Pitt, the implacable enemy of the Revolution,
died on the 23rd of January, 1806, at the early age of forty-seven; and
the government which he had conducted was intrusted to the hands of
his great opponent, Charles James Fox. The disastrous results of the
war, of which he had been the main inciter, probably hastened the death
of Pitt. He was observed to change and droop immediately after the
news of the capitulation of Ulm, and never rallied again. The well-
known friendship of Fox for the Emperor of France, added to his long
and openly avowed principles, afforded the strongest hopes that the two
great powers of England and France were at length destined to cement"
the peace of the world, by mutually entering into friendly relations.
Napoleon did not lose any time in opening a negociation. Aided by
Talleyrand, who earnestly counselled a peace, he first made overtures to
the English government through the mediation of Lord Yarmouth, who
was among the list of the detenus ; and, to evince his sincerity, offered to
yield the long-contested point of Malta, consenting to the continued
possession of that island, the Cape of Good Hope, and other conquests in
the East and West Indies, by Great Britain ; and in general proposing
that the treaty should be conducted on the principle called uti possidetis
— that is, allowing each party to retain whatever had been acquired by
each in the course of the war. Turkey, at the same time, acknowledged
Napoleon as Emperor, and entered into amicable relations with the
French nation; and, what was still more important, Russia signed a
treaty of peace with it in July, influenced by the pacific inclinations of
the English minister.
Not satisfied with this fair promise of continued power, Napoleon
now resolved to surround his throne with an order of nobles, and to place
different members of his family on the thrones of the conquered countries
surrounding France, that they might henceforth become parts of his
system, co-operating in his plans, and ready to carry them into effect at
the moment he should see fit. Decrees of the 31st of March, 1806,
declared Joseph Bonaparte Bang of Naples ; and Murat Grand Duke of
Berg and Cleves. Louis Bonaparte was made King of Holland a few
months afterwards ; and Jerome, King of Westphalia, in the following
year. The Princess Pauline received the principality of Guastalla ; and
Talleyrand, Bernadotte, and Berthier, those of Beneventum, Ponte-
Corvo, and Neufchatel. Fifteen dukedoms were created at the same
time, and bestowed on the most distinguished statesmen and generals of
the empire, together with an income amounting to a fifteenth part of the
revenue of the province attached to each, which now became grand fiefs
c

10

THE HISTORY OF

of the empire. Cambaceres and Lebrun were made dukes of Parma and'
Placenza; Savary, duke of Rovigo; Junot, of Abrantes; Lannes, of
Montebello, &c. The manners of spme of these republican soldiers
were very ill adapted to courtly forms, and afforded no small amusement
to the members of the ancient and legitimate order of things. Lannes,
in particular, was blunt and rough to a degree which had at times given
offence to the Emperor himself. An anecdote is told of him, which is
sufficiently illustrative of his very uncourtier-like temperament. On one
occasion, he had asked a favour of Napoleon, to which the latter, either
because preoccupied at the moment or from some motive of his own,
paid no attention. Lannes abruptly quitted the apartment ; and very
soon those who remained were surprised by a sharp ringing sound in
the antechamber, followed by a clattering shower upon the floor.
Napoleon, somewhat startled Hke the rest, opened the door to ascertain
the cause, and there saw Lannes with his drawn sabre slashing to
pieces, in his fury, a magnificent glass chandelier which was sus
pended from the ceiling. The Emperor returned to his seat with great
composure, and issued his command that Lannes should withdraw from
the palace. But the indignity was soon forgiven : Napoleon knew how
to make allowance for momentary passion, where he was conscious of
the real value of the offender's worth or abilities.
The desire to conciliate and form alliances with the established
dynasties and aristocracies of Europe kept pace with the daring en
croachments on their hitherto exclusive dignity which we have recorded.
Besides the marriage of Eugene Beauharnois to a princess of Bavaria,
an alliance was shortly concluded between the hereditary Prince of
Baden and Mademoiselle Stephanie Beauharnois, a niece of the Empress.
The old French noblesse were also encouraged to appear at the Tuileries.
" The Emperor," says Scott, " distinguished these ancient minions of
royalty with considerable favour, as, half-blushing for their own apostacy
in doing homage to Bonaparte in the palace of the Bourbons, half
sneering at the maladroit and awkward manners of their new associates,
they mingled among the men of new descent, and paid homage to the
monarch of the day, 'because,' as one of them expressed himself to
Madame de Stael, ' one must serve some one or other.' "
It was during the Emperor's visit at Munich that the republican
calendar was abolished, and the mode of computing time common to the
rest of the civilised world was restored in France ; an alteration certainly
for the better. Another change, of a far different . character, was made
about the same time. The Pantheon, which had been set apart in the
revolution, and dedicated to the philosophers and patriots whose writings
or deeds had brought about that great event, was restored to its original
destination of a Catholic church; and the noble building, dedicated by

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 1 1
" the grateful country to its great men," was now given over to the
ceremonies of the priests. The service and ancient ordinances were also
restored to the royal cemetery at St. Denis. In recording such decrees
as these, we sympathise in the burst of indignant sorrow with which one
of the modern French historians of Napoleon, and the most enthusiastic
of his admirers, has concluded his detail of them. " Oh ! " says Laurent,
" there was not only toleration, liberty, or protection for the Catholic
worship in this conduct of the Emperor ; there was a direct attack upon
those principles which consecrated the Pantheon as a noble monument
to great men ; there was condemnation of the present, re-establishment
of the past; there was a spirit of counter-revolution, and nothing
which resembles an act of necessity or political prudence : the future
will prove it."
The negociations with England went on tardily, and the news of
Mr. Fox's alarming state of health excited the greatest fears in the
French government that their efforts towards peace would be finally
counteracted. Lord Lauderdale arrived in Paris, on the part of England,
in the month of August ; but difficulties were continually started, and,
before anything was decided, the death of Charles Fox gave the finishing
blow to all hope of peace. Lord Lauderdale demanded his passports,
and left Paris in October.
Napoleon wished to add Sicily to his brother's new kingdom of
Naples ; but British ships were able to protect the King and Queen of
Naples in that insular position, and the English government refused to
desert their allies on this occasion, or to consent to any compensation or
adjustment offered. On this point principally turned the failure of the
attempt at peace, as far as can be discovered from the account of the
negociations ; but there is every reason to beheve that the true cause
was the death of Fox, and the accession to power of the Grenville
ministry. " We relied wholly on Mr. Fox," says Savary, " for termi
nating our eternal differences with England ; and at every fresh report
of the state of his health the negociations were urged forward, because
it was hoped that if peace were once concluded, some means would be
found of rendering it permanent, even in the event of Mr. Fox's death.
But fate had decided otherwise. The English minister died, and his
successor recalled Lord Lauderdale : the conferences were then broken
off. We tacitly accused Lord Lauderdale of not having been as zealous
as we were in smoothing away the difficulties which opposed the con
clusion of peace ; and it was even suspected that when Mr. Fox's
recovery was found to be impossible, he had studied only the sentiments
of the minister who was destined to succeed him."
Two events of great importance to Germany had occurred during
the negociations. The first was the Confederation of the Rhine, formed

1 2 THE HISTORY OF
under the auspices of Napoleon. By this compact, Wirtemberg,
Bavaria, and Hesse d'Armstadt, with some petty princes on the right
bank of the Rhine, renounced their dependence on the Germanic body,
and placed themselves directly under the guardianship of France; on the
plea that, in every war between France and Austria, they were exposed
to all the evils of invasion, from which the Germanic body had no longer
the power to defend them. Napoleon accepted the title of Protector of
the Confederation of the Rhine ; and in return required, in time of war,
from the states which composed it, a military contingent, as it was cajled,
amounting to sixty thousand men ; and he took care that the troops thus
placed at his disposal should be in perfect equipment and discipline.
The other event to which we have alluded was the voluntary depo
sition of the Imperial Crown of Germany by the Emperor of Austria ;
who declared that, seeing no sufficient means of enforcing that ancient
league, he now only held his title as sovereign of Austria, and his other
hereditary states.
The crooked policy of Prussia had also placed the north of Germany
in a totally new position. When the Prussian government occupied
Hanover, it proceeded to the further aggression of shutting its ports
against English merchandise. England, accordingly, declared war against
Prussia, receiving at the same time, among other concessions from Napo
leon, the offer of the restitution of Hanover, at which Prussia was deeply
offended, though ample promises of compensation were held out by
Napoleon. No sooner, however, did counsels hostile to France regulate
the English cabinet, than the same disposition became apparent in
Prussia. All differences between the two latter countries were forgotten ;
a treaty of peace was concluded between them, and English money was
promised to support another war against France, while the injury and
affront of the retention of Hanover remained unredressed ; the Prussian
minister avowing that its restitution would depend on the events of the
war. It thus appears that the English government was ready to submit
to loss of territory and actual insult, provided it could succeed in stirring
up the nations of Europe against Napoleon, and gratify its implacable
hostility towards the French Revolution ; while a corrupt parliament was
always ready, profligately, to grant the national money, thus ruthlessly
squandered away.
Another sanguinary war was on the eve of bursting forth, as the
summer of 1806 drew to a close; yet no adequate cause for such a
calamity existed. Several grievances were complained of, such as the
following : — Prussia had endeavoured to form a northern confederacy of
German states to counterbalance the influence of France in the Con
federation of the Rhine, and had failed. It is certain that the plan was
defeated chiefly by obstacles thrown in the way by Napoleon, particularly

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 13
as to the Hanse towns, which, he declared, could not be included in any
particular confederation; but he offered no open opposition. Murat,
whose grand duchy of Berg placed him in near neighbourhood with
Prussia, unjustifiably seized upon three abbeys, which he declared to
belong to him; and altogether behaved, and permitted his officers to
behave, in an offensive and petulant manner : but in all this, there was
no cause for war, but only for remonstrance and negociation. At the
same time, an arbitrary and vindictive act of oppression and cruelty, on
the part of the French authorities at Nuremberg, contributed to bring
them into odium all over Germany. A bookseller, named Palm, was
seized there, for publishing a libel on Napoleon, — tried by a military
commission, and shot. The public mind was inflamed against the
French; and the Queen of Prussia, at that time both young and beautiful,
was at the head of a party who ruled the court, and exerted every art to
rouse this spirit to its extreme. Prince Louis of Prussia, and a whole
band of young nobles, who were full of ardour to repeat the victories of
the great Frederick, are said to have sharpened their sabres on the
threshold of the French ambassador, and to have broken the windows
of the ministers supposed to be in the French interest. The army was
strongly recruited. The queen frequently appeared in the uniform of
the regiment, which bore her name, and sometimes rode at their head.
In the midst of the popular ferment thus created, the Emperor of Russia
visited Berlin, and promised the aid of his armies against France.
On the 1st of October, the Prussian envoy was interrogated by Tal
leyrand as to the cause of the martial attitude assumed by his state. He
delivered a paper in reply, containing three demands : — First, that all the
French troops should immediately evacuate Germany : secondly, that
France should cease to present obstacles to the formation of the northern
confederacy: thirdly, that the fortress of Wesel, and the three abbeys
seized by Murat, should be restored. These demands, accompanied by
a long accusatory letter, amounted to a declaration of war. Napoleon
had already left Paris for Mentz, the imperial guard being ordered to
proceed thither, by post, without delay ; and an immense French army
was on the march towards the frontiers of Saxony. Reports from Ger
many hastened these operations. The Prussian army was established
at Erfurt and Weimar, having already advanced through Saxony, not
withstanding the urgent desire of the elector to remain neutral. The
conduct of Prussia towards Saxony on this occasion, closely resembled
that of Austria towards Bavaria in the last war ; but, at the outset, it
succeeded better. The Elector of Saxony joined his forces tp their left
wing, and the Duke of Weimar took the command of the Prussian
cavalry. Their army made no further advance, but suffered the French
to unite and concentrate, neglecting to dispute the passages of the Oder

14

THE HISTORY OF

and Elbe, and suffering them to debouch by Saalfeld, The advanced
guard of the Prussian left, under Prince Louis of Prussia, here encoun
tered the division of Marshal Lannes, and was entirely defeated and put
to flight ; the young prince, one of the prime movers of the war, being
among its first victims. He fought with passionate gallantry at the head
of his troops, but being summoned to surrender himself prisoner by a
French hussar, he replied by a slash with his sabre in the face of the
hussar, and was instantly run through the body.

Napoleon marched in person by the valley of the Maine, with the
divisions of Bernadotte and Ney, and flanked, on his right, by the
divisions of Soult and Davoust; the left was composed of the divisions
of Lannes and Lefebvre. He passed the Saale at Saalburg, and ar
rived at Schleitz, where the extreme left of the Prussian army was
encountered and put to flight. Meanwhile, Soult had taken Hoff, with
its magazines ; and, together with Davoust, continued to advance by the
banks of the Elster, followed by Murat, with the whole of the cavalry.
By these combined movements, the French army had cleared the whole
course of the Saale. The importance of this advantage was soon ap
parent. The King of Prussia had placed the Duke of Brunswick at the head
of his army. The duke had gained renown as a- general in his youth,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 15
but he had been out-manceuvred by Dumouriez in 1792, and being
seventy-two years of age, now added obstinacy to some of the in
firmities of declining life. It would have been more prudent to have
delayed the commencement of the war till the advance of the Russians ;
but the Duke of Brunswick, on the contrary, pushed forward, through
Saxony, into Saxe-Weimar. Yet, having made this premature move
ment, he did not follow it up, but suffered Napoleon, as we have seen,
to possess himself of the course of the Saale. His magazines, and re
serves of artillery and ammunition, were not close in the rear of his
army, but at Naumburg, on his extreme left ; his head-quarters being
still at Weimar ; his left, at Schleitz, under Prince Hohenlohe, and his
right, at Muhlhausen, leaving a space of ninety miles between the ex
treme flanks of his army. The King of Prussia was at head-quarters
in person ; and his courage and popularity, together with the frequent
presence of the queen, inspired the troops with ardour. Many generals
and soldiers in the ranks had served under the great Frederick ; and the
whole army continued to be distinguished for the most rigid discipline.
It amounted, in numbers, to upwards of one hundred and fifty thousand
men ; but the French army was still stronger.
By the movements we have described, and the defeats of the Prussian
left, at Saalfeld and Schleitz, Napoleon had opened the way to Naum
burg. He lost no time in securing the advantages which would put him
in possession of his enemy's magazines, place him between them and
Saxony, and completely turn their left wing. When at Gera, within
half a day's journey of Naumburg, he despatched a letter to Frederick
William, offering peace. " If I were only beginning my military career,"
said he, " if I could fear the chance of battle, the language which I hold
to your majesty would be altogether out of place : but your majesty will
be conquered; and, without the shadow of a pretext, will have com
promised the repose of your days, and the existence of your subjects."
This letter remained unnoticed. It is mentioned by Scott as a specimen
of exulting irony, resembling the sensations of an angler, when the fish
is hooked, and about to become his secure prey ; but the French writers
do not hint at such a view of the matter. They represent it to have
been made in good faith. The divisions of Bernadotte and Davoust
pushed on to Naumburg, took the place, and the flames of their stores
and magazines were the first indications to the Prussians of their pe
rilous position. They at last perceived that they had suffered Napoleon
to get completely into their rear, and that they had no alternative but
a battle, without the power of choosing their own time and place, and
without any line of retreat, in case of disaster. " The army of the great
Frederick," says Scott, " was, it must be owned, brought to combat with

16 THE HISTORY OF
as little reflection or military science, as a herd of school-boys might have
displayed in a mutiny."
The resolution of Napoleon was now formed. He had captured the
Prussian mail, and ascertained that their main army was still at Weimar.
He ordered the cavalry under Murat, to join Davoust and Bernadotte at
Naumburg, while he himself, with the rest of the army, marched upon
the elevated plain of Jena, where he bivouacked, on the 13th of October,
at sunset, not a fortnight after the declaration of the King of Prussia,
which had determined the war. On taking his ppsition, he received
information that the Prussian army was at length in motion. It had
marched out of Weimar in two great corps : the largest, under the imme
diate command of the king and the Duke of Brunswick, had advanced
towards Naumburg to attempt to retake that important place ; the other,
under Prince Hohenlohe, was directing its march on Jena. Napoleon
made every disposition for the battle, which, at both points, was to be
expected the following day ; and had all the generals to supper with him.
Before laying down in his bivouac, he went to see that all was right,
and descended the hill of Jena on foot, to ascertain that no ammunition
wagon had been left behind. He found the whole of the artillery
belonging to the division of Marshal Lannes, which was to commence the
action, sticking fast in a ravine, wliich had been mistaken in the dark
ness for a road. The wheals of the foremost were fast jammed against
the rocks, and about a hundred wagons, which had entered the defile one
behind another, were thus completely prevented from moving forwards ;
and to turn was impossible. The Emperor was excessively irritated, but
scarcely uttered a word. He collected the men without the loss of a
moment, made them get their park tools, light their lanterns, and cut
away the rocks on each side. As he directed the operations, he held one
of the lanterns himself. " I shall never forget," says Savary, " the ex
pression in the countenances of the men, on seeing the Emperor lighting
them with a lantern, nor the heavy blows with which they struck the
rocks. They were exhausted with fatigue, but no one uttered a com
plaint. The Emperor did not leave the spot till the first wagon had
passed through, which was not till late in the night."
Early on the morning of the 14th, Davoust marched from Naumburg,
and advanced to the attack of that division of the Prussian army, which,
commanded by the king and the Duke of Brunswick, had rested for the
night on the heights of Auerstadt. His division consisted of thirty-
five thousand men ; the Prussian army of upwards of seventy thousand.
Bernadotte, who should have supported him, insisted on passing to the
front ; and, on being refused that position, and shewn, besides, that such
a movement would expose their forces to imminent danger, held aloof

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

17

under one pretext or another, and did not support Davoust, who, not
withstanding, obtained a complete victory. The Duke of Brunswick
was mortally wounded early in the action, and carried from the field.
General Schmettau, and Marshal Moellendorf, the next in command,
were also wounded ; and the king himself, with the scattered remains
of the army, was left to execute a retreat in the direction of Weimar,
which he was enabled to effect, in consequence of Davoust's want of
cavalry, Bernadotte having contrived to hold them back with his own
division. On the same morning which decided the fate of one half of the
Prussian army at Auerstadt, Napoleon got his troops under arms at
day-break, on the plain of Jena, and prepared to give battle to Prince
Hohenlohe. As at Austerlitz, a thick fog lay on the ground, and though
the bivouacs of the two armies were only at half cannon-shot distance,
and the sentinels so near that every movement was mutually heard,

18 THE HISTORY OF
they were quite invisible to each other. The Emperor, in his address,
explained to his soldiers the situation of their enemies. " Soldiers," said
he, " the Prussian army is surrounded like that of Mack, at Ulm, exactly
one year ago. They fight not so much for victory as to get free and
regain their communications. The corps which suffers itself to be pene
trated will lose its reputation. Do not fear their celebrated cavalry ;
oppose to it firm squares and the bayonet." He was answered by loud
cries of " Forward."
Soon after six o'clock a partial skirmishing began. The fog rose and
dispersed at nine, and the two armies found themselves face to face under
a clear autumn sky and a bright sun. The cannonade became general,
and the battle was fiercely contested. The Prussians maintained their
high reputation for military discipUne, executing every manoeuvre with the
precision and regularity of machines. Napoleon exposed himself in the
thickest of the fight, forming the squares of infantry to resist the desperate
charges of the Prussian cavalry. As he ordered the manoeuvres, he was
repeatedly interrupted by the resounding cry of "Vive l'Empereur."
The imperial guard, which was kept in reserve, could scarcely be re
strained. As the Emperor passed along its front, he heard the cry of
"Forward!" "Who was that? "exclaimed he sternly. "It can only be
some raw youth without a beard that dares to judge for me what I ought
to do. Let him wait till he has commanded in thirty battles before he
pretends to give me advice." In the various evolutions of the day, the
two armies had completely changed their direction. A bold and close
attack, made by Lannes upon the centre of the Prussian line, caused them
to change front on their right wing, the left wing in the rear. The French
army was therefore obliged to make the opposite movement, and change
front on the left wing, the right wing in advance, — and the action re
commenced along the whole Une. At this moment, an unexpected in
cident decided the battle. Augereau had been left at Mentz to form a
corps with the regiments which had been sent to France after AusterUtz.
He had marched with extraordinary celerity, and arrived with his troops,
advancing through a fir-wood in the rear of the Prussians, just as the
new position had been effected. His sudden attack made them waver.
Napoleon seized the critical moment. He brought the imperial guard
into action, and ordered his cavalry, concentrated in the centre of the
army, to charge with desperation. The charge succeeded. The Prussians
gave way, fell into disorder, and their rout began. The head of Murat's
cavalry now appeared on the field, arriving from their state of inaction at
Auerstadt; and rushing upon the fugitives, who were in irretrievable
disorder, pursued them with deadly speed along the road towards Wei
mar. The confusion and carnage became horrible, when the stream of
panic-stricken men encountered, at the point of junction with the road

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 19
from Auerstadt, another tide of fugitives from the battle won by Davoust,
also directing their frantic course upon Weimar. It was at this period
that the King of Prussia, finding himself entangled in the almost inex
tricable maze, escaped across the fields, escorted by a small body of
cavalry. He had shewn great courage in the battle, but courage was no
longer of any avail. The situation of the inhabitants of Weimar on
this dreadful day, and the high-minded conduct of the duchess, have
been finely described by Falk. We take the following description from
the work published by Mrs. Austin, under the title of " Goethe and
his Contemporaries :"• — ¦
" It was on the 14th of October of the year 1806, at half-past
six in the morning, that the thunder of the artillery awakened the
inhabitants of Weimar out of their sleep. The report came with the
wind ; all the windows in the houses clattered and shook, and universal
consternation spread through the town. Young and old rushed into
the streets, on the heights, up the towers, out at the gates ; whenever
the roll of the cannon, which grew nearer and nearer, permitted favour
able conjectures to their hopes, or suggested unfavourable ones to
their fears.
" The face of events changed rapidly. Disordered troops of horse
soon gaUoped through the town ; and, in their hurried course, assured us
the victory was ours. Then appeared a party of French prisoners, whom
the people and the soldiers, left to guard the town, in their fancied
triumph, would have maltreated, had they not been restrained by a pro
vident law. But a noble Prussian officer would not suffer it. He took
a thaler out of his pocket, and gave it to a wounded and bleeding chas
seur, saying, ' Drink to the health of your Emperor.'
" The French prisoners were followed but too soon by Prussian
cavalry, mortally wounded, hanging athwart their horses. The multi
tude were still occupied with this saddening spectacle, when several
artillery-men, begrimed with the smoke of gunpowder, and stained with
blood, with faces as if covered with black crape, rushed, in a troop,
through the Kegelthor into the town, spreading alarm and horror
wherever they went, by their terrific aspect: for the anxious expres
sion, visible on their marred and distorted features as they looked
around from time to time, and the dreadful marks — gashes of the
sabre, and stabs of the lance — which they brought from the field,
told but too plainly that death was close at their heels. He was
indeed at hand.
" The Webicht, the avenues leading to it, as well as the high road
from Jena to Weimar, was filled with a thousand voiced war-cry, in
which the rush and shock of steeds and horsemen, the roU of the drum,
and the call of the trumpet, the tramp and the neighing of horses, were,

20 THE HISTORY OF
at times, to be distinguished. The firing, at length, totally ceased:
then came that fearful pause, in which cavalry, charging on the enemy's
rear, breaks through his ranks, and commences a noiseless carnage.
" The French now planted a few guns on the heights above Weimar,
from which they could fire into the town. It was a calm, bright October
day. In the streets of Weimar everything appeared dead. The inha
bitants had retreated into their houses. Now and then was heard the
boom of one of the guns, posted at Ober Weimar. The baUs hissed
through the air, and not unfrequently struck the houses. In the in
tervals, the birds were heard singing sweetly on the esplanade and the
other pubUc walks ; and the deep repose of nature formed an awful and
heart-appalhng contrast with this scene of horror.
" The first who occupied the market-place of Weimar, were a party
of French chasseurs ; they were foUowed by a large body of infantry.
Order and discipUne were altogether out of the question. The work of
plunder was systematically begun. The crash of doors burst in, the
shrieks of the inhabitants, were heard on every side. I shaU only add
here, that at seven o'clock in the evening, when the houses opposite to
the palace were in flames, the Ught was so intense, that people could see
to read hand-writing, both in the palace-court and in the market-place.
None could believe other than that the French would execute their
threats, and lay the whole town in ashes.
" When, therefore, at this terrific crisis, the report was suddenly
spread, that the Grand Duchess was stiU in the palace, the effect which
it produced on the hearts of the citizens was such, that wherever a few
met together, their despair and anguish were changed to rapturous joy.
How beneficently this noble picture of princely and womanly courage
and magnanimity wrought upon aU hearts and minds, from the highest
to the lowest, at this juncture ; what it prevented, and what it held toge
ther, it is just to dwell upon, and to take care that she, who Ughted us
as our beacon in this fearful storm, should be held up as a model of the
lofty intrepidity and constancy of women."
We extract the remainder of the narrative from the account of the
period given by the Chancellor Von Mulier : —
" The duke, at the head of his troops, was at a distance on the
other slope of the Thuringian chain. Before his departure, he had
sent the hereditary prince and princess to Schleswig; but so over
whelming a calamity as the loss of a decisive battle in a few days, so
near to Weimar, was beyond the reach of any foresight. On the 14th
of October, about mid-day, when the defeat of the Prussian army was
no longer doubtful, the duchess made instant arrangements for re
moving her daughter, and the duchess-mother, out of the wild tumult
of war. To escape from it herself, did not for a moment enter her

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 21
thoughts. She afforded to many persons of the town, nay whole fami
lies, with their valuables, an asylum, and protection in her own part of
the palace ;" (which was respected by the French :) " the most con
siderable lay about her ante-chamber in confused and motley groups.
French officers and their suites had taken possession of the greater
part of the palace. They had seized on aU the provisions, and the
duchess was left in absolute want ; but her courage and firm enduring
constancy remained erect. After four and twenty hours of fearful ex
pectation, Napoleon entered Weimar in person.
" With the same simple dignified serenity of manner which she wore
in the days of prosperity, did she, surrounded by her court-servants,
receive the haughty conqueror. He addressed to her, it is true, but
a few hasty salutations ; but his surprise at her reception of him, and
at her calmness in so fearful a scene, was sufficiently expressed in the
words he addressed to General Rapp : — ' Here is a woman whom, with
our two hundred guns, we have not been able to make tremble !'
" In this, the most momentous conversation of her Ufe, with what
serene dignity she met the violence with which the Emperor denounced
her husband for his participation in the war, and declared his intention
of driving him from his throne and states; with what high-minded
freedom she urged the ties of honour and of fideUty which bound him
to Prussia ; with what noble ardour she defended his cause, and that of
her country; and to what a degree she thus extorted from the Emperor
respect and admiration, and led him to milder measures; — aU this he
attested so fuUy, by word and deed, that it remains a portion of history.
' You possess the ornament of German princesses,' said he, a few weeks
afterwards, in BerUn, to the Weimar deputies ; ( whatever I may do for
the country, or for the duke, is done purely for her sake ; her conduct
ought to serve as a model to every throne in Europe.'"
Napoleon did, in fact, treat Weimar with the highest generosity.
He not only gave immediate orders that all plundering should cease,
and enforced the strictest discipline, in consequence of his interview
with the duchess, but he soon afterwards restored the nominal inde
pendence of the state, and declared it a part -of the Rhenish league.
When this most advantageous treaty was presented to the duke by a
French officer, he refused to take it into jhis own hands, saying, " Give
it to my wife : the Emperor intended it for her."
Those writers who catch at every chance of depreciating Napoleon,
attribute his lenient treatment of Weimar to mere motives of policy,
and a wish to conciUate the Emperor of Russia, whose sister was
married to the hereditary prince : but how can this be the case, when
it required all the high-minded conduct of this noble duchess to prevent
his executing the vengeance he had threatened. They cannot have it

THE HISTORY OF

both ways. Her greatness proves his generous sympathies. If he had
been merely politic, she had no need for magnanimity.
We have not thought it irrelevant to the main purpose of the
present history to pause so long over the events which occurred in one
small state, because these events strikingly illustrate that sympathy
with courage and high-mindedness which Napoleon scarcely ever failed
to manifest, however deficient in the enlarged humanity which sees in
every man a brother: because, also, it is wholesome for the mind to
turn from the historical annals of 'glorious' war, and dwell, at times,
upon the collateral evils which mark its devastating course. These
fears, and horrors, and struggles, marked with so much importance in
the pages of the German writers, are scarcely noticed by the chroniclers
of the war. A striking instance of two different views of the same
events, by parties equally engaged in them, is now before us. The
German version, by civilians, we have just given: the following is from
the pen of a French officer : —
" In the evening I was directed," says Rapp, " together with Murat,
to pursue the wrecks of the Prussian army. We took some Saxon
battalions, and we entered pell-mell with them into Weimar. Some
few disorders took place ; but they were of little consequence ! "
We have felt, also, that Weimar, though insignificant when mea
sured by extent of territory, is great in the truth of things ; as having
possessed a court which was the home of Goethe and Schiller, of
Wieland and Herder, and at which a crowd of other great men were
always welcome, and frequently resident ; as having institutions in
which the obligation on every inhabitant to educate aU his children,
dates from the establishment of Protestantism; the act, which enforces
it, commencing with these words : — -" The functions of the schoolmaster
must be ranked amongst the most important offices of the state ; he
who takes such an office upon himself, must devote himself entirely to
God, the country, and humanity ;" so that Weimar has deserved its
character, of being a state in which " the beautiful went hand in hand
with the useful."
It is computed by the French authorities, that the Prussians lost,
in killed, wounded, and prisoners, fifty thousand men, on the 14th of
October; the number of generals and officers, included in the Ust,
being much beyond the usual proportion ; while the French loss was
comparatively small, and none of their celebrated generals were even
wounded. Lannes had his breast grazed by a ball, and Davoust had
his hat knocked off, and his clothes pierced in many places by bullets,
but neither of them was hurt. Nearly the whole of the Saxon in
fantry were made prisoners ; but Napoleon set them at liberty, and sent
by one of the officers, a pacific message to the Elector at Dresden,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 23
offering oblivion of the past, and future amicable relations on con
dition of his returning to the original policy, out of which he had been
forced by the power of Prussia. These were generous terms, and
gladly accepted. Far different was the measure dealt to the Duke of
Brunswick, who was now made to drink, to its bitter dregs, the cup
of vengeance for his long list of injuries towards the French nation.
He had been carried from the field of battle to his city of Brunswick,
and thence wrote to Napoleon, urging his claim to moderation and
clemency as a prince of the empire, though in the capacity of a general
in the Prussian service, he had fought against France. He must have
forgotten, when he urged such a plea, that it was he who, in 1792, had
approached the. frontiers of repubUcan France, with a hundred thousand
soldiers of different nations, to compel a free people to obey the will
of a coalition of foreign sovereigns, under pain (as his famous manifesto
set forth) if they dared to resist, of being punished on the spot by
martial law as rebels, and their towns demolished and burnt ; while
the members of the legislative assembly, department, municipaUty,
and national guard of Paris, were declared personally responsible and
liable to military execution, without hope of pardon, if they did not set
Louis XVI. at entire Uberty to do as he wiUed with them; and the
city of Paris was threatened with military execution and levelling to the
ground, not one stone being left standing upon another, if the palace of
the Bourbons were forced or insulted. He must have forgotten, too, that
it was he who was among the foremost in counselling the present san
guinary and useless struggle, from the consequences of which he now
shrunk. Napoleon answered his poor-spirited appeal, by reminding
him of that proclamation which France had never forgotten ; of the
present war, which his counsels should have prevented, but had incited;
and of the right the French army had acquired by victory to leave
" not one stone standing upon another" in the town of Brunswick ; but
announced that the subjects of the duke should be treated with all
lenity, while the punishment should fall on himself and his family, who
were henceforth deprived of their hereditary sovereignty. As the French
troops approached Brunswick at the same time, the duke, now sinking-
fast from the effect of his wounds, caused himself to be removed to the
neutral town of Altona, where he died three weeks afterwards. A re
quest from his son to be allowed to bury him in his ancestral vault,
was refused by Napoleon with the same sternness which had charac
terised his reply to the former application. It is said that the son
vowed mortal hatred against Napoleon in consequence, and bequeathed
his legacy of revenge to his followers at his death. Princely criminals
do not submit patiently to their sentence of condemnation.

24 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon rejected, at the same time, an application from the King
of Prussia, soliciting an armistice. It was too evidently made to gain
time for the approach of the Russians, which the king had at last
discovered should have been his plan at the beginning of the war.
A general panic seemed to have fallen over Prussia. Large detach
ments of the army daily laid down their arms to the French ; some
times with little resistance, at others, after hard fighting. General
Kalkreuth surrendered, with all his troops, to Soult, on the 15th. On
the 17th, Bernadotte encountered an untouched body of sixteen thou
sand men, the reserve of their army, which had never been brought
into action, but had taken up a position at Halle, under Prince Eugene
of Wirtemberg. They shared the fate of aU the rest, being utterly
routed with the loss of five thousand men, their artillery and standards.
On the 18th, Erfurt surrendered to Murat with a hundred and twenty
pieces of cannon, immense magazines, and fourteen thousand men
prisoners of war, among whom were Marshal MoeUendorf, and the
Prince of Orange. The king had escaped to Koningsberg ; the queen
fled from one city to another, before the victors. She was at Stettin
on the 19th, and at Custrin on the 20th.
Napoleon, advancing towards Potsdam, visited the field of Rosbach,
where Frederick the Great conquered the French army in 1757. After
inspecting the ground, he set his sappers to work, and removed the
column erected in commemoration of that victory, which he sent to
Paris. It was easily conveyed away, being of very limited altitude.
The French army crossed the Elbe at Wittenberg. A curious
meeting occurred in this place. As Napoleon passed through the
suburbs, a storm of hail suddenly came on, which caused him to aUght
and seek shelter in one of the houses, accompanied by a few of bis
officers. Supposing that he was unknown, he did not observe the
surprise of two young women, who were in the apartment which he
entered, nor the deferential manner in which they continued standing
in his presence ; but Savary, who understood German, heard one 'of
them exclaim, " Heavens ! it is the Emperor ! " Napoleon's curiosity
was soon roused, and he began to ask questions. " You know me
then?" said he. "Yes Sire, you are not altered; and I recognised
you immediately, as well as General Berthier, and General Savary."
"Where have you seen me before?" "In Egypt, Sire." It was
discovered that this young woman living in the suburbs of Wittenberg
was the widow " of a colonel in the French army, who had been killed
at Aboukir; and that she, unable to get her pension, and with a son
to support, had engaged to educate the children of the lady in whose
house the Emperor now found her. It need hardly be added that she

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

pr-,

was no longer disappointed of her pension. It was insured to her that
same evening, with the reversion to her son.
Marshal Ney was intrusted with the blockade of Magdeburg. The
remains of the Prussian army now re-crossed the Elbe, and attempted
to regain the Oder, near Stettin. Spandau surrendered to Lannes at
the first summons, with a large garrison, provisions, and miUtary stores.
Napoleon meanwhile, with the main army, entered Potsdam. He ex
amined every part of both the palaces of Sans-Souci, particularly the
apartments of Frederick the Great; and reverentially visited his tomb.
He nevertheless made prize of the sword-belt, and hat, together with
the insignia of the order of the Black Eagle, which had been worn
by that military king, and sent them to Paris. " I had rather possess
these than twenty millions," said he, as he took them in his hands ;
" I will send them to the InvaUds : the veterans who have survived
the wars of Hanover, will welcome with religious respect all which
belonged to one of the first soldiers of whom history will ever preserve
the memory." Whatever the degree of respect, the objects were cer
tainly not very " religious."

*«fc«fl*  isai*-

26 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon made his triumphal entry into Berlin on the 27th of
October 1806, at the head of a grand military procession; scarcely a
year having elapsed since he entered Vienna in like manner. He was
received at the splendid gate of Charlottenburg by General Hullin,
commandant of the city, who presented the keys to him in the midst
of a great multitude of the people. The windows of the houses were
filled with ladies; but it was observed by the French officers that the
profoundest grief was expressed on their countenances, and that many
were bathed in tears. The Emperor alighted at the king's palace, and
there took up his abode. The apartments of the queen were scrupu
lously respected, both here and at Potsdam ; notwithstanding Napoleon
was excessively irritated against her, and has been accused, with justice,
of indulging in insulting personalities towards her in his official bulletins.
He also behaved with all possible consideration to the hereditary Prin
cess of Hesse Cassel, who had been unable to leave the palace, being
on the point of her confinement. He lost no time in sending her a
message calculated to calm her alarm and agitation; placed a sum of
money at her disposal, and caused every attention to be paid to her
comfort. He also performed an act of clemency soon after his arrival,
in pardoning the Prince of Hatzfeld at the intercession of his wife.
This Prussian nobleman was put on trial for his life ; accused, on the
evidence of an intercepted dispatch, of treachery towards the French
government, in giving private information to the King of Prussia after
accepting employment under Napoleon. The circumstance is men
tioned in the following letter from the Emperor to Josephine, in which
he displays very great ingenuity; pleading his excuse for his harsh
expressions concerning the Queen of Prussia, by turning the cause of
them into a compliment to herself: —
" I have received your letter in which you seem to reproach me for
speaking ill of women. It is true that I dislike female intriguers above
all things. I am used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory women. I love
them, and if they have spoiled me, it is not my fault, but yours. How
ever, you will see that I have done an act of kindness to one deserving
woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld. When I shewed her her
husband's letter, she stood weeping, and in a tone of mingled grief and
ingenuousness, said, 'It is indeed his writing!* This went to my
heart ; and I said, ' Well Madame, throw the letter into the fire, and
then I shall have no proof against your husband.' She burned the
letter, and was restored to happiness. Her husband now is safe : two
hours later, and he would have been lost. You see, therefore, that I
like women who are simple, gentle, and amiable; because they alone
resemble you."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

27

The wrecks of the Prussian army were meanwhile pursued to their
last points of retreat, by the French. Prince Hohenlohe, who had
retreated on the Oder with nearly fifty thousand men, was forced to
maintain continual combats with his active antagonists; and at length
found himself, on the 28th of October, on the heights of Prentzlow,
without provisions, forage, or ammunition, and vigorously pressed by
Murat. He had no resource but to capitulate. Nearly twenty thou
sand Prussians laid down their arms on this day; not without many
signs of pride and passion at their humiliation. The rest of their army,
composing the rear-guard, still held the field, under the command of
Blucher, whose name was destined to be heard under far different
fortunes at a future day. He no sooner received information of the

surrender of Prince Hohenlohe, than he made a rapid retreat in the
direction of Strelitz, and effected a junction with the dukes of Wei
mar and Brunswick-Oels, who still held ten thousand men together.
With them he passed the Elbe at Lauenburg, having formed the plan
of reinforcing the Prussian garrisons in Lower Saxony ; but the skill
of the combined movements of Soult, Murat, and Bernadotte counter
acted this last desperate effort, and Blucher was forced to throw himself
into Lubeck. The place was assaulted by the French, and entered
at two points on the 6th of November, but throughout the day and
night he maintained a desperate conflict in the streets of the town.
Early on the morning of the 7th, finding resistance useless, Blucher
and the Prince of Brunswick-Oels, presented themselves before their
conquerors at the head of ten Prussian generals, five hundred and

28

THE HISTORY OF

eighteen officers, and twenty thousand men, and treated for a capitu
lation. They were forced to surrender prisoners of war. The Prussian
army was thus all but annihilated ; one corps alone remained in Silesia,
where it was held in check by Jerome Bonaparte. At the same time,
Louis Bonaparte, the new King of Holland, had conquered with equal
ease, Westphalia, Embden, East Friesland, and great part of Hanover.
The sudden destruction of an army hitherto renowned for courage
and discipline, was not so extraordinary as the overwhelming panic
which seemed to spread throughout every fortified place in Prussia.
Strong cities, which had been sufficient to detain enemies before their
walls for months, now surrendered, one after another, at the first
summons. Stettin capitulated with a garrison of six thousand men,
and a hundred and sixty pieces of cannon, to General Lasalle at the
head of a few squadrons. Custrin opened its gates to Davoust, with
scarcely a show of resistance ; and, to crown the whole, the important
fortress of Magdeburg, with twenty thousand men, eight hundred
pieces of cannon, and immense magazines, surrendered to Marshal
Ney on the 8th of November. The governors of these places were
naturally accused of treachery. The students of the university insulted
the commandant of Magdeburg for his pusillanimity, while the French
soldiers sympathising in their indignation afforded him very Uttle pro
tection ; and the commandant of Hamelen very narrowly escaped being
torn to pieces by his garrison when he surrendered. No evidence, how
ever, of bribery is on record. The strong mental influence of loss of
hope from repeated ill-fortune, seems the only cause ascertainable of
events apparently so strange.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

29

x» u ,:, **&=¦

CHAPTER II.

PRUSSIA ATTEMPTS TO TREAT FOR PEACE, BUT FAILS  BERLIN DECREE — THE RUSSIANS IN
POLAND  FRENCH ARMY CROSSES THE VISTULA — BATTLE OF PULTUSK  FRENCH GO INTO
WINTER QUARTERS  NAPOLEON AT WARSAW  BATTLE OF EYLAU — NAPOLEON OFFERS
PEACE, BUT IS REFUSED — BATTLE OF FRIEDLAND — ARMISTICE — TREATY OF TILSITT — •
RETURN TO PARIS.

The King of Prussia, finding himself
stripped of the greater part of
his dominions, and seeing much
reason to fear the loss of all the
rest, sent the Marquis Lucchesini
to open a negociation with the
Emperor of France, in the hope
of ending his disasters by a peace.
The result of the treaty of Pres-
^ burg had, however, rather dis
gusted Napoleon with generosity
towards sovereigns, and rendered
him averse to making any conces
sions which should not be dearly
bought ; or concluding a peace on
any terms but such as would render its infraction difficult, if not im
possible. Talleyrand arrived at Berlin while the question was in
agitation, and conducted the diplomatic business on the part of France.

30 THE HISTORY OF
The ultimatum he sent to the King of Prussia required, in return for
the restoration of his conquered dominions, that England should restore
the colonies taken from France and its allies ; that Russia should desist
from assuming the protectorate of Wallachia and Moldavia; and that
the rights of the Ottoman porte should be restored in their former ple
nitude. It was beyond the power of the King of Prussia to compel his
two great allies to subscribe to these conditions ; yet it is certain that,
without making them parties to a peace, Napoleon would have only
concluded this campaign to commence another in the following season.
The Russians, ninety thousand strong, had advanced into Poland, ready
to play over again for Prussia the same game which they had staked for
Austria the year before. If their emperor evinced no anxiety to make
some sacrifices to procure peace for his unfortunate ally, but deter
mined on supporting his pretensions to his forfeited dominions by the
sword, war was inevitable; and for this Napoleon actively prepared.
An embassy from the French senate produced in him excessive irrita
tion at this crisis, by recommending peace, while offering congratulations
on the splendour of his victories. He repUed, that " before they took
such a step, they ought to have ascertained on what side the opposition
to peace existed, and to have brought with them the means of causing
that opposition to disappear." This reply was practicaUy enforced by
a demand for another conscription, wliich was eagerly compUed with,
as if to atone for the previous presumption. The King of Bavaria
and the Elector of Hesse-Cassel were also called upon for their con
tingents. Troops were stationed in readiness to commence the siege
of the few fortresses which yet belonged to Prussia; and every corps
of the main army was maintained in a position which ensured its rapid
advance into Poland, by the frontiers of Bohemia, at the moment
required. The Emperor of Austria, readily seizing an opportunity
for finding a pretext to break his treaty, should fortune turn against
Napoleon, affected to perceive danger towards his dominions in these
preparations, and entered a protest against them. Napoleon, in con
sequence, threw strong garrisons into the fortresses, and occupied the
passes which cover Italy.
The resources of the conquered dominions of Prussia were at the
same time brought into active operation. Prussia was divided into four
departments ; of which Berlin, Custrin, Stettin, and Magdeburg, were
the chief towns. The ancient sub-divisions and institutions were re
tained, and the public officers and magistrates were not displaced ; but
they all took an oath of fideUty to the Emperor Napoleon. An ad
ministrator-general of finances and domains, and a receiver-general of
taxes, were appointed to superintend the whole. Each department
had an imperial commissioner ; and each province, a French intendant.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE 31
The whole country was occupied and overawed by the French troops.
BerUn, as a centrical point of operation was more completely re
organised than any other city. The magistrates there, were re-elected
to the number of sixty, who were chosen by two thousand burgesses,
and a national guard was formed. The regular coUection of the revenue
which soon extended over Hesse, Hanover, Brunswick, Mecklenburg,
and the Hanse towns, was felt as a grievous burden by the people in
time of war, but was less harassing and ruinous than arbitrary exactions
conducted on no plan or order. The wants of the army were entirely
supplied from this source. The magazines and stores, the clothing
and hospital departments were put into the finest condition, and ready
for service in a wonderfully short space of time. It was not long before
the war which had impended became certain. The King of Prussia
finally refused to treat, saying — " It is no longer time ; the matter does
not now depend upon me : the Emperor of Russia has offered me
support, and into his arms I have thrown myself."
It was at this moment, when the implacable hostility of the allied
powers was palpably brought before him, that Napoleon pubUshed his
famous decree, which aimed at entirely shutting the continent against
England, and by crippling the commerce of the British isles, directing
a deadly blow at their prosperity and power. No open act of reprisal
towards England had been within the power of Napoleon, since the
destruction of his fleet at Trafalgar; while the command of the seas
gave England continual opportunity of harassing his subjects ; and the
wealth drained from the industrious population of England, and squan
dered with a lavish hand by its government, served to supply the means
of perpetual war against him. The laws, moreover, of maritime war
differ materially from miUtary war. The progress of civilisation has not
introduced into naval operations those restrictions on their permission
to commit violence, which, fortunately for mankind, are now universaUy
laid upon armies. To seize on private property, to make prisoners of
unarmed and peaceable individuals, are practises recognised as legal and
honourable in maritime war, but which come under the denomination
of pillage and disorder in military operations. England, therefore,
which held paramount command of the seas, and had the power of
enforcing the law of blockade to any extent, began to assume the
appearance of singly carrying on a system of barbarous aggression in
contempt of all civilisation, defying control or retaUation. This was
a state of things exasperating in the last degree to a man of Napoleon's
imperious will. The following decree, issued in consequence, is dated
"Berlin, November 21st, 1806.
" That it is a part of natural law to oppose one's enemy with the
arms he employs, and to fight in the way he fights, when he disavows

32 THE HISTORY OF
all those ideas of justice, and all those liberal sentiments which are the
results of social civilisation. We have resolved to apply to England
the measures which she has sanctioned by her maritime legislation.
The enactments of the present decree shall be invariably considered
as a fundamental principle of the empire, until such time as England
acknowledges that the law of war is one and the same by land and by
sea ; that it cannot be extended to private property of any description
whatever, nor to the persons of individuals not belonging to the pro
fession of arms ; and that the law of blockade ought to be limited to
fortified places, actually invested by competent forces.
" Accordingly, we have decreed, and do decree as follows: —
" I. The British Islands are declared in a state of blockade.
" II. All trade and intercourse with the British Islands is pro
hibited. Consequently, letters or packets addressed to England, or
written in the English language, will not be conveyed by post, and
will be seized.
" III. Every native of England, whatever his rank or condition,
who may be found in the countries occupied by our troops, or by
those of our allies, shall be made prisoners of war.
" IV. Every warehouse, and all merchandise, and property of any
description whatever, belonging to an EngUsh subject, or the produce
of English manufactures or colonies, is declared good prize.
" V. Trade in EngUsh merchandise is prohibited ; and aU mer
chandise belonging to England, or the produce of her manufactures
and colonies, is declared good prize.
" VI. One half of the produce of the confiscation of the merchan
dise and property, declared good prize by the preceding articles, will
be appropriated to the indemnification of the merchants for losses they
have sustained through the capture of trading vessels by EngUsh cruizers.
" VII. No vessel coming directly from England or her colonies, or
having been there since the publication of the present decree, wiU be
received in any port.
" VIII. Any vessel which, by means of a false declaration, shall
contravene the above article, shall be seized; and the ship and cargo
shall be confiscated as if they were English property."
It will be necessary to say more hereafter on the subject of this
decree, the commencement of Napoleon's " continental system." It is
sufficient at present to observe, that however it might be justified as
a means of retaliating on an implacable enemy, it was contrary to wise
legislation in two important particulars. It necessarily injured the sub
jects of Napoleon — if not to an equal degree, at least to a dangerous
extent — as well as the subjects of the English government; because
commerce is reciprocal in its very nature ; and its enforcement was so

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 33
difficult as to make it hardly an exaggeration to call it impossible.
" The whole power and resources of France," says Hazlitt, " must be
strained to their utmost pitch, and called forth, not against an imposing
mass, and once for all, but must be brought to bear at every moment,
and in every point of the compass, against the most petty, harassing,
and evanescent opposition. After throwing the net of his policy, and
the ramification of his vast system of restraint and exclusion over the
lion of British commerce, a mouse — a Norway rat — would bite the cords
in two." The first fruits of the determination which had dictated the Berlin
decree, became apparent in the formal occupation of the hitherto free
town of Hamburg by French troops under Marshal Mortier, on the
19th of November. All English property was confiscated and seized,
and the English residents were obliged to make a hurried flight to escape
being made prisoners of war. Many now alive remember the hard
ships, and perils, and lasting evils entailed on their future lives by that
sudden necessity. The merchants, judging from the troubled state of
the times, had, in a great measure, disposed of their stock, and wound
up thefr trade, before the blow was struck. Monetary interests did
not, therefore, suffer so much as was expected.
While employed on the organisation of Prussia, Napoleon received
a deputation from Poland, praying of him to proclaim the independence
of their country. If he had responded to that appeal with a true and
practical sympathy, he might have reversed his destiny; still, at the
moment it was first made he could not have acted upon it. The time
was not yet arrived. Of the three powers " whose partition of that fine
kingdom," says Scott, " was the first open and audacious transgression
of the law of nations which disgraced the annals of civilised Europe,"
Prussia was indeed laid prostrate by Napoleon ; but Russia was before
him in open hostility, and Austria was stealthily watching for a pretext
to rise in his rear. His reply to the Polish deputies was therefore the
only one which a due regard to the safety of his army then authorised
him to make; but it was of a nature which pledged him in honour
and consistency to be ready to meet the spirit which he invoked. He
received them in the most cordial manner, but refused to make the
declaration they solicited. " France," said he, " never recognised the
different partitions of Poland: nevertheless, I cannot proclaim your
independence, unless you be determined to defend your rights with
arms in your hands, and by all sorts of sacrifices, even of life. You
are reproached with having, in your constant civil dissensions, lost sight
of the true interest of your country. Instructed by misfortune, be now
united, and prove to the world that one spirit animates the whole Polish
nation." , ,

34 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon left Berlin, and <£ut his army in full march upon Warsaw,
Thorn, and Dirschau, before the end of November. His head-quarters
were fixed at Posen, a centrical town in Poland, on the 1st of December.
A spirit of discontent had begun to manifest itself among the troops, at
the prospect of a winter campaign in a rigorous cUmate, and some mur
murs reached his ear, because a peace had not been concluded j but he
well knew the secret of turning discontent into ardour and impatience.
His proclamation of the 2nd of December produced a magical effect : —
" Soldiers," it began, " it is exactly one year since, at this very hour,
you were on the field of battle of Austerlitz. The Russian battalions
overwhelmed, fled in disorder, or surrounded, laid down their arms. The
next day they spoke words of peace ; but these were deceitful : scarcely
escaped from the disasters of the third coalition, they joined in a fourth.
But the aUy, on whose tactics they had built their principal hopes,
existed no longer. His strong places, his capitals, his magazines, his
arsenals, two hundred and eighty stands of colours, seven hundred
pieces of cannon, are in our power. The Oder, the Wartha, the
deserts of Poland, the severe season of the year, have not been able
to stop you for a moment; you have braved all, surmounted all.
Soldiers, we will not lay down our . arms until a general peace has
assured the power of our allies, and has restored our colonies to our
commerce. Who shall give to the Russians the right to decide our
destinies, or to overturn our just designs? Are not they, and are not
we, still the soldiers of Austerlitz?" No more murmurs were heard
after the publication of this proclamation.
The Emperor was again in motion by the 16th. The army reached
the Vistula without opposition, except from a Prussian corps, which
was easily overcome. The whole country began to evince considerable
agitation. Many of the inhabitants resumed their ancient dress and
manners, and deputies again urged the decision of Napoleon in favour
of their declaration of independence. Their language was full of
high-flown imagery and adulation, which, as Hazlitt says, " Freedom
poured forth in its anguish and abject state." Napoleon received them
with encouraging words, but nothing more. " The PoUsh nation," said
Count Radyminski, the Palatine of Gnesna, " presents itself before
your Majesty, groaning still under the German yoke ; and hails with
the purest joy the regenerator of their beloved country — the legislator
of the universe. Full of submission to your will, they offer you their
homage, and repose on you with confidence all their hopes, as upon
him who has the power of raising empires, and of destroying them, and
of humbUng the proud." Another address contained these words : —
" Already we see our dear country saved ; for in your person we revere
the most just and most profound Solon. We commit our fate and our

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

35

hopes into your hands, and we implore the mighty protection of the
most august Caesar." The spirit of the people in general was shewn
m the passage of the river. The boat which conveyed the advanced
guard of the French became entangled in the ice, and the soldiers
were exposed to the fire of the Prussians from the banks. Some
Polish boatmen, regardless of the danger, put off to their assistance,

and vigorously set about disengaging them. The Prussians, observing
the aid their enemies had received, instantly despatched another boat,
filled with their own men, to oppose them. A struggle ensued, hand
to hand, between the boatmen. The Prussians were thrown over
board, and the Poles returned to their friendly labour, and safely
conducted the advanced guard to the right bank of the Vistula.
Napoleon entered Warsaw on the 18th of December. His entrance
was hailed with enthusiasm by the inhabitants ; but he was not able to
rest among them. The Russians were approaching, and no time was to
be lost. The French army pressed forward in three great divisions, and
crossed the river Bug, occasionally encountering parties of Cossacks.
Kaminskoy, the Russian commander-in-chief, seeing the passage of the
latter river forced, determined to execute a retrograde movement, and
concentrate his forces behind the Niemen. All the divisions of the
Russian army therefore commenced a retreat, closely followed by the
French. It was the purpose of Napoleon to establish his army safely
in winter quarters, but it was necessary for this purpose to occupy the
country beyond Warsaw. The Russians sustained some loss in their
retreat; but, notwithstanding their appearance of disadvantage at that
moment, Napoleon well knew he had a formidable enemy before him,

36 THE HISTORY OF
and that he would have to maintain a far more doubtful struggle than
in his contests with the Prussians or Austrians. "Those troops,"
says Scott, "however highly disciplined, wanted that powerful and in
dividual feeling which, in armies possessing a strong national character
(by which the Russians are peculiarly distinguished), induces the soldier
to resist to the last moment, even when resistance can only assure him of
revenge." The following admirably detailed particulars of the nature of
the Russian forces, taken from Scott, will be found highly conducive to
a comprehension of the ensuing campaign :— " They were still the same
Russians of whom Frederick the Great said, that 'he could kill, but
could not defeat them;' — they were also strong of constitution, and
inured to the iron climate in which Frenchmen were now making war
for the first time; — they were accustomed from their earliest life to
spare nourishment and hardship ; — in a word, they formed then, as
they do now, the sole instance in- Europe of an army, the privates of
which are semi-barbarians, with the passions, courage, love of war,
and devotion to their country, which is found in the earlier periods of
society, while the education received by their superior officers places
them on a level with those of any other country. The Russian army
was at this period deficient in its military staff, and thence imperfect
in the execution of combined movements ; and their generals were
better accustomed to lead an army in the day of actual battle, than to
prepare for victory by a skilful combination of previous manoeuvres.
But this disadvantage was balanced by their zealous and unhesitating
devotion to their emperor and their country. In the mode of disciplining
their forces, the Russians proceeded on the system the most approved
in Europe. Their infantry was confessedly excellent, composed of
men in the prime of life, and carefully selected as best qualified for
military service. Their artillery was of the first description, so far as the
men, guns, carriages and appointments were concerned ; but the rank
of general of artillery had not the predominant weight in the Russian
army which ought to be possessed by those particularly dedicated to
the direction of that arm, by which, according to Napoleon, modern
battles must be usually decided. The service of cavalry is less natural
to the Russian than that of the infantry, but their horse regiments are
nevertheless excellently trained, and have uniformly behaved well. But
the Cossacks are a species of force belonging to Russia exclusively;
and although subsequent events have probably rendered every reader
in some degree acquainted with their national character, they make
too conspicuous a figure in the history of Napoleon, to be passed over
without a brief description here.
" The natives on the banks of the Don and the Volga hold their
lands by military service, and enjoy certain immunities, in consequence

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 37
of which each individual is obliged to serve four years in the Russian
armies. They are trained from early childhood to the use of the lance
and sword, and familiarised to the management of a horse peculiar to
the country — far from handsome, but tractable, hardy, swift, and sure
footed, beyond any breed perhaps in the world. At home, and with
his family, the Cossack is kind, gentle, generous and simple ; but when
in arms, and in a foreign country, he resumes the predatory and
sometimes the ferocious habits of his ancestors, the roving Scythians.
As the Cossacks receive no pay, plunder is generally their object; and,
as prisoners were esteemed a useless encumbrance, they granted no
quarter, till Alexander promised a ducat for every Frenchman they
brought in alive. In the actual field of battle, their mode of attack
is singular. Instead of acting in line, a body of Cossacks about to
charge, disperse at the word of command, very much in the manner of
a fan suddenly flung open, and joining in a loud yell, or hourra, rush,
each acting individually, upon the object of attack, whether infantry,
cavalry, or artillery, to all of which they have been, in this wild way
of fighting, formidable assailants. But it is as light cavalry that the
Cossacks are perhaps unrivalled. They and their horses have been
known to march one hundred miles in twenty-four hours without halt
ing. They plunge into woods, swim rivers, thread passes, cross deep
morasses, and penetrate through deserts of snow, without undergoing
material loss or suffering from fatigue. No Russian army, with a large
body of Cossacks in front, can be liable to surprise ; nor, on the other
hand, can an enemy, surrounded by them, ever be confident against it.
In covering the retreat of their own army, their velocity, activity, and
courage, render pursuit by the enemy's cavalry peculiarly dangerous;
and in pursuing a flying enemy, these qualities are still more redoubt
able. In the campaign of 1806-7, the Cossacks took the field in great
numbers under their celebrated Hettman, Platoff, who, himself a cossack,
knew their peculiar capacity for warfare, and raised their fame to a
pitch which it had not attained in former European wars."
The Russian army, thus formidable in its constitution was, however,
considerably inferior to the French in numbers, and no less so in an
efficient commissariat. These disadvantages were occasioned by want of
money. The emperor's treasury was exhausted, and the English
government had behaved with unwonted parsimony towards him, having
only supplied him with eighty thousand pounds.
The French army, after an arduous march through a marshy country,
came up with the Russians at Pultusk on the 25th of December. A
sanguinary struggle ensued, but the great numerical superiority of the
French forced the position of their enemies, and made them hastily
retreat behind the Pregel, with a loss of seven thousand prisoners and

38 THE HISTORY OF
fifty pieces of cannon. On the 1st of January, 1807, Napoleon estab
lished his army in winter-quarters round Warsaw.
He had calculated on remaining there till spring, and conceiving
that his position was sufficiently favourable to command an advantageous
peace, he sent for Talleyrand, and occupied himself in forming the plan
ofa treaty; at the same time taking advantage of the frost, which had
now set in, to hasten the convoys of provisions and stores. Warsaw was
soon amply suppUed with all the requisites for the continuance of war;
and, ominous of the conviction that the war, if continued, would be fierce
and deadly, the hospital department was especially considered by
Napoleon, and placed on a footing of extraordinary extent and efficiency.
The details of the minute and careful provisions for the supply of every
thing requisite to the hospitals, whether of bedding, medicines, attend
ance, food, the presence of a priest, or aU that could be a solace or
comfort to his wounded soldiers, are given by Savary, as dictated by the
Emperor himself, and are sufficient, if no other proof existed, to exonerate
him from the charge of carelessness to human suffering.
Warsaw began to assume the appearance of a crowded capital. The
foreign ambassadors repaired to the Emperor's head-quarters instead of
to Paris. Business was transacted for the affairs of France by the
transmission of reports from all the ministers to Napoleon himself;
but during his long absence from the head of affairs, his secretary of
state, M. Maret, through whom every report passed, acquired a degree
of power which produced mischievous jealousies and intrigues. At
Warsaw, however, everything was conducted with regularity, and with
something of the refinements of a court. " With the exception of
theatres," says Savary, " the city presented all the gaieties of Paris.
Twice a week the Emperor gave a concert; after which a levee was
held, which led again to numerous meetings in private parties. On
these occasions the personal beauty and graceful manners of the Polish
ladies were conspicuous. There was one whose powerful fascinations
made a deep impression on the Emperor's heart. He conceived an
ardent affection for her, which she cordially returned. She received
with pride the homage of a conquest which was the consummation of
her happiness. It is needless to name her, when I observe that her
attachment remained unshaken amidst every danger, and that, at the
period of Napoleon's reverses, she still remained his faithful friend."
The inactivity of the French army continued only throughout the
month of January. Austria had assembled an "army of observation"
of forty thousand men in Bohemia, whom any disaster to the French
army would convert into active enemies. Suddenly, the Russians left
their cantonments, and advanced, with the intention of surprising Napo
leon in his winter quarters. An accident only discovered the manoeuvre •

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 39
but everything was ready. He left Warsaw, and his army was in
motion again by the 31st of January, in the midst of a very hard frost.
The Russian commander-in-chief had been succeeded by Benigsen,
a general of abiUty. He wisely conceived that the desire to station
himself in winter-quarters, evinced by Napoleon, ought to be a signal
to the Russians to take the field. The situation of the King of Prussia
was also an inducement to active measures. He was cooped up in
Koningsberg, and his remaining fortresses only contrived to hold out,
because the rigour of the season did not permit trenches to be opened
before them. Dantzic was invested, and must yield in spring, unless
relieved. Graudentz, the key of the Vistula, was on the point of
surrendering. It was, therefore, the object of Benigsen to draw the
French army from their supplies in Warsaw, and then to protract the
contest, which would place them in an isolated position, while he could
draw reinforcements from Russia at pleasure.
The first skirmish which took place between detachments of the two
armies was of doubtful issue. The Cossacks spread over the country,
and the Prussians succeeded in throwing reinforcements and provisions
into Graudentz. Napoleon had formed a counter-plan to that of
Benigsen. He pressed forward, concentrating his different corps, with
a view to get between the Russians and their country, and force them
to a decisive battle, with the Vistula in their rear. All his officers
were ordered to be at Preuss-Eylau on the 8th of February, ready to
give battle on the 9th. The dispatch sent to Bernadotte was inter
cepted by the Cossacks. Benigsen discovered the plan, and Bernadotte
continued in ignorance of his orders, and did not bring up his troops.
He .had four divisions of infantry, and two of cavalry. Sharp actions,
with the loss of many men, successively occurred as the French army
advanced, and the Russians falling back before them, passed through the
town of Eylau, and stationed themselves on the heights which command
it. Napoleon reached Eylau on the evening of the 7th, with Augereau's
division. Benigsen sent a strong detachment to dispossess him, but,
after a severe action, he retained his position for the night. On the
morning of the 8th, he found himself in the presence of the whole
Russian army, strongly intrenched in a commanding position. He was
vigorously attacked soon after day-break. His different corps which
arrived throughout the day were brought into action as they came up.
Benigsen began the attack by a tremendous fire of artillery, directed
upon the town of Eylau. Napoleon brought forward his guard, with
forty pieces of cannon, and returned the murderous fire with another
equally deadly, which he directed himself. He was exposed to extreme
danger; but the circumstances were grave and perilous, and such as
invariably made him regardless of personal risk. The carnage on both

10

THE HISTORY OF

sides was dreadful, but both maintained their ground with obstinacy.
Benigsen, reckoning upon the tremendous force of his artillery, next
attempted to manoeuvre by his right, and take the town of Eylau, but
was met with a desperate resistance, which arrested his columns. Napo
leon was on the top of the church, amidst a shower of grape-shot and
balls. About noon, a fall of snow, so thick as to obscure the atmosphere,
began to fall. The horrors of the fight were increased with strange and
appalling aspects by this new circumstance, which suddenly brought the
confusion of night into the midst of dazzling daylight. Whole battalions
rushed unconsciously into destruction, in consequence. Augereau, ad
vancing to attack the Russians, missed his direction, and found himself
suddenly engaged face to face with their right wing. His division was
literally cut to pieces, and he himself carried from the field desperately
wounded. Napoleon instantly sent Murat and Bessieres with seventy
squadrons of cavalry to charge the very centre of the enemy's line. The
tremendous shock overturned the Russian cavalry; and two lines of their
infantry were traversed; they abandoned their artillery, and suffered
horrible carnage. Their third line rallied, advanced upon the French
position, and, like Augereau's division, losing their way in the thick fall
ing snow, became entangled in the churchyard of Eylau. The imperial
guard rushed upon them in front, Murat charged in their rear, and four
thousand men perished in that churchyard ; their stifiened corpses, half

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 41
buried in snow, mingling awfully with the emblems of mortality around,
— scarcely distinguishable from the tombs and mounds of earth which
marked the graves of the dead who had gone before them. The combat,
with alternating fortune, continued throughout the day ; and nightfall
found the two armies in their original positions. The Prussian corps
had come up to reinforce the Russians, but Ney had joined the French.
The point of superiority on this dreadful day would have been hard to
decide, but the victory, if claimed by either party, must be pronounced
to have remained with Napoleon; for Benigsen retreated in the night,
and left him master of the field of battle, where he slept, and remained
for eight days. It was a ghastly triumph. Twenty (some accounts say
fifty) thousand dead, and as many wounded, lay on the bloody snow ;
mingled with nearly four thousand horses — killed in the desperate
charges of the cavalry, — scattered arms, balls, and all hideous and
horrible remains of the mortal struggle. The air was filled with piteous
and appalUng sounds ; the watch-fires shot a pale gleam across the frozen
lakes in front of the town, which reflected back the light over the ghastly
scene. The rigid tree-trunks stood formless in their crusted coverings
of frost and snow, in the dull moonlight, while around them below lay
the equally rigid and over-frosted trunks of the formless slain, distin
guishable only by the horrible consciousness of the beholder. The silence
of the night was occasionally broken by the scream of the carrion birds.
Napoleon had been exposed throughout the day to the extremity of
danger, but had escaped unhurt. During the whole time the battle
lasted, his countenance was never observed to change, nor did he shew
any emotion whatever; but all accounts agree that he was deeply im
pressed with the horrors of the succeeding night, and his letters shew
that the recollection weighed on his mind and spirits for a long period.
Every attention, that it was possible to bestow, was shewn to the
wounded, both French and Russian ; but, eight and forty hours after
the battle, five thousand wounded Russians still lay on the ground.
Bread and spirits were carried to them from time to time ; and all
that survived were soon transported to the hospitals, where every pro
vision that had been so elaborately made was brought into requisition.
The burial of the dead was a long and arduous task. The numbers
lost on each side are so variously and contradictorily stated, that it is
vain to attempt a correct estimate. From the description of the battle,
it seems likely they were nearly equal. The French, it is certain, lost
sixteen generals. Twelve imperial eagles were taken, and many pri
soners made, chiefly by the Cossacks after the action.
Benigsen retreated upon Koningsberg; and Napoleon, after eight
days of inactivity, also retreated upon the Vistula, and established his
head-quarters at Osterode. The doubtful issue of the battle of Eylau
G

42

THE HISTORY OF

had given a shock to public opinion, which it required all his prudence
and address to overcome. He occupied himself in making his army
secure in its cantonments ; and, among other cares, that of the wounded
was one of the principal. As he went among the sufferers, to see that
they were properly attended, counting their scars and encouraging them

by his words, they forgot their hardships and pains, and regarded him
with a degree of affection which those who narrate the events have
found it impossible to describe in adequate terms.
The battle of Eylau, the most sanguinary, in relation to the num
bers engaged, which occurred during the empire, was productive of no
result as to the progress of the war. Both parties retreated to their
original positions ; the Russians to Koningsberg, the French to the
line of the Vistula ; each with an army seriously reduced in num
bers. Napoleon shewed his sense of the strength of the enemies
with whom he had to contend, by offering a separate peace to the
King of Prussia, on terms altogether more lenient than before ; but

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 43
it was again refused. Great despondency was produced in Paris by the
bulletin of the battle, and a marked depression took place in the funds.
At the same time, it required all the prudence and skill of Talleyrand
to maintain harmony with Austria, where the indecisive event of
Eylau proved a strong temptation to break faith with Napoleon, and
commence active hostilities against him. It is important to notice
these frequent demonstrations of perfidy in the different courts of
Europe, as marking strongly the real cause and nature of the war
which raged throughout the term of Napoleon's government of France,
and the infatuation which continually prompted him to trust them.
He was now in the midst of a brave but enslaved people, whose hearts
were with him, and whose interests would have been one with his own
had he listened Ho them in sincerity. Great alarm was felt by the
Poles at this moment of his apparent doubtful fortune, but they
remained firm in their devotion to him ; and a Polish legion was
formed, under French pay, which proved an efficient and valuable
addition to his army. To add to all his other difficulties, Napoleon
had to resist the opinion of every one around him. He alone saw that
the war, being brought to this stage, must be carried through. All his
officers, even Murat and Berthier, with whom to shrink from enterprise
was a rare event, urgently solicited him to recross the Vistula ; but
his inflexible obstinacy maintained his point against them all, and his
only answer was to commence the most vigorous preparations for
another campaign. He lived at Osterode much in the same style as in
bivouac ; eating, sleeping, and transacting business, all in one apartment.
In this small place he had everything under his eye, and completed in
one month the work which would ordinarily have occupied three.
The first active measure of Napoleon was regularly to form the
siege of Dantzic, which he entrusted to Marshal Lefebvre. The be
sieging force was increased to the required strength by the army of
the King of Saxony, now the firm ally of France, and by the troops of
Baden and other German states. The moveable army was recruited
by immense exertions. The conscription of 1808 was called out; again
forestalUng the efforts of France by one year. Marshal Mortier was re
called from Pomerania ; and the greater part of the troops were ordered
from Silesia; a new levy was made in Switzerland ; troops were marched
from Italy, and auxiliaries were demanded from Spain ; but an un
satisfactory answer was returned instead of compliance. A remonstrance,
however, from Napoleon brought the Spanish forces into the field, and
they were sent to Holland and Italy to supply the place of the troops
withdrawn from those countries. By aU these means, Napoleon had
succeeded in collecting between the Vistula and the Memel a force of
two hundred thousand men before the end of April ; while the Russian

44 THE HISTORY OF
army had only befen reinforced to the number of ninety thousand.
Want of funds is stated as the cause of this negligence, the English
ministry having actually refused to negociate a loan of six millions,
and advance one million on account, to the great umbrage of the
Emperor Alexander.
Napoleon obtained another important advantage at this period, in
persuading Turkey to declare war against Alexander. Various aggres
sions committed against the Sublime Porte by the Czar, had paved
the way for the French ambassador to widen the breach, and thus
produce a serious diversion of the Russian resources.
The siege of Dantzic was meanwhile vigorously pressed. Several
Russian regiments had been thrown into the place, and it was bravely
defended by General Kalkreuth, one of the old Prijisian generals of
Frederick's time. The great importance of the place caused a vigorous
effort to reUeve it, made by a large body of Russian troops who were
sent by sea on the 1 5th of May ; but they were repulsed with great
loss, and obliged to escape with precipitation by means of their boats ;
the besiegers having been reinforced by the divisions of Lannes and
Oudinot. General Kalkreuth found himself under the necessity of
capitulating on the 21st; and thus Dantzic, the great military port of
the Baltic, with eight hundred pieces of cannon and immense stores, fell
into the hands of Napoleon. Marshal Lefebvre received the title of
Duke of Dantzic, in commemoration of his important success.
Napoleon made an attempt to treat with the Emperor of Russia
immediately after obtaining, this great advantage, but was unsuccessful.
He then encamped his whole army, the different divisions taking up
their appointed positions. The Russians were in the field by the 5th
of June. They attacked and forced Marshal Ney's position, who re
treated with great difficulty behind the Passarge. Their next attack
was made on Bernadotte's encampment behind the bridge of Spanden
on the Passarge. Twelve of their regiments advanced with the inten
tion of forcing the bridge. They made six desperate charges, and were
repulsed with great loss at each. At the seventh, they were charged
in turn by the French, and obliged to retreat. Bernadotte was severely
wounded in this action, and was succeeded in his command by General
Victor, who had been exchanged for Blucher. A similar attempt to
that at Spanden was made at Lomitten on Marshal Soult's position,
but was equally unsuccessful. By the 8th, the whole French army
was concentrated behind the Passarge ; on the 10th, they began to
descend the Aller ; and on the evening of that day, their cavalry was
drawn into a sharp and dangerous conflict with the Russians at
Heelsberg, through the headstrong temerity of Murat, and extricated
with great difficulty by the fusileers of the guard under Savary, spe-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

45

cially employed on that service by Napoleon. The action lasted till
midnight, when the Russians retreated beyond the Aller. At dawn
of day, the ground between the two armies was found to be literally
heaped with the dead and wounded. Napoleon learned from the
burgomaster of Heelsberg, that the Emperor Alexander and the King
of Prussia had been in that town two days before, and had joined the
army. The Russians retreated from Heelsberg, and took up a position on
the eastern bank of the Aller, behind the long wooden bridge which
communicated with the town of Friedland, situated on the western
bank of the river. The French cavalry could not give any certain
information of the route taken by the Russians ; Napoleon, therefore,
moved his army forward in three great divisions in search of them.
The division of Marshal Lannes, with Nansouty's division of cuirassiers,
were ordered to take the route of Friedland. They reached that town
late at night on the 13th; and at daybreak of the 14th of June, they
found themselves in sight of the whole Russian army posted on the
opposite side of the river. Intelligence was instantly sent to Napo
leon, who pressed forward with the divisions of Ney, Mortier, and
Bernadotte, and the horse and foot guards. He soon arrived on the
field, and there found Lannes engaged with the Russians. Benigsen,
supposing he had only a single division of the French army before him,
and forgetting the usual promptitude of combination for which Napoleon
was distinguished, had pushed one portion of his army across the bridge,
defiled through the town, and brought on an action, which he supposed
he should terminate quickly and triumphantly. He was totally un
conscious of the overwhelming force opposed to him ; a thick and

46 THE HISTORY OF
extensive wood, in the rear of the plain in which Lannes was engaged,
entirely concealed the masses of his enemies from his view. Still,
Napoleon was unable to believe that Benigsen would venture to leave
any part of his army for any period in so perilous a position as that in
which he had placed it ; maintaining a doubtful conflict with no means
of retreat, but through the entanglements of the town of Friedland, and
across the long narrow bridge of the Aller. His astonishment was great
therefore, when he learned from the officers he sent to reconnoitre, that
the whole Russian army was crossing the bridge, with the exception
of one small division, and forming in front of the town. He had secured
a victory by his numbers and position, but his remark to Savary, who
carried him the information of the Russian movement, was characteristic.
" Well," said he, " I am ready now. I have an hour's advantage of
them, and will give them battle since they wish it. This is the anni
versary of Marengo, and to-day fortune is with me." His columns of
infantry, cavalry, and artillery, were stationed in order of battle on
the roads which ran through the wood, and in three fine openings or
glades between the trees. Benigsen who began to suspect the truth
from the report of prisoners, and the prompt support which Lannes
had received, slackened his attack. He would willingly have recrossed
the river, but to commence a retreat was now impossible, and his
soldiers fought with the most determined bravery. At length, at the
most advantageous moment, Napoleon led his whole force to the attack.
As the French troops simultaneously moved towards the plain, their
columns of enormous power and depth, were seen converging from the
openings of the forest; and, viewed from the town of Friedland, the
Russian army appeared as if half surrounded by a deep semicircle of
glittering steel. No studied description can convey the horrible reaUties
of a victory so completely as the literal account given by Savary. " The
Russian general-in-chief," says he, " soon discovered the error he had
committed ; but the gauntlet was thrown down, and he determined to
take it up with a good grace. We had already advanced so near him
that he had only time to form in a number of squares, which mutually
flanked each other ; and when once in this position, he deprived himself
of the use of his artillery. He thus awaited the destruction which had
now become inevitable. His masses were heaped together in front of
Friedland; driven close upon the town, they formed the centre of a
semicircle, of which we occupied almost the whole circumference. Not
one of our cannon balls missed its aim, and the Russian squares were
demolished one after another. About six in the evening, the Emperor
assailed them with a fire of musketry. This was the finishing stroke.
Their masses were so completely deranged, that nothing like order was
observable in their dispositions ; and an instinct natural to man, impelled

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 47
all who formed part of the wreck, to seek safety by flying towards the
bridge. They were, however, obliged to renounce the attempt, owing
to the dreadful carnage caused by the firing of our artillery in that
direction. They then threw themselves pell-mell into the river, without
ascertaining whether it was fordable. Numbers, encumbered with the
accoutrements of all Russian soldiers, were drowned; but others dis
covered a ford in front of our left. Nothing could now check their
flight ; and they hurried towards the point of escape in utter disorder,
like a flock of sheep."
The fugitives who thus reached the eastern side of the Aller, united
with the battalion which had been left there, and pursued their flight
towards the Niemen, by Tilsit, having first set fire to the wooden bridge
of the Aller. Napoleon sent no cavalry in pursuit, though he had forty
squadrons, who might have cut them to pieces. Many animadversions
have been cast upon him for not improving his victory in this manner ;
but the reason appears clear. His object was to make peace with the
Emperor Alexander, and the butchery of the broken battaUons of the
Russian guard would in no way have forwarded that object. No power
remained to oppose itself to the immense force under Napoleon. The
war was indeed ended by the destruction of the Russian army. Twenty
thousand killed, and as many wounded, among whom were thirty gene
rals ; with the loss of five thousand prisoners, eighty pieces of cannon,
and seventy stand of colours, had reduced it to a mere wreck.
" Night drew on," continues Savary, " and the firing ceased. Our
army reposed in the position in which it had fought. The Emperor
also passed this night in bivouac ; and next morning at daybreak he
was on his horse inspecting the Unes of his troops. The men were still
sleeping, and had suffered immense fatigue. The Emperor would- not
allow any of them to be disturbed for the purpose of being drawn out
under arms in honour of his presence, as was customary. He next
proceeded to the Russian field. Here a frightful spectacle presented
itself. The order of the Russian squares could be traced by a line of
heaps of slain ; and the position of their artillery might be guessed by
the dead horses. It might truly be said, that sovereigns ought to
have great interests of their subjects at stake to justify such dreadful
sacrifices." Even a soldier becomes a moralist on such occasions, by
the forcible sense of a common humanity.
The French army was put in motion in the course of the day, and
followed in the route of the Russians. Marshal Soult's division took
possession of Koningsberg on the 16th. The two fugitive sovereigns
were already on their way to Tilsit ; Napoleon with the rest of his army
pressing hard upon their track. His light cavalry reached Tilsit on the
19th, while the bridge by which Alexander and Frederick William had

48

THE HISTORY OF

placed themselves on the right bank of the Niemen was still burning.
As the army approached the last barrier which separated them from the
dominions of Alexander, the impatience of Napoleon became uncon-
trolable. He gave the reins to his horse, and, outspeeding all his
officers, traversed alone the great plains that surround Tilsit, and did
not stop till he came in sight of the Niemen. On the opposite side lay
Russia.

Napoleon stood on the soil of Poland, and his eye rested on the
possessions of the most powerful of her oppressors. Alone, in that vast
solitude, there cannot be a doubt that his mind was wrestling with the
conflicting plans and aims which opened before him. On his way, he
had been overtaken by Polish deputies, pressing him urgently to pro
claim the independence of their country, and to sanction their com
mencing the work themselves. At that moment, his will to forward
that great work could not have been opposed. His army was abundantly
suppUed; great magazines and stores had been found in Koningsberg,
and others were established at Dantzic, and along the Vistula ; while a
navigable communication existed between Dantzic, Koningsberg, and
Tilsit. He had a complete pontoon establishment, by means of which
he could cross the Niemen before the 24th of June. There was no
Russian army, therefore there could be no resistance. He would be on
the Dwina in the beginning of July. At Wilna he might proclaim the
independence of Poland. He had all the Prussian arsenals for arming
the Poles. Prussia could not be said to exist as a nation ; Austria
alone was to be feared. But he had great armies in Italy and Dalmatia.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 49
Protecting the Poles, while they were clothed and exercised, he might
bear down upon the Austrians, if they rose against him, and conquer
them before a new Russian army could be recruited; and then, with
free and brave Poland, backed by the mighty power of France, was a
Russian army to be feared? It is not mere hypothesis to attribute
these thoughts to Napoleon : it is certain that his impulses led him in
the direction of this Une of poUcy; but he had not condensed them
into powerful motives and principles of action ; and he turned from
his own clearer and nobler views, to hold a parley with an emperor,
a king, and a host of diplomatists, and to follow the path of an evil
destiny. HazUtt breaks forth into one of his passages of burning elo
quence as he laments that Napoleon did not make common cause with
Poland. " That name," says he, " pleaded trumpet-tongued against the
iniquity of the old governments of Europe, and laughed to scorn all
their affected appeals to moderation and justice. A light went before
it, a flame followed after it, from which Bonaparte shrunk, as the one
pointed out, and the other embraced, consequences of which he could
hardly embrace the issues. He hesitated to lay his hands on that
engine of power which was contained in the degradation and oppression
bf Poland, and to give it fuU scope, because, though it was a means
to crush his antagonists, it might in the end recoil upon himself.
Honesty would probably here, as in so many cases, have been the
best policy; and the broad principles of liberty and justice the safest
ground for him to tread upon."
On the arrival of Napoleon at Tilsit, he received a dispatch from
the officer commanding the Russian rear-guard, proposing an armistice.
It was known that the Emperor Alexander was on the other side of
the Niemen, at a village not far distant: Napoleon's answer was, in
consequence, addressed to that sovereign in person; and its purport
was to the effect, that he was very ready to make peace, but would
not consent to an armistice if war were to continue. The result was
a proposal, on the part of Alexander, that an interview should take
place between the Emperor of France and himself, which was accepted.
Talleyrand was summoned to Tilsit without delay. "I have been
asked for an interview," said Napoleon, in his letter to his minister.
" I am but indifferent about the matter ; but I have granted it. How
ever, if peace is not concluded in a fortnight, I cross the Niemen."
Savary was, at the same time, ordered to prepare the bridge equipage
so as to be ready at a moment's notice. " I mentioned this circumstance
to M. de Talleyrand," says he. " ' Do not hurry yourself,' he replied.
'Where is the utility of going beyond the Niemen? What are we
to find behind that river? The Emperor must renounce his views
respecting Poland. That country is good for nothing. We can only
H

50 . THE HISTORY OF
organise disorder there. We have now a favourable opportunity of
making an end of this business ; and we must not let it escape.' "
The interview took place on the 25th of June, two days after the
return of Marshal Duroc, who had carried on the negociation between
the two emperors. The mode in which this celebrated meeting was
conducted, is well and simply described by Savary. " The Emperor
Napoleon ordered a large raft to be floated in the middle of the
Niemen ; upon which was constructed a room, well covered in and
elegantly decorated, having two doors on opposite sides, each of which
opened into an antechamber. The roof and the two doors were sur
mounted by the eagles of Russia and France. The raft was precisely
in the middle of the river, with the two doors of the saloon facing the
two opposite banks. The two sovereigns appeared on the banks of
the river, and embarked at the same moment in the midst of thousands
of spectators. Napoleon was attended by Murat, Berthier, Bessieres,
Duroc, and Caulaincourt ; Alexander, by his brother the Archduke
Constantine, Generals Benigsen and Ouvarow, with the Count de
Lieven. The Emperor Napoleon having . a good boat, manned by
marines of the guard, arrived first on the raft, entered the room, and
wept to the opposite door, which he opened, and then stationed himself
on the edge of the raft to receive the Emperor Alexander. They met
in the most amicable way — at least, to all appearance. They re
mained together for a considerable time, and then took leave of each
other with as friendly an air as that with which they had met.
" Next day, the Emperor of Russia estabUshed himself at Tilsit,
with a battaUon of his guard. Orders were given to the French troops
for evacuating that part of the town where he and his battaUon were
to be quartered. When he entered the town, the whole army was
under arms. The imperial guard was drawn out in two Unes of three
deep from the landing-place to the Emperor Napoleon's quarters, and
from thence to the quarters of the Emperor of Russia. A salute of one
hundred guns was fired the moment Alexander stepped ashore. This
meeting, the first which history records of the same kind and of equal im
portance, attracted visitors to Tilsit from a hundred leagues round."
Festivities and entertainments of every kind succeeded, and con
tinued during the whole period of the stay of these royal visitors.
The French, Russian, and Prussian officers, seemed all to be delighted
with each other's society: the two emperors were continuaUy too-ether
in public and private. Their intimacy took the character of that of
two young men of rank, companions in frolic and sport, as well as
associates in graver matters. The business of negociating a treaty of
peace went on daily. There is no doubt that Napoleon exerted all
those powers of fascination and attraction which never failed him when

p.c •A¦AOuSHa sH

W
H !>5

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 51
he chose to caU them forth, and that he succeeded, for the time, in
gaining a great ascendancy over the mind of Alexander. But the
influence was not deep, nor did it produce any sincere result. The
foUowing passage, from " The MiUtary History of the Campaign in
Russia," by Colonel Boutourlin, exactly describes the spirit in which
the treaty of Tilsit (and, we may add, all the treaties ever made by
sovereigns with Napoleon) was entered into : — " The Emperor Alex
ander was fully aware of the spirit and tendency of the clauses of the
treaty of Tilsit; but the unhappy circumstances in which Europe was
placed at the period of his signing it, had imposed upon him the
necessity of averting the war upon any terms. Above all, it was an
object of paramount importance to gain the requisite time for preparing
to engage with adequate means in the struggle which, it was clear,
would be renewed at a future day." The same spirit is manifested
in the following anecdote, which is perfectly authentic. During the
apparent friendship of the two emperors at Tilsit, M. de Nowosilsow,
who belonged to the Russian chancery, and was much attached to
Alexander, approached him with an earnest manner on one occasion,
and said to him in a low voice, " Sire, I must remind you of the fate
of your father." " Good heaven ! " repUed Alexander ; " I know it ;
I see it : but what would you have me do against my destiny ? "
The unfortunate King of Prussia, a king without a kingdom, arrived
at Tilsit on the 28th. Napoleon did not admit him to that footing of
equaUty on which he associated with the Emperor Alexander, and did
not conceal that whatever portion of his territories were returned to
him, he would owe to the intercession of his more powerful ally. The
queen, who had so hurried on the war, next requested an interview,
with the hope of softening the calamities of the peace by her interces
sions, and the power of her grace and beauty. Napoleon sent his
carriages, horses, equerries, and guards, to attend her, and conduct her
to Tilsit. " Forgive us," she said, as he received her ; " forgive us this
fatal war : the memory of the great Frederick deceived us : we thought
ourselves his equals, because we are his descendants ; alas ! we have not
proved such ! " In a letter to Josephine, written at the time, Napoleon
says : " The Queen of Prussia is really a charming woman. She is
fond of coquetting with me ; but do not be jealous : I am Uke a cere
cloth, along which everything of this sort slides without penetrating.
It would cost me too dear to play the gallant."'
An anecdote was related in the saloon of Josephine in relation to
this subject. It was said that the Queen of Prussia, one day, had a
beautiful rose in her hand, which the Emperor asked her to give him.
The queen hesitated for a few moments, and then presented it to him,
saying, "Why should I so readily grant what you request, while you.

52 THE HISTORY OF
remain deaf to all my entreaties." She alluded to Magdeburg, which
she had earnestly solicited. It is certain that she did not succeed, in
any degree, in altering the conditions of the treaty.
The articles of the peace were as follows: Prussia ceded every
conquest made since the accession of Frederick the Great, with the
exception of Silesia. Magdeburg was not restored. Dantzic was
proclaimed a free city under the protection of Prussia and Saxony.
Prussian Poland was erected into the grand-duchy of Warsaw, and
placed under the dominion of the King of Saxony. This was all
Napoleon did for Poland. It should be added, however, that he gave
liberty to all the serfs, and abolished slavery in the grand-duchy of
Warsaw. The Emperor Alexander did not scruple to appropriate one
of the Prussian provinces, which lay conveniently for improving his
frontier, ceding one of his own to Holland, in exchange. He recog
nised all the new kingdoms already erected by Napoleon; and, in
addition, that of Westphalia, which was conferred on Jerome Bonaparte
at this period. He also surrendered Corfu to France, and recognised
its possession of Hanover. Napoleon consented that the Dukes of
Saxe-Coburg, Oldenburg, and Mecklenburg-Schwerin, all alUed with the
royal family of Russia, should retain possession of their territories.
Russia offered to mediate between France and England, but it was
understood, that in case of a refusal by England, Russia should assist
in enforcing the continental system. It is also beUeved that Napoleon,
was informed of the intended war of Russia upon Sweden, by which
Alexander obtained Finland, a most important covering territory to his
own capital. France was to mediate between Russia and Turkey, and
the intervention was to cease if the latter refused to treat. Turkey
was thus likely to be left alone with a war, which had been undertaken
solely at the instances of France ; but, as the Sultan had recently en
deavoured to make peace with England, which would have led to a
rupture with France, there was not much ground of complaint against
the course taken by Napoleon in this instance. It is believed also, that
the two emperors discussed further schemes of policy, and that the affairs
of Spain were taken into their consideration. The whole treaty was
based on the principle of a firm and lasting alliance between Napoleon
and the Emperor of Russia ; the former relying in good faith upon the
intention of the latter to co-operate with him in his projects and poUcy.,
Hence he permitted the aggrandisement of Russia on the side of
Sweden, neglected the interests of Poland, and abandoned Turkey.
The results will be seen in the course and termination of his history.
The peace between France and Russia was signed on the 7th of
July, and that between France and Prussia on the 9th. The Emperor
Alexander prepared to leave Tilsit the same day. After passing.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

53

three hours together, the two emperors mounted their horses, and rode
towards the Niemen. Before they separated, Napoleon presented the
gold eagle of the legion of honour to the most distinguished soldier of
the Russian imperial guard, in testimony of his respect for the corps.
He also made a present of his portrait to Platoff, the Hetman of the
Cossacks. He saw Alexander embark, and watched his progress to the
opposite bank; then returning to Tilsit, he made his parting visit to
the King of Prussia, and immmediately departed for Koningsberg.
It is said that the treaty of Tilsit which put the seal to the disasters
of Prussia, in the war, caused the early death of the queen ; and this
appears extremely probable. A woman of her pride and ambition must
have deeply felt the humiliation into which she had plunged.
Napoleon remained at Koningsberg not a moment beyond the time
necessary to complete his arrangements there. Before his departure he
despatched Savary to St. Petersburg, as French minister, until he should
make choice of an ambassador. He then set out for France, stopping
only at Dresden, where he remained two days ; and finally reached Paris
some time before he was expected. He was received by the Parisians
with even more than their usual enthusiasm. The peace had pro
duced an ecstacy of joy. The country was prosperous; the finances
and manufactures were in an improving state. Riches had flowed into
France from the contributions levied in Prussia ; the people looked for
ward to a long cessation of war, and the sacrifices of the last struggle
were forgotten. Even the wounded were restored in extraordinary num-

54

THE HISTORY OF

bers, owing to the excellence of the hospital departments. Fifty thou
sand of them had already returned to their ranks, cured. Deputations
arrived from every part of France with congratulations and assurances
of attachment. The Emperor was obliged to devote a whole fortnight
to receiving these addresses, which were in general couched in language
approaching to adoration. Whatever degree of importance Napoleon
attached to addresses of this kind, arose solely from an idea that they
exerted, when reported in the " Moniteur," a favourable influence on
public opinion. On himself, they made not the slightest impression,
except, probably, to confirm his contempt for the great mass of man
kind. He listened while they were delivered, with a countenance as
immoveable as that with which he stood in the midst of death on the
church of Eylau; but perhaps a nice observer might have traced on
that cold exterior some shadows from the memories of those agonies
and horrors, — never forgotten by him, though passed over without a
word in the adulatory orations of his flatterers.
A splendid fete was given by the city of Paris in honour of the
return of the imperial guard. A triumphal arch of sufficient span to
allow twenty men to march under it abreast, was erected at the barrier
by which they were to enter ; and, on the expected day, an immense
multitude of people assembled by daybreak to watch for their approach.
Loud shouts proclaimed, about two o'clock in the afternoon, that
they were in sight, and cries of joy and welcome filled the air as they
advanced under the command of Marshal Bessieres. The municipal
corporation of Paris met them at the entrance of the arch, and the
Prefect of the Seine addressed them in a laudatory speech.

THE IMPERIAL GUARD.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 55
Crowns of gold, voted by the city, were then placed on their eagles.
,As they defiled under the arch, a numerous orchestra, stationed within
it, struck up the " Chant de Retour ;" or, as we may render it into
EngUsh, the "Welcome Home." The imperial guard proceeded straight
to the Tuileries, deposited their eagles in the palace, and their arms
in the imperial gardens, and then repaired to the Champs Elysees,
surrounded and followed by nearly the whole population of the city,
and there partook of a grand banquet, of which the municipal body
did the honours. The imperial guard at this time consisted of eight
regiments: the fusileers, the foot chasseurs, the foot grenadiers, the
horse chasseurs, the mamelukes, the dragoons, the horse grenadiers,
and the gendarmerie d' elite.
The mother of Napoleon had lived in Paris since the year of the
Consulate. From the period of her son's accession to the empire, she
had received the . title of " Madame Mere," with an income of forty
thousand pounds : she was also made " Protectrice generate of all the
charitable institutions of France." She is charged with avarice, but
her parsimony evidently resulted, not from love of money, but from
apprehensive foresight, not surprising in a woman who had experienced
the actual difficulties of life from political reverses. When the fortunes
of her family were at the highest pitch, she was often haunted by
forebodings of their downfall. " Who knows," she would say, " but
I may one day have to provide bread for all these kings." She is
universaUy aUowed to have taken dehght in offices of kindness, and to,
have spared no trouble in order to serve others. She continued to be
remarkable for her loftiness of spirit, and for her beauty, even among
the younger ladies of the imperial court, while her strength and energy
of mind gave a dignity to her deportment, which weU suited her dis
tinguished position. Napoleon never failed in his affection and respect
towards her, and she repaid him by a watchful love, which strengthened
in the latter period of his life to a degree that seemed to absorb her
whole being.
The power of Napoleon, the prosperity of France, and the splendour
of Paris, may be said to have been at their greatest height at this period.
The government exhibited an example of a despotism as complete as
ever existed. The regulation of the whole empire lay in the hand of
Napoleon himself, and as the glory of France had always been, and
continued to be his grand object, every faculty of his intellect was bent
to its promotion. The order, method, and power of combination, which
he displayed in the field of battle, he equally exhibited in the wider
field of his vast dominions. The whole empire was divided into depart
ments, each governed by a prefect, appointed by the Emperor himself;
each expressly selected for a province with which he had no personal

56 THE HISTORY OF
ties, largely paid, and possessing entire control over his province; but
accountable to the Emperor for every action, — receiving instructions,
and transmitting reports to him. Thus, every department seemed as
if under his personal superintendence. There was not a functionary of
his government who did not feel a consciousness that his vigilant eye
was upon him. As far as a form of government essentially vicious,
could be rendered beneficent by the wisdom and power of one intellect,
that of the Emperor was beneficent. The finances were regulated with
a clearness and accuracy seldom equalled in a private family. The fine
system of laws combined in the " Code Napoleon," had come into
operation throughout the whole of the empire. Two great causes of
evil, however, were all the time sapping the foundations of the pros
perity of France. The first arose from Napoleon's iron will, attempting
to bind under one uniform system the people of different countries,
who were accustomed to other laws and other habits : the second, from
his continental system ; itself originating in the exasperating continuity
of hostility pursued towards him by England. This favourite measure
of his, was akeady ruining trade and commerce, exciting dangerous
discontent, and soon led him into new and fatal wars.
The Emperor appeared in the legislative assembly shortly after
the estabUshment of peace, and addressed them in a speech which
presented, with his usual felicity of condensation, the results of the
war and the present condition of France. The fetes of the period were
terminated by a splendid banquet, given by the senate to the imperial
guard in the gardens of the Luxembourg Palace.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

57

CHAPTER III.

SWEDEN  ENGLISH EXPEDITIONS — BOMBARDMENT OF COPENHAGEN — FRANCE DECLARES WAR
ON PORTUGAL  PROCLAMATION OF GODOY  TREATY OF FONTAINEBLEAU  INVASION
OF PORTUGAL  FLIGHT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY — JUNOT ENTERS LISBON— AFFAIRS OF
SPAIN — NAPOLEON VISITS ITALY.

The treaty of Tilsit established peace
throughout the continent of Eu
rope, with one single and feeble
exception. The King of Sweden
had maintained his alliance with
England, yet he was left, at the
conclusion of the campaign, op
posed, without assistance, to the
mighty power of France. He
had estabUshed himself at Stral
sund, supported by an English
armament ; but, at the conclusion
of the peace, the EngUsh re-em
barked, and Gustavus retreated
to his capital. A French army,
under General Brune, immediately occupied the whole of Pomerania,
which was thus lost to Sweden.
Though the British ministry abandoned their faithful ally in this
manner, they shewed no inclination towards a pacific policy in other

*&

58 THE HISTORY OF
respects. They pursued a system of petty and. inefficient warfare ;
wasting the strength and resources of the nation in, distant expeditions,
with various success, but uniform nothingness of result, except in the
conquests of Curacoa, and the Cape of Good Hope : the latter in
particular, was a most valuable possession. They had sent an arma
ment to Calabria, to reconquer that wild portion of the former do
minions of the King of Naples, and transfer it from the government
of Joseph Bonaparte to that of its legitimate monarch. The British
troops gained a complete victory over the French sent to oppose them
under the command of General Regnier ; but re-embarked afterwards
without effecting anything towards the object for which they had
fought. British expeditions had also been sent to Buenos Ayres, to
Turkey, and Alexandria, all of which were unsuccessful. The final
proofs, however, that the English government had resolved still to
maintain the war, was afforded by their refusal to accept the mediation
of the Emperor of Russia, offered in compliance with the terms of the
treaty of Tilsit. Their refusal was the signal of new woes and fresh
horrors. The first event which startled Europe from its dream of peace,
was the appearance of a powerful British fleet in the Baltic, early in
August, 1807. It consisted of twenty-seven sail of the line, bearing
twenty thousand men, under the command of Lord Cathcart. This
overwhelming force proceeded to establish a strict blockade round the
shores of Zealand, and then landed a British envoy, Mr. Jackson, who
proceeded to the Danish court. The purpose of his mission was to
convey a requisition to the Crown Prince of Denmark, that he should
unequivocally explain the part which he meant to take between England
and France. Denmark was at that moment strictly neutral. That
Napoleon would permit its neutrality to continue, was very unlikely ;
he was almost certain to enforce his continental system there, as else
where, and to compel the exclusion of British ships from its ports.
Backed by Russia, his power, it was evident, must prevail over a
state so inferior as Denmark. The English envoy, therefore, demanded
that the Danish fleet, consisting of sixteen line-of-battle ships, besides
frigates and smaller vessels, and the whole of their naval stores, should
be delivered up to Great Britain, to be kept in deposit until more
peaceful times. The closest alliance, and every possible protection, was
promised in case of compliance ; but it was intimated, that the British
force would compel the demands should they be refused.
The Crown Prince, seeing dishonour in compliance, and perceiving
besides that the conditional promise of restoring his fleet " in more
peaceful times" afforded a large latitude for evasion, refused the offered
terms, and made the best preparations for defence in his power. At

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 59
the same time, he declared all the British property in Denmark to be
confiscated, and shut all his ports against British ships. Lord Cathcart
immediately disembarked his troops, erected batteries, and summoned
General Peymann, commandant of Copenhagen, to surrender, under
pain of a rigorous siege by land and sea. The Danish land forces,
assembled in the interior of the island, were dispersed by Sir Arthur
WeUesley, a name heard for the first time in European warfare on this
occasion, though already well known in India. On the 2nd of Sep
tember, at seven o'clock in the evening, the British ships commenced
a terrific bombardment of the city, which lasted seventy-two hours,
and reduced three hundred houses to ashes. After a brave but un
availing resistance, General Peymann, who had been dangerously
wounded, offered to capitulate, surrendering the citadel and forts of
Copenhagen, together with the whole fleet, to the English. The Crown
Prince had ordered the latter to be blown up if it could not be saved,
but his dispatch was intercepted. Lord Cathcart took possession, fitted
out the Danish ships for sea with all possible celerity, seized upon
the naval stores to a very large amount, and sailed off with the prize
on the 8th of September.
The King of Denmark, outraged in so unheard-of a manner, joined
heart and hand with Napoleon in his system of exclusion ; signed
with him a treaty offensive and defensive against England, and, never
forgiving the injury he had received, was the only sovereign of Europe
who respected his engagements to the last moment. All Europe ex
claimed against the violence committed by England. The Emperor
Alexander immediately declared his adherence to the continental system,
according to the principles of the armed neutrality established by
Catherine II. The English were thus entirely excluded from the
north of Europe.
Napoleon discussed the subject of the bombardment of Copenhagen
with O'Meara in St. Helena. " That expedition," said he, " shewed
great energy on the part of your ministers ; but, setting aside the
violation of the laws of nations which you committed — for, in fact, it
was nothing but a robbery — I think that it was injurious to your in
terests, as it made the Danish nation irreconcilable enemies to you,
and, in fact, shut you out of the north for three years. When I heard
of it, I said, ' I am glad of it, as it will embroil England irrecoverably
with the northern powers.' The Danes being able to join me with
sixteen sail of the line, was but of little consequence. I had plenty of
ships, and only wanted seamen, whom you did not take, and whom I
obtained afterwards ; while, by the expedition, your ministers established
their characters as faithless, and as persons with whom no engagements,
no laws, were binding."

60 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon soon diverted the attention of Europe from the wrongs
of Denmark, by displaying, in his turn, an instance of "great energy,"
very similar in its nature and purposes to that of the EngUsh ministry.
Portugal had purchased peace from France at a heavy price in 1801
(see Vol. i. p. 270). England had, however, too powerful a hold over
the interests of that country to suffer the fulfilment of the treaty of
Madrid in all its parts. Portugal continued to be, as of old, the firm
ally of England, and the receptacle of British commerce. The conti
nental system was, therefore, frustrated in the south of Europe, though
triumphant in the north.
Immediately upon the refusal of England to accept the mediation of
Russia, the following note was delivered by the French charge-d'affaires
at Lisbon to the Prince Regent of Portugal : it bears the date of
August 12th, 1807, exactly ten days after the appearance of the EngUsh
fleet in the Baltic. " The undersigned has received orders to declare,
that if, by the 1st of September next, His Royal Highness the Prince
Regent has not shewn his intention of withdrawing from EngUsh in
fluence, by declaring, without delay, war against England, dismissing
the minister of His Britannic Majesty, recalUng the Portuguese am
bassador from London, detaining as hostages the English established
in Portugal, confiscating the English merchandise, shutting his ports to
English vessels, and, in short, uniting his fleets with those of the con
tinental powers, — His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal
will be considered as having renounced the continental system ; and
in that case the undersigned has orders to demand his passports, and
to withdraw by declaring war.
" The undersigned, on considering the motives which should de
termine the court of Portugal at the present juncture, cannot but
hope that, enlightened by wise counsels, it will embrace openly and
without reserve, the political system most conformable to its dignity
and interests ; and that it will at last openly decide on making common
cause with aU the governments of the continent against the oppressors
of the sea, and the enemies of the navigation of all nations."
The ambassador of the King of Spain presented a note to a similar
effect on the same day. At the same time, a French army of five-
and-twenty thousand men was assembled at Bayonne under the name
of the " corps of observation of the Gironde," the command of which
was entrusted to Junot.
The counsels of the court of Portugal were divided into two parties,
one of which clung to the EngUsh alliance, seeing nothing before them
but ruin if the Brazils and English commerce were lost to the country
by offending the masters of the seas. "As soon as the foreign armies
appear," said they, " we must retire on board our ships, and take refuge

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 61
in Brazil. There we may still reign." The other party, dreading
the gigantic power of France, recommended implicit obedience to the
will of the Emperor Napoleon. The Regent himself had no wish be
yond ensuring, by some means or other, a permission to continue his
monastic life in his palace of Mafra. He was ready to make any sacri
fice whereby "to solve the insoluble problem" of pleasing both France
and England. A smaU band of patriots, the chief amongst whom was
the Marquis of Alorne, implored the government to place its trust in
the mountains and rocks, the fortresses, and remote position of Portugal:
to call upon its hardy and fiery-spirited population, and once more to
make it a nation. " Let us arm our coast," they said ; " let us exclude
from our ports the British navy, and, if it must be so, their trading
vessels. Let us defend our fortresses and frontiers against the French
and Spanish armies. Let us cease to be EngUsh ; let us not become
French; and we shall remain Portuguese." This appeal produced no
impression. The reply of the Regent of Portugal to the notes of the
foreign ambassadors was to the effect that, " to gratify his powerful alUes,
the Emperor of France and King of Spain, he was ready to exclude the
ships of Great Britain from his ports; but that the moderation of his
government, and his reUgious principles, would not suffer him to seize
upon the persons and property of British residents in Portugal." This
reply was made in concert with England ; and preparations were secretly
commenced to carry into effect the flight of the court to Brazil. On
the 30th of September, the French and Spanish ministers quitted
Lisbon ; and the inhabitants learned on the same day that the Portu
guese ships and commercial property had been seized in all the ports
under the dominion of Napoleon. On the 18th of October, the van
of Junot's army crossed the Bidassoa, and advanced towards Salamanca :
it was foUowed, at the distance of a day's march, by the second and
third divisions, the park of artiUery, and cavalry. At the same time,
a second " army of observation," of equal strength with the first, was
assembUng at Bayonne ; a third on the banks of the Garonne, and a
fourth at Perpignan. The forces of Spain took the field at the same
time. Nearly the whole miUtary strength of that kingdom was marched
towards Portugal : there remained in the interior only skeletons of
battalions and squadrons.
The immense preparations made by Napoleon, added to the defence
less state of Spain, began to excite a vague uneasiness in the enhghtened
classes of that country, and not without reason. The apparently strict
and friendly alUance between the French and Spanish governments was,
in fact, dictated by fear on the one hand, and suspicion on the other.
The suspicion on the part of Napoleon had been excited at the very
commencement of the Prussian campaign by an enigmatical proclamation

62 THE HISTORY OF
of Godoy, the Prince of Peace, who continued all-powerful at the weak
and profligate court of Charles IV. and his queen (see Vol. i. p. 268).
This proclamation, issued in a time of profound peace, called upon the
Spaniards to arm for the preservation of the state. It concluded in
these words : — "I offer you, in advance, the assurance of my gratitude, if
it please God to grant us a fortunate and durable peace, the only object
of our vows. Come, you will not yield to the suggestions either of fear
or perfidy ; your hearts will be closed against every species of foreign
seduction: come, and if we are forced to cross our arms with those of
our enemies, you will not, at least, incur the danger of being marked
as suspected persons; nor will you strengthen a false imputation on
your honour or loyalty, by refusing to answer the appeal which I make
to you." Napoleon was not slow in understanding the meaning of this
manifesto. The battle of Jena followed close upon it; and no more
was heard of Spanish armaments. Godoy hastened to make the best
explanation he could; giving out that an apprehended invasion of the
Moors, had been the cause of his alarm. Napoleon took no further
notice of the subject, at the time, than to ask an explanation ; but he
did not forget it.
All that could be done by obsequiousness to the will of the dreaded
Emperor of France, to obliterate the memory of this unlucky transac
tion, was done by Godoy. A ready passage through Spain was granted
to the French troops. All the Emperor's requisitions for auxiliary
Spanish legions were granted. A secret treaty was also concluded at
Fontainebleau, on the 27th of October, between the courts of France
and Spain, by which the ancient kingdom of Portugal was appropriated
and parcelled out into three divisions. One of these, under the title
of Northern Lusitania, was to be conferred on the King of Etruria, in
exchange for his Italian dominions, which had constituted the first
kingdom bestowed by Napoleon, and which he now chose to unite to
his own kingdom of Italy. The Queen of Etruria was a daughter of
the King of Spain. The second division of Portugal was to be conferred
on Godoy, with the title of Prince of Algarves. The third was to be
held in deposit, in the hands of the commander-in-chief of the French
troops, until a general peace.
Meanwhile, Junot was proceeding with expedition through Spain.
He had reached Salamanca in five-and-twenty days, having been well
received by the Spaniards throughout the route. At Salamanca, he
received a peremptory order from the Emperor to enter Portugal, lest
the English should anticipate him at Lisbon. The road he was to
take was left to his own discretion; but the march was not to be
delayed a single day " under the pretence of procuring subsistence."
" Twenty thousand men," added the Emperor, " can live anywhere, even

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. GS
m a desert." The army was again in motion by the 12th of November,
with orders to reach Alcantara, a distance of fifty leagues, in five days.
" Of the difficulty of invading Portugal," says General Foy, " a
very erroneous idea will be formed from the aspect which the con
figuration of that country presents on geographical maps. It would
seem as if, being once established in Spain, there was only a step to
make to sever in the middle that slip of land which runs parallel with
the sea, in a length of one hundred and thirty leagues, and a breadth
of fifty at the utmost. The operation appears to be the more easy
from the circumstance of the Douro and the Tagus, the two great
rivers of the country, flowing through Spain for the greatest part of
their course ; and our being taught by physical geography that as
rivers approach their mouths, the mountains dip and the valleys widen.
Here it is just the contrary, and that is the reason why Portugal has
remained a kingdom independent of Spain. The mass and the branches
of the Estrella cover the central region of Portugal, which bears the
name of Beira. The principal summit of this vast mountain is three
leagues to the south-east of Guarda. It towers eight hundred fathoms
above the level of the sea, and is crowned with snow throughout the
year. From its granite sides flow the Zezere, the Mondego, the Alva,
and thirty other tributaries of the Tagus and the Douro. Its rami
fications are sometimes formed in steep angles, sometimes in terraces
of freestone blocks heaped together in disorder. Nature and state-
poUcy have conspired together to prevent any roads of communication
being made, between Portugal and Spain, across the rocks of Beira.
The high road from Bayonne to Lisbon passes by Madrid ; crosses the
Tagus at the bridge of Almaraz in Spanish Estremadura, and a second
time in front of Lisbon, where the river is three leagues wide."
Military foresight would not permit Junot to proceed by the high
road. Without a bridge equipage, he would have found himself obliged
to force a passage across this great river, or rather arm of the sea, after
overcoming all the other obstacles of the march. He determined to
encounter the difficulties of the Estrella, taking the road by Castello-
Branco and Abrantes. He entered Portugal on the 19th of October.
A great number of soldiers, part of the artillery, and all the baggage,
had already fallen behind ; the country he had passed through was very
poor ; it was impossible to supply the wants of the army ; and the rain,
which at that season is always prevalent, fell in torrents. Still, in
spite of famine, weather, the obstacles of the country, and the uncer
tainty what enemies he might encounter, Junot did not hesitate to
proceed. He calculated that in his situation to march was to fight;
and to arrive, was to conquer. He had, in his favour, the terror of the
French name, and that was sufficient for him.

64 THE HISTORY OF
Torrents and mountains were to be passed incessantly, almost the
whole way to Abrantes. " During five deadly days," says Foy, " cheer
less eminences of freestone succeed wastes of sharp, slaty rocks, and are
followed by enormous mountains of granite. Here, wherever the stone
does not appear on the surface, the eye wanders till it is lost, over
wastes uniformly strewed with heath and cistus. The only flocks of
the inhabitants are lean goats, so tinnT'that they are always ready to fly
to the mountains. To find the traces of human beings, they must
be sought for at the bottom of some ravines which retain water in
summer. There, near a hamlet, which, in the colour and the shape
of its houses, resembles a continuation of the eternal rock, some en
closures are planted with olives, and a little rye and maize is sown.
The monotony of the landscape is relieved by nothing but insulated
chestnut-trees, which were then leafless, the pale cork-trees, and the
stunted, green oaks, the appearance of which has, at all seasons, a
melancholy effect.
" The army suffered incessantly from the bad weather. In Portu
gal, the autumnal rains are a positive deluge. Twenty times a day
the columns of infantry were broken in fording the swoUen and over
flown rivers. The soldiers straggled .along at random ; and ceasing
to be restrained by the presence of their leaders, they had no longer
the appearance of an army, but rather of a medley of individuals ex
asperated by distress. Notwithstanding several examples of severity
wliich the commanders-in-chief exercised on offending French and Spa
nish soldiers, the plundering which took place hindered the inhabitants
from applying to the use of the army the scanty resources which they
might have been able to collect. Pressed by want, the soldiers betook
themselves to the commons, and ate the honey from the hives which are
scattered about in those situations. Some discovered and devoured
the frugal hoard of maize, olives, and chestnuts, which the poor peasant
had put by to feed his family during the winter. Woe to the humble
cottage that fell in the way of these famished marauders ! The terrified
families immediately took flight. Many soldiers of the infantry were
killed by the peasants, who were driven to despair. The cavalry lost
a great number of horses; even the strongest were wasted, meagre,
and worn out."
Junot reached Abrantes on the 24th. Here the greatest suffering
of the army terminated. Provisions and shoes were given out. Anxiety
as to the intentions of the Portuguese government was also at an end.
Not the slightest appearance of resistance to the progress of the French
could be observed. Junot himself announced his arrival, by letter, to
the prime minister of Portugal. " I shall be at Lisbon in four days,"
said he. " My soldiers are quite disconsolate that they have not yet

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

65

fired a shot. Do not compel them to do it ; I think you will be in
the wrong if you do." This was the first intimation received by the
Regent that the foreign troops, had set foot in his dominions.
Junot only waited two days at Abrantes : he had still five-and-
twenty leagues" to traverse. As soon as he had got eight or ten thou
sand men together, he set forward, himself leading the vanguard: the
sick and the artillery were conveyed in large boats on the Tagus. After
crossing the Zezere, he was met by an envoy from Lisbon, entreating

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him to suspend his march until terms could be arranged. From this
envoy, he learned that the Regent and his court were preparing to
make their escape to Brazil. Rejoicing in his heart at a determination
which relieved him from much embarrassment, Junot refused to stop
his march. The fertile plains by the Tagus were inundated, and the
troops frequently marched up to their knees in water. The van of
the army reached Sacavem, a village two leagues from Lisbon, on the
29th. Here, deputations from the city announced to the French general
the departure of the royal family. They also asserted that the English
fleet off the Tagus had land forces on board, and that the populace
of Lisbon were in a state of excessive agitation. Junot sent them
K

66 THE HISTORY OF
hack with a proclamation to the effect that "for the second time,
Portugal was about to be indebted to France for her independence;
and that he held the provisional government responsible for the pubUc
peace." Though holding this language, however, he was full of anxiety.
The' vanguard had advanced much beyond the rest of the army, and
was itself reduced to about fifteen hundred men. The rest, worn out
by fatigue and the incessant rains, had fallen behind. With this force,
and in this condition, he approached the gates of the city on the evening
of the 30th of November, 1807. He entered the capital of Portugal
at the head of the skeletons, or rather wrecks of his four picked batta
lions, six-and-thirty hours after the royal family had embarked; and
while, protected by the English fleet, they were still anxiously waiting
for a wind to carry them out to sea. He hastened to Belem, the quay
of Lisbon; ordered the Regent's cannoniers to fire on some vessels
of the royal fleet, which were endeavouring to join the convoy, and
compelled them to put back into the port; then garrisoned with his
infantry the closed batteries on both sides of the Tagus, and returned
to the city with the officers of his staff, having no other escort than
thirty Portuguese horsemen. Pickets of the Portuguese royal police
guard conducted the French troops to their allotted barracks. The
signs of approaching convulsion entirely vanished, and the tranquilUty
of the city was not disturbed. " They had at last made their entrance,"
says General Foy ; " those formidable warriors before whom Europe
was dumb, and whose looks the Regent had not dared to encounter.
A people possessed of a lively imagination, had expected to see heroes of
a superior species,- — colossuses, demi-gods. A long file of lean, limping
soldiers, followed with lagging pace the scantily filled masses of the
battalions. A forced march of eighteen days, famine, torrents, inun
dated valleys, and beating rain, had debilitated their bodies, and de
stroyed their. clothing. They had hardly strength enough left to keep
the step to the sound of the drum. The officers and generals themselves
were worn out, and it may be said disfigured, by long and excessive
fatigue. The artillery did not even march with the column of infantry.
For the purposes of attack and defence, the troops had nothing but
rusted firelocks, and cartridges soaked with water. The Portuguese had
been prepared to feel terror; the only feeling which they now expe
rienced was that of vexation, at having been astounded and brought
under the yoke by a handful of foreigners. This contemptuous estimate
of the French forces, in which every one indulged, in proportion to the
fear that he had felt, left in the minds of the people, the seeds of revolt,
which were soon ripened into vigorous existence by the course of events."
For the present, however, Portugal was conquered without having
made an effort. The people were dispirited, — without leaders, and

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 67
without plan. They had seen themselves deserted by their hereditary
rulers. The Regent, after having made every degrading concession
required of him by Napoleon, — after having expelled the British
factory and British minister, confiscated all EngUsh property, and
shut his ports against EngUsh ships, had at length discovered that his
submission came too late. The "Moniteur" already proclaimed that
the House of Braganza had ceased to reign. The feeble prince had
then begged and obtained the protection of the British squadron, and
embarked without delay on board one of the vessels of his own fleet,
accompanied in his flight by about fifteen thousand of the principal in
habitants of Portugal, carrying with them all the riches that could be
removed. The people had crowded round the carriages which conveyed
the Regent and his family to the quay. The old queen, seen among
them on this day for the first time during a lapse of fifteen years, led
the melancholy procession, with a face of vague wonder ; uttering inco
herent exclamations, which seemed to evince that a gleam of reason, suf-
cient to the comprehension of some overwhelming calamity, had visited
her. The grief which the people experienced at this sight, changed
afterwards into disgust and resentment. Their prince had not made
common cause with them; but had fled, leaving them to their fate.
The English squadron had received their navy with royal honours, and
one squadron prepared to escort it to Brazil ; but another blockaded the
Tagus. An EngUsh armament had taken possession of Madeira, and
orders were sent to India to seize Goa, and the other Portuguese settle
ments; and even Macao, in China, was not forgotten. Everything
concurred in proving that Portugal had ceased to exist as a nation ;
and that between the two powerful governments, each pretending strict
alUance and protection, its ruin was at hand.
At the same time, events seemed to conspire to tempt Napoleon
upon the enterprise of interference with the Spanish monarchy. The
influence of Godoy was hateful to the whole nation, and had become the
cause of disunion in the royal family. A large party of the nobles had
attached themselves to Ferdinand, Prince of the Asturias, the next heir
to the throne ; looking forward to his accession to free them from the
odious yoke of the favourite. Ferdinand was about three-and-twenty
years of age, and a widower, having been previously married to a
daughter of the Queen of Naples. In order to gain an influence over
him, Godoy proposed an aUiance between the prince and Donna Maria
de Bourbon, the sister of his own wife. Ferdinand revolted at this
arrangement; and, probably instigated by his counsellors, made the
following appeal — so bowed down was legitimacy — to the Emperor
Napoleon : — *
* See " History of the War in the Peninsula, by General Foy," vol. ii. p. 572.

68 THE HISTORY OF
" Sire, — the fear of incommoding your imperial and royal Majesty
in the midst of your exploits and the great affairs which continually
surround you, has hitherto prevented me from satisfying directly what
has been my most ardent wish; namely, that of expressing, at least
by writing, the sentiments of respect, esteem, and attachment, which I
have vowed for a hero who eclipses all who have preceded him, and
who has been sent by Providence to save Europe from the total sub
version which threatened her; to settle her tottering thrones, and to
restore peace and happiness to nations. The virtues of your I. M.
(Imperial Majesty) ; your moderation and goodness, even towards your
most unjust and implacable enemies, have all led me to hope that the
expression of my sentiments would be received as the overflowing of
a heart filled with admiration and the most sincere friendship.
" The situation in whieh I have been placed for a long time, and
which cannot have escaped the piercing eye of your I. M., has also
been a second obstacle to prevent my ready pen from expressing my
wishes to your I. M. ; but, full of the hope of finding the most powerful
protection in your magnanimous generosity, I have come to the deter
mination, not only of testifying my heartfelt sentiments for your august
person, but also of pouring them into your bosom as into that of the
most tender father. It is a great misfortune for me, that circumstances
compel me to conceal as a crime an action so just and praiseworthy ;
but such are the fatal consequences of the extreme goodness of the
best of kings. Filled with respect and filial love for the author of
my being, I would never dare to repeat to any but your I. M. what
you know better than myself; that these very qualities which are so
estimable but too often serve as instruments in the hands of the de
signing for concealing the truth from sovereigns.
" If the men who, unfortunately, are found here, would allow him
to know the character of your I. M. as I know it, with what ardour
would he not wish to strengthen the ties that should unite our two
houses! And what means are more proper for that, than my seeking
the honour of allying myself to a princess of your august family?
This is the unanimous wish of all my father's subjects, and would be
also his own, I doubt not, in spite of the efforts of a few malevolent
men, as soon as he knew the intentions of your I. M., which is all that
my heart desires: hut this is not the interest of the perfidious and
selfish men who surround him; and they may, in an unguarded mo
ment, take him by surprise. Nothing but respect for your I. M. can
overturn their designs, open the eyes of my good and beloved parents,
render them happy, and, at the same time, bestow happiness on my
nation and myself. The whole world will more and more admire the
goodness of your I. M., who will always find in me a son the most

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 69
devoted and grateful. I implore, therefore, with the greatest con
fidence, the protection of your majesty, in order not only to confer
on me the honour of an alliance with your family, but to smooth all
the difficulties, and remove all the obstacles, which may be opposed
to this object of my wishes.
" This gracious effort on the part of your I. M. is so much the
more necessary, as I, on my part, am totally unable to make any attempt
of this nature ; since it would be, perhaps, represented as an insult
offered to paternal authority; and since I have only one means left
me, that of refusing, with invincible constancy, to form an alliance with
any one whatever, without the positive approbation and consent of your
I. M., from whom alone, I wait the choice of a spouse. This is a hap
piness which I expect from the goodness of your I. M., praying God
to preserve your valuable life many years.
" Written and signed with my own hand and seal, at the Escurial,
October 11th, 1807, by your I. and R. M's. affectionate servant and
brother, .. „
"Ferdinand.
As the establishment of Ferdinand was full of the spies and crea
tures of Godoy, his proceeding was soon made known to the favourite,
who found no difficulty in filling Charles IV. with the darkest suspi
cions of his son. Whether any proof existed of such designs, remains
quite uncertain, but Ferdinand was publicly accused by the old king
of having plotted his death, as well as that of the queen, and was
placed under arrest.
Godoy had, however, scarcely been allowed time to enjoy his revenge, ,
before he was seized with apprehension as to the view which Napoleon
would take of the affair, and became full of dread lest he should him
self seem to have sUghted the idea of an imperial alliance for the prince.
The French ambassador at Madrid had always attached himself to
Ferdinand and his party: this circumstance added weight to the new
turn of Godoy's thoughts. Charles IV. was, in consequence, made to
write a letter to Napoleon, in which he dwelt on the crimes of his son
as the excuse for his arrest ; concluding by an entreaty that " his I. M.
would aid him with his knowledge and wisdom." The whole matter
was then hushed up as quickly as possible. Ferdinand was never
brought to trial ; but was induced to confess his " fault," and beg
pardon for it, denouncing most of his intimate friends as the guilty
parties. They were all brought to trial, but were declared innocent,
the great object of the court being to put an end to the affair as
quickly as possible. The letter of Ferdinand remained unanswered.
As to Godoy, he was at present an instrument in the hands of Na
poleon, and, therefore, countenanced by him. It cannot be doubted

10

THE HISTORY OF

that the vices and weaknesses of the Spanish dynasty, made apparent
to Napoleon at this period, excited in him a degree of contempt which
helped to lead him on to his ulterior projects respecting the Peninsula.
But it appears that at this period he had formed no definite plan.
He made a visit to Italy shortly after all these events, chiefly to take
possession of the late kingdom of Etruria, when, it is said that he had
an interview with his brother Lucien at Mantua, and promised him
the crown of Portugal ; so soon had the treaty of Fontainebleau been
superseded in his mind. He also talked of allying the eldest daughter
of Lucien to Ferdinand.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

71

' ^1

Mf§Pv

'IXX I
iiy'VV

CHAPTER IV.

OCCUPATION OF SPAIN BY THE FRENCH — INSURRECTION OF ARANJUEZ — ABDICATION OF
CHARLES IV.  FERDINAND VII.  FERDINAND'S JOURNEY TO BAYONNE  INSURRECTION OF
MADRID — SECOND ABDICATION OF CHARLES IV. — JOSEPH BONAPARTE, KING OF SPAIN —
INSURRECTION OF CADIZ — BATTLE OF RIO SECO — MURAT, KING OF NAPLES  CAPITULA
TION OF BAYLEN: — JOSEPH LEAVES MADRID — SIR ARTHUR WELLESLEY IN PORTUGAL —
BATTLE OF VIMIERO — CONVENTION OF CINTRA — THE FRENCH EVACUATE PORTUGAL.

In contradiction to the common belief
concerning the insatiable ambition
of Napoleon, his passion for war,
and the necessity under which he
wilfully placed all the sovereigns
of Europe to exhaust their people
in continual efforts for his destruc
tion, we have uniformly maintained
that, throughout the period of his
history which has already come
under our review, his wars were
forced upon him, and a durable
peace was impossible to him. The
view which we have taken of the
causes of that fierce and deadly struggle which devastated Europe,
with little intermission, from the first coalition against the new order

72 THE HISTORY OF
of things in France, to the conclusion of the campaign of 1806, is fast
gaining ground in this country, liowever opposed to long standing
prejudices. The high authority of Colonel Napier is one among the
influences likely to extend and permanently establish a just opinion
on this subject. His valuable work, " The History of the Peninsular
War," commences with the following words: — "The hostiUty of the
European aristocracy caused the enthusiasm of republican France to
take a military direction ; and forced that powerful nation into a course
of policy which, however outrageous it might appear, was, in reality,
one of necessity. Up to the treaty of Tilsit, the wars of France were
essentially defensive ; for the bloody contest that wasted the continent
so many years was not a struggle for pre-eminence between ambitious
powers ; not a dispute for some accession of territory, nor for the
political ascendancy of one or other nation ; but a deadly conflict, to
determine whether aristocracy or democracy should predominate ; —
whether equality or privilege should henceforth be the principle of
European governments.
" The French revolution was pushed into existence before the hour
of its natural birth. The power of the aristocratic principle was too
vigorous and too much identified with that of the monarchical principle,
to be successfully resisted by a virtuous democratic effort ; much less
could it be overthrown by a democracy rioting in innocent blood, and
menacing destruction to political and reUgious establishments, the growth
of centuries, — somewhat decayed, indeed, yet scarcely shewing their
grey hairs. The first military events of the revolution, — the disaffection
of Toulon and Lyons ; the civil war of La Vendee ; the feeble, although
successful, resistance made to the Duke of Brunswick's invasion ; and
the frequent and violent change of rulers whose fall none regretted, —
were all proofs that the French revolution, intrinsically too feeble to
sustain the physical and moral force pressing it down, was fast sinking
when the wonderful genius of Napoleon, baffling all reasonable calcu
lations, raised and fixed it on the basis of victory, the only one capable
of supporting the crude production.
" Nevertheless, that great man knew the cause he upheld was not
sufficiently in unison with the feelings of the age ; and his first care
was to disarm or neutralise monarchical and sacerdotal enmity, by re
storing a church establishment, and by becoming a monarch himself."
(Vain and hopeless idea ! proved by the result to have been as deficient
in expediency as in principle.) " Once a sovereign, his vigorous cha
racter, his pursuits, his talents, and the critical nature of the times,
inevitably rendered him a despotic one : yet, while he sacrificed political
liberty, which, to the great bulk of mankind, has never been more than
a pleasing sound, he cherished, with the utmost care, equality ; — a

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 73
sensible good that produces increasing satisfaction, as it descends in
the scale of society. But this, the real principle of his government
and secret of his popularity, made him the people's monarch, not the
sovereign of the aristocracy, and hence Mr. Pitt called him ' the child
and champion of democracy ;' a truth as evident as that Mr. Pitt and
his successors were the children and the champions of aristocracy :
hence, also, the privileged classes of Europe consistently transferred
their natural and implacable hatred of the French revolution to his
person; for they saw that in him innovation had found a protector, —
that he alone, having given pre-eminence to a system so hateful to
them, was really what he called himself, 'the State.'
" The treaty of Tilsit, therefore, although it placed Napoleon in
a commanding situation with regard to the potentates of Europe, un
masked the real nature of the war, and brought him and England,
the respective champions of equality and privilege, into more direct
contact ; peace could not be between them while both were strong ;
and all that the French Emperor had hitherto gained, only enabled
him to choose his future field of battle."
The first "field of battle" chosen by Napoleon, was Portugal; the
second was destined to be Spain. We proceed to a detail of the opening
events of that desolating war ; events which, beginning in depravity and
imbecility on the one hand, and intrigue and perfidy on the other, swelled
into a torrent of violence, as uncontrollable as it was unexpected.
The Emperor returned from his Italian journey on the 1st of January,
1808. In this journey, he had taken possession of his new dominion
of Tuscany, converted the port of Venice into a great naval arsenal,
and decreed the opening of a canal to unite the Po' with the Medi
terranean. From Milan, also, he had dated fresh decrees, increasing
the rigour of his continental system. At the same period, the port
of Flushing, and the territories of Wesel, Cassel, and Kehl, were united
to France ; thus extending the empire along the whole course of the
Rhine. While these accessions to the power of France were effected
in Italy and Germany, a silent and insidious operation was progressing
in Spain. The second and third armies of observation, commanded
by Dupont and Moncey, amounting together to fifty-three thousand
men, had advanced into that country, apparently with the view to
reinforce Junot in Portugal ; but, in fact, establishing themselves in
VaUadofid, Salamanca, Vittoria, Miranda, and the neighbourhood, they
effectually cut off the capital from the northern provinces, and secured
the road between Bayonne and Madrid. Small divisions marching from
the frontier, continually increased their numbers, and finally General
Duhesme penetrated into Catalonia, and established himself with
twelve thousand men at Barcelona ; while different detachments of

THE HISTORY OF

his army, by means of various treacherous artifices, possessed them
selves of the fortresses of San Sebastian, Pampeluna, and San Fernando.
These transactions were followed by the mission of Murat into Spain,
to place himself at the head of the army as commander-in-chief.
It does not appear that the people were as yet roused to any jealous
suspicion of the meaning of these extraordinary proceedings. They
were groaning under the yoke of Godoy, whom they detested, and
perhaps expected the French would effect some beneficial change in
their condition. The court, however, at length took the alarm. Godoy
could not but perceive that the treaty of Fontainebleau had become
a dead letter ; and that he himself, having served the purpose of the
Emperor of France, was very likely to be abandoned to whatever
fate might await him. The sudden dismissal of his agent, Izquierdo,
from Paris, confirmed his fears. The tergiversations and intrigues of
the Spanish court are necessarily clouded in some obscurity, but it
appears to be pretty well estabUshed that Godoy, yielding to an abject
panic, advised Charles IV. and his queen to imitate the example of
the royal family of Portugal, and escape to America; and that to
pave the way, he persuaded them to leave Madrid, and take up their
abode at the palace of Aranjuez, where hasty preparations, and the
collection of troops, soon roused a suspicion of their intention to
comply with the wishes of their favourite. Preparations for their
embarkation were made at Cadiz, and the divisions stationed in readi
ness to co-operate with Junot in Portugal were recalled. The friends
and adherents of Ferdinand quickly caught at the opportunity to
excite the populace, and a dangerous tumult occurred on the 17th of
March, at Aranjuez, in which the cry of " Death to Godoy ! " and re
proaches against his name for "bringing the French army into the
country," were first heard. It was in vain that the king declared
he had no intention to leave his beloved subjects, and entreated them
" to calm their fears, and act towards the troops of their sovereign's
ally, as they had hitherto done." The insurrection spread. On the
18th, the house of Godoy at Madrid, was assaulted and sacked, and
the guards refused on this occasion to fire upon the people. The un
fortunate favourite only escaped from being torn to pieces, by hiding
himself in a barn, where he lay concealed for four-and-twenty hours
without food. The king, in the vain hope of appeasing the people)
now declared that he " dismissed the Prince of Peace from all his em
ployments, and would himself take the command of the troops:" but
the riot continued. The houses of Godoy's relations and adherents,
and those of the ministers of finance, were plundered. At length,
the infuriated populace discovered Godoy in his hiding place : he was
pelted with stones, dreadfully beaten, and rescued from massacre with

a<

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

75

the utmost difficulty by some soldiers of the body guard, who conveyed
him to their barracks. The poor old king, unable to endure the
danger and sufferings of his beloved Manuel, abdicated the throne on
the 19th of March, making the safety of this cherished object the sole
condition of his own relinquishment of sovereign authority. Ferdi
nand VII. was proclaimed king on the 20th of March, amidst the
acclamations of the people of Madrid, and the universal joy of the
nation. " Little did the people know," says Napier, " what they
rejoiced at ; and time has since taught them that the fable of the
frogs demanding a monarch had its meaning."
The first act of the new king was to proclaim the confiscation of
all the property of Godoy; to deprive him of his honours, and order
his trial : the next, to recal from banishment and load with favours
all those who had been implicated (by himself) in the conspiracy of
the previous year. The Duke of Infantado, and the Canon Don
Juan Escoiquiz, possessed the greatest influence over him. Assurances
were presented to the Emperor of France from the new court, of
continued and increased amity; and the request for an imperial alli
ance for Ferdinand was repeated. The troops were sent into canton-

76 THE HISTORY OF
ments ; and three grandees of the highest rank were despatched to
meet the Emperor, whose arrival in Spain was shortly expected.
On the 24th, Ferdinand made his public entry into Madrid on
horseback. " No arrangements had been planned for receiving him,"
says Foy ; " the public joy supplied the want of them. More than
three hundred thousand men and women rushed to meet the young
king, and rent the air with their acclamations. They were never tired
of gazing upon him. Their eagerness so retarded his progress that he
was several hours in proceeding from the promenade of the Delicias,
to his palace, situated at the other end of the city. No transports of
joy were ever more unanimous ; and yet this prince had not received
from nature any of those seductive external graces, and those inspiring
qualities which win the multitude. In vain would have been sought
in his features that good nature which marked those of Charles IV. ; he
more resembled his mother : though he was tall and well made, his figure
wanted elegance ; his motions were abrupt, his eye wandered, and he
had none of the freshness of youth. The wretched manner of edu
cating the Infants of Spain, the eternal slavery of etiquette, and more
than these, the insulated state in which Ferdinand had been kept by
the suspicions of the Prince of the Peace, had prolonged his childhood,
and retarded the expansion of his intellectual faculties. He said
little ; and it could not be discerned whether his silence was the result
of timidity or dissimulation. He was not known to have either virtues
or vices ; but it was known that he had had much both to suffer and
to fear ; and it was expected that the enemy of Godoy would redress
the wrongs of the last reign."
Unwelcome guests were witnesses of this scene of tumultuous joy.
Murat had marched towards the capital on hearing of the insurrection,
and his troops occupied and completely commanded Madrid, Segovia,
and Aranjuez, on the day before the entry of Ferdinand. This move
ment was unauthorised by Napoleon, and produced consequences beyond
all appreciation. The people watched the line of conduct pursued by
the representative of the Emperor of France with jealous anxiety, and
his precipitation had placed him in circumstances in which he was
forced to take a side. He did not recognise Ferdinand as king, and
he extended his protection and confidence to the old sovereign. It
was also observed, to the prejudice of his popularity, that he took up
his abode in the palace of Godoy. Meantime, no answer was returned
by Napoleon to the letters and proposals of Ferdinand ; and this silence
kept his court in the most cruel anxiety.
A very curious letter of this period is extant, written by Napoleon
to Murat, which it is necessary to quote nearly entire, as it shews more
clearly than could be done by pages of comment and theory, the real

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 77
causes of the events in Spain which followed. It is evident that Napo
leon was dragged step by step, and against his wul, into a war with that
country ; and that in interfering as he did with its internal concerns,
he acted entirely contrary to the convictions of his reason. A more
striking instance of seeing the right course, yet pursuing the wrong,
was never displayed. In reading the following letter, full of the most
clear-sighted opinions on the condition of the Spanish people, it is
difficult to beUeve we are not reading a censure on the policy after
wards pursued by himself: — "March 29th, 1808.
" Monsieur the Grand Duke of Berg, — I fear that you may deceive
me concerning the situation of Spain, and that you may deceive your
self. The affair of the 20th of March has complicated events in a
singular manner : I remain in great perplexity. Do not believe that
you have to deal with an unresisting nation, and that the sight of your
army is sufficient to subdue Spain. The revolution of the 20th of
March proves that there is energy among the Spaniards. You have
to deal with a fresh people, who possess all the courage, and will feel
all the enthusiasm which is found among men not yet worn out by
poUtical passions. Spain is under the dominion of the aristocracy and
the clergy ; if they become alarmed for their privileges and their ex
istence, they will raise levies in mass against us, which may render
the war endless. I have partizans ; but if I present myself in the
character of a conqueror, they will abandon me. The Prince of Peace
is detested, because he is accused of having delivered up Spain to
France. This is the grievance which has favoured the usurpation of
Ferdinand; the liberal party is the weakest.
" The Prince of the Asturias has none of the qualities requisite
for the chief of a nation; but, nevertheless, to oppose us, he will he
transformed into a hero. I will have no violence used towards the
individuals of the royal family : it can never answer any end to render
oneself odious, and to excite hatred. Spain has more than a hundred
thousand men under arms, which are more than sufficient to maintain
an internal war with advantage. Scattered about in different direc
tions, these forces may serve as so many rallying points for the insur
rection of the whole country. I point out to you the dangers which
are inevitable ; but there are others which will doubtless occur to
your mind. England will not let this opportunity escape, of adding
to our embarrassments. She daily sends dispatches to her forces on
the coasts of Portugal, and the Mediterranean ; and she is enrolling
SiciUans and Portuguese.
" The royal family not having quitted Spain to go to the Indies,
nothing but a revolution can change the condition of the country.

78 THE HISTORY OF
Spain is perhaps of all countries in Europe the least prepared for such
an event. Those who see the monstrous vices of the government,
and the anarchy which has superseded legal authority, are the smallest
portion of the population. The majority profit by the vices and the
anarchy. Acting for the interest of my empire, I can do great good
to Spain. What are the best means to be pursued? Shall I go to
Madrid ? Shall I exercise the authority of a great mediator, and decide
between the father and the son ? It seems to me difficult to re-estab
lish Charles IV. His government and his favourite are so unpopular,
that they would not maintain themselves three months. Ferdinand
is the enemy of France ; and for that reason he has been made king.
Placing him on the throne, will serve the interest of the factions
which have for twenty-five years past aimed at the annihilation of
France. A family alliance would be a feeble tie. Queen Elizabeth
and other French princesses were cruelly dealt with, as soon as op
portunities occurred for immolating them to atrocious vengeance with
impunity. I think that there ought to be no precipitation; that the
right way is to look to coming events. We must reinforce the corps
on the frontiers of Portugal, and wait.
" I do not approve of the course you have taken, in so rashly oc
cupying Madrid. The army should have been kept at the distance of
ten leagues from the capital. You could not be certain that the people
and the magistracy were disposed to recognise Ferdinand, without a
constitution. You will not engage for my having an interview in Spain
with Ferdinand, unless you judge the situation of things to be such
that I ought to recognise him as King of Spain. You will keep on
good terms with the king, the queen, and Prince Godoy; you will exact
for them and pay them, the same honours as formerly. You will con
duct yourself in such a manner, that the Spaniards shall not suspect
the course I am to adopt. This will not be difficult, for I do not know
it myself. You will give the nobility and clergy to understand, that
if France should interfere in the affairs of Spain, their privileges and
immunities shaU be respected. You will tell them that the Emperor
wishes to improve the political institutions of Spain, to place them on
a level with the state of civilisation in the rest of Europe, and to
rescue the country from the dominion of favourites. You will tell the
magistrates, the inhabitants of the towns, and the enUghtened part of
the population, that Spain must remodel the machinery of her govern
ment ; that she must have laws to protect the citizens against despotism,
and the usurpations of feudalism ; and institutions which are calculated
to revive industry, agriculture, and the arts. You will paint to them
the state of tranquillity and comfort which France enjoys, in spite of
the wars in which she has been engaged ; the glory of her religion

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 79
which owes its restoration to the concordat which I signed with the
Pope. You will point out the advantages they may derive from a
political regeneration, which wiU insure order and peace at home, and
respect and power abroad. Do nothing precipitately. I may wait at
Bayonne : I may cross the Pyrrenees ; and fortifying myself in the
direction of Portugal, I may carry on the war in that quarter. Direct
the marches of my army, so as to keep it always at the distance of
several leagues from the Spanish corps. The destiny of Spain must
be decided by policy and negociations. I charge you to avoid all ex
planations with Solano, as well as with the other Spanish generals.
If war should break out, all will be lost. ,, -.T „
" Napoleon.
Savary was ordered to Madrid simultaneously with the date of
this letter ; probably with a view to restrain the imprudent impe
tuosity of Murat. Events, however, no longer capable of being con-
troUed, rapidly succeeded each other. The old king, encouraged by
the protection of the French court, declared that his abdication had
been forced ; and wrote to Napoleon to that effect. This further
complication of affairs caused the Emperor to proceed without delay
to Bayonne, whence he announced his intention shortly to visit Madrid.
Ferdinand immediately despatched his brother, the Infant Don Carlos,
to receive the Emperor on the frontiers. The young king next came
to the unexpected resolution of setting forward to meet the Emperor
in person. The motives which determined him to take a step so im
portant in its consequences, have never been clearly revealed. Foy
asserts that he was deceived into it by the intrigues of Savary, Murat,
and the French ambassador, acting under the directions of Napoleon ;
but this is positively denied by Savary, and is thus adverted to by
Napier: — " Some petty personal intrigue, may be found to have had
a greater influence with him, than the grand machinations attributed
to Napoleon, who could not have anticipated, much less have calcu
lated, a great scheme upon such a surprising example of weakness."
Ferdinand left Madrid on the 10th of April, accompanied by his
chief ministers and private confidants, having appointed a supreme
junta to conduct the government in his absence, of which his uncle,
Don Antonio, was president, and Murat a member. Everywhere
throughout his progress, the people manifested their unequivocal dis
like of this journey, which was continued from one city to another, in
continual expectations of meeting Napoleon. At Vittoria, the populace
rose in open tumult, cut the traces of the royal carriage, and were ap
peased with difficulty by the French division which occupied the town.
Several loyal Spaniards of high rank, also repaired from distant parts
of the country, to implore Ferdinand to return to his capital ; but

80 THE HISTORY OF
unmoved by all these marks of zeal, and unwarned by a letter he
received from Napoleon, withholding the title of " majesty," and freely
animadverting on his late conduct, he continued his journey. From
Irun, which he reached on the 19th, he sent forward an aide-de-camp
to inform the Emperor that he should be at Bayonne on the next day,
if agreeable to his Majesty. The Emperor could scarcely credit the
message. " How !" he exclaimed, " is he coming ? No ! it is not
possible !" " These words have been quoted," says Hazlitt, " to shew
that Bonaparte had no malice prepense ; no ill intentions in the busi
ness. They appear to me to shew the contrary. What ! was France
become a robber's cave, that it was dangerous for a foreign prince to
trust himself in it ? Every man who comes into your house, puts
himself in your power ; but that alone does not give you the right
to seize upon his purse or person. It is true, it does not appear that
Bonaparte either decoyed or invited the Spanish princes into his ter
ritory ; he merely let, them come upon an understanding of good faith :
and all that he had to do was to let them go back again ; — would that
he had ! It would have had a much less injurious effect if he had
gained possession of their persons by main force, than under a mask
of hospitality and friendship."
The Emperor sent no guard of honour to the frontier to meet his
expected guest, but Berthier, Duroc, and the Count d'Angosse met
him at a short distance from Baj^onne. Napoleon visited him on his
arrival, and received him at dinner with the usual forms of courtesy,
but carefully avoided giving him the titles of majesty or highness; and
(it is said) sent him the same night, an announcement, that he would
be treated only as Prince of the Asturias till the king should arrive
at Bayonne, when the dispute might be cleared up between them.
Charles IV. and his queen, arrived ten days afterwards. They
were received by Napoleon with all the honours paid to powerful and
independent sovereigns ; and (which was far more grateful to their feel
ings) were immediately united once more to their beloved Godoy, who
had been liberated, and conveyed out of Spain under French protection.
In the midst of so many grave affairs, there is something extremely
ludicrous in the description of the forms which were observed in the
journey of these two royal personages. They traveUed the whole way
from Madrid to Bayonne in a cumbersome carriage of the time of
Louis XIV., with four tall footmen in splendid liveries standing
behind, exposed to the burning sun and clouds of dust ; but this
was disregarded, for the sake of observing the strict etiquette of the
Spanish court.
The departure of Ferdinand, the escape of Godoy, the flight of
the old king and queen, the appointment of Murat to the governing

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

81

V.! I^Wi"
'il ,!l'V,X;,!,M

il liiilhiillllliiili^X^---^-./;;;'

junta, and the gradual concentration of the French troops around
Madrid, roused the indignation of the Spaniards. Tumults and assas
sinations occurred in various places, and a serious insurrection burst
out at Toledo, which was only quelled by the advance of a division
of General Dupont's corps.
Meanwhile, fresh causes of exasperation were preparing for Spain,
at Bayonne. Political conferences were held there daily, followed by
all outward marks of courtesy to the old sovereigns, while Ferdinand
was kept in a state little differing from strict imprisonment. The
Empress Josephine had arrived on the 27th, and did the honours to
these royal personages with her accustomed grace and dignity. Hazlitt
gives an amusing account of a dinner party at the Chateau de Marrac,
M

82 THE HISTORY OF
where the French court was held. " The king and queen," he says,
" brought the Prince of Peace with them, though he had not been
invited. In going to the dining-room, Napoleon gave his hand to the
queen ; and walking faster than usual, he perceived it, and checked
himself, saying, — 'Your Majesty, perhaps, finds that I proceed rather
fast?' ' Sire,' replied the queen, with a smile, 'it is your usual habit.'
Bonaparte answered awkwardly enough, as if he had stumbled over
something, that 'from his gallantry to the ladies, he made it a point
to conform in all things to their tastes.' On sitting down to table,
King Charles perceived that his favourite was not there : — ' But Manuel
— but Godoy?' he said: and the Emperor, smiling, made a sign that
he should be admitted. The conversation turned on the etiquette and
customs of the two courts; and Charles IV. spoke of his passion for
hunting, to which he attributed in a great measure his gout and
rheumatism. ' Every day,' said he, ' whatever the weather might be,
winter and summer, I set off after breakfast; and, after having heard
mass, I hunted till one o'clock, and returned to it again immediately
after dinner till the close of day. In the evening, Manuel took the
pains to let me know if affairs went well or ill; and I retired to bed
to begin the same round on the morrow, — at least, unless some im
portant ceremony required me at home.' Ever since his accession to
the crown, the king had led no other life."
On the 28th of April, a proposition was tendered to Ferdinand, to
accept the crown of Etruria in exchange for that of Spain. He was
in a situation which did not admit of a free choice, but at a secret
council, the Duke of Infantado signed a paper to the effect, that such
a measure would be unlawful. Exaggerated rumours of these events
had meanwhile become current at Madrid. All couriers were stopped
at the frontiers, and in the absence of authentic intelligence, the people
were left to their own excited imaginations. A French soldier was
killed by a Spanish peasant in the streets, on the 1st of May. On the
following morning, it chanced that the order arrived at Madrid for the
immediate departure of the Ex-King and Queen of Etruria to join
their parents. The people saw them depart in gloomy silence ; but the
sight of another carriage in preparation gave rise to the idea, probably
a correct one, that they were to be accompanied by Don Antonio,
the last remaining member of the royal family. The news spread
like wild-fire, and was the signal of a general insurrection in the city.
The traces of the carriage were cut, an immense crowd collected
round the palace, and loud imprecations against the French burst forth
on every side. The French soldiers, unprepared for violence, were
killed in the streets, to the number of four hundred. The hospital
also was attacked, and the attendants and the sick were forced to de-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 83
fend themselves from massacre. The alarm having spread to the French
camp, a body of cavalry galloped into the city, followed by three
thousand infantry, who succeeded in restoring order after a desperate
conflict, in which about one hundre.l and twenty Spaniards fell, and
some hundreds were made prisoners. Murat proceeded to try the
latter by a military commission, which sentenced them to death ; but
the municipality interfering, to avert this vindictive retaliation upon an
insulted and injured — however enfuriate — people, Murat retracted the
sentence. Forty men were however shot upon the Prado, by General
Grouchy, before the enforcement of the counter-order ; and the next
day, according to the best authorities, forty-five more were put to death
by a colonel of the imperial guard. This cold blooded cruelty, and
the liberation of Don Manuel Godoy, were the two deeds of the
French which the Spaniards never forgave.
The insurrection of Madrid hastened the fate of Ferdinand, who
was accused of having instigated it. He was summoned into the pre
sence of the Emperor, and the king and queen, on the arrival of the
dispatches which brought the news. The three sovereigns received
him as a criminal. The king loaded him with virulent reproaches ;
and the queen, it is said, went so far as to tell him, in presence of her
husband, that he was the son of another man. Her violence inspired
Napoleon with a kind of horror; and he used to compare her appearance
on the occasion, to that of a fury on the Grecian stage. Ferdinand
said little in reply to the invectives with which he was loaded, and
that little implied entire submission. As to Charles IV., he seemed to
have but one idea; which was, to escape from all further trouble and
danger, by conciUating the Emperor at any expense. He removed
Don Antonio from his office of president of the governing junta at
Madrid, and put Murat in his place, with the title of lieutenant-general
of the kingdom. Finally, by a treaty executed on the 5th of May,
1808, he once more abdicated the throne of Spain, with its kingdoms
and territories, " in favour of his friend and faithful ally, the Emperor
of the French." The cession took place under the express condition,
that the integrity and independence of the country should be preserved
entire, and that the Roman CathoUc religion alone should be tolerated
in Spain. Two days afterwards, Ferdinand signed an instrument relinquishing
all right as heir to the throne ; to which the Infants Don Carlos,
Don Francisco, and Don Antonio, subscribed their names. The four
princes were immediately sent to Valencay, the mansion of the Prince
of Benevento, where they remained for several years ; the title of
" royal highness," and a certain revenue, being secured to them by
treaty. The favourite amusement of Ferdinand in his retirement, is

84 THE HISTORY OF
said to have been the embroidering of petticoats for the Virgin Mary.
He also frequently amused his mind by writing letters to Napoleon,
demanding an alliance with some lady of the imperial family. In
journeying towards Valencay, the princes despatched a proclamation to
the Spanish nation, explaining the motives by which they had been
actuated in relinquishing their natural rights ; and claiming the sub
mission of the Spanish nation to another sovereign, as its greatest
proof of fidelity to them. While outwardly pretending submission,
however, a secret document from Ferdinand, conveyed by an indirect
channel, had already informed the junta, that he was not at liberty :
that he gave them unlimited power to act in his name ; and ordered
them to commence hostiUties as soon as he should be carried into the
interior of France. He thus coolly invited his subjects to rush into
the thickest of the danger, in order to recover his own personal pri
vileges, which he had himself pusillanimously renounced at the mere
sound of threats and reproaches.
The old king and queen, with Godoy, set off a few days after
wards for Fontainebleau. Ample revenues, titles, and dignities, had
been confirmed to them ; yet Charles IV. had parted with his dominions
in a singularly easy manner : " Weakness of understanding," says
Hazlitt, " when joined with good-nature, has a tendency to make the
possessors indifferent to power, which is only an encumbrance to them,
as they see no use they can make of it : the same want of under
standing, combined with malice and pride, makes them proportionably
tenacious of authority, — for mischief finds its objects better than
goodnature ; and the poorest creature (if trusted with power) can
torment and worry a whole nation, which thenceforward becomes his
delight and ruling passion. Such seems to have been the difference
between the father and son in the present instance. Charles IV.
could scarcely be said himself to quit a throne, which he had only
nominally ascended ; he had no farther satisfaction in a country from
which Godoy had been banished, and could still exercise his sovereign
pleasure in playing duets on the fiddle, without waiting for the per
son who was to accompany him."
The throne of Spain being now vacant, Napoleon proclaimed his
will that it should be filled by a member of his own family. After a
short period of hesitation, the council of Castile, in concert with the
municipality of Madrid, and the governing junta, declared that their
choice had fallen on Joseph Bonaparte, then King of Naples; Car
dinal Bourbon, Archbishop of Toledo and Primate of Spain, the first
cousin of Charles IV., acceding to the arrangement on the part of
the church. The result of the election had been easily foreseen, and
the King of Naples was already on his way, having left, with great

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

85

regret, his peaceful government, in which he had already effected the
most salutary reforms. Napoleon, at the head of a brilliant retinue,
met him two leagues from Bayonne, on the 7th of June, and conducted
him to the Chateau de Marrac, where the Duke of Infantado, and all
the Spanish nobiUty there present, immediately offered their homage

to the new king. They were succeeded by deputations from the coun
cils of Castile, the Inquisition, and the army. Napoleon had sum
moned a meeting of all the principal men of Spain, at Bayonne, on the
15th of June. Ninety-one Spaniards of eminence answered the sum
mons ; and this " assembly of notables," as it was called, accepted
Joseph as king, together with the new constitution prepared by the
Emperor. The constitution was calculated to draw forth aU the re
sources of Spain : it closely resembled that which was afterwards
established by the Cortes, and for which the best and purest patriots
of Spain suffered and bled under the scourge of the traitor Ferdinand.
It aboUshed the Inquisition and the feudal services, annulled all the
most oppressive imposts and restraints on internal trade, and restored
the Cortes, or national representatives. It would have been a blessing
to Spain, had the country been ripe to receive it, and the hand which
offered it been honoured and trusted. Yet Napoleon (who, forgetting
that these indispensable conditions were utterly wanting, gave to Spain
a new dynasty, and aimed a deadly blow at the tyranny of priests
and nobles) had written these words only two months before : —
"The state of Spain can only be changed by a revolution. It is, per
haps, of all countries in Europe, the least prepared for one. The
aristocracy and the clergy are the masters of Spain. If they are

86 THE HISTORY OF
alarmed for their privileges and existence, they will bring into the
field against us levies in mass, which might, eternise the war. England
will not let the opportunity escape, of adding to our embarrassments."
Those who proudly proclaim that " knowledge is power," may learn
something of the conditions of our being, by examples such as this.
The oath to the new king and constitution, was duly taken by the
proper authorities ; thanks were voted to the Emperor ; and an admi
nistration was formed for the new Spanish government, among whom
was the Duke of Infantado. On the 9th of July, 1808, Joseph crossed
the frontiers of France, and began his journey towards his capital,
which he entered on the 20th, accompanied by his officers of state,
the principal grandees of Spain, and the entire assembly of notables,
in the midst of a great concourse of people, and a profound and
ominous silence.
Joseph had become, in fact, the nominal king of a country, which
was in open revolt against his authority from one end to the other.
In Catalonia, Valencia, Andalusia, Estremadura, Gallicia, and the
Asturias, the cry of war had been raised, — the people were gathering,
and fiercely declaring their resolution never to submit to the French
yoke. Ferdinand VII. was proclaimed, and the new constitutional act
burned by the common hangman, even in towns from which the smoke
of the French camps could be seen. The rising was everywhere be
gun by the lower classes. The rich, the men in office, the soldiery,
would have submitted, but the people forced them into insurrection,
and some horrible murders were the result of their first resistance.
The influence of the priests was exerted to the utmost, and in all
directions. Signs and miracles, in various places, were declared to shew
that the Deity had identified the cause of the Spaniards with His own.
Large drops of sweat had been seen to trickle down the face of " Our
Lady of battles ;" and a clinking of arms was heard on the tomb of
St. James. The Bishops of Santander and Oviedoy were at the head
of the insurrections in their respective provinces. The country was
inundated with proclamations like the following; — "To arms! are we
not the children of heroes ? What right then has this foreigner
over us ? What benefits have we to expect from the protector of
Godoy? Had he not been his accomplice, would he have rescued
that infamous wretch from the scaffold ? Above a King of Castile,
there is no one but God. To arms ! to arms ! — he against whom
you combat is an infidel. He has raised up again the synagogues of
the Jews ; he has robbed the Pope of his territories ; he has dispersed
the sacred college of cardinals. He would shake the church, were
it possible for the gates of hell to prevail against her. Ye fight for
your natal soil, your properties, your laws, your king, your religion,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

87

and the life to come ! Arm your minds with the fear of God; implore
the aid of the immaculate conception ; the holy mother of God will
never desert us in so just a cause."
Balthazar Calvo, a canon of Madrid, organised the rising in Valencia,
which was pre-eminent in cruelty. He had blessed the poniards which
he distributed to the people; and his career was only stopped at last
by a violent death, after he had become the scourge of friends and foes.

The powerful passions of pride, patriotism, revenge, and superstition,
excited the people to heroic acts of daring, and maddened them into
atrocious barbarities. Some of their most virtuous countrymen were
assassinated with aggravated circumstances of ferocity. The French
residents were massacred. A French general was thrown alive into
boiling water : many were sawed in two.
The revolt took the most formidable character, at this early period
of the war, in Cadiz and Seville. The Spanish army, commanded by
Solano, lately returned from Portugal, was encamped at San Roque,
in the neighbourhood of those cities. Seville, important from its posi
tion, its population, and its proximity to the only army the monarchy

THE HISTORY OF

had still on foot, first assumed the appearance of a regularly organised
system of opposition to the common enemy. After a dreadful fer
ment, in which the Conde d'Aguilar, a virtuous and accomplished
nobleman, was dragged from his carriage, and inhumanly butchered,
the influential classes saw the necessity of taking a part in the pro
ceedings of the people. They formed a junta, composed of twenty-
three members, of which Don Juan Saavedra, was called to take the
presidency. It assumed the title of " The Supreme Junta of Govern
ment of Spain and the Indies." These proceedings had taken place
on the 27th of May. The Supreme Junta commanded all the men,
between sixty and forty-five, to take arms ; called upon the troops at
San Roque to acknowledge their authority; and ordered Solano to
attack a French squadron of five ships of war, lying in the harbour
of Cadiz. For hesitation in complying, the unfortunate general was
attacked in his own house by a furious mob, headed by a young
novice of the Carthusian convent of Xeres. Solano escaped by the roof,
but was seen and pursued by a workman. Turning on his pursuer,
he seized and threw him into the street. The man, writhing on the
ground with a broken thigh, pointed out to the howling multitude
the spot where a parapet concealed their victim from their sight.
Several of them rushed up to the place, laid hands upon him, wounded
him with their daggers, dragged him from street to street, and after
subjecting him to this torture, put him to death in the square of San
Juan de Dios. Castafios, on whom the command of the troops now
devolved, solemnly recognised the Junta of Seville, and thus put ten
thousand men at their disposal. The French squadron was seized,
a negociation was opened with Sir Hugh Dalrymple, Governor of
Gibraltar, and with the commanders of the British ships lying off the
coast : deputies were sent to every part of Spain, and to England, to
America, the Canaries, and Portugal. The English commanders did
not wait for orders from their government, then at war with Spain,
but furnished the patriots with arms, ammunition, and money ; and
the merchants of Gibraltar advanced to them a loan of forty-two
thousand dollars. On the 6th of June, the Supreme Junta formally
declared war against Napoleon, and solemnly protested, that they
would never lay down their arms, until Ferdinand was re-established
on his throne.
The Supreme Junta then proceeded to organise the whole of Spain.
They ordered that in every town possessing two thousand houses and
upwards, a junta should immediately be formed, consisting of six per
sons, under whose direction all the constituted authorities should con
tinue their functions ; and that in places of less consequence, the
municipaUty should act. The enrolment of all males from sixteen to

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 89
forty-five, for military service, was ordered ; and their pay and main
tenance was provided by forced loans and assessments. In less than
four-and-twenty hours from the moment that the orders arrived at
every place, the juntas were universally established, such was the zeal
of the people and their rage against the French. The general orders
issued by the Supreme Junta throughout the kingdom, were " to avoid
general actions ; to march against the foe with insulated parties ; never
to leave him at rest ; to be always hanging on his flanks and rear ; to
intercept his convoys, and ruin his magazines; to appear in force on
the communications of Spain with Portugal and France ; and to take
all advantage of the natural defences and capabilities of the country."
Colonel Napier has given in his clear, simple, and vigorous style,
an admirably just view of the nature and causes of this sudden rising
of a whole people with united will and determined purpose. We quote
the passage almost entire. " This universal and nearly simultaneous
effort of the Spanish people," says he, " was beheld by the rest of
Europe with astonishment and admiration. In England the enthusiasm
was unbounded. Men of aU classes gave way to the impulse of a
generous sympathy, and forgot or felt disinclined to analyse the real
causes of this apparently magnanimous exertion. It may however be
fairly doubted, if the disinterested vigour of the Spanish character was
the true source of the resistance ; it was in fact produced by several
co-operating causes, many of which were far from commendable. Con
stituted as modern states are, with Uttle in their systems of government
or education adapted to nourish intense feelings of patriotism, it would
be miraculous indeed if such a result was obtained from the pure virtue
of a nation, which for two centuries had groaned under the pressure of
civil and religious despotism.
" The Spanish character, with relation to public affairs, is distin
guished by inordinate pride and arrogance. Dilatory and improvident,
the individual as well as the mass, all possess an absurd confidence that
everything is practicable which their heated imaginations suggest.
Once excited, they can see no difficulty in the execution of a project,
and the obstacles they encounter are attributed to treachery; hence
the sudden murder of so many virtuous men at the commencement of
this commotion. With a strong natural perception of what is noble ;
kind and warm in his attachments, but bitter in his anger, the promise
of the Spaniard is lofty, but his performance is mean ; he is patient
under privations, firm in bodily suffering, prone to sudden passion,
vindictive, bloody, remembering insult longer than injury, and cruel
in his revenge. Now the abstraction of the royal family, and the un
expected pretension to the crown so insultingly put forth by Napoleon
had aroused all the Spanish pride ; the protection afforded to Godoy

90 THE HISTORY OF
increased the ferment, because a dearly cherished vengeance was thus
frustrated at the moment of its expected accomplishment; and then
came the tumult of Madrid with the French retaliations, which, swollen
and distorted, was cast like Caesar's body before the people to urge
them to phrenzy ; they arose, not to meet a danger, the extent of which
they had calculated, and were prepared for the sake of independence to
confront; but to gratify the fury of their hearts, and to slake their thirst
of blood. " During Godoy's administration, the property of the church had
been trenched upon, and it was evident, from the examples of France
and Italy, that under the new system the operation would be increased ;
this was a matter that involved the interests of a multitude of monks
and priests, who found no difficulty in persuading an ignorant and
bigoted people that the aggressive stranger was also the enemy of
reUgion, and accursed of God. With processions, miracles, prophecies,
distribution of reliques, and the appointment of saints to the com
mand of the armies, they fanaticised the mass of the patriots ; monks
and friars were, invariably, either leaders in the tumults, or at the side
of those who were instigating them to barbarous actions.
" The continental system, which threatened to destroy the trade of
the maritime towns, was another spring of this complicated machinery;
the abolition of the vexatious monopolies, and internal restrictions
upon trade, was another. The first enlisted with the patriots all the
activity and intelUgence of the merchants engaged in foreign com
merce ; the second, all the numbers and lawless violence of the great
bands of smugglers, and about one hundred thousand excise and cus
tom-house-officers ; the 'occupation' of both of which classes would
cease with the restrictions which had brought them into existence,
and with the introduction of a system of armed revenue officers,
organised after the French manner, and stimulated by a vigorous
administration. " The evils which had afflicted the country previous to the period
of the French interference, also tended to prepare the Spaniards for
violence. They had been taught to believe that Godoy was the sole
author of the misery they suffered ; that Ferdinand would redress
their grievances ; and as the French were the protectors of the former,
and the oppressors of the latter, it was easy to add this bitterness to
their natural hatred of the domination of a stranger.
" The state of civilisation in Spain, was likewise exactly suited to
an insurrection ; for if the people had been a Uttle more enlightened,
they would have joined the French ; if very enlightened, the invasion
could not have happened at all. But in a country where the comforts
of civilised society are less needed, and therefore less attended to than

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 91
in any other part of Europe ; where the warmth and dryness of the
climate render it no sort of inconvenience to sleep for the greatest
part of the year in the open air, and where the universal custom is
to go armed ; it was not difficult for any energetic man to keep together
large masses of the ignorant peasantry. No story could be too gross
for their belief, if it agreed with their wishes. ' Es verdad, los dicen,'
— ' It is true ; they say it,' is the invariable answer of a Spaniard, if a
doubt is expressed of the truth of an absurd report. Temperate, pos
sessing Uttle furniture, and generally hoarding all the gold he can get,
he is less concerned for the loss of his home, than the inhabitant of
another country would be ; and the efforts which he makes in reUn-
quishing his house, must not be measured by the scale of an English
man's exertions in a like case : once engaged in an adventure, the
lightness of his spirits and the brilUancy of his sky, make it a matter
of indifference to the angry peasant whither he wanders. If the
Spaniards at first appeared heedless of danger, it was not because they
were prepared to perish rather than submit ; but that they were
reckless of provoking a power whose terrors they could not estimate,
and in their ignorance, despised."
In the beginning of June, the French possessed a moveable force
of nearly fifty thousand men, and eighty guns, in Spain ; besides about
twenty thousand more, who garrisoned the different fortresses. They
were disposed in a masterly manner ; every one of the armed masses
having been put in motion by the directions of Napoleon himself, at
Bayonne. It had now become necessary to act on many points at
once ; the problem being how to combine all the movements on such
a plan, as that- the several corps of the army, working upon one
principle, might mutuaUy support and strengthen each other ; and at
the same time preserve their communication with France. Murat re
turned to France towards the middle of June, on account of illness,
and Savary was left at the head of the troubled affairs of Spain. At
this period, the insurrection had assumed a more formidable appear
ance in GalUcia, than even in Andalusia, chiefly because the port of
Corunna afforded an easy communication with England; and money,
arms, and clothing, were poured into the province by British agents.
That division of the Spanish army which had occupied the north
of Portugal, had also joined the patriots of GalUcia, and a strict
communication existed between them and the patriots of Portugal.
Saragossa, too, had become a place of great importance, as it might
have formed a point of junction between the insurgents of Valencia
and those of Arragon ; and the two united, might have supported the
Catalonians, now isolated and held in check by a French division, under
General Duhesme.

92 THE HISTORY OF
The operations of the French army were commenced by Bessieres,
who was ordered to put Burgos in a state of defence ; to detach four
or five thousand men under General Lefebvre Desnouettes, in order
to form the siege of Saragossa ; to keep down the insurgents of Biscay,
Asturias, and Old Castile ; to observe the army assembling in GalUcia ;
and to occupy the port of Santander, and the coast towns. A rein
forcement of nine thousand men was sent to Duhesme, to enable him
to overcome the Catalonians, and co-operate with a division marching
from Madrid against Valencia. The reserve, consisting of four thousand
men under General Drouet, watched the passes of the Pyrenees ;
and all the other generals were ordered to correspond with him daily.
A smaller reserve was established at Perpignan. The rear of the
French army being thus secured, the main body began offensive
operations. Marshal Moncey marched upon Cuenca, to intercept the
Valencian army on its advance towards Saragossa ; General Dupont
was ordered with ten thousand men to take the route of Cadiz ; while
the remainder of his and Moncey's corps were distributed in reserve,
in various parts of La Mancha. Segovia was put in a state of defence ;
Gobert's division was to co-operate with Bessieres, on the side of Valla-
dolid ; and moveable columns were ordered to scour the country in
rear of the principal bodies, uniting at stated times when required.
The operations of Bessieres were completely successful; by the
23rd of June he had disarmed the provinces against which he had
acted, and compelled the authorities of Segovia, ValladoUd, Palencia,
and Santander, to send deputies to take the oath of submission to
Joseph. The expedition of Lefebvre Desnouettes against Arragon, began in
a similar series of advantages gained by the French arms, but ended
very differently ; for his operations concluded with the first siege, and
the heroic defence of Saragossa. Twenty thousand of the citizens had
proclaimed Don Josef Palafox Captain-General of Arragon, chiefly on
account of his fidelity to Ferdinand, whom he had accompanied. to
Bayonne: he was very young, and inexperienced, but was calculated
to be an object of popular enthusiasm — being handsome, accomplished,
and of a noble family. Once engaged in the cause, he was never
suffered to waver or turn back, for a fierce band of priests and citizens
watched his proceedings, and made him their instrument. All the
soldiers who had deserted from provinces occupied by the French, the
engineer officers from Alcala, and the students of the university, formed
the nucleus of an army, which swelled to about ten thousand. Palafox
endeavoured, but in vain, to oppose the progress of the French towards
Saragossa. The five thousand disciplined troops of Lefebvre, put his
raw levies to flight at Mallen, and at the passage of the Xalon ; and on

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 93
the 16th of June, were at the gates of Saragossa. A French battalion
pursued the fugitive Spaniards into the city, and advanced along the
great street of the Courso; but then, observing the preparations for
defence, retreated, being afraid of an ambuscade. Their retreat em
boldened the populace. During four-and-twenty hours, thousands of
hands were employed in raising defences, quite sufficient to secure the
city from surprise. Saragossa was surrounded by a wall of only ten
feet in height, and three in thickness; but it was manned by crowds
of determined men, assisted by their wives and daughters. The large
convents and churches in the outskirts, were also turned into fortresses.
Palafox, meanwhile, despairing of the defence, left the city to collect
fresh troops, and again attacked the French in the open field, but
was defeated, with the loss of two thousand men at Epila. On the
1st of July, he re-entered Saragossa, with the remains of his troops.
The French army was reinforced towards the end of June. After
several sorties, attacks, and defences, the outposts were taken, the
Ebro was passed, and by the 12th of July, Saragossa was regularly
blockaded by eight thousand men, with fifty pieces of cannon ; a num
ber, not sufficient however, to invest it closely. The defence continued
with the most desperate determination.
An important battle was fought in another quarter during the pro
gress of this memorable siege. The army of GalUcia, under General
Cuesta, had received formidable reinforcements towards the end of June.
The EngUsh government no sooner learned the situation of affairs in
Spain, than they perceived they had at last found a field of action
against Napoleon on the continent of Europe. Their first proceeding
was to set at Uberty aU their Spanish prisoners, and to land them at
Corunna, armed and equipped, under the superintendence of Lieutenant-
Colonel Doyle, and other English officers. They sent, at the same
time, fifty thousand muskets, and suits of clothing. The army, thus
fitted out, effected a junction with the army of the north of Portugal,
commanded by Blake, in the beginning of July, at Benevente ; form
ing, when united, a force of about thirty thousand men. Bessieres
immediately collected together fifteen thousand men, and coming up
with the Spanish army at Rio Seco, on the 14th of July, defeated
it with great loss. A great part of the fugitives who escaped, dis
persed: the two Spanish generals separated in anger, and this im
portant victory struck such terror into the province, that submission
to Joseph .became general, and his entry into his capital was secured.
Napoleon attached the greatest consequence to this success, and observed
on the occasion, that " Bessieres had placed Joseph on the throne ;" but
events in the south quickly altered the aspect of affairs, and disconcerted
all his calculations.

94 THE HISTORY OF
Marshal Moncey and General Dupont had been despatched about
the end of May from Madrid ; Moncey, to pacify Valencia ; Dupont,
to take possession of Andalusia. The serious aspect which the in
surrections in both quarters afterwards assumed, was not at that period
suspected. Moncey's army amounted to between eight and ten thousand
men, and it was intended that the division of General Chabran from
Portugal should join him ; but this junction could never be effected.
When Moncey arrived at Cuenca, the insurrection was spreading in
his front and rear. The atrocious actions of the monk Calvo had al
ready desolated Valencia, and two hundred peaceable French inha
bitants had been massacred in that city. After passing the Tagus,
Moncey found a body of several thousand armed peasants, and eight
hundred Swiss troops of the line, stationed in the defiles of the mountains
to oppose his progress ; but he forced their position, and put them to
flight with the loss of only nine of his men. Further on, a force
amounting to ten thousand confronted him in the passes of the Ca-
brillas ; but these he also put to flight. Finally, on the 28th of June,
the French army appeared before Valencia, after another desperate
attempt of the Spaniards to resist them ; but here the advantages of
the French terminated. The resolute courage of the inhabitants ren
dered abortive every attempt to take the city. The approaches to the
gates were literally piled with dead and wounded soldiers. The situation
of the French army had become critical, and it was necessary to com
mence a retreat. This was effected at nightfaU, and in good order,
leaving the Valencians in triumph. The corps of Marshal Moncey
reached Albacete early in July, having suffered severely in the ex
pedition. General Dupont, on his part, had only arrived at Andujar when he
received intelUgence of the wide-spreading insurrections of Cadiz and
Seville, and learned that the Swiss regiments stationed in Andalusia
had joined the Spaniards. Under these circumstances, he ought not
to have proceeded without reinforcements. He marched onwards, how
ever, towards Cordova ; and after putting to flight a large force which
opposed him two leagues from that city, he pursued them to the gates,
and forced an entrance. The French soldiers are said to have committed
terrible excesses in Cordova, but discipline was soon restored. The
disastrous battle which preceded his entrance had struck such terror
into the province, that had he immediately advanced upon SeviUe,
the patriot cause would have been ruined. He, however, remained
perfectly inactive for ten days, during which interval Castafios, the
Spanish commander, zealously assisted by Reding, who commanded the
Swiss, made the most vigorous preparations for resistance. Alarmed
by the activity displayed on all sides, Dupont then resolved on a re-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 95
treat. His dispatches to Madrid, demanding reinforcements, and
breathing nothing but despondency, uniformly fell into the hands of
his energetic enemies, as did the orders which, one after another, were
transmitted by Savary, who lost all presence of mind under the diffi
culties of his position. The confidence of the Spaniards rose with the
evident irresolution of the French. Dupont commenced his retreat,
and returned to Andujar on the 18th of July. Here he found terrible
instances of Spanish cruelty. His hospital had been attacked, and the
sick and wounded, together with the medical attendants, to the number
altogether of four hundred men, murdered with circumstances of ex
traordinary barbarity. It was here also that the unfortunate General
Rene was sawed in two, after suffering frightful mutilation. Dupont
took a revenge of that kind which places the French in a similar
position for abhorrence on this occasion. He despatched a battalion of
infantry and one of cavalry to punish the town of Jaen, from which
the bands of murderers had sallied forth. These soldiers, stealing on
their prey like a herd of wild beasts, committed atrocities on the
wretched inhabitants, at the bare idea of which humanity shudders.
All parties vied with each other, not as men, but as monsters. Mean
while, the patriot force was gathering in great numbers.
On the 18th of July, Dupont, still in position at Andujar, found
himself in front of the army of General Castafios, upwards of twenty-
five thousand strong ; while Reding, at the head of twenty thousand
more, occupied Balen, and large numbers of armed peasantry co
operated with the armies. Generals Videl and Gobert had, however,
joined Dupont, and the whole French force amounted to upwards of
twenty thousand men, but it was weakened by unskilful division. After
an ill-fought action, in which he lost two thousand of his men, General
Dupont effected a retreat to Baylen, and there entered into a con
vention, by which eighteen thousand French soldiers laid down their
arms, on condition of being sent back to France by sea.
The immediate effect of the disaster of Baylen was very great;
but its ulterior results were incalculable. Events comparatively trifling
in themselves, are often productive of vast consequences : in the pre
sent instance, it was the moral impression of the event which gave it
importance. The imperial eagles were disgraced ; the hitherto dreaded
soldiers of France had laid down their arms before an army of ill-
disciplined, raw levies. All the Spanish pride and self-confidence was
roused afresh; and England, with renewed enthusiasm, supported the
patriot cause.
The Spanish commanders, at first, scarcely understood the extent of
the advantage they had obtained : when they had recognised it in its full
consequences, they forgot all honour in the height of their exultation ;

96

THE HISTORY OF

and shamefully broke the terms of this equally shameful capitulation.
Dupont, with the other generals, alone returned to France. Numbers
of the troops were maltreated and murdered; the rest were cast on
board the hulks at Cadiz, or transported to the desert island of Cabrera :
only a few hundreds of all that fine army survived at the end of the
war. Dupont was accused by his men of treacherously sacrificing them
to preserve the plunder he had collected ; and it is said that while the
Spaniards subjected them to the indignity of searching their knapsacks,
they pointed to the wagons which were carrying off the riches to
which they had been sacrificed.
General Dupont, and all the officers concerned in the capitulation
of Baylen, who were permitted to return to France, were arrested and
held in prison. Napoleon deeply appreciated the importance of the
reverse which his arms had sustained; but he still more bitterly felt
the disgrace. It is said that to the latest period of his life he mani
fested uncontrollable emotion at the mention of this disaster. Subse
quently, an imperial decree appeared, which prohibited every general,
or commander of a body of men, to treat for any capitulation while
in the open field ; and declared disgraceful and criminal, and, as such,
punishable with death, every capitulation of that kind, of which the
result should be to make the troops lay down their arms.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 9/
When the bad news reached the capital, Joseph called a council of
war, and after some deliberation, it was determined to abandon Madrid,
and retire behind the Ebro. Little more than a month had elapsed
between the proclamation of Joseph as King of Spain, and this retreat,
which took place on the 1st of August. Napoleon had, meanwhile,
conferred the vacant throne of Naples upon Murat.
Saragossa, hard pressed by the French, and suffering from famine
and sickness, still held out. The besiegers had effected several prac
ticable breaches on the 4th of August; they entered the city, over
throwing all opposition, and carried the strong position of the Convent
of Santa Engracia. Lefebvre dated, from his new quarters, a summons
to the town in these words : — " Santa Engracia : — Capitulation ?" The
answer returned was : — " Saragossa : — War to the knife's blade !" The
actions of the besieged amply sustained the daring resolution of their
words. The French were now in the city; but every house was a
fortress which could only be carried by storm. " The citizens fought,"
says Scott, " from street to street, from house to house, from chamber
to chamber ; the contending parties often occupied different apartments
of the same house ; the passages which connected them were choked
with dead." The besiegers had lost two thousand five hundred men
in the course of the contest; the besieged, two thousand. The city
must, at length, have fallen, but it was saved by the defeat of Dupont.
The siege was raised, and the French army retreated, by orders of King
Joseph, on the 12th of August, leaving the heroic defenders triumphant.
Very shortly after the affairs of Spain had taken a turn so disad
vantageous to Napoleon, events still more decisive had occurred in
Portugal. After the subjugation of that country by Junot, he quickly
assumed the appearance of a despotic conqueror. He collected all
his stragglers, and maintained his army in fine condition by exor
bitant demands on the resources of the people. The well-stored
arsenal of Lisbon was used to the greatest advantage under his able
management: his artillery was in admirable condition, and he armed
and refitted two line-of-battle ships, three frigates, and seven lighter
vessels, which served to overawe the town. He also organised an
efficient police, a measure highly advantageous to the inhabitants, no
less than to the conquerors, but which was strongly conducive to his
unpopularity. Nothing that he did in Portugal gave greater offence
than his clearing the streets of Lisbon of the swarms of wild dogs
with which they were infested, and cleansing the city effectually. He
was created Duke of Abrantes, by Napoleon, in December, 1807, and
continued in his command. Upon this, he suppressed the council of
regency, and openly seized the reins of government. The arms of
Portugal were replaced by those of France ; but not without an ouk,
o

98 THE HISTORY OF
break of popular indignation. Eight thousand men, under the com
mand of the Marquis d'Alorna and Gomez Freire, were sent out of
the kingdom ; five thousand were attached to the French army ; and
the rest were disbanded. Besides the expenses of his government,
Junot was an oppressive ruler, because, being a man of dissolute and
extravagant habits, he was necessarily rapacious. To add to the
misery of Portugal, Napoleon laid it under a contribution of four
millions sterling, to which he gave the extraordinary title of a ransom
for the state. Even Junot perceived the exorbitance of such a demand,
and prevailed on him to reduce it one half. The royal family had
drawn large sums from the people before their departure for Brazil,
and had carried off the greater part of the church plate, and all the
bullion of the kingdom, leaving the public functionaries, the army,
private creditors, and even domestic servants, unpaid. The remainder
of the valuables of the church, the confiscated English property, and
all the money that could be collected, now went to Napoleon. It
may readily be supposed that a people so oppressed, hailed with joy
the first sound of the Spanish insurrection. Junot's situation became
difficult and precarious as it progressed. He had possessed, in March,
1808, an army of fifty thousand men, of whom rather more than half
were Spaniards and Portuguese : but in June, a successful revolt
against the French took place at Oporto, which was joined by the
Spanish division quartered there. The corps commanded by the
unfortunate General Solano, and, after his death, by Castafios, was
already, as we have seen, co-operating with the Junta of Seville. By
an effort of extreme promptitude and address, Junot succeeded in dis
arming all the remainder, and placing them as prisoners on board the
hulks in the Tagus. Junot's army was thus reduced at once to eight-
and-twenty thousand men, among whom were about four thousand
Portuguese. A Russian squadron, however, containing six thousand
seamen and marines, lay in the Tagus; but to counterbalance this
advantage, the Portuguese were deserting fast. •
In the month of July, a student named Zagalo, by a bold and able
stroke, made himself master of the fort of Figueras, at the mouth of
the Mondego, and maintained his position there with a small garrison
of Portuguese, supported by a party of English marines, landed by
Admiral Sir Charles Cotton, who blockaded the coast. Meanwhile,
an insurrectionary spirit was gradually spreading. The people had
even made several desperate efforts in arms against the French troops ;
but a crowd of half naked peasants, led, perhaps, by some fanatic
friar, were only taken out to slaughter. In these murderous contests,
the French are accused of great barbarity, and, too probably, with
justice ; though the accounts are considered by Napier to have been

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 99
much exaggerated. The Portuguese had not, like the Spaniards,
regular troops, or large provinces in their interest. Junot would have
maintained himself in the country, had not powerful enemies shortly
arrived. The English government formally made peace with Spain in the
beginning of July. Deputies from Oporto, at the same time, pressed
them' for help for Portugal. Large sums of English money, arms,
and clothing, had already been lavishly distributed in different parts
of the Peninsula; and General Spencer, with a force of about five
thousand men, had been despatched to the south of Spain, without
any precise orders, and had not landed, partly owing to distrust among
the Spaniards, — partly from Uncertainty on what point to commence
any hostile attempts.
The Tory ministry of 1808, at length perceived that stronger
measures were necessary. They accordingly nominated Sir Arthur
WeUesley commander-in-chief of an expedition to Spain, placing
nine thousand men at his disposal, with whom he sailed from Cork,
for Corunna, on the 12th of July. This armament was shortly after
wards followed by eight battalions, under General Anstruther ; and
five, under General Acland. Sir John Moore, with eleven thousand
men, arriving at that moment from the Baltic, received the same
destination. As the ministry had proceeded on no settled plan in
the commencement of the expedition, great confusion resulted in
their orders and arrangements. It was not thought proper that Sir
Arthur WeUesley should retain the chief command of the large force
they had now despatched. Sir Hew Dalrymple was therefore nomi
nated commander-in-chief, and Sir Harry Burrard second to him. Sir
Arthur WeUesley, however, arriving first, acted with that promptitude
and decision for which he has always been distinguished, and thus
averted the pernicious consequences likely to have followed these ill-
concerted measures. He quickly perceived that Portugal was the
most vulnerable point, and succeeded in landing his troops safely at
Figueras, at the mouth of the Mondego, notwithstanding the westerly
gales and heavy swell, on the 5th of August. General Spencer
opportunely arrived at the same time, and landed his division, having
been directed to the Mondego by Sir Charles Cotton. The united
British forces consisted of twelve thousand three hundred men. Sir
Arthur WeUesley began his march towards Lisbon on the 9th and
10th, holding by the sea coast for the sake of supplies: he was joined
at Leiria, on the 12th, by the Portuguese army, from Oporto, under
Bernardin Freire, amounting to about six thousand men, five thou
sand of whom were destitute of muskets, and required to be armed
by the English. Besides this insignificant force, about three thousand

100 THE HISTORY OF
men only were under arms on the north side of the Tagus. The
Portuguese insurrection was therefore very weak in itself, and de
pended entirely upon England.
Junot had received immediate intelligence of the landing of the
British. His situation was very embarrassing. Lisbon was extremely
unquiet, and his army dispersed in different directions to maintain
order in the country. His disposable force, after leaving a sufficient
number of men to hold possession of Lisbon, did not exceed fourteen
thousand men. He never, however, for a moment conceived the idea
of retreating without hazarding a battle. He ordered all his generals
to bring up their detachments, and prepared to meet the British army.
The Portuguese took alarm at the fierce demonstrations of the French,
and Freire declared he would not advance a step beyond Leiria until
reinforcements arrived. Sir Arthur WeUesley attempted to shame him
out of his resoulution, and at length prevailed on him to keep in the
rear of the army until the result of the first battle, and to suffer
fourteen hundred of his men to be incorporated with the English.
The advanced guard entered Caidas on the 15th. On the same day,
Junot quitted Lisbon to join his army already in the field. He had
with him a reserve of two thousand infantry, six hundred cavalry,
and ten pieces of artillery, and carried with him his grand park of
ammunition, and a military chest containing forty thousand pounds.
General Travot held Lisbon, both sides of the Tagus, Palmela, the
Bugio Fort, and the heights of Almada, with a force amounting to
about seven thousand men.
The British troops attacked the French position at Obidos, on the
15th; but after gaining a decided advantage, they met with a repulse,
owing to the rash precipitancy of a portion of the troops. On the
17th, they reached Rorica, where General Laborde was strongly in
trenched. After a sharp action, in which Laborde displayed great
skill and courage, the French troops retreated before the steady attack
of the superior numbers of the British, and gained the position of
Montechique, leaving the road to Torres Vedras open to Sir Arthur
WeUesley, who prepared to take possession of that place, which would
have secured an entrance into the mountains ; but hearing that the
divisions of Generals Anstruther and Acland were off the coast, he
was obliged to alter his dispositions, in order to protect their disem
barkation. On the 20th, Sir Arthur WeUesley took a strong position
at Vimiero, his army now amounting to sixteen thousand men, ex
clusive of the Portuguese; Junot meanwhile occupied Torres Vedras.
At seven o'clock on the morning of the 21st, the French, led
by Junot in person, appeared in order of battle before the English
army, which had been under arms since day-break. The French

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 101
commenced the attack, with the usual confidence and impetuosity
of Napoleon's soldiers ; advancing in column, according to the system
which had so often overturned aU before them. The English re
ceived the attack in line ; and returned it with a heavy fire and
resolute bravery. Junot displayed all the reckless courage of his
character throughout the day, but was foiled in every attempt. He
had completely lost the battle by twelve o'clock, and commenced his
retreat, leaving two thousand dead and wounded on the field, some
hundred prisoners, and thirteen pieces of cannon. Two of the English
brigades had never been brought into action, and the Portuguese had
not fired a shot ; the loss in killed and wounded did not amount to
a thousand ; it was therefore with extreme surprise, that Junot found
himself permitted to make his retreat unmolested. Sir Arthur Wel-
lesley, who had ordered an immediate pursuit, no longer commanded
in chief. Sir Harry Burrard had arrived the night before the action,
but did not interfere until its conclusion, when he assumed the first
place, and declared his determination to remain at Vimiero, till the
arrival of Sir John Moore : this unexpected cessation of hostilities,
enabled Junot to regain his former position of Torres Vedras. Sir
Hew Dalrymple disembarked, and superseded Sir Harry Burrard on
the 22nd, so that the British army was placed under the command of
three different generals, in the space of twenty-four hours, during which
a battle had been fought. We cannot conclude the subject of the
battle of Vimiero, without noticing the inaccuracy of one of the modern
popular French historians. " The English general," says Norvins, " at
the head of twenty-six thousand men of the two nations, marched on
Vimiero, where the brave Junot, at the head of ten thousand only,
accepted the combat." The English force was sixteen thousand; the
Portuguese six thousand, and these did nothing : the French army,
according to Foy and Napier, amounted to something between twelve
and fourteen thousand.
While Sir Hew Dalrymple was preparing to advance, General
Kellermann appeared at head-quarters on the part of Junot, to de
mand a cessation of arms, and to treat for a convention under which
the French should evacuate Portugal without further resistance. The
conditions were formally considered, and finally granted. The defi
nitive treaty was signed at Lisbon on the 30th of August, 1808.
By this important arrangement, commonly called the Convention
of Cintra, it was agreed that the whole of the French forces at that
time in Portugal, should be transported in English ships to France,
without being considered prisoners of war, carrying with them their
public and private property: French residents in Portugal, or Portu
guese who had served the French, being guaranteed from political

102

THE HISTORY OF

persecution. These were conditions highly favourable and honourable
to the vanquished ; but the advantages to the victors were commen
surate. Portugal was at once liberated, with all its fortresses, arsenals,
&c. Four or five thousand Spanish soldiers, prisoners on board the
vessels in the Tagus, were set free. Finally, all further sacrifice of
life, to have been expected in carrying the different French positions,
and all danger of losing communication with the fleet, were at an
end, and the English had obtained a firm footing in the Peninsula.
A separate treaty was concluded with the Russian squadron in the
Tagus. The ships, it was agreed, were to be held by England in
deposit, until six months after the conclusion of a peace ; the admiral,
officers, and seamen, to be transported to Russia in English ships,
without any restriction as to their future services.
The Duke of Abrantes, with his staff, embarked on the 13th of
September ; the different divisions of the French army progressively
followed ; and by the 30th, Portugal was freed from the presence of
its invaders. The joy of the inhabitants was unequivocally testified.
Even while Junot continued to occupy Lisbon, songs of triumph had
been sung on the occasion; and thousands of small lamps had been
openly manufactured, for the avowed purpose of illuminating the streets
at his departure.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

103

CHAPTER V.
TURKISH REVOLUTION  CONFERENCE AT ERFURT  NAPOLEON LEADS HIS ARMY INTO
SPAIN  RAPID VICTORIES— SURRENDER OF MADRID— SIR JOHN MOORE ADVANCES  IS
OBLIGED TO RETREAT— BATTLE OF CORUNNA— NAPOLEON LEAVES SPAIN— SURRENDER
OF SARAGOSSA, AND VICTORIES OF THE FRENCH ARMIES.

Before resuming the history of the gene
ral politics of Europe, it becomes
necessary to notice the revolution
which took place in Constantinople,
in the year 1807. The Sultan
Selim, the ally of France, was in
that year deposed, and imprisoned
in the interior of the seraglio, by
the janissaries ; and his nephew,
Mustapha, proclaimed in his stead.
General Sebastiani, the French
ambassador, however, contrived to
open a communication with Selim,
and influenced the Vizier Barayc
tar to advance upon Constantinople with the army which he comr
manded on the Danube, for the purpose of restoring the dethroned
sultan. Barayctar only arrived in time to lament over the lifeless body

104 THE HISTORY OF
of his master, who had been strangled by Mustapha. The troops re
venged his death by executing his murderer, and then raised Mahmoud,
his cousin, to the throne. The revolution was injurious to the in
terests of Turkey at the moment, for Russia took immediate possession
of the provinces evacuated by the army of Barayctar ; and France made
the change of sovereigns a pretext for abandoning the country to the
designs of the Emperor of Russia.
The events of 1808, in the Peninsula, had imposed upon Napoleon,
on his return from Bayonne, the novel task of announcing to France
the disasters and reverses which had befallen his arms. As much was
concealed by him as was compatible with the necessity of preparing
for fresh exertions, and great stress was laid on English interference.
M. de Champagny, who had superseded Talleyrand as war-minister,
put forth two lengthened reports on the subject, and the details were
laid before the senate. Talleyrand had accepted the office of Vice
Grand Elector, and retired from the ministry before the interference
of Napoleon in the affairs of Spain. Some historians have affirmed
that Talleyrand would have prevented this interference : the truth
seems to be that he first advised it, but that he would have con
ducted it skilfully and successfully, by means of intrigue and nego-
ciation, and averted violence.
The appearance of danger suddenly arose in another quarter, in
the summer of 1808. The Austrian government, relinquishing the
ancient military routine of the empire, established a law of con
scription, and a national guard ; increased the armies of the line to a
great extent ; formed armies of reserve ; and, in short, assumed the
attitude of an impending war ; though, in reply to the demands of
Napoleon for an explanation, the most positive assurances of pacific
intentions were given.
Under these circumstances, Napoleon addressed the senate on the
4th of September, in these terms : — " I am resolved to prosecute the
affairs of Spain with the greatest activity, and to destroy the armies
which England may land in that country. My alliance with the
Emperor of Russia, leaves England no prospect of success in her pro
jects. I believe in the peace of the continent ; but I will not, and
cannot depend on the errors and false calculations of other courts:
and since my neighbours are increasing their armies, it is my duty to
increase mine." The reply was the vote of two conscriptions, each
of eighty thousand men. " The will of France," said the senate, in
its address, " is the same with the will of her Emperor. The war with
Spain is politic, just, and necessary."
Before putting into action the immense resources thus placed at
his disposal, it was necessary for Napoleon to test the stability of his

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 105
amicable relations with the Emperor, of Russia. If Alexander re
mained faithful to the treaty of Tilsit, the French armies might be
safely withdrawn from Germany; if he were wavering in his friend
ship, he might be expected .to find a pretext for a change of policy
from the fresh designs of Napoleon on Spain. The French ambassador
at St. Petersburgh, was therefore directed to propose a meeting between
the two emperors at Erfurt, in the dominions of the Duke of Saxe-
Weimar, which was accepted, and fixed for the approaching month
of October. Napoleon left Paris for Erfurt in the end of September, and was
attended, throughout his route, by the continued rejoicings and accla
mations of the people. He had made the most splendid preparations
for the reception of his imperial guest, who was already at Weimar,
awaiting the tidings of his approach. The meeting of the two sove
reigns was attended by all the pomp and splendour of military parade
and royal luxury, and bore every outward appearance of perfect
cordiality. The daily political conferences were always followed by fetes
and entertainments, which, together with all other current expenses,
were defrayed by Napoleon. A troop of cooks, stewards, and lackeys,
had been accordingly sent to Erfurt from Paris. The intellectual
pleasures of his guests had also been considered. The company of the
Theatre Francaise was present for the purpose of performing the master
pieces of French dramatic literature. A crowd of kings and princes
attended to pay their court to the powerful Emperor of France. The
kings of Saxony, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Westphalia; the Prince
Primate, the princes of Anhalt-Coburg, Saxe-Weimar, Darmstadt,
Baden, Nassau, and Mecklenburg, were present. The Arch-Duke
Constantine accompanied his imperial brother. The King of Prussia
was represented by his brother, Prince William. The Emperor of
Austria strove to account for his own absence by a letter, transmitted
by Colonel Vincent, and filled with protestations of continued amity :
" I eagerly embrace the occasion of your approach to my frontier,
to renew the testimonials of friendship and esteem which I have
sworn to you, and to convey to you the assurance of these unalter
able sentiments." Such is the tenor of a letter, from dictating which,
the conscientious emperor probably turned to observe the progress of
his armaments, and calculate the shortest period at which he could
commence another war against France.
It may be supposed with what anxiety this assemblage of sovereigns
watched the outward signs of the probable issue of the negociations
between the two potentates, who held their fate in their hands.
Every word or look became of importance. During the representa
tion of the tragedy of "CEdipe," at which they were present together,

106

THE HISTORY OF

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it was observed, and eagerly repeated, that Alexander turned towards
Napoleon and gave him his hand, at the occurrence of the line —
" The friendship of a great man is a benefit from the gods."
On another occasion, when Alexander, on arriving at a dinner
party, found that he had forgotten his sword, Napoleon begged of
him to accept his. Alexander took it eagerly, saying, " Your Majesty
is well assured that I shall never draw it against you." All the
kings, officers, and courtiers, naturally regarded the apt presentation
as a great compliment and a profound courtesy, — and it was intended
they should ; though it is difficult to conceive that Napoleon did not
inwardly smile as he saw the flattered Alexander sit down to dinner
with the useless encumbrance. A grand fete was given to Napoleon
by the Duke of Weimar, on the battle-field of Jena, a piece of
courtesy in which obsequious submission to a powerful visitor was
certainly carried to the highest pitch. On this occasion, Napoleon
paid the most marked attention to the Duchess of Weimar, well re
membering the courage and fortitude she had shewn on the occasion

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 107
which was necessarily uppermost in all memories. His own dignified,
yet calm and unassuming deportment, while thus forming the centre
of attraction for all homage and devotion from those of the highest
and most commanding station, has been well described by some com
petent witnesses.
One day, while entertaining many of these guests at his table, he
began a sentence in these words ;— " When I was a simple lieutenant
in the second company of artillery," — at which a marked expression of
uncomfortable surprise was observed among his royal listeners. Scott
relates this anecdote with a kind of horror; Hazlitt, with triumph,
as an " instance of just and well-placed pride, thus to speak of him
self in the presence of all Europe, as it were, assembled at a banquet
of kings." We should sympathise more fully with such a manifesta
tion of Napoleon's consciousness that he held his high place by
Nature's patent, had he carried out the feeling in his actions, and on
all occasions done honour to real nobility, in opposition to conven
tional rank. Wieland has given an interesting description of him at
the ball which followed the entertainment on the field of Jena. " I
was presented," he says, " by the Duchess of Weimar, with the
usual ceremonies: he then paid me some compliments in an affable
tone, and looked stedfastly at me. Few men have appeared to me
to possess, in the same degree, the art of reading, at the first glance,
the thoughts of other men. He saw, in an instant, that, notwith
standing my celebrity, I was simple in my manners and void of pre
tension ; and, as he seemed desirous of making a favourable impression
on me, he assumed the tone most likely to attain his end. I have
never beheld any one more calm, more simple, more mild, or less
ostentatious in appearance ; nothing about him indicated the feeling
of power in a great monarch : he spoke to me as an old acquaint
ance would speak to an equal ; and what was more extraordinary on
his part, he conversed with me exclusively for an hour and a half,
to the great surprise of the whole assembly." Wieland has related
part of their conversation, which is, as it could not fail to be,
highly interesting. They touched on a variety of subjects ; among
others, the ancients. Napoleon declared his preference of the Romans
to the Greeks. " The eternal squabbles of their petty republics," he
said, " were not calculated to give birth to anything grand ; whereas
the Romans were always occupied with great things, and it was owing
to this they raised up the Colossus which bestrode the world." This
preference was characteristic ; the following is anomalous : — ¦" He pre
ferred Ossian to Homer." * * " He was fond only of serious poetry,"
continues Wieland ; " the pathetic and vigorous writers ; and, above
all, the tragic poets. He appeared to have no relish for anything

108 THE HISTORY OF
gay ; and in spite of the prepossessing amenity of his manners, an
observation struck me often, — he seemed to be of bronze. Neverthe
less, he had put me so much at my ease, that I ventured to ask
how it was that the public worship he had restored in France was not
more philosophical, and in harmony with the spirit of the times ? ' My
dear Wieland,' he replied, ' religion is not meant for philosophers :
they have no faith either in me or my priests : as to those who do
believe, it would be difficult to give them or to leave them too much
of the marvellous. If I had to frame a religion for philosophers, it
would be just the reverse of that of the credulous part of mankind.' "
Mulier, the celebrated Swiss historian, who had a private interview
with Napoleon at this period, has left a still fuller account of the im
pression he received. " The Emperor began to speak," says Mulier,
" of the History of Switzerland ; told me that I ought to complete it ;
that even the more recent times had their interest. He proceeded
from the Swiss to the old Greek constitutions and history; to the
theory of constitutions ; to the complete diversity of those of Asia,
and the causes of this diversity in the climate, polygamy, &c. ; the
opposite characters of the Arabian and the Tartar races ; the peculiar
value of European culture, and the progress of freedom since the
sixteenth century ; how everything was linked together, and in the
inscrutable guidance of an invisible hand ; how he himself had be
come great through his enemies ; the great confederation of nations,
the idea of which Henry IV. had ; the foundation of all religion, and
its necessity ; that man could not bear clear truth, and required
to be kept in order ; admitting the possibility, however, of a more
happy condition, if the numerous feuds ceased, which were occasioned
by too complicated constitutions (such as the German), and the in
tolerable burden suffered by states from excessive armies." These
opinions clearly mark the guiding motives of Napoleon's attempts to
enforce upon different nations uniformity of institutions and customs.
" I opposed him occasionally," says Mulier, " and he entered into
discussion. Quite impartially, and truly, as before God, I must say,
that the variety of his knowledge, the acuteness of his observations,
the sohdity of his understanding (not dazzling wit), his grand and
comprehensive views, filled me with astonishment; and his manner of
speaking to me, with love for him. By his genius, and his disinte
rested goodness, he has also conquered me."
Nothing could proceed more amicably than the political conferences
between the two emperors. Napoleon, on his part, consented to leave
Alexander undisturbed in his operations against Sweden and Turkey,
and satisfied him on the subject of Poland, by engaging to attempt
nothing in its favour; while Alexander recognised the new kings of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

109

Spain and Naples; and promised not to interfere in the approaching
war in the Peninsula. The two emperors also wrote a joint letter
to the King of England, proposing a general peace on the principle
of uti possidetis, which would leave all the contracting parties in
possession of what they had gained during the war. The English
government, however, demanded that Sweden and Spain should be
admitted as parties to the treaty; which, not suiting either of the
sovereigns who had opened the negociation, aU further proceedings
were dropped, The conferences at Erfurt concluded on the 14th of

October. Napoleon returned to Paris without delay, and by the 26th,
was on his way to Spain ; a powerful army of two hundred thousand
men already waited his approach on the frontiers. They were com
posed of the veteran troops withdrawn from Germany and Italy, the
new levies having supplied their places, and included a numerous and
splendid cavalry, and a large body of the imperial guard.
In the mean time, the Spaniards had vested the management of
their affairs in a central or supreme junta, stationed at their recovered
capital of Madrid. The determined spirit of opposition to French
interference continued as strong as ever ; but the power to act in
concert, or maintain well directed efforts in a common cause, already

110 THE HISTORY OF
appeared doubtful. The Supreme Junta found it difficult, sometimes
impossible, to enforce obedience on their generals; and the provincial
juntas were too apt to act independently, and assert their own right
to separate command. The English government, at the same time,
though promising aid, and making large preparations to afford it, yet
continually procrastinated ; and when Napoleon invaded the country,
the native forces alone were in the field. Three armies had been
formed, all intended to co-operate, and amounting to about one hun
dred thousand men, but, unfortunately, all under independent gene
rals. Blake commanded the army on the western frontier, which
extended from Burgos to Bilbao. General Romana, who commanded
one of the auxiliary divisions of Spanish soldiers in the French service,
had dexterously contrived to escape from the Island of Funen, and
had been landed in Spain, with ten thousand men, by British ships.
His corps was attached to that of General Blake. The head-quarters
of the central army, under Castafios, were at Soria; those on the
eastern side, under Palafox, extended between Saragossa and San-
guesa. The Spanish armies were therefore arranged in the form of
a long and weak crescent, the horns of which advanced towards
France. The fortresses in the north of Spain were all in the pos
session of the French, and strongly garrisoned.
Napoleon was at Bayonne on the 3rd of November, and by the
8th, he had directed the movements of the last columns of his ad
vancing army across the frontier : on the same evening, he arrived at
Vittoria, where Joseph held his court. The civil and military autho
rities met him at the gates, and prepared to conduct him with pomp
to the house prepared for his reception; but he leaped off his horse,
entered the first inn he observed, and called for maps and detailed
reports of the position of the armies. In two hours, he had arranged
the plan of the campaign; and by day-break on the 9th, Soult took
the command of Bessieres' corps, and began to push forward his
columns upon the plains of Burgos, against an auxiliary corps, under
the Count de Belvidere, designed to support the right flank of
Blake's army. Belvidere was completely defeated at Gomenal: one
of his battalions, composed entirely of students from Salamanca and
Leon, refused to fly, and fell in their ranks. Blake was then routed
at Espinosa, by General Victor, and again at Reynosa, by Soult,
whence the wrecks of his army fled in disorder, and took refuge in
Santander. Nearly the whole of Romana's corps perished in the cliffs
of Espinosa, after the battle. Palafox and Castafios had, meantime,
united their forces, and waited the attack of the French under Lannes,
at Tudela, on the 22nd of November. The Spaniards were on this
occasion, also, utterly defeated, with the loss of four thousand killed,

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and three thousand prisoners. Castafios fled, after the action, in the
direction of Calatyud; and Palafox once more threw himself and the
remains of his troops into Saragossa, where he was immediately
invested closely by Lannes.
The road to Madrid was now open to Napoleon. He advanced
at the head of his guards and the first division of the army,
and reached the strong pass of the Somosierra Chain, about ten miles
distant from the city, on the 30th of November. The way lies
through a very steep and narrow defile, and twelve thousand men,
with sixteen pieces of cannon, which completely swept the road, were
strongly posted to dispute his passage. On the 1st of December, the
French began the attack at daybreak, with an attempt to turn the
flanks of the Spaniards. Napoleon rode into the mouth of the pass,
and surveyed the scene. His infantry were straggling along the sides
of the defile, and making no efficient progress ; but the smoke of the
sharp skirmishing fire, mingling with the morning fog, was curling up
the rocks, and almost hid the combatants from view. Under this
veil, he ordered the Polish lancers of the guard to charge up the
road in face of the artillery. They obeyed with impetuous courage.
The Spanish infantry, panic struck, fired, threw down their arms, and
fled : the Poles dashing onward, seized the cannon in an instant.
The whole of the Spanish force fled in disorder, taking different
routes, or dispersing among the mountains. On the 2nd of Decem
ber, the French soldiers celebrated the anniversary of the coronation,
under the walls of Madrid. The city had been prepared for defence.
Six thousand regular troops, and crowds of the citizens, together
with the peasantry of the country round, were within the gates, and
in arms. The pavement had been taken up to form barricades; the
houses on the outskirts loopholed; and a spirit of defiance, which
promised to rival that of Saragossa, prevailed. The French officer
who was sent to summon the town, narrowly escaped being torn to
pieces by the mob. The place was regularly invested on one side
before midnight, and again summoned in vain. In the morning, the
Retiro, and the palace of the Duke of Medina Celi, were stormed
and taken by the French ; and Napoleon, availing himself of the
terror which now began to prevail, summoned the city a third time.
Shortly afterwards, Don Thomas Morla, the governor, came out to
demand a suspension of arms, but confessed that fear of the ferocity
of the citizens prevented his openly talking of a surrender. Napoleon,
who was anxious to avoid the horrors of the assault, gave a little
longer time to the distracted city, whence there issued, throughout
the night, " a sound," says Napier, " as if some mighty beast was
struggling and howling in the toils." At eight in the morning of the

1J2 THE HISTORY OF
4th of December, the gates were opened to the conqueror; the
Spaniards were disarmed, and the place filled with French soldiers.
In a few days, tranquillity was restored; and business and amuse
ment were taking their usual course.
Napoleon now issued edicts proclaiming a general amnesty, with
ten exceptions. He also put in force his new constitution. An as
semblage of the nobles, clergy, corporations, and tribunals of Madrid,
waited on him and presented an address, in which they expressed
their wish to have Joseph among them again. The reply of Napoleon
is a condensed exposition of his principles in regard to the government
of Spain; and the rejection by the people of advantages and reforms
so great, affords a clear example of the power of passion, and of pre
judice and ancient habit. "I accept," said he, "the sentiments of the
town of Madrid. I regret the misfortunes that have befallen it; and
I hold it as a particular good fortune that I am enabled, under the
circumstances of the moment, to spare that city, and to save it from
yet greater misfortunes. I have hastened to take measures fit to tran-
quillise all classes of citizens, knowing well that to all people, and
to all men, uncertainty is intolerable. I have preserved the religious
orders, but I have restrained the number of monks ; no sane person
can doubt that they are too numerous. I have provided for the wants
of the most interesting and useful of the clergy, — the parish priests. I
have abolished the Inquisition, that tribunal against which Europe and
the age alike exclaimed. Priests ought to guide consciences ; but they
should not exercise any exterior or corporal jurisdiction over men. I
have suppressed the rights usurped by the nobles during civil wars, when
the kings have been too often obliged to purchase tranquillity at the
sacrifice of their own rights, and the well-being of the people. I have
suppressed the feudal privileges ; and all persons can now establish
inns, mills, ovens, weirs, and fisheries, and give free play to their in
dustry ; only observing the laws and customs of the place. The self-
love, the riches, and the prosperity of a small number of men, was more
hurtful to your agriculture than the heats of the dog-days. As there
is but one God, there should be in one estate but one justice; where
fore, all the particular jurisdictions having been usurped, and being
contrary to the national rights, I have destroyed them. I have also
made known to all persons that which each can have to fear, and that
which they may have to hope for.
" The English armies I wiU drive from the Peninsula. Saragossa,
Valencia, Seville, shall be reduced, either hy persuasion or by the
force of arms. There is no obstacle capable of retarding, for any
length of time, the execution of my will. But that which is above
my power, is to constitute the Spaniards a nation, under the orders

NAPOLEON BEFORE MADRID.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 113
of the king, if they continue to be imbued with the principle of
division, and of hatred towards France, such as the English partisans
and the enemies of the continent have instilled into them. I cannot
estabUsh a nation, a king, and Spanish independence, if that king is
not sure of the affection and fidelity of his subjects."
The vast preparations which Napoleon now set on foot, seemed to
indicate that he intended to invade GalUcia, Andalusia, and Valencia,
by his lieutenants, and to carry the war to Lisbon in person. The
victories he had gained had cost him very few lives, and reinforce
ments to his army had successively crossed the frontier. He had two
hundred and fifty thousand men under arms; and there can be no
doubt that the whole Peninsula was at that moment on the point of
subjugation, had not circumstances thwarted his combinations.
After the vexatious delays of the English government had retarded
the movements of the British forces till the favourable moment had
been lost, Lord Castlereagh at length placed Sir John Moore in a
position to advance from Portugal into Spain, with an army of twenty
thousand men, composed of the choicest troops of Great Britain;
while Sir David Baird, who had recently landed at Corunna, had orders
to march through GalUcia, and effect a junction with him at Salamanca.
The difficulties of the roads had obUged the English commander-in-
chief to separate himself from his artillery, which was conducted in
safety by Sir John Hope, through great dangers and most critical cir
cumstances, to head-quarters. The object of the fine English army
now assembled at Salamanca, was to co-operate with the Spanish
armies; but the Spanish armies were utterly destroyed, the capital
was besieged by Napoleon, and his overwhelming force ready to act
wherever he thought fit. The situation of Sir John Moore was
embarrassing in the extreme ; he had been appointed to conduct im
portant operations without a plan, or the means of making one.
He was very scantily supplied with money, and without magazines.
He had trusted to the ministerial assurance that a hundred thousand
Spanish soldiers covered his march, and that the people were enthu
siastic and prepared for every exertion ; but the reverse proved to be
the fact. He could only accommodate his measures to events, and
these events were altogether new and unexpected. All the means
within his power were put into requisition, though Sir Walter Scott
has made several assertions to the contrary, with what Napier calls
"that intrepidity of error which marks his work." Animadversions
on Moore's conduct have been numerous, though his difficulties have
seldom been fairly estimated. He resolved to retreat into Portugal,
feeling that the safety of the fine army under his charge must not
be compromised to a cause evidently lost for the present. He was,

114 THE HISTORY OF
however, subsequently induced to alter his determination, by the strong
representations of the Spanish authorities, seconded by Mr. Frere, the
English commissioner at Madrid. He was assured that the capital
would hold out to the last, that Romana was rapidly collecting another
army, and that the people were all in arms, and ready to support
him. He could not be sanguine of the cause, but he took the only
course open to him. He formed his plan to attack Soult, who was
posted behind the Carrion: by defeating him, he would have inter
cepted the communications of the Emperor's left flank, given Romana
time to forward his operations, created a formidable diversion in favour
of the south of Spain and of Madrid, and at worst could still secure a
retreat to Corunna, where the English transports waited. The news of
the surrender of Madrid reached him before the commencement of his
march, but this did not alter his resolution. The forward movement of
the British army commenced on the 11th of December. It consisted of
twenty-three thousand five hundred and eighty men, with sixty pieces
of artillery. No sooner did Napoleon learn that Moore was in motion, than leaving
Madrid, and giving up all his other plans for the moment, he marched
rapidly at the head of fifty thousand men to attack him, and to crush the
EngUsh, whom he reckoned with reason by far the most formidable of his
opponents in Spain, and whose long and unvarying hostility had roused
in him a passionate sense of injury. His head-quarters were rapidly
transferred to Astorga, Benevente, and Tordesillas.
Moore would have been hemmed in between Napoleon and Soult had
he continued his advance. He was not taken by surprise, for this was
exactly the danger he had apprehended ; but it had become necessary
to commence his retreat instantly, and to conduct it by forced marches,
in consequence of the extraordinary rapidity of Napoleon's advance. The
weather was dark and tempestuous, the roads through the mountainous
province of GalUcia difficult in the extreme, the country poor, the army
without magazines, and Soult pressed closely on his rear. It was under
these circumstances that Sir John Moore commenced his disastrous re
treat to Corunna. The baggage and ammunition were abandoned ; the
sick and wounded left to the mercy of the pursuers ; the soldiers, losing
all discipline, became marauders, abandoned their ranks, spread over the
country, and in search of plunder inflicted the most dreadful atrocities on
the inhabitants. Nothing recalled them to their duty but the report
that the French were upon them, and that it was necessary to make a
stand. They were always restored in a moment to order and steadi
ness when the trumpet sounded a charge, and repeatedly repulsed their
assailants : on one of these occasions, General Lefebvre Desnouettes
was taken prisoner. The tempestuous state of the weather retarded the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

115

a x

feSv

progress of Napoleon through the Gaudarama mountains, and favoured
the escape of the English. A deep snow choked the passes, and at one
time the general commanding, reported that the road was impracticable ;
but the Emperor placed himself at the head of the column, and led
the way himself amidst storms of hail and sleet. Notwithstanding his
excessive exertions, he was, however, too late. Sir John Moore had
made good his retreat. On the 5th of January, 1809, the English army
had reached Nogales, and had gained twelve hours' start of their pur
suers. " At this period of the retreat," says Napier, " the road was
covered with baggage, sick men, women, and plunderers. Under the
most favourable circumstances, the toil of a retreating force exhibits ter
rible scenes of distress ; and on the road near Nogales, the followers of
the army were dying fast from cold and hunger. The soldiers, bare
footed, harassed, and weakened by their excesses, were dropping to the
rear by hundreds ; while broken carts, dead animals, and the piteous
appearance of women with children, struggling, or falling exhausted in
the snow, completed a picture of war, which, Uke Janus, has a double
face." The disorganisation and consequent loss increased from the 9th
to the 1 1 th of January ; nevertheless, fourteen or fifteen thousand men
were still in column, and by great exertion Sir John Moore led them
by an orderly march to Corunna. As they approached the sea coast, the

116 THE HISTORY OF
general's eyes were anxiously directed towards the harbour"; but an open
expanse of water painfully convinced him that fortune was against him
still. The English fleet was detained by contrary winds at Vigo. He
led his exhausted troops into Corunna, and prepared to face the pursuing
enemy. The transports from Vigo hove in sight on the evening of the
14th, and the sick, the dismounted cavalry, the best horses, and fifty-two
pieces of artillery were embarked in the night; but on the 15th, the
French had collected in force, their batteries commanded the town, and
it became necessary for Moore to choose between the two alternatives of
negociating with Soult for leave to retire to his ships upon terms, or to
hold himself in readiness to force his way : he chose the latter. The
night of the 15th was again employed in shipping all the encumbrances
of the army, but at two o'clock on the afternoon of the 16th, a general
movement along the French line gave notice that the attack was about to
begin; and the British infantry, only fourteen thousand five hundred
strong, were immediately ranged in order of battle. The action was
furiously contested, and notwithstanding the superiority of the French
force, the close of day left the British not only in possession of the
ground, but their line considerably in advance of their original position,
while the French were falling back in confusion. The loss had been
greater on the French than the English side, which latter is estimated
at eight hundred, and included in its numbers the brave commander-
in-chief. " Sir John Moore," says Napier, " was struck on the left
breast by a cannon-shot ; the shock threw him from his horse with vio
lence, but he rose again in a sitting posture, his countenance unchanged,
and his stedfast eye still fixed upon the regiments engaged in his front,
no sigh betraying a sensation of pain. In a few moments, when he was
satisfied that the troops were gaining ground, his countenance brightened,
and he suffered himself to be taken to the rear. Then was seen the
dreadful nature of his hurt. The shoulder was shattered to pieces, the
arm was hanging by a piece of skin, the ribs over the heart were broken
and bared of .flesh, and the muscles of the breast torn into long strips,
which were interlaced by their recoil from the dragging of the shot. As
the soldiers placed him in a blanket, his sword got entangled, and the
hilt entered the wound ; Captain Hardinge, a staff-officer, attempted to
take it off, but the dying man stopped him, saying, ' It is as well as
it is. I had rather it should go out of the field with me;' and in that
manner, so becoming to a soldier, Moore was borne from the fight."
Sir David Baird having also been severely wounded, the command now
devolved on Sir John Hope, who lost no time in embarking the army, an
operation which was safely effected ; and by the 18th, the fleet was under
weigh for England. Sir John Moore died shortly after he had been
carried from the battle. The last words he was heard to say were, " I

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

117

hope the people of England will be satisfied ! I hope my country will do
me justice!" His corpse, wrapped in his miUtary cloak, was hastily
buried by the officers of his staff on the ramparts of the citadel of
Corunna ; but the French, with a generous spirit of respect for a brave
enemy, paid his funeral honours ; their guns fired the salute over his
grave, and Soult nobly raised a monument to his memory.
Napoleon had come up with the troops in pursuit of Moore at Be-
nevente, where he was gratified by the sight of an English army in full
retreat. In his hurried advance, he had been quartered at Tordesillas,
in the exterior portion of the convent of Santa Clara, where Jane, the
insane mother of Charles V. had died. The .abbess, an aged lady of
seventy, was presented to the Emperor, who, in spite of his excessive
haste, and the anxieties of impending events, received her with respect,
listened to her conversation, and granted several requests.

'*">*. U

118

THE HISTORY OF

It was expected that Napoleon would immediately return to Madrid,
and prosecute the plans from which the pursuit of Moore had diverted
him ; but to the astonishment of all the world, he turned his face not
towards Madrid but Paris, travelling with headlong speed, riding on post--
horses, and on one occasion seventy-five miles in five hours and a half.
He reached Paris on the 23rd of January. The cause of this sudden
journey was a sufficient one, and soon transpired ; the warUke prepa
rations of Austria no longer left a doubt that the Emperor Francis was
on the eve of breaking the treaty of Presburg.
Napoleon had left to Joseph and his generals the task of finishing the
subjugation of the Peninsula, but the absence of the master-spirit raised
the hopes of the Spaniards, and encouraged England to fresh efforts.
For a time, however, the French continued to gain important successes.
Ferrol and Vigo were taken by Soult in January. Saragossa fell on the
21st of February, after a resistance of eight months : during the last
twenty days, the enemy were in the city, and the desperate defence was
carried on with rage and despair from house to house, by men, women,
and even children., When, at length, Marshal Lannes found himself
master of Saragossa, it was no longer a city of the Uving, but of the
dead. Forty thousand victims had there been immolated ; and the
putrid corpses which choked every avenue, had already begun to add
the ravages of pestilence to those of war. It is due to the memory of
Lannes to add that the most strenuous efforts to save the survivors,
immediately followed the horrors of the attack.
The victories of Vels, Ciudad-Reale, and MedeUna, gave the French
arms further advantages, and the expedition of Soult into Portugal was
crowned by the success of his arms at Lanhozo, and by the surrender of
Oporto on the 29th of March.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

119

ssa-^sss «,»•«="

CHAPTER VI.

ADVANCE OF THE AUSTRIANS  NAPOLEON PLACES HIMSELF AT THE HEAD OF HIS ARMY-
BATTLES OF ABENSBERG AND ECKMUHL  RATISBON TAKEN— BOMBARDMENT AND CAPITU
LATION OF VIENNA — NAPOLEON TAKES POSSESSION PF THE PAPAL TERRITORY  WAR IN
ITALY, POLAND, GERMANY, AND THE TYROL— PASSAGE OF THE DANUBE— BATTLE OF
ESSLING  DEATH OF LANNES — THE FRENCH ARMY ENTRENCHED IN THE ISLAND OF LOBAU.

Archduke Charles crossed the Inn
and invaded Bavaria on the 9th
of April, 1809, at the head of
one hundred and eighty thousand
men. At the same time, the
Archduke Ferdinand was stationed
in GalUcia with thirty thousand
men; and the Archduke John, with
an army, eighty thousand strong,
penetrated into Italy, by the
passes of Carinthia and Carniola.
No justification of this shameless
breach of national faith was so
much as attempted ; nor do the
historical admirers of legitimate governments offer any. Scott, in par
ticular, on this occasion, most deliberately avows the unprincipled mode
of action pursued by all the states of Europe in their dealings with
France. " Their miUtary disasters," says he, " often prevented their
being able to keep the flag of defiance flying; but the cessions which
they were compelled to make at the moment of defeat, only exaspe-

120 THE HISTORY OF
rated their feelings of resentment, and made them watch more eagerly
for the period when their own increasing strength, and the weakness
of the common enemy, might enable them to resume the struggle.
The question for Austria to consider, was not the justice of the war,
but its expediency ; not her right of resisting, but practically whether
she had the means of effectual opposition. An opportunity now pre
sented itself which seemed in the highest degree tempting. Bonaparte
was absent in Spain, engaged in a distant conquest, in which, besides
the general unpopularity of his cause, obstacles had arisen which were
strangers to any previous part of his history, and resistance had been
offered of a nature so serious, as to shake the opinion hitherto enter
tained of his invincibility."
Napoleon was on his way to the frontiers a few hours after the
telegraphic dispatch announced the invasion of Bavaria. He reached
Strasburg on the 16th, at four in the morning, accompanied by Jose
phine, whom he left there ; and he then proceeded onwards to DiUin-
gen, where he met the King of Bavaria, who had been compelled to
retire from Munich with all his family. Josephine remained some time
at Strasburg, anxiously watching the progress of a campaign the ter
mination of which was destined to bring about events fraught with
melancholy importance to herself.
The army which Napoleon commanded was considerably inferior
in numbers to the immense masses of Austria; besides which, on his
hurried arrival at the seat of war, he found his forces unskilfully
disposed, through an error originating with Berthier. His army ex
tended in a long line from Augsburg to Ratisbon, presenting to the
enemy a weak centre, through which they might have penetrated with
ease, and divided his force. He immediately stationed himself in this
point of danger, at the head of the Bavarians, and the troops of the
Confederation of the Rhine, and sent exact and urgent orders to Mas
sena and Davoust, commanding the two wings of the army to advance
by a lateral movement towards their common centre, by forced marches,
with vigilance and speed. The order for these daring movements was
given on the 17th of April. On the 20th, when, according to his cal
culations, the necessary time for effecting them had elapsed, Napoleon
made a sudden assault on two Austrian divisions at Abensberg, com
manded by General Hiller, and the Archduke Louis. In the middle
of the battle, Davoust appeared on the right flank of the Austrians;
and, almost at the same moment, Massena attacked their rear, broke
their line, and threw them into disorder. They were totally defeated,
with the loss of eight thousand men. Napoleon afterwards spoke of
this manoeuvre as one of the finest of his conceptions in the art of war.
A more striking example could scarcely be found of the confidence of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

121

Napoleon in his power of making successful combinations of masses, at
various distances, so as to bring them to act consecutively, or at the same
time, upon a given spot ; since he had thus commenced a battle when
his two wings were not in sight, yet upon the arrival of which within a
brief space the good result depended. He followed up his victory the
next day at Landshut, where the fugitives lost nine thousand prisoners
and thirty pieces of cannon, besides ammunition and baggage.
The Archduke Charles had meanwhile concentrated his principal
army, consisting of one hundred thousand men, at Eckmiihl. On
the 22nd, he was attacked by Napoleon with his whole force. The
French army advanced in divisions by different routes, and appeared
on the field with the regularity of the movements in a game of chess.
The Austrians were driven from all their positions, and retreated in dis
order, leaving all their wounded, great part of the artillery, fifteen stand
of colours, and twenty thousand men, in the power of the French.
The archduke attempted to cover the retreat of his army by defend
ing Ratisbon. The ancient city was stormed by the pursuing French.
A breach was quickly effected in the walls ; but the Austrians, crowding
to the point of danger, poured so deadly a fire upon the assailants, that
R

122 THE HISTORY OF
they began to slacken the attack. At this moment, Lannes, seizing a
ladder, rushed forward, and fixed it against the wall, exclaiming, — " I
will shew you that your general is still a grenadier." The wall was
surmounted in an instant ; the soldiers overbore all opposition, and the
combat now raged in the streets of the town. While watching the
operations of his troops, Napoleon was struck on the toe of the left foot
by a musket-ball, which inflicted a very painful though not a dangerous
wound. He made his surgeon dress it on the spot, and mounted on
horseback immediately afterwards, anxious to dispel the alarm of the
soldiers. With all his precaution, however, a panic had begun to spread
among them. All those who happened to be near had crowded round
him ; it was vain to try to keep them off. The report that the Emperor
was wounded spread from mouth to mouth, and every man, from the
first to the third line, hurried towards him, so that a moment of con
fusion occurred ; but order was restored when they saw he was safe.
The Austrians were driven from the town, which remained in posses
sion of Napoleon, with a great many prisoners, and much baggage and
artillery. A curious pause in the work of destruction occurred during the heat
of the battle in Ratisbon. A body of French, rushing forward to charge
a body of Austrians who occupied one end of a burning street, were
impeded in their career by some wagons. " They are tumbrels of
powder," cried the Austrian commander ; " if the flames reach them,
both sides perish!" The fighting ceased by mutual consent, and the
men who were deadly enemies the moment before, now exerted them
selves side by side to convey the dangerous wagons out of the reach of
the flames, and succeeded.
Napoleon fixed his head-quarters at Ratisbon, and remained there
for two days to recover from his wound, and recruit the strength of his
soldiers. He employed the time in reviewing the troops, and distri
buting honours and rewards. Davoust was here created Prince of
Eckmiihl. The campaign had lasted only five days, and in that short
period the nature of the war had been entirely changed. The Aus
trians, who began it as proud aggressors, were now forced to continue
it in desperate self-defence. Even Scott here assumes the character of
an enthusiastic eulogist of Napoleon. " At no period in his momentous
career," says Sir Walter, " did his genius appear more completely to
prostrate all opposition ; at no time did the talents of a single indivi
dual exercise such an influence on the fate of the world. The forces
which he had in the field had been not only unequal to those of the
enemy, but they were, in a miUtary point of view, ill placed and im
perfectly combined. Napoleon arrived alone, found himself under all
these disadvantages, and we repeat, by his almost unassisted genius,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

123

came, in the course of five days, in complete triumph out of a struggle
which bore a character so unpromising. It was no wonder that
others, — nay, that he himself, should have annexed to his person the
degree of superstitious influence claimed for the chosen instruments
of destiny, whose path must not be crossed, and whose arms cannot
be arrested." The Archduke Charles had retreated into Bohemia, where he held
himself ready to make a protracted defence ; but, in the midst of his
preparations, he was startled with the intelligence that Napoleon, instead
of pursuing him to the mountain fastnesses where he was intrenched,
was advancing direct upon Vienna. The French army approached the
capital by steady but rapid marches, carefully maintaining its own line
of communications, but with quite sufficient celerity to reach its point,
before the archduke could return and attempt any opposition. The
Austrian general, Hiller, endeavoured to arrest the progress of Napo
leon at Ebersberg, a position of very great strength. The natural
defences of the place, consisting in a deep river, a long narrow bridge,
and high rocky banks, did not, however, retard the victorious army
many hours. Massena, who led the van, attacked and carried it by
storm. The carnage on both sides was dreadful, and- in the course of
the struggle the town was set on fire, and reduced to ashes. The
wounded were burned to death ; the dead were scorched, shrivelled,
and blackened. The artillery and cavalry pressing onward towards
Vienna, passed over the half-consumed remains ; the wheels and hoofs
crushing and treading into appalhng masses of horror the mangled
forms which lay in heaps in their way. A heavy and intolerable stench
arose from the putrefying corruption. " It became necessary," says
Savary, — who frequently uses expressions which are awfully graphic
from their literal simplicity and truth, — " to procure spades, such as
are used for clearing the mud from public roads, in order to remove
and bury this foetid mass."

124 THE HISTORY OF
General Hiller retreated to Saint Polten, crossed the Danube at
Muntern, and, marching to form a junction with the Archduke Charles,
left the high road of Vienna open to the French army, which moved
rapidly onwards. The attention of Napoleon was attracted on the
way by the ruins of the castle of Dierstein, where Richard I. of
England, on his return from Palestine, was detained prisoner by the
Emperor of Germany. Napoleon addressed some words of gratula-
tion to Lannes and Berthier, on the progress of civiUsation, as he
contemplated the ancient stronghold in the distance : " such," said
he, " were those barbarous times, which historians are fond of paint
ing in glowing colours ! You have seen emperors and kings in my
power, as well as their capitals and their states; I never exacted
from them either ransom or sacrifice of their honour ! " The horrible
battle field he had so lately passed over, might well have checked
these complacent ideas, by reminding Napoleon, that though honour
was now better observed towards kings, their subjects were still tram
pled in the dust; and had he been endowed with the power to look
forward only a few short years, his own fate would have taught him
that even an emperor might still be forced to bend to the yoke of
captivity. On the 10th of May, Napoleon was once more at the gates of
Vienna, the extensive suburbs were occupied by his army, and his head
quarters were again established at the palace of Schoenbrunn, in the
vicinity of the capital. His summons to surrender was answered by firing
from the ramparts of the ancient walls of the city ; the same which had
withstood the siege of the Turks in 1683. The Archduke Maximilian
was governor of the place, and had under his command a large body
of troops, but certainly no force sufficient to stand a siege. A formid
able fire from the French batteries first made the inhabitants aware
of the horrors for which they must be prepared, if they attempted
opposition. The palace of the Emperor of Austria was exposed to
the full storm of artillery. The emperor and the greater part of his
family had fled to Buda in Hungary ; but one was left behind, confined
by illness ; this one was the Archduchess Maria Louisa,— destined soon
after to be Empress of France. When Napoleon was informed of the
situation of the young princess, he ordered that the palace should
be spared, and the destructive missiles pointed at other quarters.
Vienna did not long endure this rough usage. The archduke and
his troops evacuated the city; the capitulation was signed on the
12th of May, and for the second time, the capital of the house of
Austria was in possession of Napoleon.
It must not be supposed, however, that the occupation of Vienna
concluded the contest. The situation of the French army was extremely

%mi

W®

x

NAPOLEON VISITING THE RUINS OF DIERSTEIN.

STANDARD OF THE EIGHTY-FOURTH REGIMENT :— " UN CONTRE DIX."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 125
critical, and required immense exertions. The Archduke Charles was
already advancing from Bohemia, with forces greatly increased, and
the war was raging with various success in Italy, Dalmatia, Poland,
the Tyrol, and the Peninsula; while the north of Germany was in
a state of insurrection. A brief sketch of the progress of events in
these various quarters, is here necessary.
The campaign in Italy, had opened unfavourably for the French
interest. The Austrian army had gained some decisive advantages
over the viceroy Prince Eugene, and defeated him at Sacile, when
the news of the battle of Eckmiihl changed the aspect of the war.
The Archduke John immediately commenced a retreat, with the view
of forming a junction with his brother, but was pursued in his retro
grade movement by the viceroy, who effected a junction with the army
of General Marmont in Dalmatia, and not only freed Italy from all fur
ther danger, but began his advance towards Vienna, to join the grand
army under Napoleon. It was before this junction was effected, that two
battalions of the eighty-fourth regiment, forming a part of Marmont's
corps, maintained their ground against eighteen thousand Austrians at
Gratz. Napoleon caused the words " Un contre dix" (one against ten)
to be emblazoned on their colours, in honour of their courage.
The revolt of the whole of the Tyrol against the dominion of the
King of Bavaria, had taken place simultaneously with the Austrian
war. The cause of the Tyrolese, excited the sympathy of all foreign
countries, and with justice. The mountainous strength of the country,
and the temper of its inhabitants, had forced the Austrian government
to respect the privileges for which, in ancient days, the Tyrolese had
been obUged to contend. They wanted no change, and were indignant
at finding themselves involuntarily transferred to another sovereign.
Sir Walter Scott becomes, in this instance, the advocate of liberty,
because it chanced to be alUed with the cause of legitimacy. " The
Austrians," says he, " had always governed them with a singular mild
ness, and respect for their customs ; and the condition of the people is
one of the most primitive in Europe. The extremes of rank and wealth
are unknown in those pastoral districts ; they have almost no distinction
among their inhabitants ; neither nobles nor serfs, — neither office-bearers
nor dependents ; in one sense, neither rich nor poor. As great a degree
of equality as is perhaps consistent with the existence of society, is to
be found in the Tyrol. In temper they are a gay, animated people,
fond of exertion and excitation, lovers of the wine-flask, and the dance ;
extempore poets, and frequently good musicians. With these are
united the more hardy qualities of the mountaineer, accustomed to the
life of a shepherd and huntsman ; and, amidst the Alpine precipices,
often placed in danger of life, while exercising one or other of the

126

THE HISTORY OF

occupations. As marksmen, the Tyrolese are accounted the finest in
Europe ; and the readiness with which they obeyed the repeated sum
mons of Austria in the former wars, shewed that their rustic employ
ments had in no respect diminished their ancient love of military
enterprise. Their magistrates, in peace, and leaders of war, were
no otherwise distinguished from the rest of the nation, than bjr their
sagacity and general intelligence ; and as these qualities were ordi
narily found among inn-keepers, who, in a country like the Tyrol, have
the most general opportunities of obtaining information, many of that
class were leaders in the memorable war of 1809. These men some
times could not even read or write, yet, in general, exhibited so much
common sense and presence of mind, such a ready knowledge of the
capacity of the troops they commanded, and of the advantages of the
country in which they served, that they became formidable to the best
generals and the most disciplined soldiers."
The Bavarians and French were driven from the country, or
made prisoners, or put to death, in the commencement of April ;
and in four days, the Tyrolese had achieved their object, and shaken
off a foreign dominion. The priests were active in this movement ;
and Hofer, the great leader of the people, made his triumphal entry
into Inspruck between two Capuchins. The Voralberg and the Val-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 127
teUne had caught the same spirit, and with equal success. The retreat
of the Archduke John from Italy, however, and the success of Napo
leon's arms, crushed all these insurrections for the time, and obliged
the people to submit to the clemency of the King of Bavaria. The
gates of Inspruck were opened to Marshal Lefebvre, at the head of
a Bavarian army, very soon after the capitulation of Vienna, but not
without nine days of murderous warfare in the mountain passes of
the country.
The equivocal conduct of the Pope during the war in Italy, brought
about an event which caused a sensation throughout Europe. Napoleon
dated from Vienna a decree depriving his holiness of his temporalities ;
and annexing Rome and its dependencies to the kingdom of Italy. The
consequences of this new struggle between a Pope and an Emperor
will shortly be told: they were of a very different character to those
which followed the attempt of Henry IV. to dispute the supremacy of
Gregory VII., eight centuries before.
The Archduke Ferdinand had meanwhile invaded the grand duchy
of Warsaw, which had been torn from Russia by Napoleon, in the
former war, and annexed to the kingdom of Saxony. Prince Joseph
Poniatowski, minister of war, with a very inferior force, gave battle to
the Austrians at Raszin, four leagues from Warsaw, where he main
tained a desperate combat for eight hours, but was obliged to retreat
before the overwhelming force of the archduke. The Saxon troops in
his army retired immediately into their country, but Poniatowski threw
himself into Warsaw. Unable to defend it, he obtained a capitulation
under the most honourable terms, and when he evacuated the city,
retired to the country between the Narew and the Vistula, accom
panied by the members of the senate, the ministers, the councillors
of state, and aU the civil authorities of the grand duchy, and there
held his little army together. The Polish spirit was again raised
high, and Napoleon had another opportunity of establishing the inde
pendence of Poland; but he still held by the Russian alliance, though
the proceedings of the Emperor Alexander might have opened his
eyes to its hollowness. He had relied on the co-operation of Russia
to defend the archduchy of Warsaw, but Poniatowski had held the field
unsupported since the 17th of April, when Prince Gallitzin tardily
appeared in GalUcia, in the end of May, with fifteen thousand men,
instead of a hundred thousand, which had been promised; and this
small force had received orders not to pass the Vistula. The Polish
scouts, about this time, intercepted a letter from a Russian general
to the Archduke Ferdinand, congratulating him on his success, and
expressing a hope soon to act in concert with him. This letter was
forwarded to Napoleon, who sent it to Alexander. The czar, however,

128

THE HISTORY OF

contented himself with recalUng the writer. Bourrienne, who under
stood the dispositions of the different courts of Europe, remarks, " I
never could conceive how Napoleon could be so blind as to expect
assistance from Russia, in his quarrel with Austria. He must indeed
have been greatly deceived as to the footing on which the two courts
stood with reference to each other; their friendly footing, and their
mutual agreement to oppose the overgrowing ambition of their common
enemy." Unopposed by the Russians, the Archduke Ferdinand pushed
forward to Thorn, and summoned Prussia to arms. The King of
Prussia, discouraged by the memory of former disasters, remained

perfectly passive, but his subjects were ripe for revolt against the
thraldom of France. The youth of the north of Germany were
almost to a man united in the Tugend-bund, or holy band, for the
deliverance of their country from a foreign yoke; Schill and Katt,
two Prussian officers, were actually in arms, and had collected troops
and followers, unauthorised by their government. Schill maintained a
war of plunder, and at one period menaced Hamburg, but he was
held in check, and finally defeated and kiUed in battle by General
Gratien. Katt had attacked Westphalia, where he had found a trea
cherous coadjutor in the person of Colonel Doernberg, an officer of the
guard ; but the designs of both were discovered and defeated by King

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 129
Jerome. The Duke of Brunswick-Oels also, the son of the old enemy
of the French revolution who was killed at Jena, commanded a body
of troops furnished by Austria, and armed and equipped by England.
They wore a black uniform, and their caps bore a death's head on
the front, to figure forth the spirit of deadly revenge which ani
mated their leader. The EngUsh landed an armament at Cuxhaven,
to act in concert with the Brunswickers, but the whole plan was de
feated, the British re-embarked, and the Duke of Brunswick escaped
to England. As the French held all the Prussian fortresses, and the
King of Prussia, after the battle of Eckmiihl, disavowed all the pro
ceedings against Napoleon, the Archduke Ferdinand made no progress
in his attempt to excite a war in Prussia ; but the spirit, of the country
was evident, and combined with other causes to render the circum
stances of the French Emperor grave and arduous. All Europe was
intent upon the issue of the battle, which was evidently impending be
tween him and the Archduke Charles, who now approached the left
bank of the Danube, while the French army occupied Vienna and the
right bank of that great river, which, swollen by the spring rains and
the melting of the snow on the mountains, divided the two armies, as
if by an impassable barrier, — all the bridges above and below Vienna
having been destroyed by the Austrians.
Any protraction of the war was unfavourable to the interests of
Napoleon, while in an enemy's country, and in danger of obstruction
to his communications. He resolved, therefore, to effect the passage of
the Danube, and bring the contest to an issue. He first attempted this
enterprise at Nussdorf, half a league above Vienna, where the stream
flows in a deep but comparatively narrow channel, and the remains
of a bridge still existed ; but a party of five hundred men, who were
pushed forward under the command of General St. Hilaire to commence
the operation, were attacked and cut to pieces by the Austrians, and
this locality was in consequence abandoned. The next attempt was
made at Ebersdorf. The Danube is divided, at this spot, into five
branches, by several islands, one of which, named Lobau, is very large.
Here Napoleon collected with extraordinary diligence all the boats, small
craft, and other materials, that could be obtained, resolving to cross
the river by a succession of bridges, thrown across the different streams
between the banks and the islands. This chain of bridges was in
sufficient forwardness to be passable by the 19th of May. The
Archduke Charles meanwhile offered no opposition whatever to these
proceedings. The result shewed that his inactivity was maintained for
a settled purpose.
On the 20 th of May, the French army began the passage of the
Danube, and debouched on the left bank upon the plain extending be-

130

THE HISTORY OF

tween the villages of Essling and Asperne. Having passed over about
thirty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry, Napoleon ordered a
redoubt to be constructed to cover the extremity of the bridge, on the
left side : this last portion of the line of communication was united at
its other end with the large Island of Lobau. These operations were
not concluded before the evening, when the French troops occupied
the two villages of Asperne and Essling.
Contradictory reports were brought in during the night, and it was
found impossible to decide concerning the numbers and intentions of
the Austrians. Many lights were seen on the distant heights, which
induced Lannes and other generals to believe their enemies were con
centrated there ; but much nearer, and in the very front of the French
army, a pale streak stretched across the sky, of about a league in length,
the reflection of multitudes of watch fires. Massena, judging from this
indication, maintained that the whole Austrian army was before them.
Napoleon was on horseback by daybreak on the 21st, to decide by
personal observation ; but the Austrian light cavalry thickly covered
the ground, and rendered it impossible to reconnoitre. He sent press
ing orders to expedite the passage of the remainder of his army from
the right bank, but various accidents had occurred to the bridges during

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 131
the night, and notwithstanding all the ardour of the troops, they were
retarded. While the army of Napoleon was thus divided, and the obstacles to
its concentration were yet unconquered, the veil of Austrian skirmishers
was suddenly withdrawn, and the army of the Archduke Charles was
seen advancing in five columns, nearly ninety thousand in number, and
possessing two hundred and twenty pieces of artillery. -The impending
battle commenced with a furious attack on the village of Asperne which
was defended with steady courage by Massena. It was taken and re
taken many times during the day. The struggle was obstinate, and the
slaughter dreadful. The peaceful farmyards, gardens, and terraces, be
came so many fields of battle : the implements of industry and domestic
comfort were converted into means of defence. Wagons, harrows,
ploughs, carriages of all sorts, were used to construct barricades. When
nightfaU ended the furious conflict, Massena remained master of one
part of the ruined and burning village, but the Austrians occupied
the church and churchyard. During the latter part of the day, Essling
had sustained three general attacks from the Austrians, but Lannes
who defended this post, repulsed them as often. Once, however, he
must have given way, had not Napoleon saved him by a well-timed
charge of cavalry. The two armies, exhausted with fatigue sunk into
sleep, surrounded by heaps of dead and wounded.
Tbe bridges had been rendered passable, and reinforcements be
gan to reach the French army by early dawn on the 23rd. Napoleon
now prepared to assume the offensive, having fifty thousand men on
the field; and having ordered the corps of Davoust to advance from
the . right bank." At the moment when the Austrian commander had
weakened his centre and right, to re-commence the attack on Asperne,
the French columns poured down upon the vulnerable points with fury.
The Archduke Charles exerted great courage and energy at this critical
moment, when his army was in imminent danger of being divided ;
and Napoleon, in the excitement of the attack, exposed himseU' to the
hottest of the fire ; so much so, that General Walther, who commanded
the grenadiers of the guard, exclaimed, — " Sire, retire, or I will order
my grenadiers to carry you away." At this crisis of the battle, when
aU depended on the support of his reserves, Napoleon received the dis
astrous intelligence that a considerable portion of his bridge had been
carried away by the flood, and that large barges filled with stones, beams
of windmills, and boats filled with combustibles, had been drifted down
the stream by the Austrians. The communication between the two banks
of the Danube was thus entirely cut off.
The situation of Napoleon was now critical in the extreme, and it
was necessary to form his decision on the instant. The portion of

132

THE HISTORY OF

the bridge which connected the left bank with the Island of Lobau,
was perfectly uninjured, and he resolved to effect his retreat to that
island, and thence to recover his communication with the remainder
of his army. The Austrians soon perceived the fire of their enemies
begin to slacken, and shortly learned the cause. A dreadful combat
then raged for twelve hours, leaving the French at midnight, in
possession of the two villages, and of their entire original position,
but with a fearful loss of numbers. Twenty thousand dead and
wounded covered the ground. Generals D'Espagne and St. Hilaire
were killed, and Lannes, the companion of all Napoleon's triumphs,
had both his legs shot off by a cannon-ball during the action. " The
Emperor," says Savary, "had quitted the field of battle, and was
engaged in pointing some artillery in the Island of Lobau, for the
purpose of protecting the retreat of our columns, when he perceived
a litter coming from the field of battle, with Marshal Lannes stretched
upon it. He ordered him to be carried to a retired spot where they
might be alone and uninterrupted. With his face bathed in tears,
he approached and embraced his dying friend. Exhausted by the
great loss of blood, Lannes could only articulate a few broken words."
The loss of the Austrians in the dreadful battle of EssUng is com
puted to have been equal with that of the French. They claimed
the victory, but certainly without warrant. Neither side could, in
fact, claim it with truth. During the night, Napoleon effected the
retreat of his remaining troops, together with the whole of his wounded,
into the Island of Lobau. Before daybreak, he himself, together with
Berthier, crossed the Danube in a boat, to visit the division of Davoust,
which had been cut off from taking a share in the battle, by the
disaster of the morning, and which still remained on the right bank
of the river.

DEATH OF MARSHAL LANNES.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

133

HjaMIONAT ~* -'-' .

CHAPTER VII.

OPERATIONS OF THE HOSTILE ARMIES — NAPOLEON EXCOMMUNICATED — PASSAGE OF THE
DANUBE  BATTLE OF WAGRAM  ARMISTICE  THE ENGLISH EXPEDITION TO THE SCHELDT
 BATTLE OF TALAVERA  THE POPE CARRIED TO FRANCE — ATTEMPT TO ASSASSINATE
NAPOLEON — PEACE OF VIENNA.

On the morning of the 22nd of May,
Napoleon was cooped up, with
his wearied and diminished forces
and aU his wounded, in the Island
of Lobau, and another smaller
island adjoining, — which was di
vided from the left bank of the
Danube by a narrow channel, not
above forty yards in width, — while
his communication with Davoust
and the rest of the army, was
entirely cut off. At this mo
ment, the Archduke Charles had
an opportunity of driving him to
the last extremity by a vigorous
attack; but no such attack was made. The Archduke remained sta
tionary. Napoleon acted vigorously. By the second day after the
battle, he had repaired the broken bridge so thoroughly as to defy
further danger of accident; had re-established his Une of communica
tion ; set on foot the necessary measures for procuring reinforcements ;
converted the Isle of Lobau into an entrenched camp of extraordinary
strength, defended by battering cannon; and had actually commenced

134 THE HISTORY OF V
the construction of three floating bridges, which he destined to serve
as the means of passing his whole army across the river, from Lobau
to the left bank, at a point lower down the stream than that which he
had chosen on the 20th. The Archduke Charles, who never suspected
this new plan, employed himself in entrenching his army strongly in
the villages of Entzerdorf, Essling, and Asperne, and erecting forti
fications of immense strength, to oppose any attempt to cross by the
original bridge. In this manner elapsed the whole month of June.
Meanwhile, all the powers of Europe, now coalesced against France,
had conceived fresh hopes from the doubtful event of the battle of
Essling. English squadrons threatened the coast of Italy, and a strong
British armament was prepared to effect a descent on the coasts of
Holland and Belgium. The Tyrolese resumed their arms ; and, under
the command of Hofer, once more drove the French from their country.
Finally, Pope Pius VII. fulminated a bull of excommunication against
the Emperor of France. It is possible that his Holiness, seeing Na
poleon in a dangerous position, and anticipating his fall, was anxious
to have it attributed to the maledictions of the church.
Napoleon paid so little regard to the spiritual terrors of the court
of Rome, that he laid aside the consideration of his further proceed
ings with regard to his Holiness, till he had settled the more arduous
struggle with Austria. His army now numbered one hundred and
fifty thousand men, with four hundred pieces of cannon. His last
reinforcement had been completed by the junction of the army of Italy
under Prince Eugene, who had pursued the Archduke John to the
frontiers of Hungary, after defeating him in a pitched battle at Raab,
on the 14th of June. The Archduke John crossed the Danube, at
Presburg, and advanced with the intention of forming a junction with
the Archduke Charles ; but Napoleon did not give him the opportunity.
The operation of establishing the bridges between the French camp
and the left bank of the Danube, commenced on the night of the 30th
of June ; and during the night of the 4th of July, the whole French
army debouched on the plain of Marchfeld. Napoleon was on horse
back, and in the midst of them, by daylight : all the Austrian forti
fications, erected to defend the passage at the former bridge, were
turned ; the villages occupied by their army were quickly taken, and
the Archduke Charles found himself menaced both in flank and rear,
the French line of battle being formed upon the extremity of his left
wing. Under these circumstances, the archduke attempted to outflank
the French right, while Napoleon bore down upon his centre, sta
tioned at Wagram. This village became the scene of a sanguinary
struggle, and one house only remained standing when night closed
in. The archduke sent courier after courier to hasten the advance

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

135

of his. brother. Napoleon passed the whole night in concentrating
the mass of his forces upon his centre, and forming the disposition
of his different divisions. At six o'clock on the morning of the 6th
of July, he commanded the attack in person. This was one of those
decisive occasions on which he disregarded all risk, and appeared
throughout the day in the hottest of the fire, mounted on a snow-
white charger, called Euphrates, a present from the Shah of Persia.

•te

¦r^s—^sL'Jf^rZf _

-. j-

fl
^^^
/
'"--
^XSHIg
==-
3p3fi^5i
^~z
Wherever he appeared he became a stimulus to energy among his own
soldiers, and a mark to the enemy ; yet he remained unhurt. The
Archduke Charles, in the very commencement of the action, committed
that error which the enemies of Napoleon had not even yet learned was
invariably fatal to them: he extended his line too great a length, and
weakened his centre, but at the same time opening a tremendous attack
on the extremities of the French line, which suffered dreadful loss at
both points. Napoleon formed his plan on the instant. He ordered
Lauriston to advance upon the Austrian centre, with a hundred pieces
of artillery : at the same time, he formed two whole divisions of infantry
in column. The artillery rapidly traversed the ground, and opened a
136 THE HISTORY OF
murderous fire, within half cannon-shot of the opposing army. The
steady charge of infantry, led by Macdonald, followed: the Austrian
line was broken, and the centre driven back in confusion. The right,
sharing the sudden panic, commenced a retrograde motion : the French
cavalry then bore down upon them. The fate of the battle was decided
from that moment, though it raged for two hours afterwards ; but the
archduke only fought to secure his retreat, which he at length effected
in good order. It was then only ten o'clock in the morning ; by twelve,
the whole Austrian army was by degrees abandoning the contest.
Their defeat was so irretrievable, that the Archduke John, who came
up before the battle was over, was glad to retire with the rest, un
noticed by the enemy. By evening, the field of Wagram was possessed
solely by the conquerors.
The whole population of Vienna had watched the progress of the
battle, from the roofs and ramparts of the city ; and saw the retreat
of their army with fear and gloom. Between three and four hundred
thousand men, in all, had been engaged, and the loss on both sides
was very great, and nearly equal. About twenty thousand dead, and
thirty thousand wounded, strewed the ground. The wounded were all
carefully conveyed to the hospitals of Vienna. The French generals,
Lasalle, Gauthier, and Lacour, were killed; and Bessieres together
with twenty commanders of high rank were wounded. Napoleon saw
Bessieres struck from his horse, in the heat of the action ; but his
mind reverting to the death of Lannes, he turned away, saying hurriedly,
" Let us go ; I have no time to weep : let us avoid another painful
scene." He was soon, however, informed that the hurt was not serious.
The loss of Bessieres as a leader, and the absence of Murat, were
severely felt by the army, and visibly affected the operations of the
cavalry. Twenty thousand Austrians were taken prisoners, but the
number would have been greatly higher, had the French cavalry acted
with their usual spirit. Bernadotte behaved as ill as he had done at
Auerstadt, and afterwards issued a boastful bulletin, almost assuming
to himself the merit of the victory. He was in consequence removed
from his command. Macdonald was created a marshal of the empire,
on the morning after the battle : he had been in a kind of disgrace
for some years, but the splendid charge which decided the victory of
Wagram, entirely made his peace with the Emperor. " Shake hands,
Macdonald," said he ; " no more animosity between us ; we must
henceforth be friends."
The conquered army retreated in the direction of Znaim, followed
by the French ; but all attempt at further resistance was now aban
doned by the Emperor of Austria. The Archduke Charles solicited
an armistice on the 9th, which was granted. Hostilities ceased, and

BATTLE OF WAGRAM.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 137
Napoleon, returning to Vienna, took up his residence once more in
the palace of Schoenbrunn, while plenipotentiaries on both sides settled
the terms of peace. Meanwhile, nearly a third of the dominions of
Austria was occupied by the troops of France. The Tyrolese refused
to comply with the terms of the armistice, which, with little sympathy
from the sovereign in whose cause they had so lately risen, coldly
included their free mountains among the other cessions to France.
The Tyrol was in consequence invaded by a large French and Bavarian
army, amounting to forty thousand men, during the month of July.
This great force, however, could not compel the heroic defenders of
their country to yield: abandoned by Austria, they now fought for
independence, and defeated and destroyed their invaders. We quote
the description of the defence of the valley of the Inn, from Scott.
Not one of his own romances, contains a passage of more terrible
interest : —
" A division of ten thousand men, belonging to the French and
Bavarian army, advanced in a long column up a road, bordered on the
one side by the river Inn, there a deep and rapid torrent, where
cliffs of immense height overhang both road and river. The precipices,
becoming more and more narrow as they advanced, seemed about to
close over their heads. No sound but of the screaming of the eagles
disturbed from their eyries, and the roar of the river, reached the ear
of the soldier ; and on the precipices, partly enveloped in a hazy mist,
no human forms shewed themselves. At length, the voice of a man
was heard calling across the ravine, 'Shall we begin?' — 'No;' was
returned in an authoritative tone of voice, by one who, like the first
speaker, seemed the inhabitant of some upper region. The Bavarian
detachment halted, and sent to the general for orders ; when presently
was heard the terrible signal, ' In the name of the Holy Trinity, cut
all loose !' Huge rocks, and trunks of trees, long prepared and laid
in heaps for the purpose, began now to descend rapidly in every
direction ; while the deadly fire of the Tyrolese, who never throw away
a shot, opened from every bush, crag, or corner of a rock, which could
afford the shooter cover. As this dreadful attack was made on the
whole line at once, two-thirds of the enemy were instantly destroyed ;
while the Tyrolese, rushing from their shelter with swords, spears,
axes, scythes, clubs, and all other rustic instruments which could
be converted into weapons, beat down and routed the shattered
remainder." The peace, which shortly followed, concluded this fierce struggle.
Austria made no effort to secure the indemnity of the Tyrolese
by any stipulation in the treaty, but sent them an exhortation to lay
down their arms, which, as they were unable to contend singly against
T

138 THE HISTORY OF
the whole power of France, they obeyed. Hofer and about thirty
others of the leaders in the late war were put to death upon the
submission of the country to Bavaria. It is impossible to decide
whether the heartless passiveness of the Emperor Francis, or the
tyrannous revenge of the Emperor Napoleon, is the more to be
execrated in this transaction.
The English ministers displayed at this time another instance of
their extraordinary spirit of procrastination, combined with their un
ceasing hostility to France. Exactly eight days after the armistice of
Znaim, which could not but give them assurance that Austria was no
longer in a position to profit by or co-operate with their proceedings,
they sent a powerful armament, under the command of Lord Chatham,
to besiege Antwerp. The troops disembarked on the islands of South
Beveland and Walcheren. Flushing surrendered on the 15th of
August, but here the successes of the expedition terminated. Berna
dotte had meanwhile been sent to undertake the defence of Antwerp.
Fouche, who acted as minister of the interior in Napoleon's absence,
conferred this appointment, which was naturally displeasing to the
Emperor, in consequence of recent circumstances. Bernadotte,
however, put Antwerp in a complete state of defence ; assembled
thirty thousand men within and around its walls ; inundated the
country by opening the sluices, and erected strong batteries on both
sides of the Scheldt. The passage of the river was thus rendered
nearly impassable ; the British naval and military officers disagreed
as to the management of their forces ; the original objects of the ex
pedition were abandoned ; the navy returned to English ports, while
the military, concentrated, for no conceivable purpose, in the Island
of Walcheren, perished by thousands of the malignant fevers gene
rated in its marshes. At length, after the loss of more lives than
might have been sacrificed in three battles, the fortifications of
Flushing were blown up, and the British forces returned to their
own country. In this manner were the blood and treasures of Eng
land wantonly wasted. " The marine and land forces combined,"
says Napier, " numbered more than eighty thousand fighting men,
and those of the bravest; — the object in view was comparatively
insignificant, yet was not attained; and this ill-fated army with
spirit and strength and zeal to have spread the fame of England
to the extremities of the earth, perished in the pestilent marshes
of Walcheren." The operations against Naples, which were carried on at the same
time, proved equally abortive, much more owing to delay and incapa
city in the mode of conducting them, than to any energy on the part of
Murat. In Spain alone, the efforts of the English arms were crowned

LORD WELLINGTON.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 139
with success. Sir Arthur WeUesley won the battle of Talavera on the
28th of July. The consequences of his victory were, however, de
prived of a great part of their importance by the difficulties with which
he was surrounded, the bad conduct of the Spaniards, and the scanty
supply of money afforded him by his own government. The French
troops assembling from aU quarters, left him no alternative but a re
treat on Portugal, and for want of means of transport, which the
Spaniards ought to have provided, he was obliged to leave fifteen
hundred of his wounded behind. They met with the greatest care
and attention from Soult, but the circumstance is sufficient to shew
the extent of the Spanish ingratitude by which his operations were
thwarted. Had even a part of the forces and means wasted on the
two unfortunate expeditions to the Scheldt and Italy, been placed
under his able command, the long-protracted war in the peninsula
might at that period have been brought to a close. Sir Arthur
WeUesley was elevated to the peerage, with the title of Lord Wel
lington, immediately after the battle of Talavera.
Napoleon found leisure to attend to the affairs of the Pope, while
he remained at Schoenbrunn. We quote from Bourrienne the curious
document containing the decree of excommunication issued against
him by his Holiness : — " By the authority of the Almighty God, the
holy apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own, we declare that you
and aU your co-operators, by the act you have just committed, have
incurred excommunication ; into which (according to the form of our
apostolic bulls, which, on such occasions, are posted up in the fre
quented places in this city) we declare all those have fallen, who,
since the last violent invasion of our city, have been guilty, either
in Rome or in the ecclesiastical states, of acts against which we
have remonstrated. We also declare as excommunicated all those
who were promoters, advisers, and counsellors of those acts, or who
ever has co-operated in their execution." These spiritual threats
were accompanied by corresponding acts. The Pope barricadoed
himself in his palace. The French troops were insulted in the
streets, and great danger existed of a popular commotion bursting
forth. General Miollis, authorised by Napoleon, had repeatedly urged
upon his Holiness the wisdom of an opposite course ; using every
argument to persuade him to submit to the Emperor. He now
adopted a measure which is usually ascribed to Napoleon himself,
but which, from the best examination of facts and dates, appears to
have been hastily acted upon in the stress of circumstances, and
afterwards sanctioned by him. The French General Radet forcibly
entered the Quirinal palace on the night of the 5th of July (the
eve of the battle of Wagram), and seizing the person of the Pope,

140

THE HISTORY OF

conveyed him to Florence, and thence by Alexandria and Mondovi
across the Alps to Grenoble. The people of the north of Italy did
not see, unmoved, the head of the church travelhng rapidly as a
state-prisoner, under a guard of soldiers. Crowds prostrated them
selves .to implore his benediction as he passed.
Whether the Emperor would have ordered this step, remains
doubtful ; it is certain that he gave it his approval ; and, subse
quently, caused Pius VII. to be brought to Fontainebleau. To unite
the whole peninsula of Italy into one state, of which Rome should
again be the capital, its ancient monuments preserved and restored to
their former splendour, had long been a favourite dream with Napo
leon ; and the removal of the Pope seemed to bring it nearer to its
accomplishment. The negociations for the treaty lingered on; and though it is evi
dent that Napoleon sincerely desired peace, he kept himself prepared
for war. He established a large intrenched camp in front of Vienna,
on the left bank of the Danube, and he visited and inspected all
his different corps in the encampments. He reviewed the corps of
Marshal Davoust on the field of Austerlitz ; and went over all the
localities of the remarkable events of this great battle. It was
shortly after his return to Schoenbrunn, and towards the end of
September, that, while passing in review some regiments of the line
in the court of the palace, Napoleon was suddenly addressed by a
young man, who sprang from the crowd assembled as usual to
see what was going on, and spoke a few words to him in broken
French. Not understanding what had been said, the Emperor referred

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 141
the young man to General Rapp, who, considering him a trouble
some petitioner, desired the gendarmes to remove him. The trifling
interruption had been entirely forgotten when, at another point of
his progress along the line of troops, Napoleon was again confronted
by the same youth, who now held his right hand in his breast, as if
to draw out a petition, and again uttered a few broken sentences.
"I cannot comprehend what you say," replied the Emperor; "speak
to General Rapp." Berthier now seized the young man by the arm
somewhat roughly, and gave him in charge to an officer, saying,
" You are importunate, sir ; you have before been referred to General
Rapp." The hand which had held the supposed petition, was rer
moved from its position by Berthier's grasp, and the handle of a large
kitchen knife became distinctly visible. It was quickly drawn out by
a gendarme, and the blade was found to be enclosed in a scabbard,
made of several sheets of brown paper, sewed together with coarse
thread. The bearer of this dangerous weapon was quickly removed
to the quarters of General Savary : he was found to be a youth of
eighteen or nineteen, of deUcate appearance, and feminine cast of
countenance. He answered to his interrogators, that he was the
son of a Protestant minister at Erfurt, named Staps, and avowed
that he had determined to kill the Emperor Napoleon in order to
restore peace to his country. He had left Erfurt without imparting
his intentions to any one ; had written to his father, saying that he
had undertaken a journey, and that something would shortly be heard
of him. He had remained two days in Vienna, to obtain information
respecting the Emperor's habits; and had been at the parade on
a former occasion to rehearse his part, and fix upon the spot where
he should station himself. He then sought out a cutler, of whom
he purchased the large knife found upon him, and returned to the
parade for the purpose of accomplishing his terrible design. He was
asked what had been the nature of his studies ; what books he usually
read ? He replied, — " History ; and of all I have read, nothing has so
much excited my emulation as the life of the Maid of Orleans, because
she freed France from its enemies, and I felt a desire of following her
example." When Napoleon was informed of the peril from which he had es
caped, he desired to see the intended assassin, who was shortly brought
into his presence. He was surprised at the youth and gentle appear
ance of the young German : so much so that he exclaimed in a tone of
compassion, — " Oh, the thing is quite impossible ! this is but a lad."
He then asked him if he knew the Emperor ? " Yes, sire," replied
the stranger, with the utmost composure. The dialogue which fol
lowed, and which is detailed by Savary, who was present, is too

142 THE HISTORY OF
remarkable to be omitted. The cool self-possession displayed by a
man so young, with certain death before him ; and the cold calcu
lation upon which he founded his mode of action ; together with
the passionate sense of his country's evils, which prompted him to
the deed, altogether mark a character of an extraordinary stamp and
of singular power.
" Napoleon. — Where have you seen me before ?
" Staps. — At Erfurt, sire, last spring.
"Napoleon. — Why did you wish to assassinate me ?
" Staps. — Because, sire, your genius soars far above that of your
enemies, and has rendered you the scourge of our country.
" Napoleon. — But I did not begin the war : why do you not kill
the aggressor ? there would be less injustice in your doing so.
" Staps. — I admit, sire, that your Majesty is not the author of the
war ; but it was much easier to' kill you than to kill your enemies,
who exceed you in point of numbers, though individually they are
less to be feared. Besides, if I had killed any of them, others would
have succeeded in their places, but it would not be easy to find
another like you.
" Napoleon. — How would you have tried to kill me ?
" Staps. — I intended to ask you if we should soon have peace ; and
if you had not answered my question, I should have plunged the
knife in your heart.
" Napoleon. — -But the officers who surround me would have ar
rested your arm before you could have struck me, and they would
have torn you to pieces.
" Staps. — I was aware of that, but was fully prepared to die in the
attempt. " Napoleon. — If I were to order you to be set at liberty, would
you return to your parents, and abandon your project ?
" Staps. — Yes, sire, if we had peace ; but if the war continued, I
should carry it into effect."
This startling answer induced the Emperor to summon Corvisart,
his physician, and desire him to feel the pulse of the young man,
under the idea that his brain was disordered. Corvisart declared that
the pulse was quickened by a slight nervous emotion, but indicated no
state of bad health. Staps was accordingly removed under arrest, and
as it chanced that the treaty of peace was very shortly signed,
Napoleon departed for France, leaving him still a prisoner. He was
tried before a military commission, and condemned to be shot. His
conduct, up to the fatal moment, was marked by the same resolution
and calmness which he had displayed on his first examination. It
is averred that he refused all nourishment, saying, that " he had

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

14:3

strength enough to go to his death," and that he repeated the avowal
of his determination not to depart from his purpose if he were
pardoned, to which we are told that Napoleon strongly inclined. He
was informed when he arrived at the place of execution, that the peace
was signed, on which he uttered an enthusiastic exclamation for
" Liberty and Germany !" These were his last words : pity that a
spirit so high and disinterested in behalf of his fellow-men, should
not have lived to do some efficient labour, by more congenial mani
festations. The treaty of peace between the Emperors of France and Austria,
was signed on the 14th of October, 1809, at Vienna. The Emperor
of Austria ceded Salzburg, and a part of Upper Austria, to the Con
federation of the Rhine ; part of Bohemia, Cracow, and Western
Galicia, to the King of Saxony, as Grand Duke of Warsaw ; part of
Eastern Galicia, to the Emperor of Russia; and Trieste, Carniola,
Friuli, Villach, and some part of Croatia and Dalmatia, to France :
thus enabling Napoleon to connect the kingdom of Italy with his
Illyrian possessions, making him master of the entire coast of the
Adriatic, and depriving Austria of its last sea-port. It was com-

144

THE HISTORY OF

puted that the Emperor Francis gave up territory to the amount of
forty-five thousand square miles, with a population of nearly four
millions ; he also paid a large contribution in money ; yet, the terms
granted by the conqueror were universally esteemed as singularly
lenient, when compared with the completeness of his triumph at
Wagram. Whatever moderation he displayed was, however, explained
by subsequent events, of no very distant date.
Napoleon departed from Vienna the day after the signing of the
treaty ; having left directions with Berthier to blow up the ramparts
of Vienna, and the fortifications of Brunn, Raab, and Gratz. His
orders were punctually obeyed. He reached Paris on the 26th of
October, having visited Munich on his way, and was received with
all the acclamations due to his glory and success.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

145

CHAPTER VIII.

THE DIVORCE OF NAPOLEON FROM JOSEPHINE  HIS MARRIAGE WITH THE ARCHDUCHESS
MARIA LOUISA OF AUSTRIA  DIFFERENCES BETWEEN NAPOLEON AND LOUIS BONAPARTE 
HOLLAND INCORPORATED WITH FRANCE  BERNADOTTE ELECTED CROWN-PRINCE OF SWEDEN
 SUCCESSFUL CAMPAIGN OF LORD WELLINGTON IN PORTUGAL  BIRTH OF A SON TO NA
POLEON  VICTORIES OF THE FRENCH IN SPAIN  THE GUERILLA SYSTEM  A FRESH
CONSCRIPTION OF ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND MEN.

Napoleon had rested at Fontainebleau
on his way to Paris from the cam
paign of Wagram. He was quickly
joined by Josephine, who hastened
from St. Cloud, with her usual
eagerness to welcome him. She
perceived a certain restraint and
embarrassment in his manner to
wards her, and found the doors
of communication between their
apartments entirely closed; these
were the first intimations she re
ceived of the approach of an event
which had long haunted her ima
gination. A splendid court was
assembled at Fontainebleau, but the two principal personages in the
brilliant festivities of nearly every-day occurrence, concealed beneath
their outward demeanour a painful sense of mutual reserve and distrust.
No explanation took place between them until they changed their re
sidence for Paris, towards the middle of November, and even then,

146 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon shrunk from taking upon himself the task of converting the
fears of Josephine into certainty. The resolution to divorce himself
from her was now irrevocably formed in his mind, but he intrusted
the communication of it to her son, Eugene Beauharnais.
The attendants who waited on the Emperor and Empress did not
fail to observe that on the 30th of November Josephine wore a large
hat so arranged as to endeavour to conceal the traces of weeping, and
that scarcely a word was uttered by either during dinner. Scarcely a
minute had elapsed after they were left alone, when M. de Bausset,
the prefect of the palace, was hastily recalled by Napoleon, who said
eagerly, — " Come in Bausset ; close the door." The Empress was
stretched on the floor, venting pitiable cries, and exclaiming, — " No, I
shall never survive it!" Napoleon then said, — "Are you strong enough
to lift up Josephine and convey her to her own apartment, where she
may have the assistance and attention her situation requires?" M. de
Bausset immediately raised Josephine in his arms with the assistance
of Napoleon, the latter leading the way with a lamp which he had
snatched from a table through a passage opening on the private stair
case. Josephine had apparently fainted, and to convey her safely
in the descent, Napoleon took hold of her feet, giving the lamp to
another attendant. In this manner she was carried into her room,
and was as quickly as possible attended by Corvisart, her daughter
Hortense, Cambaceres, and Fouche. She rapidly recovered herself,
and was never again known to yield to any outward demonstration of
violent grief on this subject. She has herself related the words which
so overcame her, in describing the circumstance to Bourrienne a year
after it had occurred. " As soon," she said, " as Bonaparte had taken
his coffee, he dismissed all the attendants, and I remained alone with
him. I saw in the expression of his countenance what was passing in
his mind; and I knew that my hour was come. He stepped up to
me, took my hand, pressed it to his heart, and after gazing at me for
a few moments in silence, he uttered these fatal words : — " Josephine !
my dear Josephine! you know how I have loved you! — To you, to
you alone, I owe the only moments of happiness I have tasted in this
world. But Josephine, my destiny is not to be controlled by my will.
My dearest affections must yield to the interests of France." " Say
no more," I exclaimed, "I understand you: I expected this, but the
blow is not the less severe. I know not what happened after ; I seemed
to lose my reason, and became insensible."
The motives which induced Napoleon thus to tear asunder the
closest tie of his domestic life, were two-fold; arising mainly out of
what he considered to be the "interests of France." There seems
no doubt that he was sincere in the matter, though we, judging after

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 147
the events, and knowing the abortive result, may be able to pronounce
that he was wanting in the best wisdom when he thus acted. He
anxiously desired to avoid any danger of a disputed succession, and
this he feared would be the consequence of his leaving no issue ; he
imagined, also, that by allying himself with one of the ancient dynasties
of Europe, he should secure a lasting peace, if not to himself, at least
to a son, if he had one, who would be related to this royal house by
the ties of blood.
The imperial constitution expressly permitted Napoleon to name his
successor ; and it is^ well known that he had intended to fix his choice
on the eldest son of his brother Louis. It is not easy to conjecture
why the death of that child, in 1807, should have made him feel as
though he should now have no heir ; because the second son, Prince
Napoleon Louis, born in 1804, was well known to have been a great
favourite with the Emperor. We are aware of the scandalous reports
by which the exclusive preference is attempted to be explained; but
we have already declared our repudiation of all statements originating
in mere conjectures or calumnies. Savary hints that Napoleon feared
jealousies among his other relations, who had sons, might interfere
with that entire unanimity which could alone provide for the safetj'
of the empire. The same writer even asserts that Napoleon had in
clined to nominate Eugene Beauharnais as his successor. After all,
it seems likely that the desire, common to all men, of leaving a son
of his own to inherit his power and acquisitions in the world, mingled
strongly with the solicitude of Napoleon for the " interests of France."
His idea that a royal alliance with legitimacy would ensure peace and
stabiUty to his empire, was a current opinion at the time, throughout
France and other countries. Even Bourrienne, who had always anti
cipated the return of the Bourbons, confesses that he began to think
the event would be rendered very doubtful by such an alliance. The
idea, however, was only another demonstration of the same false esti
mate which made Napoleon, in the treaty of Tilsit, prefer the hollow
friendship of an emperor to the honest love and co-operation of two
free nations like Sweden and Poland.
When the projected divorce became publicly known, Josephine
ceased to appear as Empress, and Madame Mere, the mother of Na
poleon, did the honours. It was officially announced by the Emperor
on the 15th of December, 1809, at the Tuileries, in the presence of
Cambaceres, as arch-chancellor of the empire ; Count Regnauld, as
secretary; and all the members of the imperial family. Napoleon ad
dressed the assemblage, in a loud voice, explaining his intentions and
motives, during which his countenance displayed unusual emotion.
Josephine then spoke, and declared in few words, interrupted by au-

148 THE HISTORY OF
dible sobs, her acquiescence in the Emperor's will. The senate was
apprised of the divorce on the following day; and, on this occasion,
Prince Eugene spoke as follows: — "When my mother was crowned,
before all France, by the hands of her august husband, she contracted
the obligation to sacrifice all her affections to the interests of France:
she has fulfilled this first of duties with noble courage and dignity.
The tears which this resolution has cost the Emperor, are a sufficient
tribute to the honour of my mother." The spiritual ceremony of the
divorce took place on the 12th of January, though there existed no
absolute necessity for it, as Napoleon and Josephine had been married
only according to the civil form prescribed by the new constitution of
France, and never by the religious rite; moreover, the public procla
mation was couched in terms borrowed from the Council of Trent : —
"that every marriage is null which is not made in presence of the
curate of one or other of the contracting parties, or his vicar, assisted
by two witnesses:" so that, in order to acomplish what he wished,
without any church difficulties or delays, Napoleon actually suffered
the heartless assertion to be made, that he had never been married to
Josephine at all; and, to complete the farce (a completion worthy of the
richest pieces of sarcasm in Voltaire's romances), he gravely paid a fine
of six francs to the poor, for having neglected his religious duty !
The Emperor retired for a few days to Trianon, as soon as the busi
ness was completed ; and Josephine went to Malmaison, where she fixed
her residence. She retained the rank of Empress during life, with a
dowry of two millions of francs (upwards of eighty thousand pounds),
to which Napoleon afterwards added a third more, that she might ex
perience no inconvenience from the habits of expense, which had now
become almost necessary to her. All authorities concur in one tribute
of admiration and love for her character; and it does honour, both to
her and the courtiers of Paris, to record that for some time after her
descent from her high dignity, the road towards Malmaison presented
the appearance of a procession: all those who belonged to the rank
which authorised their visiting her, conceiving it their bounden duty to
present themselves there at least once a week. " In quitting the
court," says Savary, "she drew the heart of all its votaries after her:
she was endeared to all by a kindness of disposition which was without
a parallel. She was profuse of her bounties ; and bestowed them with
such good grace, that the partakers of them would have deemed it an
act of incivility to refuse her : no applicant ever left her presence with
empty hands. She never did the smallest injury to any one in the
days of her power : her very enemies found in her a protectress. She
placed many families in a state of comparative independence ; and was
surrounded of late years by a swarm of children, whose mothers had

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 149
been married and settled in life, through her bounties." Napoleon
once said, " I only gain battles, while Josephine gains all hearts." He
never ceased to regard her with affectionate respect, and frequently
visited her.
A grand council was assembled on the 1st of February, 1810, to
assist the Emperor in the selection of a new consort; but the inter
vening six weeks had not been lost. Napoleon had already transmitted
to St. Petersburg a proposal for the hand of the Grand-Duchess Anne
Paulowna, sister to the Emperor Alexander, then only sixteen years
of age ; but certain delays and demurs, relative to her youth, made it
apparent that the czar did not warmly covet the alliance. Meantime,
the Austrian court had eagerly caught at the prospect for one of their
princesses, the idea having been indirectly hinted through the intrigues
of diplomatists and ambassadors. The choice of the council falhng in
consequence on an Austrian alliance, Prince Eugene was commissioned
to propose to the ambassador from Vienna, at Paris, a marriage between
the Emperor Napoleon and the Archduchess Maria Louisa, daughter
to the Emperor of Austria. The offer was immediately accepted,
and adjusted between plenipotentiaries on either side within the space
of twenty-four hours. The marriage took place by proxy, at Vienna,
on the 11th of March, 1810, Berthier representing the person of the
Emperor Napoleon, while the Archduke Charles, who had so often stood
opposed to him in the field, now officiating at the ceremony for the
Emperor Francis, gave away his royal niece to his ancient enemy.
Two days afterwards the new Empress departed from Vienna, ac
companied by a numerous train of courtiers and attendants, and
traveUed straight to Braunau, a town situated on the frontiers of Austria
and Bavaria. Here a building of wood had been erected by the orders
of Napoleon, splendidly fitted up for the purpose of performing the
ceremony of transferring his bride to her new empire. The Queen
of Naples, with a numerous escort of personages of the highest rank in
France, here awaited their new sovereign. The building was divided
into three compartments ; one for the Austrian court, another for the
French, while the middle one remained neutral, and was intended as
the scene of the ceremony. Every minute and petty detail of the
proceedings was dictated by Napoleon himself. The following ex
tract from this lengthy document will be sufficient to shew its ludicrous
and almost incredible frivolity. " The French commissioner alone, ac
companied by the Austrian and French masters of the ceremonies,
shall advance towards the Empress, and after having made three reve
rences, shaU address a complimentary speech to her Majesty, explaining
the object of his mission. After her Majesty's reply, the Austrian
master of the ceremonies shall point out to the French commissioner

150 THE HISTORY OF
the Austrian commissioner : the two commissioners shall then salute
and mutually compliment each other : the first compliment shall be
paid by the Austrian commissioner." Commenting on the singular
union " of the most gigantic combinations and petty details in the
same understanding," Hazlitt remarks, that "it seems as if the mind,
the more it does, the more it can do, and that as by inaction it rusts
and grows torpid, so the principle of activity in it is multiplied as
it is called forth, without its being possible to assign the utmost limits
of the human capacity." It is possible, also, that to employ his at
tention on such trifling pantomimes, was a kind of relief or rest to
Napoleon from the pressure of his ordinary weight of important busi
ness ; but his turning for relaxation to the pageants of royalty and
legitimacy was a fatal symptom.
The appearance of the young Empress prepossessed all hearts in
her favour. She was just eighteen ; her person tall and graceful,
rather inclining to embonpoint ; her hair flaxen ; her eyes blue, and
expressive of openness and innocence ; and her whole countenance
breathing health and good nature. She took leave of all her court
and attendants after the ceremony ; put off her German dress, and
was habited entirely in the French fashion. With a kind of high-
flown gallantry, Napoleon had ordered that the chevaUer of honour,
whose immediate duty it was to wait on the Empress, should never
touch her hand, even in ascending or descending a flight of steps ; but
his precaution was quite frustrated, for the whole of her German
escort, from the highest to the lowest, kissed this jealously- guarded
hand on taking leave. She travelled towards France by Munich, ac
companied by the Queen of Naples. At every night's resting-place,
she found a courier awaiting her with a letter from the Emperor.
At Strasburg, she received from him a present of the choicest flowers
of the season, and some pheasants of his own shooting. He was
waiting her arrival at Compiegne, where a splendid court was assem
bled, and had arranged that she should halt on the last night at
Soissons ; but his impatience disconcerted all his own fine arrange
ments. Instead of waiting for the ceremony of the next day, at
which he was to meet her at an appointed spot, — when " the Empress
should prepare to kneel, and the Emperor should raise her, embrace,
and seat her beside him," — he ordered the escort straight forward to
Compiegne that night, and stealing out of the palace, accompanied
only by the King of Naples, set off in a plain carriage to meet her.
He passed through Soissons, and alighted at the little village of Cour-
celles, where the carriage of the Empress was to change horses. Here
he waited under the porch of the village church, to shelter himself
from a pouring rain, anxiously watching for her arrival. When, at

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

151

length, her carriage drew up, he rushed to the door, opened it himself,
and without further ceremony, stepped in ; the Queen of Naples
hastily exclaiming, — " It is the Emperor ! " with a view to calm the
extreme surprise of the Empress at this abrupt entrance of an ap
parent stranger. They reached Compiegne together at ten o'clock ;
and, it appears, that having once broken the ice of etiquette, Napo
leon did not wait for the two other marriage ceremonies which were
still to be performed, but following the example of Henry IV., when
he espoused Mary de' Medici, passed the night with his bride.
The ceremonies of the civil and religious marriage took place on
the second and third days subsequently, at Paris. The Emperor and
Empress made their pubUc entry into the city on the first of these
days, and were received by an immense concourse of the population
with transports of enthusiasm. The religious marriage was conducted
with gorgeous magnificence. The procession passed from St. Cloud
to the Tuileries, amidst the population of all Paris and the adjacent
country, and through the great gallery of the Louvre, which was lined
on each side by a triple row of ladies of the middle classes of Paris.
The saloon at the termination of the gallery was converted into a
chapel, and here a triple row of all the ladies of distinguished rank
and fashion were stationed round the walls in richly-ornamented stalls.
The ceremony was performed by Cardinal Fescb, in presence of all

152 THE HISTORY OF
the chiefs of the army, and dignitaries of the state and church of
France. The cardinals alone (with the exception of two, who at
tended) absented themselves from the marriage of an excommunicated
Emperor, for which insult they were sent out of Paris, and banished
to a distance of at least fifty leagues from the capital.
Josephine had left Malmaison previous to these events: that resi
dence was too near, and she had found the very atmosphere intolerable.
The Emperor had presented her with a splendid estate in Navarre ;
and there she retired for a while, spending her time and money in
beautifying and improving not only the place itself, but all the country
round. The population, which had been miserably poor and degraded,
was raised, under her care, to comfort and a state of enjoyment.
Napoleon, on his part, found much satisfaction in his new domestic
relations. Maria Louisa was warmly attached to him ; and, in speaking
of him, always called him " mon ange " (my angel). She was of a
gentle, complying, and artless nature ; and anxiously desirous to please
him. He used, in comparing his two wives, to call the first " Grace,"
and the second " Innocence." The simplicity and affabiUty of Maria
Louisa rendered her very popular, though her quaUties were not such
as to excite the strong attachments which had been inspired by
Josephine. Nothing was heard of now, however, but fetes and re
joicing. Even Ferdinand of Spain, in his splendid prison of Valencay,
is said to have drunk, at a banquet, " To the health of Napoleon the
Great, and his august spouse Maria Louisa ! "
About the 17th of April, the Emperor and Empress set off on a
tour to the northern departments, visiting Antwerp and the chief cities
of Belgium. They were received everywhere with acclamations, the
whole journey appearing like a continued procession. At one small
hamlet they passed under a triumphal arch, on the front of which
was inscribed " Pater Noster," and on the reverse side " Ave Maria,
plena gratia!" Hazlitt remarks that we may see from such a thing
as this, " how easily enthusiasm runs up into superstition ;" or, in
other words, how easily we may account for the commencement of
idol worship. The only adverse occurrence connected with these fes
tivities was a dreadful fire which occurred at the house of Prince
Schwartzenburg, the Austrian ambassador, on the occasion of a grand
ball which was given soon after the imperial pair returned to Paris, and
at which they were present. Napoleon carried the Empress from the
ball-room in his arms, and having placed her in her carriage returned
to the scene of confusion, where his prompt directions saved one or
two lives. Many of the guests were seriously injured, and the Princess
of Schwartzenburg perished in the flames. It was remarked as an
evil omen that an accident of the same kind had happened soon after

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 153
the marriage of Louis XVI. with another Austrian Princess, the un
happy Marie Antoinette ; and, though Napoleon said nothing at the time,
the event sank deep into his mind. When, some years afterwards,
Moreau was killed in the Battle of Dresden, the false report that it
was the Prince of Schwartzenburg who had fallen, spread around :
Napoleon was presently heard to say, " Then the omen pointed at him,
not at me," as if glad to cast off the presage from himself, to another.
Omens enough were around him, while to all outward appearance
he was at the zenith of power and prosperity. The war in Spain
smouldered on ; the Emperor of Russia looked coldly and suspiciously
at his proceedings, and is reported to have said, when he heard of the
marriage, " Then, the next task will be to drive me back to my forests ; "
and the continental system was creating widely-spread discontent. The
quarrel between Napoleon and his brother Louis, the King of Holland,
which occurred about this time, was one of the consequences of this
last-mentioned canker in the state of France. Commerce, which must
be an object of essential importance to every state, was the very life of
Holland; and Louis saw that he must bring ruin on the people over
whom he was placed, if he enforced the prohibitory decree of the
Emperor. The two brothers had formed perfectly opposite theories of
right in this matter. Napoleon considered that the first duty of Louis,
as a King of Holland nominated by himself, was towards France. Louis
thought his first duty was towards Holland: hence had arisen many
mutual complaints, and, at last, extreme harshness, on the part of Napo
leon towards Louis, whose nature was gentle, and who was truly con
scientious and desirous to do right, and much beloved by his subjects.
Napoleon had, however, adopted the continental system as a prin
ciple, and was not to be deterred from it by any considerations of a
local or particular nature. He continued to demand the co-operation
of Louis in terms of increasing severity. At length, he seized on the
maritime provinces, including the mouths of the Rhine and the Scheldt ;
and marched an army of twenty thousand men into the country to
enforce obedience to his decrees. Louis, unable to contest with the
iron will of his brother, abdicated the throne in favour of his son on
the 3rd of July, 1810. Napoleon, who was deeply offended at this
act, totally disregarded the provision in favour of his nephew, and an
nexed HoUand to France by an imperial decree of the 9th of the same
month. This measure created a great sensation throughout Europe;
and it was not without reason Napoleon affirmed at St. Helena, that
"it contributed not a little to lay the foundation of his misfortunes."
Rightly considered, however, it was only one consequence of the in
extinguishable animosity between England, and the empire which had
grown out of the Revolution, dragging into ruin the weaker states which
v

154

THE HISTORY OF

chanced to come within the range of its mortal struggles. The Emperor
took an early opportunity of proclaiming that public considerations alone
had swayed him in refusing the kingdom of Holland to the son of Louis.
At a grand court, held at St. Cloud, on the 20th of July, he placed
the young Prince Napoleon Louis on his knee, and addressing him

with considerable emotion, said, — " Come to me, my son, I will be
your father; you shall not be a loser. The conduct of your father
afflicts my heart. When you are a man, you shall pay his debt and
your own. Never forget, in whatever position my poUtics, and the
interest of my empire may place you, that your first duties are towards
me; your second towards France; all your other duties, even towards
the people that I may confide to you, must come after these." Louis
retired to the baths of Toeplitz, in Bohemia; and afterwards to Gratz,
in Styria. It should here be stated, that inexorable as he was with
all other people on the subject of EngUsh intercourse, even Napoleon
himself was obliged indirectly to sanction it, by the pressing necessity
which existed for certain commodities in his empire. He granted
licenses, purchased for large sums of money, by which trading vessels
were permitted to import a certain quantity of colonial produce, on
condition of exporting an equal proportion of French manufactures.
Large sums flowed into his treasury through this system, but he after-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 155
wards regretted having permitted it. The working of it was curious
enough. So high a duty was laid in England on the French manufac
tures thus received in exchange, . that they were generally unsaleable,
and frequently thrown into the sea, in preference to discharging the
duty; the prime cost was therefore laid, of course, on the colonial
produce imported into France, and whatever profit the French manu
facturers received was paid, not by the EngUsh market, but by the
French consumers of sugar, rum, and coffee. This extreme case may
serve as an illustration of the real effects of all restrictions on the free
course of trade. Smuggling, also, another invariable consequent of pro
hibition, was carried on to an extraordinary extent. Bourrienne relates
some stratagems which were discovered at Hamburg, where the pre^-
ventive duty was strictly performed. " Between Hamburg and Altona,"
he says, " there were some sand-pits. At this time, it was proposed to
repair a great street of Hamburg : the smugglers overnight filled one
of the sand-pits with brown sugar, and the Uttle carts which usually
conveyed the sand into Hamburg, were filled with sugar, care being
taken to cover it with a layer of sand about an inch thick. This trick
was carried on for a length of time, but no progress was made in
repairing the street. The officers of the customs at length perceived
that the work did not proceed ; and one fine morning the sugar-carts
were stopped and seized." On another occasion, an extraordinary
number of funeral processions were observed to proceed from a certain
suburb, towards the cemetery of Hamburg. The suspicions of the
custom-house officers were gradually roused by the sudden mortality,
and opening one of the hearses, they found it filled with sugar, coffee,
indigo, &c. So much for systems of restriction !
Almost at the same moment that a French prince lost the throne
of one European state, a French marshal was promoted to another.
After the deposition of the rash and unfortunate Gustavus IV. of
Sweden, in 1809, by the universal will of his subjects, the uncle of the
dethroned sovereign was elected king, with the title of Charles XIII.
and the succession or dignity of Crown Prince of Sweden, fixed on a
prince of the house of Holstein, upon whom the chief cares of the
state fell, the king being aged. The new government of Sweden
signed a treaty of peace with France, and promised to adhere to the
continental system. On the 28th of May, 1810, the crown prince
died suddenly. This event once more obliged the Swedes to deli
berate upon the choice of their future sovereign. The king of Den
mark, the Duke of Oldenburg, and the son of Gustavus IV., all
became competitors for the expected throne. But the Swedes re
solved to take the best measures towards strengthening their alliance
with the Emperor of France, by electing some member of his family.
Bernadotte, the Prince of Ponte-Corvo, was allied to the imperial

156 THE HISTORY OF
house, being married to a sister of the Queen of Spain. He had also
acquired a high reputation in the north of Europe, when governor
of Hamburg, and administrator of Swedish Pomerania; the Swedish
people accordingly invited him to accept the dignity of crown prince.
They were not aware of the many causes of jealousy and distrust
which had existed between him and Napoleon, from the revolution of
the 18th Brumaire, onwards. Bernadotte was a republican in theory:
he had determined to govern Sweden on Swedish, not on French prin
ciples, and conceived the continental system to be injurious to the
interests of Sweden. Napoleon was well aware of all this, but he did
not oppose the election ; and when Bernadotte, affecting a dependence
on the wishes of the Emperor, which he did not really feel, expressly
asked his consent before accepting the offered honour, he replied
that "He should never oppose the election made by a free people,"
adding, that the present one received his assent and good-will, but that
a secret presentiment, nevertheless, rendered it painful and gloomy to
him. At their last interview, Bernadotte desired to be released from
his oath of allegiance as a French subject, to which the Emperor
agreed, but made a slight preliminary effort to induce him to take
a pledge never to bear arms against him. He did not, however, in
sist on so impossible a condition from an independent sovereign, but
said quickly, and in a low and agitated tone of voice, — ¦" Go, our des
tinies will soon be accomplished;" and thus they separated. Savary,
and other admirers of Napoleon, tell us that he gave Bernadotte a
million of francs (upwards of forty thousand pounds) on this occasion:
Bourrienne affirms that he cheated him out of that sum, having owed
him double the amount for his principality of Ponte-Corvo. The fact
is, that what Bernadotte claimed as a right, Napoleon gave as a favour ;
conceiving that the principality of Ponte-Corvo, which had been his
gift, might have been resumed unconditionally, when his former marshal
renounced his allegiance, and became a sovereign prince. Napoleon no
doubt either promised, or implied the intention to give the larger sum
at first, and was induced by after circumstances to retract his genero
sity; this is one among many examples of the difficulty of unravelling
the truth in history. Bernadotte, who had already embraced the Pro
testant religion, took the oaths as Crown Prince of Sweden, on the
1st of November, 1810.
It will be remembered that Lord Wellington retreated into Por
tugal after the battle of Talavera, on the 28th of July, 1809. In
the month of November following, the province of Andalusia was
opened to the French by the victory of Ocana, gained by Marshal
Soult, over the Spanish army. Soult occupied successively Baylen,
Jaen, and Cordova. General Sebastiani conquered the Spaniards
again under the walls of Grenada, on the 7th of January, 1810, and

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 157
entered the city; Malaga fell on the 9th; and Seville surrendered to
Soult on the 1st of February. The Supreme Junta then fled to
Cadiz, which contained a garrison of twenty thousand men, English,
Spaniards, and Portuguese, under the command of General Graham.
Soult disposed his forces to form the siege of this important place.
Meanwhile Lord Wellington had fortified himself in Portugal, in the
strong position of Torres Vedras. His army consisted of only twenty-
five thousand men; but he had an auxiliary force of thirty thousand
Portuguese, who had been admirably trained under Marshal Beresford.
In May, 1810, Napoleon ordered Massena to advance upon Portugal,
with a fine army, upwards of eighty thousand strong, and numbering
among its chiefs the names of Ney, Junot, and General Reynier. The
frontier strongholds of Ciudad Rodrigo and Almeida surrendered to
the French in July and August; and Massena advanced upon Lisbon,
WelUngton slowly retreating before him. The English commander
had advanced to the frontier, but with the resolution rather to observe
the motions of the French, and to retard their progress, than to offer
any decided resistance. It was his design to draw them onwards
to a distance from their supplies. Massena followed boldly, trusting
to former good fortune ; and with a view to precipitate the English
retreat, he made a rash and sudden attack upon them at Busaco, on
the 27th of September. He was completely defeated, with the loss
of nearly three thousand killed, and a large amount of wounded.
Coimbra, containing his hospitals and stores, also fell into the hands
of the British. This victory did not alter the plan of Lord WelUngton.
He immediately re-commenced his slow and steady retreat towards
Lisbon, the French army following. The retreat of the English army
ended at the lines of Torres Vedras, which strong position had been
rendered almost impregnable by the utmost exertion of skill and labour.
The Unes secured more than five hundred square miles of mountainous
country lying between the Tagus and the ocean, by means of intrench-
ments, inundations, and redoubts. Massena found himself held in
check by an army greatly inferior in point of numbers, but which
effectually barred his approach to Lisbon, the great object of his
whole enterprise. He lay for four months before the English lines,
trying in vain by various feints and demonstrations, to draw them
from their place of advantage. At length, it became necessary for
him, if he desired to save the remains of his army, already diminished
by sickness and hunger, to resolve upon a retreat. He commenced
this movement on the 4th of March, 1811; pursued in his turn by
WelUngton. The operations of both armies, on this occasion, are
celebrated in the annals of war, for the extraordinary skill displayed
by their leaders: the vanquished in effecting his escape, and the con
queror in closely and unremittingly pursuing; while the unfortunate

158

THE HISTORY OF

inhabitants of the country through which they passed will long re
member the horrors perpetrated by an army enraged by defeat, and
rendered brutal by hunger, fatigue, and incessant harassment. The
district of Beira had been purposely laid waste. The Portuguese aux
iliaries had been employed to enforce the orders of the regency, that
all the inhabitants should retire to the capital. Horrible barbarities

11

¦ 1 n

-JiiiiiiiiliiL

were practised in this service. The peasants, whose attachment to their
accustomed homes, made them resist the order to burn their dwellings,
and devastate their fertile fields, were pitilessly massacred, hanged, or
shot down. The French, who suffered by the frightful desolation
thus spread around, have recorded these atrocities, otherwise they
might have passed unnoticed among many other necessary measures of
"glorious war." The French were completely driven out of Portugal,
retaining only the fortress of Almeida, which WelUngton immediately
invested. Massena obtained reinforcements, and attempted to reUeve
it, which brought on the action of Fuentes d'Onoro, in which he was
worsted. He then ordered the commandant of Almeida to evacuate

'IT IS A KING OF ROME.'

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 159
the place, and blow up the fortifications, which operations were skil
fully effected.
While bad fortune attended the French army in this distant quarter,
an event had occurred which filled all France with joy, and made Napo
leon forget every care and disappointment for the time. The Empress
Maria Louisa gave birth to a son on the 19th of March, 1811. The
birth was attended with circumstances of extreme danger ; so much so
that Dubois, the medical attendant, thought it necessary to warn the
Emperor that it might be necessary to sacrifice either the child or the
mother. Napoleon, who was suffering extreme anxiety, replied without
hesitation, " Save the mother, certainly — it is her right : forget that she
is an empress, and act with her as you would towards the wife of a shop
keeper in the Rue St. Denis." He then accompanied Dubois to the bed
side of the Empress ; encouraged and soothed her as much as he could, and
held her in moments of the greatest pain. The child appeared dead when
he was born, and nearly ten minutes elapsed before all the means that
could be devised produced any effect. When, after this period of intense
dread, Napoleon saw his Uving and breathing child before his eyes, he
was unable to restrain himself: he hastily snatched up the infant, and
rushing into the apartment where the whole court and great officers of
state were assembled, he exclaimed aloud, "It is a King of Rome," and
was answered by a burst of joy and congratulation. Twenty-one guns
were to have been fired for the birth of a daughter: one hundred for that
of a son. At the sound of the first gun, all Paris was astir ; the pubUc
walks, the parks, the streets were crowded ; but at the discharge of the
twenty-second, the air was rent with loud acclamations. Most ofthe Euro
pean powers sent ambassadors to compliment Napoleon on the occasion;
among others, the Emperor Alexander. The old King and Queen of
Spain made a journey to Paris, to offer their congratulations in person.
The result of the campaigns of 1810 and 1811, in Spain, left nearly
every city and fortress of the country in the power of the French. Many
battles had been fought with various success. Soult had taken Tortosa,
Olivenza, and Badajos ; which last city was retaken by Beresford, who
gained the hard fought and murderous battle of Albuera, to protect his
conquest. Badajos was, however, again abandoned to the French, after
the junction of Soult and Marmont. Cadiz alone resisted every attempt
of the French. On the eastern side of the peninsula, General Suchet had
taken Tarragona by storm ; won the battles of Sagonte and Murviedro,
over Blake and O'Donnell; made himself master of Barcelona and
Saragossa; and, finally, had taken Valencia, where Blake and the re
mainder of his army became prisoners of war. The close of the year
1811, therefore, left Napoleon in military possession of Spain; but Por
tugal had been wrested from him, and was protected by Wellington, who

160

THE HISTORY OF

lay on the frontier ready to assume the offensive at the first favourable
opportunity. Even Spain, though ostensibly in Napoleon's power, was
throughout armed against, him. The general system of guerilla or par
tisan warfare had organised the whole country. If the Spaniards had lost
their fortresses, they still had their mountains and forests and deserts,
their loyalty, superstition, and fierce revenge : they were led by chiefs of
skill and courage ; among whom Mina and the Empecinado will be long
remembered, — as well as the ingratitude with which their heroism has
been rewarded. Some chiefs led flying parties of a thousand or two
thousand men; others, of ten or twenty. If too weak a French de
tachment was moved from one place to another, it was cut off; if a
small garrison were left in a fortress, it was overpowered and the place
taken: a courier could not move without a large escort; even King
Joseph could not hunt in the neighbourhood of his capital without a
guard of fifteen hundred soldiers. Pursuit of the guerillas was vain,
and the places of the killed were immediately supplied. The French
generals attempted to check their hydra foe by excessive severity ; but the
horrible retaliations immediately practised made them glad to endeavour
to reduce the evil to the ordinary rules of war. This state of the
country, though apparently conquered, induced Joseph to entreat Napo
leon to place the crown of Spain on another head.
The attention of the Emperor was however turned to objects so im
portant, that he postponed the consideration of his brother's request.
The close of the year 1810 had been marked by a conscription of one
hundred thousand men; the year 1811 ended with the same demand
upon the people of France ; and many anxious thoughts and speculations
were bestowed on the question of the purpose for which these vast arma
ments were in preparation.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

161

CHAPTER IX.

CAUSES OF THE RUSSIAN WAR — ALLIANCE OF AUSTRIA AND PRUSSIA WITH FRANCE, AND
OF SWEDEN AND TURKEY WITH RUSSIA — NAPOLEON AT DRESDEN — THE FRENCH ARMY
ENTERS POLAND  PASSAGE OF THE NIEMEN — ENTRY INTO SMOLENSKO — BATTLE OF THE
MOSKOWA — NAPOLEON AT MOSCOW — THE BURNING OF MOSCOW — RETREAT  NAPOLEON
LEAVES THE ARMY, AND RETURNS TO FRANCE. We must revert to the treaty of Tilsitt
for an exposition of the causes
of the war with Russia. " The
whole treaty" as we have previously
explained (vol; ii., p. 52), "was
based on the principle of a firm
and lasting alliance between Na
poleon and the Emperor of Rus
sia ; the former relying in good
faith upon the intention of the
latter to co-operate with him in
his. projects and poUcy. Hence
he permitted the aggrandisement
of Russia on the side of Sweden,
neglected the interests of Poland,
and abandoned Turkey." Napoleon's continental system had become
the very pivot of his poUcy. It had occasioned the invasion of the
Peninsula, and was now about to lead to the invasion of Russia; for
the Emperor Alexander found that to keep faith with Napoleon in
the observance of this "system" was too oppressive to be endured;
and he, therefore, determined to break off from the terms of the treaty
w

162 THE HISTORY OF
The erection of the grand-duchy of Warsaw, to which Alexander
had submitted in the moment of defeat, was another source of hostile
feeling towards the Emperor of France, as being an apparent earnest
of an intention at some future period to restore the whole of Poland
to independence. In the interval between the treaty of Tilsitt and
1812, the Emperor of Russia gave to France the following causes of
complaint against hjm. First : — The inefficient assistance rendered by
the Russian army in the campaign of Wagram. Secondly : — The ukase
of January, 1811, which opened the ports of Russia to English com
merce, and thus deserted the continental system ; and at the same time
greatly augmenting his military force, as if to defend the proceeding.
Alexander had previously forbidden the introduction of French wines
and silks into his empire ; and the ukase of January clearly shewing
that he was returning to the English interests, Napoleon immediately
annexed the Hans towns, and the district of Oldenburg, to the French
empire, in order to prevent their becoming emporiums of English com
merce. Thirdly : — Assembling armies on the frontiers of Lithuania,
and threatening to seize the grand-duchy of Warsaw, by way of in
demnification for the seizure of Oldenburg by Napoleon; which, had
the intentions of Russia been friendly, would have rather been made
the subject of a negociation than the cause of assuming arms. The
expedition to Moscow, in 1812," says Hazlitt, "arose out of the inabiUty
or disinclination of Alexander to keep the engagements he had entered
into at Tilsitt and Erfurt. Those stipulations might be hard and gall
ing in their consequences ; but they were the penalty of defeat, and
the price of peace at the time. He had also accepted Finland as an
equivalent, and had leave to march upon Turkey unmolested, which
opened a different channel for his warlike preparations, if he felt a dis
position that way. It was, to be sure, ridiculous to see fifty millions
of people prevented from trading with England, because it interfered
with the pleasure of a single individual: a prohibition, apparently so
arbitrary and so strictly enforced, might be thought to reflect on the
spirit and independence of the country" [truly, it mightL "and certainly
bore hard upon its interests. But England would not make peace
with France, while she had any means left of carrying on war; and
there was no mode of compeUing her to a course she abhorred (and
the necessity had been acknowledged by Alexander himself), but by
excluding her commerce entirely from the continent. Whether she
was right in assuming this attitude of bold defiance and interminable
war, is another question ; but she by this virtually outlawed France ;
and Napoleon and his allies (such as he could find or make) only fol
lowed the example she had set, in adhering in their turn to the con
tinental system. It was, however, a hopeless case ; and it would have

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 163
been better to have let go the only hold he had upon England, than
by continuing to grasp it (in spite of warning and every day's expe
rience of its inefficiency and danger) to suffer himself to be dragged to
the edge of a precipice. Alexander gave the first umbrage in not
fulfilling the conditions of his treaties with Napoleon ; and by his want
of frankness and candour, manifested no disposition to come to an ex
planation or good understanding. It was a sullen challenge, and Napo
leon thought proper to accept it."
It Was now that Napoleon began to see the error of his policy;
and to avow his conviction that the independence of Poland ought to
be secured, and that Europe had no secure frontier on the Asiatic side,
so long as this object was not attained. The slightest appearance of
such an opinion alarmed the czar, who next pressed for a declaration
from Napoleon, that the kingdom of Poland should never be re-estab
lished. This, Napoleon refused to make ; though he offered to com
promise the matter by a promise to remain neutral, in any attempt to
consummate that act of justice. While thus virtually yielding the
great point as to Poland, he demanded the repeal of the obnoxious
ukase of January, 1811. Meeting with no success in this demand, he
began to march large masses of troops across Germany, still protest
ing his desire for peace. Alexander, in like manner, prepared for war,
while still proclaiming pacific intentions. A letter from Napoleon,
expressing a desire to accommodate matters, at length drew forth
Alexander's ultimatum. He required, in addition to his former de
mands, that France should yield up Dantzic, and evacuate the grand-
duchy of Warsaw. Napoleon considered this ultimatum equivalent
to a declaration of war.
" Alexander, doubtless," continues Hazlitt, " began to feel that
the other had no immediate claim to dictate a line of policy to any one
with his influence, and the distance at which he was. This is true;
neither would Bonaparte have had any pretext to do so, had he never
come to seek him, and thus given his rival advantages, and laid himself
under obligations ; not arising out of his natural position, nor the real
interests of his country. He had put it in Napoleon's power to give
the law to him by making himself a party to the affairs of others : he
had no consistent right, therefore, to cancel the obligations he had
thus laid himself under by retiring upon his own resources, and saying
that he was bound by none but Russian interests. He had come out
of his fastnesses into the common arena, thinking to make a gaUant
figure, and to throw Russia as a casting weight into the scale of Euro
pean policy; he had no right to say then, 'In Russia I am unassail
able; I want nothing to do with your quarrels or disputes;' since in
that case he ought to have staid there. To say nothing of the parti-

164 THE HISTORY OF
tion of Poland, and the encroachments on Turkey, Russia had lately
appropriated Finland, had thrice gone to crush France, and yet Alex
ander talked of nothing but the honour of sovereigns, and the desire
of Russia to remain quiet. The fear that Bonaparte entertained of
Russia, was affected or chimerical as to practical purposes; her great
strength was in the vis inertice she opposed to foreign blows: his real
motive was anger at not having been able to make her come into his
schemes, either by art or arms ; and a determination to make Alex
ander see that what he had failed in by persuasion, he could make
good by force. Still he was sensible of the immense hazard and diffi
culty of the undertaking ; made more careful inquiries ; consulted more
opinions, and hesitated longer than about any other of his enterprises.
This very hesitation might have decided him against it : had there been
dishonour or danger in the alternative, he could not have hesitated.
In his situation, there were only two motives that should have induced
him to undertake new plans ; either absolute necessity, or the certainty
of success. In weighing the objections to the war, Bonaparte did not,
and would not aUow the disproportioned odds, against which he con
tended. Had he entered the Usts as a legitimate sovereign — as a parch
ment emperor, he might have gone forth, and had a tilting bout with
Alexander, either on the Niemen or the Don, in summer or winter,
and returned as he came, not much the better or worse ; with a battle
lost or won ; with more or less fame ; with so much influence or terri
tory added or taken off: but in his case, he never fought but for his
existence. His retreat was, in technical language, always cut off. He
should, therefore, have defied them to catch him at a disadvantage.
He did not like to contemplate the lodged hatred, and rankling hosti
lity, of which he was, and must necessarily be the mark. His elevation
prevented him from seeing the depth below : yet he trod upon a precipice
where any false step was ruinous. The very extent of his power shewed
the precarious and ungrateful tenure by which he held it ; for he could
only have attained it by a triumph over the last resources and efforts
of his enemies. No ordinary objects of ambition or interest would
have brought them to that pass: it was a deadly quarrel, which made
them risk their last stake before they would give in. But the prin
ciple remained unaltered; and however coiled up in its dusky folds,
or severed into unsightly fragments, would reunite, and spring into
action again with the first opportunity of revenge. That Bonaparte
did not dwell on this view of the subject, was but natural; that he
ever acted on the contrary one, was inexcusable.
" There was another general consideration which Napoleon over
looked. All that related to the statistics of the question he was per
fectly master of; population, productions, number of towns, rivers,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 165
bridges, extent, of country, &c. ; but it was trying an unknown ground,
— a new species of warfare. He knew what resistance civilisation could
make ; did he know equally well what resistance barbarism could
make? It appears by the result — not: and yet the burning of Mos
cow was in this undetermined order of events, to which his failure
was properly owing. Notwithstanding the grasp and manly strength
of his mind, the air of Paris had, perhaps, made him lay rather too
much stress on artificial advantages; but there is an extreme resource
in the very dearth of resources ; and a despotic power over mind and
matter acquired by the very ignorance, poverty, and subjection of a
people. Bonaparte himself says that " he had no more right to antici
pate the burning of Moscow than he could be required to foretel an
earthquake : " and that is true, supposing that capital to have stood
anywhere but where it did; but there was something in the idea
of its gilded domes rising out of barren boundless wildernesses, that
placed it out of the routine of ordinary calculation, and might have
prevented its being counted upon as substantial winter-quarters.
These are the only points on which I think Bonaparte erred, — in not
weighing the consequences if he failed ; and not considering the pos-
sibiUty that he might do so, from the untrodden path he was about
to enter. As to ordinary political, or military calculations, I should
suppose that he was completely justified ; that is, he was prepared to
overcome all the obstacles of a kind to be foreseen."
The vast resources of France at the moment, were sufficient to
blind Napoleon to the real extent of the difficulties of his under
taking. The French army alone, amounted to the extraordinary num
ber of eight hundred and fifty thousand men, and the army of Italy
to fifty thousand. France could reckon among its dependencies and
allies, the grand-duchy of Warsaw, with an army of sixty thousand
men ; Bavaria, numbering an army of forty thousand ; Saxony, of
thirty thousand ; Westphalia, fifteen thousand ; Baden, nine thousand ;
the Princes of the Confederation of the Rhine, twenty-three thousand ;
Naples, thirty thousand. The King of Prussia, unwillingly subjected
to France, promised his alliance, and furnished twenty thousand men ;
the Emperor of Austria, united to Napoleon by the new tie of mar
riage in addition to that of conquest, furnished thirty thousand. These
forces, taken from the estimate made by Boutourlin, amount in all
to one million one hundred and eighty-seven thousand men ; and,
deducting from the gross amount about three hundred and eighty-
seven thousand for those in hospitals, on furlough, or otherwise de
ficient, the overwhelming number of eight hundred thousand men is
left as the physical force at the disposal of Napoleon. To counter
balance the advantages of so mighty a power, towards securing the

166 THE HISTORY OF
success of a new war> Napoleon had to remember that he could not
direct it all on one point. The struggle in Spain continued, and
might fairly be estimated as employing upwards of two hundred thou
sand of his best troops. The whole of the German contingents alsOj
with the exception of the Saxons, were unwilling auxiliaries, and not
to be depended on in case of disaster; the Prussians more especially.
Napoleon was not deceived on this point ; but he had yet to learn
that Austria also ought to be reckoned in the list of hollow friends*
Another circumstance of great importance remains behind : France,
and its extensive acquisitions, could not be left defenceless under the
danger of an attack from England, during the absence of the Emperor
and his army. For this danger, Napoleon provided by a new levy
of national guards, in three divisions, to be called the "ban," the
"second ban," and the "arriere ban." The first was to contain all
men from twenty to twenty-six years of age ; the second, all capable
of bearing arms, from twenty-six to forty; the third, all able bodied
men from forty to sixty. The levies from these classes of men were
not to he sent out of the country, but were to be called out in suc
cession. A last attempt at obtaining peace from England was made
by Napoleon, in a letter to Lord Castlereagh. But England would
not desert the cause of Ferdinand VII., and on this point chiefly
the negociation failed.
The important advantages which a strict alliance with the three
frontier nations of Sweden, Turkey, and Poland, would have conferred
on Napoleon, were lost to him by various causes. We have stated
that Bernadotte took possession of his new authority, with feelings
adverse to the continental system, and with a sense of old jealousy
against Napoleon, and difference of opinion on matters of principle.
As Crown Prince of Sweden, he now in fact exercised the royal autho
rity in that country; and his dislike to the prohibitions on commerce
increased, as he became personally conversant with their ruinous con
sequences to his subjects. He, consequently, inclined both on public
and private grounds to an alliance with England, rather than with
France ; and the negociations between him and Napoleon shortly as
sumed an unfriendly aspect. Bernadotte demanded impossible con
ditions, such as the annexation of Norway to Sweden, which would
have implied the wresting of great part of his dominions from the
King of Denmark, the faithful aUy of France. Napoleon replied in
a haughty and impatient strain, without sufficiently bearing in mind
that his former marshal was now an independent prince. At length,
the intentions of Bernadotte became so evident, that a French army
was ordered to occupy Swedish Pomerania, in January, 1812; and
Sweden, unable to obtain any reparation from France, signed a treaty

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 167
of peace with Russia, and declared war against France in March. At
the court of Constantinople, the diplomatists of France were outwitted
by those of England; and contrary to all natural expectation, Turkey
signed a peace with Russia, at Bucharest, in May. The cause of the
great mistake which Napoleon committed, in omitting to seize on the
instrument of power ready to his hand, viz., the enthusiastic longing of
the Poles for liberty, must be sought in the constitution of his own
mind ; it is erroneous to ascribe it to any stipulations made by Austria.
He had expressly provided that Austria should receive the Illyrian
provinces, in return for that territory which would be lost to it, in
case of the kingdom of Poland being restored. HazUtt gives an ex
ample of his usual subtle insight into mental causes, when he says of
Napoleon's neglect of the Polish enthusiasm, that "of this he did not
choose to avail himself, but stopped up its sluices, as he was not fond
of giving a loose to those elements and movements of power, of which
he could not calculate the extent, or controul the direction. In making
war on serfs, he should have raised up a nation of free men ; and in
stead of considering the liberation of Poland as the consequence, have
made it the instrument and the pledge of his success in Russia. But
regrets are vain on this subject; were it to do over again, he would
follow the same course." Meanwhile, he sent the Abbe de Pradt, as
his ambassador to Warsaw, to give the Poles words, instead of liberty.
It was not without many remonstrances from friends and coun
seUors that Napoleon commenced the Russian war. Fouche, though
in a kind of honourable exile at this period, ventured to write an
able memorial, expository of the hazards of the undertaking, which
he presented himself in an audience at the Tuileries. He had laboured
at this work in perfect secrecy (as he supposed), and expected it to
have made a great impression. He was therefore not a little surprised
and disappointed when the Emperor, with an air of easy indifference,
began th© audience by saying, " I am no stranger, Monsieur le Due,
to your errand here. You have a memorial to present to me— give
it me — I will read it, though I know already its contents. The
Russian war is not more agreeable to you than that with Spain."
Many conversations have been detailed on the subject. The words
with which Napoleon closed one of these are too characteristic to be
omitted. After replying to the different points of remonstrance ad
dressed to him by the Dukes of Frioul and Vicenza, and Count Segur,
he answered their representation of the danger to his own life as
follows : — " Do you dread the war as endangering my life ? It was
thus that, in the times of conspiracy, attempts were made to frighten
me about Georges; he was everywhere to be found upon my track:
that wretched being was sure to fire at me. Well, suppose he had !

168 THE HISTORY OF
He would at the utmost have killed my aide-de-camp : but to kill me
was impossible ! Had I at that time accompUshed the decrees of fate ?
I feel myself impelled towards a goal, of which I am ignorant. As
soon as I shall have reached it, so soon shall I no longer be of service
— an atom will then suffice to put me down ; but till then, aU human
efforts can avail nothing against me. Whether I am in Paris, or with
the army, is therefore quite indifferent. When my hour is come, a
fever, or a fall from my horse in hunting, will kill me as effectually
as a bullet: our days are registered." His uncle, Cardinal Fesch, one
day made a strong appeal to him on the subject, and on the affairs
of the Pope, who was brought to Fontainebleau, about this period.
Napoleon answered by leading the cardinal to the window, and in
quiring, — "Do you see that star above us?" "No, sire." "Look
again." "Sire, I do not see it." "Very weU ! I see it!" said Napo
leon. His auditors scarcely knew how to understand his words. They
seem, however, clearly enough to imply, — the glare of day, that pre
vents you from seeing the star, which nevertheless is there, does not
hide it from me. My imagination can reaUse its presence.
When aU was ready for the approaching campaign, Napoleon had
the ceremony performed of christening his infant son. It took place
in March, 1812, in the church of Notre Dame, with extraordinary
splendour, and great rejoicings in the city of Paris. The young Napo
leon was now thirteen months old, and a beautiful and promising
child. His title of King of Rome, has been criticised as affording a
proof that Napoleon had ceased his intention to give Italy a separate
and independent existence ; but no inference of this kind can be fairly
made. It is certain that Napoleon intended Italy to faU to his second
son, if he had one ; and it is affirmed, that in any case, the succession
to the empire, would not have implied the succession to the kingdom
of Italy for his eldest son.
Bonaparte left Paris for Dresden on the 9th of May, 1812. The
Russian ambassador took his departure a few days after. The French
Emperor did not join his armament with his usual rapidity, but made
the most splendid preparations, as though by external displays he would
give additional proofs of his being a king of kings. The imagination
of Scott seems overpowered by the circumstance, and makes him forget,
amidst these intolerable glories, that they were but a worldly altar,
upon which legitimacy was laid, as the fuel for its ascending flames.
" Dresden was appointed," says Scott, " as a mutual rendezvous for
all the kings, dominations, princes, dukes, and dependent royalties
of every description, who were subordinate to Napoleon, or hoped for
good or evil at his hands. The Emperor of Austria, with his empress,
met his mighty son-in-law upon this occasion, and the city was crowded

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

169

with princes of the most ancient birth. The King of Prussia was also
present. Amidst all these dignitaries, no one interested the public so
much as he, for whom . and by whom the assembly was collected ; the
wonderful being who could have governed the world, but could not
rule his own restless mind. When visible, Napoleon was the prin
ciple figure of the group ; when absent, every eye was on the door

^Ivvrc/rnGt tUlu

expecting his entrance." Napoleon was usuaUy at work in his cabi
net ; the other crowned heads were allowed to wander about and amuse
themselves : he left them Uttle else to do. AU the banquets, balls,
fetes, and theatrical amusements, were at the expense of the French
Emperor, and conducted upon a scale of the most brilUant and lavish
magnificence. The young empress made a prominent figure on many
of these occasions. " The reign of Maria Louisa," said Napoleon,
when in Elba, " has been very short, but was full of enjoyment. She
had the world at her feet."
While the French armies were marching through the dominions
of their aUies to the general rendezvous, Napoleon ordered General
Narbonne to proceed to the head-quarters of the Emperor Alexander,
and assure him of the pacific wishes of France. Narbonne stated, when
he returned, that "he had found the Russians neither depressed nor
boasting ; that the result of all the repUes of the Emperor was, — that

170

THE HISTORY OF

they preferred war to a disgraceful peace ; that they would take special
care not to risk a battle with an adversary so formidable ; and, finally,
that they were determined to make every sacrifice to protract the war,
and drive back the invader."
Napoleon left Dresden, and hastened to the shores of the Niemen,
passing through Prague, where he took leave of the Empress. He
then visited Konigsburg and Dantzic, of which latter place General
Rapp held command. Napoleon had perceived signs of discontent
among some of his chief officers with regard to this Russian expedi
tion, and asked Rapp if he had not observed something strange in
the appearance of Murat ? " What was the matter with him — was he

ill?" "Sire," replied Rapp, "he is not ill; but melancholy." "Why
so?" asked Napoleon; "is not he content with my having made him
a king?" "Sire," rejoined Rapp, "he says he is not altogether a
king." " 'Tis his own fault," said Napoleon. " Why is he so much of
a Neapolitan ; why is he not wholly French ? When he is in his king
dom, he commits nothing but follies : he permits trading with England :
I will not endure that." Next day, Napoleon invited Berthier, Murat,
and Rapp, to supper. The three generals sat with grave reserve. " I
see very clearly, gentlemen," said Napoleon, "that you are no longer
desirous of going to war. Murat would prefer never again to leave
the fine climate of his kingdom; Berthier wants to hunt over his
estates at Grosbois; and Rapp is impatient to return to his hotel in
Paris." It was very true. A silence followed,— first broken by Rapp,
who honestly confessed the fact.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 171
It now remained for Napoleon to reinfuse the fire which had ani
mated his officers at Lodi, Montenotte, and Areola, but whom the
enjoyments of a court, the splendours of royalty, and the habits of lux
urious repose, had since enervated, and rendered indisposed to share the
fresh labours and hardships of their inexhaustible leader. Perhaps,
however, this was only the case with those officers who had become
kings and princes ; had everything to lose, and nothing more to attain.
But even those soon forgot their crowns in the excitement of actual
warfare. All the stupendous preparations for the expedition had been com
pleted. At Koningsberg, he inspected for the last time his immense ma
gazines ; and, " here also were collected stores of provisions, enormous
as the enterprise for which they were designed. No detail had been
neglected. The active and ardent mind of Napoleon was wholly intent
on this most important and difficult part of the expedition. The day
was swallowed up in dictating instructions on this subject; and at
night, he rose to repeat them. One general alone received in a single
journey six dispatches from him, all expressive of his anxious vigilance.
In one of these, he says — "The result of all my movements will be
the concentration of four hundred thousand men upon one point :
nothing can then be expected from the country ; and consequently
we must carry everything with us."
" From Koningsberg to Gumbinnen, Napoleon passed in review
several of his armies, talking to the men with gaiety, frankness, and a
soldier-like bluntness. As his custom was, he walked leisurely along
the ranks. He knew the wars in which every regiment had been en
gaged with him. He stopped for a few moments before some of the
oldest soldiers; and to one he recalled the battle of the Pyramids,
to another that of Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, or Friedland, by a single
word accompanied with the most famiUar address. The veterans thus
recognised by their Emperor, felt elated before their junior comrades,
who looked up to them with admiration and envy. Napoleon continued
his round. He did not neglect the young: he shewed an interest
in all that concerned them, and was well acquainted with their smallest
wants. This individual attention to the soldiers absolutely charmed
them. They remarked to each other that their great Emperor, who
decided on the fate of kingdoms in a map, descended in respect to
themselves into the most minute particulars : that they were his old, his
genuine family. It was thus that he attached them to war, to glory,
and to himself."
" The army now proceeded from the Vistula towards the Niemen.
That river, from Grodno as far as Kowno, flows parallel with the
Vistula. The river Pregel runs from one to the other: it was covered

172 THE HISTORY OF
with boats and provisions. Two hundred thousand men arrived there
from four different points."
In the general numerical estimate, together with the specific disposal
of bodies for command, historians are very nearly all agreed. The fol
lowing is chiefly taken from Savary : —
The entire army amounted to upwards of four hundred thousand
men. French, Austrians, Prussians, Poles, Saxons, Westphalians, Wir-
temburgers, Dutch, Confederate Princes of the Rhine, Swiss, ItaUans,
and Neapolitans, all contributed to swell its ranks. The French ar
tillery alone reckoned twenty thousand draft horses, and the cavalry
upwards of a hundred thousand. If to this number be added- the horses
belonging to officers and the baggage, some estimate may be formed of
the daily consumption of provisions.
The army had crossed the Vistula in the following order, com
mencing with the left wing : — The Prussians were under the command
of Marshal Macdonald. The Bavarians, and three French divisions,
under Marshal Oudinot and General St. Cyr. Italians, under Eugene
Beauharnais, Viceroy of Italy. Two French corps d' armee, under
Marshal Ney, and Marshal Davoust. The Wirtemburgers and West
phalians, under Jerome their king, and Junot. The Poles, under
Poniatowski. The Saxons, under General Reynier. The Austrians,
under Prince Schwartzenberg. The cavalry, under the King of Naples.
The infantry of the guard, under Marshal Lefebvre. The cavalry of
the guard, under Marshal Bessieres. Marshal Victor was organising
a corps of reserve in the rear. Six bridge equipments, one for siege,
some thousands of provision wagons, innumerable herds of oxen,
thirteen hundred and sixty-two pieces of cannon, and thousands of
artiUery and hospital wagons were attached to the expedition.
While this prodigious armament was approaching the Russian em
pire, a reserve was kept up in France of a hundred thousand national
guards, collected on the most vulnerable points. Marshal Augereau
was stationed in Germany to maintain its tranquility.
The prodigious preparations made by Napoleon for supplying his vast
invading army, proved inadequate from a variety of contending causes.
It was found impossible to introduce the necessary discipUne among
carters and wagon drivers, and when bad roads were further impeded
by dead horses and broken carriages they fell into confusion, and
great delays occurred. Numbers of the heavy wagons never reached
the Vistula, and more failed before they passed the Niemen. At the
very outset, therefore, the soldiers were obliged to commence that
course of systematic plunder so familiar to the French army, under
the name of "laying contributions on the inhabitants." The fertility
of the soil, and the friendly disposition of its inhabitants, rendered

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 173
this a matter of no great difficulty during the march of the army
from the Vistula to the Niemen ; but the province of Lithuania, which
lay beyond, had been wasted by the Russians that it might afford
no subsistence to the French army, and it was of especial importance
to Napoleon to conciliate its population, whom he might reasonably
expect to be able to number among his allies. The Lithuanians in
common with the people of all the provinces which had been wrested
from Poland by Russia, regarded the French as deliverers, and secretly
rejoiced at their approach. It was quite certain, however, that in
his progress across their territory, such a host as Napoleon brought
with him must exasperate them to the last degree by oppressions and
exactions. It has naturally therefore been argued, that he ought here
to have paused until his convoys came up. That he did not do so,
was doubtless owing to his expectation that the Russians would quickly
give him battle, and that he should conclude the war at a blow.
It was in this spirit that he harangued his troops on the eve of
approaching the Russian frontier: —
" Soldiers," said he, " the second Polish war is commenced. The
first was concluded at Friedland and at Tilsit. At Tilsit, Russia
swore to eternal alliance with France, and war against England. She
has violated her oath ; she refuses to give an explanation of her
singular conduct till the French eagles shall have repassed the Rhine,
and consequently left our allies at her discretion. Russia is driven
onwards by fatality ; her destinies are about to be accomplished.
Does she believe we have degenerated ? Should we be no longer the
soldiers of Austerlitz? She has placed us between disgrace and war;
the choice cannot be for an instant doubtful ! Let us then march
forward, cross the Niemen, and carry war into her territories. The
second Polish war will be glorious to the French arms like the first;
but the peace which we shall conclude will carry its own guarantees
with it, and will put an end to the fatal influence which for the
last fifty years Russia has had on the affairs of Europe."
The plan of the campaign was founded on Napoleon's usual system
of warfare. His first object was to accumulate a great force on the
centre of the Russian line, — to break it, and cut off its sundered divi
sions in detail ; to possess himself of some of the large towns of the
empire, — if possible, of Petersburg or Moscow, and there to dictate a
peace. The plan of defence adopted by Barclay de Tolly, whom
Alexander had made his generalissimo, was skilfully adapted to foil
Napoleon at his own game, and was one evidence, among others, that
the great master of the art of war had given too many lessons to
his enemies. The Russian plan was to attempt no defence of the
frontier ; to avoid a general action, but to confine aU the operations

174 THE HISTORY OF
of their army to partial skirmishes at favourable opportunities; to re
treat before the French advance until the length of their Unes of
communication rendered them liable to be broken, and fatigue, loss
of numbers, and want of supplies, had deprived them of their original
strength and spirit. The delay would prove in all respects as advan
tageous to Alexander as it was disastrous to Napoleon; giving time
for recruiting his army, and for completing the peace with Turkey.
The Russian forces actually in the field amounted to nearly three
hundred thousand men. The centre commanded by Barclay extended
from Wilna and Kowno to Lida and Grodno, resting its right on
Vilia, and its left on the Niemen. To the south of Grodno was
Prince Bagration with the second division, to which Platoff, with
twelve thousand of his cossacks was attached. The presence of this
great army kept the ancient Polish provinces of Volhynia, Lithuania,
Courland, and Livonia, in check, otherwise they would have joined the
French. A reserve commanded by Tormazoff was destined to oppose
the Austrians; but Alexander apprehended no very formidable attack
from them. A vast intrenched camp, was established at Drissa, pro
tecting St. Petersburg. The Emperor Alexander had estabUshed his
head-quarters at Wilna, the capital of Lithuania. Napoleon con
sidered that the Russian position was neither weU chosen for attack,
nor defence, nor even for retreat. The army extended over a line
of sixty leagues, and was therefore open to be surprised and broken.
Bagration was, in fact, already separated from the main army ; and
instead of remaining in close communication with it, was forty leagues
distant on the right. From Wilna, the Emperor Alexander published
a proclamation to his troops, in which he enlarged on the fruitless
efforts he had made to maintain peace, and concluded in the following
words: — "It now only remains, after invoking the Almighty Being who
is the witness and defender of the true cause, to oppose our forces
to those of the enemy. It is unnecessary to recal to generals, officers,
and soldiers, what is expected from their loyalty and courage ; the
blood of the ancient Sclavonians circulates in their veins. Soldiers,
you fight for your religion, your liberty, and your native land. Your
emperor is amongst you, and God is the enemy of the aggressor."
On the 23rd of June, before daybreak, the French army approached
the Niemen. Napoleon rode rapidly forwards to reconnoitre, and
when he had 'nearly reached the river, his horse fell and threw him
on the sand. Upon this accident, either he himself or some by
stander was heard to exclaim, — "That is a bad omen: a Roman
would go back!" He afterwards surveyed the ground at leisure, ac
companied only by General Haxo, and passed unnoticed by wearing,
it is said, a Polish cloak and cap. After a careful examination, he

S5w
w w
H

O

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

175

- -fc-VS**

fixed on a spot near the village of Poniemen above Kowno, for the
passage of the army.
He then ordered that three bridges should be thrown across on the
same evening, and passed the rest of the day in his tent, motionless,
and oppressed with the heat which was excessive.
The first of the French troops who crossed the Niemen, to estab
Ush the bridges according to the Emperor's orders, was a party of
sappers in a boat. All was vacant and silent on the foreign soil
which they invaded, and no enemy appeared to oppose their proceed
ings, with the exception of a single Cossack officer on patrole, who
drily asked, with an appearance of grave surprise, who they were, and
what they wanted? The imperturbable behaviour of this one man
in the face of an advancing army of four hundred thousand enemies,
seems ominous of the events which ensued. The sappers replied, —
" Frenchmen ! " and one of them briskly added, " come to make war
upon you ; to take Wilna ; to deliver Poland." The Cossack withdrew,
and three French soldiers discharged their pieces into the gloomy
depths of the woods where they had lost sight of him. Their fire
was not returned; and no other sound announced the approach of
the great struggle which thus strangely commenced.
That first signal of war, feeble as it was, roused Napoleon. Three
hundred voltigeurs were immediately sent across to protect the erection
of the bridges. At the same time, dense masses of the French
columns began to issue from the valleys and forests, and to approach
the river under cover of the darkness, in readiness to cross it at dawn

176 THE HISTORY OF
of day. All fires were forbidden, and perfect silence was enjoined.
The men slept with their arms in their hands, on the green corn,
heavily moistened with dew, which served them for beds, and their
horses for provender. Those on watch, passed the hours in reading
over the Emperor's proclamation, and speculating on the prospect
which the daylight would disclose. The night was keenly cold, and
pitch dark. The silence maintained amidst such a prodigious mass
of life-1— felt to be there, while nothing could be seen — rendered the
hours unspeakably solemn.
Before dawn, the whole array was under arms ; but the first beams
of the sun shewed no opposing enemy; nothing but dry and desert
sand, and dark silent forests. On their own side of the river, men
and horses and glittering arms covered every spot of ground within
the range of the eye, and the Emperor's tent in the midst of them
stood on an elevation. At a given signal, the immense mass began
to defile in three columns towards the bridges. Two divisions of the
advanced guard, in their ardour for the precedence, nearly came to
blows. Napoleon crossed among the first, and stationed himself near
the bridges to encourage the men by his presence. They saluted
him with their usual acclamations. He seemed depressed for a time,
partly owing to his previous exertions and want of rest, partly from
the excessive heat of the day, but no doubt still more from the
passive desolation which met his forces, when he had expected a mortal
enemy to contend with him in arms. This latter feeUng was presently
manifested in its reaction, and with a fierce impatience he set spurs
to his horse, dashed into the country, and penetrated the forest which
bordered the river; "as if," says Segur, "he were on fire to come
in contact with the enemy alone." He rode more than a league in
the same direction, surrounded throughout by the same soUtude. He
then returned to the vicinity of the bridges, and led the army into
the country, while a menacing sky hung black and heavy over the
moving host. The distant thunder began to roar and swell, and the
storm soon descended. The lightning flamed across the whole expanse
above their heads; they were drenched with torrents of rain; the
roads were all inundated; and the recently oppressive heat of the
atmosphere was suddenly changed to a bitter chilliness. Some thou
sands of horses perished on the march, and in the bivouacs which
followed: many equipages were abandoned on the sands; and many
men fell sick and died.
The Emperor found shelter in a convent, from the first fury of
the tempest, but shortly departed for Kowno, where the greatest
disorder prevailed. The passage of Oudinot had been impeded by
the bridge across the Vilia having been broken down by the Cossacks.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 177
Napoleon treated this circumstance with contempt, and ordered a
squadron of the Polish guard to spur into the flood, and swim across.
This fine picked troop instantly obeyed. They proceeded at first in
good order, and soon reached the centre of the river; but here the
current was too strong, and their ranks were broken. They redoubled
their exertions, but the horses became frightened and unmanageable.
Both men and horses were soon exhausted. They no longer swam,
but floated about in scattered groups, rising and sinking, while some
among them went down. At length, the men, finding destruction
inevitable, ceased their struggles, but as they were sinking, they turned
their faces towards Napoleon, and cried out, " Vive 1' Empereur ! "
Three of these noble spirited patriots uttered this cry, while only a
part of their faces were above the waters. The army was struck
with a mixture of horror and admiration. Napoleon watched the
scene apparently unmoved, but gave every order he could devise for
the purpose of saving as many of them as possible, though with little
effect. It is probable that his strongest feeling, even at the time,
was a presentiment that this disastrous, event was but the beginning of
others, at once tremendous and extensive.
Marshal Oudinot with the second corps crossed the Vilia, by a
bridge at Keydani. Meanwhile the rest of the army was still crossing
the Niemen, in which operation three entire days were consumed.
Napoleon pressed forwards with the guard, and reached the plain of
Wilna in two days. Here he had expected that Alexander would
make a stand; but, tq his surprise, he received intelligence that the
city was undefended. He moved onwards thoughtful and gloomy, and
accused his generals of the advanced guard of having permitted the
Russians to escape. As he approached Wilna, he surrounded himself
with the PoUsh regiments, and was received in the city with joyful
acclamations ; but he was too much occupied about the Russian retreat
to attend to them, and hurried on to the positions lately occupied by
the Russian army. He found them entirely deserted; the bridges and
magazines burnt; and, according to the best information, it appeared
that Alexander was retreating upon his intrenched camp at Drissa. A,
fine detachment of French hussars, quite unsupported, had come up
with the rear of the Russians in a wood, and had been cut to pieces.
Napoleon sent forward Murat and his cavalry to follow in the Russian
track; threw Ney upon his left to support Oudinot, who had driven
back the Russian lines from Witgenstein to Wilkomir; and then re
turned to occupy Alexander's place at Wilna.
An enthusiastic spirit of joy was spread throughout the whole
province. The national banners were re-erected, and an immense
concourse assembled round them. The windows were crowded with

178

THE HISTORY OF

spectators; the old men appeared dressed in their national costume;
the people embraced and congratulated each other on the public roads.
Their oppressors had fled, and Napoleon with his liberating army had
taken their place. The Diet had constituted itself into a general
confederation, and declared the kingdom of Poland re-established ; had
invited all Poland to unite; summoned all the Poles in the Russian
army to quit Russia; maintained the established order; caused itself
to be represented by a general council; and finally sent a deputation
to the King of Saxony, and an address to Napoleon.

The senator Wibicki presented the address to Napoleon at Wilna.
Its expressions and style were dictated by a real enthusiasm ; and
therefore, although it was high-flown according to our standard of out
ward manifestation, and liable to be denounced as profane from its
tone of figurative eulogy, it was nevertheless deserving of deep atten
tion. "The Poles," it declared, "had neither been subjected by peace
nor by war, but by treason ; that they were therefore free in their
own right before God and man ; that being so now, de facto, their
right became a duty; that they claimed the independence of their
brethren, the Lithuanians, who were still slaves ; that they offered
themselves to the entire Polish nation as the centre of a general
union ; but that to him who prescribed its history to the age, in

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 179
whom resided the force of Providence, they looked to support the
efforts which he could not but approve; that on this account, they
came to solicit Napoleon the Great to pronounce these few words:
' Let the kingdom of Poland exist ! ' and that it then would exist ;
that all the Poles would devote themselves to the orders of the fourth
French dynasty, to whom ages were but as a moment, and space no
more than a point."
Napoleon replied to these impassioned expressions in the following
cold and guarded terms: — "Gentlemen, Deputies of the Confederation
of Poland, I have Ustened with deep interest to what you have just
told me. Were I a Pole, I should think and act like you; I should
have voted with you in the assembly of Warsaw; patriotism is the
first duty of civUised man. In my position, I have many interests to
reconcile, and many duties to fulfil. Had I reigned during the first,
second, or third partition of Poland, I would have armed .my people
in her defence. When victory suppUed me with the means of re-
estabUshing your ancient laws in your capital, and a portion of your
provinces, I did so, without seeking to prolong the war, which might
have continued to waste the blood of my subjects. I love your
nation. For sixteen years I have found your soldiers at my side on
the plains of Italy and Spain. I applaud what you have done ; I
authorise your future efforts ; I wiU do aU which depends on me to
second your resolutions; but in countries so distant and extensive,
it must be entirely on the exertions of the population which/ inhabits
them that you can justly ground hopes of success. From the first
moment of my entering Poland I have used the same language. To
this it is my duty to add, that I have guaranteed to the Emperor
of Austria the integrity of his dominions, and that I cannot sanction
any movement tending to disturb the peaceable possession of what
remains to him of the Polish provinces. Only provide that Lithuania,
Samogitia, Witepsk, Polotsk, Mohilef, Volhynia, the Ukraine, Podolia,
be animated by the same spirit which I have witnessed in the Greater
Poland, and Providence wUl crown the good cause with success. I will
recompense that devotion of your provinces which renders you so in
teresting, and displays so many titles to my esteem and protection, by
every means that can^ under the circumstances, depend upon me."
Thus did Napoleon for the second time throw away the proffered
devotion of a whole people ! His coldness confused and surprised the
deputies, and the effects were soon apparent. The whole Polish nation
had been on the point of undertaking a perilous enterprise. This doubt
ful language killed the enthusiasm which could alone have carried them
through it. They lost confidence at once in him and themselves. It
was in vain that he constituted a provisional government in Lithuania:

180 THE HISTORY OF
only a few thousands, out of a population reckoned at four mUlions,
seconded him ; and out of a hundred thousand men capable of bearing
arms, only three generals followed him. These disheartening events
made no change in the sentiments of Poniatowski. He had been dis
interested enough to deprecate the Russian expedition, though its
success would have given him the throne of Poland; but he did not
despair of the cause, and was always among the foremost and bravest
throughout the campaign. His division of Poles was always distin
guished for enterprise and conduct.
Napoleon remained twenty days at Wilna, directing the movements
of his generals, — while, in this central point, with his maps stretched
out before him, he eagerly watched the motions of the Russian army.
This army was now divided into two unequal masses. The first, com
manded by Alexander and Barclay, was in full retreat towards the
camp at Drissa, pursued by Murat at the head of the cavalry of the
advanced guard, seconded by Oudinot and Ney with the second and
third corps. The smaller division of the Russian army, under Prince
Bagration, was still on the Niemen; and consequently in imminent
danger of being entirely cut off from communication with the main
body. Napoleon perceived that Bagration would attempt a junction
by the narrow interval left between the Dwina and Dnieper (or Bo-
risthenes), where these two rivers diverge and form the boundary of
Lithuania. To oppose this movement, Napoleon despatched Davoust
to occupy Minsk with two divisions of infantry, the cuirassiers of
Valence, and several brigades of Ught cavalry; while the King of
Westphalia, with his army, had orders to press upon the army of Ba
gration in front, and throw it upon Davoust, who was to attack it in
flank and rear. Davoust executed his part of the plan with skiU and
energy, and the Russian division, amounting to forty thousand men, was
in the utmost dangef of being surrounded in the marshy defiles of the
Beresina; but owing to the want of slrill and enterprise displayed by
King Jerome, it failed. Bagration, who conducted his retreat in
a masterly manner, contrived to cross the Dnieper at Nevoi-Bikoff,
and effected his escape into Old Russia, were he waited the oppor
tunity to rejoin the rest of the army. While the success of his plan
was still doubtful, Napoleon had resolved to press forward on Witepsk
with the guard, the army of Italy, and the Bavarian army, thus
advancing between the two great lines of operation : its failure, there
fore, irritated him excessively, and caused him to send Jerome back to
his dominions in disgrace, without the attendance even of a single
guard. He himself at length left Wilna on the 16th of July, to join
his army, now on the banks of the Dwina, holding in check the army of
Barclay, in its intrenched camp at Drissa. His long stay at Wilna has

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 181
,been much censured, and is attributed to various causes; among others,
to bad health, and the gradual breaking up of his constitution ; but
as he evinced no want of energy in the difficult and arduous cam
paigns which succeeded this in Russia, the last reason seems scarcely
admissible. Alexander had sent a flag of truce by an officer to
Wilna, offering to treat if Napoleon would repass the Niemen, but
this offer was rejected.
On the 18th, Napoleon had reached Klubokoe. Here he was in
formed that Barclay had abandoned the camp at Drissa, and was
marching towards Witepsk. He immediately ordered all his corps
upon Beszenkowiczi ; and so admirable and precise were his combi
nations, that the whole of his immense mass of armies reached that
place in one day. Segur has graphically described the apparent chaos
of confusion which seemed to result from that very regularity itself.
The columns of infantry, cavalry, and artillery, presenting themselves
on every side ; the rush, the crossing, the jostUng ; the contention
for quarters, and for forage and provisions ; the aides-de-camp bearing
important orders vainly struggling to open a passage. At length,
before midiiight, order had taken the place of this apparent anarchy.
The vast collection of troops had flowed off towards Ostrowno, or
been quartered in the town, and profound silence succeeded the tumult.
The Russian army had got the start of Napoleon, and now occupied
Witepsk. The first combat of Ostrowno took place on the 25th of July.
The Russian infantry, protected by a wood, fiercely contested the
ground, but were beaten back at every point by the repeated charges
of Murat, seconded by the eighth regiment of infantry, and the divi
sions Bruyeres and St. Germains; and at length the division Delzons
coming up completed the victory of the French. On the 26th, the
Russians who had been reinforced, and had occupied a very strong
position, seemed disposed to renew the struggle. Barclay had thrown
forward this portion of his force to retard the French advance, while
he daily looked for the junction of Bagration. The French van had
also been reinforced; Prince Eugene with the Italian division having
joined in the night. The numbers and strong position of the Russians
gave them an immense superiority in the beginning of the day.
They attacked with fury, issuing in large masses out of their woods
with deafening war cries. The French regiments opposed to this
onset were mowed down, beaten back, and in danger of an irretrievable
rout. At this critical moment, Murat placed himself at the head of
a regiment of Polish lancers, and with word and gesture incited them
to an unanimous and energetic rush. Roused by his address, and
inspired with rage at the sight of their oppressors, they obeyed with

182 THE HISTORY OF
impetuosity. His object had been to launch them against the enemy,
not to mingle personally in the torrent of the fight, which must dis
qualify him for the command; but their lances were in their rests,
and closely filed behind him; they occupied the whole width of the
ground ; they hurried him forwards at the full speed of their horses,
and he was ^absolutely compelled to charge at their head, which he did,
as the eye-witnesses affirm, " with an admirable grace," his plumed hat
and splendid uniform giving him on this occasion, and numberless others
in which he displayed a most joyous and reckless courage, the air of some
knight of romance. This impetuous onset was seconded by the other
French leaders. Eugene, General Girardin, and General Pire attacked
at the head of their columns, and finally the wood was gained. The
Russians retreated, and disappeared from view in a forest two leagues
in depth, into the recesses of which even the impetuosity of Murat
hesitated to follow. The forest was the last obstacle which hid
Witepsk from their view. At this moment of uncertainty, Napoleon
appeared with the main body of the army, and aU difficulties and
uncertainties soon vanished. After hearing the report of the two
princes, he went without delay to the highest point of ground he
could reach. There he observed long and carefully the nature of the
position, and calculated the movements of his enemies ; he then ordered
an immediate advance. The whole army rapidly traversed the forest,
and began to debouch upon the plain of Witepsk before night-fall.
The approaching darkness, the multitude of Russian watch-fires which
covered the open ground, and the time requisite to complete the
extrication of his several divisions from, the defiles of the forest,
obliged Napoleon to halt at this point. He believed himself to be
in presence of the main Russian army, and on the eve of the great
battle he so ardently desired. He left his tent, and repaired to his
advanced posts before daybreak on the 27th, and the first rays of
the sun shewed him the whole of Barclay's forces encamped on an
elevated position, commanding all the avenues of Witepsk. The deep
channel of the river Lucszissa marked the foot of this position, and
ten thousand cavalry and a body of infantry were stationed in advance
of the river to dispute its approaches: the main body of the Russian
infantry was in the centre on the high road; its left, on woody
eminences; its right, supported by cavalry, resting on the Dwina.
Napoleon took his station on an insulated hill in view of both
armies. Here, surrounded by a circle of chasseurs of his guard, he
directed the movements of his troops as they successively advanced
to form in Une of battle. Two hundred Parisian voltigeurs of the
ninth regiment of the line, were the first who debouched, and were
ranged on the left in front of the Russian cavalry, and resting", like

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

183

it, on the Dwina; they were followed by the sixteenth chasseurs and
some artillery. The Russians looked on with coolness, offering no
opposition. This favourable state of inaction was suddenly interrupted
by Murat. Intoxicated at the brilliant and imposing assemblage of so
many thousands of spectators, he precipitated the French chasseurs
upon the whole Russian cavalry. They were met by an overwhelm
ing opposition; broken, put to flight, and the foremost cut to pieces.
The King of Naples, stung to the quick at this result, threw himself
into the thickest of the rout and confusion, sword in hand. His life
had nearly been forfeited to his headstrong valour. A furious and
well-directed blow was just descending on his head, aimed from be
hind by a ussian trooper, and it was only averted by a sudden slash
from the sabre of the orderly who attended Murat, which cut off the
trooper's arm. The consequences of these rash proceedings did not
stop here. The successful resistance of the Russian cavalry impelled
them to advance nearly as far as the hill on which Napoleon was
posted, and his guard with great difficulty drove them back by repeated
discharges of their carbines. The two hundred Parisian voltigeurs, left
in an isolated position by the disorder into which the chasseurs had
been thrown, were next placed in imminent peril. The Russian cavalry
in returning to the main body, attacked and surrounded the voltigeurs.
Both armies, spectators of this sudden and unequal conflict, regarded
that small band of men as utterly lost. To the amazement of both
French and Russians, however, this handful of apparent victims was

184 THE HISTORY OF
presently seen to emerge unhurt from the dense cloud of assailants,
who continued their original movement upon their own position. The
voltigeurs had rapidly thrown themselves into square on a woody and
broken space of ground, close to the river. Here the Russian cavalry
could not act, while the steady fire of the voltigeurs, made such havoc
that their assailants were glad to leave them as they found them.
Napoleon sent the cross of the Legion of Honour to every one of
them on the spot.
The remainder of the day was spent by Napoleon in stationing
his army; in waiting for the successive arrivals of different corps, — to
be brief, in preparing for a decisive battle on the morrow. The more
ardent of his generals wished that he had not waited till " the morrow,"
and when he took leave of Murat with the words, " To-morrow you
will see the sun of AusterUtz," the King of Naples incredulously shook
his head, saying, that " Barclay only assumed that posture of defiance,
the better to ensure his retreat ; " and then, with a temerity verging
on the ludicrous, gave vent to his impatient irritation by ordering his
tent to be pitched on the banks of the Lucszissa, nearly in the
midst of the enemy, that he might be the first to catch the sounds
of their retreat.
As it happened, the Emperor was wrong in the event, though he
had been right in the previous opinion. The deUberate Barclay had
really entertained the intention of risking a battle on the foUowing day ;
but he only encountered the perilous chance under his uncertainty as
to Bagration, and with the hope of averting his destruction. A courier
arrived at head-quarters on the night of the 17th, with intelUgence
that Bagration, completely extricated, was in full march upon Smo
lensko. The order to break up the camp in the night was immediately
given, and before day-break Murat sent to inform Napoleon that he
was "off in pursuit of the Russians, who were no longer within
sight." Napoleon could not be convinced without difficulty of the
fact, but it was soon placed beyond a doubt. The Russian camp had
been deserted, and their retreat accomplished with such celerity and
order, that a single prisoner, found asleep in a thicket, was the sole
trophy of a day from which so much had been expected. Utter
uncertainty prevailed as to the route taken by Barclay. At length, a
band of marauding Cossacks determined the French pursuit in the
direction of Smolensko. They advanced for about six leagues in
suffocating heat through deep sand. The Emperor then held a council
of war. It was evident that the Russians had again eluded his grasp ;
his army required rest, and it was necessary to pause before proceed
ing further into these arid deserts. Everything combined to make him
believe that Barclay and Bagration would now unavoidably effect a

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 185
junction at Smolensko; and this junction actually took place imme
diately afterwards. The result of the council was an order that the
army should enter into cantonments on the banks of the Dnieper and
the Dwina, while the Emperor returned to Witepsk, which had been
abandoned by its inhabitants. Here he remained for a fortnight.
Segur affirms that he thought of establishing himself in winter-quarters
at Witepsk, but this is denied by Gourgaud. It was but a passing
thought, if it ever existed at all. The temerity of advancing, however,
could not fail to strike Napoleon; and it is said that he frequently
reverted in conversation to the expedition of Charles XII., though he
stiU expected propositions of peace from Alexander. His own army
had left a long line of stragglers and sick in its track. His column of
attack consisted of one hundred and eighty-five thousand men; not one
half of the complement of the vast army which had entered Russia
on the 23rd of June. It must be remembered that the great tract of
country afready passed was now occupied by his army, and necessarily
expended a force, amounting perhaps to nearly eighty thousand men;
but it is computed that in addition to this diminution of his army
engaged in actual service, he had lost one-third of his original numbers
by desertion, wounds, or death, either from fatigue or disease, or in
the field of battle. Numbers of his hospital wagons, pontoons, and
provision wagons, also, were far in the rear. Still, all these consider
ations gave way before his ardent desire to hurry the war to a termi
nation, and the exertions he made at Witepsk were all with a view
to an advance. Several actions occurred between his generals and
the different divisions of the Russian army during the period in which
he held his head-quarters at Witepsk. Schwartzenberg conquered
Tormazoff at Gorodeczna ; Barclay retreated before Ney at Krasnoi ;
and Oudinot defeated Witgenstein near Polotsk, in a second combat, —
the first in which they encountered was indecisive. It was at this
moment that Napoleon received news of the conclusion of peace be
tween Russia and Turkey, an event which much more than counter
balanced these successes. Some of the Russian proclamations also fell
into his hands, evincing the means which had been taken to incense
the population against him. They were called upon to rise against "the
universal tyrant, — the Moloch," coming "with treachery in his heart,
and honour on his Ups, to reduce them to slavery by means of his
myriads of slaves." "Let us drive out this race of grasshoppers!" such
were the expressions used ; — " Let us bear the cross in our hearts, and
the sword in our hands. Let us draw the teeth out of this lion's head,
and overthrow the tyrant who wishes to devastate the whole earth."
During the first week of August, intelligence reached Witepsk,
that the advanced guard, led by Prince Eugene, had obtained some

186 THE HISTORY OF
advantages near Suraij ; but that, in the centre, at Tukowo, near the
Dnieper, Sebastiani had been surprised, and conquered by superior
numbers. This information, together with the march of Barclay upon
Rudnia, decided Napoleon. He conjectured that the whole Russian
army was united between the Dwina and the Dnieper, and was march
ing against his cantonments. His conjecture proved to be perfectly
correct. The Russian commander-in-chief conceiving that the French
army at Witepsk lay considerably more dispersed than his own, had
resolved to attempt a surprise. The utmost activity now pervaded
head-quarters. On the 10th of August, Napoleon was observed to
write eight letters to Davoust, and nearly as many to each of his
commanders. " If the enemy defends Smolensko," he said in one of
his letters to Davoust, " as I am tempted to believe he will, we shall
have a decisive engagement there, and we cannot have too large a
force. Orcha will become the central point of the army. Everything
induces me to believe that there wiU be a great battle at Smolensko."
Barclay having laid a plan for the surprise of Napoleon, the latter
by a daring manoeuvre avoided it, and almost succeeded in an attempt
to turn the very same plan of surprise upon his enemy. AUowing
the skirmishing to continue on the advanced posts, he changed his Une
of operations, and turning the left of the Russians instead of their
right, which was expected by Barclay, he gained the rear of their
army, and endeavoured to occupy Smolensko, and act upon their Unes
of communication with Moscow. To effect this, he had withdrawn
his forces from Witepsk and the line of the Dwina, with equal skill
and rapidity, and throwing four bridges across the Dnieper, made a
passage for Ney, Eugene Beauharnais, and Davoust, with Murat at
the head of two large bodies of cavalry. They were supported by
Poniatowski and Junot, who advanced in different routes. The attack
was led by Ney and Murat, who bore down all opposition tiU they
reached Krasnoi, where a battle was fought on the 14th of August. He
had thus suddenly changed his line of operations from the Dwina to the
Dnieper, and the manoeuvre has been the subject of much admiration
and criticism among French and Russian tacticians.
The Russian general, Newerowskoi, who commanded at Krasnoi,
finding himself attacked by a body of infantry stronger than his own,
and two large bodies of cavalry besides, retreated upon the road to
Smolensko. This road being favourable for the action of cavalry, he
was hotly pressed by Murat, who led the pursuit in fuU splendour of
attire, and with all the reckless valour which characterised him. He
also despatched some of his Ught squadrons to alarm if not attack the
front Of the retreating corps, while he made furious onsets upon their
flank and rear. Newerowskoi, however, effected a skilful and gallantly-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 187
conducted retreat, availing himself of a double row of trees on the
high road to Smolensko, by which he evaded the charges of the cavalry,
and was enabled to pour in a heavy fire. He made good his retreat
into Smolensko, with the loss of four hundred men.
The day on which the combat at Krasnoi was fought happened to
be the Emperor's birth-day. There was no intention of keeping it in
these immense soUtudes, and under the present circumstances of peril
and anxiety. There could be no heartfelt festival without a complete
victory. Murat and Ney, however, on giving in the report of their
recent success, could not refrain from complimenting the Emperor on
the anniversary of his nativity. A salute from a hundred pieces of
artillery was now heard, fired, according to their orders. Napoleon,
with a look of displeasure, observed, that in Russia it was important
to be economical of French powder. But he was informed in reply,
that it was Russian powder, and had been taken the night before. The
idea of having his birth-day celebrated at the expense of the Russians
made Napoleon smile. Prince Eugene also paid his compliments to
the Emperor on this occasion; but was cut short by Napoleon saying,
" Everything is preparing for a battle. I will gain that, and then we
will see Moscow." Segur says, that Prince Eugene was heard to
observe, on leaving the imperial tent, — " Moscow will destroy us ;" —
but there are no good grounds for believing there was any such fore
sight exhibited by Eugene, or the other friends and generals of Napo
leon, as Segur would have us think. His work was written after all
the results had occurred; and, as is usual, we now hear of abundance
of remarkable prophecies, which a different course of events would
have rendered very different.
While Newerowskoi was intrenched in Smolensko, the generals
Barclay and Bagration, who were stationed towards Inkowo, between
the Dnieper and Lake KaspUa, hesitated whether to attack the French
army, which they believed to be still in their front. But when they
heard of the situation of Newerowskoi, the question of forcing the
French Unes was superseded by the necessity of hurrying to the
rescue of Smolensko. Murat had already commenced an attack on
the city. Ney had attempted to carry the citadel by a coup de main,
but was repulsed with the loss of two or three hundred men, and
was himself slightly wounded. He withdrew to an eminence on the
river's bank to examine the various positions, when on the other side
of the Dnieper he thought he could discern some large masses of
troops in motion. He hastened to inform the Emperor. Napoleon
was presently on the spot, and distinguished, amidst clouds of dust,
long dark columns which seemed electric with the intermittent glancing
of innumerable arms. These masses were advancing with rapidity.

188 THE HISTORY OF
It was Barclay and Bagration at the head of a hundred and twenty
thousand men. At this sight, Napoleon clapped his hands for joy,
exclaiming, — " At last I have them ! " The moment that was to decide
the fate of Russia or the French army, had apparently arrived.
Napoleon passed along the line, and assigned to each commander
his station, leaving an extensive plain unoccupied in front, between
himself and the Dnieper. This he offered to the enemy for a field
of battle. The French army in this position was backed by defiles
and precipices ; but Napoleon had no anxiety about retreat, so certain
felt he of victory.
Instead, however, of accepting the challenge to a decisive battle,
Barclay and Bagration were seen next morning in full retreat towards
Elnia, a movement which was so bitterly disappointing to Napoleon
that he for some time refused to credit the fact. Various plans were
contemplated by the Emperor for partially cutting off their retreat, but
could not be brought into operation. He instantly ordered the storming
of Smolensko, inferring that it should be considered as a mere passage
through which he would force his way to Moscow. It appears that
Murat was very anxious to dissuade him from this attempt, but finding
his efforts in vain, the King of Naples was so exasperated that he
rode in front of the most formidable of the Russian batteries while
it was in full play upon the French ; and having dismounted, remained
standing immoveable, while the balls were cutting down men on all
sides. The storming proceeded with success, except in the attack
made by Ney upon the citadel, which repulsed him with loss. One
battalion happening to present itself in flank before the Russian bat
teries, lost the entire row of a company by a single ball, which thus
killed twenty-two men at the same instant. In the mean time, the main
army, on an amphitheatre of hills, surveyed in anxiety the struggles of
their comrades in arms, and occasionally applauded them with loud
clapping hands as in a theatre, while they made good any fresh onset,
dashing through a maze of balls and grape-shot which shadowed the air.
The troops were drawn off as night came on, and Napoleon retired
to his tent. Count Lobau, having obtained possession of the ditch,
ordered some shells to be thrown into the city to dislodge the enemy.
Almost immediately were seen rising thick and black columns of smoke,
with occasional gleams of light ; then sparks and burning flakes ; and
at length pyramids of flame, which ascended from every part. These
distinct and distant fires soon became united in one vast conflagration,
which rose in whirling and destructive grandeur, — hung over nearly the
whole of Smolensko, and consumed it amidst ominous and awful crashes.
This disaster, wliich Count Lobau very naturally attributed to his
shells, though it was the work of the Russians, threw him into great

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

189

consternation. Napoleon, seated in front of his tent, viewed the terrific
spectacle in silence. Neither the cause nor the result could as yet
be ascertained, and the night was passed under arms. About three
in the morning, a subaltern officer, belonging to Davoust, had ventured
to the foot of the wall, and scaled it, without giving the least alarm.
Emboldened by the silence which reigned around him, he made his
way into the city, when suddenly hearing a number of voices speaking
with the Sclavonian accent, he gave himself up for lost. But at this
instant, the level rays of the sun discovered these supposed enemies

^fcp«.i._-:iiiilvxx - fevSl
I

to be the Poles of Poniatowski. They had been the first to penetrate
the city, which Barclay had just abandoned to the flames. Smolensko
having been reconnoitred, the army entered within its walls. The
remarks of Segur on this occasion are very fine : — " They passed over
the smoking and bloody ruins in martial order, and with all the pomp
of military music and displayed banners; triumphant over deserted ruins,
and the solitary witness of their own glory. A spectacle without spec
tators; a victory scarcely better than fruitless; a glory steeped in blood;
and of which the smoke that surrounded them, and that seemed indeed
to be our only conquest, was the best and most characteristic emblem."
Here Napoleon found, as at the Niemen, at Wilna, and at Witepsk,
that phantom of victory which had decoyed him onward, had again

190 THE HISTORY OF
eluded his grasp; and with mute and gloomy rage he walked along
the city over heaps of smoking ruins and the naked bodies of the slain.
He sat down in front of the citadel, on a mat at the door of a cottage,
and here he held forth for an hour on the cowardice of Barclay, while
bullets from the citadel walls were whizzing about his head. He dwelt
upon the fine field for action he had offered him, — the disgrace it
was to have delivered up the keys of Old Russia without a struggle;
the advantages he had given him in a strong city to support his
efforts or to receive him in case of need. Without taking the slightest
notice of the bullets from the Russian riflemen in the citadel, he thus
continued to sit and vent his passionate disappointment, uttering the
most bitter sarcasms upon the Russian general and army. " He was
not yet in the secret," laconically observes Hazlitt, " of the new
Scythian tactics of defending a country by burning its capitals.'" At
length, he remounted his horse. One of his marshals remarked, as
soon as he was out of hearing, that " if Barclay had • been so very
wrong in refusing battle, the Emperor would not have taken so much
time to convince us of it." The truth was, he had no patience with
the Russians for not staying — to be beaten.
The Russians still retained the suburb of Smolensko, on the right
bank of the Dnieper. During the night, Napoleon caused the bridges
to be repaired, and a heavy cannonade to be kept up ; and by the
morning, the suburb had been deserted after being first set on fire.
Ney and Junot immediately pressed forward through the burning laby
rinth, and halted on the spot at which the roads to Petersburg and
Moscow diverge, uncertain in which direction to continue the pursuit.
At length, the French scouts brought information that Barclay had
retreated in the direction of Moscow, taking at first a circuitous route
through marshy and woody defiles. Ney came up with the rear-guard
at Stubna, where he dislodged them from a strong position, without
difficulty; and next at Valoutina, where a desperate combat took place,
in which thirty thousand men were successively engaged on either side.
Encumbered as he was by a long Une of artillery and baggage, and
hard pressed by Ney, Barclay was in extreme danger of losing his
whole army, but he was saved by the unaccountable remissness of
Junot, who had absolutely got into his rear, yet suspended his attack.
Junot was a favourite with Napoleon, but he lost his command for
this indecision. It was transferred to Rapp, who had just joined the
army. The action had been sanguinary, and among other severe losses,
the French general Gudin was mortally wounded. Napoleon visited
the field of battle, which would probably have been a decisive one had
he been present to direct the manoeuvres. The soldiers were ranged
round the dead bodies of French and Russians which covered . the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 191
ground; the ghastly nature of their wounds, and the wrenched and
twisted bayonets scattered about, bearing witness to the violence of the
conflict. Napoleon felt that the time was come when his men required
the support both of praise and rewards. Accordingly, he suppressed
his chagrin at the indecisive result of the victory. His looks were
never more impressive and affectionate. He declared this battle was
the most brilliant exploit in their military history. In his rewards,
he was munificent. The division of Gudin alone received eighty-seven
decorations and promotions. He watched over and secured the care of
the wounded, and left the field amidst the enthusiastic acclamations of
his soldiers. He then returned to Smolensko. His carriage jolted
over the grisly ruins of the fight, and his eyes were met on every
side by aU that is odious and horrible in fields of battle. Long lines
of wounded were dragging themselves, or being borne along, and re
tarded his progress ; when he entered the ruined city, carts were
conveying out of sight the streaming heap of amputated limbs. Smo
lensko seemed one vast hospital, and its groans of anguish prevailed
over and obUterated the glories and acclamations of Valoutina.
The situation of the French army had now become grave and
critical. There could no longer be a doubt of the plan w'hich Barclay
was pursuing, and disastrous apprehensions crowded upon Napoleon's
mind. The burning of Smolensko was evidently one result of a deep-
laid design ; it could not be attributed to accident. The bitter hatred
of the people against their invaders had been fostered by every device
of their rulers, and was too evident to be mistaken. The dread enter
tained of the doctrines of the French Revolution by the proprietors of
the serfs and soilof Russia, had induced them to represent the French
soldiers under all the dark and disgusting forms of terror and hatred
which could be invented ; and the ignorance and credulity of the serfs
rendered them easy dupes. The wasting of the country, and confla
gration of the towns, which were in fact the result of the policy of
the Russian rulers, were attributed to the French. Segur says, that
the soldiers observed that the commonest utensils of which they had
made use in their quarters, were all broken, burned, or appropriated
to the use of animals by the Russians, so great was their abhorrence
of the French. Some offers were made by a few enhghtened in
dividuals, at the commencement of the campaign, to strive to detach
the serf from the proprietor and the soil; but Napoleon neglected
them at the time, and when he would have used such means after
wards, they were no longer possible. " He should have availed him
self of the offers," says HazUtt, " but this was his weak side. He did
not understand extreme remedies; and he was fonder of power than
of liberty." Even the most sanguine and enterprising of his leaders

192 THE HISTORY OF
were beginning openly to express their doubts and misgivings. He
was leading his army onwards farther and farther, through pathless
deserts, or over ruined fields, or towns laid in ashes; fatigue, famine,
and war, were reducing his numbers, and he was at every step in
creasing his distance from his resources, while his enemies were in
the heart of their own country. Even at Wilna, a deficiency had
been discovered in the hospital department; the evil increased at
Witepsk. At Smolensko, there was no want of hospitals ; fifteen large
brick buildings, saved from the flames, had been set apart for this
purpose, and there was plenty of wine, brandy, and medicines, but
there was a dearth of dressings for the appalling number of wounds.
The surgeons had already used all that could be procured, — had torn
up their own linen, and at length were obliged to substitute the
paper found in the city archives. One hospital, containing a^ hundred
wounded men, was forgotten, in the stress of difficulties, for the space
of three whole days. The state of its wretched inmates when it was
accidentally discovered by Rapp, none of the chroniclers of these events
have even attempted to describe, and the imagination recoils with
horror from the attempt to realise it. Napoleon sent them his own
stock of wine, and many pecuniary gratuities. The alarming decrease
of numbers noticed at Witepsk was still more perceptible now. The
army at Smolensko might be computed at about one hundred and
fifty-seven thousand men, part of the deficiency being caused by the
occupation of additional territory ; the rest by desertion, wounds, sick
ness, or death. With such a force, however, Napoleon had no reason
for apprehension, if he could bring his enemies to a battle ; but it
was evident that Barclay had discovered and resolutely pursued a more
efficient plan. It seems certain, therefore, that Napoleon did entertain
thoughts of establishing winter-quarters at Smolensko ; of intrenching
himself strongly, bringing up his reinforcements and supplies, and
in this central point commanding the roads to both the capitals of
Russia ; waiting proposals of peace, or preparing for a fresh campaign
in the spring. The danger of so long an absence from France ; the
difficulty of holding together an army composed of many different
nations; the news of fresh successes achieved by his various leaders
in different directions; above all, the impetuosity of his own tempera
ment, decided the point. The only doubt which long existed was on
which of the two capitals to advance. By the 24th of August, all was
decided, and the French army was in full march towards Moscow.
Quitting Smolensko, he still persevered in the illusion of expecting
a decisive battle if he followed the Russians. He caUed their circum
spection, pusiUanimity; their retreat, flight; and his heedlessness and
temerity in pursuit increased with their craft and caution in retiring

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 193
farther into the country. Barclay had retreated to Dorogobouje, with
out attempting any resistance ; but here he renewed his junction with
Bagration, and Murat wishing to reconnoitre a smaU wood, met with a
vigorous resistance, and pressing forwards found himself in front of the
whole Russian army. He immediately sent word to Napoleon, who was
in the rear. Davoust also, who disapproved of Murat's dispositions,
wrote to hasten the Emperor's advance, "if he did not wish Murat
to engage without him." Napoleon received the news with trans
port, and pressed on with his guard twelve leagues without stopping;
but on the evening before he arrived, the enemy had disappeared.
Barclay persevered in his retreat amidst imputations of treachery from
Bagration, and discord and impatience throughout his camp. Rage at
the continual falling back before the invaders had produced so many
complaints, that Alexander had at last resolved to supersede Barclay
by Kutusoff, who was shortly expected. Meantime, the French army
advanced, marching three columns abreast; the Emperor, Murat, Da
voust, and Ney, in the middle, along the great road to Moscow ;
Poniatowski on the right; and the army of Italy on the left.
It was not likely that the centre column could obtain any supplies
on a road where the advanced guard had found nothing to subsist
upon but the leavings of the Russians. They could not in so rapid
a march find time to deviate from the direct route ; besides which, the
right and left columns were collecting and devouring all they could
find on each side of the road. It seemed that a second army would
have been required to follow them with the requisite necessaries ; but
as it was, they were obliged to carry everything with them. The
existence of the army was a prodigy. With the French and Polish
corps, the difficulties were not so great, owing to their excellent ar
rangements in packing their knapsacks, and by every regiment having
attached to it a number of dwarf-horses, carts, and a drove of oxen.
Their baggage was conducted by soldiers as drivers. But with the
other chiefs in command, the case was very different. They had none of
these excellent arrangements among them, and only existed by sending
out marauding detachments on every side, who devoured their fill,
and then returned to their respective bodies with the remainder, — if
any remained. Napoleon had not paid sufficient attention to these
distinctions, in the arrangements of the various divisions, and the conse
quences were highly injurious. Very great distress, and very disorderly
conduct incessantly occurred in the course of the march, particularly
at Slawokowo. But Napoleon seemed only possessed by the idea of
Moscow, and victory. He evidently took a great pleasure in frequently
dating decrees and dispatches from the middle of Old Russia, which he
A A

194 THE HISTORY OF
knew would find their way even into the smallest hamlets throughout
France, and make him appear present everywhere in full power.
Murat and Davoust had frequent misunderstandings at this period,
which on one occasion came to an open quarrel. Davoust had been
placed under the orders of the King of Naples, but the latter having
brought the troops into the greatest peril by his headstrong valour and
love of personal display and prowess, Davoust shewed an unwillingr
ness to support him. This presently led to a violent altercation in
presence of the Emperor. Murat upbraided Davoust with slow and
dilatory circumspection, and with a personal hostility towards himself
ever since they were in Egypt. He became more vehement as he
proceeded, and finally challenged the Prince of Eckmuhl. At this last
provocation, the deliberate Davoust gave way to his feelings, and began
a long history of the extraordinary pranks played by the King of
Naples in pursuing the Russians. He said it was high time that the
Emperor should be made acquainted with what passed every day in
the management of his advanced guard. He shewed that Murat wasted
lives by useless attacks upon the Russians, for the sake of gaining
a few acres of ground, although it invariably happened that the enemy
left the ground of their own accord, whenever a sufficient force came
up with them ; that Murat was in the constant habit of losing men
by slaughterous follies in the front to no purpose, after which he began
to think of the propriety of reconnoitering ; that he kept the whole of
the advanced guard in a state of restless activity during sixteen hours
out of the twenty-four, with no cause, and finally chose the worst
quarters for the night ; so that the soldiers instead of taking their food
and rest, were groping about for provisions and forage, and caUing to
each other in the dark in order to find their way back to their bivouacs ;
and that the king did nothing else but storm and rage through the ranks,
and then ride close to the enemy's lines in all directions. Napoleon
listened to the whole of this in silence, pushing a Russian bullet
backwards and forwards under the sole of his foot. When they were
both quite out of breath, he mildly told them that under present
circumstances he preferred impetuosity to methodical caution ; that
each had his merits; it was impossible for one man to combine all
descriptions of merit; and enjoining them to be friends for the future
dismissed them to their tents.
On the 28th of August, the army traversed the great plains of
Wiazma. They passed hastily onwards, several regiments abreast, over
the fields. The high road was given up to the train of artillery, and
the hospital wagons. The Emperor appeared among them in all
directions. He was occupied in calculating, as he went forward, how
many thousands of cannon-balls would be required to destroy the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 195
Russian army. He ordered all private carriages to be broken up, as
they might tend to impede their progress, and be in the way when
a battle occurred. The carriage of his aide-de-camp, General Narbonne,
was the first that was demolished. The baggage of all the corps was
coUected in the rear, comprised of a long train of bat-horses, and of
carriages called kibics, drawn by rope traces. These were loaded
with provisions, plunder, military stores, sick soldiers, and the arms
of these soldiers, and of those who acted as drivers and guards. In
this heterogeneous column were seen tall cuirassiers, who had lost
their horses, and were mounted on horses not much larger than asses.
Among such a confused and disorderly multitude, the Cossacks might
have made most harassing attacks ; but Barclay seemed cautious to
avoid disheartening the French too much. His object was to impede
and delay the progress of the invaders, by contests with the advanced
guard only, and without inducing them to abandon their design.
This protracted state of affairs, the fatigued condition of the army,
the quarrels among the chiefs, and the approach of yet more dangerous
circumstances, filled the mind of Napoleon with anxiety and appre
hension. He had for some time hoped and expected that Alexander
would open some negociation with him, or at least address him a letter.
At length, he gave the opportunity himself, by causing Berthier to write
to Barclay; and the letter concluded with these words : — " The Emperor
commands me to entreat you to present his compliments to the Emperor
Alexander, and to say to him that neither the vicissitudes of war, nor
any other circumstances, can ever impair the friendship which he feels
for him." Napoleon's sincerity in this profession was probably of the
same value as the previous good faith of Alexander. No answer was
returned. On the very day the letter was sent, the advanced guard
of the French drove the Russians into Wiazma. The army was so
exhausted by fatigue, heat, and thirst, that the soldiers fought among
themselves for precedence in obtaining water from some muddy pools.
Napoleon himself was very glad to obtain a little of this thick puddle
to allay his thirst. In the course of the night, the Russians destroyed
the bridges ofthe Wiazma; and, after pillaging the town, set fire to it,.
and decamped. Murat and Davoust, after some opposition, succeeded
in making an entrance and extinguishing the flames. Various reports
now made to the Emperor left him no longer in the least doubt as to
who were the incendiaries, and he clearly perceived the regular plan
on which the Russians were acting. Entering Wiazma, he found a few
resources had been left in the town, but that his soldiers had wasted
them aU by pillage. This so exasperated him that he rode in among
them, and threw several of them down. Seeing a suttler who had
been very busy in this wasteful disorder, he ordered him to be shot.

196 THE HISTORY OF
But it is well known of Napoleon, that his fits of passion were of short
duration, and always followed by a disposition to clemency. Those,
therefore, who heard this order, placed the suttler a few minutes after
wards, in a place which the Emperor would have to pass ; and making
the man kneel, they got a woman and several children to kneel at his
side, who were to appear as his wife and family. Napoleon inquired
what they wanted, and granted the offender his pardon.
BelUard, at this time the head of Murat's staff, now rode up to
him in a very excited state. He reported that the enemy had shewn
himself in full force, in an advantageous position, beyond the Wiazma,
and ready to engage ; that the cavalry on both sides had immediately
come to action ; and that the infantry becoming necessary, the King of
Naples had placed himself at the head of one of Davoust's divisions, and
ordered the advance, — when Davoust hastened to the spot and com
manded them to halt, as he did not approve of the intended manoeuvre,
and told the king that it was absurd and ruinous. Murat had therefore
sent to the Emperor, declaring he would no longer hold a disputed
command. Napoleon was enraged at this renewal of the quarrel at such
a moment, and sent off Berthier to place under the command of Murat
that division which he had intended to lead. Meantime, the contest
was over, and Murat, now reverting to the conduct of Davoust, was
broiling with indignation. He asked of what use was his royal rank ?
It could not obtain him obedience, or even protect him from insult.
But as his sword had made him a king, to that alone would he appeal.
It was with the greatest difficulty that he was restrained from going
to attack Davoust. He then cursed his crown, and shed a torrent of
tears. Davoust did not attempt to excuse the insubordination of his
conduct, but persisted that Murat had been misled by his own temerity,
and that the Emperor had been misinformed as to the whole affair
with the Russians.
Napoleon re-entered Wiazma, and here intelligence was brought him
from the interior of Russia, that the government deUberately appro
priated aU his successes to themselves, and that Te Deum had been
repeatedly celebrated at Petersburg for the Russian "victories" of
Witepsk and Smolensko ! " Te Deum .'" ejaculated Napoleon, in amaze
ment, — " then they dare to tell Ues, not only to man but to God ! " He
also learnt, that while their towns were in flames there was nothing but
ringing of bells in Petersburg, hymns of gratitude, and publications
of the triumph of the Russian arms.
During this time, the advanced guard pursued the Russians as far
as Gjatz. The French army found forage in the villages, as well as
grain, ovens, and shelter. It was remarked that in the retreat of the
Russians from Smolensko, they had neglected to burn the villages and

MURAT, KING OF NAPLES.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 197
seats along their course. This has been considered by some as a part
of Barclay's subtle plan for inducing the French to follow; while others
have attributed the burning of the capitals only, to the preference given
by the Cossacks who executed it, — which originated in the hatred or
contempt which these barbarous hordes felt against civilisation, and
that they experienced a savage pleasure in devastating the large towns,
which rendered them indifferent about the smaU villages.
The French took possession of Gjatz ; the Russians set fire to the
town, and disappeared behind the flames. Whilst the foremost of the
light troops were pursuing them, one of the inhabitants came running
towards them, exclaiming, with transport, that he was a Frenchman.
From him they learnt that a total change had just taken place in the
Russian army. The troops, as well as the whole of Moscow, had raised
a violent clamour against Barclay, for what they termed his succession
of flights, and base desertion of their cities. They declared that Russia
could only be saved by a Russian, and called for Kutusoff, who had been
a sort of rival of Suwarrow, to take the place of Barclay, and give battle
to the invaders. Alexander consented, and Kutusoff was made com
mander-in-chief. Thus had Barclay persevered to the latest moment possible, in
opposition to the whole Russian army and nation, in that plan of retreat
which, five years previously, he had declared to one of the French
generals, would be the only means of saving Russia. Notwithstanding
the horrible disasters it had brought upon the French, they still ad
mired the firmness and masterly skiU with which Barclay carried out
his plan. Being superseded by Kutusoff, and placed under his orders,
he manifested no sort of indignation, but continued to obey with the
same steadiness as he had commanded.
At length, the Russian army halted. IntelUgence was brought
that they were breaking up the whole plain of Borodino, and forming
mtrenchments in every part. Napoleon announced to his army an
approaching battle. He allowed them two days to rest, prepare their
arms, and collect provisions.
Sixteen thousand recruits, and a vast multitude of peasants, joined
the ranks of Kutusoff. On the 4th of September, the French left Gjatz.
The heads of their columns were now more than ever annoyed by
troops of Cossacks, and the frequent necessity of making his cavalry
deploy against so temporary and random an obstacle, provoked Murat
to such a degree that he once clapped spurs to his horse, and dash
ing alone to the front of their line, halted within a few paces, and
waving his sabre with the most indignant and menacing authority,
signified his command for them to withdraw. The sudden apparition
of this splendid figure in front of their ranks, with the air of one who

198 THE HISTORY OF
possessed the power of annihilating them with a blow, so took these
barbarians by surprise that they instantly withdrew in vague astonish
ment. They shortly, however, returned, and received the charge of
the Italian chasseurs. Platoff has since related that in this affair, a
Russian officer, who had brought a sorcerer with him, was wounded ;
whereupon he ordered the sorcerer to be soundly drubbed on the spot,
as he had expressly directed him to turn aside all the balls by his
conjurations. Napoleon now surveyed the whole country from an eminence, and
displayed marvellous sagacity in the conclusions he drew as to the
positions and intentions of the enemy. Vast numbers of troops were
posted in front of their left, and he concluded that this must be the
point where their ground was most accessible, and that they had there
constructed a formidable redoubt. It was, therefore, necessary to carry
this. The attack was general, and the Russian rear-guards were driven
back upon Borodino. This curtain being removed, the first Russian
redoubt was discovered. The division of Compans attacked it, and the
61st regiment took it at the point of the bayonet. Bagration sent
reinforcements, and it was retaken. It was again taken by the 61st,
and this occurred three times, tUl finally, with the loss of half the
regiment, it remained in possession of the French. But a neighbouring
wood was swarming with Russian riflemen, and it required the efforts
of Morand, Poniatowski, and Murat, to complete the conquest. Firing,
nevertheless, continued till nightfall.
Not a single prisoner had been taken. When Napoleon heard
this, he asked many questions impatiently. Were the Russians deter
mined to conquer or die ? He was answered, that their priests and
chiefs had wrought them up to a state of fanaticism in their love
for their country and their abhorrence of their invaders. The Emperor
at this fell into meditation, and concluded that a battle of artiUery
would be the only efficient mode to adopt. On that night, a thin
cold rain began to fall, and autumn proclaimed its approach by violent
gusts of wind.
On the morning of the 6th of September, the two armies were
again visible to each other, in the same position as the preceding day
had left them. This excited a general joy among the French. At
last, this desultory, vagrant, and irritating war, in which so many brave
men had perished, to so little advantage, seemed about to come to
a satisfactory issue. The Emperor rode forth at the earUest dawn,
and surveyed the whole front of the enemy's army, by passing along a
succession of eminences that rose between the two antagonist powers.
The Russians were in possession of all the heights, on a semi
circle of two leagues extent from the Mosqua to the old Moscow road.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 199
Their centre, commanded by Barclay, formed the salient part of their
line ; it was protected by the Kalogha, by a ravine, and by two strong
redoubts at its extremities. Their right and left receded. Their right
rested on the precipitous and rocky bank of the Kalogha, and was de
fended by deep and muddy ravines. A strong redoubt also crowned
the height, which was lined with eighty pieces of cannon. Bagration
commanded the left : it was stationed on a less elevated crest than the
centre, and having lost the protection of its great redoubt was the most
accessible point of their army. Two small hills crowned with redoubts
protected its front. It was flanked by a wood, beyond which, on the
extreme left, was a corps commanded by Tutchkoff, but stationed at so
great a distance as to permit the possibility of manoeuvring on the inter
vening ground without previously overwhelming this detached corps.
Having concluded his observation, Napoleon made his plan. "Eu
gene," he said, "should be the pivot; the battle must be begun by the
right. As soon as the right, advancing under the protection of the
wood, shall have carried the redoubts of the Russian left wing, it
must turn to the left, march on the Russian flank, overthrowing and
driving back their whole army upon their right wing, and into the
Kalogha." Napoleon was still on the heights, taking a last view of
the ground, and considering the details of the grand plan he had
formed, when Davoust hastily approached him. The marshal had a
proposal of his own to make, by which he expected to turn the
enemy's left in the night, and by surprise. The Emperor Ustened to
him with great attention, but after silently considering the proposition
for a few minutes, rejected it, and persisted in his rejection, notwith
standing the confidence with which it was urged by Davoust. He
then re-entered his tent, when Murat pertinaciously strove to persuade
him that the Russians would again retreat before he commenced his
attack. The Emperor in some agitation returned to the heights of
Borodino, where, however, every indication of an intention to remain
and fight was observable among the Russians. He had taken very
few attendants, to avoid being recognised by the enemy's batteries;
but at the moment he was pointing out the signs he had observed
to Murat, the discharge of one of their cannon broke the silence of
the day ; — " for it is frequently the case," observes Segur, " that nothing
is so calm as the day which precedes a great battle."
The Emperor now returned to his tent to dictate the order of
battle. The two armies were nearly equal, — about a hundred and
twenty thousand men, and six hundred pieces of cannon on each side.
The Russians had the best position, and the additional advantages of
speaking the same language, wearing the same uniform, and fighting
for a common cause ; and of being near their resources, and in their

200

THE HISTORY OF

own country ; but they had too many raw recruits in their ranks. The
army of Napoleon had just completed a long and harassing march ;
was made up of many nations, and in the midst of a hostile people ;
but it was entirely composed of tried soldiers, who had fought their
way through many a desperate battle, and held their ranks through
every hardship. The proclamation issued by Napoleon was suited to
the men and the circumstances. It was grave, simple, and energetic.
" Soldiers," said he, " you have now before you the battle which you
have so long desired. From this moment, the victory depends upon
yourselves. It is necessary for us ; it will bring us abundance, good
winter quarters, and a speedy return to our country." It happened that

the Emperor had that day received the portrait of his son from Paris.
He himself exhibited the picture in front of his tent.
Kutusoff, on his part, had worked upon the feeUngs of the Russians
by means suited to their condition. He had induced the chief priests
or popes of the Greek church, dressed in their richest robes, to walk
in splendid procession before his army. They carried the symbols of
their religion, and foremost of all a sacred image of the Virgin, with
drawn from Smolensko by a miracle. He then addressed the soldiers
on the subject of heaven, — " the only country which slaves have left to
them," — and incited the serfs to defend their master's property in the
name of the Great Teacher of universal brotherhood. The whole

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 201
ceremony worked the effect which he intended, and roused his hearers
to the highest pitch of courage and fanaticism.
During the night, the whole French army was stationed in order
of battle, and three batteries, of sixty pieces each, were opposed to
the Russian redoubts. Poniatowski commanded the right wing, which
was destined to commence the attack on the Russian left. The whole
of the artillery were to support his attack. Davoust and Ney, sup
ported by Junot with the Westphalians, and Murat with the cavalry,
were in the centre ; and ready to precipitate themselves upon the Rus
sians after the opening of the battle by Poniatowski. Prince Eugene,
with the army of Italy and the Bavarian cavaky, formed the left. The
Emperor held his guard in reserve. He appeared very unweU, depressed
in spirits, and unable to sleep. He was oppressed with fever and exces
sive thirst, probably the result of over fatigue and anxiety. The news
of the defeat of his troops at Salamanca, had just been brought to
him by Fabvier, an aide-de-camp of Marmont; but he received the
account with great firmness and temper. Present events only seemed
to weigh on his mind. He repeatedly called to ascertain the hour,
and to inquire whether any sounds indicative of a retreat had been
heard in the opposite army. On one occasion, his aide-de-camp found
him resting his head on his hands, and the few words he said indicated
that his thoughts were dwelUng on the vanity of human glory. He
asked Rapp, whether he thought they should gain the victory ? " Un
doubtedly," answered Rapp, "but it will be a bloody one !" On which
Napoleon repUed, "I know it; but I have eighty thousand men. I
shall lose twenty thousand of them, and with sixty thousand shall enter
Moscow. The stragglers will there rejoin us, and afterwards the bat-
taUons of recruits now on their march, and we shall be stronger than
before the battle." He seemed neither to comprehend the guard nor
the cavalry in this calculation. Before daybreak, one of Ney's officers
came to announce that the marshal had the Russians still in view, and
to ask leave to begin the attack. These words appeared to restore
the Emperor. He rose ; summoned his officers ; and leaving his tent
exclaimed, " At last we have them ! March ! — We will to-day open
for ourselves the gates of Moscow ! "
It was half-past five in the morning when Napoleon took his
station near the great redoubt which had been taken on the 5th. As
the sun rose, he pointed to the east, saying, " There is the sun of
Austerlitz ! " The artillery were employed in pushing forward the
batteries which had been placed too far back. The Russians made no
opposition : they seemed fearful of being the first to break the awful
silence. While waiting for the sound of Poniatowski's fire on the
right, Napoleon ordered Eugene to take the village of Borodino, on
B E

202 THE HISTORY OF
the left. The 106th regiment accordingly opened the attack; gained
the village ; rushed across the bridge, in the ardour of success, and
would have been cut off, had not the 92nd come up to their relief.
During this action, sounds on the right announced that Poniatowski
had commenced his attack, and Napoleon immediately gave the signal
of battle. " Then, suddenly," says Segur, " from the previously peaceful
plain and silent hills, burst forth flashes of fire and clouds of smoke,
which were instantly followed by a multitude of explosions and the
whizzing of innumerable bullets which rent the air on every side. In
the midst of this thunder, Davoust, with the divisions of Compans and
Desaix, and thirty cannon, advanced rapidly upon the first redoubt of
the enemy." The fusiUade of the Russians now commenced, and was
answered by the French cannon. The French infantry advanced at
a quick pace, without firing; but General Compans, who headed the
column, fell wounded with the foremost of his men, and the rest halted
under the storm of balls. Rapp instantly took the post of Com
pans, and urged the troops forward at a running pace with charged
bayonets, when he also fell. It was the twenty-second wound that he
had received. He was conveyed to the Emperor, who exclaimed,
" What ! Rapp ! always wounded ! but how are they going on above
there?" The aide-de-camp replied, that the guard was wanted to
finish the business. " No," said Napoleon, " I will take good care
of that; I will not have that destroyed. I will gain the battle with
out it." A third general, who succeeded Rapp, likewise fell ; and
Davoust himself was struck. At this moment, Ney, with his three
divisions of ten thousand men, threw himself into the plain to sup
port Davoust, and the Russian fire was thus diverted. Ney rushed
on; Davoust's columns continued their advance with renewed confi
dence ; and almost at the same time both of the French divisions scaled '
the heights; overthrew or killed their defenders, and obtained posses
sion of both the redoubts of the Russian left. Napoleon then ordered
Murat to charge and complete the victory. The king was on the
heights in an instant; but the Russians, reinforced by their second
line, now advanced with rapidity to regain their redoubts. The French
were taken by surprise in the first disorder of their success, and re
treated. Murat, endeavouring in vain to rally the troops, found him
self nearly surrounded, and alone amidst the enemy's cavalry. They
were even stretching out their arms to take him prisoner, when he
escaped by throwing himself into one of the redoubts. There he found
only a few soldiers in utter disorder. They were running backwards
and forwards upon the parapet in consternation; but he seized the
first weapon he could find, and fought with one hand, while he waved
his plumed hat in the air with the other. His presence and his

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 203
rallying calls to duty soon restored the courage of the men. Ney
quickly re-formed his divisions; his fire threw the Russians into dis
order; Murat was extricated; and the heights re-conquered. Murat
was no sooner freed from this danger than he furiously and repeat
edly charged the enemy at the head of the French cavalry, and in
another hour, the Russian left wing was entirely defeated.
In the meantime, a dreadful conflict had raged unceasingly on the
French left. After Eugene had taken the village of Borodino, he
had passed the Kalogha, in front of the great Russian redoubt, which
was lined with eighty pieces of cannon, and protected by a ravine.
General Bonnamy, at the head of eighteen hundred men of the 30th
regiment, carried this strong position by one sudden charge, at six
o'clock in the morning. But the Russians recovered from their first
panic ; and, rallying before their assailants could be supported, they
were headed by Kutusoff and Yermdof in person, and made an attack
in their turn. Bonnamy's regiment was surrounded, overwhelmed, and
driven from the redoubt, with the loss of its commander and one-third of
its numbers. Eugene, however, maintained his station on the sloping
sides of the heights for four hours, under a terrific fire, and until he
was relieved by the turn of the battle, when Kutusoff was obliged to
defend the left of his centre, now exposed in consequence of the de
feat of his left wing by the divisions of Ney, Davoust, and Murat,
as already detailed. The defence of Kutusoff was then carried on at
two points. He poured a tremendous fire, with devastating effect,
upon the troops of Ney and Murat, from the heights of the ruined
village of Semenowska. It became necessary to carry that position.
Maubourg swept the front of it with his cavalry ; Friand and Dufour,
with their infantry, mounted the accUvity, dislodged the Russians, and
secured the position. The Russians had now lost every one of their
intrenchments except the great redoubt, on which Prince Eugene was
preparing for a decisive attack. He had already sent to Napoleon for
assistance, but received the reply, that " he could give him no reUef ;
it depended on him alone to conquer; that the battle was concentrated
on that point." Murat and Ney, exhausted with their efforts, also sent
for reinforcements ; but Napoleon concluded that the presence of Friand
and Maubourg on the heights would maintain them, and he saw that
the battle was not yet won. Amidst all the excitement of these
repeated and most urgent messages, he steadily refused to compromise
his reserve.
The Russians now rallied en masse. Kutusoff commanded all his
reserves, and even the Russian guard, to the assistance of his uncovered
left. Infantry, artillery, and cavalry, all advanced for one grand and
mighty effort. Ney and Murat, with intrepidity and firmness, sustained

204 THE HISTORY OF
the rushing tempest. It was no time for them to think of foUowing
up their previous successes; all their strength was required to main
tain their position. Friand's soldiers, ranged in front of the armed
heights of Semenowska, were swept off in whole ranks by a storm of
grape-shot. The survivors were dismayed, and one of their brave com
manders ordered a retreat; when Murat suddenly rode up to him, and
catching hold of his collar, exclaimed, — "What are you doing?" The
colonel, pointing to the ground on which half of his men lay dead or
wounded, replied, — "You see we can stay here no longer!" Murat
hastily rejoined, — " I can stay here very well myself !" The colonel
looked steadily at him, and calmly repUed, — "It is right. Soldiers!
let us advance to be slain ! "
Murat had again sent to Napoleon for assistance, and he now gave
it promptly and efficiently. The artillery of the guard were ordered
to advance. Eighty pieces of cannon quickly crowned the heights, and
discharged their contents at once. The Russian cavalry first charged
against this tremendous barrier, but retired in confusion to escape
destruction. The infantry exhibited a spectacle of stolid indifference
to death, or devotion to their country and their leaders, perhaps un
paralleled in the history of war, — affording a picture of the inhe
rent powers of human nature, worthy of study, while most horrible to
contemplate in their present misappUcation. " The infantry," says
Segur, "advanced in thick masses, in which our baUs from the first
made wide and deep openings ; yet they constantly came on nearer
and nearer, when the French batteries redoubling the rapidity of their
fire absolutely mowed them down with grape-shot. Whole platoons
fell at once. Their soldiers struggled to preserve their compactness
under this terrible fire ; and, divided every instant by death, they still
closed their ranks over it, trampling it with defiance under their feet.
At last they halted, not daring to advance any farther, and yet re
solved not to go back; whether they were appalled, and as it were
petrified with horror in this tremendous gulph of destruction ; or whether
it was owing to Bagration being at that time mortally wounded; or
whether it might be that a first arrangement being attended with
failure, their generals felt incompetent to change it, — not possessing,
Uke Napoleon, the art of moving such vast bodies at once, with unity,
harmony, and order. In short, these heavy and stationary masses stood
to be crushed and destroyed in detail for two entire hours, without
any other movement than that of the falling of the men. It was in
truth a deplorable and frightful massacre ; and the inteUigent valour of
our artillery-men admired the firm, resigned, but infatuated courage of
their enemies." Scott describes the scene to the same effect. " Regi
ments of peasants, who till that day had never seen war, and who still

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 205
had no other uniform than their grey jackets, formed with the steadi
ness of veterans, crossed their brows, and having uttered tlieir national
exclamation, ' Gospodee pomiloui nas ! ' (God have mercy upon us),
rushed into the thickest of the battle, where the survivors, without
feeling fear or astonishment, closed their ranks over their comrades as
they fell."
The problem, of whether that mass of men would have stood to be
utterly destroyed to the last individual, was never worked out; for a
fresh movement in the French army, bringing upon them a new form
of peril, at last restored them to a sense of their human conditions,
and put them to flight. Ney extended his right, pushed it rapidly
forward, and, seconded by Davoust and Murat, turned the left of the
Russian centre, and dispersed them. The battle still raged on the Rus
sian right, — where Barclay, entrenched in the great redoubt, obstinately
struggled with Prince Eugene, — and on their extreme left, where Ponia
towski had as yet failed to make himself master of the great Moscow
road. When another pressing demand for " the guard, to complete the
destruction of the Russian army," was brought to Napoleon from Ney
and Murat, who burned to follow up the retreat of the defeated infantry,
he pointed in silence to those two conflicting bodies. The Emperor's
words ought to be satisfactory as to the cause of his refusal to send his
reserve, which has occasioned so many animadversions. " The case,"
he said, " was not sufficiently extricated and conclusive to induce him
yet to part with his reserves ; and that he must see more clearly the
state of his chess-board." When Count Darii, at the pressing solici
tation of Berthier, repeated the request, and said in a low tone " that
on all sides the cry now was that the moment for the guard to act
was come," Napoleon replied, " And if there should be a second battle
on the morrow, what shall I have to carry it on with?"
Kutusoff was still unconquered. He rallied for the third time,
and, resting his right on the great redoubt, formed a fresh Une in
front of Ney and Murat ; but it was a last effort. General Cau-
laincourt, at the head of the fifth French cuirassiers, made a desperate
charge on the rear of the redoubt, while Eugene maintained his ground
in the front. The last words of Caulaincourt, as he left Murat to
open the attack, had been, " You shall see me there immediately,
dead or alive ! " He charged at the head of his regiment, overthrew
all opposition, and was the first man who penetrated into the redoubt,
where, almost at the instant, he fell mortally wounded; but that
decisive charge determined the victory. The troops of Prince Eugene
were pressing onwards, and had nearly reached the mouth of the battery,
when suddenly its fire was extinguished, its smoke dispersed, and above
the now silent engines of destruction appeared the moveable and

206 THE HISTORY OF
poUshed brass which covered the French cuirassiers. The Russians
had been driven from their last iiitrenchment. They returned with
one more desperate effort to retake this position, as if determined to
die rather than endure defeat. Their column advanced to the very
mouths of the cannon, but at the terrible discharge of thirty pieces
of artillery, which were directed against them, they appeared to be
whirled round by the shock, and retired without being able to deploy.
Officers now came in from every part of the field. Poniatowski, sup
ported by Sebastiani, had conquered on the left, after a desperate
struggle. The sounds of firing became weaker and less frequent.
The Russians had retreated to a new position, where they appeared
to be intrenching themselves. The day was drawing to a close, and
the battle was ended.
Napoleon had remained nearly on the same spot throughout the
whole of the battle, seated on the edge of a trench, or walking back
wards and forwards on an elevated platform. He now mounted his
horse, and slowly passed amidst the heaps of dead and wounded till
he reached the heights of Semenowska. He said Uttle ; but the few
words he uttered implied that he felt his victory had cost him too
dear. He then repaired to his tent to write the bulletin of the battle,
and made a point of announcing to France that neither himself nor
his reserve had been subject to the least danger, — thus manifesting
the confidence he felt in the opinion entertained of him by the French ;
and, at the same time, informing Europe that notwithstanding his dis
tance from France, and while surrounded by enemies in a hostile
country, he was stiU safe and powerful.
It is a question whether the battle of Borodino (sometimes caUed
the battle of the Mosqua, or Moscowa), was not the most important of
all Napoleon's battles. A different result, either way, would probably
have influenced all his subsequent career to an incalculable extent.
Waterloo might have been won by the French, or France might have
been conquered, long before the period of that great contest. The
account given by Segur of Napoleon's extreme ill health, and mental
indecision, — amounting to temporary imbecility, — during the whole of
the battle of Borodino, has occasioned innumerable comments among
historians, and all those who practically understood or felt interested in
the affair. Napoleon's reason for refusing to send his reserve into
action, has been sufficiently explained by his own words: the only
question is, whether this refusal was founded on a wise or a short
sighted policy. Judging from the event, it would seem that he
just won enough by the battle of Borodino to shew his enemies that
he could beat them under all his disadvantages, and therefore to warn
them against hazarding a second great battle, while it was most pro-

iso

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 207
bable they could eventually conquer him by other means than fighting ;
but he failed to win a sufficient victory, and thus to terminate the
contest in his favour, although he had the power of doing this if he
had chosen to call out all his resources. On the other hand, let us
suppose he had sent all his reserve into the field, and destroyed the
Russian army? Would this have prevented the firing of Moscow; or
would it not rather have furnished additional reasons for that terrible
resolution of the Russian governor ? Would Napoleon in this case have
retreated, or would he have pushed onwards direct for Petersburg ?
Would not the whole population have risen against him ; but would
not Alexander have rather been anxious to make any terms he might
please to dictate ? Against this we have to place the exhausted con
dition of the French ; the want of supplies ; the probable burning
of all the villages near which they would have to pass; and the rapid
approach of winter. Their retreat, if necessary, would have been far
less disastrous; but little else of good can be safely predicated as
certain to have resulted from the destruction of the Russian army at
Borodino. On the whole, it is clear that Napoleon was right in hold
ing back his reserve under the reasonable expectation of a great battle
before the walls of Moscow ; but the event placed him in the wrong,
inasmuch as he had expected to fight with a mass of armed men, and
not with the irresistible terrors and disasters of a vast flaming capital.
Segur has always been the chief authority on all the foregoing
events ; but he has been convicted of various exaggerations and errors.
He reiterates the statement that Napoleon was in the most lamentable
condition of ill health, wliich reduced his clear and decisive intellect
to a state bordering on fatuity, during the whole of this great battle :
a battle which had been the object of all his previous thoughts ; had
cost so many efforts and such dreadful losses to bring to an issue ;
and upon the results of which all his hopes in Russia depended. Segur
states that the Emperor remained immoveable on his seat, without any
apparent interest in the progress of the battle ; that he only gave a lan
guid attention to the most urgent reports and requisitions of his chief
generals, but without doing anything which their situation demanded ;
and that when he gave any order, he almost immediately counter
manded it. These, and other animadversions of a similar kind, con
cerning this tremendous battle, are very fairly refuted in the " Memoirs
of Count Matthieu Dumas," intendant-general of the army, who was
near the Emperor's person during the whole of the day, only leaving
him occasionally to visit the field-hospitals, and provide for the first
reUef to be given to the numerous wounded. " It has been frequently
asserted," says Dumas, " that Napoleon did not display his usual activity
on this day. His apparent indifference has excited astonishment; it

208 THE HISTORY OF
has been intimated that he laboured under bodily exhaustion; that
he was not able to call into action all the resources of his genius ; in
short, that his star began to grow dim, even in the midst of victory.
Napoleon certainly appeared to be indisposed ; he had undergone ex
cessive fatigue during the two preceding nights, which he had employed
in reconnoitering in person the positions of the enemy, in placing the
corps of the army, and in determining the point of attack. Having
formed his plans to compel the enemy to abandon their strong position,
he would not consent to make any change in the arrangements which
he had resolved upon after profound consideration. He placed himself
at a short distance from his right wing, against which it was probable
that the Russian general would direct his principal effort, in order to
take our attacking columns in the rear, while they should be stopped
by the fire of the redoubts. The station which Napoleon had chosen
was, in fact, the best point of observation. It commanded a view of
the whole field of battle, and if any manoeuvre, any partial success of
the enemy, had required new measures, the vigilance of Napoleon would
not have failed to meet the urgency of the case. He would have gone
to the spot in person, as he did at the battle of Wagram."
Napoleon declared at St. Helena, that the battle of Borodino
was his most brilliant feat of arms. He was, however, aware from
the first that his conduct of it would be criticised. "About nine
o'clock in the evening," proceeds Dumas, " Count Daru and myself were
summoned to the Emperor. His bivouac was in the middle of the
square battaUon of his guard, a little behind the redoubt. His supper
had just been served; he was alone, and made us sit down on his
right and left hand. After having heard the account of the measures
taken for the reUef of the wounded, &c, he spoke to us of the issue
of the battle ; a moment afterwards he fell asleep for about twenty
minutes ; then, suddenly waking, he continued thus : ' People will be
astonished that I did not bring up my reserves to obtain more decisive
results; but it was necessary to keep them, in order to strike a de
cisive blow in the great battle which the enemy will offer us before
Moscow: the success of the day was secured; I had to think of the
success of the campaign, and it is for that I keep my reserves.' " This
places the matter in a tolerably clear light. It has been shewn how
far Napoleon was mistaken in his anticipation of a second great battle.
Borodino was, in fact, the battle for Moscow ; and its results involved
the fate of that city, and of the French army.
The victory at Borodino was anything but decisive of the great
struggle. On the very next morning, there was an alarm, even in
the tent of the Emperor, which compelled the old guard to resort to
arms. This was mortifying after a victory, and carried with it the air

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 209
of an insult. The French army continued inactive till noon. Ten
thousand had been killed, and the wounded amounted to no less than
twenty thousand. Forty-three generals had been killed or wounded.
Among the Russians, there had been fifteen thousand killed, including
the gallant Prince Bagration, and thirty thousand wounded. The French
carried their wounded two leagues in the rear, to the large monastery
of Kolotskoi. The chief surgeon, Larrey, had taken assistants from
all the other regiments, and the hospital wagons had arrived ; but all
that could be done for the conveyance was insufficient. Larrey sub
sequently complained that no sufficient troop had been left to enable
him to obtain the necessary articles from the surrounding villages.
When the Emperor inspected the field of battle, everything con
curred to increase its horrors. A gloomy sky, a cold rain, a violent
wind, habitations in ashes, a plain absolutely torn up and covered
with fragments and ruins, rendered the scene of carnage yet more
appalling. The dark and funereal verdure of the north was seen all
round the horizon. Soldiers were roaming like wild beasts among
the bodies of their dead comrades, and emptying their knapsacks to
procure subsistence for themselves. The wounds of the slain were of
the most hideous description, occasioned by the large bullets used by
the Russians. The bivouacs were mournful; no songs of triumph,
no Uvely narrations, — all dreary and silent. Around the eagles were
the rest of the officers and subalterns, and a few soldiers, — barely suf
ficient to guard the colours. Their clothes were torn by the violence
of the conflict, blackened with powder, and stained with blood; yet
even amidst their rags, their misery, and destitution, they displayed
a lofty bearing, and on the appearance of Napoleon welcomed him
with acclamations.
Many wounded men were found in the bottom of ravines, where
the French troops had been precipitated, or where they had dragged
themselves for shelter from the enemy or the storm. Some of the
younger soldiers in sighs and groans were calling upon the name of
their country, or of their mother ; but most of the veterans awaited
death either with an impassive or a sardonic air, neither imploring or
complaining. The anguish of some of the wounded made them beg
of their comrades, as a mercy, to kill them instantly. Among the
Russians, the enormous number of wounded presented on every side
a spectacle of moving horrors. Many of these mutilated objects were
seen dragging themselves with bloody trail along the ground, towards
places where they might find shelter among a heap of dead bodies.
Napoleon's horse chancing to tread upon the body of one apparently
dead, a cry of anguish startled him, and excited his compassion.
Somebody remarked that "it was only a Russian;" — upon which
c c

210 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon angrily reproved the speaker, and observed that, " after a
battle, none were enemies, — but aU were men."
The Emperor ordered the prisoners that had been taken, to be again
numbered, and a few dismounted cannon to be collected. Between
seven and eight hundred prisoners, and a score of unserviceable cannon,
were the sole trophies of this most sanguinary and imperfect victory.
The sick and wounded were so numerous in the town of Mojaisk
that the Russians in passing through had not ventured to set fire to the
houses; they could not, however, resist firing upon the French, even
with shells, directly they entered the town, which was quickly in flames,
and numbers of their wounded countrymen were burned. The Russian
army disappeared from the heights beyond the town, as the French
advanced. After the battle of Borodino, two divisions from Smolensko
came up to reinforce Napoleon, so that his army, notwithstanding all his
losses, still comprised the formidable number of one hundred thousand
men. It was conjectured that the Russians had taken the road towards
Moscow, and Murat and Mortier pursued in that direction. The
Russians again appeared on the 11th of September near Krymskoie,
established in a very strong position. In spite of all the remonstrances
of Mortier and other generals, Murat resolved on an immediate attack.
He ordered the advance, and on this occasion were lost, without any
advantage, two thousand men of the reserve. Mortier, in a state bor
dering on frenzy, wrote to the Emperor, declaring that he would never
in future obey the King of Naples. The thoughts, however, of Napo
leon were now bent solely on Moscow, and he hurried forward on
the 12th to join the advanced guard.
A brief description of this extraordinary city will be necessary in
order to enable the reader to understand what follows : — " Moscow was
an immense and singular assemblage of two hundred and ninety-five
churches, and fifteen hundred splendid habitations, together with their
gardens and offices. These palaces, built of brick, with the grounds
attached to them, intermingled with handsome wooden houses, and
even with cottages, were scattered over several square leagues of
unequal surface, and were grouped around a lofty, triangular palace,
whose vast and double enclosure, comprising two divisions, and about
half a league in circumference, included — one of them — several palaces
and churches, and a quantity of uncultivated and stony ground ; the
other, a vast bazaar — a city of merchants — exhibiting the opulence of
the four quarters of the world. These buildings, shops as well as
palaces, were all covered with polished and coloured plates of iron. The
churches, which were each of them surmounted by a terrace, and by
several steeples terminating in gilded globes, the crescent, and finally
the cross, recalled to mind the history of the people. They represented

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 211
Asia and her religion, first triumphant, then subdued; and finally the
crescent of Mahomet under the dominion of the cross of Christ. A
single sunbeam made this superb city glitter with a thousand varied
colours; and the enchanted traveller halted in ecstacy at the sight.
It recalled to his mind the dazzling prodigies with which oriental
poets had amused his infancy."
The powerful and opulent nobility of Moscow prided themselves
in their high antiquity of family, their numbers, union, and general
connexion and relationship, formed during the seven centuries which
that capital had existed. The land of almost the whole of the govern
ment of Moscow belonged to them, and there they reigned over a
million of serfs. Those among them who left the city to launch into
the career of poUtics or glory, generally returned to enjoy the close of
their lives out^of the reach of the court. Their princes have generally
had a repugnance to visit Moscow, feeling these nobles to be an aristo
cracy nearly beyond the reach of their power, but whom, on the con
trary, it was necessary to humour and manage. The habits, manners,
dress, and language of the nobility, resembled those of modern Europe.
The large class of wealthy merchants displayed a kind of Asiatic pomp
and luxury. The people were frequently seen in the Grecian costume,
with flowing beards. The crowds of slaves and retainers, and the squalid
debasement and ignorance mixed with grandeur and refinement, gave to
Moscow a peculiar air of semi-civilisation, or luxurious barbarism.
The Emperor Alexander had repaired to Moscow immediately after
he left his army. He met the nobiUty in full assembly, and addressed
them in a speech in which he set forth the dangers of the state. It
was received with enthusiasm, and a simultaneous exclamation burst
from every side : — " Sire, ask all ! we offer all, accept all !" A grant
of one serf out of every ten, fully armed, equipped, and supplied with
three months' provisions, was unanimously voted. The merchants, whom
he next addressed, laid themselves under a voluntary contribution,
amounting, it is said, to two milUons of rubles, to support the war
against the invaders, The president of the meeting put down his name
for fifty thousand rubles, which was half his fortune. Count Rostop-
chin remained governor of Moscow after the departure of the Emperor
Alexander. Whether the extreme measure afterwards adopted, and
which certainly originated with Rostopchin, was sanctioned by Alex
ander, remains a doubtful point, but it is scarcely credible that any
subject would have ventured on so tremendous an expedient exclusively
on his own responsibility.
As the French army approached the capital, terror began to prevail
among the inhabitants ; and, after the taking of Smolensko, many of the
wealthy classes removed their most valuable effects, and left the city.

212 THE HISTORY OF
The governor secretly encouraged this gradual emigration, though he
ostensibly maintained a complete confidence of success in the Russian
cause, and kept up the spirits of the people by false reports and loyal
declarations. Among other contrivances, he employed a number of
females in the construction of an immense balloon, out of which, as
he made the people believe, he would pour down a shower of fire
upon the French army. Under this pretence, he is said to have
collected a quantity of combustibles destined for a purpose widely
differing from this aeronautic fiction. The panic at Moscow at length
became general, and not only the nobility and higher classes in general,
but tradesmen, mechanics, and even the poor, left it by thousands. The
public archives and treasures were removed; the magazines emptied, as
far as time permitted. The roads, especially those to the south, were
covered with a long train of carriages of every description, and with
successive crowds of fugitives on foot, the priests leading the way
laden with the symbols of their religion, and singing mournful hymns
of lamentation. Immediately after his defeat at Borodino, Kutuseff promulgated
false reports of a great victory to the Russian arms, and of the entire
destruction of the French army. These reports reached Petersburg on
the Emperor's birthday, and obtained munificent rewards and honours
to Kutusoff, which were not afterwards cancelled. The delusion was
of very short duration at Moscow. Rumours. of the truth soon spread
among all the remaining population. The wrecks of the great battle,
which soon began to arrive, thoroughly undeceived them. A long con
voy of wounded, uttering bitter groans of anguish — their powerful lords
mutilated and overthrown like the meanest in the ranks— fiUed the city
with consternation. Rostopchin found it very difficult to maintain order.
He addressed the populace, declaring that he was about to repair to
the camp, and was ready "to defend Moscow to the last drop of his
blood." Kutusoff, with his retreating army, now appeared without the
walls, and intrenched himself strongly in the position of FiU. He had
ninety thousand men under his command, of whom six thousand were
Cossacks, large numbers of recruits having been added to his numbers
since the great battle; and it appears certain that he still entertained
some intention of defending the capital. This purpose, however, was
speedily relinquished. On the 14th of September, he broke up his
camp, and his army continued its retreat, passing through Moscow,
which was to be abandoned to its fate. The troops marched along
the deserted streets with furled banners and silent drums; and passed
out at the Kalomna gate. Some of the officers were observed to shed
tears of rage and shame. With an army of ninety thousand men, in
their own country, and with the constant power of retreatino- upon

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 213
their resources, it is no wonder that all the braver spirits among
the Russians felt this humiliating policy most deeply.
The long columns of retreat were followed by the garrison and all
the remaining population, with the exception of one class, — left there
for a special purpose. Before his own departure, Rostopchin opened
the prisons, and let loose their miserable and degraded inmates, to the
number of three or four hundred, having given them a secret task to
perform. The pumps of the city had all been removed or destroyed,
and torches and combustibles in great quantities collected. The last
act of the governor was to hold a court of justice, at which two
criminals were arraigned. One, a Russian, accused of stirring up the
people to revolt, and of belonging to a sect of German illuminati, or
reformers ; the other, a Frenchman, who had been emboldened by the
approach of his countrymen to make a dangerous political harangue.
The father of the Russian arrived in haste while the trial was pro
ceeding, and every one expected he was about to intercede for the
criminal, but he loudly demanded his execution. The governor, how
ever, allowed him a few moments to speak with his son, and give him
his blessing. " I bless the traitor !" exclaimed this Russian father ;
and then turning to his son, he cursed him with a tone and gestures
horrible to witness. The savage words were the signal of execution.
The victim was struck by a sabre, but the blow only staggering him,
the infuriated multitude rushed upon him and tore him to pieces.
The Frenchman stood by, almost petrified with horror; but the go
vernor, satisfied with the tragedy already acted, dismissed him with
calm hauteur, saying, — " As for you, it was natural for you to desire
the arrival of the French : you are therefore discharged ; forget not,
however, to tell your countrymen that Russia had but one traitor,
and he has met with his deserts." Rostopchin then left the city.
Napoleon subsequently made the calculation that a hundred thou
sand of the inhabitants, thus abandoned and forced to fly from Moscow,
perished in the woods of the neighbourhood for want of food and
shelter. In the midst of their despair at the very last, the multitude
had been roused to an excitement of hope and confidence by the sight
of a vulture caught in the chains which supported the cross of the
principal church. This, they hailed as an omen that God was about to
deliver Napoleon into their hands. " What," says Hazlitt, " can subdue
a nation who can be thus easily deluded by the grossest appearances ;
and whose whole physical strength, to inflict or to endure, can be
wielded mechanically, and in mass, in proportion to their want of under
standing? Certainty, ignorance is power."
On the same day that the Russian army retreated through Moscow,
and even before their rear-guard had cleared the city, Murat penetrated

214

THE HISTORY OF

the suburbs, and Eugene and Poniatowski opened an attack at the gates.
Napoleon himself with his guard gained the summit of the " Mount of
Salvation," the last height which hid his long desired conquest from
his view, about two o'clock in the afternoon, and saw the immense
city glittering with a thousand colours in the sun, — a strange and
magnificient sight in the midst of the desert. The troops halted

. .-..3iKM£

involuntarily, struck with admiration, and loudly exclaimed, — " Moscow !
Moscow!" in a transport of joy. The marshals crowded with con
gratulations around the Emperor. He, also, had suddenly paused, in
evident exultation. His first exclamation was, — "There at last then
is that famous city ! " — presently adding, — " It was high time ! "
A flag of truce from Miloradowitch, who commanded the Russian
rear-guard, met the Emperor at this point. He came to announce that
his guard would set fire to Moscow if he were not allowed time to
evacuate it. An armistice of two hours was granted him immediately.
Napoleon's eager eye was fixed on the city, as on a vision he was just
about to realise. He expected every moment to see a deputation
issue from the gates to lay its wealth, its population, its senate, and
its nobility at his feet. The troops of the two nations were intermingled
for a few minutes. Murat was soon surrounded by a crowd of Cossacks

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 215
extolling his personal prowess by signs and gesticulations, and intoxi
cating him with their admiration. He distributed the watches of his
officers among these barbarian warriors, one of whom denominated him
his " Hetman." It began to look like an almost immediate peace ;
and Napoleon indulged in dreams of success and glory for two hours.
In the mean time, the day was drawing to a close, and Moscow
remained sad, silent, and death-like. Napoleon became anxious; the
soldiers almost uncontrollably impatient. A few officers penetrated into
the city, and a rumour began to spread that " Moscow was deserted ! "
Napoleon repelled the intelligence with irritation; he, however, de
scended the hill, and advanced towards the Dorogomilow gate. Here he
again halted, but in vain ; all remained motionless as before. Murat
urged him to penetrate into the city : he refused for some time,
shrinking perhaps from having the truth forced upon his conviction.
At last he gave the order, "Enter then, since they will have it so!" —
recommending, at the same time, the strictest discipUne. CalUng Daru
to his side, he said aloud, "Moscow deserted! a most unlikely event!
We must enter it, and ascertain the fact. Go and bring the boyars
(landed proprietors) before me." Daru went, and returned. Not a
single Muscovite was to be found : — " No smoke," says Segur, was seen
ascending from the meanest hearth ; nor was the sUghtest noise to be
heard throughout that populous and extensive city, its three hundred
thousand inhabitants seeming all dumb and motionless as by enchant
ment. There was the silence of the desert."
After Daru, another officer, earnest to accompUsh whatever the
Emperor desired, appeared, driving before him five or six of those miser
able beings who had been freed from prison, and left in Moscow for an
important purpose. Then it was that Napoleon ceased to doubt the
truth. Murat, with his long and close column of cavalry, had entered
Moscow upwards of an hour since. They found it as yet uninjured,
but without signs of life. Awed by the silence of this immense soli
tude, the troops passed onwards without uttering a word, listening to
the hollow sound of their horses' feet re-echoed from the walls of these
deserted palaces. They never appeared even to think of plundering.
Suddenly the report of small arms was heard. The column halted.
The discharge had been made from the walls of the Kremlin, the
gates of which were closed. It was defended by a squalid rout of
men and women of most disgusting and villanous aspect, who were
in a state of bestial drunkenness, uttering savage yells and the most
horrible imprecations. As they would listen to no terms, the gates
were forced, and these ferocious miscreants were immediately driven
away. Five hundred recruits, who had been forgotten, were left behind
in the Kremlin, but they offered no resistance, and dispersed at the

216 THE HISTORY OF
first summons. Several thousand stragglers and deserters also surren
dered themselves voluntarily to the advanced guard. Murat scarcely
bestowed a minute's delay on the Kremlin. After marching over so
many leagues, and fighting so many battles to reach Moscow, he passed
through that magnificient city without once halting to notice it; and
ardent in his pursuit of the Russians dashed forwards into the road
to Voladimir and Asia. Several thousand Cossacks were retreating in
that direction ; and upon these Murat ordered a discharge of carbines,
and thus terminated the brief armistice.
Napoleon did not enter Moscow before night. He appointed
Mortier governor of the city. " Above all," said he, " no pillage."
During the night, many reports were brought him of the intended
burning of the capital, but he would not credit the statements. He
was, however, unable to sleep, and continually called his attendants to
repeat to him what they had heard. About two o'clock in the morn
ing, he was apprised that the flames had broken out at the merchants'
palace, or exchange, which was in the centre of the city. He gave
orders, and despatched messages with the greatest rapidity. At day
light, he hurried to Mortier, who shewed him houses covered with iron
roofs, and closely shut up, from which a black smoke was already
issuing. They had not been broken into, but were evidently fired
from the inside. Napoleon entered the KremUn thoughtful and melan
choly ; yet when beholding this stupendous palace of the ancestral
sovereigns of Russia, his ambition was gratified by the conquest, and
he murmured after a pause, — " I am at length then in Moscow ! — in
the ancient City of the Czars !— in the KremUn." In this brief moment
of satisfaction, he wrote a pacific overture to the Emperor Alexander,
and despatched it by a Russian officer who had been discovered in the
great hospital.
The flames had been checked by the exertions of the Duke of
Treviso. Meantime, the incendiaries kept themselves so well concealed
that their existence was much doubted. Regulations were now issued ;
order established; and officers and men proceeded to take possession of
some convenient house, or sumptuous palace, wherein to rest and recruit
themselves after so many hardships, dangers, and privations. Two
officers, however, having taken up their quarters in one of the build
ings of the Kremlin, were awoke about midnight by an overpowering
glare of Ught in the room. Starting up, they looked out and saw
palaces in flames. The wind was driving the flames directly towards
the KremUn. Presently the wind changed, and the devouring element
was carried in an opposite direction. Observing this, the officers,
rendered selfish by long fatigue and privation, fell asleep again. But
they were once more aroused by a new burst of still fiercer light.

THE BURNING OF MOSCOW.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 217
They observed flames rising in a totally different quarter, which the
changed wind was now urging directly towards the Kremlin. Three
times the wind changed, and three times did new flames burst out from
different quarters of the city, and blaze onwards towards the Kremlin.
It appeared as though the incendiaries were attempting to destroy
the Emperor and all who surrounded him, by taking advantage of the
exhaustion and deep sleep into which the recent fatigues, added perhaps
to some excesses of the soldiers, had thrown them. Not only did the
Kremlin contain a magazine of powder, of which the French were not
aware, but the guards, overpowered by wine and want of rest, had left
a whole park of artillery under the Emperor's windows. The flames
were presently darting against the palace from all points, and the air
was covered with burning flakes of fire. The chiefs^ including Mortier,
overcome by their vain exertions to check the conflagration, returned to
the Kremlin, and fell down in a state of utter exhaustion and despair.
At first, it was thought that this terrific disaster had occurred
through the intoxication of the French soldiers; but reports came in
rapidly with officers from all quarters, which placed the real cause
beyond all doubt. All agreed in the statement of a globe of fire having
been let down upon the palace of one of the Russian princes, which
had consumed it, on the first night of their entrance, and that this was
a signal to the incendiaries. Men of atrocious look and tattered gar
ments, and frantic women, had been seen roaming amidst the flames,
and thus completing a hideous resemblance of the infernal world.
They were the malefactors whom Rostopchin had let loose from the
prisons, and commissioned to execute this tremendous deed as the price
of their liberation and pardon. Most thoroughly did they fulfil their
trust: and, becoming delirious with intoxication, with excitement, and
entire success, they no longer concealed themselves, but ran to and fro
with diabolical yells, like furies, waving lighted brands round their heads.
The French could not make them drop their torches, except by slash
ing at their naked arms with sabres. Orders were instantly given to
shoot every incendiary on the spot. The army was drawn out. The
old guard, which had been quartered in the Kremlin, took arms, and
their horses and' baggage quickly filled the courts. Masters of Mos
cow, they were obliged to seek their bivouac outside its gates.
Napoleon was awoke by the blaze and uproar of the conflagration.
It was impossible for him any longer to fortify himself with incredulity
and scorn. On perceiving that the city was really on fire in almost
every quarter, he gave way to his first feelings in rage, and a passionate
resolve to master the devouring element; but he presently recovered
himself, and silently yielded to what he saw was inevitable. His inward
agitation, however, was excessive. He seemed parched by the flames
D D

218 THE HISTORY OF
as he gazed at their fury. He continually sat down, and then abruptly
started up, and traversed his apartments with rapidity. Again he seated
himself, and began to transact most urgent business; yet every now and
then he started up and ran to the windows, uttering short and broken
exclamations as he traced the progress of the flames: "What a fright
ful spectacle ! To have done it themselves! Such a number of palaces !
What extraordinary resolution ! " There is something extremely fine in
this power of standing apart from the scene, even while in the midst
of such an excitement and danger, and admiring the forces brought
into action, even though to his own utter destruction.
A report was now circulated that the Kremlin was undermined.
Several Russian prisoners had affirmed this ; certain writings attested
it. Some of the attendants lost their senses with terror ; the military
awaited with firmness whatever Napoleon and their destiny should
decide ; but he noticed the alarm only by a smile of incredulity.
Meantime, the conflagration raged with increasing violence, and they
all began to inhale the smoke and ashes. Still Napoleon would not
depart. He walked to and fro with convulsive energy.
Night was again approaching. The glare of the flames became
more brilliant as the shades closed round, and he saw the devouring
element seizing upon all the bridges, and all the accesses to the fortress
which enclosed him, while the equinoctial wind blew with redoubled
violence. At this crisis, Prince Eugene and Murat arrived in breath
less haste, most earnestly, and even on their knees, beseeching Napo
leon- to leave the palace. All their efforts, however, were in vain.
Suddenly, a cry was heard,— " The Kremlin is on fire!" The words
were echoed from every part of the building. The Emperor left his
apartment that he might himself judge of the danger. A Russian
soldier of police had been detected in the act. He had received a
signal, and given the watchword. The exasperated grenadiers put an '
end to him with their bayonets. It was evident that there had been
an organised plan to burn even the Kremlin. This incident decided
Napoleon, and he rapidly descended the northern staircase.
A guide had been called to conduct Napoleon and his attendants
through the Kremlin and out of the city. Segur has given a terrific
description of the dangers which they had to encounter on their way.
According to him, they were besieged in the midst of an ocean of
flames, which enveloped all the gates of the citadel. After an exciting
search, there was discovered a postern-gate across the rocks, which
opened towards the Mosqua. Through this narrow way, they made
their escape. They were now nearer to the flames of the city
than before, and could neither retreat, nor advance across the waves
of this sea of fire. Those even who had recently passed through to

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 219
the Kremlin, were now so bewildered by the wind and blinded by the
ashes, that they were unable to recognise the divisions of the city, or
recollect the directions of any of its streets which still remained. The
roaring of the flames increased every moment round them. Napoleon
now led the way. A single narrow street, crooked, and in every part
on fire, presented itself to their notice ; but it seemed, as one of the
party afterwards said, "more like an avenue to the hell before them,
than a way to escape from it." Into this terrible pass, Napoleon darted
on foot without a moment's hesitation, followed by his officers and
guards. He continued to advance over the scorching and crackling
cinders, amidst the dangers of dividing roofs, falling beams, and domes
covered with burning iron, which continually came thundering down,
and scattered tremendous ruins on every side. These fragments much
impeded his progress. The flames, which were consuming with eager
and tempestuous violence the houses between which he proceeded,
after reaching their summits, were turned back by the force of the
wind in arches of fire over their heads. They were treading on a soil
of fire, under a sky of fire, and between walls of fire. A penetrating
heat was tormenting and almost scorching up their eyes, and yet it
was necessary to keep them open and intently fixed upon the sur
rounding dangers. Tlieir hands were burned in endeavouring to pro
tect their faces from the intolerable heat, and their bodies from tlie
falling embers and flakes which were continually burning through
their clothes. Their respiration was nearly choked with ashes and
suffocated with smoke.
This circumstantial account, which has been followed by Scott and
others, is perfectly incorrect. We are enabled to state, on the un
questionable authority of an officer of rank attached to Napoleon, and
who attended him on the occasion, that the Emperor left Moscow
without the slightest difficulty. He had not been guilty of such in
credible infatuation as to wait until flames, falling beams, and red-hot
iron should impede him ; but, on the contrary, he proceeded slowly
and calmly to the outer circuit of the city, and took up his quarters
at the imperial castle of Petrowsky, situated about a league on the
road to Petersburg. Count Dumas, who remained on duty within the
walls till night-fall, says, that he and Daru " left Moscow under a real
rain of fire ;" but he mentions nothing of such perils with regard to the
Emperor ; neither is there any allusion to them in the conversations
concerning the conflagration detailed by Las Casas and O'Meara.
On the following morning, September 17th, the Emperor directed
his first glances towards Moscow, hoping to find the fire subdued. It
continued with aU the violence of the previous night. The whole city
now seemed to him " one vast fire-spout, ascending in awful whirls

220 THE HISTORY OF
towards the sky." He was long absorbed in the contemplation of this
scene of horror and ruin. Moscow had been the very centre of all
his projects, — the object of all his hopes in Russia. At length, he
broke his melancholy silence merely by observing, " This forebodes
us no common calamities."
The fire raged throughout the 18th and 19th of September, when
it slackened for want of fuel. The greater part of the Kremlin, a few
palaces, and all the churches built of stone, remained standing. All
else was laid in ruins. The destruction of property was enormous.
The flight of the nobility had been so sudden, that the French officers
on their entrance found even the jewels of the ladies left behind. But
there are other consequences of the burning of Moscow which are too
horrible to dwell upon. Dumas states, that he found six thousand
wounded Russians in the hospitals, which he examined by order of
Napoleon, when the French army entered. Their fate cannot be
doubtful. Napoleon returned to the Kremlin on the 20th. He passed to
wards the city through the camps of his army, which exhibited a very
singular appearance. " They were situated," says Segur, " in the midst
of fields, in a thick and cold mire ; and contained immense fires fed by
rich mahogany furniture, and gilded sashes and doors. Around these
fires, with a litter of damp straw, sheltered only by a few miserable
planks fastened together, his soldiers with their officers were to be
seen, splashed with dirt and stained with smoke, seated upon superb
arm-chairs, or reclining on sofas covered with silk. At their feet,
carelessly opened or thrown in heaps, lay Cashmere shawls, the finest
furs of Siberia, the gold stuffs of Persia, and plates of solid silver,
from which they had nothing to eat but a black dough baked in
ashes, and half-broiled and bloody steaks of horse-flesh."
The ground between the camps and the city was covered with
marauders laden with booty. On his way through the ruined streets,
Napoleon had passed heaps of furniture piled up for removal, and
stalls where soldiers were exchanging showy and valuable commodities
for common necessaries; and the richest wines, liqueurs, and bales of
costly merchandise, for a loaf of bread. He had permitted this license
at first ; but hearing that the excesses increased, and that the peasantry
who had formerly brought provisions were now prevented by fear, he
issued severe orders, and commanded his guard to keep close to their
quarters. He was obeyed at the first word. The plundering continued,
but was conducted regularly, and every effort made to protect the pea
sants ; nevertheless few appeared, and at length not one was to be seen.
In the meanwhile, Kutusoff, followed close by Murat, had retreated
towards Kolomna, as far as the spot where the Mosqua divides the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 221
road. Here, under cover of the night, he suddenly turned to the
southward, and performed a circular march, of which Moscow was the
centre, in order to place himself between Moscow and Kalouga, at
which latter place great magazines had been collected. In this position,
he might operate upon the French lines of communication with Smo
lensko and Poland. His troops in their night march had been lighted
by the flames of Moscow; and their gloomy rage was kindled into the
utmost fury at the sight of a calamity which they had been made to
believe was solely the savage work of the French. Murat came up
with them at Czerikowo, and again at Winkowo, and sharp skirmishes
occurred at both places, leaving the advantage with the French. Kutusoff
continued his march, and took up a strong position at Torontino, cover
ing Kalouga. Murat pressed forward and established himself in front
of the Russian camp, to observe their motions. On his way, he passed
the domains of Count Rostopchin, which had been desolated, and the
splendid palace reduced to ashes. Nothing could more clearly de
monstrate the consciousness entertained by the Russian chiefs of the
superiority of the French arms, even under all disadvantages, than this
system of burning every possession without a struggle. A letter in
the foUowing terms was sent to Murat from Rostopchin. " French
men, for eight years it has been my pleasure to embellish this my
favourite residence. The inhabitants, seventeen hundred in number,
will leave it as you approach; and it will be reduced to ashes that
not one of you may pollute it by your presence. I have left you two
palaces in Moscow, with their furniture, worth half a million of rubles.
Here you will only find ashes." The same spirit of bitter hatred pos
sessed the peasantry. They set fire to the hamlets wherever they
might have afforded shelter to the invaders ; but the wretched huts
built of logs with scarcely any furniture, were of little value to their
inmates, who possessed rio property of their own, and had no domestic
associations to overcome. The proclamation that every one of their own
order who should furnish food to the invaders should be punished with
death, gave stronger evidence of their abhorrence of the French. Scott
asserts, that when the latter branded some of their Russian prisoners
on the hand with the letter " N," as a sign that they were the serfs of
Napoleon, and must labour in his service, one of them laid his branded
hand on a log of wood, and struck it off with an axe. Surely nothing
but the "power of ignorance" (to use Hazlitt's inversion of the old
axiom) could ever have made such a man a serf. Free corps, on the
same principle as the guerillas of Spain, had also been organised; and
they became of serious importance in the war. Colonel Davidoff, well
known among the French by the name of le Capitaine Noir, was a
formidable commander among these bands.

222 THE HISTORY OF
Meantime, Napoleon, established in the Kremlin, the main portion
of which had been saved from the conflagration, was, to all appearance,
regulating his measures, for the purpose of establishing himself in
Moscow for the winter. An intendant and municipality were appointed,
and orders issued to lay in a stock of provisions. A theatre was formed
in the midst of the blackened ruins, and the principal actors of Paris,
with an Italian singer, sent for to perform, as in the Tuileries. The
month of September had passed, and no answer had been deigned by
Alexander to the letter despatched to him from. Napoleon. On the
3rd of October, the French marshals were summoned to the Kremlin,
and received an announcement from the Emperor that he had resolved
to march on St. Petersburg. Their blank countenances and hesitation
disclosed their disapprobation. Eugene alone, it is said, encouraged the
enterprise. It was soon, however, abandoned. Perhaps the Emperor
had never seriously entertained the idea : the attempt might, neverthe
less, have been successful. Napoleon finally resolved to send proposals
of peace to Alexander, by Caulaincourt. That general declined the
office ; and Lauriston was entrusted with the mission.
An armistice was proclaimed, and Lauriston repaired to the head
quarters of Kutusoff, who informed him that he had no authority to let
him proceed to Alexander, but that he would forward the letter. The
coquetting between Murat and the Cossacks was resumed during this
cessation of arms : in this prospect of a peace, they even talked of
"making him their king!" and Scott affirms that he absolutely enter
tained some romantic notion of accepting the dignity. While, however,
all outward courtesy was observed, an ominous undertone among the
Russian officers was very distinctly observable. They alluded to the
severity of their winter : — " Within a fortnight," they said, " your nails
will fall off, and your weapons drop from your benumbed and lifeless
hands." The Cossacks mixed in this discourse with their wild Eastern
style. They asked the French, " If they had not corn, and air, and
.graves enough, to enable them to live and die in their own country ? If
so, why did they rove so far from home, and come to fatten a foreign
soil with their blood?" These were startling hints; but, as Hazlitt
truly objects, "had these men just risen out of the ground (to which
they belonged) that they supposed their own countrymen had never
wandered out of their own bounds ; that the French could remain per
fectly quiet and unmolested within their own territory if they chose ?"
Napoleon was informed of these threats. He was becoming exces
sively uneasy and impatient. The determined silence of Alexander
irritated and astonished him. He, however, confided his secret presenti
ments to no one but Count Daru, and occupied himself in collecting all
the trophies which could be found in Moscow. The gigantic cross on

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 223
the tower of the Great Ivan, to the possession of which a Russian super
stition attached the salvation of the empire, was taken down with great
pains ; a vast flight of ravens continually hovering over it during the
operation. " His mind," profoundly observes Hazlitt, " possessed a
hidden advantage, without which he could not have been the man he
was, — that of employing itself at pleasure on whatever object demanded
his attention, and making his will predominate over real or imaginary
ills. This faculty, however necessary, may also turn to mischievous
account; since truth, by which action must be regulated, is not a vo
luntary thing." The army still presented a noble and imposing ap
pearance, and every detail connected with it was known to Napoleon.
They kept up their spirits and appearance, but it is said that, at this
period, " he grew pale with constant and suppressed anxiety ; that he
sat longer at his meals than usual, and amused himself of an evening
in discussing the merits of some new verses just arrived from Paris, or
in completing a system of regulations for the Comedie Frangaise."
Amidst all these involuntary delays, and the impatience and anxiety
of the whole army, suddenly came on the first fall of snow. It was
the 13th of October, and though such severity of weather did not con
tinue, it was a presage of an early winter. Napoleon, from this moment,
thought only of retreat; but he never uttered the obnoxious term.
He merely said that " the army must be in winter-quarters in twenty
days; that he intended to march upon Kutusoff; to crush, or remove him
out of the way ; and then turn suddenly to Smolensko, by the rich and
unwasted country in the route of Kalouga, Medyn, Inkowo, and Elnia."
He also urged the removal of the wounded. Count Daru counselled
him to remain in Moscow. " The army," he said, " could be quartered
in the cellars of the houses; the horses killed, and salted; and the
rest of the provision obtained by an extensive system of forage : in the
spring, they could issue forth, and complete their conquest." Napoleon
replied, thoughtfully, that " this was the counsel of a lion : but what
would Paris say ? What might be going on there, while all intercourse
was barred for six months ?" There can be little doubt that had he
been confident enough of France to leave it to itself for so long a time,
this last plan would have been a formidable problem for Alexander.
All hesitation was shortly concluded by the Russians suddenly breaking
the truce, on the 18th of October. A Cossack fired upon Murat, which
proved only the signal of an attack from Kutusoff. The French, taken
by surprise, were defeated, and Murat wounded. By his desperate
charges, however, and the valorous resistance of Poniatowski, their
honour was saved, and the Russian victory dearly bought. The intel
ligence revived all the ardour and energy of Napoleon's spirit. A multi
tude of orders, all different, yet all in conformity, burst rapidly from his

224

THE HISTORY OF

lips, and before night the army was in motion towards the scene of
conflict. The Emperor himself quitted Moscow on the morning of the
19th of October. "Let us march upon Kalouga," he exclaimed, "and
woe be to those whom I may meet with on my passage !" Then point
ing to the sky, still without a cloud, he asked those about him, " Whe
ther in that brilliant sun they did not recognise his protecting planet ?"
But the expression of his countenance did not correspond to his words.
Before his departure, he left Mortier with eight thousand men to de
fend the Kremlin, and cover the retreat of the army at all hazards ; and
when he could no longer defend the palace, to blow it up. This most
desperate and important service was fully performed by Mortier. On
the 22nd, a terrible explosion was heard at many leagues distance.
The Kremlin had been blown to atoms. Mortier made a precipitate
retreat, and safely joined the army.
The long delay at Moscow had allowed time for the recovery, or
removal, of the wounded, the return of stragglers, and the resting of
the infantry. The army which marched out of Moscow numbered
one hundred thousand effective men, with their arms and knapsacks ;
above five hundred and fifty field-pieces, and two thousand artillery
wagons. In the rear of these came a confused crowd of many thou
sands, consisting of followers of the camp : — French families, formerly
residents, flying from the rage of the Russians ; and a few Russian girls,
- — voluntary captives ; all imaginable kind of carriages, conveying the
baggage of the soldiers, or the spoils of Moscow ; prisoners, some of
them driving wheel-barrows, — others dragging carts, full of aU sorts of
pillage. Segur compares this miscellaneous crowd to a horde of Tartars
returning from a successful invasion.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

225

Napoleon advanced a day's march on the old road to Kalouga,
where Kutusoff lay encamped in his position at Torontino. On the
second day, he turned off, by cross ways, into the western, or new road.
His intention was to pass the Russian camp on the right, regain the
old road in its rear, and get possession of Borowsk and Malo-Jaro-
slavetz, which were towns to the southward. Kalouga and the fertile
southern provinces would then be open to him. His plan was, at first,
perfectly successful. While Kutusoff believed that Napoleon meditated
an attack on his front, the latter, with the main body of the French
army, reached Borowsk on the 23rd; and on the same day, Delzons,

with the vanguard, occupied Malo-Jaroslavetz. On the 24th, however,
the Emperor heard that Kutusoff had discovered his manoeuvre, and was
advancing towards Malo-Jaroslavetz. At this intelligence, he hurried
forwards. Prince Eugene, with the Italian division, was far in advance,
and already supported Delzons. It was not long before the sounds
of a warm engagement struck Napoleon's ear. He appeared agitated ;
rode hastily up a height, and listened. The sounds increased. A courier
from Eugene soon met him, whom he sent back, with orders to the
viceroy to maintain the ground, whatever it might cost. He himself
came up at the close of the battle, but too late to afford assistance.
The French and Italian divisions which were engaged, amounting to
only eighteen thousand men, who, in the bottom of a ravine, had gained
E E

226 THE HISTORY OF
a hard-fought and dearly-bought victory over fifty thousand Russians
ranged upon an eminence. Delzons, whose bivouacs had been sur
prised by the sudden attack of Kutusoff, was killed. He had been
succeeded by General Guilleminot. Eugene had led the last desperate
charge in person ; and, finally, had driven the Russians from the burning
and ruined town, which had been five times taken and retaken during
the conflict. But Kutusoff had only retreated to a position of immense
strength, commanding the road to Kalouga. The object of Napoleon's
march was therefore lost, "and his intended line of retreat could only
be gained by forcing a passage through the whole Russian army.
The Emperor received the reports of this battle in the dark and
squalid chamber of a weaver's hut, divided in two by a tattered cloth,
where he had taken up his quarters for the night. He had sent Bes
sieres to examine the Russian position, and waited his return in sup
pressed anxiety. Bessieres reported that the position was unassailable.
"Did you see rightly?" exclaimed the Emperor; "Are you sure?
Will you answer for this ? " Bessieres repeating his assertion, Napo
leon crossed his arms ; his head fell on his breast ; and he seemed
lost in his own painful reflections. During the night, he lay down
and rose up incessantly ; called for his attendants ; yet by no word
betrayed his agitation. The restlessness of his body alone disclosed
the painful conflict of his mind. About four in the morning, Prince
D' Aremberg came to warn him that some Cossacks were gliding be
tween his quarters and the advanced posts ; but he paid no attention
to the intelligence. At sunrise, he mounted his horse, and, accompanied
by Rapp, Berthier, and Caulaincourt, with about twenty officers and
chasseurs, repaired to the scene of action, to reconnoitre in person.
In crossing the plain towards Malo-Jaroslavetz, a confused clamour
arose, which was at first mistaken for cries of " Vive 1' Empereur ! "
On a sudden, Platoff, with his Cossacks, rushed among the baggao-e
of the army, with one of their yelling hourras. Rapp exclaimed, " It
is- they! turn back!" and, seizing the bridle of the Emperor's horse,
urged him to retire. Napoleon refused to do this, and drew his sword:
his companions did the same; and, placing themselves on the left of
a wood, waited the approach of the fierce horde. They were only forty
paces distant : Rapp turned and faced them ; and the foremost plunged
a lance into his horse's chest, with such violence, that he was thrown
to the ground. The other aides-de-camp and some horsemen of the
guard rescued Rapp. His gallant action, together with the courage
of the rest of the party, but above all, the avidity of the Cossacks for
plunder, saved the Emperor. Little knowing the prize they missed,
these wild horsemen swept onwards towards the baggage, overthrowing
and seizing carriages, men, and whatever came in their way. Their

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 227
triumph was, however, of short duration, for some cavalry of the
guard coming xip, put them to flight. The Emperor waited till the
plain was cleared, and then proceeded to Malo-Jaroslavetz. " Never
was a field of battle more terribly eloquent," says Segur. " Its
marked and abrupt forms, its blood-stained ruins; the streets— whose
course was now only to be traced by the long line of dead bodies,
and of heads crushed by the wheels of the artillery; the wounded —
who were still seen crawling from amidst the ruins, with their clothes,
their hair, and even their Umbs, half consumed, and uttering the most
piteous cries." Such are fields of glory ! Whatever Napoleon might
feel, he only spoke of the glory of the victory. He exclaimed, that
" the honour of so glorious a day belonged to Prince Eugene alone."
The Emperor proceeded from the field of battle to reconnoitre the
Russian position ; and then returned, slow and thoughtful, to the hovel
which served him for head-quarters. He had seen the road to Ka
louga closed against him by Kutusoff, with a hundred and twenty
thousand men, in a position of immense strength ; and that which led
to Medyn, by Platoff, with ten thousand horse. Murat, Prince Eu
gene, Berthier, Davoust, and Bessieres, accompanied him to deliberate
on the question which was to decide the fate of the army. Napoleon
was seated before a table, his features concealed by his hands. It
remained to determine whether to force a passage through the Russian
army, and continue the route to Smolensko by the southern provinces,
or to retreat by the old road to Mojaisk. Murat, proclaiming his
utter contempt for the Russians, warmly advocated the former plan ;
but was checked by Napoleon, who was seconded by Bessieres. Da
voust recommended the route to Medyn, upon which a violent alter
cation commenced between him and Murat. They were silenced by
the Emperor, who exclaimed, " It is well, sirs ; I will decide." His
decision was to regain the old road ; and with a stunning grief, which
seemed nearly to deprive him of his senses, he gave the unusual order,
to retreat. In thus sacrificing his feeUngs to his judgment, however,
it happened that he made a fatal mistake. At the very moment that
the French army commenced its retrograde march towards Borowsk,
Kutusoff also broke up his encampment and retreated in the opposite
direction, so that the two armies actually turned their backs on each
other, and hurried away. That Napoleon, who had so often seen the
Russians avoid his attack, should never suspect that, on this occasion,
when their advantages were so overwhelming, they would shun it, is,
however, scarcely surprising. Sir Robert Wilson, who was with Kutu
soff, had urged him by every argument to stand his ground, but in
vain. Kutusoff had had enough of Napoleon, and was determined to
let winter do the rest.

THE HISTORY OF
The retreat of the French army to Mojaisk commenced on the
26th of October. The men marched with their eyes on the ground,
ashamed and humbled. Napoleon, in gloomy silence, was probably
measuring, in thought, his line of communication with the fortresses
on the Vistula, from which two hundred and fifty leagues divided him.
Smolensko and Minsk were his two places of rest and refreshment in
that arduous march. At both he had established immense magazines.
But the Russian general, Witgenstein, stationed at Polotsk, threat
ened the former, while the latter was closely observed by Tchit-
chakoff, with fifty-five thousand men, returned from Moldavia since
the peace with Turkey. A far more terrible enemy was also at
hand. The Russian winter, over all those regions through which he
must pass, spreads a sea of snow, six feet in depth. But he had
consulted the almanacks for forty years back, and, according to a rea
sonable calculation, he had time before him yet. As to the hostile
armies, he reckoned on thirty-six thousand fresh troops, stationed at
Smolensko, and on the divisions of St. Cyr and Macdonald, to keep
Wittgenstein in check until he recovered his former positions on the
Dwina and Dnieper. Dombrowski, with a PoUsh division, and Schwartz
enburg, at the head of fifty thousand Austrians, would protect Minsk,
and maintain his communications with France. He estimated, more
over, that his ranks would be replenished by the convalescent sick
and wounded, by returning stragglers, and by the detachments left in
the depots.
Marshal Mortier joined the main army at Vereia, bringing with
him, as prisoner, Count Winzingerode, with his aide-de-camp, Count
Nariskchin. They had rushed into the KremUn, at the head of a
band of Cossacks, and been surrounded and taken. Borowsk and
Vereia were burnt by order of Napoleon, as his army passed. He
had made a last effort to induce Kutusoff to carry on the war on a
less savage plan, " and to spare the towns," by a letter from Berthier ;
but, receiving for answer that the commander-in-chief " could not
restrain the patriotism of the Russians," Napoleon practised this ter
rible retaliation throughout his retreat.
The French army reached Mojaisk on the 28th. It was full of
wounded ; some were carried away,— others left, as at Moscow, to the
generosity of the Russians. After ten days marching and counter
marching, and a tremendous battle, Napoleon was still only three days'
march from Moscow. The army had brought away only fifteen rations
of meal per man. The provision wagons, which the horses could drag
no further, had been burnt on the 26th. Still, Napoleon's spirits
revived at finding himself on a well-known road; but in the evening
he received intelligence which redoubled his previous anxiety. Ku-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 229
tusoff had discovered the new route of the French, and was in full
march for Wiazma, by the way of Medyn. The Emperor imme
diately ordered the guard forward, to secure Gjatz, and hurried the
advance of the whole army. In their progress, they arrived at the
scene of the battle of Borodino, and passed some broken hillocks,
strewed with blackened fragments of armour and drums, half-devoured
bodies, and ghastly skeletons. It was the terrible redoubt, where so
many brave men had fallen. The soldiers hurried onwards, scarcely
venturing to cast a glance backward at the appalling spectacle. Arriv
ing at the great abbey, or hospital, of Kolotskoi, many of the wretched
inmates, hearing that the army was passing, crawled to the threshold
and held out their arms in agonising suppUcation. The Emperor
gave orders that every carriage, of whatever kind, should receive one
of those wounded sufferers. He waited to see the order executed.
The suttlers, whose carts received a number of them, loitered behind,
and threw them aUve into the ditches. One of them, a general officer,
actually survived till the next column came up, to whom he told the
horrible story, and then expired. As the imperial column approached
Gjatz, they found the road strewed with the murdered bodies of ;i
number of Russian prisoners, who had been placed under the guard
of some Portuguese and Poles.
Napoleon reached Wiazma in two days' march from Gjatz. He
halted for the arrival of Eugene and Davoust. After waiting thirty-six
hours, he again set forward, leaving Ney (who saw that there must be
a sacrifice somewhere, in order to save the rest, and wilUngly accepted
the post) to reUeve Davoust, whose delay was attributable to the ex
treme difficulty of getting the artillery and wagons out of the ravines
and up the opposite icy slopes. Nevertheless, both Davoust and Eugene
arrived within two leagues of Wiazma on the 2nd of November. On
the 3rd, the first dawn of day shewed the advanced guard of the Rus
sians, under Miloradowitch, posted on the left of the road, in advance
of them, having turned their bivouacs in the night. Eugene's rear
guard was cut off, and Ney, unable to come to his assistance, was
fighting in his own defence in the direction of Wiazma. Eugene
drew up his troops in Une along the road, and kept the foremost of
the enemy in check till Ney managed to bring up one of his regi
ments in the rear of the Russians, which compeUed them to change
their form of attack. Meantime, Davoust passed onwards, and posted
himself between the Russians and Wiazma. The French amounted
to thirty thousand, but were in great disorder; the Russians had a
larger force, in fine condition, — and their cavalry now charged, and
mowed down the lines of their discomfited invaders. Davoust and
his generals, however, many of whom had their arms still in sUngs,

230 THE HISTORY OF
or their heads covered with bandages from recent wounds, stood their
ground, and encouraged the soldiers with the utmost gallantry. Milo
radowitch was obliged to send to Kutusoff for aid, as he saw that
his intended prey would escape him. The old general only laughed,
intimating that he preferred leaving them to the frost. Night now
approached ; the battle ceased, and the French retired, and reached
Wiazma, though not without a galling and nearly fatal pursuit. The
night was passed amidst frequent alarms. In the morning, the French
ranks were found to have been fearfully thinned. Ney, Davoust, and
Eugene, did their utmost to keep up the spirits of the unfortunate
rear-guard, with the hope of finding rest at Smolensko.
Up to this time, they had been cheered by at least the light, if
not the warmth, of the sun; but on the 6th of November the snow
came, and everything underwent a total change. The consequences
were most disastrous, and the worst horrors of their situation imme
diately commenced. The troops marched on, without knowing where,
and without seeing any object along the bleak expanse but the black
trunks of a few gloomy pine-trees. Whirlwinds of sleet beat in their
faces, and the weakest among those who feU were quickly covered
with the snow, and rose no more. The accounts of the Russian
authorities, of the French eye-witnesses who have related the horrible
story, and, indeed, the Emperor's own celebrated "twenty-ninth bul
letin," are all in close coincidence. The enormous train of artillery
which Napoleon had insisted on bringing away from Moscow was
rapidly diminished; and the roads, when found, were soon blocked up
with the spoils of the city, abandoned of necessity, as the means of
carrying them faUed. The horses, having been Ul-fed for months,
were unable to resist the united effects of cold and fatigue. They
sunk down and stiffened by hundreds and by thousands. The starving
soldiery kiUed many of those which were in best condition, that they
might drink their warm blood, and wrap themselves in their yet reek
ing skins. The clothing of the soldiers was totally unfitted for the
period of year, even had they not been already in a tattered state.
The Muscovite winter penetrated through their thin uniforms and
ragged shoes. Their breath quickly congealed, and hung in icicles
from their beards. Their wet clothes froze upon them, and a cutting
and violent wind at times stopped their respiration. The wretched
men crawled on, with trembling Umbs and chattering teeth, tiU the
snow, collecting round their feet in hard lumps, like stones, the least
impediment made them stagger and fall. Their cries for assistance
were in vain : the snow frequently covered them, and a number of
small hillocks, or undulations, marked the place where they lay,  a
white and silent burying-place, which their shuddering comrades left

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

231

behind them with ghastly anticipations of their own similar doom.
The most intrepid or obdurate were affected, and hurried on with
closed eyes or averted heads. But before them and around them, all
was snow. " The horizon seemed one vast winding-sheet, in which
Nature was enveloping the whole army." Even the weapons of the
soldiers were a weight almost insupportable to their benumbed limbs,
and often slipped out of their hands, and were broken, or lost in the

snow. Many had their fingers frozen to the muskets they still grasped.
Some of the troops broke up into parties, and wandered away to
forage alone. The same plan was adopted by some famiUes who had
followed with the baggage. Most of them were seized by the Cos
sacks ; stripped naked, and left, with ferocious laughter, to expire in
the snow. Their bivouacs were a scene of distress, famine, and horror.
A fire was scarcely possible to be made, from the dampness of the
hard pine boughs, and the driving of the sleet, so that they were
obliged to eat their horse-flesh nearly raw. Next morning, circles of
stiffened corpses marked the places where the bivouacs had been, and
the carcasses of hundreds of horses were strewn in an outer circle

THE HISTORY OF
around them. From this time, disorder and distrust prevailed among
these wretched victims of glory.
During the march of Napoleon with the imperial column, it was
found necessary to throw the spoils of Moscow into the Lake of
Gemlewo. Cannon, Gothic armour, the ornaments of the Kremlin,
and the Cross of the Great Ivan, all sank at once. Napoleon stopped
at Slawkow on the 3rd and 4th of November; on the 5th, he slept
at Dorogobouje ; and on the 6th, when the snow was just beginning
to fall, he received news from Paris of a conspiracy to dethrone him.
It had been plotted by a man named Mallet, who, with a few accom-
pUces, had spread about the report that Napoleon was dead, and
that it was now time to proclaim a republic. Napoleon heard this
with an unmoved countenance. His first and only words to Count
Daru, whose previous advice will be remembered, were, " Well, if we
had stayed at Moscow ?" He then retired to an inner room, and gave
vent to his emotions in the presence of those most devoted to him.
The next day, one of the Emperor's aides-de-camp suddenly arrived
with news of the horrible distresses and disasters which had befallen'
the troops in the rear. Napoleon knew it all, from the deserters who
were continually passing, and stopped the aide-de-camp at the outset,
with " Colonel, I don't ask you for these details." Napoleon's deport
ment was grave, silent, resigned ; and he continued in the same state
throughout the whole retreat. He seemed to suffer much less in body
than others, but far more than any one else in mind. At this time,
General Charpentier sent him some wagons loaded with provisions,
from Smolensko. Bessieres was about to appropriate them for the
guard; but the Emperor sent them on immediately to Ney, saying,
that " those who fought should eat before the rest." At the same
time, he begged of Ney to defend the passage long enough to allow
the army some time at Smolensko, where it would get food, rest, and
be re-organised. Ney gallantly accomplished this, fighting the whole
way, and often on foot with a musket in his hand. He entered Smo
lensko on the 13th, with Prince Eugene.
Napoleon had reached Smolensko on the 9th. He found every
thing in dreadful confusion. Instead of plenty, they found famine;
instead of shelter, only ruins. Their last hope was suddenly turned
to despair, and from this period may be dated the greatest excesses.
The soldiers refused to carry to tlieir respective regiments such pro
visions as were given out; but darting upon the sacks, and snatching
out a few hands-full of flour, they ran to devour it in a corner. It
was the same with the cans of brandy. They would share nothing, and
obey no orders. The next day the houses were found filled with dead
bodies. Napoleon had reckoned upon finding fifteen days' provisions

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.
and forage for an army of a hundred thousand men. He did not find
enough for half that number, and it consisted solely of flour, rice, and
brandy ; there was no meat of any kind. He was heard furiously
upbraiding one of the commissaries charged with provisioning the
army, who only saved his life by a long entreaty on his knees, or
perhaps by shewing that, under all the circumstances, he had done
nearly everything that was possible. The stragglers had consumed all
that could be seized ; droves of cattle had died on the road ; and the
Prussians had captured a number of convoys. The Emperor shut him
self up with silent anguish in one of the houses.
Disastrous tidings reached Napoleon in his gloomy abode at Smo
lensko. Polotsk had been taken by the Russian general, Wittgenstein,
in October ; and St. Cyr, after doing all that became an able general,
had retreated by Smoliany. Witepsk and the Dwina were thus lost to
the French. Baraguay d' Hilliers had been completely defeated near
Elnia; had suffered the brigade Augereau to be taken prisoners, and
lost several magazines and the command of the Elnia road. At the
same time, Schwartzenburg wrote to inform the Emperor that he was
covering Warsaw, which, in fact, implied that he had left uncovered
Minsk and Borizoff, the great depot of magazines. The whole line of
retreat of the French army was evidently in imminent danger of being
cut off. The circumstances surrounding Napoleon, and occurring in the
rear of the army, were equally adverse. The army of Italy had been
half destroyed in crossing the Wop ; the draught horses collected at
Smolensko were devoured by the soldiers ; dreadful diseases had broken
out ; the returns of the state of the corps were so many bulletins of the
dying. The route of the army was marked by a long line of dead, of
scattered arms, and broken wagons half sunk in snow.
Against this storm of calamities, Napoleon opposed an unshaken
firmness. His expression of countenance remained unaltered, and he
changed nothing in his habits, nor in the form of his orders. His pre
parations for the continuation of the retreat occupied all his time. He
placed the whole of the remaining cavalry under Latour Maubourg:
out of thirty-seven thousand horsemen that crossed the Niemen, fifteen
hundred only remained mounted. The artillery and baggage which
could not be removed was destroyed. A number of men, overcome
by weakness and hardships, many women, and some thousands of sick
and wounded, were abandoned. The grand army, which had left
Moscow one hundred thousand strong, now mustered only thirty-six
thousand effective men.
The Emperor, with his guard, quitted Smolensko on the 14th of
November, at four in the morning. The march of the imperial column
was still firm and decided, "but silent and solemn as night." Eugene,
F F

234 THE HISTORY OF
Davoust, and Ney, had orders to march in succession; the latter to
remain until the 16th or 17th, and to blow up the towers of the city
walls, and destroy all the ammunition, before his departure. The first
day's march brought Napoleon to Korythnia, a distance of five leagues.
At the same time, Kutusoff was advancing along a parallel road lead
ing to Krasnoe by Elnia, and his detachments occupied Krasnoe, Lyadi,
and Nikoulina, in advance of Napoleon. The Emperor, apparently,
unconscious that ninety thousand men threatened his line of retreat,
slept tranquilly in the wretched and sole remaining habitation in the
ruined village of Korythnia, the whole of the night of the 14th, and
began his march at daylight. It was not long before his advanced
guard, consisting of WestphaUans, commanded by Junot, was sud
denly stopped by a file of Cossacks drawn up across the road. These
enemies were speedily dispersed ; but scarcely had they disappeared,
when the fire of a battery opened from the heights on the left; and,
at the same moment, thirty squadrons of horse, commanded by Milo-
radowitch, appeared on the same side. Junot lost his presence of
mind in the emergency, and his voice failed him : he made no dis
position to receive the attack. In the emergency of the moment,
Excelmans, a young officer, stepped forward and performed at once
the part of commander, officer, soldier, and even cannonier; for he
seized a piece which had been abandoned by the corps, and pointed
it with his own hands against the Russians. He became a raUying
point; the soldiers and even their chief obeyed him. The Russians
did not venture from their heights, but only assailed the column
with bullets. It passed on and soon left its enemies behind. The
grenadiers of the old guard next advanced to pass in front of the fire.
Napoleon was in the midst of them. They closed around him, proud
of their privilege of protecting him. Their music was expressive of
their lofty complacency. At the most imminent crisis of the danger,
the band played the air, " Ou peut on etre mieux quau sein de sa
famille" ("Where can be found greater safety than in the bosom
of one's family")? But Napoleon stopped, and said, "Rather play
' Veillons au salut de I'Empire'" ("Let us watch over the safety of
the Empire"). The firm column passed on, unassailed except from a
distance. It was followed by Marshal Mortier with the young guard.
Miloradowitch, though he had acquired, from his impetuous courage,
the appellation of " the Russian Murat," feared to do more than insult
the Emperor in his retreat; but as soon as the imperial guard was
out of sight, he felt his spirit revive, descended from his heights,
and drew himself across the road with twenty thousand men, thus
separating the corps of Eugene, Davoust, and Ney, from the
Emperor. Sebastiani, with the advanced guard, drove the Russian

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 235
detachment from Krasnoe, and Napoleon entered the place two hours
afterwards. Throughout the whole of the 16th, Napoleon halted at Krasnoe,
anxiously expecting the appearance of Eugene and the army of Italy.
The sounds of distant firing were distinctly heard and increased his
impatience. Night came, and still there were no signs of the approach
of Eugene. Napoleon called together Berthier, Bessieres, Mortier, and
Lefebvre, the marshals who had accompanied his march, and intimated
to them his determination not to prosecute his retreat without the
other divisions of the army, but to return and extricate them or perish
with them. Having announced his resolution, he calmly began his
preparations to carry it into effect. He was aware that Kutusoff
was advancing, to take him prisoner in Krasnoe, yet he remained
in that place throughout the night of the 16th. An advanced guard
of Russian infantry had already taken possession of a village in the
rear of his left. He sent for Rapp, and ordered him to dislodge them ;
then calling back his aide-de-camp, he said, " No ! Let Roguet and
his division go alone! Do you stay here. I would not have you killed
here ; I shall want you at Dantzic." Rapp left him, to carry the
order, filled with astonishment, that his Emperor, surrounded as he
was by eighty thousand enemies, whom he was preparing to face on the
morrow with nine thousand men, should be employed in calculating
for his proceedings at Dantzic, a city, from which winter, two hostile
armies, famine, and a hundred and eighty leagues divided him. Roguet
conducted the night attack with perfect success. He surprised the
Russian infantry, who fled in disorder, having set fire to their camp.
This encounter checked the Russian advance and enabled Napoleon to
halt throughout the 17th at Krasnoe. During the night which suc
ceeded, Prince Eugene, with the remains of his army, at length made
his appearance, and was welcomed with joy. Eugene had left Smolensko
on the 15th, and had advanced without opposition within two leagues
of Krasnoe, when, on the morning of the 17th, he was suddenly sum
moned to surrender by an officer of Miloradowitch. He found himself
with five thousand men in a deplorable state of weakness, opposed to
twenty thousand troops in fine order. The summons was, notwith
standing, answered by a general burst of indignation. The conflict
instantly began. Throughout the day, the small but resolute band
withstood the murderous fire of the Russians ; and, strange to relate,
the latter continued to fire from their heights, whence they had but
to descend to crush the Italians. At length, night came to the assist
ance of these brave men, reduced now to one half their numbers.
Eugene took advantage of its friendly shade. He withdrew his forces,
proceeded across the fields, and turned the left of the Russian position,

236 THE HISTORY OF
leaving fires behind him to deceive Miloradowitch. As the worn and
shattered column passed stealthily and silently along the Une of the
Russian army, the moon, on a sudden, burst from behind a cloud and
shone with all her lustre. A Russian' sentinel, at the same moment,
ordered them to halt. Klisby, a Pole, with admirable presence of mind,
answered in the Russian language, and in a low voice, " Hist, fool ! do
you not see that we belong to the corps of Owaroff, and that we are
going upon a secret expedition?" The Russian was deceived, and the
column passed on ; and, at length, harassed only by some squadrons of
Cossacks, concluded its perilous march, and reached Krasnoe in safety.
The joy which their presence had excited in Napoleon shortly
gave way to renewed apprehension concerning the fate of Davoust and
Ney. He passed the remainder of the night of the 17th in the same
preparations with which he had begun it. In the morning, before
day-break, he despatched his orders, armed himself, went out on foot,
placed himself at the head of the old guard, and put them in motion,
— not towards France, but back again into the midst of his enemies.
Grasping his sword, he exclaimed, " I have acted the Emperor long
enough ; it is time for me to act the general." As day broke, the
Russian battaUons and batteries lined the horizon on the right, in
front, and in rear. On the left, Napoleon advanced with his six
thousand guards. Mortier, with five thousand men, marched a few
paces in advance of him. A battalion of chasseurs of the old guard
supported the left of Mortier's corps. On their right, the four hundred
cavalry (all that were now left), under Latour Maubourg, the remain
ing cavalry of the guard, and a few cannon, occupied the snowy plain.
The object of the Emperor was to defend the right flank of the high
road from Krasnoe, as far as the great ravine in the direction of Sta-
chowa. Claparede was left in Krasnoe to protect the wounded and
the baggage. Eugene continued his retreat towards Lyadi. His
divisions could scarcely drag themselves along to die. Fighting was
no longer possible for them.
Roguet, with the young guard, had been recalled from the scene
of the night combat of the 16th, and now appeared on the field of
battle. The Russians began extending themselves more and more
beyond the right of the French, evidently with a view to surround
them. The Russian batteries began thefr thunder, and made wide
and deep breaches in the French ranks; but exhibited the same
almost incredible immobiUty which had saved Eugene. They had
only to advance— even without firing, their very weight would have
crushed Napoleon and his feeble army ; yet, it seemed as if they had
a superstitious belief, that against the old guard — that "column of
granite," as its chief himself has termed it — men were powerless, and

NAPOLEON AT KRASNOE.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 237
cannpn only could be effective. The French held their ground for
three hours in the midst of this storm of balls ; but every moment was
increasing their weakness and adding strength to their enemies. Cla-
parede had just sent intelligence from Krasnoe, that Benigsen was
making himself master of the high road to Lyadi; the fire of the
Russians was flashing in the east, the south, and the west; one way
only was open, — that towards the north and the Dnieper. Was the
Emperor to wait till that way also was cut off ?
At this moment, a cloud of Cossacks appeared on the plain,
driven forward by Davoust in his hasty advance. This corps was,
therefore, saved; Ney only was now missing. There was Uttle time
left to welcome the new comers. Claparede hastily sent for assistance.
He could no longer maintain himself in Krasnoe.
Napoleon then called for Mortier, and, grasping his hand with evi
dent anguish of mind, said, " that now not an instant must be lost ;
that he was assailed on all sides, and must hasten, with the old guard,
to secure the passage of the Dnieper." Then exhorting Mortier and
Davoust to hold Krasnoe till night, he slowly left the field, passed
through Krasnoe, and gained Lyadi. Davoust's division, harassed by
their late march, took shelter in Krasnoe. Mortier remained the last
on the field with three thousand men, and when he retreated, it was
as coolly as if he had been manoeuvring at parade. " Do you hear,
soldiers," said General Laborde, " the Marshal orders the ordinary
time ! the ordinary time, soldiers ! " And thus those three thousand
men slowly moved from the bloody plain, carrying off their wounded,
in the face of fifty thousand enemies.
The march of all the divisions was continued next day without
hesitation. The impatient stragglers got on before. Napoleon marched
on foot with his old guard, his baton in his hand. He halted every
quarter of an hour, as if unable to tear himself away from Old Rus
sia. The 'name of Ney was frequently heard to proceed from his Ups,
accompanied with ejaculations of deep agitation. A fresh blow fell
on him during the day's march. A Polish officer brought intelligence
that Tchitchakoff had occupied Minsk on the 17th. Napoleon was at
first speechless at this information; but he quickly recovered himself,
and said, coolly, "Well! we have nothing to do now but to make our
way by the bayonet." He despatched orders to Dombrowski and
Victor to secure the passage of the Beresina at Borizoff ; and to the
Duke of Belluno to cover his march on the right. He was drawing
near his reserves, but two great armies were intercepting his progress,
while Kutusoff pursued him. The weather was milder, and at Orcha
he found abundance of provisions, but it was too late ; the army was
destroyed. He entered Orcha with six thousand men; Eugene with

238 THE HISTORY OF
eighteen hundred; Davoust with four thousand. That marshal was
emaciated with famine, without linen, and had lost everything. He
eagerly seized a loaf which was offered him, and devoured it with
voracity, and as he wiped the rime off his face with a handkerchief,
presented to him by a soldier, he declared that " none but men of
steel could go through such trials as these." The firmness of Napoleon
seemed to increase with the danger. No rashness or bUnd infatua
tion, however, was mixed with his fortitude, as was evident from his
burning in this town, with his own hands, all those of his effects
which might serve as trophies should he fall into the hands of the
Russians. Among these were the papers he had collected in France,
for writing the history of his own life, during the long halt on the
Dwina and Dnieper, which he had contemplated as possible at the
beginning of the campaign.
He left Orcha unwillingly on the 20th. His thoughts and bitter
regrets still clung round Ney, as did those of the whole army. They
accused each other of having deserted him, and questioned those who
had last seen him. The march continued, and at nightfall the army
halted and bivouacked. Suddenly, the rapid a"dvance of horsemen was
heard, and the joyful exclamation — " Marshal Ney is saved ! — he will
be here in a few moments ! — here are the Polish horsemen who have
announced his arrival !" The report was correct: Ney was advancing
by the right bank of the Dnieper, and demanded assistance. Six or
seven thousand men, exhausted as they were, left their bivouacks and
the food they had just cooked, and followed Prince Eugene to meet
him. They had marched two leagues in darkness before the sounds
of his approach could be distinguished. When, at length, the two
corps recognised each other, they no longer kept their distinctive ranks ;
all ran forward and mingled into one body. Eugene and Ney fell
into each other's arms. Eugene wept, but Ney dropped some expres
sions indicative of anger. He was agitated by recent danger and toil ;
and irritated against Davoust, whom he wrongly accused of having
abandoned him. When, some hours afterwards, Davoust attempted
to vindicate his conduct, Ney only replied by a stern look, and these
few words, "I have no reproaches to make against you, Marshal; God
sees us both, and let Him be your judge." When Napoleon, who was
two leagues in advance, was apprised of Ney's reappearance, he abso
lutely bounded and shouted for joy; exclaiming in tones of transport,
"I have saved my eagles then! I would willingly have given all the
wealth in my treasury to redeem such a man as that from destruc
tion!" Ney had left Smolensko on the 17th; had passed onwards
in the track of the army and its wrecks unassailed; till, at the same
spot on which Eugene had been attacked, a Russian officer summoned

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 239
him to surrender. Ney answered, " A Marshal of France never sur
renders." In an instant, those cold and silent hills were converted into
so many volcanoes belching fire. Kutusoff and Miloradowitch, with
eighty thousand men in double line, well suppUed with provisions —
with numerous cavalry, and a vast artillery — were ranged against five
thousand soldiers, in straggling column, pursuing an infirm and lan-
guishing march, with incomplete arms, and suffering every deprivation.
Yet Ney neither thought of surrendering nor dying, but resolved to cut
his way through the opposing mass. He launched Ricard with fifteen
hundred men against the enemy's centre, and ordered four hundred
Illyrians to assail their left ; then, with his remaining three thousand,
he followed the first attack of Ricard, which had been repulsed ; he
broke through the first Une, but was assailed by a tremendous fire.
His column reeled round ; its ranks seemed nearly empty ; the rem
nant tottered and retreated, hurrying Ney himself away in the flight.
He had attempted an impossibility ; but the flight had been directed
on a ravine. He had left three thousand dead. He rallied his two
thousand remaining soldiers on the summit of the opposite side of
the ravine, and here the Russians did not dare to follow him. He
answered the discharges of two hundred pieces of cannon with six ;
while the Russians, with the obedience of slaves to the word of their
commander, remained fixed to the clods on which they stood. The
friendly night came to Ney's assistance : he then gave the order to march
back towards Smolensko. His men followed him in perfect confidence,
though their astonishment was beyond expression. He proceeded till
he reached a small stream; broke the ice to see which way the current
ran ; and then exclaiming — " This stream flows into the Dnieper : this
is our guide ! " — followed its course for about a league, and reached the
Dnieper. He here announced his resolution to cross the river. The
ice was already affected by the milder weather which had commenced;
yet Ney, after due examination, gave the order to halt for three
hours to permit the stragglers and the wounded to join. These three
hours he passed in calm and profound sleep, wrapped in his cloak, on
the river's brink. It was still dark, but the passage began. The
motion of the ice, the crashes heard from time to time as it split
in long cracks, compelled them to cross in single file. The whole
of the baggage was abandoned, but a desperate effort was made to
save the sick and wounded. The carriages containing these unfor
tunate beings, reached the middle of the river but no further. The
ice gave way. Heart-rending screams of anguish were heard ; then
short and stifled groans. An awful silence followed. All had dis
appeared. Ney fixed his appalled looks on the dismal gulf, and
thought he distinguished, through the darkness, a living man. It was

240 THE HISTORY OF
a wounded officer, named Brigueville, who had escaped on a large flat
of ice, and was approaching the bank on his hands and knees. Ney,
himself, received and saved him. The Dnieper now divided the French
division from the Russian army; but they were soon surrounded by
hordes of Cossacks. Nevertheless, through these and all other diffi
culties, Ney brought fifteen hundred men in safety, and joined the
rest of the army at Orcha, as related. His retreat is allowed to
have scarcely a parallel in military history. The unanimous voice of
the army echoed the name which Napoleon himself gave him, and he
was pronounced "the bravest of the brave!"
All the wrecks of the grand French army were now united. It
amounted to scarcely twelve thousand men who still held their ranks;
and about thirty thousand unarmed stragglers, among whom it was
astonishing still to find many women and children, whom the various
hardships had not yet destroyed. The stragglers added nothing to
the strength of the French, but plundered the unfortunate peasantry
through whose villages they passed. At this crisis, Napoleon received
intelligence that Victor and Oudinot had ¦ quarrelled as to the manner
in which Wittgenstein should be attacked ; and had, therefore, left
him unattached. Napoleon exclaimed bitterly, " Thus it befals when
we commit faults upon faults." The news that Borizoff was also lost,
and Dombrowski defeated under its walls, next reached him. "Is it,
then, written," he cried, striking the earth with his cane, "that we
shall commit nothing but errors?" In studying the map, to deter
mine the spot for attempting the passage of the Beresina, he ap
proached his finger to the country of the Cossacks, and was heard to
murmur, "Ah! Charles XII. — Poltawa!" These bursts of emotion,
however, were all that he permitted to escape him. The attendant
about his person was, perhaps, the only individual who knew that he
suffered. Even Duroc, Daru, and Berthier, declared that " to them
he appeared immoveable."
A conversation that passed at this period, will shew his conscious
ness of the critical state in which he was placed. The night was far
advanced, and Napoleon had retired to rest. Duroc and Daru, who
remained in his chamber, believing him to be asleep, gave vent, in low
whispers, to their gloomy forebodings. He heard them, however; and
the words "Prisoner of state" striking his ear, " What," said he, "do
you suppose they would dare ? " Daru was taken by surprise, but soon
replied, that, " If forced to surrender, they must expect the worst."
"But France," replied the Emperor, " What will she say?" "As for
France," continued Daru, " we might make a thousand distressing
conjectures ; but we can none of us tell what would happen there."
He then added, that " it would be well, if, through the air, or any

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

241

other medium, since the passage of the earth seemed shut against them,
the Emperor could reach France, where he could save them much
more certainly than by remaining with them." "I only embarrass
you, then," replied Napoleon, smiling. "Yes, Sire." Napoleon con
tinued silent for some time. He then asked "if all the reports of
the ministers had been destroyed ?" He was answered in the negative.
" Well," he replied, " go and destroy them ; for it must be acknow
ledged we are in a calamitous situation." With this confession on his
lips he fell asleep.
It was finally resolved to attempt the passage of the Beresina at
Studzianka, where the stream was only fifty-five fathoms across, and
six feet deep. The opposite ground was an extensive marsh, and the
heights beyond were occupied by Tchitchakoff ; but this desperate
chance was the sole one left, and for this Napoleon prepared. His
first step was to collect all the eagles and have them burned. He

ordered half the wagons, together with the unserviceable horses, to be
destroyed ; and all the remaining horses and draught oxen to be applied
for the artillery and ammunition. The cavalry under Latour Maubourg
was reduced to one hundred and fifty. All the officers who yet re
tained horses were formed into a body, called the Sacred Squadron, to
attend the Emperor's person. They amounted to about five hundred,
and were commanded by Grouchy and Sebastiani; but want and fatigue
soon dismounted the greater number. Eighteen hundred of the dis
mounted guard were formed into two battalions, well armed. These
preparations being made, Napoleon plunged into the dark and extensive
forest of Minsk, which he traversed by forced marches, the crowd of
stragglers keeping up with the main column as well as they could.
The marches began before break of day, and did not end till after

G G

242 THE HISTORY OF
night-fall. In the two-fold obscurity of the forest and the night, the
remnants of the corps became mixed, confounded, and completely dis
organised. As they approached the borders of the forest in this last
state of weakness and disorder, loud shouts reached their ears. An
attack was apprehended for an instant, but the mistake was soon dis
covered. The armies of Victor and Oudinot were waiting for Napoleon
at this spot. They were still unbroken in numbers and spirit, and at
the sight of their Emperor marching, as he was in advance, they had
burst into enthusiastic acclamations. The accounts of his disasters
had been carefully concealed from them. When, therefore, says Segur,
" instead of the grand column which was to achieve the conquest of
Moscow, they perceived behind Napoleon only a band of spectres,
covered with rags, women's pelisses, bits of carpet, 6r with dirty cloaks
scorched and burnt by the fire of the bivouacks, and with feet wrapped
in the most wretched tatters, — they were struck with consternation.
They looked with affright upon the miserable and emaciated soldiers,
whose harassed and squalid faces were covered with hideous beards ;
who were unarmed, marching without order, fixing their eyes on the
earth in silence, like a troop of captives."
The shock operated, as might be expected, in causing insubordina
tion among the second and ninth corps, as these fresh divisions were
called. But tears were shed over their unfortunate comrades, and
food and clothing distributed to them. The most wonderful part of
the whole narrative is the ascendancy which Napoleon still pos
sessed over the minds and affections of his soldiers. " He was still,"
says Segur, " in the midst of his army, like hope in the heart of
man. Some crawled to fall and die at his feet, and, even in the
ravings of delirium, they implored, but never reproached. If there
were any imprecations, they were not heard when he was present. Of
all our misfortunes, the greatest was still that of displeasing him."
The reinforcements enabled the French army to advance towards
the Beresina with some show of strength. Oudinot, with five thousand
men, led the vanguard; Victor was in the rear with fifteen thousand;
the Emperor, midway between them, with seven thousand effective men,
forty thousand stragglers, and a great mass of baggage and artillery,
chiefly belonging to the second and ninth corps. Napoleon endeavoured
to deceive Tchitchakoff into the belief that he meant to attempt the
passage below Borizoff, while, on the contrary, he kept to his purpose
of crossing at Studzianka. On the 25th, the French pontooners worked
all night, at the latter place, in constructing a bridge, up to their chins
in water, struggling with floating pieces of ice, and absolutely within
range of their enemy's fire. A strong Russian division occupied the
heights on the opposite bank, and observed their progress; and so hope-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

243

less were Napoleon's officers, that even Murat now declared it was
time to relinquish all thoughts but of saving the Emperor; and a band
of brave Poles offered themselves as his guides, and pledged themselves
for his safety. Napoleon, however, rejected the suggestion, and would
not hear of deserting his army in the midst of danger. At the same
time, all materials for making a bridge below Borizoff were being
collected with as much noise as possible. A division of cuirassiers
occupied the place, and some Jews were carefully questioned as to the
ford ; and, to ensure their treachery, were made to swear to meet the
army on the opposite side, and give information of the Russian move
ments. The feint was successful. On the morning of the 26th, the
Russian division was discovered to be in full retreat from Studzianka,
leaving the French' to proceed undisturbed. When this almost incre
dible report was brought to him, Napoleon darted from his quarters
in a transport of joy, and saw the last files of the hostile column dis
appear. The bridge was only half finished, but Napoleon, eager to be
on the other side, pointed out the bank to his cavalry. A French and
a Lithuanian officer immediately plunged into the stream, and gained
the opposite side. They were followed by a squadron of horse, each
man carrying an infantry soldier behind him. Two rafts also trans
ported four hundred men in many successive passages. The bridge was
completed by mid-day. A division of infantry instantly crossed, with
loud shouts of " Vive 1' Empereur." The Emperor, with his guards,

244 THE HISTORY OF
and Ney's corps, passed at two o'clock. On reaching the shore, he
exclaimed — "My star still reigns." At the same moment, a Lithuanian
general, disguised as a peasant, brought intelligence that Schwartzen
burg had defeated the Russians at Sacken. Napoleon loudly pro
claimed the victory, adding, gratuitously, that " Schwartzenburg was
hastening to their assistance." Victor's division took up the position
which the French guard had just quitted, on the heights of Studzianka.
The Emperor, with Ney and Oudinot, defended the opposite extremity
of the bridge.
Meanwhile, a second bridge was in active preparation, destined for
the transport of the artillery. It was completed by night, and the
greater part of the artillery was saved, notwithstanding the bridge
twice gave way under the enormous weight. Had it been possible to
infuse order into the confused mass which remained on the bank of
the river, guarded by Victor, they might have effected their escape
during the night of the 26th ; but they lingered, in the vain hope of
saving their baggage or plunder ; and the crowd impeded the progress
of those who would have gone forward. On the morning of the 27th,
they rushed with one headlong impulse to cross all at once, besieging
the narrow passage to the bridges. A dense mass of men, horses, and
wagons, in horrible disorder, choked the way. The weakest were
trodden under foot or precipitated into the ice. Frantic yells, the
shrieks of women and children, groans and imprecations, were heard
on aU sides. At night, a wild crowd dispersed among the villages in
search of plunder. On the morning of the 28th, the Russian cannon
was once more heard. Tchitchakoff had discovered his mistake, and,
with Tchaplitz, was advancing against the divisions which had crossed,
while Wittgenstein attacked Victor. It was now that the madness
and confusion rose to its height. The battle raged for two days on
both sides of the river ; the miserable multitude all the while strug
gling to escape across the narrow bridges, a prey to their own vio-
lencesand their enemy's cannon. At four o'clock in the afternoon,
the artillery-bridge gave way with its load of human misery, and
ended it with one dreadful crash, followed by cries of anguish, which
were soon stifled by death. The remaining mass now struggled and
reeled towards the first bridge, and the terror and despair that followed
are not to be described. Night brought no relief. The dark mass,
contrasted with the snow, directed the Russian fire. Durino- the
whole of this dreadful period, Napoleon remained on these dismal
banks, without shelter, in the position which he had occupied after
passing the river, It was an elevated spot, from which he could
survey the whole scene, and whence he could direct the move
ments of the different corps. During the day, his guard were

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 245
drawn up in order of battle; at night, they bivouacked in square,
enclosing him within their ranks. They were employed, throughout
the hours of darkness, in keeping up their fires, or dozing with their
elbows on their knees and their heads on their hands, thus doubled
up to preserve what heat they could, and to avoid the torment of
hunger as much as possible. The weather was tempestuous, and the
situation of the bivouacks was indicated every morning by a circle
of dead. Notwithstanding all their disadvantages and the overwhelm
ing force brought against them by the three different armies, the
French held the Russians at bay until the morning of the 29th.
Tchitchakoff was actually beaten by Ney, and the ground was clear
for the continuance of the retreat. On the evening of the 28th,
Victor's corps was ordered to pass the river. The troops advanced,
crushing and overthrowing in their way the wretched beings whom
they had hitherto defended. Victor, however, left a rear-guard at
Studzianka during the night. Trusting to this defence, multitudes
still Ungered round their baggage, refusing to leave it and take
advantage of the darkness to make their escape. When morning
came, the rear-guard passed on, and burned the bridge behind them.
Thousands were then seen wandering in desolate groups on their
enemy's bank ; some, roused too late, threw themselves into the river
and were lost amidst the ice; others rushed upon the flames of the
bridge, which gave way under them ; the rest, in helpless despair,
waited the coming up of the Russians.
Napoleon remained at his post till the accomplishment of the dismal
catastrophe, and then moved forward towards Zembin with the remains
of his army. The amount of his loss, at this fatal point, has never
been distinctly stated; but the Russian report concerning the bodies
which were collected and burnt after the thaw, states that upwards of
thirty-six thousand were found in the Beresina. The whole of the
surrounding country was a vast morass. The French traversed it by
means of three successive bridges constructed of wood. The Russians
had most unaccountably neglected to burn these bridges, but Napo
leon was not guilty of the like improvidence. They were fired, by his
order, after his troops had passed. Kutusoff was still on the Dnieper,
while his prey was thus escaping from his grasp. The old Russian
had often replied to the remonstrances against his own inactivity,
that the "marshes of the Beresina would complete the destruction
of Napoleon;" but he had not made sufficient allowance for the
energy of his adversary. One division only was compelled to sur
render. The late hardships and struggles had nearly completed the disor
ganisation of the French troops. Little order was observed in the

246. THE HISTORY OF
march. They pressed forward in a shapeless mass, officers and men
intermingled. Prince Eugene led the advance ; Ney preserved his
perilous post in the rear. He was supported by a fresh division under
Maisons, which had been despatched to the Beresina from Wilna, and
marched, fighting at every step with Tchaplitz. Napoleon led the
main body. It was observed, that he continued to order his marshals
to take up positions on the road, just as if their corps were still under
their command. One of them made some bitter complaints to him
on the subject, and began to enumerate his losses, when Napoleon
interrupted him with these memorable words, — " Why do you try to
rob me of my serenity ?" And when the marshal persisted, he
stopped him by repeating in a tone of reproach, — " I beg to know,
sir, why you try to rob me of my serenity ? " An expression, says
Hazlitt, " which shewed the sort of deportment he wished to maintain
in his adversity, and that which he required from others."
Napoleon was no longer harassed by any enemies, except clouds
of Cossacks, who dispersed on being attacked. The weather was
temperate ; he reached Pleszczentczy on the 30th, and on the 3rd of
December he reached Maladeczno. Here he found forty couriers
waiting him. He halted, and employed himself in making important
regulations. He ordered the Poles upon Warsaw, by way of Olita ;
the dismounted cavalry on the Niemen, by way of Merecz. It was
hence, also, that he despatched his twenty-ninth bulletin, which filled
Paris with mourning. Nothing had been heard there of the grand
army for one and twenty days, when this dreadful document told its
fate. It disclosed, in concise and simple terms, the disastrous history
of the retreat : the truth could, in fact, be concealed no longer. Na
poleon had resolved, however, not to leave it to work its effect on all
Europe, while he was struggling tlirough the dreary tracts of Lithu
ania and Poland. After completing his dismal task, he suddenly an
nounced to Duroc and Daru his resolution to leave the army, and
set off for Paris immediately. " I must return to France," he
said, "to quiet apprehensions there; to raise new troops, to keep my
German subjects to their allegiance. But, in order to accomplish
this, I must traverse four hundred leagues of allied territory alone;
and, to do so without danger, my resolution must be unexpected, my
route unknown, and the report of my reverses uncertain. I must
be beforehand with the news, and the effect it might produce, and
the defections it would occasion. I have, therefore, no time to
lose." His advisers had nothing to reply to reasons so cogent, and
which were, doubtless, perfectly sufficient to justify him in leaving his
army at a period when it was already extricated from its most press
ing dangers, was near its resources, and when its chief enemy was

mm

^^Pi

NAPOLEON RETREATING FROM MOSCOW.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 247
the increasing rigour of the season; an enemy from which no man
could save it. Caulaincourt, Duroc, and Lobau received secret orders
to prepare for their departure. The place of starting, indicated to
them, was Smorgoni ; the time, the night of the 5th of December.
The winter became more terrific than ever at the very moment
of this decision. The arms dropped from the hands of the soldiers,
and they themselves fell lifeless in numbers. The rigour of the
season, however, saved them, in some measure, from the attacks of
the Russians, who also perished by thousands. Attack was as nearly
impossible as defence. Napoleon reached his last head-quarters
amidst a group of dying men. No complaints were heard. It
seemed as if the whole strength of each was requisite to maintain
the conflict with cold and fatigue. Napoleon had summoned Ney
to Smorgoni, leaving the rear-guard to Victor. All the chiefs of the
army were invited to sup with the Emperor. As they entered, he
told each of his resolution to depart for France that night; and, by
arguments or address, conquered whatever objections were made.
His manner was engaging and affectionate to all, but especially to
Davoust, between whom and himself some coolness had existed. He
seated them all at his table, and praised them for their noble courage
and endurance. When supper was ended, Eugene was ordered to
read the bulletin aloud ; after which, Napoleon declared to the whole
party assembled the resolution he had expressed to each in private,
adding, that he left the command of the army to the King of Naples,
whom, said he, " I hope you will obey as myself, and that the most
perfect harmony will reign among you." It was then ten o'clock: he
arose, and pressing their hands affectionately, embraced them all,
and set off. He and Caulaincourt were shut up in a carriage, of
which his Mameluke Rustan, and Wukasowich, a captain of his guard,
occupied the box. Duroc and Lobau followed in a sledge. Napoleon
afterwards changed his carriage for a sledge, and thus performed the
journey. The Cossacks surprised a hamlet which lay in his route
that very night ; but, Uttle knowing the prize they missed, abandoned
the place an hour before he reached it. He had an interview with
Maret, the Duke of Bassano, at Miedniki : he passed by the suburbs
of Wilna, and reached Warsaw on the 10th. " The Abbe de Pradt,
then minister of France to the Diet of Poland," says Scott, "was
in the act of endeavouring to reconcile the various rumours which
poured in from every quarter, when a figure like a spectre, wrapped
in furs, which were stiffened by hoar frost, stalked into his apart
ments, supported by a domestic, and was, with difficulty, recognised
by the ambassador as the Duke of Vicenza. ' You here, Caulain
court,' said the astonished prelate, — ' and where is the Emperor ? '

248 THE HISTORY OF
' At the hotel d' Angleterre, waiting for you.' ' Why not stop at
the palace?' 'He travels incognito.' 'Do you need anything?'
' Some Burgundy or Malaga.' ' All is at your service, — but whither
are you travelling?' 'To Paris.' 'To Paris! — but where is the
army?' 'It exists no longer,' said Caulaincourt, looking upward.
'And the victory of the Beresina, and the six thousand prisoners?'
(These questions alluded to false or exaggerated reports). ' We got
across, that is all ; the prisoners were a few hundred men, who have
escaped. We have had other business than to guard them.'
" His curiosity thus far satisfied, the Abbe de Pradt hastened to
the hotel. In the yard stood three sledges in a dilapidated condition.
He was introduced with some mystery into a bad inn's bad room,
where a servant wench was blowing a fire made of green wood. Here
was the Emperor, whom the Abbe had last seen when he played King
of Kings among the sovereigns at Dresden" (who had all played their
parts so ill that their crowns shook precariously upon their heads).
" He was dressed in a green pelisse, covered with lace and lined with
furs; and, by walking briskly about the apartment, was endeavouring
to obtain the warmth which the chimney refused. He saluted ' Mon
sieur 1' Ambassadeur,' as he termed him, with gaiety." Napoleon had
come on foot from the bridge of Prague. The Abbe has given a de
tailed account of the interview. Making allowance for some exagge
ration, it is, doubtless, tolerably correct. It displays the proud spirit
of Napoleon hiding his consciousness of defeat and failure from the
prying eyes of the shallow Frenchman, under a guise of flippant
unconcern. It is, at the same time, full of the excitement with
which the prospect of immediate action, vigorous effort, opposition,
and difficulty, would be sure to fill him. He frequently repeated
the sentence, — "There is but a single step between the sublime and
the ridiculous." The fire went out, and the Abbe complains of
having been half frozen ; but Napoleon felt no cold, he was kept
warm by constant movement and the force of his own energies.
After a hasty dinner, he hurried on the preparations for continuing
his route. "I addressed him," says the Abbe, "in terms the most
affectionate and respectful, wishing him his health and a prosperous
journey. ' I have never been better in my Ufe ; if I had the devil
at my back I should only be the better for it.' These were his
last words. Immediately he mounted into the humble sledo-e, which
bore Cassar and his fortunes. The horses sprung forward and disap
peared in the darkness. A violent shock was near overturning the
sledge as it passed through the gateway."
Napoleon pursued his journey with rapidity. He affirmed at St.
Helena, that the Prussians were on the point of arresting him in

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 249
Silesia, but it is not certain whether his suspicion is correct. He
reached Dresden on the 14th, and had a private interview with the
King of Saxony at the hotel at which he had alighted, still preserv
ing his incognito. The King of Saxony had not turned traitor to
his benefactor because he was unfortunate. Passing through Hanau
and Mayence, Napoleon reached Paris late at night on the 19th of
December. The fatal bulletin had been published only on the 17th.
He and his attendant had difficulty in procuring admittance to the
Tuileries at so late an hour. The Empress had retired to her own
apartment; when two figures, muffled in furs, entered the ante-room,
one of whom walked quickly towards the door of her bed-room.
The lady in waiting tried to stop the intruder, but, recognising the
Emperor, shrieked aloud, and alarmed Maria Louisa, who hastily en
tered the ante-room. The meeting was, it is said, very affectionate.
We return to the wrecks of the army at Smorgoni. The officers
were not dejected by the Emperor's departure, but, on the contrary,
derived hope from it; yet the loss of his presence completed the dis
organization, which had nearly reached its height before. Fortunately,
another reinforcement, commanded by Loisons, met the army at Smor
goni, and formed a fresh rear-guard under Ney. Three thousand men
of the old and young guard were still under arms; but these veterans,
refusing to obey any commander but their Emperor, soon fell into the
common disorder. Murat proved perfectly incompetent to his important
trust; and the chiefs differed and quarrelled among themselves. The
cold also increased to a dreadful intensity. The thermometer fell con
siderably lower than usual, even in a Russian winter. The air was
filled with small particles of ice, and the birds fell to the earth Ufeless
and frozen. The atmosphere was still as death. The straggling mass of
men moved on without order. It was a succession of single-handed
struggles for self-preservation. The heavy and monotonous sound of
their steps, crashing the trampled snow under their feet, and the feeble
groans of the dying, were the only sounds. No murmurs were heard.
If they lay down for a moment from exhaustion, their blood froze in
their veins : they endeavoured to rise, but, even if they succeeded,
it was only to stagger on a few steps ; they soon fell on their knees,
then sunk on their hands ; their heads vibrated from side to side,
a few agonised sounds escaped them, and they fell on the snow ; — a
stream of dark and livid blood flowed from their mouths, and their
sufferings ended. Their companions passed on without moving a single
step out of their way, through fear of lengthening their journey even
by a step. If a horse fell dead, they rushed upon the carcase like
a pack of famished hounds; tearing it to pieces, and fighting for the
still palpitating flesh. The nights were still more horrible. Those
H H

250 THE HISTORY OF
who could find wood, kindled fires, by which they remained all night
motionless and upright like statues. They did not dare to lie down;
or, if they yielded to their irresistible fatigue, they never rose again,
but were found in the morning, their hair frozen to the ground and
their feet burnt off. Wretched figures, like wandering phantoms, were
continually approaching the light of these fires, but were driven away
by the first comers. These miserable creatures wandered from one
bivouack to another, and at length lay down behind some circle of the
soldiers who were crowded round the gloomy blaze, and died. Some
attempted to set fire to the lofty pines of the forest as they stood, and
fell lifeless during their hopeless task. The great sheds or pent-houses
found by the road side were filled in an instant; soldiers and officers
rushed forward and threw themselves in heaps almost upon each other.
The dead and dying soon formed a horrible bed for the survivors, who
crawled out in the morning from the midst of a heap of corpses.
Fresh parties soon besieged these buildings, and sometimes pulled down
the walls, or set them on fire by using them as shelter for their
own bivouacks, and those within, already half dead with cold, were
destroyed by fire. Segur asserts that many threw themselves into the
burning houses of a village they had set on fire, and so perished; and
that some of their companions drew out the mutilated and half-broiled
bodies, and ventured to allay their hunger with this revolting food.
These accounts have been charged with exaggeration, but it is more
probable that they do not communicate to our shuddering senses even
a shadow of the dreadful reality. Words are inadequate to describe
such awful and extensive calamities. Enough, however, has been
said to give some impression of the reverse side of the pictures, which
people are taught to regard as " glorious war."
After four days of this horrible march, the haggard objects came
in sight of Wilna, on the 9th of December. Forty days' provisions for
a hundred thousand men were collected in that city ; but here the
same lamentable scenes took place which had occurred at Smolensko.
Napoleon could not prepare the authorities in that city for the truth,
without disclosing his disastrous condition prematurely. They expected
a regular army to enter in order ; and when a wretched mass of
famished men rushed headlong into their streets, filling the air with
groans and lamentations, they feared to give an order to distribute
the stores for which they were responsible. Multitudes perished at
the doors, mad with rage and despair. At length Davoust, Eugene,
and other chiefs, succeeded in obtaining the requisite aid, and in get
ting the men into quarters. Scarcely had they tasted the inexpres
sible luxury of rest ; of eating leavened bread ; of being seated to eat
it; of finding themselves in a human habitation, — when the sounds of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

251

the Russian cannon were heard. The advanced guards of Kutusoff and
Tchaplitz were attacking Loison and Ney, who guarded the city in the
rear. The generate was beat in the streets, but in vain; the soldiers
would not leave their quarters. But soon the distant hourra and the
cry of "Cossacks! Cossacks!" roused them. Murat abandoned the city,
leaving Ney to maintain it as long as possible. On the following day,
the 10th, Ney also withdrew with the rear-guard, consisting of three
thousand men. Wilna contained, besides the magazines, a great de
posit of wealth and property. As much of this as could be collected
in the confusion was speedily harnessed and carried off. A catastrophe
which occurred on the road to Kowno, broke up the rear-guard, which
had alone maintained its order up to this point. The train of car
riages and wagons brought from Wilna were stopped by a wooded
acclivity. Men and horses, struggling in vain, fell dead with the effort
to get them further. At this crisis, one of the money-wagons burst
open. At the sight, the soldiers of the rear-guard threw away their
arms and loaded themselyes with the spoil. A few hundred, only held
their ranks, and with these few Ney continued to support the retreat.
It is even said that the Cossacks mingled with them, and that friends
and foes joined in indiscriminate pillage. In the midst of this scene
of disorder, the Count de Turenne confided Napoleon's private trea
sure to those of the guards within his reach, and every man who sur
vived the retreat faithfully delivered up the share intrusted to him.
Meantime, Ney kept the Cossacks in check.

252 THE HISTORY OF
The French crossed the Niemen on the ice, on the 13th of De
cember, defended still by Ney, who had tqgfight with the Russians in
Kowno. He fought, at last, at the head of only thirty men, and was
the last individual of the French army who left the Russian territory.
The defence of Kowno has been thus described by Boutourlin, the
Russian historian of this campaign: — -"Marshal Ney manned twenty
pieces of cannon on the redoubts that covered the town, and prepared
for its defence. Platoff, who had only three field pieces, was detained
before it the whole day; but, towards evening, he made his Cossacks
pass the Niemen, above and below Kowno, so that the town was
turned. The enemy, perceiving this movement, prepared to evacuate
the place. Platoff, in vain, endeavoured to prevent him. Ney, seizing
a musket, sallied forth at the head of the bravest of his followers, and
escaped; but the whole of the rear of his column was cut oft'." The
Cossacks now relaxed their pursuit, and the regular Russian troops
hesitated on the frontier. Murat reached Gumbinnen, in Prussian
Poland, on the 14th, and rested there. "I put up," says Dumas, "at
the house of a physician, which I had occupied when I passed through
the town before. Some excellent coffee had just been brought us for
breakfast, when a man in a brown great coat entered ; he had a long
beard ; his face was blackened, and looked as if it were burnt ; his
eyes were red and glaring. 'At length I am here,' said he. 'Why!
General Dumas, don't you know me?' — 'No! Who are you?' —
' I am the rear-guard of the grand army ; I have fired the last mus
ket-shot on the bridge of Kowno. I have thrown the last of our
arms into the Niemen, and have come hither through the woods. I
am Marshal Ney.' I leave you to imagine," adds Dumas, "with
what respectful eagerness we welcomed him."
At Gumbinnen, the remaining marshals called a council, at which
Murat held language which shewed how unequal he was to con
tend with adversity, notwithstanding all his brilliant courage. He
designated Napoleon "a madman;" and blamed himself for rejecting
the proposals of the English, when, had he listened to them, he might
still have been a great king like the sovereigns of Austria and Russia.
"These kings," answered Davoust indignantly, "are called monarchs by
the grace of God, by the sanction of time, and the course of custom;
but you are king only by the grace of Napoleon and of French
blood. You are blinded by black ingratitude." This was the first
spark of Murat's treason. It was, however, extinguished at this mo
ment, and he continued the retreat towards the Vistula.
Disastrous tidings now came in from the two wings of the grand
army. The Prussian generals, Yorck and Massenbach (placed under
the orders of Marshal Macdonald, who commanded the left wing), con
cluded a treaty with the Russians, and abandoned their allegiance on

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 253
the 30th of December, with upwards of eighteen thousand men. Mac
donald, in consequence, was forced to retreat from Tilsit to Konings
berg, with nine thousand men. At the same time, Schwartzenburg,
at the head of the Austrians, entirely disconnected himself from the
French troops of the right wing; left Regnier exposed to the attack
of the Russians at Khalitsh, and obliged him to retreat into the
Austrian territory. Murat could now no longer hold the line of the
Vistula; but the junction of Macdonald had enabled him to assume
an attitude of defence. He removed his head-quarters to Warsaw,
and then to Posen. Here, on the 16th of January, 1813, he aban
doned the army, and precipitately returned to Naples, immediately
after the receipt of some dispatches from his queen, which roused
his jealousy of her political power during his absence. Eugene
assumed the command in his place. Though the King of Prussia
had not yet openly declared war, the most hostile feeling towards
the French was evinced by the people. In some places, the rankling
animosity broke forth into open violence. The French sick and
wounded were shamefully neglected by the conquerors. Several thou
sand perished at Wilna, in the Convent of St. Basil, for want of
food and attendance. The Russians arrived on the Vistula on the
22nd and 23rd of January, but the Emperor Alexander stopped their
march at Khalitsh. Eugene effected his retreat in good order on the
Elbe, and threw the remains of the army into the various Prussian
fortresses held by Napoleon.
The total loss sustained by the grand army of France in the Russian
campaign is thus stated by BoutourUn: — "Slain in battle, one hun
dred and twenty-five thousand; died from fatigue, hunger, and cold,
one hundred and thirty-two thousand ; prisoners (comprehending forty-
eight generals, three thousand officers, and upwards of one hundred
and ninety thousand men), one hundred and ninety-three thousand :
total, four hundred and fifty thousand."
This computation is evidently exaggerated. It would represent the
army as annihilated, not only including among its losses the original
numbers which entered Russia, but the greater part of the reinforce
ments which advanced from France after the commencement of the
war. But Prince Eugene threw six thousand men into Thorn; eight
thousand into Modlin ; four thousand into Zamosc ; and nearly thirty
thousand into Dantzic. It is extremely difficult to ascertain the exact
truth. It is certain that all the horses, and consequently all the artil
lery and baggage, were lost; and that the Russians, notwithstanding
all the efforts made to destroy these trophies, took seventy-five eagles,
and upwards of nine hundred pieces of cannon. The melting of the
snow gave horrible evidence of the sacrifice of life. The route of the

254

THE HISTORY OF

army might be traced by the multitude of disfigured, bloated corpses,
deprived by the returning warmth of their universal shroud.
The total number of French and allied troops who escaped may
be estimated at upwards of eighty thousand. But of these, eighteen
thousand were the Prussians who deserted the standard of Macdonald,
and twenty thousand were Austrians, under Schwartzenburg, who re
tired from the struggle in December. Of the remaining forty thou
sand, whose strength or good fortune enabled them to reach various
places of safety, comparatively few had been at Moscow. The greater
number belonged to the different reinforcements which joined the
army in its retreat through Lithuania ; and even of these many died
in the hospitals of various diseases, induced by the hardships they
had undergone.

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

255

CHAPTER X.

NAPOLEON AT PARIS — HIS IMMENSE EXERTIONS — A NEW ARMY RAISED — THE POPE — AFFAIRS
OF SPAIN  STORMING OF BADAJOZ — BATTLE OF SALAMANCA — LORD WELLINGTON ENTERS
MADRID  PRUSSIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST FRANCE  RAPID MOVEMENTS OF THE RUSSIAN
AND PRUSSIAN ARMIES — TREACHEROUS POLICY OF AUSTRIA — MARIA LOUISA REGENT —
NAPOLEON LEAVES PARIS FOR MAYENCE.

The news of the Emperor's return
spread Uke lightning through the
capital. On the morning of the
20th of December, his saloons
were thronged at an early hour,
and he received his ministers in
rotation. When he presented
himself to the people, he was
greeted with joyful acclamations.
Public confidence, which had re
ceived a violent shock from the
disastrous contents of the twenty-
ninth bulletin, revived with the
certainty of his safety; and the expectation that his energy would
repair the misfortunes of the war, banished despondency. Even the
mourners wept in silence, and their grief was not mixed with com
plaint or disaffection.
A great crisis had, however, occurred in the history of Napoleon.
The vast designs which he had conceived, had been utterly overthrown.
He had alUed himself with sovereigns, in order to make them the in-

256 THE HISTORY OF
struments of his purposes. " I should have had my Congress and my
Holy Alliance," said he at St. Helena, when talking over these past
events. " These are plans which were wrenched from me. In that
assembly of all the sovereigns, we should have discussed our interest
in a family manner, and settled our accounts with the people as a
clerk does with his master." But the sovereigns, his unwilling alUes,
became his enemies again at the first moment of his reverses. The
power which he had wielded was now arrayed against him, because it
was a power opposed to him in its very nature and essence. When,
at the commencement of his Russian expedition, he neglected the
enthusiasm, and put aside the offered devotion of the Poles, and
trusted their deliverance to the sword alone, he had displayed the last
instance of his want of reliance on his natural allies — the people.
The result had been the final destruction of his retreating army,
which had to fall back "on an apathetic, oppressed, and ravaged
province, instead of an organised and friendly nation. Another army
could be raised ; but, when raised, it would have to combat all
Europe. Napoleon no longer formed combinations, and acted and
fought for the accomplishment of his own preconceived purposes, but
for his existence as a sovereign. Under these new circumstances,
his extraordinary resources and commanding genius astonished alike
both friends and foes. " The wonderful energies of Napoleon's mind,"
says Scott, "and the influence which he could exert over the minds
of others, were never so striking as at this period of his reign. He
had returned to his seat of empire at a dreadful crisis, and in a most
calamitous condition. His subjects had been ignorant for three weeks
whether he was dead or alive. When he arrived, it was to declare .
a dreadful catastrophe. He had left behind him cold and involuntary
allies— changing fast into foes — and foes, encouraged by his losses and
his flight, threatening to combine Europe in one great crusade,
having for its object the demolition of his power. No sovereign ever
presented himself before his people in a situation more precarious,
or overclouded by such calamities, arrived, or in prospect. Yet Napo
leon came ; and seemed but to stamp on the earth, and armed
legions arose at his call; the doubts and discontents of the pubUc
disappeared as mists at sunrising, and the same confidence which had ,
attended his prosperous fortunes, revived in its fuU extent, despite of
his late reverses."
The Emperor convoked the Council of State, and laid before them
the events of the campaign. He made also minute enquiries con
cerning the singular conspiracy of Mallet. Fourteen people had been
executed on account of this transaction; a degree of severity which
Napoleon strongly reprehended. Addresses from all the pubUc bodies

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 257
of Paris, followed by deputations from all the principal towns of
France, poured in without delay, expressive of the highest loyalty.
The national feeling was enthusiastic. All classes vied with each other
in expressions of attachment. Patriotic contributions were largely
made towards repairing the losses of the country.
The Emperor had to replace the whole of the artillery with their
trains. He had all his cavalry to remount,' and half his infantry to
renew. He employed day and night in reading the returns and re
ports which shewed what his situation was; and then set vigorously
to work to collect the materials of a new army. A decree of the
Senate empowered him to anticipate the conscription of 1814. The
first ban of national guards, who had been placed in frontier garrisons
as militia, forming a body of one hundred thousand men, were con
verted into regular soldiers of the Une. Forty thousand seamen, whose
time was merely idled away in seaport towns, were formed into corps
of artillery men. Large draughts of men were drawn from Spain,
the state of the war at the moment permitting this measure. For
the purpose of replacing the cavalry, artillery, and materiel of the
army, Napoleon drew largely on his private treasure ; and notwith
standing his great expenses of the preceding year, he provided twelve
millions without any addition to the national burdens. Horses were
purchased in every quarter. The arsenals were in fine condition, and
furnished abundance of artillery, which only required mounting. The
works for the supply of everything connected with the miUtary service
were doubled. In the month of April, 1813, Napoleon had increased
his army by three hundred and fifty thousand men, fully equipped.
He held besides large garrisons in Dantzic, Thorn, Custrin, &c,
augmented as they now were by the remains of his grand army, which
had taken refuge there. He had besides an active levy in Italy, and
still maintained a very large force in Spain. He was, in fact, at the
head of a force little inferior to that which he had wielded when he
undertook the conquest of Russia, and meditated assuming the exalted
station of arbiter of the destiny of Europe.
While carrying on his active preparations for war, Napoleon had
made a last effort to settle his differences with the Pope. He felt
that he had need of all his popularity, and that his schism with the
church was a stumbling block in the way of many good catholics.
On the 19th, of January, 1813, he left St. Cloud under the pretext
of a hunting party, and suddenly presented himself to the Pontiff at
Fontainebleau. On this occasion, Napoleon employed all the powers
of persuasion and fascination which he possessed in order to induce
Pius VII. to close with his views. He succeeded so well that eleven
articles were agreed upon, and signed both by himself and the Pope
i i

258 THE HISTORY OF
before the close of the interview ; but the quarrel soon broke out
afresh. No sooner was the influence of the Emperor's presence re
moved, than the Pope began to repent the concessions he had made,
and accordingly took umbrage at the insertion of the articles of agree
ment in the "Moniteur;" where they were put forth as containing a
new Concordat. He declared that the articles were only preliminaries
to a Concordat, and refused to abide by them. The attempt to heal
this breach therefore failed, and the ecclesiastical differences com
menced with greater bitterness than ever.
Meanwhile the storm was gathering all over Europe. Before
describing the movements of the coalition of 1813 against Napoleon,
it is, however, necessary to detail the chief events of the important
campaign of 1812 in the Peninsula. In January, 1812, Lord Wel
lington, perceiving that the favourable moment for action was come,
issued from his stronghold of defence in Portugal, and took Ciudad
Rodrigo by storm. He followed up his success by investing Badajoz
in March. This important city was firmly and skilfully defended by
the French, but was stormed and taken by Lord Wellington on the
night of the 6th of April. The deadly conflict, the sanguinary triumph,
and the subsequent horrors perpetrated for two days and nights on
the wretched inhabitants, form a history of aU the varieties of human
passion, from sublime and devoted courage, down to the most ferocious
cruelty and appalling brutaUty. Five thousand British, soldiers and
officers, fell during this siege. The conquest was, however, fraught
with the most important consequences; for Badajoz was the key to
all offensive operations of the allied armies of Spain, Portugal, and
England. The victory of Salamanca on the 22nd of July opened to
Wellington the road to Madrid; he entered the capital in August,
while King Joseph retired to Valencia. The Spanish government failed
to support Lord Wellington at this important juncture. He was re
pulsed before Burgos, which he had invested in September; and the
skilful operations of Soult endangered his communications with Por
tugal. The British general in consequence once more retreated into
the latter country. The state of Spain, therefore, in the beginning
of 1813 was favourable to Napoleon; the retreat of the English army
permitting him to withdraw from the Peninsula four regiments of
his guards, and one hundred and fifty skeletons of battalions, which
he used as the means of disciplining his new conscripts.
Early in March, a treaty, offensive and defensive, was signed be
tween the King of Prussia and the Emperor of Russia, who met, by
appointment, on the 15th of March, at Breslau. " The meeting,"
says Scott, " was affecting betwixt the two sovereigns, who had been
such intimate friends, and had always retained the same personal

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 259
attachment for each other, although the circumstances of controlling
necessity had made them enemies at a period when it was of im
portance to Russia to have as few foes as possible thrown into the
scale against her." Nothing can shew more clearly than this sentence
the real feeling of all the kingly allies of the French Emperor. Sir
Walter also informs us, that the King of Prussia began to weep, and
that Alexander, endeavouring to console him, said,—" Courage, my
brother! — these are the last tears Napoleon shall make you shed."
On the following day, Prussia declared war against France. Napo
leon received the declaration with perfect calmness. " It was better,"
he said, " to have a declared enemy, than a doubtful ally." The
command of the Prussian army was conferred upon Blucher. The
youth of every class rushed to fill the ranks. The students of the
universities formed themselves into battalions and squadrons. The
whole nation was eager for the war. The Russians had not only
taken Warsaw, and overspread the whole of Prussian Poland, but,
relying on the friendly dispositions of Prussia, had already left the
various fortresses containing French garrisons behind them, and ad
vanced towards the Oder and the Elbe. The Crown Prince of
Sweden marched towards the approaching seat of war with an army
of thirty-five thousand men, and awaited his expected junction with
some of the Russian and German corps, in order to assume the
offensive, and compel Napoleon to make head at once against the
Swedish forces on the left flank of the French army, and the armies
of Russia and Prussia in front. Three Russian flying corps spread
along both sides of the Elbe. The French retreated everywhere to
concentrate themselves under the walls of Magdeburg and other
fortified places, which they still held. Hamburg, Lubeck, and other
towns declared for the allied sovereigns, and received their troops.
The French General Morand made a bold effort to stop the de
fection, and occupied Luneburg, which had also joined the allies, with
four thousand men; but his corps was surprised by the Russians,
and killed or taken prisoners to a man on the 2nd of April. Prince
Eugene, in like manner, marched suddenly from Magdeburg with
the view of surprising Berlin, which had been evacuated by the
French, but was driven back, defeated, and obliged to shut himself
up in Magdeburg, where he was blockaded. Even the King of Den
mark, the firm friend of Napoleon, shewed some signs of wavering
in his friendship at this period, and began to treat with the allies;
but the negociation fell to the ground. The King of Saxony,
unable to cope with the surrounding host of enemies, retired to a
place of safety in Franconia; and his army separated from the French,
and throwing themselves into Torgau, offered to stipulate for a neu-

260

THE HISTORY OF

trality. Davoust retreated from Dresden, after blowing up the fine
bridge. The French garrisons in Thorn, Spandau, and Crenztochau,
surrendered to the allies.
The Emperor of Austria, who had openly deserted Napoleon
during the disasters of the Russian retreat, now assumed the sem
blance of friendship ; but Napoleon was not at all deceived by the
hollow pretence. He well knew that the alUance or hostility of his
imperial father-in-law would depend on his own victories or defeats.
In the meanwhile, the most conciliatory language was held towards
him by the Austrian court; but M. de Narbonne, his ambassador at
Vienna, had the penetration to discover the secret policy of Austria,
and the engagements which were a few months afterwards made
public under the name of the quadruple alliance. M. de Metternich
so far threw off the mask as to declare that Austria would neither
unite with Napoleon in fighting for the Poles, nor in preserving to
him his title of Head of the Confederation of the Rhine. The Eng
lish government prepared for new efforts in the Peninsula, and EngUsh
gold supported the war throughout Europe.
The rapid progress of his allied enemies hastened the preparations
of Napoleon. He had meditated the coronation of Maria Louisa as
Empress, and of his infant son as King of Rome, but the pressure of
events prevented it. From motives of poUcy, as well as of precaution
(the latter suggested by Mallet's conspiracy), he, on the 30th of March,
solemnly proclaimed the Empress regent of the empire during his
absence in the impending war. On the 14th of April, he gave a
friendly audience to the Prince of Schwartzenburg, ambassador from
Austria; and on the following day, the 15th of April, 1813, he left
Paris for Mayence, where he arrived on the 16th at midnight.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

261

CHAPTER XI.

MOVEMENTS OF THE FRENCH ARMY  COMBATS OF WEISSENFELS AND FOSERN: — DEATH OF
BESSIERES  BATTLE OF LUTZEN  NAPOLEON AT DRESDEN  AUSTRIA ASSUMES THE OFFICE
OF MEDIATOR — BATTLE OF BAUTZEN — DEATH OF DUROC  ARMISTICE GRANTED BY
NAPOLEON.

The progress of the armies of Russia
and Prussia was interrupted by the
fe rapid approach of Napoleon. He
spent only eight days at Mayence,
employed in organising his young
conscripts, and then advanced by
hasty marches towards Dresden.
On the 25th of April, his head
quarters were at Auerstadt. On
the 29th, he left Erfurt at the head
of eighty thousand men. Forty
thousand more, under Prince Eu
gene, were marching from Magde
burg to join him. The army of
the alUed sovereigns was collected
towards Leipsic, and occupied the direct route of Napoleon's advance.
The numbers on both sides were nearly equal, but Napoleon was
greatly inferior to the allies in cavalry. An important change had
recently occurred in the command of the Russian army, by the death
of the veteran Kutusoff, who had been succeeded by Wittgenstein.
Sharp actions occurred on the 29th of April and the 1st of May,
at Weissenfels and Posern, in both of which the French had the

262

THE HISTORY OF

advantage. But their success was dearly bought in the latter in
stance. The first cannon-shot of the day struck Marshal Bessieres as
he rode forward to reconnoitre. He fell, and died almost instantly.
The catastrophe was concealed as long as possible from the guards,
whom he had commanded from their first formation, under the name
of the " Guides," and by whom he was much beloved. The Emperor
sincerely regretted him, and with good cause. He lost, in him, an
early and faithful follower, and a matchless commander of cavalry.
On the 2nd of May, the imperial guard was drawn up before
Lutzen, where it was joined by the army of the viceroy. A crowd of
recollections attended the interview of the Emperor with his adopted
son. They had not met since the 5th of December, when Napoleon
took leave of his assembled generals at Smorgoni.
The imperial guard, with its fine artillery stationed at Lutzen,
supported the centre of the French army, posted at a village called
Kaya, and under the command of Marshal Ney. The left wing reached
from Kaya to the Elster; the right extended to the defile of Posern.
•Having formed the junction with Eugene, Napoleon pressed forward
both his wings towards Leipsic, in the rear of which city he expected
to see the army of the allies. But the latter, encouraged by the
presence of the Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia, had
approached in the night to meet him; and crossed the Elster in the
morning. The French wings advanced in column; and Napoleon
himself followed their march at the head of the guard. It was nine
o'clock, on the morning of the 2nd of May, when Napoleon left
Lutzen. About eleven, he had dismounted to consult his maps, when
he was startled by the sound of a tremendous cannonade in the

BATTLE OF LUTZEN.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 263
direction of Kaya. An aide-de-camp of Marshal Ney immediately
afterwards gallopped up, and informed him that his centre was at
tacked by the whole allied army. Napoleon changed his dispositions
on the instant. Both his wings received orders to halt. The entire
body of these troops advancing in column towards Leipsic, formed
in line by a rapid wheel on their right, and returned towards the
scene of conflict in the centre. Three hours were necessary to com
plete this movement. Urgent orders to sustain the unequal contest
in the meanwhile were despatched to Marshal Ney, and Napoleon
with the old and young guard hurried to support him. The attack
of the allies had been made by their choicest troops, led by Blucher.
The village of Kaya was already lost by the French. The conflict was
desperate; the carnage horrible; and it continued doubtful for several
hours whether the allies would carry their point of breaking the
French centre, or whether the operation commenced by Napoleon
would be completed in time to prevent their success. At length,
the distant discharge of musketry was heard on the right and left,
closing inwards on the raging battle in the centre. It was the fire
of Macdonald and Bertrand, who commanded the two wings. At the
same time, Napoleon, by a resolute and successful charge, recovered
the village of Kaya, in the centre. In this last and decisive struggle,
he exposed himself in the very front of danger, fully conscious of the
importance of victory on this occasion. The fate of the battle was
decided. The allies retreated without any further attempt to recover
it, and led back their exhausted troops from between the " forceps," as
Scott aptly designates the closing wings of Napoleon's army. The
French Emperor, whose masterly generalship was never more apparent
than on this occasion, had turned his very disadvantage into a means of
success ; but his want of cavalry prevented pursuit ; he made no pri
soners, and the sole trophies of his victory were twenty thousand dead,
whom his enemies left on the field. Among these were the Prussian
general, Scharnhorst, one of the best staff-officers in Europe ; Prince
Leopold of Hesse Homberg, and the Prince of Mecklenbourg-Strelitz.
The French loss was also very severe ; and that which made the
slaughter on both sides the more deplorable, was the circumstance that
the soldiers in the French army were almost all young conscripts,
and on the Prussian side, included multitudes of the youths of the
German universities. A great moral effect was produced by the battle.
Napoleon, who had been regarded as already conquered, was again
victorious. He immediately sent dispatches announcing the event to
every friendly court, even to Constantinople. As a great part of the
allied army had moved off in unbroken order, he commanded his
troops to pass the night on the field, in squares, by divisions. He

264

THE HISTORY OF

himself visited the advanced posts at night-fall, to observe the exe
cution of his orders. His foresight saved the young guard from
a surprise. They were suddenly attacked by the Prussian lancers
during the darkness, but repelled the charge by a weU-sustained and
murderous fire.

The allied sovereigns fell back on the Mulda, by the route of
Borna and Dresden, foUowed by the French army. Napoleon entered
Dresden a few days after the battle ; and, on the 12th of May, the
King of Saxony returned to his capital, and was once more re-es
tablished in his authority by Napoleon.
During the short residence of the Emperor Napoleon at Dresden,
the Emperor of Austria despatched M. de Bubna, as envoy, to assure
him of his good wishes and pacific intentions; but the tone assumed
by the Austrian court, as mediator, and the open hints of its claims
upon Illyria, Poland, and even Bavaria, evinced a disposition the re
verse of friendly. Meanwhile, the result of the battle of Lutzen had
forced the allies to abandon altogether the line of the Elbe. Davoust
was immediately ordered to .retake Hamburg. He attacked the city
on the 9th of May, at the head of five or six thousand men, a force

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

265

which it had no means of repelUng. It must have yielded imme
diately, had not the Danish government (the strict ally of Napoleon)
despatched a squadron of gun-boats and artillery to its support. This
demonstration, which equally surprised both parties, seems to have
been occasioned by some negociation at that time pending between
the King of Denmark and the enemies of the Emperor of France,
which the Danish monarch had hoped to turn to his own advantage.
Finding however, that he was disappointed, and discovering that the
allies meant to insist on his ceding Norway to Bernadotte ; hearing
also, at the same time, that Napoleon had just gained the victory
of Lutzen, — the king, with a composure equally ludicrous and un
principled, withdrew his forces on the 12th, and left the citizens of
Hamburg to their fate, while he returned to his league, offensive
and defensive,' with France.
The Crown Prince of Sweden was at Stralsund with a considerable
army; but he refused to divide his forces, which he destined for the
main purposes of the campaign. Hamburg, left therefore without
succour, was entered by Davoust on the 30th of May. The utmost
order and discipUne was observed, but heavy contributions were laid
on the inhabitants by Napoleon. Meanwhile, he had already joined
the advanced guard of his army. He left Dresden on the 18th, and
arrived at Bautzen on the 21st of May. His army had been re-in-
forced by eighteen thousand Saxons, a large proportion of whom were
cavalry; and he could now number one hundred and fifty thousand
men. The alUes had one hundred and sixty thousand, and were en
trenched in a strong position. Napoleon observed their camp from
the heights which command the Spree, and formed the plan of the
approaching battle.

266 THE HISTORY OF
The right wing of the allies rested upon the fortified heights of
Klein; their left on wooded eminences; their centre was rendered
unapproachable by commanding batteries. The officers of engineers
who were ordered to reconnoitre the position, reminded Napoleon
that "it was the same which Frederick the Great had once occupied."
" That may be," answered the Emperor, " but Frederick is not there
now." He saw, however, that the position could not be stormed in
front, and took his measures accordingly. On the morning of the
20th, he ordered Ney, with three corps amounting to sixty thousand
men, to make a circuit by the extreme right of the camp, and place
himself in its rear. Prince Eugene was not in this battle : he was
already on his march to Italy, whither he had been despatched by
Napoleon, in order to adopt precautions against the hostile feeling
manifested by Austria. Oudinot and Soult were commanded to ad
vance upon the left and right wings of the alUed army. The French
marched impetuously to the attack, took possession of the town of
Bautzen, crossed the river Spree, and engaged in a desperate conflict
on both points. Blucher, with the Prussians, maintained the en
trenchments on the right. The struggle was long and sanguinary,
but, at the moment that the Prussians were beginning to give way,
the sixty thousand French troops commanded by Ney appeared in
their rear and decided their defeat. Blucher was forced to retreat,
and the French took possession of the heights which he quitted. The
attack of Oudinot on the left had not been equally successful. The
Russians, commanded by Miloradowitch, still held their ground in
that position when nightfall stopped the battle. The French army
bivouacked in square on the field.
The battle was renewed on the following day. Napoleon con
trived, by a skilful manoeuvre, to deceive Miloradowitch as to his
point of attack. The contest was, notwithstanding, desperate, and at
one period doubtful. Napoleon brought up all his reserves before he
gained the Russian entrenchments; but, by three o'clock, the victory
was in his hands; and the forces of Wittgenstein and Miloradowitch,
driven from all their positions both of the centre and left, were in
full retreat by the foot of the Bohemian mountains; their retreat by
the roads to Silesia being cut off by the army of Napoleon, the dif
ferent divisions of which pressed onwards to occupy the important
points. It is estimated that twelve thousand French were killed in
this hard-fought battle ; and a much larger number of the allied army
were left dead on the ground; some authorities say sixteen, and some
eighteen thousand. The want of cavalry again prevented Napoleon
from turning his success to account. The allies retreated in good
order ; frequently placed their guns in position, and made the pursuing
French suffer greatly. Very few prisoners were taken, and not a

liiSSi

w™f&*ralM

¦I

1 1 iHiiii

DEATH OF DUROC.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 267
single gun. Napoleon, at the head of the cavalry of the guard, urged
forward the pursuit throughout the whole of the ensuing day, exposed
to a frequent and heavy fire. Towards evening, the Russian rear
guard made a determined stand at the heights of Reichembach.
While the French cuirassiers of the guard forced the pass, General
Bruyeres was killed by a bullet. He was a veteran of the army of
Italy, and much valued by Napoleon. Shortly afterwards, a ball
killed a trooper who stood close by the Emperor; upon which he
said, turning round to the Grand Marshal, " Duroc, Fortune has a
spite at us to-day." His words were only too completely justified.
After the Russians had been dislodged, as the Emperor with his suite
rode along the hollow way, three cannons were fired by the retreating
army, one ball from which shattered a tree close to Napoleon, and,
rebounding, killed General Kirchener and mortally wounded Duroc.
A halt was ordered instantly. The dying man was carried to a
neighbouring house, and immediately attended by the surgeons Larrey
and Ivan. His bowels were torn by the shot, and no aid could be
given to him ; but he preserved his consciousness and accustomed
calmness. Napoleon hastened to him, accompanied by Soult and
Caulaincourt, and bent over him, absorbed in grief. Duroc took the
hand of the master he had so long and faithfully served, and raised
it to his lips : — " AU my life," he said, " has been devoted to your
service ; and I only regret its loss, because it might still have been
useful to you." — He continued to speak, apparently unmindful of his
situation. He spoke of France, and recommended his daughter to
the Emperor. He several times repeated that he had nothing to fear
from the judgment of either God or man. Napoleon attempted to
hold out some hopes to him, but Duroc only repUed by begging him
to order opium to be administered. The Emperor, uncontrollably
affected, could not venture to remain long in the harrowing scene.
He continued during the remainder of the day to pace hurriedly up
and down before his tent, surrounded by his guard, who pitied their
Emperor as though he had lost one of his children. No one dared
to accost him. When at last a question was put to him concerning
an important order to the artillery, his sole reply was, "Everything
to-morrow." On no other occasion was he ever known to yield to
his feelings so much as to decline listening to military business. He
ordered the body of the deceased to be carried to Paris and interred
in the Hospital of the Invalids. At the same time, he placed two
hundred napoleons in the hands of the pastor of the village, close to
which this event had happened, in order to erect and preserve a
monument to the memory of his friend in the house to which he had
been carried, and on the spot where his bed had stood; directing
that the following inscription should be engraved on it: — "Here

268

THE HISTORY OF

General Duroc, Duke of Frioul, Grand Marshal of the Palace of the
Emperor Napoleon, wounded by a cannon ball, died in the arms of
his Emperor and his Friend." Napoleon made more than one decree
in favour of Duroc's family.
By the march of the alUed army towards the frontier of Bohemia, they
had virtually abandoned Prussia to any attempt which Napoleon chose
to make upon that country, and had placed themselves at the mercy
of Austria. The movement afforded another proof of their good under
standing with the latter court, and this was not unobserved by Napo
leon. He marched forward, occupied Breslau, and relieved the blockade
of Glogau. BerUn, defended only by a single corps, was now open to
him. It was at this time that Hamburg fell again into his power. His
communications with Custrin, Warsaw, and Dantzic, were again open.
Under this new aspect of affairs, the allied powers changed their
tone. They had returned no answer to the French Emperor when
he proposed a congress after the battle of Lutzen. They now soUcited
an armistice, in a letter from Count Nesselrode to Caulaincourt, Duke
of Vicenza; in compliance, it was said, with the wishes of Austria,
and with a view to discuss preliminaries of peace, in which Austria
should act as mediator. The proposal was enforced in a letter from
Count Stadion to Talleyrand, who, as well as Fouche, had been sum
moned by Napoleon to the seat of war, probably because he wished
Paris to be left free from their intrigues. Desiring peace, he relin
quished a great part of his newly-acquired advantages, granting the
armistice proposed ; and, at the same time, further to manifest his
pacific inclination, renounced the possession of Breslau and Lower
Silesia, thus enabling the allied army to regain their communications
with Berlin. The armistice was signed on the 4th of June, 1813.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

269

f-'-^yp^'W'^ '¦'¦/:
lf^^k:Mlfmfr^

CHAPTER XII.

NAPOLEON AT DRESDEN — CONGRESS OF PRAGUE  PROTRACTION OF THE CONFERENCES — STATE
OF SPAIN  ADVANCE OF LORD WELLINGTON  THE BATTLE OF VITTORIA  THE FRENCH
ARMY RETREATS UPON BAYONNE — LORD WELLINGTON ON THE PYRENEES — THE ENVOYS OF
THE ALLIED SOVEREIGNS INCREASE THEIR DEMANDS — NAPOLEON REFUSES THEIR CON
DITIONS — HOSTILITIES RECOMMENCE  AUSTRIA DECLARES WAR AGAINST FRANCE.

sation of the
which

Napoleon quitted his head-quarters on
the day succeeding the ratification
of the armistice, and returned to
Dresden. To pass away the time,
he sent for the French actors from
Paris. He was observed to have
changed his taste in dramatic re
presentations, and, contrary to his
former habits, to prefer comedy to
tragedy. " He had now tragedy
enough about him," says HazUtt,
"without going to look for it in
the regions of imagination." The
greater part of his hours of busi
ness were devoted to the organi-
and administration of the army; for, from the very beginning
armistice, symptoms, scarcely to be mistaken, were observable,
indicated a prospect of the renewal of the war.

270 THE HISTORY ^>F
The congress met at Prague; but, owing to the delays of the
Austrian court, the whole of the month of June elapsed before the
conferences were opened. Lord Aberdeen was despatched as minister-
plenipotentiary from England, but he did not arrive till the whole of
the business was over, and the armistice at an end. " This circum
stance," says Savary, " appears to have been foreseen by the English
government; for Lord Aberdeen had also a mission as envoy to the
Emperor of Austria, which character he assumed." Caulaincourt,
Duke of Vicenza, appeared as envoy for the Emperor Napoleon. The
Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia established themselves at
Trachemberg, on the banks of the Oder, in order to be near the spot.
The Emperor of Austria remained at Gittschin, in the immediate
vicinity of Prague. The armistice was prolonged to the 10th of August.
It is generally a matter of extreme difficulty to arrive at a clear
understanding of the real meanings hidden under the intricacies of
diplomatic conferences ; on the present occasion, however, the views and
objects of the different European powers allied against Napoleon, are
so clearly defined, that it is easy to draw forth the simple truth from
the tangled web of outward manifestation. The Emperor of Austria,
who undertook the office of mediator, was in fact the aUy of Russia
and Prussia from the beginning. Napoleon suspected this, but he
could not sufficiently divest himself of the belief that his matrimonial
aUiance with the imperial house of Austria would be a safeguard
against open aggression in that quarter. In this trust, he leaned on
a piUar of sand. The Emperor of Austria had plans and purposes far
more dear to him than the ambition of preserving an imperial crown
to his daughter. He made common cause with the other crowned
heads of the time. He had always been foremost among the coalesced
enemies of revolutionary France, from the time of the famous treaty of
Pilnitz in 1791, and the great coalition in 1793, when France stood
alone against nearly all Europe, till, by repeated defeats, he had been
forced to ally himself by treaty, and even by marriage, with Napo
leon. By his great failure in Russia, Napoleon was placed within the
power of these enemies ; his enemies always, whether arrayed against
him in open hostility, or his allies by necessity. It was now their
purpose to force him to relinquish the countries which he had wrested
from them; and France, once more reduced to its old limits, and once
more standing alone, would be again assailable ; and this time, without
the unspeakable advantage of national enthusiasm and fresh energies.
There was every probability that the exiled princes of the house of
Bourbon would again be placed on the throne.
This view is fully admitted by the partisans of legitimacy. " The
armistice," says Scott, "now afforded an apt occasion for arranging a

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 271
general peace, or rather (for that was the real purpose) for giving
Austria an opportunity of declaring what were her real and definite
intentions in tiffs unexpected crisis, which had rendered her, to a
great degree, arbitress of the fate of Europe. Napoleon, from his
first arrival in Saxony, had adopted a belief, that, although Austria
was likely to use the present crisis as an opportunity of compelling
him to restore the Illyrian provinces, and, perhaps, other territories
of which former wars had deprived her/ yet that, in the end, the
family connexion, with the awe entertained for his talents, would
prevail to hinder her cabinet from uniting their cause to that of the
allies. An expression had dropped from the Austrian minister, Met-
ternich, which would have altered this belief, had it been reported
to him. Maret, Duke of Bassano, had pressed the Austrian hard
on the ties arising from the marriage, when the Austrian answered
emphatically, ' The marriage, — yes, the marriage, — it was a match
founded on political considerations ; but  .' This single brief word,"
continues Scott, " disclosed as much as does the least key when it
opens the strongest cabinet — it made it clear that the connexion formed
by the marriage would not prevent Austria from taking the line in
the present dispute which general poUcy demanded. * * * * It
was, in short, the object of Austria, besides recovering her own losses
(of which that cabinet, constantly tenacious of its object, as it is well
known to be, had never lost sight), to restore, as far as possible, some
equilibrium of power, by which the other states of which the Euro
pean republic was composed might become, as formerly, guarantees
for the freedom and independence of each other." England had never
made it a secret — nor would the continental sovereigns have done so,
but from motives of policy — that the restoration of the Bourbons was
included in that much desired return to the ancient order of things
to which allusion is here made ; and subsequent events sufficiently
proved this fact. Scott, indeed, expatiates on the folly and madness
and passion for war, which made Napoleon prefer the chances of the
sword to a peace which would still have left him " Sovereign of the
fairest country in Europe." But, at the same time, the tone assumed
concerning him is little accordant with any intention to leave him in
undisturbed possession. Sometimes he is described, by his Scotch his
torian, as resembling the patron of a Turkish cruizer, whose galley
slaves have just broken their chains and escaped from thraldom; on
other occasions, he is represented as a robber, whose victims are about
to resume their spoils. The sovereigns, when they broke their faith
with him, are said to have only done what was just; and, when they
made war on him, to have taken a laudable vengeance. In short, he
is not allowed the benefit of the conventional code of morals drawn

272 THE HISTORY OF
up by the tacit consent of mankind for their kings, rulers, and mili
tary commanders; but is judged as though he had held none of these
dignities. The circumstances of Napoleon were very difficult at the best,
but he made them doubly so by reposing even that small measure of
faith in the Austrian court, which made him suppose that his close
alliance with it, and his late brilUant victories, would induce it to
observe some degree of honourable dealing towards him. His im
perial marriage thus became one cause of his ruin. It was' under this
delusion that he granted the armistice after the battle of Bautzen,
and gave his defeated enemies breathing time to mature their plans.
The first positive conviction of his mistake came to him in an inter
view with Metternich, at Dresden, on the 28th of June. Napoleon
addressed the minister abruptly, as if resolved to bring him to the
point. " Ah, Metternich ! " said he, " I guess the purpose of your
cabinet. You wish to profit by my embarrassments, and seize on the
favourable moment to regain as much as you can of what I have
taken from you. Well, let us drive a bargain — how much is it you
want ? Will it suit you to accept of IUyria and to remain neuter ?
Your neutrality is all I require. I can deal with the Russians and
Prussians with my own army." "Ah, Sire," replied Metternich, "it
depends solely on your majesty to unite all our forces with yours.
But the truth must be told. Matters are come to that extremity
that Austria cannot remain neutral. We must be with you or against
you." This was an explicit declaration, and, after it had been made,
the Emperor retired with the Austrian statesman into a cabinet apart
from the secretaries, where it is supposed that the conditions about
to be proposed were plainly declared by the latter, for Napoleon's
voice in loud passion was shortly heard; and it is reported that he
enraged the diplomatist in his turn, by coolly asking " What has Eng
land given you to induce you to make war on me?" Metternich
received this insinuation as a personal insult, and left the Emperor's
presence shortly after, with a settled feeling of resentment.
The conferences at Prague still lingered on, when news arrived
from Spain, which materially influenced the spirit of the parties con
cerned. After Marshal Soult had been recalled from that country by
Napoleon, the French army had been scattered and divided, in a
manner which manifested the want of an able military superintendence.
The situation of Joseph was extremely difficult and complicated.
His communications with France were frequently interrupted by the
armed Spaniards; the whole of the northern provinces were in a
state of insurrection against his government; his troops, and even his
court, suffered for want of provisions ; all his efforts to rule his sub-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 273
jects beneficently, were frustrated by their determined antipathy ; and
he was not the man to maintain a throne by the strong hand of a
conqueror. Napoleon saw the true state of matters clearly, and gave
his orders to Joseph explicitly. " Hold Madrid," said he, in his dis
patches, " only as a point of observation ; fix your quarters, not as
monarch, but as general of the French forces, at Valladolid ; concen
trate the armies of the south, of the centre, and of Portugal, around
you. It is your business to free the communication with France,
and to re-establish a good base of operations before the commence
ment of another campaign, that the French army may be in con
dition to fight the English and Portuguese forces if the latter advance
towards France." Joseph would not agree to this reasoning. He
contended that the violence of the French troops was the cause of
the protracted hatred and resistance of the Spaniards. It was a
cause, but only one among many. "My revenue," said he, "is seized
by the generals for the supply of their troops, and I cannot, as a
King of Spain, without dishonour, partake of the resources thus torn
by rapine from my subjects, whom I have sworn to protect ; I cannot,
in fine, be at once King of Spain and general of the French; let me
resign both, and Uve peaceably in France." Napoleon's orders were
thus neglected, and no unanimity of counsel existed between Joseph
and the generals. Suchet returned to Catalonia; Marmont employed
two divisions in scouring the provinces in pursuit of the guerillas ;
the king continued to hold Madrid ; and the troops recently arrived
from Andalusia alone remained combined as army corps.
Lord Wellington was well prepared to take advantage of the
mistakes of the French. He had received large reinforcements from
England, and had employed the period of his cessation from active
hostilities in organising the Portuguese and Spanish armies, and in
providing all the equipments of a great invading force. A strong
British fleet commanded the coast. Napier reckons the entire numbers
of the alUed British and Peninsular armies at two hundred thousand
men in the spring of 1813; and that of the French at one hundred
and sixty thousand. Lord Wellington had resolved to direct his attack
against the great line of communication with France in the northern
provinces of Spain, while a strong army conducted against the south
and east of the Peninsula, held Suchet in check, and prevented his
coming to the succour of the king. Having made all his disposi
tions, Lord Wellington began his advance about the middle of May
with ninety thousand men. His design was to drive the French
beyond the Pyrenees, and so confident was he of success, that as he
passed the river which marks the frontiers of Spain, he rose in his
stirrups, and, waving his hand, cried out, — " Farewell Portugal !"
L L

274 THE HISTORY OF
When rumours of the movements of the British commander-in-
chief made his intentions apparent, Joseph evacuated Madrid, and
with all his artillery, army stores, an immense train of baggage, and
a host of non-combatants and families who had been attached to the
court or the French interests, retired to Valladolid ; then to Burgos ;
and next, finding that strong place untenable against the fast ap
proaching British force, retreated behind the Ebro, and stationed his
army with all its incumbrances in the plain or basin of Vittoria. The
artillery depots of Madrid, Valladolid, and Burgos, and the baggage
and stores of many armies, and numbers of fugitive families, were
now concentrated in this place, and at the same moment a convoy of
treasure arrived there from Bayonne. He sent urgent dispatches to
Suchet, Foy, and Clausel, to join him with their forces; but the first
was already engaged with active enemies, and the others could not
arrive in time. Lord Wellington had followed close, fighting many
minor combats in his advance, and by the 19th of June, to use the
fine graphic language of Napier, " his rough veteran infantry, swelled
by the junction of Longa's division, and all the smaller bands which
came trickling from the mountains, burst like raging streams from
every defile, and went foaming into the basin of Vittoria."
The two armies, now face to face, were both high in courage
and spirit, but the French were deficient in numbers. They are
estimated at about sixty thousand; the British and Peninsular troops
at upwards of eighty thousand ; but far more fatal to the French
was their want of an able commander. " Here was a noble army,"
says Napier, " driven like sheep before prowling wolves ; yet, in every
action, the inferior generals had been prompt and skilful, the soldiers
brave, ready, and daring, firm and obedient in the most trying circum
stances." They were about to sustain a still severer trial. It is said
in Colonel Napier's work, and no doubt with great truth, " that the
presence of Napoleon in an action, was equal to forty thousand good
troops." The battle of Vittoria was fought on the 21st of June,
1813, and never was a victory more decisive. The loss of men was
nearly equal on both sides, being about six thousand on the side of
the French, besides some hundreds of prisoners ; and upwards of five
thousand on the side of the allied army. But the French also lost one
hundred and forty-three brass pieces of cannon, one hundred of which
had been used in the fight; all the pares and depots of Madrid, Val
ladolid, and Burgos ; all their carriages, ammunition, and treasure ;
Marshal Jourdan's baton of command; all their papers, and a stand
of colours. They fled by the way of Navarre, carrying with them
only one gun and not a single wagon. After nightfall, they rallied,
and took the road to France by Pampeluna. General Clausel, who

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 275
was already in Arragon on his march to join King Joseph, was for
tunate enough to make a few English prisoners on the high road
from Miranda to Vittoria, who apprised him of this disastrous defeat.
He, in consequence, was obUged to retrograde, and descended the
Ebro to open a communication with Suchet, and then join the fugi
tive army on its way to France by Jaca and Yverdun. Foy also
crossed the Bidassoa on the 1st of July. Joseph attempted to hold
possession of the Valley of Bastan, but General Hill completely cleared
it, with a loss of only one hundred and twenty men. " The whole
line of the Spanish frontier," says Napier, "from Roncesvalles to the
Bidassoa river was thus occupied by the victorious allies, and Pam
peluna and St. Sebastian were invested. Joseph's reign was over ; the
crown had fallen from his head; and, after years of toil and combats
which had been rather, admired than understood, the English general,
emerging from the chaos of the Peninsular struggle, stood on the
summit of .the Pyrenees a recognised conqueror."
The news of these events reached Napoleon at Dresden. He
received the accounts of misfortunes, the consequences of which were
incalculable, with that outward calm which he was always able to
maintain. His first care was to despatch Soult in all haste to rally
the defeated army at Bayonne, and defend the southern frontier of
France, now threatened with invasion by Lord Wellington. His next
measures were all taken with a view to prepare for another campaign
in Saxony, which he now considered inevitable. He fortified Dresden
strongly, determining to make it his central point. About this time,
he also summoned the Empress to Mentz, and met her there, re
turning to Dresden by the 3rd of August. The Parisians, who
anxiously watched the signs of the times, did not fail to augur a
continuance of the war from this circumstance, which plainly indi
cated that the Emperor did not expect to return shortly to Paris.
Many conjectures were also set afloat by the arrival of General Mo
reau at the head-quarters of the Emperor Alexander. A Russian
frigate had conveyed him from America. Savary declares his belief
that an idea, originating with Bernadotte, was afloat, to substitute
Moreau in France for Napoleon ; and notices in corroboration, that the
Count d' Artois undertook a voyage to the Baltic from England at
this period, and was not permitted to land in Sweden. Savary believes
that this voyage was undertaken in alarm at the new project of the
allies. It does not appear likely that this conjecture is founded in
truth. Legitimacy would not have been satisfied with such a half
measure. The influence of Lord Wellington's success on the councils of the
allies was soon made apparent in the heightened tone of their demands.

276 THE HISTORY OF
On the 7th of August, the Austrian cabinet put forth their plan of
pacification. The conditions of peace required of Napoleon were as
follows. First: — The dissolution of the grand-duchy of Warsaw,
which was to be divided between Russia, Prussia, and Austria.
Second: — The re-establishment of the Hanseatic towns in their for
mer independence. Third: — The reconstruction of Prussia, assigning
to that kingdom a frontier on the Elbe. Fourth: — The cession to
Austria of the maritime town of Trieste, with the Illyrian provinces.
The cession of Holland was reserved as an article to be considered
at a general peace, as a matter in which England took chief interest.
Lord Wellington had already settled the question of Spain.
The continuance of the war was deprecated by the French nation.
They were exhausted with the struggle, and craved for peace ; and
hard as these conditions were, Napoleon had scarcely one adviser, civil
or miUtary, who did not urge him to yield. Talleyrand and Fouche
earnestly recommended peace. Savary (opposed to their opinion on
nearly every other point) laments that he was not permitted to leave
Paris at the moment to unite his voice with theirs. " I would,"
says he, "have pointed out innumerable reasons, both at home and
abroad, for concluding peace at any price, — for I was thoroughly con
vinced of the necessity of it. At that crisis, the only good poUcy
was to yield, because the physical strength' that might be lost was
nothing in comparison with the moral power that would be recovered
by the restoration of tranquiUity." Berthier, with the celebrated en
gineer Rogniat, had drawn up a plan for removing the army, rein
forced with all the French garrisons in Germany and Prussia, from
the line of the Elbe to that of the Rhine. Napoleon alone revolted
at the idea of the dear-bought peace. " Good God ! " he exclaimed,
" Ten lost battles could not bring me so low as you would have me
stoop ; and that, too, when I command so many strong places on the
Elbe and Oder. The enemy cannot force me back on the Rhine till
they have gained ten battles; but allow me only one victory, and I
will march on their capitals of BerUn and Breslau, reUeve my gar
risons on the Vistula and Oder, and force the aUies to such a peace
as shall leave my glory untarnished." He held the same language at
St. Helena, when his judgment had received the severe test of ex
perience. " How was I perplexed," said he, when deUberating on
this subject, "to find myself the only one who perceived the extent
of the danger, or who was ready to adopt means to avert it ! I was
harassed on the one hand by the coalesced powers who threatened
our very existence : and, on the other, by the want of spirit in my
own subjects, who, in their blindness, seemed to make common cause
with them, by our enemies who were labouring for my destruction,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 277
and by the importunities of my people, and even my ministers, who
urged me to throw myself on the mercy of foreigners. And I was
obUged to maintain a good appearance in this embarrassing situation;
to reply haughtily to some, and sharply to reprove others, who created
difficulties behind me, encouraged the mistaken course of public
opinion, instead of seeking to give it a proper direction, and suffered
me to be tormented with demands for peace, when they ought to
have proved that the only means of obtaining it was to urge me
ostensibly to war. * * * The circumstances in which we were
placed were extraordinary and perfectly new; it would be vain to
seek for any parallel to them. I was myself the keystone of an
edifice not sufficiently consolidated, and the stabUity of which de
pended on each of my battles. Had I been conquered at Marengo,
France would have encountered all the disasters of 1814 and 1815
without those prodigies of glory which succeeded, and which will be
immortal. It was the same at Austerlitz and Jena; and again at
Eylau, and elsewhere. The vulgar failed not to blame my ambition
as the cause of all these wars. But they were not my choosing ; they
were produced by the nature and force of events ; they arose out of
that conflict between the past and the future — that constant and per
manent coalition of our enemies, which obliged us to subdue, under
pain of being subdued."
Whatever judgment may be passed on the subject of Napoleon's
determination for war at the period in question, it is quite certain
that he ought, in wisdom, to have adopted with decision and prompt
itude one of two courses. Either he should, from the commencement
of the campaign of 1813, have carried on the war firmly and vigour-
ously, not resting until he had forced the allies to make an honourable
peace which should leave him in full power as sovereign of the French
empire ; or, he should have laid it down as a principle that an imme
diate peace was necessary to France, and if necessary, an object to be
attained though at a great cost. He did neither. Sincerely desirous
of peace, he permitted himself to trust to the good faith of Austria,
against all his former experience of the repeated treachery of that
government towards him, and withheld his hand at the very moment
when he should have pursued the war to the last extremity : and
then, when the proof was brought home to him that the Emperor of
Austria was utterly false to him, — that the offered mediation and the
armistice were mere pretexts to gain time to prepare for his ruin, — and
that all the great military power of Austria was about to be thrown
into the scale against him, — he shrunk from the conditions that were
offered, and preferred war to a peace so purchased. Having brought
himself into these difficult circumstances, and exposed France to these

278

THE HISTORY OF

fearful odds, it seems clear to an impartial understanding that he
should have submitted, and have obtained peace, guarding against
future aggression by the best measures he could pursue. But, in ex
pressing this opinion, it is only fair to remember that Napoleon had
great resources, and very nearly won the game of war, as the events
of the campaign will shew ; and also, that we judge after the event.
The allied sovereigns by the course which they pursued filled up
the measure of their treachery. It was only on the 7th of August
that the ultimatum of Austria was delivered to Napoleon. He
returned' in answer his own conditions, in which, yielding to the
opinion of his councillors, he ceded many of the points demanded.
First: — He agreed to give up the grand-duchy of Warsaw; but sti
pulated that Dantzic, with its fortifications demolished, should remain
a free town; and that Saxony should be indemnified for the cession
of the duchy at the expense of Prussia and Austria. Second : —
He ceded the Illyrian provinces to Austria, but retained Trieste.
Third: — He stipulated that the Confederation of the Rhine should
extend to the Oder. Fourth: — He required that Norway should
be guaranteed to Denmark. Without giving time for this answer
to be received, the allies re-commenced hostilities on the 10th of
August, 1813, the day fixed for the termination of the armistice ;
and on the 15th, Austria declared war against France, and passed
with its army of two hundred thousand men into the federation of
the allies. The plan of the campaign was arranged at a council of
the coalesced sovereigns, at which Bernadotte and Moreau assisted.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

279

fife

CHAPTER XIII.

AMOUNT AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE ARMIES— BATTLE OF DRESDEN — DEATH OF MOREAU —
BATTLES OF CULM, GROSS-BEEREN, KATZBACH, AND DENNEWITZ— NAPOLEON ABANDONS
THE RIGHT RANK OF THE ELBE  RETREATS FROM DRESDEN — BATTLE OF LEIPSIC 
DEFECTION OF THE TROOPS OF SAXONY, WURTEMBERG, AND BADEN  DEATH OF PONIA
TOWSKI — NAPOLEON RETREATS UPON THE RHINE — DEFECTION OF BAVARIA — BATTLE OF
HANAU — NAPOLEON AT MENTZ — THE ALLIES ON THE RHINE.

Napoleon was well prepared for
the renewal of war. Dres
den had been converted
into a place of strength,
such as might be called
one entire citadel. All the
trees in the neighbourhood,
as well as those which had
formed the ornament of the
public gardens and walks of
that beautiful capital, had
been cut down and converted into palisades; redoubts, field-works,
and fosses had been constructed. The chain of fortresses garrisoned
by French troops secured to Napoleon the rich valley of the Elbe.
Hamburg, garrisoned by Dantzic, and many strong places on the
Oder and Vistula were in his possession. He had established an
entrenched camp at the celebrated position of Pirna; and had con-

280 THE HISTORY OF
structed a bridge of boats over the Elbe at Konigstein to maintain a
communication with the fort of Stolpen. The army he had assembled
in the seat of war amounted to nearly three hundred thousand men,
including the Bavarian reserve of twenty-five thousand men under
General Wrede ; and he had been able greatly to increase his strength
in cavalry. This powerful force was divided into eleven army-corps,
commanded by Vandamme, Victor, Bertrand, Ney, Lauriston, Mar
mont, Reynier, Poniatowski, Macdonald, Oudinot, and St. Cyr.
Murat, who had left his capital, roused by the news of the brilliant
victories of Lutzen and Bautzen, was commander-in-chief of the whole
of the cavalry; Latour-Maubourg, Sebastiani, Arrighi, and Keller-
mann, were at the head of its different divisions. Mortier com
manded the infantry of the guards; Nansouty, the cavalry. Davoust
held Hamburg with twenty thousand men. Augereau occupied
Bavaria with twenty-four thousand.
The armies of the allies, however, greatly exceeded those of
Napoleon in number. They are computed at nearly five hundred
thousand men, including the forces destined to invade Italy. Those
ready for action in the immediate seat of war, were divided into
three great masses. The army of Bohemia, consisting mainly of Aus
trians commanded by Prince Schwartzenburg ; the army of Silesia,
commanded by Blucher ; and the troops under the command of Ber
nadotte, stationed to the northward, near Berlin. These immense
hosts were strong in cavalry and artillery ; and, in discipline and
experience, far exceeded the French soldiers, who were nearly all
young conscripts, brought into actual warfare for the first time. The
former had the advantage also of being in a friendly country. Three
Frenchmen of eminence were leaders in the ranks of the enemies of
France; Bernadotte, Moreau, and Jomini, late the chief of the engi
neer department in Napoleon's army. These three men, well instructed
in the school of the great master of the art of war, are affirmed to
have directed the counsels of the allied sovereigns, and taught them
how to coifquer. The plan they had laid down was at once cautious
and skilful. Bernadotte, it is said, pointed out to them that the
French Emperor lay in Dresden with his guard of five-and-twenty
thousand men, while his marshals were stationed in various strong
positions on the frontiers of Saxony. He made them perceive that
the moment any one of the French corps d' armee was attacked,
Napoleon would spring from his central point upon the field of
action, and would thus beat the allied armies in detail. To obviate
this danger, Bernadotte recommended that the first general who made
an attack on a French division, and brought Napoleon into the field,
should on no account accept a battle, but should retreat, luring the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 281
Emperor onward in pursuit ; when, simultaneously, the other bodies
of allied troops should close in upon his rear, cut off his communica
tions with France, and surround him.
The plan, thus artfully contrived, was strictly followed. Blucher
first advanced from Silesia, and menaced the armies of Macdonald and
Ney; when, with all the activity which had been expected of him,
Napoleon issued from Dresden on the 15th of August, — rapidly
gained the point of danger, — and turned the attack into a defence.
He was unable, however, to bring the Prussian general to any decisive
action. Blucher continued to retreat before him up to the 23rd,
when the report that the movements of his enemies shewed that
Dresden itself was in danger, arrested Napoleon in his pursuit. The
danger was pressing. On the 25th, at four in the afternoon, two
hundred thousand allied troops, led by Schwartzenburg, appeared be
fore the walls of Dresden. St. Cyr, who had been left to observe
the passes of the Bohemian mountains, with twenty thousand men,
had retreated before the irresistible torrent, and thrown himself into
the city, which he now prepared himself to defend, with his own
forces and the garrison left there by the Emperor. It was a service
of the last importance. With Dresden, Napoleon would lose his line
of communication with France, his means of recruiting his army, and
his supplies of every kind. The Austrian commander-in-chief put off
the attack till the following day, replying to the expostulations of
Jomini, that Napoleon was safe in the passes of Silesia. Early on the
morning of the 26th, the assault commenced. The allies advanced in
six columns, supported by a tremendous fire. They carried one great
redoubt; then another; they closed in upon the defenders at every
point ; the shells and balls fell thick on the houses ; St. Cyr con
ducted the defence with heroism, but before mid-day a surrender was
talked of; the numbers within the walls were insufficient to repel
so extensive an attack. Suddenly, from the opposite bank of the
Elbe, columns of soldiers were seen rushing onwards towards the
city! — they swept across the bridges, pressed through the streets, and
with loud shouts demanded to be led into battle, though they had
made forced marches from the frontiers of Silesia. Napoleon was in
the midst of them: his enemies had calculated only for one half of
his energy and rapidity, and had forgotten that he could return as
quickly as he went. He halted for an instant, at the palace, to re
assure the King of Saxony (who had apprehended the destruction of
his capital), and then joined his troops, who marched straight onward
through the streets and halted at the gates. Two sallies were then
made by Ney and Mortier, under the direction of Napoleon. The
astonished assailants were driven back in their turn. The young
M M

282 THE HISTORY OF
guard retook the captured redoubts, and the French army deployed
on the plain lately in possession of their enemies. " The Emperor
is in Dresden ! " exclaimed Schwartzenburg, at this extraordinary
change of affairs. " It is impossible to doubt it." The fury of the
fight, on both sides, gradually slackened, and the armies took up
their positions for the night. The French wings were stationed to
the right and left of the city, which itself formed the centre of
their line. The allies were ranged along the heights from Plauen to
Strehlen. The Emperor of Russia and King of Prussia were with
their army. They had not very greatly the advantage in point of
numbers, for the division of Klenau never came up, and Napoleon
had concentrated nearly two hundred thousand men on this occasion.
The morning broke in a tempest of wind and rain, — in the midst
of which Napoleon was on horseback at six o'clock, notwithstand
ing he had been engaged in arrangements until late in the night.
At an early hour, he ordered his columns to advance. They defiled
from their position, and diverging from each other in a manner which
has been aptly compared to the " sticks of a fan when it is expanded,"
commenced an attack on both flanks of the allied army. The stormy
weather, which concealed their movements, favoured their success.
The result was a decisive victory. By three in the afternoon, the
battle of Dresden was concluded, and the allied sovereigns were in
full retreat, closely pursued by the French. The roads to Bohemia
and those to the southward were closed against them by the French
corps, commanded by Murat and Vandamme, and they were obliged
to take such country paths and bye-ways as they could find, and
these had been rendered almost impassable by the heavy rain. They
lost five-and-twenty thousand prisoners, forty standards, sixty pieces
of cannon, and a great number of wagons. The numbers of killed
and wounded were great, and it is said, nearly equal, amounting on
each side to seven or eight thousand men. A celebrated name ap
pears in the dismal list. The first cannon-shot fired by the guard,
under the especial direction of Napoleon himself, mortally wounded
Moreau. He was carried from the field, and suffered amputation of
both his legs, but died a few days afterwards. " One of his feet,
with the boot upon it," said Napoleon, in relating the event to
O'Meara, "which the surgeon had thrown upon the ground, was
brought by a peasant to the King of Saxony, with information that
some officer of great distinction had been struck by a cannon-shot.
The king, conceiving that the name of the person might, perhaps,
be discovered by the boot, sent it to me. It was examined at my
head-quarters, but all that could be ascertained was, that the boot
was neither of English nor of French manufacture. The next day

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 283
we were informed that it was the leg of Moreau." Such was the
end of the conqueror of Hohenlinden — and of his treachery.
Napoleon remained on the field till his victory was decided, and
then returned to Dresden on horseback; his grey great-coat and
weather-worn hat streaming with water, and his whole appearance
forming a singular contrast to that of Murat, who rode by his
side in all the splendour of his usual battle-dress. The latter had
especially distinguished himself during the action.
The venerable King of Saxony received Napoleon with rapture,
as his deliverer. The Emperor behaved with great generosity to the
citizens, remunerating them for the losses they had sustained in the
cannonade ; and caused the greatest care to be taken of the wounded
and prisoners belonging to the allies. His admirable arrangements
for his own wounded are recognised on all sides, and in this war
especially were brought to perfection. The " ambulances," or move
able hospitals, which were always in the rear during a battle, removed
every man who fell, as quickly as possible, and thus averted much of
the horrible sufferings attendant on such occasions. A short, but
very severe, attack of illness was the consequence of the excessive
fatigues which Napoleon had undergone, and of the drenching rain
to which he had been exposed throughout the 27th.
The whole of the French left wing, composed of the three corps
of Vandamme, St. Cyr, and Marmont, were ordered to march by
their left, taking the Pirna road, in pursuit of the retreating army.
Vandamme marched boldly on, and, without hesitation, entered Bo
hemia, neglecting even to take the precaution of guarding the defile of
Peterswald in his rear. He trusted to the rapid advance of the other
French corps, and was lured onwards by the hope of surprising the
allied sovereigns themselves, with the members of their cabinet, in
their head-quarters at Toplitz. He was not supported as he ex
pected; was surprised, surrounded, and taken; lost the whole of his
artiUery, and between seven and eight thousand prisoners. The rest
of his corps escaped through the woods and rejoined the army.
The intelligence of this disaster was conveyed to Napoleon, while
he still suffered under his illness at Dresden. It totally deranged his
plans, wliich would have led him to follow up the pursuit towards
Bohemia in person. It would not, however, have materially neutral
ised the effect of his great victory, but for the events which followed.
Oudinot was ordered to march on Berlin, against Bulow's corps and
the Swedes commanded by Bernadotte. Oudinot had with him the
divisions of Bertrand and Reynier, composing, altogether, a force of
eighty thousand men. Reynier, who marched in advance, fell in
with the allies at Gross-Beeren ; attacked them precipitately, and,

284 THE HISTORY OF
being unsupported, suffered severely ; and his division, chiefly com
posed of Saxons, took flight. Oudinot sustained considerable losses
himself, and was forced to retreat on the fortress of Torgau on the
Elbe. General Girard sallied out of Magdeburg with five or six
thousand men shortly afterwards, and was defeated near Leibnitz,
with the loss of more than a thousand men, and some cannon and
baggage. Marshal Macdonald had been ordered to debouch from the
Bober, and to pass that river. He encountered Blucher in the plains,
between Wahlstadt and the Katzbach. The circumstances of the French
marshal were highly disadvantageous, and he was obliged to retire
in disorder, after losing a considerable number of troops and a great
quantity of artillery.
Napoleon hastened, with his usual energy, to repair these nume
rous losses to the utmost of his power. He re-organised Oudinot's
corps, added to it some of the troops stationed near Wittenberg,
and gave the command to Ney, with orders once more to advance
upon Berlin; while he himself moved forwards upon the Bober to
maintain the manoeuvre in which Macdonald had failed. He was
proceeding successfully, when the intelligence that Ney had been
overcome by numbers, his line suddenly broken by the flight of the
Saxon corps, and himself driven back on the Elbe, obliged the
Emperor to relinquish all his plans of operations on the right bank
of the Elbe, and return to Dresden, which he re-entered on the
12th of September. After various skirmishes and partial combats,
with doubtful success on some occasions, but loss to the French on
most, he finally abandoned the whole of the right bank of the Elbe
to the allies, and by the 24th of September his army was concen
trated on the left bank. The Emperor also recalled Auger eau's corps,
consisting of two small divisions, from Bavaria.
At this period of the campaign, Napoleon was necessitated, by
the emergency of his circumstances, either to abandon Germany at
once, or to fight another great battle. If he had chosen the former
alternative, he would have withdrawn all his garrisons from the for
tresses which he held on the Elbe, abandoned Dresden, and, as a
matter of course, would have immediately lost all his German allies,
who must, in their own defence, have joined the great powers who
had obliged him to retire beyond the Rhine. A great victory
would, he conceived, retain the German princes in their allegiance,
and enable him to carry into effect the same plans which had been
frustrated after the victory of Dresden by the various mistakes or
misfortunes of his marshals. Had he possessed correct information
of the disposition of his German allies, he would scarcely have
decided on abiding the fearful chance of this battle (against the hosts

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

285

which outnumbered his army as two to one), in order to preserve
their alliance. Bavaria had already secretly joined his enemies, having
entered into a treaty with Austria on the instant that Augereau's
divisions evacuated the country; and the other German states only
waited a favourable opportunity to desert him, while they all made
professions of their constant attachment, in his bad as well as his
good fortune. Napoleon did not know that the Saxons in his army
had been successfully tampered with by his enemies, though the King
of Saxony was his firm friend ; that Murat had already opened nego
ciations with Austria, and was likely to secure his kingdom at the
price of his treachery. Napoleon did not, in short, suspect that, of
all his former aUies, the Poles alone, with their brave and devoted
spirits, were faithful to him ; and they no longer had a country. He
resolved to risk another battle.
The great armies of the allies, reinforced by sixty thousand
Russians, now issued a second time from Bohemia, and, advancing
through Saxony, threatened to occupy the communications between
Dresden and the Saale, and Leipsic ; extending, at the same time,
to the left, to co-operate with Bernadotte. It was necessary to coun
teract this movement. Napoleon, therefore, left Dresden with his
army about the 8th of October, accompanied by the royal family of
Saxony; and, maintaining his hold on the Elbe by leaving thirty
thousand men in Dresden, strong garrisons in Torgau, Wittenberg,
and Magdeburg, and thirty thousand men in Hamburg, he occupied
a position in front of Leipsic, with the Elster in his rear.

On the 15th of October, the columns of the grand "army of the
allies were seen hastily advancing, and Napoleon prepared his order of
battle. His forces amounted to something under one hundred and fifty
thousand men. The allies brought up about two hundred and thirty

286 THE HISTORY OF
thousand on the 15th; and, when they were joined by the armies of
Blucher and Bernadotte, on the 16th and 17th, they could not have
numbered less than three hundred thousand men; probably three
hundred and fifty thousand. The French army was strongly and skil
fully posted, and remained immoveable, waiting the attack of the
powerful enemies now drawn up before it in battle array. The day
of the 15th, however, closed without any movement on the part of
the latter ; but signal-rockets were observed in the north and south,
which were believed to be communications between their grand army
and those of Blucher and Bernadotte, and explained the cause of
their delay. Napoleon visited all the posts of his army before night
fall, gave his last orders, and chose this impressive moment to dis
tribute the eagles to the new levies. The soldiers, in the usual form,
swore never to abandon their standards. At the conclusion of the
ceremony, the Emperor, raising his voice so as to be heard by his
assembled battalions, said, " Yonder lies the enemy. Swear that you
will rather die than permit France to be dishonoured." The ready
response, " We swear it," and the accustomed and heartfelt shouts of
" Vive 1' Empereur," which instantly filled the air, were amply borne
out by that devoted army in the tremendous days which succeeded.
The Emperor remained throughout the night in the rear of his own
guards, behind the centre of his great line of battle, on the south of
Leipsic, at a village called Probstheyda. Augereau, supported by
Victor and Lauriston, was established on the elevated plain of
Wachau, in front of the position ; Macdonald held a rising ground
extending to Holzhausen; Poniatowski occupied aU the villages on
the right bank of the river Pleisse ; and Bertrand held Lindenau, on
the road which forms the sole line of communication between Leipsic
and the banks of the Rhine. Ney and Marmont were stationed on
the north of the city, in which quarter the approach of Blucher was
expected. The Emperor Alexander and the King of Prussia were in
the opposite camp. The sentinels of both armies were in some
places within musket-shot of each other.
At nine o'clock on the morning of the 16th, the battle began
with a tremendous attack upon the whole line of the French position.
It was received with a firmness which rendered vain every effort to
dislodge a single division. Six desperate attempts had been made by
the allies before noon, when they paused, somewhat, as Scott describes,
" in the condition of wrestlers who have exhausted themselves in vain
and premature efforts." It was now Napoleon's turn. He assumed
the offensive, and was successful at every point. The centre of the.
allied army was fairly broken by the impetuosity of the attack ; the
strong positions of Gossa and the redoubt called the Swedish camp

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 287
were taken; and Murat, with Latour-Maubourg and Kellermann,
thundered through the gap, at the head of the whole body of the
French cavalry, and bore down the grenadiers of the reserve. At
this crisis, when the King of Saxony had set all the bells in Leipsic
ringing at the tidings sent to him by Napoleon, the Emperor Alexander
saved the day for the allied army. He ordered the Cossacks of his
guard, who were in immediate attendance on his person, to charge
the French cavalry. They obeyed with the utmost fury ; retook the
cannon which the French had just seized, bore back the cavalry
which had so nearly decided the action, and gave time for the
Austrian reserves to come up. The overwhelming superiority of force
had then time to make its impression. " The allies had such vast num
bers," says Las Casas, " that, when their troops were fatigued, they were
regularly relieved, as at parade." In the meantime, a terrific cannonade
had been commenced by the aUies on the north, where Blucher had
arrived and come into action. Some of the French troops in that
quarter had been withdrawn, to support the raging battle of the centre,
and Ney and Marmont were, in consequence, outnumbered as three
to one. Blucher took the village of Mackern, twenty pieces of cannon,
and two thousand prisoners, and crowded the defence of the French
nearer to the walls of Leipsic. The main battle raged till evening,
with various success ; and when at length darkness obUged the com
batants to leave to the dead the ground on which the fierce strife
had been maintained, the French had not relinquished in this quarter
one foot of their original position, though they had been driven back
from the posts they had at one time seized. Poniatowski had main
tained his ground against every attack; and Bertrand had preserved
his post at Lindenau. But Napoleon's fortunes needed something
more than an honourable defence, and he had achieved no victory.
Still before him lay the dark masses of his enemies, in the same
positions they had occupied the night before. Their losses had indeed
been prodigious ; but his own had been very severe, and he had need
of every man he could muster ; while, in the great host opposed to him,
fifty thousand individual lives might be extinguished without causing
any anxiety to their leaders. The necessary preponderance over him
would still be maintained : a military calculation goes no farther.
It was evident to Napoleon that the struggle was over ; and that an
honourable defence, terminated by a retreat, was all that lay before
him. He had received certain intelligence also, from an Austrian
prisoner, that the King of Bavaria had deserted his alliance ; and that
the Bavarian army under General Wrede, lately fighting under the
French standard, was now in readiness to intercept his return to the
Rhine. The Austrian prisoner here mentioned was General Merfeld,

288 THE HISTORY OF
who had been employed by his sovereign to solicit an armistice
from General Bonaparte in 1797, when the victorious army of Italy
was fast approaching the gates of Vienna, and who had returned
with a favourable answer. During the night of the 16th, the Aus
trian officer was summoned to the presence of Napoleon, and
charged with a message to his imperial master, which, in terms at
once simple and dignified, solicited a suspension of arms. Napoleon
offered, as the price of peace, to give up Poland and Illyria ; con
sented to the independence of the Hanse Towns and Holland ; and
was ready to renounce any further attempts on Spain. He proposed
that Italy should be considered one independent country, and pre
served in its integrity. Lastly, he was willing to evacuate Germany,
and retreat towards the Rhine. " Adieu, General Merfeld," said he,
as he dismissed his prisoner ; " when, on my part, you name the
word armistice to the Emperor, I doubt not that the voice which
then strikes his ear will awaken many recollections." — " Words,"
says Scott, " affecting by their simplicity, and which, coming from
so proud a heart, and one who was reduced to ask the generosity
he had formerly extended, cannot be recorded without strong sym
pathy." No answer was ever returned by the sovereigns, who took
no notice whatever of concessions thus entire. The ostensible objects
of the war were attained, yet they continued to push it to extremity.
Its ultimate objects were now to appear. But of the blood wantonly
poured out on the ground during the succeeding days, who is to
render an account ?
A dead calm lasted throughout the 17th, during which the aUies
prepared for a renewed attack, and Napoleon for defence and for
retreat, — not forgetting to confer his high meed of praise on the
heroic deeds of the various individuals of his army. To the noble
Prince Poniatowski he presented on this day the baton of a mar
shal of France.
At eight o'clock on the morning of the 18th of October, the
allies renewed their attack with tenfold fury; their ranks were now
increased by the presence of Bernadotte and his army. The French
line of defence was drawn nearer to Leipsic, Probstheyda now
forming the central point, and Napoleon with his guard being sta
tioned on an eminence immediately behind it. Along the whole line,
the fire continued for many hours tremendous on both sides; nor
could the inhabitants of Leipsic, who were appalled spectators from
the walls and steeples of the city, perceive that either army recoiled or
advanced. The slaughter was enormous, but greater among the allied
army than in that of the French, because the latter fought under
shelter. About two o'clock, a furious onset of the Prussians forced the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 289
central position of Probstheyda, and the din and confusion of flight
began to be heard. Napoleon, in the rear and on the very verge of
this tumult, placed his reserve of the old guard in order, — led them
in person to the point in danger,- — recovered the ground, and then
resumed his station. He is described as maintaining throughout the
whole of this dreadful day, a calm decision and presence of mind,
and as having supported his squadrons, in their enforced defence, with
the same spirit of power which he had always possessed over them
when leading them on to victory. His military genius was never
more apparent than now, when he fought against insuperable diffi
culties. At length, the allies, notwithstanding their numbers, were
obliged to desist from their suicidal attacks ; and, drawing back
their troops, brought forward their artillery, and contented themselves
with maintaining an incessant fire of balls and shells, to which the
French replied with equal continuity. Meanwhile, Ney and Marmont
had contended with overwhelming numbers on the northern side of
the city. They had been obliged to concentrate their lines nearer the
walls, but had preserved their order, and resisted every furious onset
of their enemies to force their new positions, — when, at a critical
moment of the attack, the Saxon brigades, of ten thousand men, de
serted their lines, marched forward to meet the Russians with colours
of truce displayed, and suddenly facing about, turned their artillery
upon the ranks which they had just left; "and having," as Scott
expresses it, " expended, during that morning, one half of their am
munition on the allies, they now bestowed the other half upon the
French army." This piece of shameless treachery, — which it is just
to mention, that Scott himself highly reprobates, — incapacitated the
French marshals from maintaining their ground before Bernadotte,
who pressed hard upon them, and forced them into a position close
under the walls of Leipsic. The Wurtemberg cavalry, a few minutes
afterwards, followed the example of the Saxons, and also deserted to
the allies. As night approached, the battle once more ceased at all
points. Napoleon had completely maintained the day on the southern
line of attack. The Saxon treachery had decided the advantage for
the allies on the northern side.
The fast failing amount of resources, and the awful account of
dead and wounded, were now to be summed up by Napoleon. The
result was a preparation for immediate retreat, to commence during
the night. His ammunition was falling short, — a circumstance not
wonderful. According to Baron Fain, the extraordinary number of
two hundred and fifty thousand cannon-balls had been expended by
the French during the four preceding days. Provisions were also
scarce, and the Bavarians in arms, ready to intercept the communica-
N N

290 THE HISTORY OF
tions with France. Leipsic was no longer tenable by Napoleon.1
He spent the whole night in issuing the orders which brought all
his divisions successively within the walls.
The retreat was necessarily a matter of extreme difficulty. About
one hundred thousand men, confined in a narrow space by surround
ing enemies, had to debouch from a single gate, cross two rivers (the
Pleisse and Elster, which wash the walls), besides traversing a tract of
marshy land, and to crown the difficulty, only one temporary bridge
in addition to the stone bridges already existing, had been constructed
by the French engineers. It is said, that Napoleon had given orders
for three bridges ; however that may be, the negUgence was of fatal
consequences. Victor and Augereau first defiled upon the bridges ;
Marmont, Reynier, and Ney, were ordered to maintain their positions
in the city, until the two former divisions had effected their passage ;
Lauriston, Macdonald, and Poniatowski, were entrusted with the com
mand of the rear-guard, and charged to protect the avenues to the
Elster, until all the other troops had passed. Poniatowski received
his orders from the Emperor himself. " Prince," said he, " you will
defend the southern faubourg." "I have but few soldiers left;" he
answered. "Well, but you will defend the post with what force you
have." " Do not doubt, Sire, that we will maintain our ground. We
are all ready to die for your majesty !" was the prompt reply ; and so
these two men parted.
The first light of morning shewed their enemies that the French
had commenced a retreat. All the allied columns instantly advanced
upon the city, but were arrested in their progress by the obstinate
resistance of the French rear-guard. While the sounds of the fierce
attack and firm defence sounded through the city, Napoleon was
bidding farewell to the venerable King of Saxony and his family.
He formally released the king from all the ties of their mutual
alliance ; discharged the Saxon body guard which had remained faith
ful to him; and expressed the grief which he felt, at thus leaving the
royal family in the midst of their enemies. They would have foUowed
him in his retreat, but he refused to suffer them to lose their last
chance of making some terms with the allies. They then pressed
him to linger no longer in Leipsic. " You have done enough," said
the king; "and now you push your generosity to too great an ex
treme in risking your person to remain a few moments longer in
consoling us." Napoleon yielded to their entreaties. " I did not mean
to have left you," he said, " till the enemy was in the city, and I
owe you that proof of devotion. But I see that my presence only
increases your fears. I insist no longer. Receive my 'Adieu.' What
ever happens, France will pay the debt of friendship which I have

DEATH OF PONIATOWSKI.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 291
contracted towards you." Napoleon passed in safety through the
gates with his guard, and gained the bridge of Lindenau.
The King of Saxony, the magistrates, and some of the French
generals, sent proposals to the conquerors for a permission to permit
the retreating army to march out of the city unmolested, in mercy
to the unfortunate inhabitants. " But when," says Scott, " were
victorious generals prevented from prosecuting military advantages,
by the mere consideration of humanity ? " They paid no heed to the
proposal. The retreating Emperor, however, did not shew the same
want of humanity, even in self-defence. " Napoleon," says the same
historian, " was urged to set fire to the suburbs, to check the pressure
of the allies on his rear-guard. As this, however, must have occa
sioned a most extensive scene of misery, he generously refused to
give such a dreadful order."
The brave rear-guard, yielding, foot by foot, before overwhelming
numbers, were at length forced into the city. Fighting at every step
as they retreated, they approached the great bridge of the Elster.
All the divisions had crossed, — their task was accomphshed, — they drew
nearer to their means of escape, — for the bridge was mined, and orders
were given for its destruction as soon as they had passed. The in
habitants began to fire on them from the roofs ; the enemy pressed
closer in their rear, — when a dreadful explosion made the fierce din
pause for an instant. The bridge had prematurely blown up, and left
the devoted rear-guard without retreat. Numbers threw themselves
into the river, and some escaped. Among these was Macdonald, who
swam across the Elster. Reynier and Lauriston disappeared, and were
reported killed or drowned. Poniatowski, seeing the enemy's forces
thronging around in every direction, drew his sword, and said to his
suite and a few Polish cuirassiers who followed him, " Gentlemen, it is
better to fall with honour than to surrender." He charged accordingly,
and dashed through the troops opposed to him, receiving a musket-shot
in the arm : other enemies appeared ; through them he also made his
way, but was again wounded through- the cross of his decoration. He
then plunged into the Pleisse, and got across that river with the help
of his staff-officers, though much exhausted. Then, seeing the enemy's
riflemen already on the banks of the Elster, he leaped his horse into
that deep and marshy river, and rose no more.
" Five days afterwards," says Bourrienne, " a fisherman drew the
body of the prince out of the water. On the 26th of October, it was
temporarily interred at Leipsic, with all the honours due to the illus
trious deceased. A modest stone marks the spot where the body of
the prince was dragged from the river. The Poles expressed a wish to
erect a monument to the memory of their countryman in the garden

292 THE HISTORY OF
of M. Reichembach, situated on the bank of the Elster, at the spot
where the prince was drowned ; but that gentleman declared he would
do it at his own expense, which he did. The monument consists of
a beautiful sarcophagus, surrounded by weeping willows. The body
of the prince, after being embalmed, was sent in the following year
to Warsaw; and, in 1816, it was deposited in the cathedral among the
remains of the kings and great men of Poland. The celebrated Thor-
waldsen was commissioned to execute a monument for his tomb.
Prince Poniatowski left no issue but a natural son, born in 1790."
Nearly twenty thousand men either perished or were made prisoners,
and two hundred pieces of cannon and an immense quantity of baggage
were taken in consequence of this fatal mistake at the bridge. The
error is explained as having been caused by the sapper whose duty
it was to fire the train, and who thought that the rear-guard had
already passed ; and it is said, that the officer who was left in charge,
was absent at the moment from his post ; but, in the rout and con
fusion, no perfectly distinct explanation was elicited, though Napoleon
instituted an inquiry. His detractors have not failed to attribute the
premature order to his own selfish fears. The fact is, that the explo
sion awoke him out of a profound sleep, into wliich he had fallen after
passing the bridge of Lindenau ; when his sense of momentary security
suffered him to yield to the extreme exhaustion consequent on three
days and nights of incessant excitement. Deep memories followed
the victims of the catastrophe ; but Napoleon was the chief actor in
a tragedy, of which this was only one incident, and was constrained
to pass onward to the end. The carnage at the battle of Leipsic
is almost incredible as stated by some authorities, and it is given so
variously as to render any authentic statement impossible. The
French writers allow that thirty thousand of their own army were
missing, of whom twenty thousand were killed, and that twenty-two
thousand wounded were left in the hospitals of the city. Seventeen
French generals were taken. The King ~of Saxony was also made pri
soner, and sent into Prussia, under a guard of Cossacks, without being
permitted an interview with the sovereign. The loss, in killed and
wounded, on the part of the allies, is aUowed on all sides to have
been much heavier than on that of the French ; it is, therefore, cer
tain, that to estimate it at fifty or sixty thousand is no extravagant
computation. "The triumph of the allied monarchs," says Scott, "was
complete. Advancing at the head of their victorious forces, each
upon his own side, the Emperor of Russia, the King of Prussia,
and the Crown Prince of Sweden, met and greeted each other in
the great square of the city, where they were soon joined by the
Emperor of Austria."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 293
Napoleon, meanwhile, with his broken army, pursued his retreat
towards the Rhine by the route of Erfurt, Gotha, Fui da, and Hanau.
He was not closely pursued by the allies ; but provisions were scarce,
and his troops, spread over the country, committed excesses and fell
into disorder. He preserved his usual deportment, indulging in no
expressions of grief or reproach. At Erfurt, he left a garrison to
check the pursuit. Scarcely a single soldier belonging to the con
federate German states' was now marching under his standard; all
had deserted and joined his enemies. Westphalia had already shaken
off the government of Jerome Bonaparte, who had retired into France,
accompanied by his queen. At Erfurt, also, a desertion, which had
long taken place in spirit, was completed in every sense. Murat pro
posed to push forward, and bring up forces from the French frontier ;
left the Emperor, in consequence; passed rapidly on to Eisnach, where
he was met by the Duke of Rocca-Romana, the grand equerry of
the Neapolitan court, and in company with this nobleman started for
Italy. Arriving in his dominions, he shortly afterwards, commenced
hostiUties against the French. It was observed, that when he took '
leave, Napoleon embraced him repeatedly, as though under the in
fluence of some presentiments that they should never meet again.
The Poles still remained faithful to a man ; and when Napoleon,
appreciating their honourable conduct, gave to such of them as had
only taken up arms in the Russian campaign, for the express purpose
of delivering Poland, the choice of abandoning his fortunes at the
present crisis, they unanimously agreed to remain with him until ihe
was safely beyond the Rhine, reserving to themselves their right, when
that period arrived, to leave his standard. Only a portion of them
avaUed themselves of this liberty. The majority of the Polish corps
had served so long under him, that his camp had become their native
country. It is impossible to pass over Scott's remarks on this conduct
of the Poles. " The manner," says he, " in which Napoleon had
disappointed their hopes could not be forgotten by them ; but they
had too much generosity to revenge, at this crisis, the injustice with
which they had been treated." It is very true, that Napoleon had
been tardy and over-prudent in his dealings with the Poles ; but it ill
becomes the partisan of their " legitimate " enemies, or (to use one
of his own similes) their robbers and despoilers, to parade this
" generosity in not taking revenge " on their friend by siding with
their despotic foes.
Napoleon left Erfurt on the 25th of October, and passed the Fulda
on the 28th. Few enemies harassed his march beyond this river,
with the exception of some hordes of Cossacks. An obstacle, however,
not altogether unexpected, had interposed between him and France.

294

THE HISTORY OF

On entering the forest of Hanau on the 30th, he found an army of
forty-five thousand Bavarians under General de Wrede, drawn up to
oppose his passage. Napoleon attacked them without hesitation ; his
light troops disputing the ground from tree to tree, and after a com
bat of several hours, the Bavarians were driven behind the river
Kintzig, and took refuge in the town of Hanau. Napoleon, with the
advanced guard, pushed on to Williamstadt, leaving Marmont with
three corps of infantry to support the rear-guard under Mortier, which
had not yet come up. On the following day, a sharp action ensued
between these French corps and the Bavarian army, which ended in
the total defeat of the latter, with the loss of ten thousand men.
General de Wrede was dangerously wounded, and his son-in-law,
Prince Oettingen, killed on the spot. The French soldiers, enraged at
being thus intercepted by the very men who had so lately fought by
their sides, gave little quarter. A Bavarian miller performed a piece
of signal service to his countrymen on this occasion. Seeing a corps
of their infantry hard pressed by the French cavalry, he suddenly
let the water into his mill-stream which the fugitives had passed
when dry, and so interposed an obstacle between them and their pur
suers. He was rewarded with a pension by the King of Bavaria.
The whole of the French army passed through Frankfort, and entered
Mentz on the 1st and 2nd of November. The left bank of the Rhine
was soon after lined with the encampments of the allied sovereigns,
who, once more, after the lapse of twenty years, stood threateningly
on the frontier of France.

NAPOLEON IN THE FOREST OF HANAU.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

295

'>,'•> \X

^^

CHAPTER XIV.

AFFAIRS OF SPAIN TO THE CLOSE OF 1S13  NAPOLEON AT PARIS  DECLARATION OF FRANK
FORT  SURRENDER OF THE FRENCH GARRISONS IN GERMANY AND PRUSSIA  RESTORA
TION OF THE POPE  TREATY OF VALENCAY  NEW CONSCRIPTION OF THREE HUNDRED
THOUSAND MEN  CONVOCATION OF THE SENATE, LEGISLATIVE BODY, AND COUNCIL OF
STATE.

While the events of the summer
and autumn of the year
., . 1813 were deciding the
fortunes of Napoleon in
Germany, a horrible spe
cies of warfare still raged
in the Peninsula. The
battle of Vittoria had been
fought on the 21st of June,
1813. On the 12th of July,
Marshal Soult, travelling
from Dresden with surpris
ing expedition, assumed the command of the army of Spain at Bayonne.
The reinforcements from the interior, and the addition of some German
and Italian battalions, gave him a disposable force of . upwards of
seventy thousand men, exclusive of the French garrisons in various
parts of the country. The first operations of Lord Wellington, after
his victory of the 21st, were to blockade Pampeluna, and form the

296 THE HISTORY OF
siege of San Sebastian. Both places made a long and heroic defence.
Meanwhile, the talents and energy of Soult maintained ihe war with
vigour ; and Suchet, who had obtained successes over Sir John Murray
in the south of Spain, had assembled twenty thousand good troops
on the Ebro, in July. The names of Foy, Clauzel, Abbe, Reille,
Rey, Conroux, Drouet, &c, appear as leaders in feats of arms among
savage mountain passes, and bringing no result, except that of keep
ing aUve the torch of war, and perpetuating opportunities for the
atrocious cruelies which stains the Spanish character, and which was
exercised with remorseless cruelty on stragglers, wounded, and prisoners.
We read also of cruelties practised by British troops, which give to
this fierce struggle an additional aspect of horror. Napier has
described the storming of San Sebastian, in August, with his usual
graphic and terrible distinctness. " A thunder storm," says he, " which
came down from the mountains with unbounded fury, immediately
after the place was carried, added to the confusion of the fight.
This storm seemed to be the signal of hell for the perpetration of
cruelties which would have shamed the most ferocious barbarians of
antiquity. At Ciudad Rodrigo, intoxication and plunder had been
the principal object ; At Badajoz, lust and murder were added to
rapine and drunkenness; but at San Sebastian, the direst, the most
revolting cruelty was added to the catalogue of crimes. One atrocity,
of which a girl of seventeen was the victim, staggers the mind
by its enormous, incredible, indescribable barbarity. Some order
was at first maintained ; but the resolution of the troops to throw
off discipline was quickly made manifest. A British staff officer was
pursued with a volley of small arms, and escaped with difficulty from
men who mistook him for the provost-martial of the fifth division :
a Portuguese adjutant, who endeavoured to prevent some atrocity,
was put to death in the market-place, not with sudden violence from
a single ruffian, but deliberately by a number of English soldiers.
Many officers exerted themselves to preserve order, — many men were
weU conducted, — but the rapine and violence, commenced by vUlains,
soon spread, the camp followers crowded into the place, and the dis
order continued until the flames, following the steps of the plunderer,
put an end to his ferocity by destroying the whole town." The
citadel of San Sebastian did not surrender until the 9th of September.
Pampeluna held out till the end of October, and did not yield till
the garrison had subsisted for some time on vermin, and the most dis
gusting food.
The English ministry proposed to Lord Wellington to invade
France so early as September; declaring that the Duke de Berri
should there join him, at the head of twenty thousand men, with

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 297
the view to restore the Bourbons. Lord WelUngton, however, de
cUned to co-operate in this scheme, unless the allied sovereigns in
Germany would openly avow their intention to dethrone Napoleon.
This avowal they were not prepared as yet to venture. The successes
of the allies, however, previous to the battle of Leipsic, and the re
treat of Napoleon from Dresden, overcame the caution of the English
commander-in-chief. He passed the Bidassoa on the 7th of October
— still opposed at every step by Soult — leaving the war in Spain
smouldering on, and one French garrison after another surrendering,
until, at the close of the year, Santona alone remained in the pos
session of Napoleon.
Napoleon returned to Paris on the 9th of November, 1813, for
the second time to confirm the news of an army destroyed and en
terprises baffled ; and to meet, besides, the murmurs of those who
asked — " Why they heard rumours of Russians, Austrians, and Prus
sians on the east, and of English, Spanish, and Portuguese on the
south, approaching the frontiers of France ?" Such critics had for
gotten, in their security of thirteen years, that similar rumours had
made them tremble in 1798, but that their fears had then va
nished into air, leaving, in their stead, courage and confidence on
the instant that their favourite general, hastening from Egypt, set
foot on their shores, and, seizing the management of affairs, gave
them peace and safety by one victory. Napoleon was still the same.
His untiring energy and extraordinary genius still devoted to the
same object — the glory of France. But France was changed. The
continual wars, and the unceasing or constantly recurring hostility of
all Europe, had already severely tried the patience of the people ; and
their national character is better fitted to improve advantages and
enjoy prosperity, than to endure adversity. The conscription had
become a heavy burden ; their bravest sons had been mowed down
in battle, and their best generals were no longer alive to lead on
their ranks. For the change in public spirit and feeling, Napoleon
himself was also partly answerable, through his imperial state, his royal
marriage, his splendid court, his titled and luxurious marshals, and his
line of policy, — too often based on a temporary expediency, instead of
the great principles of justice and liberty, and too often pluming itself
on exerting a chivalrous generosity towards kings and emperors, in
utter forgetfulness that opportunities for such displays are purchased at
the expense of the people's blood. Of the universal defection of his
allies, as well as much disaffection in his own subjects, his continental
system was one great cause. Yet it is a complete mistake to regard
those descriptions as correct, which represent the French people as
wholly apathetic at this crisis. It will be seen in the narrative of
o o

298 THE HISTORY OF
the succeeding events, that, whatever might be true of the legislators,
statesmen, and upper classes, the people of France were never back
ward in resisting their common enemies when means or opportunity
were open to them ; and it must be borne in mind that Napoleon
himself shrunk from the danger of arousing the dormant spirit of
democracy, and placing power in its hands. He chose rather to trust
to the regular means of defence. The late disastrous wars had also
crippled the resources of the state to so great a degree, that arms
were wanting for any extensive rising of the people. Savary declares
that muskets were applied for in vain, from one end of the country
to the other. " Instead," says he, " of this demand being answered
by a supply, the few muskets which the national guard yet retained
were taken to form a magazine for the supply of the army. Scott,
notwithstanding, and other writers of his party, are not scrupulous in
asserting that the nation gladly emerged from the despotic sway of a
tyrant, whose power was overthrown, and who had supported his
government by an extensive system of corruption. The following
noble defence of Napoleon, from such charges, is extracted from the
work of a generous enemy, "Napier's Peninsular War :" — -" The annual
expenditure of France was scarcely half that of England, and Napo
leon rejected public loans, which are the very life-blood of state
corruption. He left no debt. Under him no man devoured the
public substance in idleness, merely because he was of a privileged
class ; the state servants were largely paid, but they were made to
labour effectually for the state. They did not eat their bread, and
sleep. His system of public accounts, remarkable for its exactness,
simplicity, and comprehensiveness, was vitally opposed to public fraud,
and, therefore, extremely unfavourable to corruption. Napoleon's
power was supported in France by that deep sense of his goodness
as a sovereign, and that admiration for his genius which pervaded
the poorer and middle classes of the people ; by the love which they
bore towards him, and still bear for his memory, because he cherished
the principles of a just equality. They loved him, also, for his in
cessant activity in the public service, his freedom from all private
vices, and because his public works, wondrous for their number, their
utility and grandeur, never stood still ; under him, the poor man never
wanted work. To France, he gave noble institutions and a compara
tively just code of laws. * * * To say that the Emperor was
supported by his soldiers, is to say that he was supported by the
people ; because the law of conscription made the soldiers the real
representatives of the people." In the following conclusion of this
passage, the order of events is forestalled ; but, as it relates to the
return from Elba, a circumstance known to all the world, and which

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 299
it is highly important to bear in mind while passing under review
the tenacity with which Napoleon clung to power, and his unfailing
conviction that his cause was identified with the cause of France, it
is here given. " His march from Cannes to Paris," continues Napier,
" surrounded by hundreds of thousands of poor men, who were not
soldiers, can never be effaced or even disfigured. For six weeks, at
any moment, a single assassin might, by a single shot, have acquired
the reputation of a tyrannicide, and obtained vast rewards besides
from the trembling monarchs and aristocrats of the earth, who scrupled
not to instigate men to the shameful deed. Many there were base
enough to undertake, but none so hardy as to execute the crime ; and
Napoleon, guarded by the people of France, passed unharmed to a
throne from whence it required a million of foreign bayonets to drive
him again. From the throne they drove him, but not from the
thoughts and hearts of men."
The first measure of Napoleon, on his return from Leipsic to
Paris, was to convoke the senate and legislative body. The Empress,
as regent, had met the senate before the conclusion of the cam
paign ; and, laying before them the exigency of the circumstances,
at the express desire of the Emperor, had obtained another conscrip
tion of two hundred and eighty thousand men: but the disasters of
the retreat to Mentz had rendered necessary a further demand on
the country.
Meanwhile, important events daily succeeded each other. The minis
ters of the allied powers, who were assembled at Frankfort, transmitted
to Napoleon, by the hands of M. de St. Aignan, a declaration of their
desire for a general peace. They proposed to open negociations if the
Emperor of France would accede to their bases, that " France should
be reduced within her natural limits of the Rhine, the Alps, and the
Pyrenees;" and, as a necessary consequence, that the countries lately
under its influence should return to their former independence. Lord
Aberdeen, on the part of England, declared that " his government
would make the greatest sacrifices to secure a peace founded on these
bases, and would 'recognise the freedom of trade and navigation which
France is entitled to demand." The document concluded with a pro
posal that, " after the Emperor of France had acceded to these bases,
a town, situated on the right bank of the Rhine, should be nomi
nated for the opening of the conferences, the progress of the events
of the war not being suspended by the negociations." This document
was transmitted to Napoleon on the 15th of November. The Duke
of Bassano, on the part of Napoleon, replied on the 16th, that "a
peace founded on the independence of all nations in the continental
point of view, as well ds in that of maritime trade, had always been

300 THE HISTORY OF
the object of the Emperor's wishes;" and that he consented to the
nomination of Manheim as the place of meeting for the plenipoten
tiaries. The passages marked in italics will indicate the equivocal
nature of the offers on the one hand, and the perception of this equi
vocation on the other. It was impossible to believe that England
would give up in the moment of victory that maritime supremacy
which she had maintained throughout the long and doubtful struggle;
and Lord Aberdeen's declaration is therefore sufficiently vague. The
continuance of the war when France was crippled and exhausted
manifested no very serious intentions of the conclusion of peace on
the terms proposed, but rather a desire further to humble that em
pire, after obtaining the concessions required; for it must be remarked
that these concessions were not to secure peace, but only to obtain
the opening of negociations. They were, besides, not conveyed offi
cially, but contained in a memorandum of M. de St. Aignan, and
might in consequence have been disavowed. The answer of Napoleon
was therefore purposely couched in general terms. On the 2nd of
December, however, he explicitly replied to the official communication
of Prince Metternich, that he acceded to the general and summary
bases proposed. " They will entail," concludes the dispatch, " great
sacrifices on France ; . but his Majesty will submit to them without
hesitation, if England wiU thereupon furnish the means of obtaining .
a general peace, honourable to aU parties, which your excellency
affirms is the wish not only of the coalesced powers but of England."
It is important to a just understanding of the position of Napoleon
and his enemies, that these facts and dates should be carefully stated,
because Napoleon is accused of refusing, or at best tardily accepting,
the bases offered at Frankfort. Lord Castlereagh now arrived at
Frankfort, charged with the important mission of representing Great
Britain in the approaching congress. To that minister is ascribed, by
the admirers of the policy which ensued, the honour of influencing
in a superior degree the councils of the allies. " His undaunted
courage, manly steadiness, and deep political sagacity," says Scott,
"had the principal share in infusing that spirit of continued exertion
and unabated perseverance into the councils of the allies, which sup
ported them through many intervals of doubt and indecision, and
finally conducted them to the triumphant conclusion of the most
eventful contest which Europe ever saw." Whatever effect, however,
his influence may have produced on the allies, it is quite certain
that their own intentions were rigorous, and the offers of peace
which they made a delusion from the first. This is evident from
ascertained facts and indirect confessions, previous to the opening

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 301
of these negociations. Dumas, describing his interview with the
Russian Count Tolstoy, at Dresden, in the beginning of November,
says, " Count Tolstoy, talking with me about the passage of the
Rhine and the invasion of France, said — 'You may be certain that
peace will not be made anywhere but at Paris, after we have re
turned in your capital the visit which you paid us at Moscow.' "
Bourrienne makes an affirmation of the same kind on his own autho
rity. " When the war resumed its course," says he, " after the
disaster of Leipsic, the allied sovereigns determined to treat with
Napoleon only in his own capital, as he, two years before, had
refused to treat with the Emperor of Austria except at Vienna."
Another strong indication of the views and purposes of the allies was
afforded by the appearance of the princes of the house of Bourbon
on the French territories and their immediate neighbourhood, in
October and November. The Count d'Artois followed in the route
of Lord Castlereagh, and remained in Franche Comte. The Duke
d' Angouleme proceeded by sea to the head-quarters of Lord Wel
lington, near Bayonne ; and the Duke de Berri settled himself in
Jersey. Napoleon had never forgotten the existence of the royalists
as a party in France, and was well aware of the important place they
would assume at the first opportunity afforded them by his reverses
of fortune ; though, in the splendour of the empire, their very existence
had been forgotten by his marshals and courtiers. " I thought him
mad," said Ney (whose head, according to Fouche, could not embrace
two political ideas), "when, taking leave of the army at Smorgoni,
he used the expression, ' the Bourbons will make their own of this.' "
A very curious conversation between Alexander and General Reynier,
which occurred early in February, is reported both by Bourrienne
and Savary, and is confirmatory of the determination, on the part
of the allies, to set aside Napoleon, long before they ceased ostensibly
to treat with him. " Alexander added," says this report, " that he
was Napoleon's friend, but that he had personally much reason to
complain of his conduct; that the allies would have nothing more
to do with him; that they had no intention of forcing any sove
reign upon France, but that they would no longer acknowledge Napo
leon as Emperor of the French." All the declamation against the
madness of Napoleon in refusing to make peace, is therefore quite
misplaced. Peace was out of his power from the first, except by
an abdication. The famous "Declaration of Frankfort" appeared on
the 1st of December, in which the alUed powers, ostensibly taking
umbrage at the active preparations for war which Napoleon was
necessarily carrying on at a period when negociations were not per-

302

THE HISTORY OF

mitted to supersede hostilities, addressed the French people in a
manifesto, in which they began to separate the cause of the nation
from that of Napoleon. " The allied powers," said the manifesto,
" do not wage war against France, but against that preponderance
which has been so loudly proclaimed, and which, to the misfortune
of Europe and of France, the Emperor Napoleon has too long exer
cised beyond the limits of his empire." From this moment, France
could not be deceived as to the real purpose of the war, whatever
might be the outward tenor of offers and treaties. Napoleon had
understood the nature of his position for some time, and had ceased
to place any confidence in the declarations of the allies. " They
have appointed my grave as their place of rendezvous," said he, " but
none of them will venture to come first. They think the Uon dead ;
and the question is, who will give the ass's kick. If France abandon
me, I can do nothing ; but she will soon repent of doing so." A
million of enemies were arrayed against the sovereignty of Napoleon.
France did not rise en masse to defend its Emperor ; neither did its
population shake off their allegiance and reject him. For the want
of enthusiasm, we have shewn many causes ; the continued loyalty,
the popular efforts which were partially made, and the devotion of
the army, are sufficient refutations of the calumnies cast on his cha
racter and government. Even when a new conscription of three
hundred thousand men (the third within the year) was voted, and
when, by the confession of Savary, the necessity of supplying horses
gave rise to the most oppressive measures in the country, no spirit
of revolt was generated. The people endured in silence. A royalist

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 303
conspiracy had existed since the month of March, but it made little
progress except in La Vendee, and at Bourdeaux, where the con
tinental system pressed especially hard on the mercantile classes.
That Napoleon did not immediately abdicate ; that at such a time
he should utter his well-known declaration, " France has more need
of me than I have of France," marks his character in the strongest
light. It affords a proof more striking than any event of his life,
of his inward conviction of his own strength. It shews that con
fidence of power which always accompanies great genius ; tells of vast
undertakings unaccomplished ; of designs conceived but never begun ;
of energies which, not thwarted and beneficially directed, might have
blessed the world. But the legitimate kings were in league against
him with irresistible physical forces, and therefore it remains a question,
whether he would not have acted a worthier part in an immediate
abdication than in disputing the point with indomitable firmness to
the last grasp. He could do no more for France but deluge its soil
with blood.
The cause of Napoleon was daily becoming more desperate. His
numerous garrisons shut up in the German and Prussian fortresses,
began to suffer all the hardships attendant on a long blockade. Those
which had received the wrecks of the Russian campaign, were visited,
in addition, with the scourge of a pestilential fever, generated by the
miseries of that retreat. Marshal St. Cyr held out in Dresden till
the 11th of November, when he capitulated "on the same terms
granted by Napoleon to Marshal Wurmser, at Mantua, in 1797." He
accordingly marched out with his garrison of thirty thousand men with
the honours of war ; but, when some leagues on his way to France,
he was stopped by the authority of the allied sovereigns, who had
refused to ratify the capitulation, but gave the marshal permission to
return to Dresden with his garrison, where he would find everything
replaced as it was before. This insulting proposal was rejected by
St. Cyr. He made a strong protest against the flagrant breach of
faith under which he suffered, and resigned himself and his troops
prisoners of war. Stettin surrendered on the 21st. On the 14th, a
simultaneous rising of the people of Holland effected a bloodless
revolution, and restored their ancient government. The Orange flag
was hoisted at Amsterdam and the Hague ; the French authorities
were permitted to retire ; and the French troops threw themselves
into two or three forts at the approach of the Russians and a body
of six thousand English under General Graham. Utrecht surrendered
to the allies on the 2nd of December ; Lubeck, Breda, and Wil-
hemstadt shortly afterwards. Davoust still occupied Hamburg ; and
the strong fortress of Torgau held out under Narbonne, though his

304

THE HISTORY OF

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garrison was a prey to a frightful pestilence, in addition to famine, —
and the waters of the Elbe, which had served for their cemetery, were
now frozen over, and covered by the troops of their besiegers.
Murat consummated his treason in the course of December, and,
openly joining the English and Austrians, marched upon Upper Italy.
Eugene had hitherto carried on an honourable and successful cam
paign against the Austrians, and Napoleon had meditated the bold
scheme of uniting the army of Italy with that of Naples, and directing
the combined forces upon Vienna, when this defection and the in
surrection of the Tyrolese, who returned to their ancient allegiance
to the house of Austria, at once overturned his design. Eugene re
tired behind the Adige. " When first informed," says Bourrienne,
" of Murat's treason, by the viceroy, the Emperor refused to believe
it. ' No,' he exclaimed to those about him, ' It cannot be ! Murat —
to whom I have given my sister ! Murat — to whom I have given a
throne ! Eugene must be misinformed. It is impossible that Murat
has declared himself against me ! ' It was, however, not only possible,
but true."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 305
The confirmation of the news induced Napoleon immediately to re
store Pope Pius VII. to his dominions. This was a measure dictated
by sound poUcy, and was carried into effect early in the year 1814.
He travelled under a French escort as far as Fiorenzuola, where he
was received by an Austrian detachment, and arrived in Rome in
May, just in time to dispossess the NeapoUtan army which had occu
pied the city.
Towards the close of 1813, Napoleon also came to the resolution
of restoring Ferdinand VII. to the Spaniards, whose long devotion to
the cause of their monarch deserved a very different requital from that
which he was destined to give them. Savary affirms that Joseph
Bonaparte made some objections to an unconditional renunciation of
the crown. If so, it must have been conditions for the protection
of his late subjects which he wished to make, for it is well known
that he had long desired, and more than once offered, to resign his
crown. In the discussion between the brothers, Napoleon, irritated
at any opposition, was heard to exclaim, — " One would really sup
pose that I was robbing you of your portion of the inheritance of
the late king our father!" A treaty was concluded at Valencay be
tween Ferdinand and Napoleon on the 11th of December, 1813, by
which Ferdinand, on consideration of being restored to his throne
and kingdom, undertook that the . English should evacuate Spain, and
renewed the ancient alliance with France. He was released from
confinement, and returned to his dominions early in 1814, but the
Cortes naturally refused to ratify the treaty. The restoration of Fer
dinand should have been completed sooner; but his retention could
at all events no longer serve any purpose, and one difficulty was
removed by his dismissal.
A decree of the Senate had already granted the new conscription
of three hundred thousand men, and the taxes paid by the people
had been increased by one-half. Napoleon also again drew forth
from his private treasure a large sum, amounting to upwards of a
million sterling, to be applied to the public service. A purpose
existed in his mind, at this period, to recall Talleyrand to the ministry,
but it was not carried into effect. Caulaincourt, the Duke of Vicenza,
became minister for foreign affairs ; and Maret, the Duke of Bassano,
resumed his old office of secretary of state.
The meeting of the legislative body took place on the 20th of
December. This assembly, which had been hitherto the mute instru
ment of the Emperor's will, chose the moment of all others, in which
perfect unanimity in the organised bodies of the government was essen
tially necessary, to institute an inquiry into the state of the nation.
Five of the members were set apart to form a report, the substance
p p

306 THE HISTORY OF
of which, when completed, contained a strong recommendation to the
Emperor to renounce aU his schemes of foreign aggrandisement ; to
obtain peace by a solemn and specific abjuration of such purposes ;
and, at the same time, to restore to his subjects some degree of
political liberty. The report, in short, insinuated that despotism had
taken the place of the laws, and that the prolongation of the war
was solely to be attributed to the Emperor, whose ideas of aggran
disement were the only obstacles to a general peace : — it thus echoed
the proclamations of the aUied sovereigns, — caught their tone and for
warded their views. Napoleon immediately dissolved the legislative
body, and ordered all the copies of their report to be seized. In a
meeting of the Council of State, he gave the following explanation
of his conduct on this occasion. " You are acquainted," said he,
" with the situation of affairs, and the dangers of the country. I
considered it my duty to lay before the legislative body a con
fidential communication of these circumstances (without being obliged
td do so), but they have converted this act of confidence into a
weapon of offence against me, — that is to say, against the country.
The legislative body, instead of assisting in saving France, hurries
on its ruin. The members have betrayed their duty : I fulfil mine ;
I dismiss them."
All the more moderate of Napoleon's councillors deeply regretted,
at this crisis, the schism between him and that public body which
alone retained some shadow of the forms of political Uberty. They
conceived that by temper and prudence the breach might have been
repaired, and the gloom which the whole affair unquestionably threw
over the country, have been prevented. But, in the desperate circum
stances of the empire, there was no time for cavils and managements.
Napoleon, since he had resolved on resistance to the allied monarchs,
was necessitated to keep his will and actions unfettered.
A commission of the members, consisting of MM. Laine, Ray
nouard, Maine de Biran, and Flaugergue, waited on the Emperor
to take leave on the 1st of January, 1814, when he descended from
the platform on which the throne was placed, and addressed them
in severe terms, yet preserving his self-possession. The tenor of his
speech will be understood by the following abrupt extracts : — " I have
suppressed the printed impression of your address: it was seditious.
Eleven parts of the legislative body are composed of good citizens,
but the twelfth is full of the factious, and your commission belongs
to that portion. M. Laine is a traitor who is in correspondence with
the Prince Regent of England: I know it, I have the proof of it."
(This accusation was not unjust.) "I called you together for the
purpose of assisting me, but you came to say and do all that .was

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

307

necessary to assist the enemy. If abuses exist, is it a time for re
monstrance when two hundred thousand Cossacks are passing the
frontiers? Rather follow the example of Alsace and Franche-Comte,
where the inhabitants ask for arms and leaders to drive the invaders
back. You seek in your address to separate the sovereign from the
nation. I, alone, am the representative of the people. And which
of you could sustain such a burden? The throne is merely a piece
of wood covered with velvet. If I were to follow your counsels, I
should cede to the enemy more than he requires: you shall have
peace in 'three months, or I will perish. The enemy aims at me

308

THE HISTORY OF

more than at France ; but should I be permitted on that account
to dismember the state ? Do I not sacrifice my pride and my con
scious superiority to obtain peace ? Think you I speak proudly ?
Yes, I am proud because I have courage : I am proud because I
have done great things for France. The address was unworthy of
me, and of the legislative body. You wished to cover me with dirt,
but I am one of those men who may submit to death, — but never
to dishonour. Return to your homes. Even ¦ supposing that I had
done wrong, you ought not to have reproached me before the world.
Soiled linen should not be washed in public. To conclude, France
has more need of me, than I have of France."
While accumulated difficulties, within and without his empire,
thus pressed upon Napoleon, he laboured unremittingly in the task
of raising the means to meet them. By day, he was incessantly oc
cupied in reviewing new troops ; by night, the lights were seen long
and late in the windows of his private apartment in the upper story
of the Tuileries. Only a short period elapsed before the threatened
invasion began to drive the terrified inhabitants from the frontiers
towards the interior of France.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

309

CHAPTER XV.

INVASION OF FRANCE — CAPITULATION OF DANTZIC — NAPOLEON LEAVES PARIS FOR THE
ARMY — BATTLES OF BRIENNE AND LA RHOTIERE — CONGRESS OF CHATILLON — BATTLES
OF CHAMPAUBERT AND MONTMIRA1L — FLIGHT OF THE ARMY OF SILESIA — BATTLE OF
NANGIS — THE ALLIES RETREAT AT ALL POINTS — OUADRUPLE ALLIANCE — LORD WEL
LINGTON ENTERS BORDEAUX — THE ALLIES MARCH ON PARIS — BATTLES OF ARCIS AND
FERE-CHAMPENOISE — CAPITULATION OF PARIS.

On the 21st of December, 1813,
the grand army of Aus
tria, commanded by Prince
Schwartzenburg, who was
nominated generalissimo of
the allied armies, crossed the
Rhine at four points. They
had marched by the route
of Switzerland, the neutra
lity of which they violated ;
took possession of Geneva,
and advanced by slow and
cautious marches to Lan-
gres, which surrendered on the 17th of January, 1814, and Dijon
on the 19th. General Bubna summoned Lyons, but that important
city repulsed the invaders. The Austrian advanced posts were stationed
at Bar-sur-Aube. The army of Silesia, composed of Prussians and

310 THE HISTORY OF
Russians, commanded by Blucher,, advanced also in four great divisions,
blockading the strong frontier fortresses on the Rhine, and, forcing a
passage through the defiles of the Vosges, pushed forward to Join-
ville, Vitry, and St. Dizier. The warlike inhabitants of the moun
tainous districts through which this army had penetrated into France,
had been called to arms by Napoleon; and their natural courage was
roused to desperation by the excesses and ravages of the hordes of
Cossacks, Huhlans, and Croats, who accompanied the march of the
Russians, and spread desolation over the country. For the purpose
of repressing the dangerous spirit of resistance, Prince Schwartzen
burg promulgated threats of military execution on every peasant taken
with arms in his hands. The third armament of the allies, called
the army of the north of Europe, was commanded by Bernadotte.
It consisted of Swedes, Russians, and Germans. Whether from a
dislike to invade the actual soil of his native country, or from luke
warmness in the cause of the sovereigns, originating, as some autho
rities insinuate, in the disappointment of his ambition to be nominated
the successor to the throne of France, Bernadotte chose to confine his
personal operations to Belgium, and to maintain the war against
Denmark for the cession of Norway. One of his divisions carried on
the siege of Hamburg : the Saxons under his command were employed
in Holland, and co-operated with the English in the blockade of
Antwerp; the Russians, under Bulow and Winzingerode, invaded the
northern frontier of France. The important city of Dantzic capitu
lated on the same terms as that of Dresden, about this time, and the
garrison, with the same shameless violation of good faith and military
honour, were sent as prisoners of war into Russia. Lord Wellington
was making a slow but certain progress in the south against the
army of Soult. The amount of these combined armaments, with
their reserves, is estimated at five or six hundred thousand men.
The number of the invaders present on the territory of France, employed
in active service, exclusive of those occupied in sieges, blockades, or
garrisons, cannot have fallen far short of two hundred thousand.
The sudden irruption of this prodigious force had prevented the levy
of the last conscription granted by the Senate. The third part of
France was occupied by hostile armies, before Napoleon had time
to organise an efficient resistance. He had, however, concentrated
about sixty thousand men in readiness for" actual service. Augereau
commanded thirty thousand at Lyons; but the importance of this
division was greatly lowered by the defection of Murat. Napoleon's
original plan had designed the co-operation of Augereau with the
armies of Italy and Naples, in a grand movement against the aggres
sions of Austria. The veteran troops of Spain, under Suchet, had

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 311
received orders to evacuate that country, and to march towards the
scene of conflict.
Early in January, the conferences had been removed from Frank
fort to Chatillon-sur-Seine. The allied sovereigns were also in France,
following the track of the Austrian army. Their ministers at Cha
tillon consisted of Counts Razoumowski, Stadion, and Humboldt.
England was represented, as before stated, by Lord Castlereagh, in
addition to Lord Aberdeen and Sir Charles Stewart. It was not
until the 18th of January that the Duke of Vicenza, bearing
the full instructions of the Emperor Napoleon, received permission
from the head-quarters of the allies to proceed through their out
posts, for the purpose of conducting the negociations on the part of
France. He had been detained sixteen days at Luneville, vainly pro
testing against the delay. His instructions, dated the 4th of January,
clearly shew that Napoleon was never deceived by the professed
desire for peace on the part of the allies, nor blind to the actual
causes, and probable results, of the war. " I think," he says, " that
both the good faith of the allies, and the wish of England to make
peace, are doubtful : for my part I desire peace, but it must be solid
and honourable. I have accepted the basis proposed at Frankfort,
yet it is more than probable the allies have other notions.. These
propositions are but a mask ; the negociations are placed under the
influence of the military operations, and it is easy to foresee what
the consequences of such a system must be  * * * * If I
should be seconded by the nation, the enemy are hastening to their
own ruin: if fortune should betray me, my determination is already
formed : I am not wedded to the throne. I will neither disgrace
the nation nor myself, by subscribing dishonourable conditions."
The national guard of Paris, to the number of thirty thousand,
was enrolled, and the command conferred upon Marshal Moncey
before Napoleon joined the army, which he now prepared to do.
Bourrienne, who was made a captain in this guard, declares, that
though Marshal Moncey was worthy of the highest confidence, his
staff was a focus of intrigues, in which the defence of Paris was less
thought of than the means of taking advantage of Napoleon's over
throw. He is good authority in this matter, being even at that time
entirely estranged in feeling and purpose from the imperial govern
ment, and he soon after united himself to the Bourbon interest. It
was thus that the cause of Napoleon was betrayed by those intrusted
with authority at this trying . period. The two opposite parties of
royaUsts and repubUcans desired his downfall. The men of intrigue
and ambition were tired of his supremacy, and wanted a stage to
bustle upon. • The men of pure theory seized the moment of his

312 THE HISTORY OF
weakness to obtain political liberty, and, as he afterwards described it,
" spent the time in discussing abstract principles of government when
the battering-ram was at the gates." The herd of time-servers turned
their looks as usual towards the rising power. Few remained who
served him efficiently. For the most part, wherever his superin
tendence was removed, neglect and disorder crept in ; and where there
was not open treachery, there was generally failure and disappoint
ment. There were some honourable exceptions, but their number
was too small to save the cause. Among those whose names should
be recorded as noble examples of an adherence to principle, , stands
the firm republican Carnot, whose single voice had been raised against
Napoleon's assumption of the imperial rank ; but who now, when he
saw the cause of the revolution in danger of destruction, came for
ward and offered his valuable services to the Emperor, and was in
trusted by him with the important defence of Antwerp.
The idea of turning to account the affection which the mass of
the people entertained for him, occurred to Napoleon at this period.
He even tried to bring himself into communication and sympathy
with them ; but the effort was contrary to the habits and prejudices
of his whole Ufe, and came to nothing. Nevertheless, he would not
hear the populace decried. On one occasion, when he returned to
the palace, after riding on horseback through the Faubourgs Saint-
Antoine and Saint-Marceau, receiving the acclamations of the arti
sans, and talking familiarly with them, some of the courtiers began
to represent to him, that "instead of seeking this absurd kind of
popularity, it would be more advisable to rely on the nobUity and the
higher classes of society." " Gentlemen," repUed Napoleon, " you may
say what you please ; but in the situation in which I stand, my only
nobility is the rabble of the Faubourgs ; and I know of no rabble
but the nobility whom I have created." " This," says Bourrienne,
from whom the anecdote is taken, " was a strange compliment to all
ranks; for it was only saying that they were all rabble together."
The officers of the national guard were summoned to the Tuileries
on the 21st of January, when Napoleon took leave of them previous
to quitting Paris. " He entered," says Bourrienne, " with the Empress.
He advanced with a dignified step, leading by the hand his son, who
was not yet three years old. It was long since I had seen him. He
had grown very corpulent, and I remarked on his pale countenance
an expression of melancholy and irritability. There was something
melancholy in this solemn and impressive ceremony. I have rarely
witnessed such profound silence in so numerous an assembly. At
length, Napoleon, in a voice as firm and sonorous as when he used
to harangue his troops in Italy or Egypt, but without that air of

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 313
confidence which then beamed on his countenance, deUvered to the
assembled officers an address, at the commencement of which he
said, ' I . set out this night to take the command of the army. On
quitting the capital, I confidently leave behind me my wife and my
son, in whom so many hopes are centred.' " The strong emotion
with which he was heard, and the burst of acclamations with which
he was greeted, when, at the conclusion of his speech, he took his
son in his arms and walked round the circle of the officers, seemed
like sincerity, and probably, for the moment, were sincere. Napoleon
took leave of his wife and child after this ceremony. Sad presages'
are said to have haunted him; but the reality exceeded the fore
bodings. He was taking leave for ever.
Napoleon set off at midnight for the head-quarters of the army at
Chalons-sur-Marne. He had a long conversation with Count Mole,
one of his ministers, before he started, in which it is remarkable
that he demonstrated the impossibiUty of his overcoming the allies,
from the want of physical means, except by some miraculous chance ;
said he should try to do his best just the same as if he were secure
of success, and then, appearing to feel that he had settled the matter,
feU asleep overcome by fatigue.
Having marched their numerous armies into the heart of France,
the allies halted, irresolute how to use their advantages. No irreso
lution attended the course of Napoleon. He placed himself at the
head of his army of sixty thousand men on the 26th of January,
and at once advanced upon his enemies, conducting the campaign
with a degree of military skiU, which, it is allowed on all hands, has
never been matched.
The first attack of Napoleon was directed upon the force com
manded by Blucher. On the 27th, the French army entered St. Dizier,
dislodging the Russians, who had been committing terrible excesses.
Blucher, now apprised of the coming storm, concentrated his army
at Brienne, and prepared, in all haste, to give battle to Napoleon,
whose rapid approach, however, outsped all Blucher's expectations.
While the Prussian veteran was seated at table in the chateau, with
his staff, the Russian cavalry, flying in disorder before the French,
announced that his position was surprised. The town and chateau
were speedily occupied by Napoleon. Blucher narrowly escaped cap
ture, and a Prussian general was taken at the foot of the stairs.
During the combat, Napoleon was exposed to personal danger by
a sudden attack of the Cossacks in the park. At the very moment
when he was obliged to defend himself, sword in hand, against the
loss not of power only, but of life, his eye chanced to fall on a
certain tree, which, by the rapid power of association, brought a far
Q Q

314 THE HISTORY OF
different scene before his mind. He remembered that under that tree
he had sat, when a school-boy, and read the "Jerusalem Delivered" of
Tasso. Blucher made desperate efforts to regain the town, which was
burnt in the struggle, and it was not till midnight that he retreated,
with the loss of four thousand men, and took up a new position on
the road to La Rothiere. Napoleon, advancing, occupied the villages
of La Rothiere and Dienville. Here he was attacked on the 1st of
February by the united armies of Blucher and Schwartzenburg; but
after a desperate battle, which lasted the whole day, nightfall left
the French in possession of their original positions. A battery of
the guard had been taken, however, and Napoleon lost, on this occa
sion, seventy-three guns and some hundred prisoners, besides a heavy
amount of killed and wounded. The result of this action was equi
valent to a defeat of the French army.
The allies now resolved to march on Paris, Blucher advancing
by the Marne, and Schwartzenburg by the Seine. Their movements
warned Napoleon that he was in danger of being cut off from his
capital. He retreated across the Aube, burning the bridge of l'Esmont
in his rear; occupied Troyes on the 3rd of February, and Nogent
on the 7th. Here, dispatches from the Duke of Vicenza informed
him that now the " Allies dissent from the bases proposed at Frank
fort. To obtain the opening of negociations for peace, France must
retire within her ancient limits; the boundary of the Rhine must
be relinquished." The progress of the English and Prussians in Bel
gium supported the increasing demands of the sovereigns. Bulow
had entered Brussels on the 1st of February, and Antwerp was block
aded. Napoleon shut himself up in his chamber after reading the
dispatches, and maintained a mournful silence. Berthier and Maret
(the Duke of Bassano) at length ventured to hint to him the neces
sity of yielding. He replied with a burst of passionate emotion, in
which he repelled with loathing the idea of leaving France less than
he had found her, after all the blood shed and the victories gained.
"Can I do so," he exclaimed, "without deserving to be branded as
a traitor and a coward ?" He threw himself on his camp-bed, be
side which the faithful Duke of Bassano sat throughout the nio-ht,
and, by taking advantage of the first moment of subsiding passion,
brought him at length to the power of calm deliberation. The terms
required by the allies were forwarded to Paris for the consideration of
the council of state. With the single exception of Count Lacuee de
Cessac, the councillors were unanimously of opinion that the terms
should be accepted. The Duke of Vicenza was in consequence
authorised by Napoleon, on the 9th of February, to write to the com
missioners of the allies, that " if an immediate armistice were entered

NAPOLEON ' BONAPARTE. 315
into, the Emperor was ready to consent that France should retreat
within her ancient limits, according to the basis proposed." He offered,
also, to cede instantly (on condition of the armistice being granted),
some of the strong places in his possession. The latter clause was
accompanied by secret instructions to the Duke of Vicenza, which
directed that the choice of the fortresses so yielded should be made
dependent on the events of the war. It must be especially borne
in mind that it was this latter clause of the treaty which became a
source of contention afterwards. Napoleon never attempted to recede
from his submission to the new basis, that " France should retreat
within her ancient limits," after the revulsion and anguish which it
cost him to agree to it; but he struggled to retain possession of
Antwerp, Alessandria, and Mentz, and he procrastinated, and avoided
giving definitive answers, or coming to the point about an actual sig
nature, partly because he hoped that the fortune of war would aid
him in procuring more favourable conditions than he had yet been
able to command ; but much more from his natural tenacity of pur
pose, — his strong reluctance to affix the sanction of his name to con
ditions which outraged his ruling passion for enhancing the glory of
France, — and, lastly, from the clearness of his intellect, which made
him perfectly aware that the offered peace, even if granted by the
sovereigns on any conditions whatever (and that was very doubtful),
would be nothing more than a suspension of arms for a year or two ;
to gain time to rest and reinforce tlieir armies, and then return to
his destruction.
When, accordingly, on the occasion in question, Maret came back
to him in the morning with his dispatches ready for signature, Napo
leon was poring over his maps, tracing the route of Blucher on Paris,
through the Brie-Champenoise. " Oh, here you are," he exclaimed,
as Maret entered ; " but I am now thinking of something very dif
ferent, — I am beating Blucher on the map. He is advancing by the
road of Montmirail ; I will set out and beat him to-morrow. I shall
beat him again the day after to-morrow. Should this movement
prove as successful as I expect it will, the state of affairs will be
entirely changed, and we shall then see what can be done." The
answer was transmitted to the allies, while he prepared for one of
the most extraordinary and successful manoeuvres which have ever-
been recorded in the annals of war.
By a masterly feint, he contrived to deceive Schwartzenburg into
the beUef that his attack was about to fall on the Austrian army ;
which, in consequence, suspended its advance by the Seine, and moved
in a direction which increased its distance from Blucher. Then leav
ing Victor and Oudinot to keep the Austrians in check, Napoleon

316

THE HISTORY OF

abandoned the high road from Paris to Troyes, — traversed a most diffi
cult country, intersected by ditches, thickets, and marshes, by crossways,
usually reckoned impassable in winter, — and transferred his army in an
astonishingly short period to the high road from Paris to Chalons.
Here, on the 10th of February, at Champaubert, he fell upon the
flank of Blucher's army, marching towards the capital in careless
security, in the idea that Schwartzenburg was grappling with Napo
leon. They were advancing in three divisions. Napoleon's first attack
was directed upon the central one, consisting of Russians. He sur
rounded, defeated, and totally dispersed them, taking the whole of
their artillery, their general, and two thousand prisoners; the re
mainder either lay dead on the field or fled into the woods. Napoleon
had now interposed his army between the advanced guard of the
Silesian army commanded by Sacken, and the rear commanded by
Blucher himself. Sacken, on hearing of the disaster, countermarched
to support Blucher. He was attacked by Napoleon on the 12th,
defeated and put to flight, after the loss of one-fourth of his division.
The peasantry revenged themselves on the fugitives for the cruelties
they had committed in their advance, and collecting the scattered arms,

SPANISH DRAGOONS CHARGING AT NANGIS.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 317
joined in the pursuit. The allies, in return, plundered, sacked, and
practised every excess of violence ; and war began to assume its most
hideous forms. Sacken fled by Chateau-Thierry, where he attempted
to make a stand, being joined by General Yorck, and Prince William
of Prussia, who had been also checked in their advance on Paris,
by the unexpected arrival of Napoleon; but the utmost they could
do, was to secure a retreat by destroying the bridge over the Marne.
Marmont had been left to keep Blucher in check. Mortier was charged
with the pursuit of the fugitive corps of Sacken and Yorck in the
direction of Soissons, while Napoleon mounted his horse, at midnight,
on the 13th, to attack Blucher. He found Marmont in the plain of
Vauchamps, resisting the entrance of the Prussians into Montmirail.
At eight in the morning, the shouting of the soldiers announced the
presence of the Emperor. Blucher would gladly have declined battle,
but it was out of his power. He was conquered, but retreated with
great skill and courage. After many hours of hard fighting, his re
treat became a flight. Blucher was frequently obliged to defend
himself with his sabre, surrounded by his staff, and chiefly owed his
escape to the darkness of the night. The whole of his rear-guard was
taken or dispersed.
Having thus disposed of the army of Silesia, Napoleon set for
ward, without a moment's delay, to attack the Austrians. Schwartz
enburg had succeeded in passing the Seine, and his divisions occupied
Guignes and Nangis. Early on the 16th, Napoleon quitted Meaux
to reach Guignes. As the day advanced, the sound of firing hurried
him onwards. Victor and Oudinot had obstinately maintained the
ground for some hours against the Austrians. The artillery advanced
at full speed; the country people Uned the road with carts, in which
they helped forward the infantry ; by evening the Emperor had
effected his junction with his marshals ; an hour later he would have
found it difficult. His arrival checked the Austrians in their advance
upon Guignes. " So alarmed," says Scott, " were the allies at the
near approach of their terrible enemy, that a message was 6ent to
Napoleon, from the allied sovereigns, by Prince Schwartzenburg's
aide-de-camp, Count Par, stating their surprise at his offensive move
ment, since they had given orders to their plenipotentiaries at Cha
tillon to sign the preliminaries of peace, on the terms which had been
assented to by the French envoy." Napoleon had, however, learned
the meaning of such messages in the course of his career, and paid no
attention to this one. On the 17th, he marched upon Nangis, occu
pied by the Russian corps of Wittgenstein, and despatched General
Gerard against another Russian corps stationed at Mormant. Both
attacks were completely successful. The veteran cavalry just arrived

318

THE HISTORY OF

from Spain, contributed greatly to the victory at Nangis. The Rus
sians were broken, their infantry taken almost entire, generals, officers,
and soldiers; and Wittgenstein, with great difficulty, made his escape.
He fled by Provins, where he announced the rapid advance of the
French. Oudinot quickly verified this report ; he drove out the Aus
trians two hours afterwards, and occupied the place, while General
Gerard attacked and beat the Bavarians at Villeneuve. Napoleon
had sent forward Victor to take possession of Montereau and intercept
the defeated Austrians in their flight. He himself passed the night
between the 17th and 18th at the castle of Nangis. But Victor had
failed to fulfil his duty. When, on the morning of the 18th, General
Chateau, with the advanced guard, presented himself before Montereau,
he found the place in possession of the Austrians. Chateau, with
out a thought of his inferiority of numbers, instantly commenced the
attack, and maintained the ground till the Emperor came up, but he
paid for his intrepidity with his life ; he was shot dead on the bridge
of Montereau. The presence of Napoleon renewed the ardour of the
troops. They seized the heights which command the town, — planted
a battery there, and Napoleon himself pointed the guns. The
soldiers murmured to see him thus expose himself to extreme danger,
but he exclaimed, " Courage, my friends ; fear nothing ; the ball that
is to kill me is not yet cast." The inhabitants of the town fired from
their windows on the Austrians ; the national guards of Bretagne took
part in the action. The Austrians were dislodged and put to flight.
After the battle, Napoleon gave his meed of praise to the generals
who had contributed to the victory, but was obliged to add cen
sures on many who had failed. Among these was Marshal Victor.
The official report contained the following reproach : — " The Duke
of Belluno ought to have arrived on the 17th at Montereau; he halted
at Salins ; this was a serious fault. The occupation of the bridges of
Montereau would have saved the Emperor a whole day, and enabled
him to take the Austrian army in full retreat." At the same time,
Victor was deprived of his command, and received ' permission to
retire from the army.' The veteran marshal did not take his dis
missal in silence. He repaired to head-quarters, and endeavoured to
explain his tardiness, but without success. He then reminded Napo
leon of his private grief for the death of the brave General Chateau,
who was his son-in-law, and, observing that the Emperor was softened
at this recollection, he exclaimed with emotion that he would never
quit the army ; " I can shoulder a musket," said he ; "I have not
forgotten the business of a soldier. Victor will range himself in the
ranks of the guard." These words completely subdued Napoleon:
"Well, Victor," he said, "stretching out his hand, remain with me.

NAPOLEON AT MONTEREAU.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 819
I cannot restore your command, because I have given it to Gerard,
but I give you two divisions of the guard; and now let everything
be forgotten between us."
The whole army of Schwartzenburg had now sustained the fate of
that of Blucher. Both these great armaments had been arrested on
their progress towards Paris, — broken, put to flight, — and upwards of
a hundred thousand men were now pursued through an exasperated
population towards the Rhine, by about forty thousand French troops.
The inhabitants of Paris saw long lines of prisoners, standards, and
trophies, enter their city as evidences of the success of their army.
Rejoicings and thanksgivings were offered up there. Napoleon wrote
to his minister to assume a higher tone at the congress, and at the
same time transmitted a letter to the Emperor of Austria with fresh
proposals of peace, under the mediation of the latter. The pursuit
of the routed armies continued in the mean while. On the 22nd,
Napoleon slept at Chartres, in the shop of a blacksmith. Here, on
the morning of the 23rd, he was visited by the Prince of Lichtenstein,
who came on the part of the Emperor of Austria with proposals for
an armistice. This message, in return for the letter lately sent by
Napoleon, fostered a hope which naturally enough never deserted
him during the campaign : he always conceived the possibility of de
taching his imperial father-in-law from the coalition, and engaging
him to make a separate peace. He therefore consented to open
negociations for an armistice, and sent Count Flahault as his envoy
to Lusigny for that purpose; but the whole proposal simply origi
nated in a desire to gain time for bringing up reinforcements. This
is avowed by the historians of the campaigns of the allies.
The Austrian envoy had scarcely left the presence of Napoleon
when M. de St. Aignan arrived from Paris, with the pressing in
stances of his counciUors for submission to all demands rather than
a" prolongation of the war. He could not have come at a more
inauspicious moment. His instructions announced that while Napo
leon had been routing the Austrians, the army of the north — the
third great force of the allies — had at length effected a junction
with Blucher, who was now at the head of a much larger force than
he had yet commanded, and was threatening to descend on Paris by
the route of Chalons. They, therefore, urged Napoleon to accede
to all the conditions demanded by the alUes. The marshals about
his person urged the same ; but he would not consent to relinquish
Antwerp ; — " If I am to be scourged," said he, " let the whip at
least come on me of necessity, and not through any voluntary stoop
ing of my own." With these words he dismissed his councillors,
remaining alone with M. de St. Aignan, who was still waiting for his

320

THE HISTORY OF

-'%

* 1§

official reply. " Sire," said the latter, " the speediest peace will be the
best." — " It will be speedy enough, if it be dishonourable," repUed
the Emperor, whose countenance was clouded with severe displeasure.
On the night of the 23rd, Napoleon entered Troyes, the Austrians
retreating before him to Langres. The royalists, encouraged by their
presence, had proclaimed the Bourbons in Troyes. The ChevaUer
Goualt, one of their principal leaders, was in consequence seized by
order of Napoleon, — tried by a military commission, and shot. A
decree was also published, denouncing the penalty of death against
all emigrants who joined the allies, and all royalists who wore the
colours of the Bourbons.
While Napoleon had thus triumphed over the vast armies of Rus
sia, Prussia, and Austria, Lord WelUngton was making a steady
progress in the south of France, preserving at the same time the
strictest discipline ; to the full accomplishment of which he was under
the necessity of sending some divisions of the Spaniards back into their
own country, from the impossibility of restraining their cruel excesses.
Napier has held up to honourable contrast with that of the other
invaders of France this noble conduct of the English commander-in-
chief. " On the eastern frontier," says he, " the Cossack let loose to
ravage with all the barbarity of Asiatic warfare. On the western

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 321
frontier, the Spaniards turned back into their own country in the
very midst of triumph, for daring to pass the bounds of discipline
prescribed by the wise and generous policy of their commander.
Terror and desolation, and the insurrection of a people rendered frantic
by the cruelty of the invaders, marked the progress of the ferocious
multitudes who crossed the Rhine. Order and tranquillity, profound
even on the very edge of the battle-field, attended the march of the
civilised army which passed the Bidassoa. And what were the mili
tary actions ? Napoleon, rising even above himself, hurtled against
the armed myriads opposed to him with such a terrible energy, that
though ten times his number, they were rolled back on every side in
confusion and dismay. But Wellington advanced without a check,
victorious in every battle, although one-half of the veterans opposed
to him would have decided the campaign in the eastern frontier.
Nor can this be gainsaid, since Napoleon's career in this campaign
was only stayed by the defection of his brother-in-law Murat, and
by the sickening treachery of two marshals to whom he had been
prodigal of benefits,"
This was the crisis of the campaign in which Augereau, with the
army of Lyons, should have co-operated with Napoleon. But Murat's
treachery had crippled the army of Italy, and Augereau, though re
inforced by Suchet's divisions, which had now arrived from Spain,
attempted nothing. His conduct was called lukewarmness at the
time ; it soon assumed a more positive character.
Blucher had, meanwhile, rallied his fugitives and formed a junc
tion with the two Russian corps, stationed as before mentioned on the
frontier. With a hundred thousand fresh troops, he now made a
rapid descent along the two banks of the Marne, advancing on Paris.
Marmont and Mortier had already returned before him to Ferte-sous-
Jouarre, when the news reached Napoleon on the 26th of February,
at Troyes, where he was occupied with the "proposal" for a suspen
sion of arms. He instantly set forward in pursuit of the Prussians,
leaving Oudinot and Macdonald to keep the Austrians in check. At
Sezanne, he learned that Marmont and Mortier had fallen back on
Meaux, where they still maintained their position against Blucher's
army. Napoleon pressed forwards. When he reached the heights
which command Meaux, he saw the Prussian army in full retreat.
Blucher had been apprised of his approach, — had recrossed the Marne,
and destroyed the bridge. Napoleon issued orders for the recon
struction of the bridge, and commanded his two marshals to advance
northward and form the left of a circle in which Blucher should be
enclosed. The plain between the Marne and the Ourcq was covered
with detachments of the Prussian army, retreating in disorder on
R R

322 THE HISTORY OF
Soissons. The roads were bad, owing to the weather, and their equi
pages stuck in the mud. Napoleon crossed the Marne on the 3rd.
By this time, a hard frost had rendered the roads passable, and
favoured the retreat of Blucher. Still, the Aisne opposed a barrier
to him, and Soissons, the key of that barrier, was . in possession of
the French. Blucher was in imminent danger of being hemmed in
between the Marne and the Aisne, on the rear and front ; and between
Marmont and Mortier, who were advancing through Villers-Cotterets
and Neuilly on one flank, while Napoleon by rapid movements pressed
on the other, marching by the route of Chateau-Thierry. At this
critical moment, to the astonishment of both armies, the drawbridges
of Soissons were lowered to receive the Prussians. Two Russian divi
sions had taken the place on the 2nd of March.
While Blucher, by this unexpected stroke of fortune, escaped the
impending peril of being forced to surrender, Schwartzenburg, having
discovered that the French force opposed to him was only a screen,
had forced Oudinot and Macdonald to retreat, after a sanguinary
action at Bar-sur-Aube on the 27th, and had felt himself strong
enough to despatch two divisions against Augereau at Lyons. An
important treaty had also been ratified at Chaumont on the 1st of
March, between the sovereigns of Austria, England, Russia and Prus
sia, by which the four contracting powers bound themselves each to
maintain in the field an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men
until the objects of the war were attained ; England, as usual, engaging,
over and above, to furnish a subsidy of four millions sterling. In a
second clause, each of the four powers was bound never to make a
separate peace with the common enemy. About the same time, the
commissioners at Lusigny broke up the negociations for an armistice,
on the plea of an inability to settle the line of demarcation.
Napoleon's operations were not checked by his disappointment
before Soissons. He detached a division to occupy Rheims, and
manoeuvred to surprise the passage of the Aisne. On the 7th, he
fought a sanguinary battle at Craonne, with the Russians and Prus
sians, in which he remained master of the field, but with no trophies
except the enemy's dead. On the 9th, he advanced upon the strong
position of Laon, where Blucher, now reinforced by the vanguard
of Bernadotte's army, had stationed himself. Marmont, Ney, and
Mortier, at different points, conducted the attack; but during the night
of the 9th, Marmont's position was surprised, and his division dis
persed or cut to pieces. On the following day, Napoleon retreated
from Laon. He lost several thousand men, and some cannon, before
this strong position. On the 13th, he attacked the Russians who had
taken Rheims, — drove them out, and occupied the city. Here he

NAPOLEON AT CRAONNE.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 323
halted for three days. But of what avail were all the masterly com
binations of Napoleon, or all the exploits of his army, or all the
bloodshed in these constantly renewed combats against all Europe.
Bourrienne may well exclaim, " How much useless glory did not our
soldiers gain in these conflicts! In spite of prodigies of valour, the
enemy's masses advanced, and approximated to a central point, so that
this war might be compared to the battles of the ravens and the
eagle in the Alps. The eagle slays hundreds of his assailants,' every
blow of his beak is the death of an enemy ; but still the ravens return
to the charge, and press upon the eagle until they destroy him."
At this very period, two events, ominous of Napoleon's future
fortunes, occurred. The English army entered Bordeaux on the 13th
of March, accompanied by the Duke d' Angouleme ; the population,
headed by their mayor, Count Lynch, hoisted the colours of the
Bourbons, raised the cry of " Vive le Roi," and proclaimed Louis
XVIII. The second event to which allusion has been made, was
the defection of Augereau. The marshal had, by a series of reverses,
occasioned chiefly by his own want of zeal in the service, suffered
Lyons to fall into the power of the Austrians. The loss of this
important city was a serious blow to the cause of Napoleon.
The conferences of Chatillon were broken up on the 20th of March.
The blame is laid on every party by turns, according to the bias of
the different authorities; but the question is of little importance.
There was never any sincerity in the negociations.
Schwartzenburg had advanced upon Troyes, and had taken pos
session of that city after the battle of Bar-sur-Aube. Notwithstanding
the route to Paris was thus again open to the grand army of the allies,
now strongly reinforced, they hesitated at the intelligence that Napoleon
had taken Rheims, and at the spirit of resistance which the excesses
of their soldiery had aroused among the inhabitants of the frontier
districts. Schwartzenburg actually recommended ja. retreat behind the
Aube. A council was held at midnight, in which their future
motions were discussed. The Emperor Alexander opposed the over-
caution of Schwartzenburg with great steadiness, and Lord Castlereagh,
foreseeing that a retreat behind the Aube would only be a preface to
another behind the Rhine, announced to the assembled powers that
so soon as they commenced their retrograde movement, the subsidies
of England would cease to be paid to them. It was, at length, re
solved to resume offensive operations ; to unite their two great armies,
hitherto separated ; to offer battle to Napoleon at Arcis, and should
he decline to accept the engagement, to march boldly on Paris. So
many, however, had been the anxieties and conflicting opinions of
the night, that Alexander himself declared that he believed the half

324 THE HISTORY OF
of his hair had grown grey in those few hours. The spirit of the
council was the more readily raised to a sufficient pitch of resolution
by the intelligence laid before them by the Messieurs de Polignac,
who had recently arrived at head-quarters. These noblemen, whose
names have always been identified with the cause of legitimacy,
brought information of the various intrigues which existed in the
capital. At the head of the plotters there, was Talleyrand. The
royalists supposed that he plotted for the Bourbons ; but it is very
clear that he would, at first, have preferred a regency, under which
he might hold a foremost place of power. He had naturally con
siderable apprehensions of the resentment of the Bourbon princes for
certain portions of his past career, which he unfortunately could not
blot out of memory. He manoeuvred, however, so as to keep well
with whatever party should be uppermost, and make each believe
he had promoted its success. Certain it was that the- allies had
little to fear from the constituted authorities and leading men of
Paris. Few remained faithful to their trust. The majority were
employed in listening to every rumour, and providing for their own
safety in all emergencies.
Napoleon had not failed to perceive the hesitation and uncertain
movements of Schwartzenburg, and had received rumours of the
probable retreat of the Austrians. Unaware of Lord Castlereagh's
very effective threat, he broke up his head-quarters at Rheims on
the 17th, advancing by Epernay to attack the rear of the Austrian
army in its retreat. His advanced guard encountered an Austrian
division at Arcis on the 20th. The engagement became fierce ; the
Austrians brought up fresh battaUons supported by cannon; and
Napoleon found that, instead of attacking a rear-guard in retreat, he
was in front of the whole of the grand army in its advance on Paris.
The cavalry of Napoleon had orders to attack the Austrian light '
troops while his infantry debouched from Arcis; but they were re
pulsed by the overpowering numbers opposed to them, and driven
back upon the town. In this extremity, Napoleon evinced the same
heroic and almost reckless courage which he had shewn at Lodi and
Areola, and on other occasions. He threw himself, sword in hand,
among the broken cavalry, — called on them to remember their
former victories, and checked the enemy by an impetuous charge,
in which he and his staff-officers fought hand to hand with the
invaders. A Cossack's lance had nearly passed through him, but the
thrust was averted by his aide-de-camp Girardin. The battle raged
throughout the day, and more than once it appeared to the witnesses
of his deportment that Napoleon courted death. He exposed himelf
repeatedly to the extremity of danger, and on one occasion was seen

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

325

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to spur his horse with wilful defiance upon a shell which fell at his
feet. The missile exploded, — a cloud of smoke hid him from sight,
but he emerged untouched. At the close of the day, the French
remained in possession of their original ground, and Macdonald, Oudi
not, and Gerard, brought up their forces during the night.
The overwhelming superiority of numbers opposed to him, compelled
Napoleon to resolve upon a retreat. This he executed on the 21st,
through difficult defiles, with his five and twenty, or thirty thousand
men, in the face of the whole Austrian army; and though pursued
and annoyed, sustained little loss. All accounts, descriptive of the
motions of the aUies, have censured them for permitting Napoleon
to escape them with impunity on this occasion. He retreated, not
on Paris, but on Vitry-le-Franeais. Schwartzenburg, on the two
following days, formed his junction with Blucher. The two armies,
now united, marched on the capital, forcing before them the divisions
of Marmont and Mortier, whose last determined stand was attempted
at Fere-Champenoise on the 25th. Conquered there by irresistible
numbers, assisted by a tremendous storm which beat in the faces of
the French soldiers, the two marshals continued their retreat, till on
the 29th they halted under the walls of Paris. About the same

326 THE HISTORY OF
time, a convoy of provisions . and ammunition, escorted by about five
thousand French infantry, chiefly young conscripts, fell into the power
of the alUes, but not until the escort, refusing to surrender, had been?
slain nearly to a man.
When Napoleon had retreated on Vitry-le-Francais, instead of
marching to the defence of Paris, it was his plan to break through
the circle which his enemies were drawing around him, — to strengthen
his army with the garrisons drawn from the frontier fortresses, — to
rouse afresh the already awakened spirit of the peasantry, — to bring
the army of Augereau into operation, and thus reinforced, to act on
the rear of the allies, and endanger their communications. The success
of such an attempt depended on the power or inclination of the capital
to maintain a defence for, at least, a few days ; on the accustomed
caution of the allies, which, in all probable calculation would lead
them to abandon their attempt on Paris, and follow the army com
manded by Napoleon ; and lastly on Augereau's fidelity, of the failure
of which the Emperor was still ignorant.
It appears by the history of the operations of the allies, that they
were considerably embarrassed by the new tactics adopted by Napo
leon, and that serious apprehensions were entertained in their councils
in consequence, but that on the receipt of a certain important dis
patch which fell into their hands, they resolved to proceed in their
march towards Paris. Savary conceives this dispatch to have been
an intercepted letter from Napoleon to Maria Louisa, in which he
disclosed his plan so clearly as to shew them the means of coun
teracting it, The two great armies of the alUes, reinforced and
reorganised, rapidly approached Paris. They moved in columns along
the three grand routes of Meaux, Lagny and Soissons, and on the
29th of March had occupied positions which threatened the whole
pf the north-eastern frontier of the city. The Emperor of Russia
and King of Prussia accompanied their armies, but the Emperor of
Austria was sent out of the way with an escort, probably from deli
cacy to his paternal feeUngs. Singularly enough, he nearly fell into
the hands of one of Napoleon's divisions, and while his brother sove
reigns were triumphing at the gates of Paris, he had been forced to
fly with a single gentleman and one servant in a German droschka,
and took refuge in Dijon, where he remained for thirty hours, in
the greatest danger of being taken prisoner.
The sovereigns issued proclamations as they advanced, to the effect
that they made war, not on France, but only on Napoleon Bonaparte.
Multitudes of country people were, nevertheless, flying in all direc- '
tions, at the approach of these invading armies, and pouring into
Paris. As for the Parisians, they had already been three times thrown

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 327
into consternation by the threatened attack of the allied armies, and
as often they had been relieved of all apprehension by the rapid
and successful movements of Napoleon; they, therefore, fell into no
state of panic, when for the fourth time they heard of Cossacks
making their appearance at Meaux ; but matters soon grew more
serious. Still, the extent of the danger was not understood, and the
approaching enemy was beUeved to be a single division, or at most
the invading armies.
Joseph Bonaparte, conducting the government in the name of Maria
Louisa as regent, called a council to deliberate on the measures to be
taken at this alarming crisis. The Empress Regent and all the
members of the government were present at this important meeting.
The Duke of Feltre (Clarke), minister of war, laid before them the
resources and the emergencies of the capital, dwelling on the latter,
and strangely diminishing the former. The important question was
then agitated what course to pursue for the safety of the Empress
and her son. After a long debate, it was resolved that they should
be removed from the scene of danger. This resolution was warmly
opposed by Talleyrand, and by the Duke of Cadore and others. It
was, however, carried into effect on the following day, the 29th.
Maria Louisa is said to have manifested great distress of mind on
this occasion, and the young Napoleon resisted his removal from the
Tuileries with all his childish power. He clung to his attendants,
exclaiming with cries and tears, that " his papa was betrayed," and
that he would not go away. The circumstance is singular, and can
only be explained by the supposition that he had heard the subject
discussed among those who considered that all was lost in abandoning
the capital ; and it corroborates the accounts of him as having been
a finely sensitive and intellectual child. The Empress, escorted by a
regiment of seven hundred men, went to Blois, where she was fol
lowed by all the members of the government. Joseph remained to
superintend the defence ; and Talleyrand took care to delay his
departure so long, that he was stopped at the barriers, and conse
quently returned to his hotel, where he held himself in readiness
to watch and direct the intrigues of the day.
Paris is capable of making a formidable defence, from the nature
of the ground on its north and east frontiers. It is defended on the
south by the Seine, and it was the difficulty of effecting the pas
sage of that river which directed the attack of the allies on the
stronger quarter. If Clarke had been true to his trust, the siege
of Paris would have detained the sovereigns many days, but as it
was, the preparations were quite inadequate ; the natural defences
of the city had received Uttle assistance from art. A powerful artil-

328

THE HISTORY OF

lery was, indeed, stationed on the heights of Montmartre, and a strong
redoubt planted with cannon erected at the farm of Rouvroi, forming
together the centre of the line of defence. The heights extending
on the right towards the Marne, and on the left towards the Seine,
were planted with cannon, placed with great science but very weak
in point of numbers, though a large park of artillery was ready for
use in the Champ de Mars. The national guard was called out, to
the number of thirty thousand, but the majority did not receive their
arms, though the arsenal was well furnished. The garrison of Paris,
consisting of about eight thousand men, commanded by General Gerard,
and the divisions of Marmont and Mortier were all the regular troops
present to defend the city against the hosts who were ready to com
mence the attack. These defenders, amounting to about thirty thousand
men, were drawn up in order of battle, occupying a semicircular Une
of great strength, but they were opposed to upwards of one hundred
and fifty thousand enemies. Two successive flags of truce were sent to
summon the city to surrender, but both were refused admittance.
The battle began at five o'clock on the morning of the 30th, by
a simultaneous attack of the Russians upon the whole front of the
French line. The defenders of Paris received the shock with unbroken
firmness, and the strife soon became fierce and deadly. The want
of men was in part supplied by the pupils of the polytechnic school,
most of them youths between twelve and sixteen years of age, who
worked the guns with great skill and courage. The French frequently

TCT'-vMWt.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 329
rushed in columns from the heights, and became the assailants in
their turn; till at length the dreadful loss of life made the Russian
commander draw off his forces from the front attack. The Prussians
and Austrians then, in overpowering force, attacked the line of de
fence at both extremities in flank. Again the conflict raged with
fierce obstinacy, but by noon, in spite of their desperate resistance,
the French had lost all their positions, with the single exception of
Montmartre : their own guns were turned upon the city ; the light
cavalry of the alUes began to penetrate to the barriers, and a party
of Cossacks had been with difficulty repulsed from the Fauxbourg
St. Antoine. The right wing of Blucher's army had just advanced
to the foot of Montmartre, and Count Langeron was preparing to
storm the height, when a flag of truce from Marshal Marmont, autho
rised by Joseph, requested a suspension of hostilities to arrange the
terms on which Paris was to be surrendered. The armistice was
granted on condition that Montmartre should be immediately given
up to the assailants, which was compUed with. The terms of sur
render were then discussed, and speedily settled. The French regular
troops were permitted to retire from Paris unmolested, and the city
was next day to be deUvered up to the allied sovereigns, to whose
generosity it was recommended. Joseph left the city at the moment
that the defence was given up, and repaired to Blois. He is cen
sured for this as weU as for the surrender, but his capture might
have embarrassed Napoleon, and his presence could no longer avail.
As for the surrender, it was inevitable under the circumstances, and
the Emperor Alexander had intimated to Joseph that "fair terms
would be aUowed, provided it was proposed to capitulate before the
barriers were forced, but- that if the defence were prolonged beyond
that period, it would not be in the power either of the Emperor, the
King of Prussia, or the allied generals, to prevent the total destruc
tion of the city," With such a threat hanging over him, Joseph
cannot be blamed for surrendering; the fault lies in the inadequate
preparation for the defence, and in attempting the defence at all
when the preparation was found to be so inadequate ; thus causing
a deplorable waste of life. Four thousand French were killed and
wounded, and the loss of the allies amounted to nearly twelve thou
sand. But, it appears likely, that Joseph was not aware, at the
commencement of the action, that the united armies of the allies
were drawn up before Paris ; he beUeved he had to contend with only
one. The absence of Napoleon, at so critical a period, also caused a
degree of uncertainty and irresolution, fatal to any determined course
of action even among the few who remained true to him. Savary
asserts that the poorer portions of the population were ripe for insur-
s s

330 THE HISTORY OF
rection; that he, as minister of poUce, had it in his power to have
incited them to a desperate resistance, but he owns that he shrunk
from the responsibility, under the well-founded apprehension that
Napoleon might have been the very first to call him to account, and
to reprobate his conduct. Napoleon's words "I am not wedded to
the throne" could not be forgotten, and the aUies had carefully sepa
rated his cause from that of France.
The following curious, and, it is to be feared, very true description
of the Parisians during the battle, is taken from Lockhart, as quoted
by him from the account given by an English detenu : — " During the
battle, the Boulevard des ItaUens and the Cafe Tortoni were thronged
with fashionable loungers of both sexes, sitting as usual on the chairs
placed there, and appearing almost uninterested spectators of the
number of wounded French brought in. The officers were carried on
mattresses. About two o'clock, a general cry of ' Sauve qui peut ! ' was
heard on the Boulevards, from the Porte St. Martin to Les ItaUens ;
this caused a general and confused flight, which spread Uke the undu
lations of a wave, even beyond the Pont Neuf. * * * During the
whole of the battle, wounded soldiers crawled into the streets, and
lay down to die on the pavement. * * * The " Moniteur " of
this day was a full sheet ; but no notice was taken of the war or
the army. Four columns were occupied by an article on the dra
matic works of Denis, and three with a dissertation on the existence
of Troy." Napoleon, in his march to the eastward, had passed the night of
the 21st of March at Sommepuis; on the 23rd, his head-quarters
were at St. Dizier, where he was rejoined by the Duke of Vicenza,
who brought him inteUigence of the rupture of the conferences. A
last attempt to conclude peace was here made by Napoleon in a letter
from Caulaincourt to Metternich : the following is an extract : —
" Arrived only this night near the Emperor, his majesty has imme
diately given his pressing orders for the conclusion of peace, and at
the same time, his majesty has given me fuU powers to negociate and
sign it." Advancing to Donlevent on the 24th, Napoleon found a
secret dispatch from Lavalette, then head of the post-office depart
ment. It contained these words : — " The partisans of the stranger
are making head, seconded by secret intrigues. The presence of
the Emperor is indispensable. There is not a moment to lose
if he wishes to save the capital." On the 26th, a heavy cannonade
recalled Napoleon to St. Dizier. His rear-guard had been attacked
by superior forces, which Napoleon supposed to be the advanced guard
of the allies retreating from Paris in consequence of his movement.
He forced the attacking army to retreat on Bar-sur-Omain and Vitry ;

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 331
but on the 27th, he learned that the enemy in pursuit of him was
not the grand army of the allies, but a division of thirty thousand men
commanded by Winzingerode, and detached from the main armies to
mask their march upon Paris ; he also received positive inteUigence
that Schwartzenburg and Blucher had effected their junction. By
break of day on the 28th, Napoleon commenced a forced march upon
Paris. To surprise the alUes by an attack in the rear, before the
cannon of Paris were silenced, was now the object of all his energies.
He rested at Troyes on the night of the 29th, the imperial guard having
marched fifteen leagues in one day. Hence he despatched General
Dejean, and, after him, Girardin, to ride post to Paris and announce
his approach. On the 30th, after a march of some leagues with his
guard, he threw himself into a post-chaise, and hurried forwards, leav
ing the army to follow with aU possible expedition. He mounted on
horseback at Villeneuve, and rode to Fontainebleau ; and there, although
the night had fallen, took a carriage for Paris, accompanied by Ber
thier and Caulaincourt. But on reaching an inn, called " La Cour de
France," at a few miles' distance from the capital, he met General
BelUard with the cavalry, retreating according to the terms made
with the alUes. He was too late. Paris had capitulated.
Leaping from his carriage as the words reached his ears, Napoleon
walked onwards with Belliard, asking a few hurried questions, and
then instantly called for his carriage again, and gave orders to pro
ceed to Paris. It required considerable expostulation from Belliard,
as well as Berthier and Caulaincourt, to divert him from his reso
lution ; it was impossible for him at the moment to comprehend the
astounding intelligence of Belliard. " Paris is surrounded by a hun
dred and thirty thousand enemies. I have only been allowed to
march out by a convention : I cannot re-enter the city." Napoleon
still strode onwards, Belliard following, until about a mile beyond the
post-house, when he met the first column of the retreating infantry.
Their commander, General Curial, gave the same answers as Belliard.
Napoleon then perceived that the fate of Paris was decided. He be
came at once perfectly composed ; gave orders that the troops should
be drawn up, as they arrived, behind the river Essonne, and despatched
the Duke of Vicenza to Paris, to ascertain if it were yet possible for
him to interpose in the treaty. Having taken this measure, the best
which he could adopt at the moment, Napoleon waited the reply in
anxious suspense, separated only by the river Seine from the out
posts of the alUed army. They had forced the bridge of Charenton,
and spread themselves over the plain of Villeneuve St. Georges, and
the Ught of their bivouacs was reflected on the banks of the river,
near which, in a spot shrouded in profound darkness, Napoleon was

332

THE HISTORY OF

stationed with a few attendants. At four o'clock in the morning, a
courier brought him intelUgence, from the Duke of Vicenza, that
all was over ; that the capitulation had been signed at midnight, and
that the aUies were to enter Paris in the course of the day. Napo
leon immediately returned to Fontainebleau. He alighted at the
palace, on the 31st of March, at six o'clock in the morning, and
repaired to his small apartment situated on the first story, in a Une
with the gallery of Francis I. In the course of some hours, the
different columns of his army successively came up, and the divisions
of Marmont and Mortier arrived from Paris. The troops were posted
around Fontainebleau, and the park of artillery was sent to Orleans.
The advanced posts stationed at Essonne were commanded by Mar
shal Marmont, to whom was thus confided the task of protecting
the camp at Fontainebleau, and the remains of the army, which
still rallied round the Emperor, amounting altogether to about fifty
thousand men.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

333

CHAPTER XVI.

THE ALLIED SOVEREIGNS ENTER PARIS — TALLEYRAND — MEETING OF THE SENATE — PRO
VISIONAL GOVERNMENT — THE SENATE PROCLAIMS THAT NAPOLEON HAS FORFEITED THE
THRONE — CONFERENCE AT FONTAINEBLEAU — NAPOLEON ABDICATES IN FAVOUR OF HIS
SON — DEFECTION OP MARMONT — NAPOLEON ABDICATES UNCONDITIONALLY — TREATY OF
FONTAINEBLEAU — DEATH OF JOSEPHINE — BATTLE OF TOULOUSE  LOUIS XVIII. ENTERS
PARIS — NAPOLEON LEAVES FONTAINEBLEAU, AND LANDS IN ELBA.

On the 31st of March, 1814, the
Emperor of Russia and the King
of Prussia, attended by Schwartz
enburg, and followed by fifty
thousand picked troops, made their
entrance into the conquered city
of Paris. The foreign hosts filed
along the Boulevards in broad and
deep columns, exhibiting a forest
of bayonets, interrupted at inter
vals by long trains of artillery, and
preceded by numerous regiments
of cavalry. The monarchs and
their train made the circuit of one
half of Paris, and halted in the Champs Elysees, where the Cossacks of
the guard estabUshed their bivouac. The Parisians, for the most part,
beheld this spectacle with a kind of silent stupor. It would have been

334 THE HISTORY OF
temerity indeed, to manifest any disrespect or indignation; and those
who fert their degradation too keenly to conceal their feelings, kept
out of the way. The entrance of the sovereigns had been preceded
by proclamations which held forth a conciliatory tone to France, and
pointed to Napoleon as the sole object of their hostility; and simul
taneously with these manifestations of the policy which the alUes were
about to adopt openly, the royaUst party began to shew itself. Mon
sieur de Chateaubriand put forth at this moment his pamphlet entitled
"Bonaparte and the Bourbons," which Scott has characterised as a
" vigorous and affecting comparison between the days when France
was in peace and honour under her own monarchs, contrasted with
those in which Europe appeared in arms under her walls." The
peaceful and honourable condition of the people of France in those
former days, is thus described by Carlyle : — " They are sent for, to do
statute-labour ; to pay statute-taxes ; to fatten battle-fields (named beds
of honour) with their bodies, in quarrels which are not theirs ; their
hand and toil is in every possession of man ; but for themselves they
have Uttle or no possession. Untaught, uncomforted, unfed ; to pine
dully in thick obscuration, in squalid destitution and obstruction : this
is the lot of the miUions : peuple taillable et corveable a merci et a
misericorde. In Brittany, they once rose in revolt at the first intro
duction of pendulum-clocks ; thinking it had something to do with the
gabelle. Paris requires to be cleared out periodically by the poUce ;
and the horde of hunger-stricken vagabonds sent wandering again over
space — for a time. 'During one such periodical clearance,' says
LacreteUe, 'in May, 1750, the police had presumed withal to carry
off some reputable people's children, in the hope of extorting ransoms
for them. The mothers fiU the pubUc places with cries of despair;
crowds gather, get excited; so many women in distraction run about
exaggerating the alarm: an absurd and horrid fable rises among the
people; it is said that the doctors have ordered a Great Person to
take baths of young human blood for the restoration of his own, all
spoiled by debaucheries.' ' Some of the rioters,' adds LacreteUe, quite
coolly, ' were hanged on the following days :' the poUce went on. Oh,
ye poor naked wretches ! and this then is your inarticulate cry to
Heaven, as of a dumb tortured animal, crying from uttermost depths
of pain and debasement ? Do these azure skies, like a dead crystalline
vault, only reverberate the echo of it on you? Respond to it only
by 'hanging on the following days?' Not so: not for ever! Ye are
heard in Heaven. Also the answer will come, — in a horror of great
darkness, and shakings of the world, and a cup of trembUng which
all the nations shall drink."* Within forty years the revolution began.
* Carlyle's "History of the French Revolution," vol. i. p. 19.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 335
Early in the morning of the day on which the allied sovereigns
were to make their entrance, groups of royalists had gathered together,
and began to raise the cry of " Vive le Roi !" Not only noblemen,
but some ladies of the highest rank, traversed the streets in procession,
distributing white cockades, and recalling the people to their ancient
loyalty. The Princess of Leon, and Mesdames de Chateaubriand and
de Choiseul, distinguished themselves in this manner, and are said to
have torn their own dresses to replenish their stock of royalist em
blems. When their eloquence began to receive the powerful assistance
of the moving forest of foreign bayonets, and of the open-mouthed
artillery which accompanied them, portions of the populace joined
them, and the progress of the sovereigns was greeted at various spots
by enthusiastic acclamations. At the Boulevard des ItaUens, they were
absolutely impeded in their advance by a crowd, foremost amongst
whom were ladies, who pressed around them with cries of welcome
as " Liberators !" " Vive le Roi !" and such like testimonies of joy ;
and several elegantly-dressed females pressed forward for the honour
of touching their clothes. The Emperor Alexander, after passing his
troops in review, established his head-quarters at the hotel of M. de
TaUeyrand. A large meeting of the leading poUtical intriguers of Paris awaited
the arrival of the Emperor of Russia at the hotel of TaUeyrand.
Bourrienne was among the number, and he has given a circumstantial
description of the meeting. The great majority of those assembled
met the Autocrat with an urgent demand for the restoration of the
Bourbons. Alexander affected some hesitation. He observed that
three plans remained for consideration. First: — The maintenance of
Napoleon on the throne. Secondly : — The establishment of a regency.
Thirdly : — The recaU of the Bourbons. AU present urged the adoption
of the last measure, and the meeting terminated in an unanimous
resolution to place the Bourbons on the throne. This resolution was
not pubUcly announced, at once, but a declaration was drawn up and
signed by the Emperor Alexander, to the effect that " the allied sove
reigns would no longer treat with Bonaparte, nor any member of his
family." The document, further, invited the senate to appoint a
provisional government to manage the business of the state, and to
prepare the constitution which might be agreeable to the wishes of
the people : adding, — " The sovereigns wiU recognise and guarantee
any constitution of which the French nation may make choice." The
mockery of these words was ere long made apparent. The walls of
Paris, however, were covered with this declaration in less than an hour.
" Thus," says HazUtt, " nations are disposed of, while they themselves
look on and wonder!"

336 THE HISTORY OF
The senate' met on the 1st of April, under the presidency of
Talleyrand. The provisional government was immediately appointed.
It consisted of Talleyrand, BournonviUe, Jaucourt, Dalberg, and the
Abbe Montesquieu. Bourrienne was placed at the head of the post-
office. Lavalette had left Paris. On the 3rd, the senate proclaimed
" That Napoleon Bonaparte had forfeited the throne, and the right of
inheritance which had been estabUshed in his family," and further,
" That the people and army of France were disengaged and freed
from the oath of fidelity wliich they had taken to Napoleon and his
constitution." Eight formal inductive causes which were asserted to
have led to these final resolutions, were appended. They were made
up of complaints against the acts of Napoleon's government, nearly
every one of which had been sanctioned by the senate, who now
reprobated them. Their present proclamation was full of excuses for
their tergiversation. Their true motives might have been summed up
in few words ; namely, that perceiving their present master was con
quered, they were ready to pay their court to a new one. The
council-general of the department of the Seine immediately gave in
its adherence to the provisional government, and the example was
followed by the various public bodies in and around Paris, as weU as
by numerous individuals, most of whom had been enriched and raised
into consequence by Napoleon.
The Duke of Vicenza returned to Fontainebleau on the night
of the 3rd of April. The resolution of the aUies to cease negociations
with Napoleon, had rendered his mission to Paris merely nominal,
but the language of the Emperor of Russia did not openly avow a
determination to set aside the son of Napoleon. The Duke of Vi
cenza was therefore ready to recommend to the Emperor a personal
abdication, and to ask to be empowered to treat for a regency. Na
poleon, on the contrary, was preparing to advance upon Paris. He
was again at the head of fifty thousand men, and he still hoped that
the sound of his cannon would rouse the national spirit, and that a
coup de main might produce such results as to ensure better condi
tions. On the 4th, he reviewed his army, and ordered head-quarters
to be removed to a position between Ponthierry and Essonne. He
announced to the troops his intention of marching on the capital, and
was answered with enthusiastic shouts of " Paris ! Paris !" After the
review, however, he was followed to his apartment by his principal
marshals and councillors, whose purpose it was to discountenance the
attempt on Paris. They adverted to the proposal that he should
abdicate ; talked of it as a sacrifice which he was called upon to make
and held forth to him the prospect of a peace on the basis of a
regency. The feeUng of his old companions in arms against any

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 337
warlike attempt at length decided Napoleon, and after a severe strug
gle of emotion, he wrote with his own hand the following act of
abdication : —
" The allied powers having proclaimed that the Emperor Napoleon
was the only obstacle to peace in Europe, the Emperor, faithful to
his oath, declares that he is ready to resign the throne, to quit France,
and even to sacrifice his life for the welfare of the country, which is
inseparable from the rights of his son, those of the regency of the
Empress, and the maintenance of the laws of the Empire."
" Given at our palace of Fontainebleau, April 4th, 1814.
" Napoleon."
The Duke of Vicenza, and Marshals Ney and Macdonald, were
appointed to convey to Paris this important document. They now
inquired, on what stipulations, as concerned the Emperor personally,
they were to insist. " On none," he replied ; " obtain the best terms
you can for France, — for myself I ask nothing."
The demeanour of Napoleon continued calm and dignified through
out this trying scene. When the discussion was concluded, his firm
ness gave way for a few minutes. He threw himself on a sofa and
hid his face ; then starting up, with that smile which had so often
proved irresistible, he exclaimed, — " Let us march, my comrades ; let
us take the field once more." No answer was made, except by some
tears from those to whom he appealed, and he immediately dismissed
the assemblage.
The trials of the day were not yet over. Only a few hours had
elapsed, when Napoleon received tidings which inflicted on his heart
one of the severest blows which it had ever sustained. Marmont had
entered into a separate convention with the allies, and had marched
his division into the Russian cantonments, and left Fontainebleau un
defended. At this intelligence, Napoleon's eye became fixed, and he
fell back into a chair. His first exclamation was, " Ungrateful man !
— but he will be more unhappy than I ! " The event was one of great
importance. It must be remembered that the army had as yet re
mained faithful to Napoleon ; that, besides the fifty thousand men under
his immediate command, the armies of Marshals Soult and Suchet,
and the corps of Augereau, composed a powerful force ; and that if they
had all been combined and swelled by the garrisons of the frontier towns,
a hundred thousand men would have been ranged under his banner.
The temporising policy of the sovereigns had been caused solely by
their apprehensions of the army. They hesitated to declare the resto
ration of the Bourbons while the army continued to recognise Napo
leon as Emperor. They had, therefore, made strenuous efforts to
break the imposing appearance of its unanimity. With Marmont,
T T

338 THE HISTORY OF
they had succeeded, and the consequences were speedily apparent. The
intelligence of the march of his division to Versailles was brought
to them at the very moment when the Duke of Vicenza and Marshals
Ney and Macdonald, who had been admitted to a conference, were
pleading the cause of a regency before the aUied sovereigns and the
members of the provisional government. All debate was immediately
at an end. The Emperor Alexander at once told the commissioners,
without further disguise, that the allies would not treat with Napoleon
except on the footing of unconditional abdication. With this reply,
and the offer of an independent principaUty for their Emperor, they
departed for Fontainebleau.
Savary says that Marmont, who was present at this conference,
was struck with shame at the expressions of the Emperor of Russia,
and exclaimed, " I would readily sacrifice an arm to avert this event ! "
- — "An arm, sir!" replied Macdonald; "rather say your existence!"
A dangerous mutiny occurred among the soldiers of Marmont's division,
when they discovered the meaning of the movement which they had
made, of which they were entirely ignorant until they were surrounded
by the troops of the allies, who had been ordered out for the purpose.
Some Polish lancers contrived to break from their ranks, and returned
to Fontainebleau. The rest were reduced to subordination, but not
without great difficulty. Marmont stipulated for the personal safety
of the Emperor, in case his own defection should cause him to fall
into the power of the sovereigns. This defection was felt by Napo
leon the more deeply, because Marmont had been one of his first
pupils in war; had been loaded with his favours, and had fought at
his side in the army of Italy, and in every succeeding campaign.
On the morning after these events, Napoleon addressed the fol
lowing order of the day to the army. It bears the date of Fon
tainebleau, April 5th, 1814 : — " The Emperor thanks the army for
the attachment it has evinced to him ; and principally because it
acknowledges that France is with him, and not with the people of the
capital. It is the soldier's duty, honour, and religion, to follow the
fortune and misfortune of his general. The Duke of Ragusa has
not sought to inspire this sentiment in the heart of his troops. He
has gone over to the allies. The Emperor cannot approve of the
condition on which he has taken this step: he cannot accept of life
and liberty at the mercy of a subject. The senate has presumed to
dispose of the French government ; but it forgets that it owes to the
Emperor the power which it now abuses. The Emperor saved one
half of the members of the senate from the storms of the revolution :
and the other half he drew from obscurity, and protected against the
hatred of the people. These men avail themselves of the articles of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 339
the constitution as grounds for its subversion. The senate blushes not
to accuse the Emperor, unmindful that as the first body in the state
it has participated in every public measure. A sign was a command
to the senate, which was always ready to do more than it was required
to do. So long as Fortune continued faithful to their sovereign, these
men also remained faithful to him. If the Emperor despised man
kind as he is said to have done, the world will now admit that it
was not without reason. His dignity was conferred on him by God
and the people, who alone can deprive him of it : he always considered
it as a burden; and when he accepted it, it was with the con
viction that he was able adequately to sustain it. The happiness
of France seemed to be connected with the fate of the Emperor:
now that Fortune frowns on him, the will of the nation can alone
induce him to retain possession of the throne. If he is to be con
sidered as the only obstacle to peace, he voluntarily makes the last
sacrifice to France. He has in consequence sent the Prince of the
Mosqua and the Dukes of Vicenza and Tarentum, to Paris, to open
the negociation. The army may be assured that the honour of the
Emperor will never be incompatible with the happiness of France."
There are portions of this dignified address which might stand as
criticisms on the imperial system. Hazlitt has quoted a remarkable
note on this subject, appended to the text of Montesquieu's " Grandeur
des Princes," by Napoleon, when time and reflection had raised him
into a censor over himself. It is as follows. " The Emperor above
all things complained of the servile disposition of the senate. This
was a great cause of dissatisfaction to him throughout the whole of
his life : but in this respect he was like most men, he wished for
contradictory things. His general policy was not in unison with his
particular passions. He wished to have a free senate that might
secure respect to his government: but at the same time he wished
for a senate that would be always ready to do whatever he wanted."
Napoleon had expected the failure of the errand of his commis
sioners. On their return, his first proposal to his assembled marshals
was to break off the negociation, to retreat to the Loire, and unite
all his forces; but he was answered only by silence. He could not
have seriously made the attempt. Another and a last appeal conT
tained a proposal more worthy of consideration. " Since I must
renounce the prospect of defending France," said he, " does not Italy
afford a retreat worthy of us ? WiU you follow me across the Alps ?"
Again a profound silence was his only answer. It might lead to a
curious speculation to imagine what might have been the results of
such an enterprise as this, in the country which had been the scene
of Napoleon's earliest glory; which was now threatened with the

340 THE HISTORY OF
return of its ancient oppressors ; and where Eugene was still at the
head of an army of thirty thousand men. But the struggle was over.
" You wish for repose," he said ; " take it then. Alas ! you know
not how many troubles and dangers await you on your beds of down.
A few years of that peace which you are about to purchase so dearly,
will cut off more of you than the most sanguinary war would have
done." Then, taking his pen, he drew up and signed the second
formula of his abdication : — " The allied powers having proclaimed that
the Emperor is the only obstacle to the re-establishment of the peace
of Europe, the Emperor, faithful to his oath, renounces for himself
and his heirs the thrones of France and Italy, and declares that there
is no sacrifice, not even that of life, which he is not ready to make
for the interests of France."
The Emperor of Russia took the principal share in drawing up
the articles of the treaty between the allied powers and Napoleon, on
his abdication. A suspension of hostilities was immediately proclaimed.
It was agreed that Napoleon, the Empress Maria Louisa, and all the
members of the imperial family, should retain their titles and rank.
The island of Elba was granted to Napoleon in full sovereignty, with
a revenue of two millions of francs (rather more than eighty thousand
pounds sterling), one half of which should revert to the Empress,
who also received in full sovereignty the duchies of Parma, Placentia,
and Guastalla, with the reversion to the young Napoleon. Scott,
in his account of the treaty, trebles this sum. For the members
of the imperial family, the Empress Josephine, and Prince Eugene,
handsome provision was made. Certain gratuities were guaranteed to
the generals of the guard, the Emperor's aides-de-camp, and the
members of the household. Napoleon was permitted to take with
him four hundred men of the imperial guard, and to maintain a navy
of four ships of war.
This treaty has been stigmatised as over-generous, and Lord Cas
tlereagh is said to have reprobated its impolicy. Two circumstances
should be taken into consideration before even discussing this subject.
First, that Napoleon was still formidable, and the allies eager to
obtain his absolute surrender; consequently, although he made no
personal conditions in his abdication, the Emperor Alexander and his
coadjutors offered and granted such as they conceived would induce
him to bring the treaty to a speedy conclusion, and even gave him his
choice between the islands of Elba and Corsica,— when he decided, with
out hesitation, upon Elba. Secondly, that they possessed the power
of breaking the treaty whenever they pleased, — of which power they
speedily availed themselves. They never paid him any portion of his
revenue; and many appearances and reports combined to prove that

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 341
they intended to remove him from Elba to St. Helena before the
close of the year. The pensions stipulated to be paid to the various
members of his family, his generals, and household, were in like
manner withheld ; his own private treasure, and even great part of
his wardrobe seized ; the Empress Maria Louisa and her son were
taken possession of by the Emperor of Austria, and sent to Vienna,
in violation of the spirit, if not the letter, of the fourteenth article
of the treaty, which provides as follows ; — " All necessary safeguards
shall be furnished for the unobstructed journey of the Emperor
Napoleon, of the Empress, of the princes and princesses, and of all
those of their suite who may wish to accompany them or to settle
out of France." Lastly, there is clear evidence produced by Savary,
that emissaries (at the head of whom was the Marquis de Mau-
breuil), employed by the members of the provisional government,
waylaid Napoleon, both during his residence at Fontainebleau, and
on his journey to Elba, with a view, either to murder him, or seize
upon his person and convey him into Spain ; and that the populace
were incited by these emissaries to rise tumultuously against him on
his way.*
The treaty of Fontainebleau, as it has been called, was signed at
Paris, by the ministers of the allied powers on the 11th, and by Na
poleon at Fontainebleau on the 12th of April. It has been thought
that Napoleon had resolved to die rather than sign the above treaty.
The attempt to destroy himself is thus related. On the night of the
11th, the silence of the long corridors was suddenly broken by the
sound of hurried footsteps. Servants were running to and fro in all
directions. During the retreat from Moscow, the Emperor had obtained
a bag of opium from his surgeon Ivan, to avoid falling alive into the
hands of the Russians. After the chance of this was over, he still
retained the opium. Constant, in his "Memoirs," says, that being
caUed up on the night of the 11th, on account of Napoleon's illness,
he saw the little bag which had contained the opium lying in the
fire-place. The Emperor was in great pain, but eventually fell into
a sound sleep. During this, he experienced a copious perspiration,
in which the effects of the poison evaporated. He awoke in the
morning, " surprised at finding himself alive," as Scott chooses to say.
He looked very ill, it is true, — but nothing was said of the poison ;
* Maubreuil was in London in 1823-4, and often called at the house of a friend of
the Editor of the present history. He defended himself from the accusation of having
intended the assassination of the Emperor, by declaring that whatever commission he
had accepted at the time, was only with a view to save Napoleon from other hands.
But he had a guilty look. In any case, this tends to confirm the statements of Savary
and Bourrienne, as to the contemplated atrocity. — R. H. H.

342 THE HISTORY OF
and, resigning himself to the apparent decree of fate that he should
not die yet, he signed the treaty. This story, the truth of which
has been denied by some, appears to be founded in truth. Be this
as it may, Napoleon would never admit it in theory. " See, what a
thing is destiny ! " said he, in a conversation with De Bausset, before
he departed for Elba : — " At the battle of Arcis-sur-Aube, I did all
I could to meet a glorious death in defending, foot by foot, the soil
of the country. I exposed myself without reserve. It rained bullets
around me ; my clothes were pierced ; and yet not one of them
could reach me." He added with a sigh,- — " A death which I should
owe to an act of despair would be a baseness: suicide neither accords
with my principles, nor with the rank which I have filled on the
stage of the world. I am a man condemned to live. Besides, I do
not forget my origin. I should be ashamed not to be able to bear
reverses." * He soon recovered the firmness of his mind. " I found
Napoleon," says De Bausset, " calm, tranquil, and decided. His mind
was strongly tempered. Never, as I think, did he appear grander to
me." Alluding to the imperial guard, in general conversation, he
said, " If I were Louis, I would not keep them up ; it would be
his policy to pension them off. They are too fond of me. He should
choose another guard from the army at large." He spoke with satis
faction of the arrival of the Count d' Artois at Paris, as it put an
end to the provisional government, and relieved him from further
anxiety. " Napoleon," says Hazlitt, " had at no time the proper
theoretical hatred of the Bourbons." This is doubtful ; but, perhaps, he
thought they were not worse than the generality of kings. Address
ing his officers, the Emperor said, " Gentlemen, when I am gone,
and you have another government, it will become you to attach your
selves to it frankly, and serve it as faithfully as you have served me.
I request, and even command you to do this: therefore, all who desire
leave to go to Paris, have my permission to do so, and those who
remain here will do well to send in their adhesion to the government
of the Bourbons,"
Meantime Caulaincourt was making preparations for the departure
for Elba, and Napoleon busied himself with books and maps of the
island. His secretary, Maret, was as constant in his attentions, as when
Napoleon was a " king of kings." He was now, as far as France was
concerned, a private individual, amidst some devoted friends. Many
were the proofs of ingratitude he experienced. He had expected that
most of his old ministers would at least have come to bid him fare
well; but not one of them appeared. When he turned to the Paris
journals, he found them showering abuse on his head. As to his
* "Memoirs of the Interior of the Palace," Vol. ii. p. 274, &c.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 343
friends, whom he had raised to power, the desertion, with few excep
tions, included all ranks, — from Berthier, who shared his bosom coun
cils, to Rustan, the Mameluke, who slept across the door of his
apartment. Savary, who was in attendance on the Empress at Blois, during
the greater part of these events, has described the grief of that prin
cess as very great. Her position was sufficiently humiliating, and her
own reverses sufficiently severe, to account for this, without any strong
feeling for Napoleon; but nearly all writers concur in representing
her as entertaining sentiments of respect and affection for him to the
last, and as having conducted herself throughout this trying period
with great propriety, and as much firmness as could be expected from
her 'youth and disposition. By the direction of Napoleon, she applied
for protection to the Emperor of Austria, and went to Rambouillet
to meet him. Her first action was to place her son in his arms ;
upon which, it is said, that a peculiar but momentary expression,
approaching to compunction, was observed on his face. He then
explained to her that she was to be separated from her husband " for
a time." The Emperor of Russia visited her, very much to her
indignation, and it required all the persuasions of her father to induce
her to receive him. A few days afterwards, she departed for Vienna.
About the same time, the mother of Napoleon, and Cardinal Fesch,
his uncle, set out for Rome ; Louis, Joseph, and Jerome, were already
on the road to Switzerland.
The Emperor Alexander also visited Josephine and Hortense.
Josephine keenly felt the misfortunes of her " Cid," as she was now
again fond of calling him. Her distress at his abdication was exces
sive, and she appears never to have recovered the shock. She sur
vived it only about six weeks. She died on the 29th of May, at
Malmaison, and was buried in the church of Ruel. Her funeral was
attended by several generals of the allied armies, and marshals and
generals of France. A long train of the poor of all the country round,
also followed her to the grave : by them she was sincerely and justly
regretted. The body has since been placed in a magnificent tomb
of white marble, erected by her two children, with the simple inscrip
tion: — "Eugene et Hortense a Josephine."
The battle of Toulouse was fought on the 10th of April, between
the armies of Lord Wellington and Marshal Soult, and the victory
rested with the English. But the position of Soult was so strong,
that the loss of Ufe was much heavier on the side of the victors than
the vanquished. The French loss, in killed and wounded, was esti
mated at three thousand men. Four thousand six hundred and fifty-
nine men, of whom two thousand were Spaniards, were returned as

344 THE HISTORY OF
killed and wounded in Lord Wellington's army. Thus, the blood of
nearly eight thousand men was shed after the abdication of Napoleon
had ended the war. It has been generally asserted that Soult was
aware of the abdication before the battle, but Napier has satisfac
torily established the contrary. Lord WelUngton entered Toulouse
in triumph on the 12th. Soult had already effected an orderly retreat.
In the afternoon of the same day, the news arrived from Paris of all
that had occurred; a convention was accordingly agreed upon, and
hostilities ceased. All the French troops in the south were organised
in one body, and gave in their adhesion to the new government; the
Spaniards and Portuguese returned home ; the British infantry em
barked at Bordeaux, and the cavalry, marching through France, took
shipping at Boulogne. "Thus," says Napier, "the war terminated,
and with it all remembrance of the veteran's services." A reproach
not yet wiped away from our country.
The Grand-marshal Bertrand, General Drouot, General Cambrone,
the treasurer Peyrusse, the state messengers Deschamps and Baillou,
obtained permission to accompany Napoleon. Only four hundred of
the Guard were allowed to depart with him, but almost all his old
companions petitioned to be selected, so that the choice was both
gratifying and embarrassing to his feelings.
The commissioners of the allied sovereigns had arrived at Fon
tainebleau, and the departure of Napoleon was fixed for the 20th of
April. On that day, about noon, the Imperial Guard formed itself
in lines in the court-yard of the palace. The Emperor soon after
wards appeared. As he passed along, he beheld all that now remained
of the most brilliant and numerous court in Europe, reduced to about
sixteen individuals, who thus waited to manifest their regard and
respect for the fallen Emperor. (Junot had died the year before,
and Caulaincourt, and General Flahault, were absent on missions.)
Napoleon shook hands with them all; then, hastily passing the range
of carriages, he advanced towards the imperial guard. Perceiving
that he was about to address them, they all became profoundly silent.
" Soldiers of the Old Guard !" said he, " I bid you farewell !
During twenty years you have been my constant companions in the
path of honour and glory. In our last disasters, as well as in the
days of our prosperity, you invariably proved yourselves models of
courage and fidelity. With such men as you, our cause could not
have been lost; but a protracted civil war would have ensued, and
the miseries of France would thereby have been augmented. I have,
therefore, sacrificed all our interests to those of the country. I
depart: you, my friends, will continue to serve France, whose hap
piness has ever been the only object of my thoughts, and still will

DEPARTURE FROM FONTAINEBLEAU.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 345
be the sole object of my wishes. Do not deplore my fate. If I
consent to live, it is that I may still contribute to your glory. I will
record the great achievements we have performed together. Farewell,
my comrades ! I should wish to press you aU to my bosom : let me,
at least, embrace your standard." At these words, General Petit took
the eagle, and came forward. Napoleon received the general in his
arms, and kissed the flag. The silence of this affecting scene was
interrupted only by the occasional sobs of the soldiers. Having kissed
the flag, Napoleon said with great emotion, " Farewell once more,
my old comrades ! — let this kiss be impressed on all your hearts !"
He hurried through the group that surrounded him — stepped into
his carriage — and instantly drove off. The carriages took the road
to Lyons, and were escorted by French troops.
Louis XVIII. made his public entry into Paris on the 21st of
April. The Count d'Artois had preceded him by some days. The
new king was escorted by the members of the provisional govern
ment, the ministers, the senate and the marshals of France, headed
by Berthier. The Duchess d' Angouleme followed the king in a calash
drawn by eight horses taken from the Emperor's stables, and led by
men who still wore his livery. The senate had busied themselves, in
the interval, in framing a constitution which they had already pre
sented to their royal master, who had not yet, it is presumed, informed
them of the kind of respect he intended to pay to it. The populace
cried " Vive le Roi !" for which they have been applauded by one
party as having been loyal at heart all this time ; and reviled by
another party as treacherous, — or affording evidence of the light and
vacillating character of Frenchmen. But all this is unjust. The
populace has done such things from time immemorial, and will do
such again, till the spread of education has substituted in their minds
the recognition of principles for the mere passing impulses of the
day. Even the populace, however, were disgusted at seeing the mar
shals of Napoleon . parading themselves before the carriage of Louis ;
and cries a of "Go to Elba, Berthier!" were frequently raised as the
procession moved forwards.
During the first part of Napoleon's journey, he was the object of
universal respect and affectionate interest. Advancing towards Pro
vence, the popular manifestations became different, and the Emperor
was once or twice subject to personal insult and danger of violence.
He was obliged to adopt a disguise, and rode forward on horseback.
No doubt he felt keenly the evil intentions thus demonstrated
against him ; no doubt he was both grieved and disgusted, and was
most anxious to avoid a sort of death, at once disgraceful to the
perpetrators, and revolting to all his feelings. This has been desig-
u u

346 THE HISTORY OF
nated as a want of all courage, by those who seem to have thought
that he ought not to possess the common feelings of nature.
At a chateau on the road, he had an interview with his sister
Pauline. Arrived at the place of embarkation, an EngUsh and a
French vessel were waiting to receive him. He went on board the
English vessel (the Undaunted) by preference. He was accompanied
by the Austrian and the English commissioner. During the passage,
he conversed cordially with Captain Usher. He laughed at the idea
of the caricatures in England which his voyage would occasion. The
sailors, who expected to see some hideous and deformed Uttle figure,
answering to their previous notions of " Boney," were surprised at
his appearance, and soon became delighted with his ease and good
humour. They arrived at Porto Ferrajo, the principal town of Elba,
on the 4th of May. The Emperor first landed incog. ; but returned
on board to breakfast. He went ashore, in form, about two o'clock.
On leaving the vessel, he presented the jolly tars with a purse of
two hundred napoleons, and the boatswain, who undertook to return
thanks in the name of the crew, concluded with " wishing him his
health — and better luck the next time." As he left the Undaunted,
the vessel fired a royal salute, and Napoleon was received as Emperor
of the little island of Elba,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

347

CHAPTER XVII.
NAPOLEON IN ELBA— STATE OF FRANCE UNDER THE BOURBONS— THEIR INFRACTIONS OF THE
TREATY OF FONTAINEBLEAU— NAPOLEON LEAVES ELBA— LANDS IN FRANCE— ADVANCES
TO GRASSE  JOINED BY A DETACHMENT FROM GRENOBLE  JOINED BY LABEDOYERE 
ENTERS GRENOBLE— LYONS  ASSUMES THE REINS OF GOVERNMENT— JOINED BY NEY 
ARRIVES AT FONTAINEBLEAU  JOINED AT MELUN BY THE LAST ROYALIST ARMY— FLIGHT
OF LOUIS XVIII.

The island of Elba is near the coast of
Tuscany, and not more than sixty
miles in circumference. The air is
healthy; and its produce is chiefly
salt, wine, and iron-ore. Napoleon
lost no time in exploring every cor
ner of his little state ; visiting the
iron-mines, harbours, salt-marshes,
fortifications and woods, and pro
jecting all manner of novelties and
improvements. He devoted him
self to these with the same unre
mitting attention as that with which he had directed the affairs of
France, and of half Europe besides. He established four houses of
residence at four different corners of the island, and was in continual
motion from one to the other of them, — so that he appeared to be living
at all four of them at the same time. He seemed quite resigned to
his fate ; spoke of himself as politically dead ; and continued to devise

348 THE HISTORY OF
more buildings, roads, and other matters, than could have been accom
plished in a life, notwithstanding the very limited space he possessed
for his operations. Climbing a mountain above Ferrajo, one day, and
observing the ocean approach its base almost on every side, he said
musingly, " It must be confessed that my island is very little."
Napoleon shortly added to his "dominions" by sending two or
three dozen of his guards to take possession of a small adjacent islet
called Rianosa, which was uninhabited, having been deserted on ac
count of the incursions of corsairs. He sketched out a plan of for
tifications, and humorously observed, " Europe will say that I have
already made a conquest." He planned and commenced new roads ;
contrived means for conveying water from the mountains to Porto
Ferrajo ; designed two palaces — one for the country, another for the
town ; a separate mansion for his sister the Princess Pauline ; stables
for a hundred and fifty horses ; a lazaretto ; receptacles for the tunny-
fishers ; and salt-works on a new construction at Porto Gorgone. He
also placed his court, as Emperor of Elba, on as regular a footing
as though it were held at the Tuileries ; reviewed his small body of
troops, and endeavoured to obtain recruits ; displayed a national flag
on which were three bees; gave a new stimulus to trade, tiU the
little port of Ferrajo was crowded with vessels from the opposite
coasts of Italy; and such was still the influence of his name, that
the new flag of Elba, with the Napoleon bees, was suffered to pass
unmolested even in places most infested by Moorish pirates.
Baron Kohler, the Austrian, and Sir Niel Campbell, the English
commissioner, had remained as residents on the island ; but towards
the end of May the former departed. Napoleon was visited by his
mother, and his sister Pauline, during the summer of 1814. He ex
pected to be rejoined at this time by his wife Maria Louisa, but she
was not permitted to proceed to Elba. Napoleon during the voyage
had conversed on easy and friendly terms with the two commissioners,
and also during their residence in the island; but, finding Sir Niel
Campbell remain after the Austrian commissioner had departed, he
gradually became cool and distant towards Campbell, under the im
pression that he was there as a kind of spy, or guard, of the En°lish
government. As the winter approached, a change was observed in the manners
and habits of Napoleon. He became grave and reserved. He pro
ceeded no further with his public works and improvements, and ceased
to take any interest in what he had already effected. He became
embarrassed for money, and was obliged to attempt to levy a tax
upon the islanders; but they were too poor to pay it. He was com
pelled to lower the allowances of most of his followers ; to reduce

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 349
the wages of the miners; to raise money by the sale of the pro
visions and stores laid up for the garrison, and to sell a train of
brass artillery to the Duke of Tuscany. He also disposed of some
property in a barrack, and meant to have sold the town-house at
Porto Ferrajo. His embarrassments were attributable to the sums
he had expended in improvements, and various works all over the
island, and to the dishonourable conduct of the French government,
who never paid him the stipend agreed on in the terms of the treaty
of Fontainebleau. His household condition, at this period, was very meagre indeed;
and, for a sovereign, almost squalid. A Scotch gentleman of rank
who visited him, has given an account of the interior of " the Im
perial Palace," which is interesting.* " Bonaparte is in perfect health,
but miserably lodged in a worse house than the worst description of
dwellings appropriated to our clergy in Scotland, yet stiU keeping
up the state of Emperor ; that is, he has certain officers with grand
official names about him. We were first shewn into a room where
the only furniture was an old sofa and two rush-bottom chairs, and
a lamp with two burners, only one of which was lighted. An aide-
de-camp received us, who called a servant, and said that one of the
lights had gone out. The servant said, it had never been lighted.
The other said, ' Light it, then.' Upon which the servant begged he
would excuse him, as he had not received the orders of the Emperor
on the subject! We were then introduced into an inner apartment,
where we were received by Bonaparte. The Emperor wore a very
old French guard uniform with three orders ; and had on very dirty
boots, being just come in from his country-house. The interview
lasted two hours and a half, during which time Bonaparte mentioned
many of the principal occurrences of his Ufe ; and, with apparent
candour, stated where he had been to blame. Reverting to the situa
tion of France, he said, we should have been satisfied with forcing
the French to take back the Bourbons; that we were pressing matters
too hard, with respect to their boundaries on the side of Holland,
and that we might depend upon it, that sooner or later (like a ves
sel into which people attempt to force more air than it can hold),
there would be a tremendous explosion. That France was a military
country. The Bourbons had better take care what they were about.
That there were still in France five hundred thousand excellent sol
diers ; and then making a rapid turn, he said, ' But what is all that
to me? I am to all intents and purposes dead.' The manner he
assumed was that of a blunt, honest, good-hearted soldier; his smile,
* In a private letter, with a copy of which the Editor has been favoured.

350 THE HISTORY OF
when he chose it, very insinuating. He is not building himself any
palaces, or shewing in other respects that he expects to be permitted
to remain in Elba. He never has anybody to dinner. Bertrand some
times has, — and the latter says they are in the greatest distress for
money, as the French court does not pay the stipulated salary to
Bonaparte. The following day the Emperor set off for his country-
house. He was in an old coach with four half-starved horses. On
the wheel-horse sat a coachman of the ordinary size, and the bridles
had the imperial eagle on them ; on the leaders, there was a mere
child, and the bridles had the coronet of a British viscount on them.
He had General Bertrand in the carriage, and two or three officers
behind on small ponies, which could not, by all the exertions of their
riders, keep up with the carriage, emaciated as those poor horses
were. What a contrast with all this is the magnificence of the pre
sent court of France ! We went on Sunday to see Louis XVIII.
dine in public. Not to mention the magnificence of the exterior of
the Tuileries — the grand flight of steps up to the Salle des Mare-
chaux, with its full-length portraits of all Bonaparte's distinguished
marshals, not one of which is moved — we went through five great
apartments, all exceeding one another in splendour, and at last arrived
at the apartment where his majesty was at dinner, about a hundred
feet long, hung with the finest Gobelin tapestry. In the centre of
this sat the king, at a table by himself; on his right, a table with
Monsieur and the Duke d' Angouleme ; on the left, another with the
Duke and Duchess de Berri. All the court in attendance in full
dress ; the duchesses alone permitted to sit ; everything served on
gold plate; brilliantly Ughted up, and a very fine concert going on
all the time. Nothing can be more striking than the contrast."
Meantime, the state of France, under the restored dynasty of the
Bourbons, was full of all manner of discordant elements. Louis XVIII.
advanced in years, with an overweening sense of the kingly office,
gross, and devoted to the luxuries of the table, was little fitted in
these most difficult times to ascend the throne just vacated by a bril
Uant and commanding genius. The French people felt this. When
Louis first came to Paris, a caricature was circulated, which repre
sented an eagle soaring away from the top of the Tuileries, while
a large hog, attended by a brood of porkers, was entering the gates
below. The king did not begin his fresh reign wisely or well, but
did many things that justly created great dissatisfaction and disgust,
and month after month the condition of affairs grew worse and
worse, which was chiefly attributable to his folly, his perversity, his
goodnature as well as his intolerance, his indolent confidence, and
want of all foresight.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 351
These things were all well known to Napoleon. Independently
of the consequences which were hanging over the Bourbons, there
were other reasons for Napoleon's alarm at his present position in
Elba. In vain had Sir Niel Campbell expressed his opinion to the
British cabinet, that if the promised stipend of Napoleon were not
paid, he would certainly cross over with his troops to Piombino, or
some other part of Italy: in vain had Lord Castlereagh applied to
the French government to keep to the terms of their treaty with
Napoleon. The exhortations were neglected, and there is every rea
son to believe that the ministers, at the Congress of Vienna, sug
gested that (as the French government would not honestly pay his
stipend), Napoleon should be taken to some place of greater safety,
such as St. Lucie or St. Helena. In whatever quarter this scheme
was originated, it is certain that some intimation of it reached Napo
leon, or was anticipated by his watchful intellect, grounded as he
was in a thorough knowledge of the policies of different nations. Nor
was this the only cause for making him resolve to leave Elba. It is
boldly declared by Savary, that there was a scheme laid to assassi
nate Napoleon in Elba, and that the proposal was even openly made
to Louis XVIII., who rejected it. At this very time, Napoleon was
maligned and caricatured as a monster and a bugbear, in various
parts of Europe, particularly in England. Well aware, however, of
the machinations against him, and perfectly understanding from the
pubUc papers the state of feeUng in France, Napoleon determined on
leaving Elba, and returning straight to France, at whatever hazard.
The Emperor came to this resolution without any overtures, arrange
ments, or coincidences with political bodies, or scheming friends in
France. Working out the problem by his clear understanding, he
arrived at the conclusion that the time was ripe to make the attempt;
and that however perilous to himself, he had a good chance of being
well received by the French people. The nonsense and romance
about the secret arrival in Elba of Ettori the monk, and Theologos
the Greek ; of masked balls given by the Princess Pauline ; of plots
and conspiracies, aided by certain ladies of rank in Paris, are sheer
inventions for the benefit of those who cannot conceive of a great
enterprise resolved upon, and successfully carried out, by an effort
of unaided intellect and commanding energy ; and " who think," as
Hazlitt says, " that slavery is the natural state of repose to which
the human mind tends, and that aU resistance to it must be brought
about by dark and clandestine intrigues."
The state of affafri, and of public feeling in Frauce, from a know
ledge of which Napoleon determined to return, may thus be summed
up : — Louis XVIII. ascended the throne, the senate having at the

352 THE HISTORY OF
same time declared the legislative constitution to consist in an here
ditary sovereign, and two houses of assembly; confirming the rights
of all who had obtained property in consequence of the events of
the Revolution, and the titles and orders which had been conferred
by the Emperor Napoleon ; — in other words, Louis was to succeed
to the throne of Napoleon. Yet Louis was so infatuated with the
notion of the old doctrine of divine right; so resolved on treating
with contempt all the acts of the People, from the deposition and
execution of his brother Louis XVI., down to the abdication of
Napoleon, that he insisted on dating his first act in the twentieth
year of his reign— as though Napoleon had not reigned at all. In
stead of accepting the constitution which the senate had drawn up,
he gave a charter to the people, conferring just as much liberty as
the other — but proceeding solely from his kingly will. This, as a
beginning, was by no means likely to conciliate the feeUngs of twenty
or thirty millions of people, jealous of their poUtical rights. The
nobles returned with their old prejudices and pretensions enhanced,
and regarding the people as creatures [of a lower species. The
emigrants were placed in office over the heads of those who had
been fighting against them, and repelling them from the soil of the
country during twenty years. The clergy renewed their efforts to
restore all the ceremonies and the discipUne of the Roman church,
and threatened excommunication against those who held the national
domains or church-lands. The great proprietors were brought back
to the kingdom, but without a restoration of their former lordships,
estates, and feudal privileges : a motion, brought forward in the
chamber of deputies by M. Ferrand, gave the universal impression
that an attempt would shortly be made to resume them ; and eight
or ten milUons of people who had purchased those estates, now held
them in constant distrust and irritation. The imperial guard, so de
voted to the Emperor, was kept up, as also was the legion of honour;
but the former were indignant at the appointment of a corps of
noblemen as the king's body-guard; and the orders and crosses of
the latter were conferred so widely and promiscuously as to give
much offence. The army was exasperated by the promotion of
Chouans and royalists; some of whom were invalids, others haughty
young scions of old families, who had seen no service. The prisoners
of war restored by the Allies, and amounting to a hundred and fifty
thousand veterans of Napoleon, having witnessed none of the last
disastrous campaigns, and recollecting only their victories and glories
at his side, had been poured back into their mother country, before
the new king, with whom, to say the very least of it, they had no
sympathy, was fairly seated on his throne. The king was unable

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 353
to satisfy his old followers and adherents, for fear of offending the
marshals and new nobility, whose only claims to distinction were
treason and rebellion in his eyes; yet, in equivocal attempts to gratify
both parties, satisfied neither, and irritated both. The finances were
exhausted; public works were discontinued; restrictions were placed
on the public press ; the clergy strove to introduce the old discipline ;
an actress was refused burial; and the observance of the Sabbath was
enforced to an extent that destroyed all the relaxations and amuse
ments to which the people were habitually accustomed at the end
of every week. The court was full of intrigues ; the middle class
full of dissatisfaction ; the mass of the people ripe for any tumult ;
the army gloomy, and brooding over other days. Amidst all these
things sat the heavy and indolent body of the king, who never
exerted himself to any action, except to display very bad judgment,
or utter imprudence. His exhuming the remains of Louis XVI.
and Marie Antoinette, and causing them to be carried in funeral
pomp through Paris — as though to remind the people that legitimacy
had heads to lose — was a striking example of his impolitic impulses.
Napoleon, standing watchfully on his island rock, saw all these
discordant elements at work in France, and resolved to return. It
needed no dark plots, nor conspiracies, nor secret preparations of any
extensive character. The state of mind in France was quite suffi
cient to justify his attempt. He merely took the ordinary precautions
for leaving Elba suddenly, and without molestation.*, In the course
of the autumn, he granted furloughs to some two hundred of his
guard, who forthwith returned to France " to see their friends."
He, of course, kept his intended departure a secret until the last
moment. Even his remaining troops did not suspect his purpose till
they were about to embark. With his handful of men he set sail,
in a brig (the Inconstant), accompanied by five or six small craft,
on Sunday, the 25th of February, 1815, to regain possession of an
empire containing a population of thirty millions. Sir Niel Campbell
was absent at this time at Leghorn; but, suddenly receiving infor
mation that Napoleon was certainly about to sail for the continent,
he hurried back to give chase to the little squadron. Before leaving
Elba he had an interview with Napoleon's mother and sister, and
was very angry that they decUned to betray the direction of his
course ! Sir Niel pursued, however, at a venture, in the Partridge
sloop of war. Meantime, the little squadron of Napoleon was making
its way direct for Provence. On the passage, they had a narrow
escape from a French ship of war, which hailed the brig. The
captain of the latter was for fighting, but Napoleon could not spare
time for an " episode," and ordered all his soldiers to lie down flat
v v

354 THE HISTORY OF
upon the decks, as they weared the ship, and in reply to the ques
tion of how they had left the Emperor at Elba, he himself made
answer that " He was very well." During the voyage, he dictated
his intended proclamations, which were copied by almost all his
soldiers and attendants who could write. Sir Niel Campbell was

&

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— -_-= -=
———-^
xp\ii
ii!i
iWillill!
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just in time to obtain a distant view of the flotilla after Bonaparte
and his troops had landed at Cannes, a small sea-port near Frejus.
This occurred on the 1st of March.
A score of the guards advancing before the rest to summon the
neighbouring garrison of Antibes, were made prisoners. This seemed
an ominous beginning. It was proposed to set them free before
they proceeded further, but Napoleon remarked that thirty millions
of people were waiting to be set free. He, however, sent the war-
commissioner to try if he could obtain their liberty, humorously
calling out after him, — " Take care you do not get yourself made
prisoner too!" At nightfall, Napoleon bivouacked near the beach, in
a plantation of olives, with his troops about him. His force amounted
to five hundred grenadiers of the guard, two hundred dragoons, and
NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 355
a hundred Polish lancers : these latter were without horses, and car
ried their saddles on their backs. Various reports now reached him
that the greatest dissatisfaction existed throughout the country, and
that his name was incessantly in every mouth. It seems clear that
his return had been expected by the soldiers, and perhaps by many
others, not from any positive intimation, but from the general aspect
of affairs ; nevertheless, when, on the 1 1 th of March, the intelligence
was brought by a courier to the representatives of the European
princes at Vienna, that Napoleon had reared his standard in Pro
vence, " no surprise was ever more sudden, complete, and universal
than theirs."
About one or two in the morning of the 2nd of March, when
the moon rose, the bivouacs broke up, and Napoleon gave orders
for proceeding to Grasse. A labourer, who was going thus early to
his work in the fields, recognised the Emperor's person, and utter
ing a cry of joy, said he had served in the army of Italy, and
would join his ranks. " Here is a reinforcement already," said
Napoleon. Passing through the town, he halted on a little height
at a short distance, where he breakfasted. The whole population of
the place came and surrounded him, with welcome and acclamations.
Many petitions had already been drawn up, and were presented to
him, just as if he had come from Paris, and was making a tour
through the departments. Some of them secretly informed him that
the authorities of the town were hostile to him, but that the people
were with him, and would rid him of these enemies. " Be not too
hasty," replied Napoleon, " let them have the mortification of seeing
our triumph, without having anything to reproach us with." At
Grasse, he expected to have found a road whieh he had planned
during the empire, but the Bourbons had not continued the work,
and he was obliged to pass through narrow defiles filled with snow,
leaving behind him his carriage, and two pieces of cannon. He
subsequently said, that victory depended on his speed; that to him
France was in Grenoble; — the place was a hundred miles distant;
the weather and the roads wretchedly bad. He pressed forward as
fast as possible.
As the Emperor advanced, the population continued to declare
themselves in his favour; but he saw no soldiers, and felt anxious.
The sympathy of the people was not sufficient; he required that
of the army also. He knew his success depended solely upon the
general feeUng, and not upon any force he could bring with him.
His first proclamations were published at Gap on the 5th. One was
addressed to the people, — the other to the army. ' The former con
cluded with these words : — " Frenchmen ! in my exile I heard your

356 THE HISTORY OF
complaints and your vows ; you accused my long slumber ; you re
proached me with sacrificing the welfare of the country to my repose.
I have traversed seas through perils of every kind; I return among
you to reclaim my rights, which are yours."
The proclamation to the army, ran thus : — " Soldiers ! we have
not been conquered. Two men, sprung from our ranks, have be
trayed our laurels, their country, their benefactor, and their prince.
Your general, called to the throne by the choice of the people, and
raised on your shields, is restored to you. Come and join him.
Mount the tri-coloured cockade : you wore it in the days of your
greatness. We must forget that we have been the masters of nations;
but we must not suffer any to intermeddle in our affairs. Who
would pretend to be master over us ? Who would have the power ?
Resume those eagles which you had at Ulm, at Austerlitz, at Jena,
at Eylau, at Wagram, at Friedland, at Tudela, at Eckmuhl, at Ess
ling, at Smolensk, at Mosqua, at Lutzen, at Wurtchen, at Mont
mirail. The veterans of the armies of the Sambre and Meuse, of
the Rhine, of Italy, of Egypt, of the West, of the grand army, are
humiliated : their honourable scars are stained, their successes would
be crimes, the brave would be rebels, if, as the enemies of the
people pretend, the lawful sovereigns were in the midst of foreign
armies. Soldiers! come and range yourselves under the banners of
your chief; his rights are only those of the people and yours; his
interest, his honour, his glory, are no other than your interest, your
honour, and your glory. Victory shall march at the charging step ;
the eagle, with the national colours, shall fly from steeple to steeple
till it reaches the towers of Notre-Dame. You will be the liberators
of the country. In your old age, surrounded and looked up to by
your fellow-citizens, you wiU each of you be able to say with pride,
— ' And I also made part of that grand army which entered twice
within the waUs of Vienna, within those of Rome, of Berlin, of
Madrid, of Moscow, and which deUvered Paris from the stain which
treason, and the presence of the enemy had imprinted on it.'"
Between Mure and Vizele, the advanced guard of forty grena
diers, commanded by Cambrone, suddenly met a battalion which
had been sent from Grenoble to arrest the march. The colonel
refused to parley with Cambrone. Both parties halted until Napo
leon came up. He did not hesitate for a moment; but dismounted
and advanced alone. A hundred grenadiers marched at some distance
behind him with their arms reversed. There was a dead sUence on
aU sides. The least misgiving or hesitation on the part of Napoleon
might have sealed his fate. But he advanced steadily tiU within a
few paces of the men; then throwing open his old grey <nreat coat,

RETURN FROM ELBA.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 357
so as to shew the star of the legion of honour, he exclaimed, " If
there be among you a soldier who desires to kill his general — his
Emperor — let him do it now. Here I am!" The old cry of "Vive
l'Empereur!" burst instantaneously from every lip. Napoleon ran into
the ranks, and taking a veteran private, covered with chevrons and
medals, by the whisker, said, " Speak honestly, old moustache,
couldst thou have had the heart to kiU thy Emperor?" The
order to march was given by Napoleon, and both parties of soldiers
marched together towards Grenoble.
In the mean time, Colonel Labedoyere, a young officer of noble
family and enthusiastic character, was sallying from the gates of
Grenoble at the head of his regiment, the seventh of the line. As
they advanced in sight of Napoleon's little troop, Labedoyere sud
denly displayed an eagle, and breaking open a drum, in which he
had concealed a number of tri-coloured cockades, distributed them
to the men, who accepted them with avidity. They marched on
wards. When the Emperor came in sight, Labedoyere rushed into
his arms. His soldiers, and those who were with Napoleon, broke
simultaneously from their ranks and embraced each other, with
shouts of "Vive l'Empereur!" The enthusiastic impulse thus given to
Napoleons cause, seems to have decided the question. The pea
santry of Dauphiny, the cradle of the revolution, had lined the road
side, uttering exclamations of the utmost joy, and vehemently ex
horting such of the soldiers as manifested any sign of hesitation.
Napoleon said he could have taken two millions of such peasantry
with him to Paris — but that he should then have been called the
King of the Mob. This was his old prejudice.
It was night-fall when the Emperor presented himself before Gre
noble. He found the gates closed, and the commanding officer refused
to open them. The garrison, assembled on the ramparts, shouted
"Vive l'Empereur!" and others shook hands with Napoleon's followers
through the wickets below ; but they did not dare to disobey their
commander so far as to throw open the gates. Meantime the bat
teries of Grenoble were aU manned ; the cannon loaded with grape-
shot, and pointed at the little band below, in front of which stood
Napoleon. The word was repeatedly given to fire, but all remained
silent. In none of his battles did the Emperor ever imagine him
self in so much danger as on the present occasion. During this
trying moment, he remained calmly standing in front of aU the bat
teries. By his directions, Labedoyere now ascended a mound, and
exhorted the garrison to call to mind their old love for the Emperor
who had led them to so many victories. The garrison responded
with the cry of "Vive l'Empereur !" but still no one dared to open

353 THE HISTORY OF
the gates. At this crisis, Napoleon deliberately planted two or three
small guns under the very mouths of the artillery of the fortress, and
blew down the gates. The spell of discipline was instantly dissolved, —
and the garrison, in a transport of joy, broke their lines, — issued forth,
and surrounded Napoleon, — carried him into the city (and it appears
that they actually carried his horse after him), and before he could
well recover his breath in the inn where he was set down, an in
credible tumult was heard outside, and he found that the inhabitants
of Grenoble, being unable to bring him the keys of the city, had
brought him, with acclamations, the shattered gates, instead.
Next morning, the authorities of Grenoble waited on Napoleon,
and tendered their homage. The commandant of the city, General
Marchand, who still maintained his allegiance, was allowed to depart
without the least molestation. The Emperor reviewed his troops,
now about seven thousand in number; and on the 9th, renewed his
march. On the 10th, he arrived within sight of Lyons. The Count
d'Artois, with the assistance of Marshal Macdonald, attempted to
make a stand, but in vain. At the bridge of Lyons, all opposition
vanished when the person of the Emperor was recognised by the
soldiers. Monsieur and Macdonald were forced to retreat, and Napo
leon entered the second city of France in triumph. A guard of
mounted gentlemen had been formed among the citizens to attend
upon Monsieur ; but as he was obliged to fly, they aU (except one,
who accompanied the prince), hastened to offer their services to the
Emperor. He dismissed them with contempt, and sent the cross of
the legion of honour to the one gentleman who had been faithful
in the hour of need. During the four days the Emperor remained
at Lyons, there were incessantly as many as twenty thousand people
assembled beneath his windows, uttering acclamations of joy and wel
come. This revolution had been proceeding during more than a
week before the gazettes of Paris ventured to make any aUusion to
its existence. When its success was half secured, there appeared a
royal ordonnance, proclaiming Napoleon Bonaparte an outlaw, while
"The Moniteur" announced that he was already stripped of all his fol
lowers, and wandering in despair among the hills. The two chambers
were convoked. The Count d'Artois departed for Lyons (with what
success has just been shewn) ; the Duke d' Angouleme was already at
Marseilles, preparing to cut off the retreat of Napoleon; and King
Louis continued to receive loyal addresses from public bodies, mar
shals, and generals. Meantime, there was a strong under-current of
movement among those in Paris who had wished for the return of
Napoleon. The different intriguers and partisans seem to have cir
culated any reports that suited their various opinions and feelings.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 359
But while the royalists were talking of the seizure of this " outlaw
and invader," the Emperor had formally resumed the functions of
civil government, and issued several decrees — one of which was for
the abolishing the chambers of peers, and of deputies ; another con
cerning the coronation of Maria Louisa and his son ; another for
the abolishing the order of St. Louis, and bestowing its revenues
upon the legion of honour ; another ordering certain individuals into
banishment, &c. When these proclamations could no longer be pre
vented from being known in Paris, the court dropped its high tone,
and began to prepare simultaneously for defence and flight.
The main hope of the Bourbons now rested upon Ney, who,
like the other marshals and officers, had given his allegiance to
Louis on the abdication of Napoleon. It will be remembered that
this was done by the express injunctions of the latter ; but, had it
been otherwise, these men of the sword were for the most part no
politicians and diplomatists, and their position was altogether very
perplexing to their heads. Ney left the court, with a promise to
bring back Napoleon " like a wild beast in a cage." When he
arrived with his army at Lons-le-Saulnier, he received a letter from
Napoleon, calUng him to his side. Confused by old associations
and present engagements; thunderstruck by the Emperor's procla
mations ; his soldiers leaving him in masses to join the ranks of
their idolized commander of many fields, Ney yielded to the impulse
around him, and issued his memorable order of the day, declaring
that the cause of the Bourbons was lost for ever. But as Ney, like
aU the other marshals and officers (except Labedoyere and another
individual), had not at once joined the standard of the Emperor,
but only suffered himself to be borne along with the tide, he wrote
to beg leave to retire from the service. Napoleon replied by desiring
Ney to come to him, and he would receive him as on the day after
the battle of Moscow. He came — was received by the Emperor
with open arms — and his intended hostility was all forgiven.
Louis now convoked a general council, at the Tuileries, on the
18th of March. Nothing came of it but turbulent words. As a
last hope, the King placed all the troops, that still remained faithful to
him, under the command of Marshal Macdonald, and then prepared for
flight. Macdonald was determined to maintain his allegiance to
Louis, and proceeded to take post at Melun with the King's army,
which amounted to upwards of thirty thousand men.
On the 19th, Napoleon slept once more in the chateau of Fontaine
bleau. On the 20th, the army of Macdonald was drawn up in three lines
at Melun, to oppose the advance of the Emperor and his troops, who
were said to be coming from Fontainebleau. The bands of Macdonald's

360

THE HISTORY OF

army played various loyal airs. A silence then ensued. There was a
long pause of suspense, and of that kind which, as Scott remarks,
seldom fails to render men accessible to strong and sudden emotion.
The glades of the forest, and the acclivity which ascends to it, were
full in view of the royal army, but presented the appearance of a deep
solitude. At length, about noon, a galloping of horses was heard;
but, instead of an advanced guard of cavalry, a single open carriage
appeared, emerging from the green shadows of the forest, followed
by a few Polish lancers as attendants, with their lances reversed.
In the carriage sat Napoleon, in his little flat cockt-hat, and grey
great coat. It came on at full speed direct towards Macdonald's
army ; and Napoleon, jumping from the vehicle, rushed alone into
the ranks drawn up in battle array to oppose him. Instantly there
rose a general shout of " Vive l'Empereur !" whUe the Polish lancers,
leaping from their horses, mingled with their old comrades ; and the
last army of the Bourbons passed from their side without attempting
to strike a single blow. They filled the air with shouts of "Vive
l'Empereur!" and trampled their white cockades in the dust.
Macdonald made his escape to Paris, but Louis XVIII. had not
awaited the issue of the last stand at Melun. Escorted by his
household in the middle of the preceding night, the unwieldy body
of Louis was assisted to his carriage, and departing from the Tuile
ries amidst the tears and lamentations of several courtiers, he took
the road to Lisle.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

361

vV N

CHAPTER XVIII.

ENTRANCE OF NAPOLEON INTO PARIS — HIS FIRST REVIEW AND LEVEE — FIRST PUBLIC ACTS
—DECLARATION OF THE CONGRESS OF VIENNA — NAPOLEON MAKES OVERTURES OF PEACE
TO ALL THE SOVEREIGNS OF EUROPE — NEW COALITION OF ENGLAND, AUSTRIA, RUSSIA,
AND PRUSSIA  MURAT — NAPOLEON'S NEW CONSTITUTION  FOUCHE — THE CHAMP-DE-
MAI — OPENING OF THE CHAMBERS  AMOUNT, AND DISTRIBUTION OF THE ARMIES OF
FRANCE, AND OF THE ALLIES — NAPOLEON LEAVES PARIS FOR BELGIUM.

On the evening of the 20th of March,
the Emperor entered Paris. He
was attended by a crowd of gene
ral officers on horseback, and by a
multitude of people who went to
meet him on the road from Fon
tainebleau. He passed along the
new boulevard, according to his for
mer custom, whenever he returned
from Fontainebleau ; crossed the
bridge of La Concorde, and entered
the Tuileries by the postern adjoin
ing the quay. He was surrounded
by horsemen of all ranks, and by
masses of people, deafening the air with shouts of " Vive l'Empereur !"
The joy, as well as the disorder, assumed a frantic and almost fearful
character. When Napoleon entered the court-yard of the palace, the
w w

362 THE HISTORY OF
postilions found it impossible to drive the carriage up to the entrance.
The crowd was so dense that the horses were unable to move a step
further. A rush was made towards the carriage ; the door was forced
open ; the Emperor taken out ; in vain did he attempt to reach the
ground, either in the court-yard, the staircase, or even in the suites
of rooms above : he was fairly borne along upon the shoulders of
the multitude, and lifted from arms to arms till carried up to his
own apartment.
Napoleon instantly sent for his .former ministers, and ordered
each one to resume his portfolio. Everything took its former aspect.
The Emperor dined as usual ; his apartment was prepared as usual ;
"it seemed," says Savary, "as if he had merely returned from a
journey." Every one was anxious to assume some duty, until every
post was regularly allotted. A guard of honour had been suddenly
formed, composed entirely of general officers, who relieved each other
as sentries outside his door.
In the apartment which Louis had just left, Napoleon found a
brilliant assemblage of marshals, and nobles, and officers, and cour
tiers. Nearly the whole of them had been adherents of Louis but
a few days before; their adulation was, therefore, not over-rated by
Napoleon. He felt that it was his influence which had replaced him
safely on the throne, not theirs, and he had no fear of any influence
they might exercise. Instead of disguising this feeling, and receiving
their flatteries (on this first moment when it might have been thought
he would wish to secure all the power he could collect, tiU again
firmly fixed on the throne), " Gentlemen," said he, as he walked
round the glittering circle, " it is disinterested people who have
brought me back to my capital."
It was not in vain that party writers and speakers of the time
exerted themselves to make Europe beUeve that Napoleon had only
resumed the throne by the aid of brute force, and his ascendancy
over the minds of the soldiery. These reports were credited, and
answered the purpose of the time. History has a different story to
record. He was not only the Emperor of the army, but of the
citizens, the people, the peasantry, the masses of men. " If Bona
parte," says HazUtt, " was not popular, it is strange ; for the utmost
conceivable popularity that a man can possess would only enable
him, with a handful of men, to march from one end of a kino-dom
to the other — enter its capital, and take possession of its throne."
This was done without the shedding of one drop of blood, without
even the drawing of a sword on the side of Napoleon — and scarcely
a score of swords among the Bourbon defenders.
On the following day, the 21st of March, the Emperor reviewed

' NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 363
all the troops in Paris, and addressed them in one of those stirring
and eloquent speeches, which had Jnever failed to excite their enthu
siasm. Cries of "Vive l'Empereur !" filled the air, and were redou
bled, when the battalion of the guard which had accompanied him
to and from Elba marched on the ground. All the public bodies
of the capital and its neighbourhood hastened to present loyal
addresses to him, and his levee was crowded with men of distinction,
both civil and military. The language of the Emperor reminded his
hearers of the days of the consulate. It breathed a spirit of liberty
which inspired hope and confidence, and his first acts corresponded
with his words. A decree, of the 24th of March, removed the restric
tions on the press; and among his first measures was the appointment
of Carnot, as minister of the interior, and of Benjamin Constant, as
a councillor of state. The very names of these men sounded to the
public as guarantees that Napoleon was about to become the con
stitutional sovereign of France. Fbuche was made minister of police ;
an appointment of evil omen. ' The Duke of Bassano returned to his
old employment of secretary of state. Davoust was minister of war.
Napoleon had determined that his election as Emperor should be again
submitted to the popular voice. Registers, for the reception of votes,
were accordingly opened in all the communes, in the same manner
as on the occasions of his assuming the consulate for life, and the
imperial dignity. A grand meeting of all the electors of France was
also convoked, under the name of the " Champ-de-Mai," in order to
determine upon the new constitution. The electoral colleges in each
department were convened for the election of a new chamber of
deputies. Napoleon announced that at the " Champ-de-Mai," the coronation
ef the Empress and his son would take place. This was one of
the means by which he sanctioned the unfounded report, that Austria
was about to desert the coalition, and form an alliance with France.
Hopes of peace, arising from this propitious circumstance, flattered
the people into dreams of liberty, prosperity, and tranquillity. Napo
leon had the nation with him at that moment, notwithstanding the
proclamations of Louis XVIII., which had found their way into the
capital, announced the speedy arrival of a million of foreign soldiers
under the walls of Paris, to replace him on his throne, and to drive
away the usurper. Louis had already retired to Ghent. The Duke
of Bourbon had endeavoured to raise an insurrection in La Vendee,
but that province was so strongly occupied by troops of the regular
army, as to defeat all his attempts, and he escaped by sea from
Nantes. The Duke d' Angouleme had placed himself at the head of
a body of men, raised by the royalists of Provence, but was sur-

364 THE HISTORY OF
rounded and obUged to capitulate, under condition of being allowed
a free passage from France for himself, and pardon for his foUowers.
General Grouchy refused to ratify this treaty, but on the question
being referred to Napoleon, he decided it on the generous side, and
confirming the capitulation in all its parts, suffered the Duke to
depart. The Duchess d' Angouleme was the last of the royal family
who remained in France. She had thrown herself into Bordeaux,
trusting to the friendly feeling of the mayor and citizens. She made
strong efforts to maintain the Bourbon cause, and behaved with so
much spirit, as to make Napoleon pass an eulogium on her as " the
only man of her family." But aU her efforts failed. The garrison,
however, permitted her to embark on board an English frigate, and
then immediately opened the gates to General Clausel, who had
advanced with a division of the army; and Bordeaux declared for
the Emperor. The imperial government was speedily re-estabUshed
in every part of France, and the fri-coloured flag once more waved
from every tower and steeple. But the fortitude of the people was
about to be severely tried. France, exhausted by the unceasing
effort to sustain the great principle of the revolution against the
unceasing effort of each of the powerful legitimate monarchs of
Europe to destroy it, had purchased one year of peace at the price
of the restoration of the house of Bourbon. If another long and
sanguinary war, again commenced by those legitimate monarchs, was
to be the consequence of the return of the sovereign who rose out
of the revolution, would France maintain its principles against the
renewal of the heavy trial ? Events soon shewed that the trial was
at hand. The congress at Vienna, though on the point of dissolution, was
still sitting, when the astounding intelligence was received of Napo
leon's landing in France. That it had not dissolved, was a most' serious
evil to the cause of Napoleon. If he had not had good reason to
apprehend being immediately and forcibly taken away from Elba to
St. Helena, or some distant settlement, he would have delayed his
landing in France till the congress was dissolved. As it was, his
bitterest enemies, with Talleyrand at their head, were all ready to
act against him in a moment. The assembled diplomatists imme
diately put forth a declaration, in which they declared him an
outlaw, and in terms that directly sanctioned his assassination. "By
breaking the convention which had established him in the island of
Elba," says this manifesto, " Bonaparte destroys the only legal title
on which his existence depended; and, by appearing again in France,
with projects of confusion and disorder, he has deprived himself of
the protection of the laws, and has manifested to the universe that

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 365
there can be neither peace nor truce with him. The powers con
sequently declare, that Napoleon Bonaparte has placed himself with*
out the pale of civil and social relations, and that as an enemy and
disturber of the tranquillity of the world, he has rendered himself
liable to public vengeance."
Napoleon had passed in safety through France to the throne, not
withstanding this denunciation. Measures of a different kind then
became necessary, and the allied powers prepared for war. Napoleon
instantly made pacific overtures. He despatched to every sovereign of
Europe a letter, in which he declared his resolution of maintaining the
conditions of the treaty of Paris, signed and ratified between Louis
XVIII. and the allies ; and invited the continuance of their friendly
relations with France. The council of state, at the same time, put
forth a report on the declaration of the congress, in which they re
probated its spirit in a strain of just indignation, and exposed its
sophistry with calm and incontrovertible argument. " The French
nation," says this admirable report, as given at length by Savary,
" revolts at that which bears the character of baseness and oppression.
The assassination to which the declaration of the 13th of March incites,
will find no arm to perpetrate it among the twenty-five millions of
French, the majority of whom foUowed, guarded arid protected Napo
leon from the Mediterranean to the capital, — nor among the eighteen
millions of ItaUans, the six milUons of Belgians, or the inhabitants
of the banks of the Rhine, and the numerous people of Germany,
who, in this solemn conjuncture, never pronounce his name but with
respectful recollection, — nor in the bosom of the indignant English
nation." After briefly stating the various infractions of the treaty
of Fontainebleau on the part of the allies, and the grievances of
France under the Bourbons, they justified the return of Napoleon
as a measure rendered imperative upon him by his own personal
danger, and the evils under which he knew France was groaning.
They stated, besides, the rights of Napoleon as a sovereign prince.
" The people of Europe," they said, " will judge of the rights of
Napoleon, ihe rights of the allied princes, and those of the Bourbons.
They know that the convention of Fontainebleau is a treaty between
sovereigns. Its violation, the entrance of Napoleon on the French
territory, like every infraction of a diplomatic act, like every hostile
invasion, can only give occasion to a war of the ordinary kind ; the
result of which, as to personal consequences merely, is to conquer,
or be conquered, — to be free, or a prisoner : as to possessions, to pre
serve them, or to lose them ; to increase them, or to diminish them ;
and any design, any menace, any attempt against the life of a
prince at war with another, is a thing unheard of in the history

366 THE HISTORY OF
of the nations and cabinets of Europe." The vulgar accusation that
Napoleon had entered France with "projects of confusion and dis
order, breathing war and spoliation," is thus eloquently repelled. " He
has not brought war into the bosom of France : he has, on the con
trary, extinguished the war which the proprietors of the national
domains, forming four-fifths of the French land-owners, would have
been compelled to wage against their spoliators; the war which the
citizens, oppressed, debased, and humiliated by the nobles, would
have been forced to declare against their oppressors ; the war which
the Protestants; the Jews, and men of different religious persuasions,
would have been driven to maintain against their persecutors. He
came to deliver France, and as a deliverer he has been received.
He arrived almost alone : he traversed two hundred and twenty
leagues of the country without meeting an obstacle, without a com
bat; and he repossessed himself, without resistance, in the midst of
the capital, and of the acclamations of the immense majority of the
citizens, of the throne deserted by the Bourbons, who, in the army, in
their household, amongst the national guards, or amongst the people,
could not find one arm willing to attempt to maintain them upon
that throne.
" And now, replaced at the head of the nation which had already
chosen him three times, and has just nominated him a fourth time
by the reception given him during his march, and his rapid and
triumphant arrival — of this nation, by which, and for the interest
of which he alone would reign, what does Napoleon desire ? That
which the French people desire, — the independence of France — inter
nal peace — peace with all nations — the execution of the treaty of
Paris of the 30th of May, 1814.
" What then is changed as to the future in the state of Europe,
and in the hope of the repose which was promised it? Nothing is
changed, unless (when the French nation asks only to remain at peace
with the whole of Europe), an unjust coalition compel her to defend,
as in 1792, her will, her rights, her independence, and the sovereign
of her choice." t
The proceedings of the congress of Vienna were in no degree
altered by this powerful exposition of the state of public feeling in
France; and the allied monarchs returned no answer to the overtures
of Napoleon, except by a treaty between England, Austria, Russia and
Prussia, renewing and confirming their league against him. Each con
tracting power became bound to keep constantly in the field an army
of a hundred and fifty thousand men, until the purpose of the war
had been attained ; a separate article was added, authorising England
to provide money instead of men; and another, disclaiming, on the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 367
part of the Prince Regent of England, the intention of forcing any
especial government on the people of France. The decree of out
lawry against the Emperor was confirmed, and all the sovereigns of
Europe were invited to co-operate in the objects of the alliance. The
ex-king of France was particularly urged to lend his assistance.
Under these threatening auspices, Napoleon commenced that period of
his government which has been designated the "hundred days."
Italy was, meanwhile, the scene of a rash enterprise, begun by
Murat. Jealousies had occurred between him and the allied powers
very soon after his unnatural treaty with them was completed, and
he had good reason for suspecting that his crown was in danger.
Under these circumstances, he no sooner heard of Napoleon having
landed in France, than he was excited to an uncontrollable pitch
of impatience, and resolved, as Scott describes it, " To throw him
self into the fray, and carve for himself." Without any declaration
of war, he placed himself at the head of fifty thousand men, occu
pied Rome, made the Pope and cardinals fly before him, and then
marching northwards conquered the Austrian general Bianchi, and
took possession of Modena and Florence, having already, on the
31st cf March, addressed a proclamation to all Italians, summon
ing them to rise for the liberation of their country. Austria,
alarmed at his prowess at the very moment of Napoleon's restoration
to his crown, offered him peace, but he refused. " It was too late,"
he said ; " Italy deserves freedom, and she shall be free !" Austria
in consequence sent large reinforcements against him, and England
prepared a descent upon Naples. Murat was defeated near Occhio-
bello; and, relinquishing all his conquests as quickly as he had made
them, he retreated upon his whole line. After several combats in
which he fought with desperate courage, rushing into every danger and
courting death, he fled to Naples, closely pursued, and attended only
by four lancers. His whole army had been dispersed or taken. He
himself, who had left his capital in his usual splendour of accou
trements, now presented himself before his queen, pale, dishevelled
and haggard. His address to her was made in these few and affect
ing words : — " All is lost, Caroline, except my own life — I have
been unable to find death." He was obliged to fly, without delay,
and in disguise. He cut off his hair, put on a grey frock, and thus
meanly habited, reached first the island of Ischia, and afterwards
landed in France. His queen (Caroline, the sister of Napoleon.)
surrendered herself to Commodore Campbell (of the Tremendous),
under a promise of a free passage to France ; but she was carried
to Austria, where she received permission from the government to
reside, under the title of Countess of Lipano. Murat caused Napo-

368 THE HISTORY OF
leon to be informed of his arrival in France, but only received in
return a recommendation from Fouche, " To remain where he was
until the Emperor's pleasure with regard to him should be known."
It is said that Napoleon, when informed of Murat's message to him,
inquired, with bitterness, "Whether Naples and France had made
peace since the war of 1814?" At St. Helena, he always disclaimed
having had any part in Murat's enterprise, observing, " It was his
fate to ruin us every way ; once by declaring against us, and again
by unadvisedly taking our part."
Napoleon conceived that the last hope of an accommodation between
himself and the Emperor of Austria was destroyed by this rash aggres
sion on the part of Murat ; but there never had been any real likelihood
of such an accommodation. The return of the royal family of Sicily
to Naples, and the increase of Austrian influence in Italy, were cir
cumstances of evil import to Napoleon ; and in these consisted the
actual importance of the affair as far as concerned him. Murat lived
in obscurity near Toulon, till after the battle of Waterloo. Napoleon
subsequently declared his opinion that the presence of Murat in that
battle might have altered the fortune of the day, when his impetuous
charges might have succeeded in breaking some of the English squares;
adding, that he had frequently thought of recalling the ex-king of
Naples to the army, but feared the soldiers would not endure the
presence of one whom they regarded as the betrayer of his country.
As the spring advanced, all Europe resounded with preparations
of war against Napoleon, and the zeal of the allied powers made them
greatly exceed, in the amount of troops which each provided, the
stipulated number agreed by the treaty. According to every com
putation, upwards of a million of men were preparing to march against
France. Nothing could have preserved the empire at this crisis but
an entire unanimity between the executive and legislative bodies; and
the entire confidence of the latte'r in the Emperor. The army and the
mass of the people were indeed devoted to Napoleon, but the leading
minds of Paris (and France is led by Paris) were not devoted to any
king or dynasty ; their object was to attain political liberty. They
disliked and feared the return of Louis, whose short reign had dis
gusted every party; but almost equally did they dread the establish
ment of Napoleon's power, before he had been so fettered by the
checks of a free constitution as to give them a guarantee for their
liberties. They therefore wasted the short interval allowed to France
for preparations of defence against a million of foes, in taking advantage
of the difficulties and dangers of Napoleon, for the purpose of tyino-
him down to the conditions they judged it necessary to impose upon
him. They thought ofi'y of protecting themselves against him, when

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 369
every moment was needed to co-operate with him for the common
defence. He, on his part, gave them little reason for greater con
fidence. In proposing to govern as a constitutional sovereign, it
appeared that he yielded to necessity and the temper of the times,
and resolved to conform to them with his usual firmness, but not that
he had undergone any change in his own abstract opinions. This was
the impression which M. Benjamin Constant received concerning him,
in the frequent interviews which took place between them at this
period. That celebrated statesman has recorded the substance of
the Emperor's conversation on one of these occasions. " I listened
to him with great interest," says Constant; " there was a breadth and
grandeur of manner as he spoke, and a calm serenity on his brow."
The following is an abstract of this conversation. — " The nation," said
Napoleon, " has had a respite of twelve years from every kind of
political agitation, and for one year has enjoyed a respite from war.
This double repose has created a craving after activity. It requires,
or fancies it requires, a tribune, and popular assemblies. It did not
always require them. The people threw themselves at my feet, when
I took the reins of government. You, who made a trial of opposi
tion, ought to recollect this. Where was your support — your strength ?
Nowhere ! I assumed less authority than I was invited to assume.
At present, all is changed. A feeble government, opposed to the
national interests, has given to these interests the habit of standing
on the defensive, and evading authority. The taste for constitutions,
for debates, for harangues, appears to have revived. Nevertheless,
it is but the minority that wishes all this, be assured. The people,
— or if you Uke the phrase better, the multitude, wish only for me.
You would say so, if you had seen this multitude pressing eagerly
on my steps, — precipitating themselves from the tops of the moun
tains, — calling on me, seeking me out, saluting me. On my way
from Cannes hither, I have not conquered, — I have administered. I
am not only (as has been pretended) the Emperor of the soldiers, —
I am that of the peasants, — of the plebeians of France. Accordingly,
in spite of all that has happened, you see the people come back to
me. There is sympathy between us. It is not as with the privi
leged classes. The noblesse have been in my service ; they thronged
in crowds into my ante-chambers. There is no place that they have
not accepted, asked for, solicited. I have had the Montmorencys,
the Noailles', the Rohans, the Beauvans, the Mortemarts, in my
train. But there never was any analogy. The steed made his cur
vets, — he was well broke in, — but I felt him shiver under me. With
the people, it is another thing. The popular fibre responds to mine.
I have risen frorn the ranks of the people: my voice acts mecha-

370

THE HISTORY OF

nically upon them. Look at those conscripts — the sons of peasants :
I never flattered them ; I treated them roughly. They did not
crowd round me the less; they did not for that cease to cry, 'Vive
l'Empereur !' It is that between them and me, there is one and
the same nature. They look to me as their support — their safeguard
— against the nobles. I have but to make a sign, or rather to look
another way, and the nobles wpuld be massacred in all the pro
vinces, — so well have they managed matters in the last ten months !
But I do not desire to be the king of a mob. If there are the
means to govern by a constitution, well and good. I wished for
the empire of the world ;* and to ensure it, a power without bounds
was necessary to me. To govern merely France, it is possible that
a constitution may be better. I wished for the empire of the world ;
and who would not have done so in my place ? The world invited
me tc rule over it. Sovereigns and subjects alike emulously bowed
the neck under my sceptre. I have seldom met with opposition in
France; but still I have encountered more of it from some obscure
and unarmed Frenchmen, than from all those kings so resolute just
now not to have a man of the people for their equal ! — See then
what appears to you possible : let me know your ideas. Public dis
cussion, free elections, responsible ministers, the liberty of the press,
— I have no objection to all that : — the liberty of the press especially :
to stifle it is absurd. I am convinced on this point. I am the man
of the people : if the people really wish for liberty, let them have
it. I have acknowledged their sovereignty ; it is just that I should
lend an ear to their will, nay, even to their caprices. I have never
been disposed to oppress them for my pleasure. I entertained great
designs : fate has disposed of them. I am no longer a conqueror,
nor can I be one. I know what is possible, and what is not. I
have no further object than to raise up France, and to give her a
government suitable to her. I have no hatred to liberty. I have
* " L'empire du monde," was evidently used as an hyperbolical expression, induced
by excitement, and also by the idiom of the language, much in the same way as the
French use the words tout le monde. An extensive empire, comprising Italy and
Belgium ; sovereigns subservient to his will in Spain, the German States, Prussia, and
Poland; a peace on equal terms with England, Austria, and Russia, and an influence
in the councils of those states, so great as to make them co-operate with him in what
he called his European system, — i. e., a system based, not on the old feudal forms,
but on the new principle of democracy ; such was the order of things which seems to
have been the ultimatum of Napoleon's practical ambition. High enough, it certainly
was. The expression, however, of "l'empire du monde," as reported by Benjamin
Constant, might not have been literally Napoleon's words, nor might Constant have
anticipated that those he supplied would be misunderstood by foreigners. It is plain
that he did not mean "the world" literally, because he presently says, "The world
invited me to rule over it." He certainly could not mean England, nor some others.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 371
set it aside when it obstructed my path: but I understand what it
means: I was brought up in its school: besides, the work of fifteen
years is overturned, and it is not possible to recommence it. Twenty
years, and the lives of two million of men, would require* to be
sacrificed to it. As for the rest, I desire peace: but I can only
obtain it by means of victory. I would not inspire you with false
expectations. I let it be said that there are negociations going on;
— there are none. I foresee a hard struggle — a long war. To support
it, I must be seconded by the nation ; but, in return, I believe they
will expect liberty. They shall have it: — the circumstances are new.
All I desire is to be informed of the truth. I am growing old; a
man is no longer at forty-five what he was at thirty. The repose
enjoyed by a constitutional king may suit me. It will still more
certainly suit my son."
There is no profession, nor pretence, nor attempt at disguise in
these sentiments of the Emperor; and, therefore, there is good rea
son to suppose that he would have yielded to circumstances, and
governed according to the laws, had not the allied monarchs forced
him again into the career of arms. " The old war-horse," as Hazlitt
says, " submitted to the bit, and moved on in his constitutional tram
mels pretty well." Only one occasion is recorded on which he grew
restive. This was on the question of confiscating the property of
the emigrants, which was discussed in the council of state, when
objections to the summary measures proposed by the Emperor, drove
him beyond the bounds of patience. "You urge me," he cried,
"into a path which is not mine. You enfeeble, you chain me.
France seeks me, and no longer finds me. The public opinion was
excellent; it is now execrable. France inquires what is become of
the old arm of the Emperor, — that arm of which she stands in need
to repulse Europe. What is it they tell me of abstract justice — of
natural law ? The first law is necessity : the first justice is towards
the country. You wish that men whom I have loaded with wealth,
should make use of it to conspire against me in foreign countries.
That cannot be, — that shall not be : every Frenchman, every soldier,
every patriot, would have a right to require an account from me of
the riches left in the power of the enemy. When peace is made,
we may see 'what can be done. Every day has its task, every cir
cumstance its law, every individual his nature. Mine is not to be
an angel. Gentlemen, I repeat, it is right that men should find, it
is right that they should see the old arm of the Emperor."
It is quite unfair to judge Napoleon by the faulty political mea
sures which he pursued under his present situation, in all the din
and hurry of preparation for a decisive struggle. He wanted the full

372 THE HISTORY OF
coincidence of the legislature to prepare for the war, and could not
wait for their discussions on the constitution. He, therefore, took
the matter into his own hands, instead of leaving it to the great
meeting of the Champ-de-Mai, to which he now only assigned the
office of sanctioning his work. On the 22nd of April, he published
his plan of reform, under the title of " An additional Act to the Con
stitutions of the Empire." Its chief provisions were as follows : —
" The legislative power resides in the Emperor, and two chambers.
The chamber of peers is hereditary, and the Emperor names them.
Their number is unlimited. The second chamber is elected by the
people, and is to consist of six hundred and twenty-nine members, —
none are to be under twenty-five. The president is appointed by
the members, but approved of by the Emperor. Members are to
be paid at the rate settled by the constituent assembly. It is to be
renewed every five years. The Emperor may prorogue, adjourn, or
dissolve the house of representatives. Sittings are to be public. The
electoral colleges are maintained. Taxes are to be proposed by the
chamber of representatives. No levy of men for the army, nor any
exchange of territory, but by a law. Ministers to be responsible.
Judges to be irremovable. Juries to be established. Freedom of wor
ship to 'every sect, &c." A separate article proscribed the accession of
any member of the house of Bourbon to the throne of France.
This act satisfied no party, and bitterly disappointed the most Uberal.
That it proceeded from the Emperor was of itself an objection ; and
it might well be disliked in some of its provisions. But that which
shocked, and justly contributed to alienate the republicans, was the
creation of an hereditary peerage. The feelings which this extraor
dinary proposal produced in that influential party are well expressed
by Laurent : — " To crown the sublime effort of democracy which had
restored him to the throne in so wonderful a manner, Napoleon
would have imposed on France the most formidable of aristocracies,
in creating hereditary legislators. The imperial statutes of 1806,
which so much wounded the spirit of equality, of which the Emperor
knew that France was jealous in an extreme degree, at least only
left at the blind disposal of the chance of birth, titles and dignities
without political attributes: the additional act goes much further;
it abandons to chance the first of public functions ; the right of par
ticipating in the construction of the laws." Carnot is said to have
opposed the publication of this act with all his power ; and there
is no doubt that it exercised on public opinion a strong influence
adverse to Napoleon. It appears to have been drawn up in imita
tion of the English constitution, to which it bore a close resem
blance.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

373

Notwithstanding this apparent disregard of public opinion, Napo
leon was well aware of the importance of courting popularity. It
was with this view that he caused the imperial guard to give a
grand banquet to fifteen hundred of the national guards in the
Champ-de-Mars,

On the return of Napoleon from Elba, he had found the effective
force of the French army to consist of only about ninety-three thou
sand men; the rest had been disbanded. He laboured unremittingly
to raise the military strength of France to a height sufficient once
more to repel the attack of all Europe. He was employed fifteen
or sixteen hours a day during the whole of this period. Men,
clothing, arms, horses, and discipline — all were wanting. All the
veterans were recalled to the ranks. They came in crowds, leaving
the employments to which they had. applied themselves, to the num
ber of upwards of a hundred thousand men. All the officers on

374

THE HISTORY OF

half-pay were summoned to action. Eighty thousand national guards
were incorporated with the regular army. Even retired and pensioned
officers and soldiers answered to the caU of the war-minister; and
those unfit for active service did garrison-duty, or brought their
experience to train the new levies. The seamen and marines were
trained as engineers and artillery-men. France had no navy capable
of action at that pY.riod. The imperial factories, which had been able
to furnish twenty thousand stand of arms monthly, were made to pro
duce double that quantity. Cavalry and artillery horses were purchased
in numbers sufficient. The clothing, and all other wants, were supplied
with the same energy, and at the same time the public works were
resumed all over France. This extraordinary activity naturally sug
gests inquiry as to the means by which it was supported. Louis,
in his precipitate flight, had indeed left behind him the crown-plate,
and the treasury-chests of the departments : voluntary donations
also were numerous, frequently amounting to large sums, and it
was no uncommon occurrence for Napoleon to have bundles of
bank-bills placed in his hands at the military parades ; but the
good-will of the nation was the great resource. Still, the extra
ordinary expenditure argues a state of the finances, and a command
of resources, for which it is not possible to account, without sup
posing a high degree of confidence in Napoleon's government, as
well as spirit among the large capitalists.
There remained at the disposal of Napoleon a vast mass of power
over and above that which has been stated, and which, had he chosen
to call it into action, would have swelled his army to a force such
as might have set the foreign hosts at defiance, and made France
one great camp; this power consisted of the operatives, — the working
classes. They would have fought devotedly. They caUed for arms
wherever they could make themselves heard. In Paris, they paraded
the streets during the "hundred days," and frequently crowded in
large numbers, under the windows of the Tuileries, to shout "Vive
l'Empereur!" They understood no poUtical theories. With them,
the Emperor was popular as the "great contractor," whoue magni
ficent public works had provided them with employment, and under
whom the nation had grown rich and prosperous. Napoleon used
this power sparingly and timidly. As he had felt during his whole
career, so he felt now. He " would not be the king of the mob."
He feared to touch the spring which might have brought into action
powers yet undeveloped, and, as it might prove, uncontrollable, and in
consistent with imperial pomp, court luxury, and absolute power. Corps
of operatives and artisans, under the name of Federates, were how
ever, organised in Paris, and in all the departments ; but they were

NAPOLEON BONAPAKTE.

375

sparingly armed, and no regular part was allotted to them to perform
in the national defence. Napoleon appointed the 14th of May for
a day of procession and solemn festival of the Federates of Paris,
when he rode along their ranks, received their acclamations, and
harangued them in his usual strain of eloquence.

Amidst all the discordant elements of the time, Fouche was busily
engaged in intrigues, for which his influential position of minister of
police gave him full opportunity. Savary describes his proceedings
in a few simple words : — " Fouche's only care," says he, " was to
place himself in an attitude which would render him necessary to
the government which might succeed the Emperor, whatever that
government might be." He had already begun to hold traitorous
communications with the Austrian government ; and, in one instance,
Napoleon had discovered this fact, and had nearly had him arrested ;
but he abstained, apparently from apprehension of the republican party,
amongst whom Fouche was a busy pretender.
It is asserted, and apparently on good authority, that Napoleon
made an attempt to have his wife and child carried off from Vienna
and brought to France, after it had become apparent that the Em-

376

THE HISTORY OF

peror of Austria was resolute to detain them. The intention failed in
its execution, and immediately afterwards Maria Louisa was obliged,
by command of her father, to lay aside the arms and liveries of her
husband, and to assume those of Austria; at the same time taking
the title of Duchess of Parma. This very natural attempt of Napo
leon is recorded by Scott, and writers of his party, in a tone similar
to that in which they would record an act of plunder and rapine, —
and as totaUy distinct from that authority which both in kind and
degree is continually exercised by husbands and fathers who think
themselves injured, all over the world.
The ceremony of the " Champ-de-Mai" took place on the 1st of
June, in the open space facing the military school. It had been
postponed beyond the time which had been previously intended, by
the delay in collecting the votes on the constitutional act. It was
a grand and imposing solemnity. The electors of the departments,
the representatives of the people, and the deputations from the army,
were assembled round the magnificent throne, on which, in the midst
of them, the Emperor was seated, attended by his brothers Joseph,
Lucien, and Jerome, his court, and the members of the government.
The imperial and national guards, and the troops of the line, were
drawn up in squares in the Champ-de-Mars ; and an immense con
course of spectators thronged every vacant space from which a view
of the scene could be gained. After a religious solemnity, a patriotic
address was presented to the Emperor by the electors ; the result of
the votes was then declared, — being upwards of a milUon and a Vhalf
for the new constitution, and something more than four thousand
against it. The Emperor, then, turning to the side on which the
electors were placed, delivered, in a clear voice, a discourse remarkable
for its grand and simple eloquence, commencing with these words : —
" Emperor, consul, soldier, — I hold all from the people. In prospe
rity, in adversity, in the field of battle, in council, on the throne,
in exile, France has been the sole object of all my thoughts and
actions." The Emperor then proceeded to the altar, and took an
oath to observe the new constitution, in which he was followed by
the ministers and the electoral deputations. The ceremony concluded
with the distribution of the eagles to the troops, and with loud and
repeated acclamations, and cries of " Vive l'Empereur !" from the
soldiers and the multitude assembled. On the following day, the
Emperor gave a grand fete, in the gallery of the Louvre, to the
deputies of the army and the electors, on which occasion he was
again greeted with every manifestation of devotion and fideUty.
On the 4th of June, Napoleon attended in person at the opening
of the chambers. The house of peers was his own creation, and

NAPOLEON AT THE CHAMP DE MAI.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 377
consequently he encountered no opposition there. It was composed
of his most distinguished marshals, generals, and councillors. Labe
doyere and Ney were among the military peers. There were also
some men of Uterary eminence, and a few of the republican party,
such as Sieyes and Carnot, who accepted titles of nobility in order
to support, at this crisis, the only man whom they esteemed able
to save the cause of liberty from utter destruction. The brothers
of Napoleon also had seats in the chamber of peers: Lucien had
joined Napoleon on his return from Elba, after a long aliena
tion, which commenced in the time of Napoleon's prosperity and
glory, and to the honour of Lucien, was all forgotten in these latter
days of struggle and difficulty, throughout which, he laboured assi
duously in the imperial cause.
The chamber of representatives was composed of more unruly
elements. The lovers of constitutional liberty at length found here
an opportunity to strive after the reaUzation of a pure system of
government, and they used their opportunity with zealous earnest
ness. La Fayette was one of their number, and once more took an
important part in the political world. Lanjuinais, a repubUcan, and
well known to be opposed to the Emperor, was chosen as president.
The address of the Emperor to both the chambers was firm,
open, and sensible. He disclaimed all pretensions to absolute power;
professed himself a friend to Uberty; demanded their assistance in
matters of finance, and required from them an example of confidence,
energy, and patriotism, to meet the dangers to which the country
was exposed. The peers replied in corresponding terms : the mem
bers of the second chamber promised their unanimous support in
repelling the foreign enemy ; but they also announced their intention
to take the constitution under their consideration — to point out its
defects, and their remedies — and they concluded with a hint directed
against the ambition of Napoleon, in which they deprecated all plans
of aggrandisement. Even while granting a full measure of sympathy
to these men, (amongst whom, the fear was quite natural, that if
Napoleon were once firmly seated on his throne, their opportunity
might be lost for ever;) it is impossible not to perceive that by the
course they took, and the language they used, they crippled his
power at the moment when it needed their utmost support; frittered
away the time, already too short ; and held out encouragement to
the enemies of France, by publicly announcing their intention of
curbing Napoleon's power, or inclination, to retaliate upon them the
aggressions which they now perpetrated against France. That all
such retaliation was then, always had been, and always will be, con
trary to wisdom and pure morality, and therefore contrary to the
Y Y

378 THE HISTORY OF
interests of nations, as well as of individuals, may be true ; but it was
not the time to make these monarchs so very easy about the conse
quences of their actions, and to assure them that whatever they did
to France, they might feel quite assured France would never hurt
them. " Those," says Hazlitt, " who wish to learn the history of
revolutions and reform, have only to read the account of the battle
of Bothwell Bridge in 'Old Mortality;' where, while the tory cavalry
were charging their ranks, the covenanters were debating about right
and left hand defections. Three hundred men, willing to be slaves,
put implicit faith in, and follow their leader, and carry all before
them. Three hundred men, determined to think and act for them
selves, to give way in nothing, and to sacrifice no jot of their opinion
as to what is right, while they are disputing and refining, are split
into as many factions as there are persons, and are set upon and
bound hand-and-foot by their adversaries, who will allow them no
freedom of opinion at all. * * * Reformers, lovers of
improvement and innovation, are those in whom the ideal faculty pre
vails over sense and habit; and this being the case, they will be apt
to be satisfied too easily with their own imaginations and opinions;
and provided they can indulge in these, care Uttle about having them
realised, of which there is in general smaU chance. If a certain
degree of good is within their possession, or reach, they grow indif
ferent to it; raise their standard of perfection still higher; become
extravagant and fastidious in their ends, to the neglect of all prac
tical means to enforce them; and, like the dog in the fable (the
type of this class of philosophers and politicians), constantly lose the
substance for the shadow."
Meanwhile, in the midst of all these harassing difficulties, Napo
leon had made the most extraordinary progress in his preparations
for war. By the 1st of June, the effective strength of the French
regular army had been raised to three hundred and sixty-three thou
sand men; of whom two hundred and seventeen thousand were under
arms, clothed, discipUned, and ready to take the field. They were
formed into seven grand corps, besides several corps of observation
stationed along the whole line of the frontiers, which, it must be
remembered, were threatened on every side. The greater portion
however, of these forces were cantoned round Paris, and on the
frontier of Flanders, in which quarter the first attack of the allies
was to be expected. The army extraordinary, consisting of picked
battalions of the national guard, amounted to one hundred and ninety-
six thousand men, the greater part of whom garrisoned the ninety
frontier fortresses belonging to France, which had been armed, palisaded,
and provisioned, and were officered by experienced men. Five hundred

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 379
pieces of field-artillery were added to the force of the army. The
imperial guard was increased to four regiments of the young guard,
four of the middle guard, four of the old guard, four of cavalry;
in all, forty thousand men, with ninety-six pieces of cannon. The
contractors had provided twenty thousand cavalry horses, and twelve
thousand for the artillery; ten thousand trained horses had been
furnished by the dismounted gendarmerie. The fortification of Paris
was begun under the direction of the Engineer-general Haxo. The
heights, redoubts, and line of defences extending round the capital,
were mounted with six hundred pieces of cannon, and manned by
five or six thousand gunners taken from the arsenals, and by volun
teers from the Polytechnic and Charenton schools. Works of the
same description were commenced around Lyons, under the Engineer-
general Lery. When completed, and the national guard duly orga
nised, the defence of. Paris might have been maintained by one
hundred thousand men, independently of the troops of the line.
Such were the means of defence collected and created by Napo
leon during this short period of three months. The resources of
France were, however, much greater than these, and only wanted
time for their developement. The conscription of 1815 would have
been demanded of the legislature, and a levy of two hundred and
fifty thousand men made during the months of July and August.
The effective force of the national guard would also have been
greatly increased. Arms, ammunition, clothing, and all the materiel
of the army, would have been completed. " By the 1st of October,"
says Napoleon in his Memoirs dictated to Montholon, " France would
have possessed an army of eight or nine hundred thousand men,
thoroughly organised, armed, and equipped. The problem of her
independence consisted in the power of retarding the commencement
of hostilities till the 1st of October. The months of June, July,
August, and September, were necessary, but they would have been
sufficient. By that time, the frontiers of the empire would have
been walls of brass, which no human power could have violated with
impunity. * * * But, time was a necessary element : when
Archimedes proposed to himself to lift the world with a lever and a
fulcrum, he required time. It took a week to create the universe."
No further time, however, was allowed to Napoleon by his ene
mies. Their immense armaments were already pressing on towards
the frontiers of France, in different lines, and at considerable inter
vals, for the convenience of subsistence. The Emperors of Russia and
Austria, and the King of Prussia, had once more placed themselves
at the head of their respective armies. The Austrians, amounting to
three hundred thousand men, commanded in chief by Schwartzenburg,

380 THE HISTORY OF
were divided into two bodies, one of which was to enter France by
Switzerland, the other by the Upper Rhine. Two hundred thousand
Russians were marching towards Alsace, under the Archduke Con
stantine. The Prussian army amounted to two hundred and thirty-six
thousand; of whom, one half were already in the field. The minor
states of Germany had furnished one hundred and fifty thousand
the Netherlands, fifty thousand; England, eighty thousand, including
the king's German legion, and other troops in British pay, under the
command of the Duke of WelUngton ; — in all one milUon, sixteen
thousand soldiers. To organise, bring into the field, and maintain
this enormous mass of men, the tory government of England, with
their customary munificence in the support of their principles, de
manded from the English nation the requisite supply of money ; and
the nation, with its customary complaisance, munificently responded
to the overture ;¦ — " The Chancellor of the Exchequer," says Scott,
" had achieved a loan of thirty-six millions, upon terms surprisingly
moderate, and the command of this treasure had put the whole
troops of the coalition into the most active advance."
Among these hosts, it was the army commanded by the Duke
of WelUngton, and the Prussians, under Blucher, which were first
in the field. They occupied Belgium, and amounted to upwards of
two hundred thousand men, of whom rather less than one-half were
ranged under the English commander-in-chief. The Russians and
Austrians, it was computed, could not be on the Rhine before July.
Two plans of the campaign presented themselves to the mind of
Napoleon. One was, to remain entirely on the defensive, leaving to
the allies the odium of striking the first blow against the liberties
of nations. He reckoned, that as they could not begin the invasion
until the middle of July, it would be the middle of August before
they could make their way through the fortresses, and appear in
force before Lyons and Paris. Large armies could, before that time,
be concentrated by him under the walls of these two cities, and
there the battles must be fought and decided.
The second plan was, to assume the offensive before the allies had
completed their operations, by marching into Belgium and attacking
the armies of Blucher and WelUngton. Napoleon calculated that by
the 15th of June, he could assemble an army of one hundred and
forty thousand men in Belgium. The triple row of strong fortresses
possessed by France on that frontier, afforded an admirable curtain
behind which he could unite and manoeuvre his forces. His num
bers would be very inferior, but his tactics would aim at preventing
the junction of the two armies opposed to him, and beating them
separately. Should he succeed, Belgium would, to a certainty, rise

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 381
and join his cause : the spirit of that country was well known both
to him and to the allies. Another effect of his success would be,
as he argued, the fall of the tory ministry in England; a result
which he conceived might, of itself, terminate the war. If, how
ever, the other allied powers continued to advance, ample time would
remain for him to march his victorious army on the Rhine to oppose
their approach. Lastly, the terrible evil of abandoning the provinces
of France to the devastating invasion of a million of enemies would
be avoided. Napoleon finally resolved on the latter plan of the campaign.
His calculations were, in part, disturbed by a serious insurrection in
La Vendee, which obliged him to send twenty thousand men into
that province in order to queU it, and reduced his disposable force
to a hundred and twenty thousand men; but this did not alter his
determination. The army was put in motion, and every preparation
made for the approaching struggle.
When all was ready the Emperor took leave of. the chambers of
legislature, on which occasion he replied to the address of the deputies
in the following terms : — " The struggle in which we are engaged,
is serious. The seductions of prosperity are not the dangers which
menace us at present. It is under the Caudine Forks that foreigners
wish to make us pass. The justice of our cause, the public spirit
of the nation, and the courage of the army, are strong grounds of
hope for success ; but should we encounter reverses, it is then that
I should trust to see displayed all the energy of a great people.
It is in times of difficulty that great nations, like great men, unfold
all the energy of their character, and become objects of admiration
to posterity. The constitution is our rallying point ; it should be
our pole-star in these stormy times. Every public discussion, tend
ing directly, or indirectly, to diminish the confidence which should
be placed in its arrangements, would be a misfortune to the state :
we should then find ourselves in the midst of rocks, without com
pass or pilot. The crisis in which we are involved, is arduous. Let
us not imitate the example of the lower empire, which, pressed on
all sides by the barbarians, rendered itself the scoff of posterity by
entering into abstract discussions when the battering-ram was at the
gates of the city. In all circumstances, my conduct will be direct
and firm. Aid me to save the country. First representative of the
people, I have contracted the obligation, which I now renew, to
employ in more tranquil times all the prerogatives of the crown, and
the experience, such as it may be, which I have acquired, to ame
liorate our institutions."

382

THE HISTORY OF

Of this parting address, which is remarkable for a noble sim
plicity of thought and language, the last words should be especially
remembered, and taken as a pledge, that in happier times, Napo
leon would have entered on the task of revising and reforming the
faulty enactments which he had hastily made in the midst of the
overwhelming labours attendant on his preparation for the war.
The Emperor left Paris, for the army, on the night between the
11th and 12th of June. The words, put into his mouth by some
writers, to the effect that he was going to "measure himself" with
Wellington, are excessively foolish, and only invented to enhance
the result, after it had occurred. When the Emperor was " mea
suring himself" with the armies of Prussia, England, Belgium, &c. ;
while the armies of Russia and Austria were rapidly advancing, it
is ridiculous to suppose that he should single out the chief com
mander of any one of them, as the sole object of his efforts ! The
imperial guard had commenced its march on the 8th. AU the dif
ferent corps of the army were in movement towards Maubeuge and
Philippeville.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

383

CHAPTER XIX.

NUMBER AND POSITION OF THE ALLIED ARMIES — WELLINGTON — BLUCHER — NAPOLEON
ARRIVES TO TAKE COMMAND OF HIS FORCES — ADDRESS TO THE SOLDIERS — BALL-ROOM
AT BRUSSELS — ATTACK ON CHARLEROI AND FLEURUS — BATTLES OF LIGNY AND QUATRE-
BRAS — BATTLE OF WATERLOO.

The forces under the command
of the Duke of Wellington
were of various nations. He
had about thirty-five thou
sand English ; the remainder
was composed of the Ger
man Legion — Hanoverians,
Brunswickers (commanded
by the Duke of Brunswick),
and Nassau, Dutch, and Bel
gian troops (under the Prince
of Orange), — amounting in
all to about seventy-five thousand men. This force has usually been
designated as the Anglo-Belgian army. The Duke of Wellington's
head-quarters were at Brussels. His first division occupied Enghien,
Brain-le-Comte, and Nivelles ; and communicated with the Prussian
right at Charleroi. The second division (commanded by Lord Hill)
was cantoned in Halle, Oudenard, and Grammont, together with
the greater part of the cavalry. The reserve (under Sir Thomas

384

THE HISTORY OF

Picton) was quartered at Brussels and Ghent. The army of Blucher
amounted at this time to about a hundred and twenty thousand.
They extended along the line of the Sambre and the Meuse; occu
pied Charleroi, Namur, Givet, and Liege ; and communicated on
their right with the left of the Anglo-Belgian army. The various
divisions of the allied armies were thus cantoned over an extent of
fifty miles. This circumstance, so dangerous in case of a sudden
need for concentration, was partly attributable to the facilities thus
gained for obtaining food and shelter, and partly to the secrecy with
which Napoleon had conducted Ins movements ; so that the aUied
armies knew not on what point to expect him. An extensive Une of
defence, however hazardous, was therefore deemed expedient.
Napoleon left Paris in the morning of the 12th of June, 1815. He
arrived at Avesne on the 13th. On the night of the 14th, his army
encamped in three directions ; — his left (amounting to upwards of
forty thousand) at Ham-sur-Heure, and Solre-sur-Sambre ; his right
(amounting to about sixteen thousand) at PhilippeviUe ; his centre
(amounting to sixty or seventy thousand of the imperial guard and
the reserves of cavalry) at Beaumont, which was his head-quarters.
The camps were pitched in the rear of small hills, a few miles from
the frontier, in such a manner that the aUies could not see the fires
during the night, nor had they any knowledge of the encampment.
The returns now laid before the Emperor shewed that his army
amounted to one hundred and twenty-two thousand, four hundred
men, with three hundred and fifty pieces of cannon. Napoleon had
just issued the following address : — " Soldiers ! this is the anniversary
of Marengo and of Friedland. Then, as after AusterUtz and Wagram,
we were too generous. We gave credit to the protestations and oaths
of the princes whom we suffered to remain on their thrones. Now,
however, coalesced among themselves, they aim at the independence,
and at the most sacred rights of France. They have commenced the
most unjust of aggressions. Are we no longer the same men ? Fools
that they are ! A moment of prosperity blinds them. The oppression
and the humiliation of the French people are out of their power. If
they enter France, there will they find their tomb. Soldiers ! we
have forced marches to make; battles to wage; perils to encounter; —
but with constancy the victory will be ours. The rights — the honour
of the country will be recovered. For every Frenchman who has a
heart, the moment has now arrived either to conquer, or perish ! "
In the night between the 14th and 15th, scouts returned to the
head-quarters of the French, at Beaumont, reporting that there was no
movement among the invaders at Charleroi, Namur, and Brussels. It
thus appears, that Napoleon's plans for concealing the movements of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 385
his army during the last two days were perfectly successful. This fact
has of late years been contested by some writers, who would not have
it thought the Duke of Wellington had been surprised, — as though a
surprise was not a common occurrence in war, especially in the wars
with Napoleon. But the circumstance, stated in order to shew that
the duke was aware of Napoleon's position and design during these
last two days, proves the contrary. It is said that the duke was not
taken by any surprise, because " at half-past one o'clock, p. m. of the
same day (Thursday, the 1 5th), a Prussian officer, of high rank, arrived
at Wellington's head-quarters in Brussels, with the intelUgence of
Napoleon's decisive operations." This, being the only ground of argu
ment, merely shews that the duke possessed no knowledge of the position
and intentions of Napoleon anterior to the afternoon of the 1 5th, which
is all that need be granted to prove the degree of the surprise. All
this is acknowledged by the Duke of Wellington himself, — first, in
his letter to Lord Bathurst on the 13th, in which he declares his
disbeUef in the report that Napoleon had joined the army ; and se
condly, in his official dispatch of the battle of Waterloo.*'
The characters of the two generals-in-chief opposed to him were
taken into consideration by the Emperor. Knowing the enthusiastic
temperament and hussar-habits of Blucher, he felt assured that he would
draw his sword the moment he found the French were advancing, even
if he had but two battalions with him, and endeavour to retard the
masses, with a view to give the English time to collect their forces.
He beUeved that Wellington, on the contrary, being more methodical
and circumspect, would not hazard a battle until the whole of his
forces were concentrated. If the EngUsh army were attacked first,
Elucher would more rapidly arrive to the support of the EngUsh, than
the EngUsh were Ukely to arrive if the Prussians were first attacked :
Napoleon therefore determined on first attacking the Prussians.
The Emperor's force, for the field, amounted to between one
hundred and ten, and one hundred and thirteen thousand men. These,
with the exception of a few distributed on out-posts, he formed into
two masses. The principal mass (amounting to about sixty thousand
men) he directed on Fleurus, at which place he knew the Prussian
army was assembled. The other mass (amounting to forty-three
thousand men) he placed under the command of Ney, who had just
arrived, with orders to advance on the road to Brussels, and make
himself master of the position of Quatre-bras, at all points, so as to
prevent Wellington from supporting the Prussians. He was to march
at daybreak (on the 16th), occupy this position, and intrench himself.
* See " Dispatches of the Duke of Wellington," compiled by Lieut.-Col. Gurwood.
z z

386 THE HISTORY OF
The action now commenced, June the 15th. Vandamme marched
against St. Amand; Gerard advanced upon Ligny; Grouchy upon
Sombref. The resistance by the Prussians, under Count Zietten, was
as obstinate as the attack was vigorous. The advanced guard of the
left met and routed the advanced guard of the Prussian corps, which
was driven back on Charleroi. The Emperor now led on his guard,
preceded by a body of Ught cavalry, and speedily entered Charleroi.
The Prussians evacuated Charleroi by two roads, pursued on each by
the French. Vandamme and Grouchy were stopped at GUly by a
report that there were two hundred thousand Prussians behind the
woods in front of Fleurus. The Emperor went to reconnoitre, and
being persuaded, from various indications, that there were less than
fifty thousand, ordered the advance. General Letort, a cavalry
officer, who possessed the rare combination of equal enthusiasm and
judgment, led a charge that pierced through two squares of the
enemy, destroying the whole twenty-eighth Prussian regiment ; but
Letort himself fell mortaUy wounded. At night, Vandamme and
Grouchy occupied the woods near Fleurus.
The Duke of Wellington received intelligence at six o'clock in
the evening of the 15th (or, at one o'clock, p. m., according to Mr.
Lockhart), that the attack had commenced, and the out-posts of the
allies had been driven back. There was to be a baU at the Duchess
of Richmond's, in Brussels, on the same night, to which the duke,
and most of the principal officers, had been invited. Notwithstanding
the intelligence, they aU went ; but a second dispatch arrived at eleven
o'clock at night, announcing that " the French had entered Charleroi that
morning, and continued to march in order of battle on Brussels ; that
they were one hundred and fifty thousand strong ; and that the Emperor
was at their head." It was now but too clear that no more time should
be lost, and the duke and all his officers hurried out of the baU-room.
It has been explained that the presence of the duke and his officers
in the dancing-room, at such a time, was on purpose to keep the
affair secret from the inhabitants of Brussels : this may have been the
case, and yet it is difficult to believe that any consequences of their
alarm could be equal to the dangers of delay, when such an enemy
as Napoleon was close at hand, and a battle impending, in the result
of which the destinies of Europe were so extensively involved. The
duke, however, was now fully aware of his situation, and issued
orders for the breaking up of his cantonments, and the concentration
of the forces, which were spread, as previously explained, over a
very great extent. He rode off, at an early hour on the 16th, to
Quatre-bras, to visit the position, and thence to Brie, where he had an
interview with Blucher.

MARSHAL NEY.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 387
The Emperor's manoeuvres had thus far succeeded to his wish.
He might reasonably expect (if Ney acted successfully according to
his orders) to be able to attack the enemy in detail, unless the Prussians
chose to retreat upon Brussels, and unite there with the army of the
Duke of Wellington.
The advanced guards met at the village of Fleurus, and those belong
ing to the Prussians having retreated, their army now appeared drawn
up in battle-array; — their left on Sombref; their centre on Ligny;
their right on St. Amand. The reserves were on the heights of Brie.
The Prussian forces occupied a line of nearly four miles in extent.
The French army halted and formed. This army, not including Ney's
division, amounted to sixty thousand men. The Emperor rode to some
windmills on the chain of out-posts on the heights, and reconnoitred
the enemy. The Prussians displayed a force of about eighty thousand
men. The division under Bulow was unable to join them in time.
Their front was protected by a deep ravine ; but their right was
exposed, and had Ney's division at Quatre-bras, as the Emperor sup
posed, in their rear.
A staff-officer now arrived from Ney, to inform Napoleon that he
had not yet occupied Quatre-bras, in consequence of reports which
made him apprehensive of being turned by fhe enemy ; but that he
would advance^, if the Emperor still required it. Napoleon blamed
him for having lost eight hours — repeated the order — and added that,
as soon as Ney had made good that position, he (Ney) was to send
a detachment by the causeway of Namur and the village of Marchais,
whence it should attack the heights of Brie in the Prussian rear.
Ney received this order at twelve o'clock at noon ; his detachment
might reach Marchais by about two o'clock.
At two o'clock, therefore, the Emperor ordered a charge of the
whole front on Fleurus. The attack extended all along the line of
the enemy, which would be enclosed between two fires on the arrival
of the detachment from Ney's division in the rear of the Prussians.
" The fate of the war," said Napoleon, in answer to a question from
Count Gerard, "may be decided in three hours. If Ney executes his
orders well, not a gun of the Prussian army will escape : it is taken
in flagranti delicto." The same remarks are stated by some writers
to have been also made by Napoleon in a third dispatch to Ney.
At three o'clock in the afternoon, Grouchy drove back the Prus
sian left ; the third corps attacked the village of St. Amand ; the fourth
advanced on Ligny. The village of Ligny was taken and retaken four
times. General Gerard displayed equal skill and valour; but he fell
mortally wounded in the desperate struggle which occurred at St.
Amand.

388

THE HISTORY OF

It was now half-past five, and Napoleon was directing the imperial
guard upon Ligny, in support of the advantages already gained by
Count Gerard, when he was informed that an army of thirty thousand
Prussians was advancing upon Fleurus. Napoleon suspended the move
ment of the guard in order to meet this new force ; but the alarm
was unfounded. It was the first corps (Count d'Erlon's), which formed

part of Ney's division, and had come up on hearing the firing. Their
unexpected appearance occasioned the loss of two hours. The guard
resumed its movements upon Ligny. The ravine was passed by General
Pecheux, at the head of his division, supported by the infantry, cavalry,
artillery, and Milhaud's cuirassiers. The reserves of the Prussians were
driven back with the bayonet, and the centre of the line broken and
routed. The French were victorious. The slaughter among the Prus
sians was dreadful. They, however, effected a retreat, favoured by

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 389
the night, and by the failure of that attack in their rear which Ney
had been so expressly ordered to make by a detachment from his
force. Their loss, nevertheless, amounted to the prodigious number
of upwards of twenty thousand men, killed, wounded, or prisoners ;
forty pieces of cannon, and eight stand of colours. Many of the
Prussian generals were killed or wounded; and Marshal Blucher him
self was overthrown, man and horse, by a charge of cuirassiers, and
galloped over by friends and foes. Night was coming on ; and the
gallant old soldier, who was not killed, though of course much bat
tered and bruised, effected his escape. He rejoined a body of his
troops, and directed the retreat upon Wavres. The total loss of the
French amounted to no more than nine thousand, kiUed or wounded,
— the extraordinary disproportion being occasioned by the more skil
ful disposition of the French troops, whereby all their shots took
effect, whUe more than half of those of the enemy were wasted.
On the same day as the battle of Ligny (June the 16th), was
also fought the battle of Quatre-bras. If the waste of two hours in
the preliminary movements of the battle of Ligny (occasioned by the
unexpected appearance, on the left of the French, of the first corps
of Ney's division) had been injurious to the operations of Napoleon,
the failure of Ney on Quatre-bras was yet more vexatious to him.
Ney's hesitation to advance, as previously described, lost several hours,
so that the Prince of Orange occupied Quatre-bras, and had time to
call up reinforcements. When Ney did advance, he left more than
half his force behind him at Frasne, as a reserve to retreat upon;
in consequence of which, he found himself not strong enough to take
Quatre-bras. He, however, made a courageous attack, and defeated
the Prince of Orange ; but the Duke of Brunswick with his division,
and the 5th English division, arrived in great haste, and the contest
was renewed. The 49th and 42nd Highlanders had been taken by
surprise, and the latter were almost cut to pieces, not without selling
their lives dearly. Ney then attempted a general charge of cavalry,
and was repulsed by a shower of bullets from the British infantry,
added to a battery of two guns, which strewed the causeway with
men and horses; and the French were obliged to retreat. The loss,
however, on the whole, was much the heaviest on the side of the
Anglo-Belgians, in consequence of their having scarcely any artillery.
In this action, the Duke of Brunswick was killed. The French were
next driven out from the Bois de Bossu, by the Belgians. The
English divisions of Alten, Halket, Maitland, Cooke, and Byng, suc
cessively arrived. Ney sent for the first corps which he had left in
reserve at Frasne. But this corps was then in the act of executing
that unlucky movement which suspended the Emperor's operations

390 THE HISTORY OF
on Ligny. The first corps rejoined Ney towards night, but not till
after his loss of Quatre-bras; and thus the first corps had rendered
no assistance at either of the battles of the day. By neglecting to
march the whole of his division upon Quatre-bras early in the morn
ing, Ney failed to cut off the means of junction between the Prussian
and English armies; and by not sending the detachment to attack
the Prussians in the rear at Ligny, it seems probable that the whole
Prussian army was saved from being destroyed or made prisoners,
before ,it could receive the full support which had been promised
by the Duke of Wellington. The latter intended to advance with'
his army on Quatre-bras at two o'clock, and debouch on St. Amand
at four. It appears, however, that Ney did an important service on the
16th, at Quatre-bras, in reparation of his various faults: for the five
or six divisions of the British which were sent forward to the support
of the Prince of Orange at Quatre-bras must, in fact, be regarded as
the leading columns of the Duke of Wellington's advancing army;
and as Ney gave these a desperate shock, it had the effect of check
ing the advance of the main army during the rest of the day, or till
the battle of Ligny was decided. This important service is either not
mentioned, or hurried over by nearly all the Napoleonist historians.
Had Ney executed all his orders with his usual unhesitating rapidity
and valour, it is probable, as previously observed, that the whole
Prussian army would have been destroyed or made prisoners ; but it is
equally probable that the Duke of Wellington might have arrived on
the scene of action, with seventy-five thousand fresh men, about the
same time ; and as there is a disorder in victory as well as in defeat,
the division of Napoleon (now reduced to fifty thousand) might have
been spared the delay of six-and-thirty hours, by meeting, at Ligny,
the fate which awaited them at Waterloo. Against this chance we
have, however, to place the almost certain arrival of Ney's division
of forty-three thousand fresh men.
The French bivouacked, on the night of the 16th, on the field of
battle at Ligny, with the exception of Grouchy's division, which en
camped at Sombref. The Duke of Wellington passed the night at
Quatre-bras, — his army gradually joining him till the morning of the
17th, — when they amounted to fifty thousand men. Ney was ordered
to advance on Quatre-bras, at daybreak, and attack the British rear
guard, while Count Lobau was to proceed along the causeway of
Namur, and take the British in flank. General Pajol, at daybreak,
also, went in pursuit of the Prussians under Blucher: he was sup
ported by Grouchy, with Excelmans' cavalry, and the third and fourth
corps of infantry, amounting in all to about thirty-two thousand men.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 391
Grouchy was ordered to foUow Blucher, but to keep in constant
communication with the main army, so as to rejoin it whenever re
quired. The Emperor rode over the field of battle, and directed every
assistance to be given to the wounded. He then hurried to the
support of Ney's attack on Quatre-bras. He now learned that it was
still held by the British, and that Ney had not made any attack. He
reproached Ney, on meeting him, who excused his delay by declaring
that he believed the whole British army was there. This, however,
was not the case. The Duke of Wellington, who intended a junction
with the Prussians at Quatre-bras, but had been frustrated by their
disastrous defeat at Ligny, now ordered a retreat on Brussels, leaving
the Earl of Uxbridge, with his cavalry, as a rear-guard. Napoleon
directed Count Lobau's division to advance, and the British cavalry
then began to retire in battle-array. The French army moved for
ward in pursuit, the Emperor leading the way. The weather was
dreadful, — the rain faUing in torrents, so that the roads were scarcely
passable. An attack of cavalry on the British rear-guard was, there
fore, impracticable ; but they were much galled by the French artillery.
About six o'clock, the air became extremely foggy, and all further
attack was reUnquished for the night; but not tiU the Emperor had
ascertained that the whole EngUsh army was encamped on the field
of Waterloo, in front of the forest of Soignies.
The French army encamped across the high road to Brussels, in
front of the invading forces. The bivouac of the French troops was
in a deep mud, and some fears were entertained whether, in the event
of a great battle on the next morning, the artillery would be able to
manoeuvre. But everything was to be risked rather than delay. The
Emperor in the last three days had surprised the armies of the enemy, —
succeeded in dividing them, — and gained one great battle. He feared
the Duke of WeUington would perhaps retreat through the forest of
Soignies in the night, and that Blucher, eluding Grouchy, might do
the same, and unite with the duke before Brussels. He would then
be liable to their united attack, reinforced by troops just landed at
Ostend. He believed, and rightly, that Blucher was at present at
Wavres ; and that Grouchy was close to the same place, — as he ought
to have been, but was not. At ten o'clock on the night of the 17th,
Napoleon despatched an officer to Wavres, to inform Marshal Grouchy
that there would be a great battle next day ; that the English and
Belgian armies were posted on the fields of Waterloo, its left sup
ported by the village of La Haye ; and that he ordered him to detach
seven thousand men, of all arms, and six pieces of cannon, before
daybreak, to St. Lambert, to be near the right of the French army,

392 THE HISTORY OF
and co-operate with it ; that, as soon as Blucher evacuated Wavres,
either towards Brussels, or in any other direction, he should instantly
march with the rest of his force, and support the detachment sent
to St. Lambert. About an hour after this dispatch was sent off, the
Emperor received a report from Grouchy, dated from Gembloux at
five o'clock, stating that "he was stiU at this village, and had not
learned what direction Blucher had taken." At four o'clock in the
morning, a second officer was sent to Grouchy to repeat the commu
nication and the orders which had been sent to Wavres at ten o'clock.
Another dispatch soon after arrived from Grouchy (who had not at
that time been found by either of the officers sent by the Emperor),
to state that " he had learned that Blucher was in Wavres, and would
follow him — in the morning."
This extraordinary procrastination, — the chance of the Duke's retreat
with Blucher through the forest, — their subsequent junction, — while
the great armies of Russia and Austria were already about to cross
the Rhine, and advance on Paris, — aU these considerations shewed
the Emperor that he had not an hour to spare ; and, regretting that
he had been unable to attack the main English army before the night
had intervened, he determined to follow and attack it now, if it com
menced a retreat.
Meantime, the Duke of Wellington despatched an officer to Wavres,
informing Blucher of his position, and that he would hazard a battle
in the morning, "provided the Prince would afford him," says Scott,
" the support of two divisions of the Prussian army." The answer
was worthy of the indefatigable and indomitable old man, who was
never so much disconcerted by defeat as to prevent his being willing
and ready for combat on the succeeding day. He sent for reply, that
"he would move to the Duke of Wellington's support, not with two
divisions only, but with his whole army; and that he asked no time
to prepare for the movement longer than was necessary to supply food,
and serve out cartridges to his soldiers." In a note to Mr. Lockhart's
admirable, though party-spirited, compendium, it is distinctly declared,
that the duke rode across to Wavres himself on this eventful night,
so that the exceUent answer sent by Blucher, — which is as characteristic
as if it were true, — thus appears to owe its existence, among other
fictions, to the genius of the author. Had Grouchy been on his proper
track, it is not improbable but he might have fallen in with the duke
during his ride on this terrible night. The rain fell in torrents, and
the roads were scarcely passable, even by dayUght.
The Emperor went on foot, at one o'clock in the morning, accom
panied by the grand-marshal, to visit the whole Une of main-guards.
The forest of Soignies gleamed all over, as did the sky above, between

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 393
the tremendous showers of rain, with the reflection of the English
fires from their numerous bivouacs. Exhausted with the fatigues of
the last two or three days, the soldiers of both armies slept profoundly.
Amidst the fall of the rain, Napoleon thought he heard the sound of
a column in march. He thought it was a retreat; and was about to
order his rear-iguard to pursue. The rain paused, — and all again was
silent. It was> now two o'clock in the morning, and he received re
ports from various officers who had been to reconnoitre, and all agreed
that the Anglo-Belgian army was making no movement. At four
o'clock, he received information from the scouts, and from some de
serters, of a kind which shewed that the invading forces intended to
give him battle. The storm of wind and rain was slowly abating, and
at five o'clock, some faint rays of the rising sun gradually displayed
the army of the Duke of WeUington drawn up in battle array.
Of the numerical force of these two armies, it is not to be doubted
but that a sufficiently accurate estimate might have been obtained
at the period of the contest, had there been no misrepresentations
on either side. But so much national feeling of the strongest kind,
and of party-spirit, was involved in the result, that the utmost pains
were taken, by each and all, to magnify the numbers of the enemy,
and to diminish those of the side they espoused. Scarcely any two
historians agree upon the point ; for the French differ from the Eng
lish, and from each other; and it is the same with our own writers.
This circumstance seems to have been felt of late years in England;
and, as if to settle the dispute, it has been tacitly decided to agree
that the numbers were equal on both sides, — namely, seventy thousand.
(It may be proper to say, that none of the French historians agree
to this estimate.) This number, be it observed, does not include the
division under Grouchy, nor the Prussian army, both of which were
some leagues distant.
The position of the Anglo-Belgian army was in front of the farm
house, and village, of Mont St. Jean, on a large flat, from which
the ground gradually sloped forwards. The line of battle extended
from the ravine and village of Merke Braine, on the right, — to the
hamlet of Ter-la-Haye, on the left. Nearly at the foot of the
slope, stood the farm-house of La Haye Sainte. Beyond the slope,
there was a plain, or undulating vaUey, of about a mile in breadth.
In the middle of this plain stood the old Flemish chateau, called
Hougomont ; having offices, waUed gardens, stabUng, a farm-yard, and
being environed by a small wood of tall beech-trees.
The Anglo-Belgian army was formed in three Unes. The first
Une was composed of nearly all the British infantry, with the troops
of Brunswick and Nassau, and several corps of Hanoverians, and

394 THE HISTORY OF
Belgians. The second line, stationed in a declivity behind, con
sisted of troops on whom the duke could not place so much reliance,
or who had suffered most in the action at Quatre-bras. In the rear
of this was placed all the cavalry. The farm-house of La Haye
Sainte (which was in front of the centre) was strongly garrisoned.
The chateau, gardens, and farm-yard of Hougomont (situated near
the centre of the right) were also strongly occupied by a detach
ment of the English guards. Both these places formed strong Enid
important outworks of defence. The reserve was at Mont St. Jean.
The whole line was formed convex, retiring towards the forest at
each extremity, — reaching Merke Braine on the right, and Ter-la-
Haye on the left, as previously stated. The position extended across
two high-roads (from Nivelles and Charleroi to Brussels), which gave
every facility for movements from front to rear, during the action.
There were also two country roads, which ran behind the first and
second lines in a parallel direction, thus affording easy means for
movements from wing to wing. What with the strong outposts of
Hougomont, and La Haye Sainte, in front ; and, in the rear, the
village of Mont St. Jean, — further back, the town of Waterloo, — and
the forest of Soignies, as positions to retire upon, to make a stand,
or cover a retreat, — a more advantageous ground for receiving an
attack could not easily be obtained in any open country, not pre
viously fortified ; and it was sufficiently evident that the Duke of
Wellington had availed himself of all these means of defence, by a
circumspect and masterly disposition of his forces.
When the Emperor, at sunrise, found that the duke's army was
still in the same place, and in battle array, he seemed to have no
objection to make him a present of all the advantages of position, his
only fear having been that he would retreat in the night. As he
contemplated this warlike host before him, he said, — " I have them,
then — these EngUsh." He had certainly no great cause to love the
nation, or rather its rulers. The Emperor's breakfast was served up
at eight o'clock, and many officers of distinction were present. " The
enemy's army," said Napoleon, "is superior to ours by nearly a
fourth; there are, nevertheless, ninety chances in our favour, to ten
against us." The grounds of this calculation are not very evident,
and would require a more elaborate analysis of military details than
can be here ventured ; but the remark as to relative numerical forces
is striking, as it seems unlikely that he should have over-rated the
enemy's force as an " encouragement," and to prove his ninety chances
to ten. This question, however, has been previously discussed.
The Emperor now mounted his horse, and rode forward to recon
noitre the English Unes ; after which he remained thoughtful for a

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, 395
few minutes, and then dictated the order of battle. It was written
down by two generals seated on the ground, and promptly distri
buted among the different corps. The army moved forward in eleven
columns, and as they descended from the heights of La Belle Alliance,
the trumpets played "To the field!" and the bands alternately struck
up airs which recalled the memories of many victories. The French
line of battle was formed in front of Planchenois,— having the heights
of La Belle Alliance in the rear of its centre ; being opposite to
the nearly parallel chain of heights on which the enemy was posted,—
having Mont St. Jean in the rear of its centre. The forces were
drawn up, in six lines, on each side of the causeway of Charleroi.
The first and second lines were of infantry, having the light cavalry
at each of its wings ; the third and fourth lines were all cuiras
siers ; the fifth and sixth lines consisted of the cavalry of the
guard. The infantry of the guard was drawn up across the road,
a little in the rear of these six lines ; while a body of infantry, and
cavalry, were placed in column at each of its wings, so as to unite
them with the six lines of the main force. The artillery was placed
in the intervals between the brigades. All the troops were in their
stations by about half-past ten o'clock. Amidst all this mass of men
there was a dead silence. The Emperor rode through the ranks,
where he was received with the utmost enthusiasm; then, giving his
last orders, galloped to the heights of Rossome, which commanded
a complete view of both armies below, with a considerable range on
each side beyond.
As the details of the various movements of the Anglo-Belgian
army will be found in the different accounts of this campaign of
the Duke of Wellington, more particularly in the "Dispatches" edited
by Colonel Gurwood, it wiU be more consistent with the plan of
the present history to dwell chiefly upon the movements adopted by
the Emperor's plan of attack, from the individual results of which
the plan of defence will be sufficiently apparent. The main object
of the two commanders on this eventful day may be simply stated: —
It was the design of the Emperor to beat the Anglo-Belgian army,
or at least to divide it in itself, as well as cut off its communications,
before Blucher arrived on the field : " it was Wellington's business
to hold the enemy at bay, until the Prussian advance should enable
him to charge them with superior numbers." It was the Emperor's
design, in order to effect the aforesaid result, to turn the left wing
of the duke's army, — because it was the weakest, — because he should
then divide it from the right wing, — because he should thus intercept
its junction with the Prussians by the road from Wavres, — and because
he was in constant expectation of being joined himself by Grouchy

396 THE HISTORY OF
from that side. Having effected this separation of the wings, and
made a vigorous attack on both wings to distract the attention, it
was his design to fall .suddenly on the centre, — break it, — and rout
all its component parts in detail. The duke considered it his business
to defeat, if possible, all these attempts ; not to venture a general
attack in return, but to hold his defensive position in the most cau
tious and determined manner until the arrival of Blucher.
While the design of the Emperor for making his grand attack,
from the centre, on La Haye Sainte (which was directly in front of
the enemy's centre) was preparing, he gave orders for the commence
ment of the battle. It was about half-past eleven o'clock. Prince
Jerome's division opened a fire of musquetry on the advanced post
of Hougomont. Rushing forwards, the French drove the troops of
Nassau before them through the little wood. A body of English
guards instantly unmasked forty pieces of cannon. Count Reille ad
vanced the battery of his second division, and General Kellermann
sent forward his light artillery. Amidst a fierce cannonade on both
sides, the French made a gallant charge at the chateau, and were as
gallantly received by the English guards. The contest was desperate,
and the loss great, on both sides. The EngUsh defended the chateau,
the farm-offices, and the garden, with the most determined resolu
tion. The French renewed their efforts, precipitating themselves with
reckless valour upon the hedges, and throwing themselves over on
the other side. But here they found a garden-wall, from behind
which the English poured a steady and destructive fire upon the
assailants, — then charged, and drove them out of the wood. The
latter, however, persisted in the attack. They were now reinforced
by General Foy's division, and foot by foot, the English guards were
beaten from their posts, and the wood was again carried. A few
hundreds of the English guards rallied within the chateau and farm-
offices. The French, being masters of the wood, masked Hougo
mont, and dashed forward, with their cavalry and artillery, against the
British right. The British right formed in squares to receive them.
There was great loss on the side of the British, owing to the sudden
ness of the attack, and the fixed position and dense array of the squares.
The loss of the French was also considerable; and, as the squares
remained unbroken, no apparent advantage was gained by the assault.
The French being again repelled, a communication was reopened with
Hougomont, and the small body of English guards, defending the
chateau,^ received a reinforcement under Colonel Hepburn. The gar
rison of Hougomont now made a combined charge ; and, after a
furious struggle, in which the utmost valour, both individual and
collective, was displayed on either side, drove back the French once

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

397

more out of the wood, and recovered the position. The French in
their turn rallied, — returned with renewed fury, — and the English were
again dislodged, and driven out with great slaughter. They rallied
and immediately returned, and again they recovered the position.

The French charged with unexhausted impetuosity, but the martial
spirit of the English guards was now wrought up to the highest pitch
of what may be termed calm ferocity, and all the attempts of the assail
ants to dislodge them proved unavailing. This contest lasted through
the greater part of the day. The killed and wounded, on both sides,
during the contest for this single out-post, has been estimated at
upwards of four thousand. The Emperor, calmly observing the whole
from the heights, praised the English guards. He now ordered Hou
gomont to be attacked by a battery of howitzers, and shells. The
roofs and barns took fire, and the remnant of the English guards
were obliged to retreat before the flames, over the mingled heaps
of dead and dying bodies of their comrades and assailants.
The grand attack on the centre of the Anglo-Belgian army, was
to be conducted by Marshal Ney. He had sent word to the Emperor

398 THE HISTORY OF
that everything was ready, and he only waited the order to begin.
Before giving it, Napoleon gave one more look over the field of
battle, and the surrounding country. He perceived a dark mass at a
distance, in the direction of St. Lambert, where he had ordered
Grouchy to send a detachment. The glasses of aU the officers were
turned towards the object. Some thought it was only a mass of dark
trees. To remove all doubts, Napoleon despatched General Daumont,
with a body of three thousand light cavalry, to form a junction with
them if they were the troops of Grouchy, or to keep them in check
if they were hostile. A Prussian hussar was soon brought in prisoner,
from whom, and from a letter found upon him, it was discovered
that the dark mass, seen near St. Lambert, was the advanced guard
of Bulow, who was coming up with thirty thousand fresh men; —
that Blucher was at Wavres with his army, and that Grouchy had not
appeared there. A messenger was instantly despatched to Marshal
Grouchy to march on St. Lambert without a moment's delay, and
take Bulow's division in the rear. It was conjectured that Grouchy
must be near at hand, whether he had received the various orders
previously sent to him or not, as he himself had sent word that
he should leave Gembloux in the morning, and from Gembloux
to Wavres was only three leagues' distance. Marshal Grouchy was
an officer of great experience, and the Emperor had a high opinion
of his punctuality. But where was he ? ln this state of suspense,
Napoleon ordered Count Lobau to follow and support the cavalry
of Daumont, and to take up a strong position, where, with ten thou
sand men, he might keep thirty thousand in check, and to redouble
the attack directly he found that Grouchy had arrived on the rear
of the Prussians. Napoleon thus found himself deprived of the ser
vices of ten thousand men on his grand field of battle.
The Emperor now turned his attention to the main attack. The
fire of artillery, with a hot skirmishing, had become general along
the line ; but there had not been any regular action, except on the
left at Hougomont, which, as previously described, continued through
the greater part of the day. Napoleon sent the order to Ney to
commence his attack; and instantly eighty pieces of artillery were
unmasked, — opened fire upon the Anglo-Belgian army, and soon made
a series of dreadful gaps along the whole of their left. One of its
divisions was completely swept away. These ghastly intervals were,
however, very speedily, filled up by fresh men. A column of French
infantry now advanced. Before it could be supported, a grand charge
of English cavalry was made, which broke the column of infantry, —
routed it,— and took two eagles and several pieces of cannon. But
while the English cavalry were wheeling off triumphantly, they were

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 399
met by a brigade of Milhaud's cuirassiers. A desperate conflict ensued
at sword's length, in which the very horses seemed to be animated with
the same fury as their riders. The combat lasted much beyond the
usual time ; the result of a meeting of two bodies of cavalry being
generally determined in a few minutes. In the present instance, the
French cavalry was beaten back, and fled towards their artillery for
a cover, according to the account of Scott, and other writers of his
party (in opposition to Captain Pringle's statement, which Sir Walter
prints, as the best authority, in his appendix) ; and, according to the
writers of the other party, the British cavalry was broken, — a great
portion of it cut to pieces, — the eagles retaken, — while the infantry
they had previously routed, rallied, and formed as before.
It is tolerably clear, that both the above accounts cannot be true.
They are, no doubt, reconciled in the minds of the respective writers
by a change in the periods and sequences of the movements of the
battle, so that if that particular event did not occur exactly when
stated, it did occur a little before or soon after. It will be readily
apprehended, that this method of dealing with the details renders a
correct view of the progress of the battle quite out of the question,
and ultimately confuses the reader's judgment. At this period of the
action, the innumerable discrepancies in the different accounts may be
said to commence seriously. When the truth of an event, or a series
of events, cannot be obtained, the next good to be accomplished is
that of making the world aware of the condition of knowledge in that
respect, and thus preventing dogmatism in opinions, the grounds of
which may be quite fallacious. The correctness of a general impres
sion of the sequence of the principal events of the battle is all that
should be attempted, as it is aU that can be relied upon as really true.*

* The details given of this battle, in nearly every one of the various works pub
lished in England and France at the time, and during some years after, are, for the
most part, deliberate, and often preposterous, falsifications, suited to the feelings of
the writers, and the feelings and prejudices of the nations to which they were expressly
addressed. The degrees of this falsification gradually lessened with the progress of
years. The French historians altered their numerical estimates to something more
credible, though still not the fact. It is doubtful if the facts, as to number, be really
attainable ; and as to the details of the action, its different movements, and particular
results, on wliich the whole so much depended, there are few accounts which agree
in any three successive events. If this he the case in the three accounts emanating
from the authorities who were most competent to give a regular view of the whole,
— namely, General Gourgaud (and other French officers), under the dictation or
revision of the Emperor Napoleon, on the one side, and the "Dispatches of the Duke
of Wellington," and of Prince Blucher, on the other,' — there can be no wonder at the
difficulties and discrepancies discovered in all other writers who have attempted to
give detailed accounts. In most of the lives of the Duke of Wellington, such

400 THE HISTORY OF
It appears that, after the desperate contest between the English
heavy cavalry and the French cuirassiers, the former — (if they did suc
ceed in driving back the cuirassiers), or (if they did not) another
body of English cavalry — advanced in a charge upon some French in
fantry, and, before they could extricate themselves, were charged by
another (or by the same) body of French cavalry, — broken, routed,
and nearly cut to pieces, — their commander, General Ponsonby, being
among the slain. Desperate charges of infantry and cavalry now fol
lowed in rapid succession, — the immediate object of the French being
the occupation of the central out-post of the Anglo-Belgian army at
the farm of La Haye Sainte ; and thence to push on to the farm of
Mont St, Jean. Some of the Scotch regiments made a gallant defence,
but were overpowered : the fifth and sixth English divisions were
nearly destroyed, and General Picton was left dead on the field.
It was about this period of the battle that the superiority of
strength in the horses of the British cavalry was made apparent, to
the disastrous overthrow of a body of cuirassiers. The 10th hussars
were ordered to charge the latter, when it was found that their sabres
flew to pieces, Uke glass, against the steel breastplates of their anta
gonists ; and the hussars were rapidly being hewed down, when the
word, " Open line !" was given, and through the interval thundered
forward a body of the Life Guards, who overthrew the cuirassiers by
main strength, — literally riding them down by hundreds, — and finally
driving them backwards pell-mell over the edge of a sudden decUvity.
The cuirassiers rolled to the bottom in broken masses, and the strug
gling chaos of men and horses were soon quieted in one heap of death
by volleys from the carbines of the guards above.
details are given, as shew the victorious arms of the British in a proper light;
and the defeated condition of the French as a natural consequence. In Sir Walter
Scott's history, as also in the admirable compendium of Mr. Lockhart, this is better
managed, and justice is often done to the French valour. The details of the battle
are, as usual with these writers, clearly and succinctly told, and have the very rare
merit of being intelligible ; but they are selected ad libitum ; and all the manoeuvres
are tinged with the spirit of party. Savary was not present, and speaks only in
general terms, chiefly concerning the conduct of Grouchy. Hazlitt's account of this
battle is collected from various sources with elaborate care, and told with energy
and eloquence ; but the movements are frequently unintelligible, and the whole is
given with the confusion of one who seems to be in the thick of the contest, on every
point alternately, — and not traced with the steady hand of the general who stands
apart. Other English works describe the battle solely with a view to please the
English; Prussian writers take the same care to please the Prussians (and they may
well claim a large share of the victory) ; while the two more recent French works
of Norvins, and of Laurent, are mere bald accounts of a few details, taken at random
and described in a way to please the French. Thus, all parties are pleased,  but
nobody obtains the truth.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

401

The French eventuaUy carried La Haye Sainte, and a body of
their infantry pushed forwards beyond the farm, and' overwhelmed
and scattered several regiments ; but were charged in their turn by
two brigades of English foot and heavy cavalry, and routed. In con
sequence of this, the farm of La Haye Sainte was vigorously assaulted
by the English; and, with the assistance of cannon and shells, was
recovered. This important post was taken and retaken several times,
with an energy that never relaxed on either side, and seems to have
finally been held by the French until the grand battle was lost : but,
amidst the mistakes and misrepresentations, voluntary and involuntary,
of adverse writers ; the confusion of survivors who were present ; the
limited views of the thoroughly-deaf and half-blind eye-witnesses, in
the intervals of the clouds of smoke; it is impossible to obtain any
fixed knowledge from their conflicting statements. Subsequent writers
have all felt this throughout the battle, and have usually settled the
question at issue by a dash of the pen, according to the dictates of
their private feelings.
During these assaults on the centre of the British Une, the French
cuirassiers advanced to the charge in the face of a terrific fire from

402 THE HISTORY OF
the artillery in front of the British infantry, which was formed in
squares to receive them. The squares were placed chequer-wise, so
that two sides of each square could fire a volley on the advancing
cavalry. The cuirassiers rode up to the very mouths of the cannon ;
cut down those artillerymen who were not quick enough in retreating
behind the infantry ; and dashed forward at the squares. The latter
withheld their fire till the cuirassiers were within a few yards of their
bayonets. These squares were formed four deep ; the first and second
rank fired a volley, and received the charge. It was made with fury.
The squares remained unbroken. The cuirassiers urged their horses
on the bayonets, and thrust over them with the points of their long
swords. The volley of the second and third ranks was steadily fired,
with dreadful effect, and the cuirassiers were obliged to retire. The
instant they turned, the artillerymen rushed from behind the squares,
manned their guns, and fired grape-shot with terrible effect on the
retreating body of this gallant but unavailing cavalry. The cuirassiers
turned, — re-formed, — renewed their charge, — but with no better result.
And this was repeated several times.
It was now four o'clock ; and about this time the Emperor received
intelligence from Gembloux, that, notwithstanding all his repeated
orders, Marshal Grouchy had not left his encampment at that place
till after ten o'clock in the morning, in consequence, it was said, of
the state of the weather.
The body of ten thousand men under Count Lobau and General
Daumont were now in action with the Prussians under Bulow, near
St. Lambert. The cannonade continued for a considerable time ; the
Prussian centre was then attacked and beaten back, but its wings
advancing, Count Lobau was obliged to retire. At this crisis, the
Emperor despatched General Dufresne with two brigades of infantry
of the young guard, and twenty-four pieces of cannon, and the Prus
sian advance was checked. They still endeavoured to out-flank the
French right, when several battalions of the old guard, with sixteen
pieces of cannon, were sent forward; the Prussian line was out
flanked, and Bulow driven back.
Meantime, a terrific cannonade had been opened some hours before
by the French, all along the line of the Anglo-Belgian army, par
ticularly on its centre. It was vigorously returned, but the effect was
far more devastating amidst the British ranks than in those of their
assailants; and the Duke of WelUngton at length ordered the whole
front of the centre to retire about two hundred yards, so as to take
up a hew position on the reverse slope of the hill on which they had
been previously formed. Behind this slope, the soldiers were ordered
to lie down flat. Their artillery still remained in advance. It was

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 403
now that the French cuirassiers, probably supposing that the Anglo-
Belgian army was retreating, made their first charge on the lines of
infantry with what effect has just been described. The retiring
movement of the British centre, however, is apparent.
At about five o'clock, Count D'Erlon had taken possession of the
village of Ter-la-Haye ; out-flanking the English left, and Bulow's
right. It appears that Count Milhaud's cuirassiers, and the chasseurs
of the guard, supported by an incessant fire from the infantry of
General Lefebvre Desnouettes, dashed across the plain beyond the
farm of La Haye Sainte, and, after a fierce struggle, drove back the
EngUsh cavalry which had advanced to meet them.
About six o'clock, there was disorder in a great part of the Duke of
WeUington's army. The ranks were thinned by the number killed, —
by those carried off wounded, — and by desertions. Soldiers of various
nations, Belgian, Hanoverian, and English, " crowded to the rear,"
and fled in a panic from this dreadful action. " A number of our
own dismounted dragoons," continues Captain Pringle, " together with
a proportion of our infantry, were glad to escape from the field.
These thronged the road leading to Brussels, in a manner that none
but an eye-witness could have believed." The same authority adds
in a note, that " a regiment of our alUed cavalry, whose uniform
resembled the French, having fled to Brussels, an alarm spread that
the enemy was at the gates. Numbers of those who had quitted the
field of battle, and — let the truth be spoken — EngUshmen too, fled
from the town, and never halted until they reached Antwerp. This
fact is too well attested to be doubted." *
Cries of " Victory !" resounded from the French over different
parts of the field. Napoleon, hearing this, observed — " It is an hour
too soon : but we must follow up what is done." He accordingly
prepared a grand charge of three thousand cuirassiers. A distant
cannonade was now heard in the direction of Wavres. It announced
the approach of Grouchy, — or of Blucher.
It is necessary to pause in the account of this battle, in order to
describe the movements of Marshal Grouchy, and of Prince Blucher,
on both of whom, as it has been seen from the first, so much de
pended. At half-past twelve o'clock, Grouchy was midway between Gem
bloux and Wavres. The tremendous cannonade at Waterloo resounded
from the distance. General Excelmans rode up to the marshal, and
told him that "he was convinced the Emperor must be in action
with the Anglo-Belgian army; that so terrible a fire could not be
* Sir Walter Scott, vol. ix., Appendix, No. viii.

404 THE HISTORY OF
an affair of outposts or skirmishing; and that they ought to march
to the scene of action, which, by turning to the left, they might reach
within two hours." Grouchy paused awhile, and then reverted to his
orders to follow Blucher. He ought to have done this much quicker
the day before, and he did not at present know where Blucher really
was. Count Gerard came up, and joined in the advice of General
Excelmans. Still, Grouchy remained doubtful, and as if stupified.
There is no need to suppose him treacherous. " The very fear of
what might happen," to use Hazlitt's fine remarks on this occasion, —
" the magnitude of the evil, took away the power to avert it. He
saw the sun shining above his head, that was no more to behold his
country's independence, or the face of freedom ; he saw the triumphs,
the struggles, the sacrifices of the last five-and-twenty years, about to
be annulled and made of no account, which it required but one more
effort to sanction and confirm for ever ; the blood that had flowed
turned into laughter and scorn ; an imbecile monarch forced back on
an hereditary throne,, borne in defiance over the bleeding bodies and
the prostrate necks of an abused people ; he saw, or should have seen,
aU this, and could not be prevailed upon to stir a single step to pre
vent it. The very weight and damning sense of consequences, which
should cut short all hesitation and compunction, seems, in minds not
strong enough to cope with it, to seek relief in idle forms, or in some
hollow subterfuge. At one moment, Marshal Grouchy appeared con
vinced ; but just then, a report came that the Prussians were at
Wavres, and he* set out once more after them," instead of instantly
hurrying off to join the Emperor in his great battle. " It was a rear
guard which Blucher had left there : he himself had gone (where he
was much wanted) to Waterloo. Marshal Grouchy found at Wavres
the officer who had been despatched from the field of battle at ten
o'clock in the morning, and sent General Pajol, with twelve thousand
men, to Limate, a bridge over the Dyle, about a league behind St.
Lambert, where they arrived at seven in the evening."
Blucher was at Wavres during the night of the 17th, with all
his forces; and, being weU advised, as previously stated, that the
Duke of Wellington would hazard a battle next morning if he could
depend on the co-operation of the Prussians, the veteran marshal, at
an early hour, detached the corps of Bulow, with orders to march on
St. Lambert. Leaving Mielman, with his corps at Wavres, he him
self, at the head of thirty thousand men, marched towards Waterloo.
The duke had expected to be joined by Blucher as early as eleven
o'clock; but the roads were in such a condition that the Prussians
could not accomplish the march in any such time as had been calcu
lated. Their advance was very slow, — but it was in the right direction.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 405
Meantime, the Emperor, on the battle-field of Waterloo, had
ordered the charge of three thousand cuirassiers under Kellermann,
to sustain and follow up the advantages of the cuirassiers of Mil-
haud, and the chasseurs on the plain below. They sprang forward,
and advanced under the cannonade of the Prussians, — shouting " Vive
l'Empereur!" — for Bulow was still pressing upon the flank and rear.
Other bodies of cavalry also advanced upon the centre of the Anglo-
Belgian army. While the Emperor was watching their several charges,
General Guyot's division of heavy cavalry were seen following the
cuirassiers of Kellermann. This latter movement was without Napo
leon's orders, and seems to have been the result of ungovernable
excitement on the part of the officers and men, who thought they
could finish the battle by a coup-de-main. The Emperor instantly
sent the grand marshal to recall them. It was too late. They were
in action before the order could reach them ; and to recall them
now, would have been dangerous, even if possible. This division was
the reserve, and ought by all means to have been held back. The
effect, however, of their advance was now to be seen.
It is said, by Captain Pringle, that " the Duke of Wellington
never felt any anxiety as to the result of the battle." It is, perhaps,
the worst compliment ever paid to that excellent and circumspect
commander. Considering not only the immediate results in the event
of the loss of his army, and the mUitary repute of his country, but
the extensive consequences Ukely to reach all over Europe, it was not
handsome towards the duke, as a man, to make such an assertion.
Nor is it much better, in a military point of view ; for, inasmuch
as the duke had only agreed to accept a battle, on the condition of
being joined by Blucher ; had expected Blucher to be on the field at
eleven o'clock, a. m. ; and now it was past six o'clock, with no certainty
of his approach, — but a charge of twelve thousand of the finest cavalry
in the world advancing against him instead, — certainly no additional
honour can accrue to him by so ill-advised an assertion. It would be
far more feasible to believe, that in the utter failure of his calcu
lation as to the time of Blucher's arrival, he had, during the later
hours of the afternoon, stood occasionally, as some aver, "in a sort
of stupor," with intervals of very great and manifest anxiety. It is
said, that during the preparation of this grand charge of the French
cavalry, the duke ran forward with his glass in front of his lines,
amidst the hot fire which preceded the charge. He was reminded
that he was exposing himself too much. " Yes," said the duke,
" yes, — I know I am, — but I must see what they are doing." This
seems far more natural under such extraordinary circumstances, not
withstanding his reliance on the firmness of the British soldiers, for

406

THE HISTORY OF

they had already been tried hard enough, — " nearly eight hours,"
says Captain Pringle, " longer than he had calculated upon."
This matchless body of twelve thousand select cavalry dashed
forward, in successive masses, towards the hostile lines, with all the
triumphant fury of a charge upon a retreating foe. Breaking and
overthrowing the opposing cavalry, and overwhelming the artillery in
front of the lines, they were received by the squares of British
infantry, first with a volley of musket-balls, and then upon the
immoveable array of bristling bayonets. Men and horses, struggling
in the agonies of violent death, bestrewed the ground. The squares

remained unbroken. The cuirassiers wheeled about, — re-formed,— and
again charged with tremendous energy, and a valour that set at con
temptuous defiance the tempest of grape-shot and balls of the artillery
and musquetry, which opposed their advance. Men rolled off, and
horses fell plunging, but the squares were unbroken. The French
cavalry fared no better than the valorous Mamelukes against the
French squares, at the battle of the Pyramids. But the Mamelukes

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 407
charged and fought individually, and not with the terrible collective
force of the cuirassiers. Still the squares of British infantry withstood
the shocks; and pistols were discharged in their faces, and swords thrust
over their bayonets in vain. Napoleon had never before commanded
in person against the English soldiery. He knew them now ; but it
was too late. He observed their grand self-command, and unflinch
ing courage, and praised it, — but it was his ruin. Yet again, and
again, did the brilliant cavalry of the French rush forward to the
charge with unmitigated fury. They even passed between the squares
of the first line, amidst their united cross-fire from front and rear,
and charged the squares of the second line, whose fire they also
received. It is more than probable, — whatever may have been said
to the contrary, — that some squares were occasionally broken, in both
lines, particularly in the second line. But no general effect was pro
duced, no real advantage gained ; and the baffled cuirassiers were
always obUged to retire, receiving the terrific cross-fire of the squares
as they passed between them, and followed by a voUey of mus
quetry, and often by the grape-shot of the artillery, One body of
cuirassiers, as if in cool despair of all further effect by the charge,
advanced against the squares at a deliberate trot. They received the
usual steady fire, — rode close up to the bayonets, — made a sort of
half-ferocious, half-humorous, attempt to sweep away one of the
rounded corners of a square, — then wheeled amidst all the firing, and
retired. Wonderful as it may appear, — for such are, luckily, the
chances of war, — this feat of contemptuous daring was attended with
scarcely any injury to the cuirassiers. "The small number that were
kiUed in this eccentric movement, is scarcely credible. An English
officer who was present avers, that only one cuirassier officer, and two
men, fell. Of course, however, many were wounded, and, refusing to
fall, carried away the balls in their bodies, to die out of sight of
their enemies, perhaps at no distant part of this most dreadful field.
Many were the deeds of individual gallantry performed by officers
and men on both sides, among cavalry and infantry all over the field.
On one occasion, a regiment of French and English cavalry met at
full charge. The French colonel was riding straight at the English
colonel, who, holding his reins and his hat in the same hand, was
waving his men onwards; when, just as they approached, the French
colonel perceived that the English officer had only one arm, and
instantly dropped the point of his sword with a respectful inclination.
of the body, and dashed past him to the next man. At the same
instant, the general shock took place. The combat was soon over, —
the English were victorious. "Spare the colonel!" exclaimed the
English officer. " Where is he ?" Little time was to be lost,— other

408 THE HISTORY OF
bodies of cuirassiers were advancing. " There he lies !" cried a soldier.
The French colonel, covered with wounds, lay with a heap of dead
around him. However strong a thing war may be, there are men in
whom humanity and nobleness are stronger.
It has been declared by the French authorities, and others, that
in the last grand charge of the twelve thousand French cavalry,
many squares were broken, and six standards, and sixty pieces of
cannon, taken. If so, most of the squares re-formed, and the can
non were probably retaken directly the cuirassiers retired. Be this
as it may, the state of the battle, and the relative condition of both
armies, at the present hour — nearly seven o'clock — appears to have
been as foUows : —
The line of battle of the Anglo-Belgian army, at the beginning
of the engagement, presented a convex outUne ; or a crescent, the
horns of which sloped backward. It has been said that by this time,
the Duke of WelUngton, having gradually advanced both wings, pre
sented the form of a concave Une ; or a crescent, the horns of which
were advanced. This is probably correct, as to the changed shape
presented by the Anglo-Belgian lines ; but in the cause of this change
of appearance there seems this discrepancy, — that instead of the con
vex Une of battle being gradually made a concave line, by advancing
the wings, we should most probably understand the appearance of
the wings in advance as having been occasioned by the beating back
of the centre ; both from repeated charges, and from the havoc made
by the artillery, as previously described, which induced the order to
retreat behind the slope of the elevation on which the Anglo-Belgian
army had first been formed. Besides this, there were, according to
Captain Pringle, multitudes of fugitives.
The desperate assaults of the French cavalry ought to have been
supported by strong bodies of infantry; they could not, however, be
spared, being needed for the contest with Bulow, and to prevent
his advance. By seven o'clock, Bulow was successfully repulsed, and
Count Lobau occupied the positions from wliich the Prussian general
had been driven. Still, the French cavalry, as we have seen, could
do no more than maintain itself on the plains, from whence the
duke's army had certainly made a retrograde movement. It appears
that a fresh cannonade was opened by the French along the British
Unes, after the assaults of the cuirassiers, but no further advance
was attempted by the former. It is idle to declare, as many do,
that the French had nearly won the battle when the first retrograde
movement was made by the duke's army; nor is it much more rea
sonable to assert, that at seven o'clock, the French had really won
the battle. They could not be said to have really won the battle till

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 409
the British were all killed, or prisoners, or had entirely left the field,
— not any of which circumstances occurred. The British were beaten
to a " stand still," — but there they stood. There was not the least
demonstration on the part of the Duke of Wellington to make any
general advance (nor had there been, all day), and as little sign
of his moving a jot further back. About twenty thousand men had
been killed, or otherwise lost, on each side. It is difficult to come
to any other conclusion, at this period of the contest, but that after
a perilous chance on the side of the duke of losing the day, and no
such danger on the side of the French, — it was a drawn battle.
It was seven o'clock. The distant cannonade, which had been
faintly heard in the direction of Wavres, now opened near at hand.
The roar of this fresh artillery did not announce the attack of
Grouchy in the rear of Bulow's division, but the arrival of the two
columns of Blucher, amounting to about thirty thousand men. The
cannonade had not been that of his engagement with Grouchy, as
had been generally supposed, but only of the attack made by Grouchy
upon the Prussian rear-guard left at Wavres. A communication was
speedily opened between the Anglo-Belgian army and the division of
Bulow, which at that time was retreating. The relative strength of
the two armies, allowing twenty thousand as lost on both sides, was
now that of two to one against the French, — the majority on the
other side being chiefly composed of fresh men.
It is said that when the duke found that it was Blucher who had
arrived, he leaped up in the air with uncontrollable excitement, and
that the Emperor, who had maintained throughout the whole day the
most unruffled serenity, turned white as death. This might weU be
true on both sides. Howbeit, the presence of mind of the Emperor,
so far from deserting him, was never so wonderfully manifested as upon
this occasion, when the fate of the battle on which depended the most
important and extensive results of any he had ever fought, hung by a
hair before it was decided against him.
The fresh army, advancing to the assistance of the Anglo-Belgian
forces, was now discovered with dismay by the French who were in
action on the field. The French cavalry on the plain, who had found
it impossible to break the squares of the British infantry, were waiting
in constant expectation of the Emperor's orders for the advance of
his reserves of the infantry of the guard. Thus supported, they still
doubted not to obtain a signal victory. They were not alarmed when
they saw the communication effected between Bulow and the English
left, because of the threatening array of the imperial guard; but
when they perceived the approach of the dense columns of Blucher,
they were confounded, and several regiments began to fall back. The

410 THE HISTORY OF
Emperor instantly, at the head of four battalions of the infantry of
the guard, advanced on the left, in front of La Haye Sainte. He
sent aides-de-camp along the whole Une, to announce the arrival of
succours, and that Blucher's advance was only a retreat before Grouchy,
who was pressing on his rear. He ordered General Reille to con
centrate the whole of his corps near Hougomont, and make an
attack. He sent General Friant to support the cavalry on the plain
with four battalions of the middle guard. If, by a sudden charge,
they could break and disorder the centre of the English line before
the columns of Blucher were able to force their way into the plain,
a last chance of success still remained. Blucher was hurrying on to
La Haye. There was not an instant to lose.
The attack was made; the infantry drove back all that opposed
them, and repeated charges of the French cavalry disordered the
hostile ranks. Presently, other battaUons of the guard came up. The
Emperor ranged them by brigades; two battalions being in line, and
two in column. General Friant was now carried by, wounded. He
said that all was going on well, but that the attack could not be suc
cessful till all the rest of the guard were employed. This movement
could not be effected on the instant, and in a few minutes it was too
late. The British still stood on the defensive, with the same uncon
querable fortitude that they had displayed throughout the whole day;
and Blucher reached the viUage of La Haye. A violent struggle
ensued, to check his advance. It was of brief duration. The
overwhelming mass of fresh men bore down all opposition ; their
numerous columns came rolling on through the viUage ; the Duke of
WelUngton prepared, for the first time during the day, to advance his
lines : a panic seized some of the French soldiers, exhausted and
maddened by the prolonged conflict, and the sudden appearance of
the dark masses of fresh assailants ; the cry of " Sauve qui peut !"
was raised ; the panic became general ; all the barriers of opposition
gave way like banks and dams before a torrent, and the columns of
the Prussians instantly poured into the plain.
The pressure of the dense crowd of friends and foes became
terrible. Napoleon instantly changed the front of the guard, so as to
throw its left on La Haye Sainte, and its right on La Belle Alliance.
They then faced the Prussians, whom they immediately charged.
The fresh brigade of EngUsh cavalry from Ohain arrived at this
crisis. They forced their way between General ReiUe's corps and the
guard, to their utter separation. The rush of the Prussians through
La Haye had already cut off Count Lobau's corps. The Emperor
ordered his four reserve squadrons to charge the fresh brigade of
English cavalry ; but the French were hewed down by the former, who

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 411
defeated all attempts at rallying. Utter dismay, disorder, and frantic
flight, was seen in the ranks of the French, and general confusion all
over the field. The Emperor had barely time to gallop into one of
the squares of the guard, which still maintained its position. Ney,
Jerome, and other marshals, followed close at his heels. It was at
this moment that Napoleon felt the loss of his reserve under General
Guyot. Bulow forced his way on the left of the disordered French,
and out-flanked the field. The cavalry and the four battalions of the
guard which had so long held the plains below, and maintained them
selves on the level heights, in opposition to the whole Anglo-Belgian
army, were now driven back in disorder. The Duke of Wellington
had at length ordered the advance, and his whole line ascended the
elevation in front. The French artillery on this part of the field had
expended aU their ammunition, and the troops, having nothing to
cover their retreat, were driven back pell-mell. So dreadful was the
disorder in which they retreated, that the French infantry and cavalry
became mingled, and fought with each other by mistake, as they fled.
One last effort to stem the torrent stiU remained. If the British
centre could be broken, and their advance checked, some favourable
chance was just possible. The Emperor ordered the advance of the
reserved infantry of the imperial guard. He exhorted them by a hasty
personal appeal, and confided the direction of their efforts to " the
bravest of the brave." They' moved forward in two columns, headed
by Ney. Their advance was supported by a heavy fire of artillery;
and four battalions of the old guard took post in their rear, as a
reserve. The Duke of WelUngton ordered the advance of his whole
line upon the elevation to receive them. He gave this order in the
familiar and brusque terms of " Up, guards, and at them!" His
meaning was well understood. The infantry were ranged four deep,
General Maitland's brigade of guards, and General Adair's brigade,
formed the main force to repel this last daring attack of the French.
The British were flanked by two brigades of artillery, which maintained
a destructive fire on the advancing columns. The British columns
however, still continued to advance. When they were within a short
distance, the whole English line opened a fire of musquetry upon them.
The soldiers all fired independently, — loading and firing as fast as
possible, — so that the hail of bullets never ceased for a single instant.
Ney's cocked hat and clothes were literally riddled with bullets, though
he himself remained untouched, and still led on the columns, while
his men were falUng in heaps on each side of him. They continued
to advance till within forty or fifty yards, and then attempted to open
out their ranks to return the fire, and charge. But they were unable
to deploy under so terrific and unremitting a fire ; the movement

412

THE HISTORY OF

failed, — the ranks became a confused mass, — fell back in shoals amidst
the hail of balls, — and, notwithstanding all the efforts of Ney, retreated
in horrible disorder. " All is lost for the present," said the Emperor.
Accompanied by only three or four officers, Napoleon hurried to
the left of Planchenoit, on a second position, where he had placed a
regiment of the guard, with two batteries in reserve. The routed
columns were pursued by General Adair's brigade of light horse. All
the grand attacks had been made throughout the day by the French.
This was their last. The battle of Waterloo was lost.
The four battalions of the old guard, under General Cambrone, still
remained to protect the retreat of the French army. If the old guard
could succeed in holding the British in check, and preventing their
advance during half an hour longer, the coming shades of night would
enable the army to retreat in safety, and partially recover its disorder
by next morning. The old guard formed in square. It was flanked
by a few pieces of artillery, and by a brigade of red lancers. " The
Duke of Wellington," says Captain Pringle, "now ordered his whole
line to advance, and attack their position." The infantry, which had
remained in a defensive position the whole day; which had resisted
the most daring and impetuous attacks ; which had lost many advan-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 413
tages of position, and never gained one ; frequently driven back, and
never making an advance ; which had suffered slaughter, and been
more than once in danger of defeat ; which had held their ground seven
or eight hours beyond the time their general had calculated as necessary,
and held it just as sturdily even after they were beaten to a " stand
still," — so far from being exhausted in their energies, were but too
glad to find a vent for their long-suppressed fury. It burst forth in
dreadful strength as they advanced to the charge in embattled array,
condensed and tremendous, against the remnant of noble veterans of
that old imperial guard, which, during twenty years of slaughterous
wars, had never once been vanquished. They, gathering round the
standards of their former glory, received the dreadful onset with souls
prepared for death. Nothing could withstand the maddened energies
with which the British soldiers sought to relieve their breasts of the
heavy burden they had borne throughout this bloody day. The old guard
were beaten down, and havoc soon began to thin their ranks. Their
general, Cambrone, was called upon to surrender by some British
officers who, perhaps, even amidst the fury of the fight, were averse
to see the slaughter of such devoted valour. The only reply made by
Cambrone was, — " The old guard dies, but does not surrender !" And,
on the space which these scarred and laurelled veterans defended foot
by foot, their dead bodies were flung in ghastly heaps, over which
the victors passed, triumphant, but not with equal glory. The old
guard were the forlorn hope of their country and its liberties, and
they died rather than witness her slavery and despair.
The irresistible advance of the British troops having accomplished
the destruction of this last body, and the soldiers having repaid them
selves for their long endurance, now felt the extent of their exhaustion.
They were quite unable to pursue the routed and retreating army of
the French. The Emperor attempted to protect the retreat ; and the
last discharge of artillery was from the guns, one of which wounded the
Earl of Uxbridge, who was advancing at the head of the cavalry. The
Emperor renewed his endeavours to rally the fugitives ; but it was now
nearly dark, — they could not see him, and nothing could be heard amidst
the uproar and hideous confusion that everywhere prevailed. The
Prussian cavalry, supported by some battalions of infantry, and the
whole of Bulow's corps, now advanced by the right of Planchenoit.
In a few minutes, the Emperor was almost surrounded by the hostile
forces. He formed the regiment into a square, and was still lingering
when Soult seized the bridle of his horse, and, pulling him away, the
Emperor yielded to his destiny. He was obliged to gallop across the
fields in the dark, amidst the whistling of the Prussian bullets, and
detachments of their cavalry which were scouring in all directions.

114

THE HISTORY OF

The Duke of Wellington and Prince Blucher met about ten
o'clock, and it was agreed that the pursuit should entirely devolve
upon the Prussians, together with the Brunswick troops. The nume
rous squadrons dashed forward after the French army, which was
retreating in the wildest disorder. It was a misty night ; but the
moon was just rising. Infantry, cavafry, artillery, were all mixed and
jammed together in one dreadful struggle to escape; while ammunition
and baggage-wagons, and stores, and hospital carts full of wounded
men, and plunging horses, and private carriages — the Emperor's car
riage among the rest — blocked up the roads and bridges, and filled up,
with a sort of heaving wall, every available outlet and passage ; while
the remainder were floundering in the dusky drizzUng mist, amidst
corn-fields and ploughed lands, or wallowing in dark hollows. Every
thing was presently abandoned, — all union at an end, — each man
sought only his individual safety, by endeavouring to escape from the
dark uproar, — the crushing and trampling of friends, and the sabres
of countless foes, distinguishable only by the death they dealt around.
The havoc made among the French during the night was dreadful,
the Prussians pursuing in every direction, and cutting down aU they
overtook without resistance, and with merciless ferocity.
Thus terminated the battle of Waterloo, — or of Mont St. Jean,
as it is sometimes called by the French. It was a drawn battle

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 415
between the English and the French, even with the timely assistance
of Bulow's division. The victory is attributable to the Prussians,
— that is, to the arrival of their thirty thousand fresh men at the close
of the day. In Prussia, the chief fame of the victory is awarded, not
to Blucher, but to Bulow. In England it is, of course, awarded to
the Duke of WeUington, though not, at this day, to a very popular
extent. The Belgians, Brunswickers, Dutch, and others, all claim
a large share of the victory, to very Uttle of which, be it observed, did
they really contribute, as the brunt of the battle all day was borne by
the unconquerable English, and the king's German legion. In France,
they claim for the Emperor, the winning of the battle twice over, —
with the unlucky necessity of admitting that the EngUsh, however
beaten, could not be made to leave the field.
It is certain that the French displayed the utmost valour and en
thusiasm in this last grand struggle for national independence. During
the four days of this terrible campaign, at Fleurus, the great battle
of Ligny, at Quatre-bras, and at Waterloo, including those slaughtered
in the rout, the French lost forty thousand men. The Prussians,
alone, lost thirty-eight thousand ; the . English between eleven and
twelve thousand ; the Belgians, Hanoverians, Dutch, and others of
the aUies, about eleven thousand. This campaign, therefore, for the
overthrow of Napoleon, and the restoration of the Bourbons, cost the
lives of upwards of a hundred thousand men.
Escaped from the field of battle, the Emperor made a brief halt
at Genappe, at about eleven o'clock at night. All attempts to rally
the frantic masses were in vain. Count Lobau, however, contrived
to collect a few hundred horse as a rear-guard, but was presently
overwhelmed, and made prisoner. The Emperor continued his course
towards Quatre-bras, where he dismounted at a bivouac, at about one
o'clock in the morning. He despatched several officers to Marshal
Grouchy to acquaint him with the loss of the battle of Mont St. Jean
(Waterloo), and to direct him to pass the Sambre at Namur, and
thence proceed by Charlemont to Laon, which was to be the rendez
vous of the army. The Emperor then proceeded to Charleroi ;
thence to Philippeville ; and reached Laon on the 20th, .at four o'clock
in the afternoon.
The loss of the battle of Waterloo, is attributable, as has been
evident, to the indecisions and faults committed by Ney and Grouchy ;
and to certain misunderstandings, non-reception of orders, and un
authorised movements, — all of which happened to be attended with
the worst consequences ; in short, the Emperor's good fortune had
deserted him at a moment when any unlucky accident was fatal, be
cause the obstinate courage of the British rendered anything short

416 THE HISTORY OF
of their destruction of no avail. The Emperor never attributed the
least treachery to Ney, or even to Grouchy. He merely said that
the events of 1814, had injured the old single-minded martial cha
racter of the generals, so that their heads were confused with politics,
in which " they shewed themselves mere children." The French sol
diers were all true as ever, but they had a want of faith in their
generals. The worst suspicions were unjustly entertained of several,
even during the action. The first shots had scarcely been fired,
when an old corporal approached the Emperor, and said, "Sire, do
not trust Marshal Soult, — he means to betray us." " Be tranquil,"
repUed Napoleon'; "I will answer for him, as for myself." In the
middle of the engagement, an officer came to Marshal Soult, with
a report that General Vandamme had gone over to the enemy; and,
towards the close of the day, a dragoon galloped up to the Em
peror, exclaiming, " Sire, hasten to our division, — General D'Henin
harangues the men to go over to the enemy." " Did you hear him ?"
" No, sire ; but an officer, who is now seeking your majesty, has
seen him, and charged me with the news." At this very time,
General D'Henin was in action with his division, and fell from a
cannon-shot, which carried away one of his thighs. But, previous
to the action, Lieutenant-Colonel Bourmont, Colonel Clouet, and the
Staff-officer Villoutry, went over to the enemy (this was on the 14th
or 15th, in the night), as did several officers who bore dispatches. By
these means, the Duke of Wellington obtained several pieces of im
portant information; and to these desertions is chiefly attributable the
suspicions which existed throughout the army.
But whatever degree of poUtical vaciUation might have existed,
or been imagined to exist, among a part of the officers (though their
conduct on the field is unquestionable), the fideUty and devotedness
of the French soldiery are almost without parallel in the pages of
history. Their gallantry and enthusiasm never flagged for a moment
through the whole of this most trying campaign, and were carried to
the noblest height in this last fatal battle, even after all hopes of vic
tory were at an end. The last advance upon the centre of the British,
and the attempt to protect the retreat, are ever-memorable events of
the day. Some of the veterans of the imperial guard, who lay
wounded upon the field, killed themselves when they heard the
Emperor had lost the battle. A day or two after the engagement,
many who had lain as dead, when roused from their insensibility,
lifted up their heads from the ghastly heap around, and said, " Vive
1' Empereur !" In the hospitals, the dying men feebly shouted the
same words. One of them, during an amputation, gazing steadfastly
on his own blood, remarked, that he would gladly give it all to the

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 417
service of the great Napoleon : and another, who was undergoing the
extraction of a ball from his left side, near the heart, exclaimed, as
the probe went into the wound, " An inch deeper, and you will find
the Emperor." No man who was not humane and noble, was ever
loved to this degree by large masses of his fellow-beings. In all
such instances, — they are very few, — the instincts of human nature
are infallible. Brilliant talents, alone, never secure a deep and gene
ral love.
The remains of the French army were retreating on several dif
ferent points. Entrusting the assemblage of the fugitives, at Avesnes,
to Prince Jerome, assisted by General Flahault, — and at Philippeville,
to Marshal Soult, — the Emperor sent an aide-de-camp to Guise, for
the same purpose, and stationed another aide-de-camp at Laon, to
make preparations for the fresh army which he intended to assemble
beneath the walls, in that advantageous position. He then proceeded
at full speed to Paris, accompanied by the Duke of Bassano, the
Grand Marshal Bertrand, and his aides-de-camp Labedoyere, Bernard,
Drouot, and Gourgaud. It was his intention to anticipate any poli
tical disturbances to which the sudden news of the recent defeat might
give rise ; to settle all the arrangements for the complete defence
of the capital ; to prepare the public mind for the grand crisis in
which the country was about to be placed by the junction of the
great armies of Prussia, England, Austria, and Russia; to direct on
Laon all the troops that could be safely withdrawn from the depots
and fortified places, and to prepare for the grand final struggle of
France as an independent nation. All these arrangements he intended
to put in process of execution, within the space of eight-and-forty
hours after his arrival in Paris, and then return direct to Laon.
The battle of Waterloo, disastrous as it had been, had not ex
hausted the resources of the Empire. Every preparatory measure had
been taken, on the supposition of the failure of the attack on Belgium.
From twenty-five to thirty thousand men, including the reserves
of the guard, were in readiness to march from Paris and the depots.
General Rapp, with twenty-five thousand men, chosen troops, was
expected on the Marne in the beginning of July. Paris alone had con
tained five hundred pieces of field artillery, of which only one hundred
and seventy had been lost. The fate of Grouchy's division, amounting
to nearly thirty thousand men, was uncertain at that moment; but by
that marshal's well-ordered retreat, it was brought back intact; and
Soult rallied from five-and-thirty to forty thousand men of the fugitives
from Waterloo, between Laon and Paris, on the 27th. Thus, an army
of one hundred and twenty thousand men, with three hundred and
seventy pieces of cannon, might cover Paris early in July. That
d

418

THE HISTORY OF

capital possessed, independently of these means of defence, thirty-six'
thousand men of the national guard, thirty thousand sharp-shooters, six
hundred battering cannon, and formidable entrenchments on the right
bank of the Seine ; while in a few days, those of the left bank would
have been entirely completed. The armies of Wellington and Blucher,
diminished as they were by tbe battles they had fought, must have
waited on the Somme for the co-operation of the Austrian and Russian
armies, no part of which could be on the Marne before the 15 th of
July, and the mass of them still later. Paris had twenty-five days
to prepare for defence, to complete the arming of its inhabitants, its
fortifications, and supplies, and to draw troops from every part of
France. Arms, ammunition, and officers, were abundant ; and the
field-artillery could have been augmented to six hundred. Marshal
Suchet and General Lecourbe would have had at the same time
upwards of thirty thousand men before Lyons, independently of the
garrison of that city, which was well armed, supplied with provisions,
and protected by strong entrenchments. The defence of all the for
tresses was secured ; they were commanded by chosen officers, and gar
risoned by faithful troops. A new levy of men must be called out; all
preparations must be continued; everything might be repaired. But
decision, energy, and firmness, on the part of the officers of the govern
ment, of the Chambers, and of the whole nation, were necessary.
Such were the thoughts which filled the mind of Napoleon in
his rapid course towards the capital ; while the ghastly witnesses of
the late deadly struggle still strewed the bloody and trodden field
of Waterloo.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

419

CHAPTER XX.

NAPOLEON RETURNS TO PARIS — HOLDS A COUNCIL — LA FAYETTE — THE CHAMBERS DECLARE
THEIR SITTINGS PERMANENT — ABDICATION OF NAPOLEON  HE RECEIVES THE THANKS OF
THE CHAMBERS  DEMANDS TWO FRIGATES TO CONVEY HIM TO AMERICA  RETIRES TO
MALMAISON  ADVANCE OF THE ALLIES, AND PROCLAMATION OF LOUIS XVIII. — NAPOLEON
DEPARTS POR ROCHEFORT  THE PORT BLOCKADED BY BRITISH SHIPS  LETTER TO THE
PRINCE REGENT FROM NAPOLEON  HE EMBARKS IN THE BELLEROPHON, WHICH SAILS FOR
ENGLAND  HE IS NOT PERMITTED TO LAND  IS TRANSFERRED TO THE NORTHUMBER
LAND  DEPARTURE FOR ST. HELENA.

Rumours of the disastrous defeat which
the French army had sustained,
reached Paris as early as the 19th
of June, when the public rejoicings
for the victory of Ligny were
scarcely concluded ; but few had
credited the evil tidings, when the
sudden return of Napoleon at once
confirmed them. He reached Paris
during the night of the 20th, and
alighted at the palace of the Elysee,
where he was immediately joined
by Joseph and Lucien. A letter
from himself had informed his
brother Joseph, who presided at
the council of ministers, of the whole truth, disguising nothing, but
recommending that no means should be neglected for preparing the
public mind for a vigorous defence, and for sacrifices commensurate

420 THE HISTORY OF
with the extent of the danger. It was in this spirit that Napoleon
met his ministers, whom he summoned on the instant of arrival. He
was covered with dust, as he had left the field of Waterloo; yet,
unexhausted by the fatigues of three battles, the dreadful events of
the flight, and the hurry of his journey, he gave a rapid but distinct
view of the resources of the country, the strength already organised
for resistance, and the far greater power still capable of development.
Napoleon decided that the extent of the disaster at Waterloo, and
the means of its reparation should be immediately laid before the
houses of legislature, and their co-operation demanded for defence.
The opinion of his councillors, in general, coincided with his own.
Fouche, and those among them who were treacherous, dissembled
their ideas ; Lucien and the Duke of Bassano recommended the imme
diate dissolution of the Chambers, and the assumption of a military
dictatorship by Napoleon. He, however, refused this course. He
knew the spirit of the Chamber of Representatives, but he believed
that the pressure of the danger would induce the members to support
him, from the necessity of employing his military talents. Had he
possessed the same powers as a public speaker which he possessed
as a military commander and civil administrator, he ought to have
gone down to the Chambers on the morning of the 21st, and there
proclaimed his resources, and insisted on a fair hearing ; but, as it
was, he appointed a deputation for this important purpose, and then
yielding at length to the excess of his physical fatigue, took his
usual refreshment of the bath.
The Chambers met at eight o'clock in the morning. The report
of the Emperor's arrival was quickly spread throughout the assembly.
Strange surmises and exaggerated rumours of calamities, even more
extensive than had occurred, flew from mouth to mouth, and the
idea that a dissolution was to be instantly expected, became current.
Fouche was the originator of this idea, and at the same time
Fouche was the disseminator of the reports of the spirit of the
Chambers, and the instigator of the advice to dissolve them. His
intrigues were apparently about to be crowned with success. While
the excitement was reaching its height, La Fayette rose, and after a
speech, in which he invited the representatives of the people to rally
round the ancient standard of liberty, equality, and public order, he
proposed the following resolutions: — "First:— The Chamber of Repre
sentatives declares that the independence of the country is menaced.
Secondly:— The Chamber declares itself permanent. Every attempt to
dissolve it is a crime of high treason. Whoever is guilty of such an
attempt is a traitor to his country, and shall be instantly condemned as
such." These leading clauses were followed by others, to the effect that

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 421
" the army had deserved well of the country, — that the national guard
should be called out, and that the ministers should be invited to place
themselves in the bosom of the assembly." La Fayette was seconded,
and his resolutions carried, with the sole exception of that which
proposed the calling out of the national guard, — a measure which was
declared premature. Thus the Chamber of Representatives overturned
the new constitution, and put aside the authority of the Emperor.
It was not till after these decisions that the deputation of mi
nisters, accompanied by Lucien, was introduced. This was a great
error : they should have forestalled the discussion. They proceeded to
lay before the assembly the events of the battle of Waterloo without
any disguise ; they then attempted to detail the resources of the
country, and to demand the co-operation of the Chambers with the
head of the state, for the national defence. They could scarcely obtain
a hearing. A stormy discussion followed. It became evident that a
separation from the cause of the Emperor was regarded as the only
means to obtain peace and liberty. Lucien argued in vain that it
was, on the contrary, the means of delivering France *to the enemies
of her liberty; and that by the course which the representatives were
pursuing, they were going beyond the most sanguine hopes of the
allies. He could not make himself heard. At the same time, to
complete the evidence of their delusion, the members brought forward
anew, and confirmed, that article of the constitution which proscribed
the restoration of the house of Bourbon ; while by their acts they had
smoothed away the only difficulty which lay in the way of the return
of the Bourbons. The resolutions of the lower house were imme
diately communicated by a message to the Chamber of Peers. No one
opposed them, and they were adopted.
The Emperor held a council in ^Jie afternoon, at which there were
few who did not recommend his abdication. The Duke of Bassano
again vehemently opposed it; and Carnot, whose knowledge of the real
state of affairs was too clear to permit him to be deceived, argued
strenuously against it. So earnest was this veteran republican, that
when he heard the contrary opinion prevail, and the abdication in
sisted on, he leaned on a table, and hid his face with his hands, which
were observed to be wetted by his tears. Napoleon said little, and
dissolved the council without announcing his decision. Amidst the
various conjectures, affirmations, denials, and animadversions, con
cerning the course which he pursued, his own exposition of his
feelings and motives given to Las Casas at St. Helena, is a guide to
the simple truth: it bears internal evidence of sincerity, and every
authentic account corroborates its correctness. " I have often asked
myself," said Napoleon, " whether I have done for the French people

422 THE HISTORY OF
all that they could expect of me, — for that people did much for me.
Will they ever know all that I suffered during the night that preceded
my final decision ? In that night of anguish and uncertainty I had to
choose between two great courses; the one was to endeavour to save
France by violence, and the other was to yield to the general impulse.
Friends and enemies, the good and evil disposed, all were against me,
and I stood alone. For a moment I entertained the idea of resistance.
I was on the point of declaring myself permanently at the Tuileries,
with my ministers and councillors of state. I had thoughts of rallying
round me the six thousand guards who were in Paris, augmenting
them with the best-disposed portions of the national guard, who were
very numerous, and the federate troops of the Faubourgs, — of ad
journing the chambers of legislature to Tours or Blois, — re-organising
before the waUs of Paris the wrecks of the army, and thus exerting
my efforts singly, as a dictator, for the welfare of the country. But
would the chambers have obeyed ? I might have enforced obedience,
it is true ; but this would have been a new cause of scandal, and a
fresh source of difficulties. It would have been necessary to arraign
great criminals, and to decree great punishments. Blood must have
been shed; and then who can tell where we should have stopped!
What scenes of horror might not have been renewed ! By pursuing
this line of conduct, should I not have drowned my memory in the
deluge of blood, crimes, and abominations of every kind, with which
libellers have already overwhelmed me ? Should I not thereby have
seemed to justify all that they have been pleased to invent ? I hesi
tated long, — I weighed every argument on both sides ; and I at length
concluded that I could not make head against the coalition without,
and the royalists within, — that I should be unable to oppose the
numerous sects which would have been created by the violence com
mitted on the Chambers, — to control that portion of the multitude which
must be driven by force, or to resist that moral condemnation which
imputes to him who is unfortunate every evil that ensues. Abdication
was, therefore, the only step that I could adopt. AU was lost without
me. I foresaw and foretold this; but still I had no alternative."
The Emperor held a levee at nine o'clock on the morning of the
22nd. His expressions to those whom he trusted, accorded exactly
with the foregoing statement : — " He dismissed every one," says
Savary, "but M. De Caulaincourt, Lavalette, and myself. He again
spoke to us on public affairs, and said it was the prevailing idea that
everything would be saved by his downfall; but it would be seen how
such an idea was founded in error. ' If I am allowed to fall,' said
he, ' the consequences are inevitable ; but I can do nothing single-
handed. For my part, my determination is taken ; I have caused

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 423
communications to be made to the Chamber: I am awaiting its reply.'"
The communications he had made were further particulars of the state
of the army, and were of a very gloomy cast, as no news had yet
been heard of Grouchy.
The Chamber replied by a deputation, commissioned to submit to
bis consideration, that " the state of war in which France was again
involved, concerned much less the nation than himself: and that the
assembly had the means at command of putting an end to it, if he
would act so disinterested a part as to restore to it the faculty of
action, according as circumstances might dictate its adoption."
The Emperor received this deputation graciously : he said, that
"when he returned to France his main object had been to restore the
nation to its freedom. If the assembly had the means of securing that
object, it was far from his intention to obstruct the execution of it;
but he wished to know in what consisted those means. In any case,
he should reply to the message which they had been commissioned to
convey to him."
The Emperor then summoned the Council of State, which he
addressed in the following words : — " I can do nothing unassisted.
The public mind is led astray by the efforts made to detach it
from me. I had called the Chambers together in order that they
might impart strength to my measures ; whereas their disunion deprives
me of the resources I might otherwise still have at command. The
nation has been made to believe that I am the only obstacle to the
conclusion of the arrangement, which it is fruitlessly led to expect.
The time is too short to enable me to enlighten its judgment ; its
looks are now directed to another quarter. It requires of me that I
should sacrifice myself. I am willing to do so ; for I have not come
to France for the purpose of kindling domestic feuds. Time, which
analyses everything, will prove what are the intentions of those who
accompUsh the destruction of our remaining resources." He then
dictated the following reply to the message of the Chambers : —
" When I began the war for the upholding of the national inde
pendence, I relied upon the union of all efforts and of all wills, and
upon the concurrence of all the national authorities. I was justified
in anticipating success, and I braved all the declarations of the powers
against my person. Circumstances seem to be changed. I offer myself
as a sacrifice to the hatred against France. May they prove sincere,
and may it appear that they only wage war against me ! My political
life is terminated. I proclaim my son under the title of Napoleon IL,
Emperor of the French. The present ministers will provisionally
form the council of the government. The interest which I take in
my son induces me to recommend that the Chambers should imme-

424 THE HISTORY OF
diately enact a law for the organisation of a regency. Unite together
for the general safety, and to the end of securing your national
independence. " At the palace of the Elysee, the 22nd of June, 1815.
" Napoleon."
The Chamber had waited this reply in a state of the greatest
impatience, augmented doubtless by the appearance of a legion of the
national guard, which had been sent, through the machinations of
Fouche, to " protect the deputies from the impending danger of dis
solution." This perfectly answered the purpose intended, by alarming
and exciting them. La Fayette had even proposed the deportation of
the Emperor, if he delayed his decision longer; when Fouche appeared
amongst them, to present the act of abdication. It was received with
joy and admiration, and communicated to the Chamber of Peers. No
explicit declaration was, however, made on the subject of Napoleon II.,
whose succession was warmly advocated by Beranger, Manuel, and
others. A deputation was then ordered to convey to the Emperor the
thanks of the Chambers. Napoleon received them, attired, for the
last time, in his imperial robes, and surrounded by his state officers
and guards. He looked pale, but perfectly calm; and having heard
them without the smallest apparent emotion of any kind, he replied,
— " I thank you for the sentiments which you express ; I desire that
my abdication may produce the happiness of France ; but I cannot
hope it : the state is left by it without a chief,— without a political
existence. The time lost in overturning the empire might have been
employed in placing France in a position to crush the enemy. I
recommend to the Chamber promptly to reinforce the armies: whoever
wishes for peace, must be ready for war. Do not place this great
nation at the mercy of strangers. Beware of being deceived in your
hopes. This is the real danger. In whatever position I may be
placed, I shall always be satisfied, if France is happy."
The reign of the Emperor Napoleon was over. 'The council of
ministers broke up, and the palace of the Elysee soon presented the
appearance of a solitude. Napoleon, surrounded only by a few friends,
had now become a private individual.
It was at this period that Las Casas, who had for some time belonged
to the council, and the household of the Emperor, begged his permission
to devote himself to his fortunes, and follow him to whatever place
he might choose as his future abode. Savary, also, now threw up
his post of inspector-general of gendarmerie, and attached himself
entirely to the person of the Emperor. Generals Bertrand, Gourgaud,
Montholon, and Lallemand remained in his suite ; and amono- his con
fidential friends and advisers, we still find the names of the Duke of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 425
Bassano, Lavallette, and Labedoyere. The latter had passionately
maintained, in the Chamber of Peers, the right of Napoleon II. to
the succession. Napoleon watched the progress of events with anxious
and painful feelings ; but every witness of his demeanour concurs in
describing it as perfectly calm and serene. He appears scarcely to
have alluded to the late events ; and neither to have entertained any
doubts of the wisdom of the course he had taken, nor uttered regrets
nor reproaches. He was desirous only to remove from the troubled
scene, of which he had become no more than a spectator. On the
night of the 22nd, he accordingly sent a message to the minister of
marine, requesting that two frigates, lying off Rochefort, might be
placed at his disposal. It was his intention, to proceed direct to
America. In the sitting of the afternoon of the 22nd, the Chambers had
decreed the appointment of a provisional government, consisting of
five members. Fouche, Carnot, Caulaincourt, and Generals Grenier
and Quinette, were chosen for this new office, and immediately installed
in the Tuileries. The succession of Napoleon II. was acknowledged
and proclaimed by the deputies, and afterwards by the peers. The first
public act of the provisional government, was to despatch a deputation
to treat of peace with the allies. Intelligence of the safe retreat of
Marshal Grouchy had reached Paris in the course of the day. It was
quickly followed by the news that the armies of the Duke of WelUngton
and Blucher had entered France on the 21st. Carnot laid the informa
tion before the house of peers, and seized the opportunity to urge
them to defensive measures, by stating the resources of the country.
His speech gave rise to a strange scene. Ney, who had been galled to
the quick by Napoleon's expressions concerning him in the bulletins,
started up and contradicted Carnot with a reckless desperation of man
ner, declaring that the guard was annihilated, that everything was lost,
and that there was no safety for the country but in instant propositions
of peace. On being contradicted by General Flahault, Ney resumed
his speech with greater violence than before, and even went so far as
to say " You must recall the Bourbons !" This topic, not yet touched
upon by any one, brought down a storm of reproaches on him, to which
he only replied with sullen indifference, " What should I gain by the
restoration of Louis, except being shot for desertion ?"
The members of the provisional government waited on Napoleon
on the 23rd. The quiet of the Elysee was broken also by crowds who
surrounded the palace with cries of "Vive l'Empereur," and who
repeatedly insisted on his presenting himself to them. The rumour
had spread among them that he was going to be delivered up to the
enemy. Regiments of the line also, who had marched past, had

426 THE HISTORY OF
stopped to greet him with acclamations; and it was weU known that
discontent was spreading in the army, and that murmurs of " No
Emperor — no soldiers !" had been heard. Alarmed by these symptoms,
the provisional government deputed Carnot to request the Emperor
to remove from Paris. Napoleon complied immediately, and went to
Malmaison on the 25th. It was here that, in compliance with the
suggestions of some members of the government, he addressed his last
proclamation to the army : — " Soldiers ! when I yield to the necessity
which forces me to separate myself from the brave French army, I
take away with me the happy conviction that it will justify, by the
eminent services which the country expects from it, the high character
which our enemies themselves are not able to refuse to it. Soldiers,
I shall follow your steps, though absent. I know all the corps, and
not one among them will obtain a signal advantage over the enemy
that I shall not render homage to the courage which it will have
shewn. You and I, we have been calumniated. Men, incapable of
appreciating your actions, have seen, in the marks of attachment
which you have given me, a zeal of which I was the sole object; let
your future success teach them that it was the country above all that
you served in obeying me, and that if I have any part in your
affection, I owe it to my ardent love for France, our common mother.
Soldiers, some efforts more, and the coalition will be destroyed.
Napoleon will know you by the blows that you will give to it. Save
the honour, the independence of the French ; be what I have known
you for twenty years, and you will be invincible."
Nothing is more remarkable throughout this eventful period than
the carelessness displayed by Napoleon concerning his own future fate.
He gave up his power without making a single condition for himself.
Yet the excessive anxiety to receive his abdication which was shewn
by the leading members of the party opposed to him, is sufficient
proof that they would willingly have granted anything in their power
to ensure it. If he had insisted, as a preliminary, that they should
give him a proper escort to the coast, and a naval armament of
respectable strength, rapidly equipped and put under weigh, so as to
forestal the vigilance of the British government, there can be little
doubt that he would have reached America in safety. The British
force on the coast at that moment could not have prevented him. But,
like a man who had seen the passion of his life overthrown, he seemed
to have sunk into indifference. So little did he exert his usual vigilant
foresight, that he even suffered himself to believe that he should be
permitted to remain in France, and amused himself with plans of
collecting a circle of private friends about him at Malmaison. He
never even thought of his funds till reminded by Savary, who, after

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 427
obtaining his instructions, went to the treasury of the crown on the
23rd, and drew the sum (not a large one) which the Emperor had at
his command. He was only just in time ; having scarcely left the
office when it was closed, and all payments forbidden by order of
the provisional government.
On the 26th, General Becker made his appearance at Malmaison,
and announced that he had received orders to take the command of
the troops entrusted to protect the Emperor, and to answer for his
person to the provisional government. Napoleon was perfectly aware
of the meaning of this; notwithstanding he received General Becker
with courtesy. He now saw that his motions were watched, and that
Fouche probably intended to procrastinate matters and deliver him up
to the allies. Sieyes, among others, had visited him -for the purpose
of warning him of such a design ; and neither the passports required
as safe conducts to the coast for himself and his suite, nor the order
for the frigates, were yet made over to him. Napoleon continued
to display the same quiet indifference about his fate, which had
been observable since his abdication. " His composure," says Savary,
" alarmed me." Incited by this faithful councillor, he, however, made
a pressing demand, through General Becker, on the 27th, that the
provisional government would complete the necessary measures for his
departure ; adding that if he did not receive their answer without
delay, he would address himself to the Chambers, and proceed to the
hall of their sittings, there to wait the issue of events, and to assign to
them the task df delivering him up to the enemy. The answer was, that
"for greater security, the provisional government had demanded from
the Duke of Wellington, a safe conduct for Napoleon to proceed to the
United States ; and that as soon as received, it should be forwarded."
No one could be deceived as to the intention of this proceeding : it
clearly denoted that the men, who, for the moment, possessed the
government of France, had determined that the late Emperor should
not leave the country freely. The fear that he should at any time
return, had made them take a step which was certain to place him
in the power of the English government. The Duke of Wellington
had no authority to grant so important a passport, but informed
his government of the request, — and the coast of France was imme
diately guarded by English cruizers, with strict injunctions to prevent
the departure of Napoleon Bonaparte. The official order reached the
British squadron, lying off RocheUe and Rochefort, on the 5th or
6th of July ; but as early as the 30th of June an anonymous French
correspondent had warned Captain Maitland, commanding the Belle-
rophon, off the latter port, of the probable embarkation of Napoleon,
from that part of the coast. The letter was written on very thin

428 THE HISTORY OF
paper, and enclosed in a quill. Probably the informant was an agent
of Fouche. Meanwhile, the allied armies were fast approaching Paris. The depu
tation from the provisional government, with proposals for an armisticej
had produced no other effect than to accelerate their march. They
had hitherto proceeded with caution, but no sooner did they receive
intelligence of the abdication of Napoleon, than they advanced rapidly.
The Prussians had appeared, on the Lower Seine, on the 27th. Napoleon,
who watched every movement, perceived that they had thereby exposed
themselves to be cut to pieces, and sent an offer to the provisional
government, to place himself at the head of the army, and punish
their rashness. " You wiU explain to them," said he to General Becketf,
who was the bearer of his message, " that it is not my intention to
resume the possession of power. My only wish is to defeat and crush
the enemy, and compel him, by means of our victory, to give a favour
able turn to the negociations. As soon as this result shall have been
obtained, I shall depart, and quietly proceed on my journey." Such
an offer was, of course, rejected. Whatever were its latent, perhaps,
even unconscious, motives, it was unquestionably prompted by the irre
sistible impulse of the military commander, to rush upon an enemy who
had thrown himself into a false position. It had the effect, however,
of alarming Fouche, who could not receive even a remote suggestion
of Napoleon at the "head of the army," without trembling, and heartily
wishing him out of the way. On the following day, all the obstacles
were removed which had hitherto impeded his departure, and on the
29th, he finally left Malmaison. A small band of friends had collected
round him to bid him farewell, besides those who had asked and received
permission to follow him in his exile. Labedoyere suffered himself to be
persuaded to remain in France, contrary to the warnings and remon
strances of the Emperor. The officers of the guard were admitted to
take their leave. Hortense was with him to the last moment, and was
overcome with grief. It was, however, with a firm step, and a counten
ance perfectly calm, that Napoleon came out of his private apartments
and announced that he was ready to depart. He took the road to
Rochefort, by Tours, travelling in a plain summer calash, accompanied
by Savary, and Generals Becker and Bertrand : General Gourgaud
followed in a carriage containing the Emperor's effects. Madame
Bertrand and her children, M. de las Casas and his son, M. and Madame
Montholon, Colonel de Planat, and several orderly officers who had
requested leave to accompany the Emperor, travelled by the road of
Orleans. If Davoust had not taken the precaution to have the bridges
in front of Malmaison burnt, Napoleon would have run a great risk of
falling into the bands of the allies. A Prussian detachment appeared

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 429
there in quest of him very soon after he started. They had arrived by a
circuitous route, and must have been led by a guide well acquainted with
the localities. Napoleon, however, had escaped this danger. He slept
at Rambouillet the first night, at Tours on the 30th, and at Niort on
the 1st of July. He was well received wherever he was recognised;
but at the last named place, the enthusiasm of the people and troops was
extreme. A great crowd surrounded the hotel where he slept, and the
troops so earnestly requested to be allowed to supply him with an escort,
that he could not resist their .entreaties, and pursued the journey to
Rochefort attended by a picquet of light cavalry. He reached this place
on the 3rd of July. The carriages containing the remainder of his suite
had successively arrived. Joseph Bonaparte also joined him at Roche-
fort ; and in this place the two brothers saw each other for the last
time. The roadstead and harbour were found to be watched by the
English man-of-war, the Bellerophon, which had taken up its station
two days before ; ever since, in fact, the receipt by Captain Maitland
of the anonymous letter before-mentioned.
The presence of Napoleon caused much excitement in Rochefort.
He was very popular there, in consequence of the great benefit he
had conferred on the city, by draining the marshes, and by the erec
tion of various public works. Crowds were constantly collected under
his windows, who made no secret of their attachment and regret. The
army of General Lamarque, in La Vendee, and of General Clausel,
in Bordeaux, as well as all the corps garrisoned in the neighbourhood,
sent deputations to express their devoted attachment to him, and it
is well known that pressing entreaties were made to him to place
himself at their head, but that he steadily refused to take a step
which must commence a civil war, for merely personal motives. Still
more important offers were made to him, while be was at Rochefort,
from the army, which had retired from the capital behind the Loire,
according to the convention of the 3rd of July; but he declined them
all. " I saw," said he afterwards to Captain Maitland, " that there
was no prospect of ultimate success, though I might have occasioned
a great deal of trouble and bloodshed, which I did not choose should
take place on my account, individually: — while the empire was at
stake, it was another matter." Napoleon remained at Rochefort till
the 8th, when he embarked on board the Saale frigate ; without, however,
any immediate prospect of getting to sea.
The fate of France had been rapidly decided in this short interval.
The provisional government failed alike in awakening the national
spirit, in conciliating the army, or in bringing the English and Prussian
generals to terms. The leading members of the Chambers continued
to proclaim resistance to the Bourbons; but no practical measures

430 THE HISTORY OF
supported their denunciations. The royalists were active ; Fouche
intrigued for them ; Grouchy and Soult retreated under the walls of
Paris, followed close by Wellington and Blucher. A short yet brave
resistance was made ; but on the night of the 2nd of July an armistice
was concluded, by which the capital was surrendered to the allies,
and the French army was drawn off behind the Loire. Against this
arrangement, the troops struggled with fruitless violence. The foreign
armies remained in their encampments without the walls, till by degrees
the humbled soldiers of Napoleon had learned to submit to inevitable
fate. By the 7th, the last French corps evacuated Paris, and the Duke
of Wellington and Marshal Blucher made their triumphant entrance
at the head of their armies, and occupied the city. The provisional
government and the Chambers had continued their sittings up to this
period: they now received the final resolution of the allied sovereigns,
to the effect that " all authority emanating from the usurped power of
Napoleon Bonaparte, was null and void;" and that Louis XVIII.,
who was at St. Denis, would on the next day, or day after at farthest,
enter his capital, and resume his regal authority. The leading members
of the Chamber of Representatives, endeavouring to plead the cause of
liberty, received from the mouth of Lord Castlereagh, as their sole
response, " Your king is at hand !" Louis XVIII. made his pubUc
entry into Paris, on the 8th of July.
Whilst these events transpired in the capital of France, its late
Emperor remained at Rochefort, or on board one of the French frigates,
occasionally landing at the Isle of Aix ; the Bellerophon, now joined
by the Slaney, closely blockading the port. On the 10th of July, Savary
and Las Casas were despatched to Captain Maitland, under a flag of
truce, to enquire whether he had any knowledge of the passports which
the Emperor expected to receive from the British government, or if
it were the intention of that government to throw any impediment
in the way of his voyage to the United States. The two envoys were
received on board the Bellerophon, where they remained about two
hours. To their enquiries, Captain Maitland replied that he had no
knowledge concerning the passports ; that he could not say what were
the intentions of his government; but that he could not permit any
ship of war to leave the port of Rochefort; nor could he suffer any
neutral vessel whatever, to pass with a personage of so much con
sequence. In the course of the conversation, Captain Maitland, ac
cording to his own statement, threw out the suggestion, " Why not
seek an asylum in England ?" — to which various objections were urged
by Savary ; and thus the interview terminated. Captain Maitland had
already received official orders to watch for, and intercept Napoleon
if possible, and in case of success to take him to England, on board
his ship, with all possible expedition.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 431
The succeeding days were passed by Napoleon in the consideration
of various plans of escape. When we recollect his return from Egypt
and from Elba, it is impossible to doubt that Napoleon could have
got away from France at the period in question, if he had then
possessed or exerted the energy of his nature. Captain Maitland's
narrative proves that the force under his command was quite inade
quate to guard all the ports and passages of the neighbouring coasts,
from which small vessels might put to sea. The French naval strength
lying off Rochefort was also capable of attempting a passage, even at
the risk of an action ; consisting, as it did, of two frigates, a large
corvette, and a brig. The Bellerophon was a seventy-four gun-ship,
of the smaller class, old, and a slow sailer; and was at various intervals
the only British ship off the port. But one of the French captains
refused to make the attempt, which was therefore immediately re
nounced as hopeless, even though the officers were indignant at his
pusiUanimity ; and with their good-will, and the devotion of all the
seamen and troops at Rochefort, RocheUe, and the neighbouring ports,
which Napoleon unquestionably possessed, he would have been very
likely to find means of escape, but for the fact that the kind of pros
tration of energy, which is so apt to follow on strong excitement, had
taken possession of him. It is not in human nature to work during
three months fifteen hours out of the twenty-four for the establishment
of great designs, — to command in three hard-fought, sanguinary battles
at the conclusion of that term, — and, by the result of the last of those
battles, to lose all for which that time and labour had been devotedly
bestowed; — it is not in human nature to do and suffer all this, and
retain its high- wrought energy. Every description of Napoleon at
this period is confirmatory of the impression that he had the feelings
of one who had done with action, and whose part it was to endure.
After the discussion of various plans of getting to sea, one offered
by a Danish captain, another by the midshipmen of the French
frigates, but all finally rejected, Napoleon once more despatched Las
Casas, accompanied by General Lallemand, to Captain Maitland on
the 14th of July, with instructions to enquire again whether the
intentions of the British government were yet declared as to a pass
port to America, or if permission for Napoleon to pass in a neutral
vessel could yet be granted. The answer was in the negative ; but
Captain Maitland again suggested his embarkation on board the BeUe-
rophon, in which case he should be conveyed to England. The
words of Captain Maitland, as quoted by himself to Lord Keith in
his letter of the 8th of August, 1815, were as follows: — "If he chooses
to come on board the ship I command, I think, under the orders I
am acting with, I may venture to receive him, and carry him to

432 THE HISTORY OF
England." Upon this, a negociation took place, which terminated in
Las Casas saying, " Under all circumstances, I have little doubt that
you will see the Emperor on board the Bellerophon." There has
been much discussion concerning the conversation which took place
on this occasion. Las Casas says, in his journal, that Captain Maitland
" declared it as his private opinion, and several captains who were
present expressed themselves to the same effect, that there was not
the least doubt of Napoleon's meeting with all possible respect and
good treatment ; that there (in England), neither the king nor his
ministers exercised the same arbitrary authority as those of the con
tinent, — that the English people possessed a generosity of sentiment
and liberality of opinion superior to sovereignty itself." Captain
Maitland does not either admit or deny that he made such a statement
concerning his private opinion, nor whether Captain Sartorius (the
only other captain present — possibly Las Casas alludes to some officers
of the ship) did so ; but it is extremely probable that they did, not
perhaps in the exact terms detailed by Las Casas, but something like
them. Captain Maitland's manly, clear, and interesting narrative be
speaks him to have possessed a warm and generous heart ; and it was
very natural that he and other British naval officers should believe
that the late Emperor of France, driven by adversity to seek a refuge
in England, would there meet with " all possible respect and good
treatment." The actual treatment which, on the contrary, he did
receive, no doubt made it very awkward for a British officer to avow
that such had been his private opinion. Las Casas affirmed afterwards
that he had acted on the understanding that Captain Maitland was
authorised to convey Napoleon and his suite to England (this was a
fair inference from Captain Maitland's words, and was actually the
fact), and on the assurance that the Emperor would be well received
there; while Captain Maitland explicitly declares in. all his dispatches
written whilst the negociation was pending, as well as in his narrative,
that he repeatedly warned Las Casas that " he was not authorised to
stipulate as to the reception which Napoleon might meet with in
England." If strictly examined, the assertion of Las Casas does not
amount to saying that Captain Maitland averred he had authority
for stipulating as to Napoleon's reception, — it may only allude to a
private opinion expressed ; and it should be remembered that Las
Casas was enthusiastically attached to Napoleon, to follow whom he
voluntarily left his country, his wife, and children ; and that he was
thrown into an agony of distress at the unhappy termination of a
negociation he had commenced. This was the explanation of the
misunderstandings which occurred, given by Napoleon himself, who
did not support him in his assertions ; but, on the contrary, ex-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 433
pressed his satisfaction with Captain Maitland's conduct, both in
public and private, and wished to have made him a present of his
portrait set in diamonds; this, however, Captain Maitland took means
of informing him that he could not accept, and Napoleon appreciated
the propriety of the refusal.
Las Casas returned to the Isle of Aix after his interview with
Captain Maitland on the 14th of July. The result of his mission
appeared to be " that Captain Maitland had authorised him to tell
the Emperor that, if he decided upon going to England, he was au
thorised to receive him on board; and he accordingly placed his ship
¦ at his disposal." Napoleon then finally made up his mind to place
himself on board the British ship. He gave directions to Las Casas
to announce his determination to Captain Maitland, and prepare him
for the reception of himseU and his 'suite on the following morning.
At the same time, he entrusted to Gourgaud a letter to the Prince
Regent, with instructions to seek the means of conveying it to
England, and putting it into the hands of his royal highness. Much
has been said about the date of this letter, which was unquestionably
the 13th, although all the followers of Napoleon assert that it was
written in consequence of .the interview between Las Casas and
Captain Maitland, which did not take place till the 14th ; while the
latter, pointing to that date, uses it as an argument that Napoleon
had made up his mind before the interview took place. This matter
is of the less importance, as the whole negociation is perfectly intel-
Ugible without supposing any dishonourable dealing. Those who
carried it on for Napoleon regarded him as a great sovereign who had
abdicated his throne, and sought an asylum in a country which had
been his implacable enemy throughout his life, and which they
conceived he honoured by his confidence. Captain Maitland, on the
other hand, regarded him, as every British officer probably did, as an
usurper, whose passion for war and insatiable ambition had made him
throughout his life the implacable enemy of Great Britain ; and who,
now dethroned by the lawful monarch whose place he had usurped,
was rightfully expelled from his country. It is not wonderful that
people looking at the same object from these opposite points should
see it in different lights. The followers of Napoleon readily believed
that which to them seemed the only natural result of his determina
tion, and believed that he would be honourably received in England.
Captain Maitland conceived he did a great service to his country by
securing on any terms the person of its most dangerous enemy; he
had the instructions of his government so to do ; it was his duty as a
British officer, and he was able to do it without making any conditions,
by a certain degree of skilful management. A conversation which

434 THE HISTORY OF
passed between him and the captain of the Swiftsure, whom he spoke
on the 20th of July, will illustrate this view. " The astonishment of
Captain Webley can scarcely be conceived," says he, " when, on his
entering the ship, I said, ' Well, I have got him.' ' Got him ! got
whom ? ' ' Why, Bonaparte ; the man that has been keeping all
Europe in a ferment these last twenty years.' ' Is it possible V said
he ; ' well you are a lucky fellow ! ' ' Every one will understand this
tone. Captain Maitland was what is called " doing his duty" when
he succeeded in carrying through the negociation, which brought
Napoleon on board his ship ; of the after consequences he was
doubtless ignorant, as he said he was. Whether the letter to the
Prince Regent was written on the 13th or 14th, it is certain that
Napoleon had not decided on sending it, nor on going on board the
Bellerophon, till the latter of these days ; because two coasting vessels
were kept out by him, ready manned and equipped, to attempt an
escape during the night of the 13th, and up to the time when he
announced his intention ; and intelligence of these vessels threw
Captain Maitland into great anxiety.
Napoleon's letter to the Prince Regent was as follows : —
" Your Royal Highness, — A victim to the factions which distract
my country, and to the enmity of the greatest powers of Europe, I
have terminated my political career ; and I come, like Themistocles, to
throw myself upon the hospitality of the British people. I put myself
under the protection of their laws, which I claim from your royal
highness, as the most powerful, the most constant, and the most
generous of my enemies.
"Rochefort, 13th July, 1815. "Napoleon."
The Emperor embarked on the 15th of July at daybreak, on board
the French brig Epervier, accompanied by the whole of his suite.
That very morning an emissary from the provisional government had
arrived to arrest him. He was anxiously expected in the Bellerophon.
When Captain Maitland perceived the approach of the brig, he sent
his barge to meet it, and bring the Emperor on board. The barge
quickly returned. " General Bertrand first came up the ship's side,"
said Captain Maitland, " and said to me, ' The Emperor is in the
boat.' Napoleon then ascended, and, when he came on the quarter
deck, pulled off his hat, and, addressing me in a firm tone of voice,
said, ' I am come to throw myself on the protection of your prince
and laws.' " The captain then led him into the cabin, which was
given up to his use ; and afterwards, by his own request, presented all
the officers to him, and he went round every part of the ship during
the morning. He conversed on indifferent subjects, both with the
captain and the officers, asking many questions, and making many

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 435
remarks, "generally," says Captain Maitland, "much to the purpose,
and shewing that he had given naval affairs a good deal of considera
tion." The admiral's ship, the Superb, which had appeared in the
offing early in the morning, anchored close by at half-past ten. In the
afternoon, Sir Henry Hotham waited on the Emperor, and remained
to dinner by his request. The dinner was served on Napoleon's gold
plate, and regulated by his maitre d' hotel; and as while on board the
Bellerophon, he was uniformly treated as a royal personage, he led
the way to the dining-room, and seated himseU in the centre of one
side of the table, placing Sir Henry Hotham on his right hand. His
conversation continued to be easy and agreeable.
On the following morning, Napoleon visited the Superb. In leaving
the Bellerophon, he stopped in front of the guard of marines drawn
up on the quarter-deck to salute him. He made some observations
on the fine appearance of the men, — asked which had been longest in
the corps, and went up and spoke to him. He then put the guard
through part of their exercise. He made some remarks on the differ
ence of their charge with the bayonet to that manoeuvre as performed
by the French ; and then advancing into the midst of the men, he
took a musket from one of them, and went through the exercise
himself according to the French method. There was a sudden move
ment and change of countenance among the officers present at seeing
him thus carelessly place himself among EngUsh bayonets. Some of
them afterwards expressed surprise at the circumstance, and asked
his officers if Napoleon ever acted in the same way with his own
soldiers ? " Not one among them," says Las Casas, " had formed
any idea of sovereigns who could thus explain and execute their
own commands ; it was, therefore, easy to perceive that they had no
just conception of the personage now before them, notwithstanding
his having been so marked an object of attention and curiosity for
above twenty years." The Emperor was received on board the Superb
with all the honours paid to royal personages, with the exception of
firing a salute. The guard was turned out, the yards manned, and
a fine band of music played while he breakfasted. He went through
the ship, examining everything, and conversing with the admiral and
officers. He expressed great admiration of aU the arrangements he
had seen in both ships ; particularly admiring the appearance of the
men, and their celerity and silence in performing their manoeuvres.
" I observed during the whole time of breakfast," says Captain Mait
land, " that Colonel De Planat, who was much attached to him, and
of whom Bonaparte always expressed himself in terms of affection,
had tears running down his cheeks, and seemed greatly distressed at
the situation of his master. I feel convinced he had a strong personal

436 THE HISTORY OF
attachment to Bonaparte ; and this, indeed, as far as I could judge,
was the case also with all his other attendants, without exception."
The whole party returned to the Bellerophon about noon, and imme
diately afterwards the ship got under weigh, and made sail for England.
The voyage was rather tedious. Napoleon passed much of his
time in reading. He occasionally played vingt-un with aU the party ;
frequently walked the deck, and on one occasion witnessed a play
performed by the midshipmen, and laughed heartily at the strapping
fellows who personated the ladies. He conversed a great deal with
Captain Maitland, entering willingly into the details of various periods
of his history and actions ; and asking many questions about English
customs, saying on one occasion, " I must now learn to conform myself
to them, as I shall probably pass the remainder of my life in England."
He is described as having been very lethargic, going to bed early,
rising late, and frequently falling asleep during the day.
On the 23rd of July, the ship passed Ushant ; Napoleon cast many
a melancholy look at the coast of France, but said nothing. At break
of day on the 24th, they were close to Dartmouth: Bertrand went
into the cabin, and informed the Emperor, who came on deck at half
past four in the morning, and remained on the poop till the anchor
was dropped in Torbay. He was much struck with the beauty of the
scenery, and exclaimed, " What a beautiful country ! it very much
resembles Porto Ferrajo in Elba."
The ship was scarcely at anchor, when an officer came on board
with official dispatches from Admiral Viscount Keith. The Lords
of the Admiralty strictly forbade any communication with the shore,
or the admittance on board of any person whatever, Lord Keith or
Sir John Duckworth alone excepted. Gourgaud had not been per
mitted to land from the Slaney, and as he had refused to entrust the
letter to the Prince Regent into another hand, it had not been sent.
He was himself soon transferred to the Bellerophon. The gloomy fore
bodings which these first proceedings excited in Napoleon were increased
by the tone of the ministerial papers, which were not only filled with
a great deal that was personally offensive to him, but stated that he
would not be permitted to land, and that St. Helena was his probable
destination. He, however, considered these as newspaper reports.
No sooner was it known ashore that Napoleon was on board the
Bellerophon, than the ship was surrounded by a crowd of boats, filled
with people, who came from all quarters to see him. He came often
on deck, and frequently surveyed his visitors from the gangways and
stern windows, observing to Captain Maitland, that " the English
appeared to have a very large portion of curiosity." Whenever he
saw any well-dressed women he pulled off his hat and bowed to them.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 437
On the 26th, the Bellerophon was ordered to proceed to Plymouth
Sound. Upon its arrival there, two frigates, the Liffey and Eurotas,
took up an anchorage on each side, by order of the Admiralty, and a
strict watch was kept day and night. No shore boat was permitted
to approach within cable's length of the ships; and as the concourse
of people daily increased, the boats of the frigates were continually
employed in rowing round and keeping the others off, frequently by
violence, and even to the endangering of life ; they also fired mus-
quetry, at intervals, with a view to intimidation. Nothing, however*
deterred people of aU ranks, and both sexes, from striving to get a
view of Napoleon. They flocked to Plymouth from distant parts of
England, and engaged boats at any price to take them within view
of him. On one occasion, Captain Maitland says he counted upwards
of a thousand within view, each containing, on an average, eight
people. As the report that he was to be treated as a prisoner became
confirmed, testimonies of respect and sympathy towards him increased.
When he appeared, the men uncovered their heads, and frequently
cheered him, and red carnations were extensively worn as being one
of his colours. He often acknowledged the acclamations of the people
by bowing and taking off his hat. He also appeared much pained by
witnessing the violence used to keep them at a distance. He expressed
admiration of the beauty of the English women, and asked Captain
Maitland how he was to distinguish which were the ' Dames comme il
faut' (ladies of condition), as aU seemed equally well dressed.
Napoleon had repeatedly expressed a strong wish to see Lord
Keith, but uncertainty as to the manner in which the English go
vernment would choose the late Emperor to be treated, deterred
the admiral, who, however, desired Captain Maitland to express his
gratitude to Napoleon for the attentions he had paid to Captain El-
phinstone, his lordship's nephew, who must have died of his wounds
in the last campaign, if the Emperor, before whom he was brought
prisoner, had not ordered a surgeon to attend him on the spot. On
the 28th, Lord Keith at length waited on Napoleon ; all difficulty as
to form being at an end, as the government had decided that the
Emperor should be considered as a general officer, and have the
respect due to that rank paid him, and no more.
On the 31st, Sir Charles Bunbury, one of the under-secretaries of
state, together with Lord Keith, came on board to notify to the Emperor
officially the resolutions of the English government respecting him.
Sir Walter Scott had the advantage of comparing Sir Henry Bunbury's
account of their interview with Napoleon, with that of Mr. Meike,
secretary to Lord Keith. We, therefore, extract the following from his
history. The commissioners were introduced into the cabin, where they

438 THE HISTORY OF
were received by Napoleon, who was attended by Bertrand. Sir Charles
Bunbury then proceeded to read in French the following letter from
the ministers to Lord Keith, while Napoleon, whose manner was easy
and dignified, listened without interruption or remark, or any mani
festation of emotion: —
" As it may, perhaps, be convenient for General Bonaparte to
learn, without further delay, the intentions of the British government
with regard to him, your lordship will communicate the following
information :— It would be inconsistent with our duty towards our
country and the allies of his Majesty, if General Bonaparte possessed
the means of again disturbing the repose of Europe. It is on this
account that it becomes absolutely necessary he should be restrained
in his personal liberty, so far as this is required by the foregoing
important object. The island of St. Helena has been chosen as his
future residence; its climate is healthy, and its local position will allow
of his being treated with more indulgence than could be admitted in
any other spot, owing to the indispensable precautions which it would
be necessary to employ for the security of his person.
" General Bonaparte is allowed to select amongst those persons
who accompanied him to England (with the exception of Generals
Savary and Lallemand) three officers, who, together with his surgeon,
will have permission to accompany him to St. Helena; these indivi
duals will not be aUowed to quit the island without the sanction of
the British government. Rear-Admiral Sir George Cockburn, who
is named commander-in-chief at the Cape of Good Hope and seas
adjacent, will convey General Bonaparte and his suite to St. Helena;
and he will receive detailed instructions relative to the execution of
this service. Sir George Cockburn will, most probably, be ready to
sail in a few days ; for which reason it is desirable that General Bona
parte should make choice of the persons who are to accompany him
without delay."
Having heard this document to the close, Napoleon was requested
to state if he had any reply to make. He then, with great calmness
of manner and mildness of countenance, declared that he solemnly
protested against the orders which had been read, — that the British
ministry had no right to dispose of him in the way proposed, — that
he appealed to the British people and the laws, and asked to what
tribunal he could appeal. " I am come," he continued, " voluntarily
to throw myself on the hospitality of your nation, — I am not a pri
soner of war, and, if I were, have a right to be treated according to
the law of nations. But I am come to this country a passenger on
board one of your ships, after a previous negociation with the com
mander. If he had told me I was to be a prisoner, I would not

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 439
have come. I asked him if he was willing to receive me on board,
and convey me to England. Captain Maitland said he was, having
received, or telling me he had received, special orders of government
concerning me. It was a snare then that had been spread for me ;
I came on board a British ship as I would have entered one of their
towns, — a ship, a village — it is the same thing. As for the island of
St. Helena, it would be my sentence of death. I demand to be
received as an English citizen. How many years entitle me to be
domiciliated ? "
Sir Henry Bunbury answered that he believed four were necessary.
" Well, then," continued Napoleon, " let the Prince Regent during
that time place me under any superintendence he thinks proper, — let me
be placed in a country-house in the centre of the island, thirty leagues
from every seaport, — station a commissioned officer about me, to exa
mine my correspondence, and superintend my actions ; or if the Prince
Regent should require my word of honour, perhaps I might give it.
I might then enjoy a certain degree of personal Uberty, and I should
have the freedom of literature."
He referred again to the manner of his coming on board the
Bellerophon, — said that he was perfectly free in his choice, and that
he had preferred confiding himself to the hospitality and generosity
of the English nation ; reminding them that he might have gone to his
father-in-law, the Emperor of Austria, or to the Emperor Alexander,
who had no private quarrel with him. " If your government act
thus," he said, " it will disgrace you in the eyes of Europe. Even
your own people will blame it." He reminded them that the tri-
coloured flag was still flying at Bordeaux, Nantes, and Rochefort,
when his decision was made, — that the army had not yet submitted ;
" or," he continued, " if I had chosen to remain in France, what was
there to prevent me from remaining concealed for years amongst a
people so much attached to me ? " He afterwards adverted to the
name by which he was now designated. " Your government," said
he, pointing to the epithet in Lord Melville's letter, " has no right
to term me "General Bonaparte." I was Emperor, acknowledged by all
the powers in Europe, except Great Britain ; and she had acknow
ledged me as Chief Consul. I am Prince, or Consul, and ought to
be treated as such, if treated with at all. When I was at Elba, I was
at least as much a sovereign in that island as Louis on the throne
of France. We had both our respective flags, our ships, our troops.
Mine, to be sure," he said with a smile, " were rather on a small
scale; I had six hundred soldiers, and he had two hundred thousand.
At length I made war upon him, defeated him, and dethroned him.

440 THE HISTORY OF
But there was nothing in this to deprive me of my rank as one of
the sovereigns of Europe."
Napoleon received little interruption from Lord Keith and Sir
Henry Bunbury, who declined replying to his remonstrances, stating
themselves to be unauthorised to enter into discussions, as their only
duty was to convey the intentions of their government to him, and
transmit his answer, if he charged them with any. Sir Henry Bun
bury, however, suggested that St. Helena had been selected as the
place of his residence, because its local situation allowed freer scope
for exercise and indulgence than could have been permitted in any
part of Great Britain. " No, no," repeated Napoleon with animation,
" I will not go there. You would not go there, sir, were it your own
case, — nor, my lord, would you." Lord Keith bowed and answered,
" He had been already at St. Helena four times." This answer was j
very little to the point, and the cold subterfuge does his lordship no ,
honour. Napoleon reiterated his protests against being sent there, and I
again said, " I will not go thither ; I am not a Hercules (with a
smile), but you shall not conduct me to St. Helena. I prefer death
in this place. You found me free, — send me back again ; replace me
in the condition in which I was, or permit me to go to America."
He then repeated his expectations that he should have been allowed
to land, — urged the admiral to take no further steps to remove him
to the Northumberland till the government should have been informed
of what he had said. In this manner the interview terminated, and
the two commissioners of government took their leave.
Napoleon then recalled Lord Keith, of whom the expressions con
cerning Captain Elphinstone authorised him to expect some courtesy .
Napoleon opened the conversation, by asking his lordship's advice how
to proceed under such circumstances of difficulty. Lord Keith replied,
that he was an officer, and had discharged his duty, and left with him
the heads of his instructions. If he considered it necessary to renew
the discussion, Sir Henry Bunbury must be called in. Napoleon said
that was unnecessary. " Can you," said he, " after what is passed,
detain me until I hear from London ?" Lord Keith replied this must
depend on the instructions brought by the other admiral, with which
he was unacquainted. " Was there any tribunal," Napoleon asked,
" to which he could apply ?" Lord Keith replied that he was no
civilian, but he believed there was none whatever; adding, " I am
satisfied there is every disposition on the part of the government to
render your situation as comfortable as prudence will permit." " How
so?" said Napoleon, lifting the paper from the table, and speaking
with animation. Upon Lord Keith's observing that it was surely

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 441
preferable to being confined to a smaller space in England, or being
sent to France, or perhaps to Russia. " Russia!" exclaimed Napo
leon, " God preserve me from it !" (Russie ! Dieu m'en garde /)
" During this remarkable scene," says Scott, " Napoleon's manner
was perfectly calm and collected, — his voice equal and firm, — his tones
very pleasing. Once or twice only he spoke more rapidly, and in a
harsher key. He used little gesticulation, and his attitudes were
ungraceful ; but the action of the head was dignified, and the coun
tenance remarkably soft and placid, without any marks of severity.
He seemed to have made up his mind, anticipating what was to be
announced, and perfectly prepared to reply. In expressing his positive
determination not to go to St. Helena, he left it to his hearers to
infer whether he meant to prevent his removal by suicide, or to resist
it by force."
The announcement of the determination of government threw all
the suite of Napoleon into a state of consternation ; but the greatest
fear each entertained was that of being left behind. Madame Bertrand
alone was an exception. Her horror of so dreary an exile overcame
the strong attachment to the Emperor, which, there is no doubt, she
shared with all his followers ; in a paroxysm of grief she attempted
to drown herself, and was with great difficulty saved by Montholon ;
and her efforts to dissuade Bertrand from accompanying the Emperor
became a continual source of disquiet and irritation. Savary and
Lallemand were naturally inspired with great apprehensions, in con
sequence of finding their names expressly excluded from the list of
those permitted to proceed to St. Helena. They had been placed
in the long list of proscribed persons, and condemned to death by
the Bourbons, to whom it now appeared as if the British government
intended to deliver them up. Captain Maitland strongly reprobated
the idea, assuring them there was no risk of the British government
taking such a step. He, however, wrote to Lord Melville on the
subject in terms which did honour to his good feeling and integrity.
Sir Samuel Romilly was also consulted by the French noblemen them
selves ; and that distinguished lawyer, having personally consulted the
Lord Chancellor, finally ascertained that there was no intention to
commit so gross a violation of the laws of nations. Napoleon main
tained a perfectly calm demeanour. He appeared on deck, and at
dinner as usual, on the day he had received the government notifi
cation, as well as the day following. In private conversation with
Captain Maitland he, however, reverted to the painful subject in the
following terms : — " The idea is a perfect horror to me. To be placed
for life on an island within the tropics, at an immense distance from
any land, cut off from all communication with the world, and every-

442 THE HISTORY OF
thing I hold dear in it ! It is worse than Tamerlane's iron cage. I
would prefer being given up to the Bourbons. Among other insults—
but that is a mere bagatelle, a very secondary consideration — they
style me General ! They can have no right to call me General ; they
may as well call me Archbishop, for I was head of the church as
well as of the army." He refused to begin any preparations for his
exile, or to make choice of the individuals who should accompany
him, and frequently repeated the words — " I shall not go to St. He
lena." Whether he had some hope that the English government
would relent, or did actually meditate suicide, is uncertain. He
discussed this latter idea with Las Casas, who has reported his
conversation, but it rather indicates that he felt a consolation in
expressing aloud a train of thought which it was very natural that,
in his circumstances, he should entertain, than that he had any real
intention of the kind. " My friend," said he to Las Casas, " I have
sometimes an idea of quitting you, and this would not be very dif
ficult ; it is only necessary to create a little mental excitement, and
I shall soon have escaped. — All will be over, and you can then
quietly rejoin your families. This is the more easy, since my internal
principles do not oppose any bar to it : — I am one of those who
conceive that the pains of the other world were only imagined as a
counterpoise to those inadequate allurements which are offered to us
there. God can never have willed such a contradiction to his infinite
goodness, especially for an act of this kind ; and what is it after aU, but
wishing to return to him a little sooner ?" He Ustened quietly to the
arguments Las Casas brought against a voluntary death, and ended
with saying, — "A man ought to fulfil his destinies; this is my grand
doctrine : let mine also be accomplished." He suffered from bad
health and depression for two days, and did not appear on deck, or
at breakfast or dinner, either on the 3rd or 4th.
During this period, Napoleon wrote a second letter to the Prince
Regent, which was forwarded. He also prepared the following protest,
copies of which were given to Captain Maitland and Lord Keith: —
"I hereby solemnly protest, in the face of heaven and mankind,
against the violence that is done me; and the violation of my most
sacred rights, in forcibly disposing of my person and liberty. I volun
tarily came on board the Bellerophon. I am not the prisoner, I am
the guest of England. I came at the instigation of the captain him
self, who said he had orders from the government to receive and
convey me to England, together with my suite, if agreeable to me.
I came forward with confidence, to place myself under the protection
of the laws of England. When once on board the Bellerophon, I was
entitled to the hospitality of the British people. If the government,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 443
in giving the captain of the Bellerophon orders to receive me and my
followers, only wished to lay a snare, it has forfeited its honour and
disgraced its flag. If this act be consummated, it will be in vain for
the English henceforth to talk of their sincerity, their laws and liberties.
British faith will have been lost in the hospitality of the Bellerophon.
" I appeal to history : it will say, that an enemy who made war
for twenty years against the English people, came spontaneously, in
the hour of misfortune, to seek an asylum under their laws. What
more striking proof could he give of his esteem and confidence ? But
how did England reply to such an act of magnanimity? It pretended
to hold out a hospitable hand to this enemy ; and on giving himself
up with confidence, he was immolated! ,a. JN ,,-»-,- „
r (Signed) " Napoleon.
"Bellerophon, at sea, Friday, August 4th, 1815."
No answer was ever returned by the Prince Regent, either to
the letters or the protests of Napoleon. It is said that great fears
were entertained by certain of the councillors of his royal highness,
that he would grant an interview to Napoleon ; in which case they
dreaded the weU-known influence of the latter. Lord Keith expressed
himself in very emphatic terms on this subject, after his own visit
to the Bellerophon. " D — n the fellow," he said, " if he had obtained
an interview with his royal highness, in half an hour they would
have been the best friends in England."
A singular circumstance occurred on the 4th of August, which
threw Lord Keith, who was more used to the perils of the seas than
the toils of the law, into a great state of excitement. It was reported
at Plymouth that a lawyer was coming there with a writ of Habeas
Corpus to claim the person of Napoleon Bonaparte. This safe
guard of English liberty, it appears, is not permitted to extend its in
fluence over prisoners of war (in which Ught the English government
regarded Napoleon); but Lord Keith, though one of our hereditary legis
lators, was not aware of this nice distinction, and no sooner heard that
an individual, answering to the description of this dreaded lawyer, was
enquiring for him, than he star-ted out of his house at Plymouth,
and got on board the Tonnant, lying off Plymouth; here he was
foUowed by the same individual who had alarmed him ashore, but
as this unwelcome visitor attempted to get in at one side of the ship,
the admiral got out at the other, and rowed off at full speed in his
twelve-oared barge. He was pursued by the supposed lawyer, whose
boat, however, could not compete with the admiral's barge, and ac
cordingly the latter escaped round the Ramehead. Meanwhile he had
ordered Captain Maitland to weigh anchor and cruize off the Start,
in order to keep out of reach of the — lawyer, which he accordingly

444 THE HISTORY OF
did. As the Bellerophon was slowly getting out of the sound against
wind and tide, towed by the guard-boats, Captain Maitland was in
his turn alarmed by the sight of a suspicious looking person in a
boat approaching the ship, and in consequence sent a guard-boat to
keep under the stern, and prevent the approach of any person what
ever. This suspicious looking person was thus prevented from ap
proaching, and he actually turned out to have been the same, who
had alarmed the admiral, and was just returned from his unsuccessful
chase. On joining the Prometheus (where Lord Keith's flag was then
flying) off the Ramehead in the evening, Captain Maitland received
the following ' note of alarm ;' — •
" I have been chased all day by a lawyer with a Habeas Corpus ;
he is landed at Cawsand, and may come off in a sailing boat during
the night ; of course keep all sorts of boats off, as I will do the like
in whatever ship I may be in." « ¦v-virrl »
No date.
The following appears to have been the truth of this mysterious
transaction. A London newspaper, in ignorance of the law, like
Lord Keith, proposed the attempt to get Napoleon ashore, by the
agency of a writ of Habeas Corpus, but this suggestion was never
acted on. An individual, however, prosecuted for libel upon a naval
officer, conceived the idea (with the same purpose) of citing Napoleon
as a witness in a court of justice, to prove the state of the French
navy, which he affirmed was necessary to his defence. The writ was
to have been served on Lord Keith, and it was the individual him
self, and no lawyer, who was foiled in his attempt to get at the
admiral, and afterwards to reach Captain Maitland. Las Casas was
aware that some attempt of the kind had been made, but it does not
appear that it excited any interest in Napoleon. As to the naval
gentlemen, they would not have delivered up their prisoner to such
a slender authority, but they seem to have had some undefined fear
of getting into trouble in the course of the affair, and therefore they
fairly ran away.
It was now announced that the Northumberland, bearing the flag of
Admiral Cockburn, was appointed to carry Napoleon to St. Helena,
and that ship made its appearance on the 6th of August, accompanied
by two frigates, containing troops destined to form the garrison of
St. Helena. Napoleon received the intimation without further re
monstrance, and from this time submitted with firmness to his fate.
He finally made choice of Counts Bertrand, Montholon, and General
Gourgaud, as the three officers of his suite, who were permitted to
follow him in his exile ; to these he was permitted to add Count
Las Casas, who was considered purely in a civil capacity. This ar-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 445
rangement was not made without inflicting much unavoidable pain both
on the Emperor and those whom he excluded. His own surgeon
having suffered much from sea-sickness on the way from Rochefort,
felt averse to undertaking another voyage; Napoleon therefore pro
posed to Mr. O'Meara, the surgeon of the BeUerophon, to take his
place ; to which, after obtaining the necessary permission from govern
ment, Mr. O'Meara consented, and was in consequence transferred to
the Northumberland. Bertrand was to be accompanied by his lady
and three children; Montholon, also, by his lady and one child. Las
Casas, by his son. The twelve attendants selected by the Emperor
were, Marchand, St. Denis, and Novarrez, his valets-de-chambre ; Ci
priani, maitre d'hotel; Le Page, cook; Archambaud, and Gentilini,
valets ; Pieron, chef-d'office ; Santini, Rosseau, Archambaud, and Ber
nard, holding various offices in his household.
Captain Maitland received orders to take all arms from the fo
reigners of every rank on board the BeUerophon ; keeping them in
charge to be transferred to the Northumberland, and restored at a
proper opportunity. This order was obeyed, except in the case of Na
poleon himself, to whom Lord Keith had the delicacy to grant permis
sion to wear his sword. A secretary who heard his lordship make this
exception, reminded him that "the orders were that all should be
disarmed;" upon which Lord Keith returned the characteristic an
swer, — " Mind your own business, sir, and leave us to ours."
The government also directed Admiral Cockburn to have all the
effects of General Bonaparte examined. The plate, baggage, wines,
and provisions, the general was to be permitted to retain; the money,
diamonds, and saleable effects, were to be delivered up to the British
government, which took upon itself the administration of his property,
and charged itself with his maintenance. In case of death, he was
aUowed to dispose of his property by will. All letters written by him
or received by him were to be opened and read by the admiral or
future governor of St. Helena. Any attempt to escape was to be
punished with close imprisonment. All the regulations under which
he was placed were to apply to every individual of his suite ; and all
were warned that they would not be received on board the North
umberland without their consent. This last clause gave great pain,
as seeming to imply a repugnance on their part to accompany the
Emperor. The search of the Emperor's effects was conducted in pre
sence of Admiral Cockburn, by Mr. Byng, his secretary. Captain
Maitland says, " the covers of the trunks were merely opened, and Mr.
Byng passed his hand down the side, but the things were not un
packed." Bertrand was invited to attend, but he was so indignant at
the measure, that he positively refused. The Duke of Rovigo, how-

446 THE HISTORY OF
ever, consented, and he and Marchand were present. Four thousand
gold napoleons were taken ; the rest of the money, amounting to about
fifteen hundred napoleons, was returned to Marchand for the Emperor,
by whom it was required to pay the salaries of such of his servants
as were about to quit him.
The 7th of August was appointed for the embarkation of Napo
leon in the Northumberland. " Soon after breakfast," says Captain
Maitland, " Marchand came and said the Emperor wished to see me :
I went into the cabin. ' I have requested to see you, captain,' said
he, ' to return you my thanks for your kindness and attention to me
whilst I have been on board the Bellerophon, and likewise to beg
you will convey them to the officers and ship's company you com
mand. My reception in England was very different from what I
expected ; but it gives me much satisfaction to assure you, that I feel
your conduct to me throughout has" been that of a gentleman and a
man of honour.' "
Lord Keith came on board to accompany Napoleon from one ship
to the other. When it was announced that all was ready, the ad
miral's barge was prepared, the guard turned out, and as the Emperor
crossed the deck, the guard presented arms, and three ruffles of the
drum were beat, being the salute given to a general officer. " He
walked out of the cabin," says Maitland, " with a steady, firm step,
came up to me, and taking off his hat, said ' Captain Maitland I take
this last opportunity of once more returning you my thanks for the
manner in which you have treated me while on board the BeUero
phon ;' then turning to the officers who were standing by me, he
added, ' Gentlemen, I have requested your captain to express my
gratitude to you for your attention to me, and to those who have
followed my fortunes.' He then went forward to the gangway ; and
before he went down the ship's side, bowed two or three times to
the ship's company, who were collected in the waist and on the fore
castle ; he was followed by the ladies and the French officers, and
lastly, by Lord Keith. After the boat had shoved off, he stood up,
pulled his hat off, and bowed, first to the officers, and then to the
men ; and immediately sat down, and entered into conversation with
Lord Keith, with as much apparent composure as if he had been only
going from one ship to the other to pay a visit."
Napoleon was received on board the Northumberland with the same
species of honours which had been paid on leaving the BeUerophon.
He remained on deck, conversing freely with those of the English
who approached him. When the hour of saiUng drew near, he retired
into the after-cabin, where he remained for some time alone with
Savary and Lallemand. Captain Maitland was obliged at length to

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 447
summon them away. " He embraced each of them" says that officer,
"most affectionately, after the French manner, putting his arms round
them, and touching their cheeks with his. He was firm and collected ;
but in turning from him, the tears were streaming from their eyes."
Such of the attendants as were left behind were the last people to
leave the ship ; they were all in deep grief. The ship got under weigh
immediately. "Napoleon appeared," says Maitland, "to have great command of
temper; for though no man could have had greater trials than fell to
his lot during the time he remained on board the Bellerophon, he
never, in my presence, or as far as I know, allowed a fretful or cap
tious expression to escape him. After he had quitted the ship, being
desirous to know the feeling of the ship's company towards him, I
asked my servant what the people said of him. ' Why, sir,' he an
swered, ' I heard several of them conversing together about him this
morning, when one of them observed, — Well, they may abuse that
man as much as they please, but if the people of England knew him
as well as we do, they would not hurt a hair of his head — in which
the others agreed.' " The only occasion on which he appears to
have betrayed his emotion to Maitland, is thus related: — "One
morning he began to talk of his wife and child, and desired Mar
chand to bring two or three miniature pictures to shew me ; he
spoke of them with much feeling and affection. ' I feel,' said he,
' the conduct of the allied sovereigns to be more cruel and un
justifiable towards me in that respect than in any other. Why should
they deprive me of the comforts of domestic society, and take from
me what must be the dearest objects of affection to every man — my
child, and the mother of that child ? ' On his expressing himself
as above, I looked him steadily in- the face, to observe whether he
shewed any emotion : the tears were standing in his eyes, and the
whole of his countenance appeared evidently under the influence of
a strong feeling of grief."
The tone and mariner observed towards Napoleon in the Northum
berland, conformed to his new title of " General Bonaparte." Care
was taken to remain covered in his presence. Government had
given especial orders that he should not have the drawing-room to
himself, but should share it with the admiral. He no longer pre
sided at table, but sat there as a guest ; and dinner was regulated
in the usual manner ; not in the French fashion, which it had always
been in tbe Bellerophon. His look and manner were indifferent, but
always gentlemanly and polite. He spoke little, and what he said
was generally addressed to such of the officers as the admiral
asked daily to dinner. He was attended by his two valets, who

418 THE HISTORY OF
waited behind his chair. It was extremely irksome to bim to sit at
table for an hour and a half, used as he had always been to bestow
only fifteen minutes on his dinner; yet he conformed to the custom
without mentioning his dislike to it. He rose, however, from the
first day, immediately dinner was over, and retired, followed by his
officers. This disconcerted the admiral, who expressed some surprise ;
upon which Madame Bertrand warmly replied, — " Do not forget, ad
miral, that your guest is a man who has governed a large portion of
the world, and that kings once contended for the honour of being
admitted to his table." The admiral had a mind which could com
prehend this appeal. He did his utmost from that moment to accom
modate Napoleon in his habits : he ordered coffee for him even before
others had finished their dinner ; shortened the meal as much as
possible, and uniformly all the company rose as their guests retired,
and then resumed their places and took wine as usual. Napoleon
meanwhile walked the quarter-deck, conversing with his friends; when
he had taken eight or nine turns he would seat himself on the second
gun from the gangway on the larboard side. The midshipmen, in
consequence, christened this the "Emperor's gun." At night, he con
stantly played vingt-un, the admiral and some of the officers being
occasionally of the party. He retired to bed early ; rose late, and
breakfasted about ten in the French style. He read much, dressed
towards four o'clock, and went into the general cabin, where he usually
played chess till dinner time.
On the 15th, all his officers requested his permission to visit him
early, which he granted, though he had forgotten the occasion. It
was his birthday. About the 16th, the ship passed Cape la Hogue,
and Napoleon took his last look at France.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

449

CHAPTER XXI.

NAPOLEON ARRIVES AT ST. HELENA  DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND — RESIDENCE OF NAPO
LEON AT BRIARS  HIS ESTABLISHMENT AT LONGWOOD — DEATHS OF MURAT, IN NAPLES,
AND OF NEY, AND LABEDOYERE, IN FRANCE  ARRIVAL AT ST. HELENA OF SIR HUDSON
LOWE AS GOVERNOR — HIS NEW RESTRICTIONS — NAPOLEON ABSTAINS FROM EXERCISE 
ARREST AND DEPORTATION OF LAS CASAS  REMOVAL OF O'MEARA  OF DR. STOKOE 
RAPID PROGRESS OF DISEASE IN NAPOLEON — ARRIVAL OF ANTOMMARCHI  THE LAST
ILLNESS OF NAPOLEON  HIS DEATH.

Pursuing its course towards St. Helena,
the Northumberland entered the tro
pic on the 29th of August, 1815, and
crossed the line on the 23rd of Sep
tember. During the saturnalian fes
tivity, which occurs at this period on
board ships of war, the Emperor was
scrupulously respected ; and the various
individuals of his suite were presented
in a courteous manner to the god Nep
tune, by whom they were dismissed
after receiving a compliment in his
own fashion. The admiral had taken care to provide for this ex
emption from the usual ceremonies to which landsmen are subject, after
amusing himself with exciting their alarm by awful anticipations. When
h

450 THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon became aware of the decorum which had been observed towards
him, he ordered a hundred napoleons to be distributed amongst the
crew; but the admiral objected, and he therefore gave nothing.
Las Casas mentions an interesting instance of the respect which
Napoleon inspired in those who came in contact with him. " The
midshipmen" he says, " every evening repeated a scene which made
a deep impression on our feelings. When the signal was given for
the sailors to remove their hammocks from the nettings at the sides
of the ship where they had been placed in the morning, a great
bustle always ensued. The midshipmen at this moment always formed
a circle round the Emperor, whether he were standing in the middle
of the deck or near his favourite gun ; they watched his motions, and
either by signs or words directed the sailors to avoid incommoding
him. The Emperor frequently observed this conduct, and remarked
that youthful hearts were always incUned to enthusiasm."
Napoleon continued to employ much of his time in reading ; he
had also commenced the history of his campaigns in Italy, which he
dictated to Las Casas. The voyage meanwhile drew near its termi
nation. On the 14th of October, the island of St. Helena was dimly
visible in the distance ; on the 15th, at daylight, it was full in view,
with its barren, peaked, and rocky hills. To its intended inhabitants,
it presented the appearance of one entire fortress ; every height, plat
form, and opening, near the sea, was bristling with cannon. Napoleon
came on deck early in the morning, and went forward on the gang
way to view the island. As he surveyed it through his glass, Las
Casas anxiously watched the expression of his countenance, but could
perceive no change upon it. He very soon went to his cabin, where
he proceeded with his usual occupations.
"The island of St. Helena" says O'Meara, "is situated in lat.
15° 55' S., and long. 5° 46' W., in the south-east trade wind. It is
about ten miles and a half in length, six and three quarters in breath,
and twenty-eight in circumference. The highest part of it is Diana's
Peak. It is distant from the nearest land (the Island of Ascension)
about six hundred miles, and twelve hundred from the nearest conti
nent, the Cape of Good Hope. Its appearance is the most desolate
and unpromising that can be imagined. Its exterior presents an im
mense mass of brown rock, formed of different sorts of lava, rising
from the ocean in irregular, rugged, and perpendicular precipices, of
a burnt and scorified appearance, totally void of vegetation, from
three hundred to fifteen hundred feet high, diversified with hideous
deep, and narrow ravines, descending to the sea, and here and there
forming landing-places. The island is composed of lava, cooled in
different states of fusion: there is a total absence of any primitive

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 451
substance. Its conical hills, the puzzolana, and other volcanic pro
ductions found in it, clearly shew that it has undergone the action of fire.
James' Town, the only one in the island, is situated in the bottom of
a deep wedge-like ravine. It is defended by a line of works along
the beach, to the left of which (from the sea) is the landing-place ;
and by strong sea-works on Ladder Hill, Rupert's Hill, by Munden's
and Banks's batteries. Across the sea-line, there is a drawbridge and
a gate leading into the main street, which is closed at night. There
are, besides this landing place, five or six others, not however easily
practicable, excepting to a sailor. The population of the island
(exclusive of the military) is reckoned at about two thousand nine
hundred souls, of whom about seven hundred and eighty are whites,
thirteen hundred blacks, and the rest Lascars, Chinese, &c."
The Northumberland anchored about noon, and the admiral went
ashore immediately, with a view to find a fitting abode for Napoleon
and his suite. He returned in the evening, having fixed on Longwood,
a country house belonging to the deputy-governor. The place stood
in need of repairs which would occupy about two months. The orders
of government were imperative that Plantation House, the residence
appropriated to the governor of the island, should not be assigned to
Napoleon. This is reprobated even by Scott, who justly observes that he
ought to have received the best accommodation which could be found.
Government also directed that he should remain on board until his
residence was prepared for his reception; but the admiral took the
responsibility of disobeying this latter injunction, which would have
proved a terrible hardship after a long voyage, and announced his
readiness to put Napoleon and his suite ashore on the following day.
On the 16th of October, 1815, Napoleon landed in St. Helena.
As he left the Northumberland, the officers, by a simultaneous impulse,
aU assembled on the quarter-deck, and nearly the whole of the crew
were stationed in the gangways. Before he stepped into the boat,
he took leave of the captain, and desired him to convey his thanks
to the officers and men. This message was not received without
emotion. The narrow street of James' Town had been crowded from
an early hour by people who were anxious to obtain a view of the im
perial prisoner ; but as he did not land till dusk, the greater number had
given up the expectation of seeing him on that day, and he reached his
place of temporary abode without molestation. It was a private house,
one of the best in the town, which had been hired for him by the admiral ;
but there was no privacy to be had. He was much incommoded after
his arrival by crowds of gazers ; and disliking both to be exposed to
their eyes, or to come in contact with the sentinels who guarded the
doors, he confined himself to his chamber the whole evening.

452 THE HISTORY OF
At six o'clock on the morning of the 18th, the Emperor, accom
panied by the admiral and Bertrand, rode up to Longwood. The
nature of the country through which they passed is thus described
by O'Meara. " The interior of the island is composed of alternate
ridges of mountains and ravines, the former of which vary in height
from six hundred to two thousand six hundred feet. The face of the
country presents a most striking contrast, being composed of a great
variety of mountains and valleys, of barrenness and verdure. Some
parts consisting of immense stupendous and sterile rocks, separated by
deep and frightful dingy-coloured chasms, several hundred feet per
pendicular, with huge detached masses of naked rock sticking up here
and there, with an occasional patch of green ; others of verdant pas
turages and gardens, ornamented with trees, and houses erected in the
vaUey or on the declivities, which, with a few cattle, some sheep,
and occasionally a horse grazing along the steep sides of the hiUs,
give an agreeable relief to the eye, fatigued with the view of tre
mendous precipices, and gaping red ravines in the neighbourhood.
The view from Sandy Bay ridge, and from the summit of Diana's
Peak, is sublime. The greatest part of the island, however, is barren,
and inexpressibly desolate and repulsive in its appearance, and even
a larger portion of that which is susceptible of culture is now overrun
with the blackberry, which was introduced a few years ago as a cu
riosity. The roads are in general bridle-paths, twining round the
brows of the hills, or creeping up the steep sides, and over the sharp
ridges of the mountains, and sinking into the profundities of the
ravines. There were only two carriages on the island, which belonged
to the governor (appointed by the East India Company, and super
seded by Admiral Cockburn), and were dragged along by bullocks."
Longwood is situated on the windward side of the island (a cir
cumstance much to its disadvantage), in the midst of a plain on the
summit of a mountain, eighteen hundred feet above the level of the sea.
It is bleak and sombre in appearance, the few trees about it being
chiefly of the species called gumwood, which give little shade, and
which were all bent in one direction by the continual prevalence of
the south-east winds. The house at that period consisted only of five
rooms, all on the ground-floor; it was therefore quite insufficient to
accommodate the household of Napoleon. Notwithstanding, he declared
that he would rather remain there at any inconvenience than return
to the disquiet and the intrusions of the town. The admiral, however,
wished to set on foot the necessary additions. The matter was
therefore arranged by securing for the Emperor a residence at the
Briars, a beautiful small place belonging to Mr. Balcombe, a merchant
of the island, and situated about two miles from James' Town. Na-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 453
poleon had admired the romantic situation of this place as he passed
it in the morning. His accommodation was chosen, not in the house
itself, but in a pavilion or summer-house at the distance of thirty or
forty paces from the house, placed on the top of a little pointed hill,
where in fine weather, the family had been used to take tea and
amuse themselves. Of this singular abode, Napoleon took possession
in the course of the morning, and immediately sent for Las Casas,
who acted as his secretary. He had become so much interested in
his work on the campaigns of Italy, that he could not suspend it.
"As I was ascending the winding path leading to the pavilion," says
Las Casas, " I thought I perceived the Emperor, and stopped to look
at him. It was Napoleon himself: his body. was slightly bent, and
his hands behind his back ; he wore his usual neat and simple uni
form, and his celebrated Uttle hat. He was standing at the threshold
of the door, whistling a popular French tune, when I advanced towards
him. 'Ah ! ' said he, ' here you are ! Why have you not brought
your son ?' ' Sire,' I replied, ' the respect, the consideration I owe
you prevented me.' ' You cannot do without him,' continued he ; send
for him.'
" The summer-house contained one room, nearly square, on the
ground-floor, having two doors facing each other on two of its sides,
and two windows on each of the other sides. These windows had
neither curtains nor shutters, and there was scarcely a seat in the
room. The Emperor was at this moment alone ; his two valets-de-
chambre were bustling about to prepare his bed. He wished to walk
a little; but there was no level ground on any side of the pavilion,
which was surrounded by huge pieces of stone and rock. He took
my arm, and began to converse in a cheerful strain. Night was
advancing; profound silence, undisturbed solitude, prevailed on every
side. What a crowd of sensations overwhelmed me at this mo
ment. I was in this desert alone, and enjoying familiar conversation
with the man who had ruled the world ! What were my feelings !
But to understand them, it would be necessary to revert to the days
of his past glory ; to the time when one of his decrees sufficed to
subvert thrones and create kings. It would be necessary to reflect on
what he was to all who surrounded him at the Tuileries; the timid
embarrassment, the profound respect with which he was approached
by his ministers and officers; the anxiety, the dread of ambassadors,
princes, and even kings, With me, all these sentiments remained in
fuU force."
The simple details of these first hours of a mode of existence so
novel to the late Emperor of France, present a curious and pathetic
picture to the imagination. " When the Emperor was about to

454 THE HISTORY OF
retire to rest, we found that one of the windows (which, as I
have afready observed, had neither shutters nor curtains,) was close
upon his bed, nearly on a level with his face. We barricadoed it as
well as we could so as to exclude the draught, to the effects of
which the Emperor was very susceptible. For my own part, I as
cended to the upper story, immediately above the Emperor's room.
In this rplace, the dimensions of which were about seven feet square,
there was only a bed, and not a single chair. This served as a
lodging for me and my son, for whom a mattress was spread out
upon the floor. But how could we complain, being so near the Em
peror? We could hear the sound of his voice, and distinguish his
words. The valets- de- chambre slept on the ground across the door
way, wrapped up in their cloaks. Such is the faithful description of
the first night which Napoleon passed at Briars. On the 18th,"
continues Las Casas, " I breakfasted with the Emperor : he had
neither table-cloth nor plates; and the remains of the preceding day's
dinner were brought to him for breakfast. The EngUsh officer was
lodged in the neighbouring house, as our guard, and two inferior
officers marched up and down with an air of military parade before
our eyes, for the purpose of watching our motions. Breakfast being
over, the Emperor proceeded to his dictation, which occupied him
some hours. He afterwards went to explore our new domain, and
to take a view of the surrounding grounds.
"Descending our little hill on the side facing the principal house,
we found a path bordered by a hedge, and running at the foot of
precipices. After walking along the path to the distance of two hun
dred paces, we arrived at a little garden, the door of which was open.
This is long and narrow, and formed on very uneven ground, but a
tolerably level walk extends the whole length of it. At the entrance,
there is a sort of arbour at one extremity; and at the other are
two huts for the negroes whose business it is to look after the gar
den. We had no sooner entered the garden than we were met by the
daughters of the master of the house, girls about fourteen or fifteen
years of age; the one sprightly, giddy, and caring for nothing; the
other more sedate, but, at the same time, possessing great naivete of
manner ; both spoke a Uttle French. They had walked through the
garden, and put all the flowers under contribution to present to the
Emperor, whom they overwhelmed with the most whimsical and ridi
culous questions. The Emperor was much amused by this familiarity
to which he was so little accustomed. 'We have been to a mas
querade,' said he, when the young ladies had taken their leave."
The inconveniences to which the Emperor was exposed during his
residence at Briars were quite unjustifiable. Even if the British go-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 455
vernment saw fit to forbid his retaining Plantation House as a per
manent abode, he ought to have been lodged there, as visitors of dis
tinction had often been, for a time. The admiral, however, had not
the power to make this arrangement, and did all he could by hur
rying forward the repairs and additions at Longwood. All the
workmen, not only of the squadron, but in the island, were put
in requisition, and he was himself frequently to be seen superin
tending their operations soon after sunrise. Every day parties of two
or three hundred seamen, sometimes assisted by. parties of the 53rd
regiment, were employed in carrying up timber and other materials
for building, and articles of furniture, which, though purchased at a
great expense, were paltry and old-fashioned. Almost everything had
to be carried by men, so deficient was the island in the means of
transport. The Emperor, in the meanwhile, endured many privations ;
among others, the want of a bath, which had become a necessary of
life to him, was a serious grievance, and these, with the many petty
vexations with which he had to contend, irritated him, and drew
forth complaints which, during the trying scenes he had lately gone
through, had never been heard. The admiral, on receiving a remon
strance, removed the Serjeant's guard which had been stationed to
watch the pavilion, and which had exceedingly annoyed Napoleon,
while its inutiUty was quite apparent.
The orderly officer continued to reside at the dwelling-house, and
it was his duty to ascertain the actual presence of Napoleon twice
in the twenty-four hours, which was done with as much delicacy as
possible. " Every landing-place in the island," says O'Meara, " and
indeed every place which presented the semblance of one, was fur
nished with a picquet, and sentinels were even placed upon every
goat-path leading to the sea, though in truth the obstacles presented
by nature in almost all the paths in that direction would of them
selves have proved insurmountable to so unwieldy a person as Napo
leon. From the various signal-posts in the island, ships are frequently
discovered at twenty-four leagues distance, and always long before
they can approach the shore. Two ships of war continually cruized,
one to windward, and the other to leeward, to whom signals were
made as soon as a vessel was discovered from the posts on shore.
Every ship, except a British man-of-war, was accompanied down to
the road by one of the cruizers, who remained with her until she
was either permitted to anchor or was sent away. No foreign ves
sels were allowed to anchor except under circumstances of great dis
tress, in which case no person from them was permitted to land,
and an officer and party from one of the ships of war were sent on
board to take charge of them as long as they remained, as well as

456 THE HISTORY OF
in order to prevent any improper communication. Every fishing-boat
belonging to the island was numbered, and anchored every evening
at sunset under the superintendence of a lieutenant of the navy.
No boats, excepting guard-boats from the ships of war, which pulled
about the island all night, were allowed to be down after sunset."
Under these regulations, St. Helena was one great prison, and the
personal annoyance of a guard placed in the actual presence of the
imperial prisoner, a gratuitous infliction.
The Emperor was visited during one of the first days which he
passed at Briars, by Captain Desmond of the Redpole, who, opening
the door, introduced himself without farther ceremony : he had, how
ever, come with kind intentions. He was about to return to Europe,
and came to enquire if the Emperor had any commands. Napoleon
energetically repeated to him the same protests against the treatment
he had received, which he had made before he left the Bellerophon,
and added, — "We have travelled over the most desolate countries of
Europe, but none is to be compared to this barren rock. Deprived
of everything that can render Ufe supportable, it is calculated only to
renew perpetually the anguish of death. The first principles of
Christian morality, and that great duty imposed on man to pursue
his fate whatever it may be, may withhold him from terminating with
his own hand a wretched existence ; the Emperor prides himself on being
superior to such a feeling. But if the British ministry should persist
in their course of injustice and violence towards him, he would con
sider it a happiness if they would put him to death."
Napoleon afterwards directed Las Casas to write down the sub
stance of what he had said, and sent the whole to Captain Desmond,
accompanied by the following memorandum : — " The Emperor desires,
by the return of the next vessel, to receive some account of his wife
and son, and to be informed whether the latter is still living."
The days passed wearily, and the evenings appeared long. Napo
leon rose early, walked before breakfast, then heard Las Casas read
the matter he had written on the previous day; dictated afterwards
till about five o'clock, walked again till six, when he dined ; and spent
the evening in conversation, relieved occasionally by a game of chess or
picquet, or by reading aloud. Sometimes, for the sake of variety, he
visited Mr. Balcombe's family in the evening. Here he conversed with
the utmost ease and good humour, played whist, joked with the j^oung
ladies, and on one occasion, joined them in a game of blind-man's
buff, to their great delight. Mr. Balcombe took pains to render the
situation of the Emperor less uneasy. A temporary kitchen was erected
for him by this gentleman, instead of all his provisions being brought
ready cooked from the town. Such of his servants as were neces-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 457
sary to his comfort were accommodated at the Briars. The different
individuals of his suite, who still lodged in the town, came round him
daily, being allowed to pass backwards and forwards accompanied by
an EngUsh officer, or O'Meara. A tent also, presented by the Colonel
of the 53rd, was set up so as to make a prolongation of the room
occupied by Napoleon. The Emperor's plate, and other articles which
he required, were unpacked, and his habitation began to assume
some appearance of comfort.
The removal of the Serjeant's guard, which used to be stationed
on the pleasantest walk of the garden, permitted the Emperor to
visit that spot, and it shortly became his favourite promenade. The
weather was deUcious during the early part of November. He fre
quently remained in the garden for many hours in the day ; some
times he dictated there ; and often after the rest of his friends had
returned to their lodgings at night, he would remain for some time
walking up and down by moonUght alone with Las Casas. It was
on these occasions that he detailed those events of his early life, the
records of which we owe to his attentive auditor.
Mrs. Balcombe and her daughters frequently joined him in his after
noon walk, and told him the news. It annoyed him very much to en
counter strangers, or to be intruded on by curious observers. He became
interested in a poor Malay slave, called Toby, who acted as gar
dener, and frequently stopped to observe him and converse with him.
Toby became fond of the Emperor, and gave him the name of " the
good gentleman." Napoleon afterwards tried to purchase the libera
tion of this poor slave ; but some delay occurred, and when he left
the Briars, it was forgotten.
While he was one day watching Toby, he began to speculate on
human nature, its strange varieties, and the different effects which
circumstances produced on different natures. " Had Toby been a
Brutus," said he, " he would have put himself to death ; an iEsop,
he might have been the counseUor of the governor ; a zealous Christian,
he would have worn his chains in the sight of God, and blessed them.
As for poor Toby, he does not look deeply into things ; he stoops and
toils in tranquillity." Resuming his walk, the Emperor continued, —
" Certainly there is a wide difference between poor Toby and a ' King
Richard!'" — "StiU," added he after a pause, "the crime was no less
great: for this man, after all, had his family, his enjoyments, his
own Ufe, and it was a great crime to bring him here to die in
slavery." Then suddenly stopping, on perceiving that his words had
suggested to his companions a personal application, he said, — " But
1 read in your eyes that you think the negro is not the sole ex
ample of such a fate in St. Helena. My friends, there is not the

458 THE HISTORY OF
slightest resemblance here. If the outrage is of a higher class, the
victims also possess very different resources. We have not been ex
posed to corporeal sufferings; or, if that had been attempted, we
have souls to disappoint our tyrants. Our situation may even have
its charms. The eyes of the world are fixed upon us; we are
martyrs in an immortal cause. We here struggle against the op
pression of the gods, and the prayers of nations are for us." —
" Besides," he continued after another pause, " this is not the source
of my real sufferings. If I considered only myself, perhaps I should
have reason to rejoice. Adversity was wanting to my career. Had I
died on the throne, enveloped in the clouds of my power, I should
have remained a problem to many. But now, thanks to misfortune,
all may judge of me without disguise."
Though Napoleon had three horses at his command, he would not
ride, from a repugnance to endure the continual presence of a British
officer, according to the regulation made by the admiral. His health
suffered, in consequence. He sometimes took long walks. On one
of these occasions, he met Mrs. Balcombe, accompanied by Mrs. Stuart,
a Scotch lady, who was on her way to Europe. While the Emperor
stopped and conversed with the ladies, some slaves came up, carrying
heavy boxes, and attempted to pass along the narrow road ; where
upon Mrs. Balcombe desired them to stand back. Napoleon, how
ever, immediately made way for them, saying, " Respect the burden,
madam ! " " At these words," says Las Casas, " Mrs. Stuart, who
had been attentively observing the Emperor's features, said in a low
tone to her friend, — 'What a countenance, and what a character!
How different from what I had been led to expect!'"
French newspapers up to the 15th of September reached St. Helena
about the beginning of December. The measures of severity pursued
by the Bourbons, and the gloomy aspect of affairs in France, caused
the conversation at the Briars to run into speculations as to the
result, and Napoleon observed on the uncertainty which attended the
continuation of the Bourbon dynasty, of the elder branch, on the
throne. Some one suggested that the Duke of Orleans might be
called to the succession. Subsequent events have made the Emperor's
reply curious. He contended that the sovereigns of Europe would
sooner consent to his own return to the throne; — "For," said he,
"what is the doctrine of kings against the events of the present day?
It is to prevent a renewal of the example which I furnished against
what they call legitimacy ? Now the example which I have set can
not be renewed above once in the course of many ages ; but that of
the Duke of Orleans, the near relative of the monarch on the throne,
may be renewed daily, hourly, and in every country. There is no

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 459
sovereign who has not in his own palace, and about his person,
cousins, nephews, brothers, and other relations who could easily
follow such an example if it were once given." Napoleon did not
anticipate that the sovereigns of Europe exhausted, at length, with
their perpetual efforts to maintain the legitimate dynasty, would
quietly permit its overturn in 1830. He did not know that the cause
to which he was a martyr was absolutely gained, though apparently lost
with his fall from the throne.
Napoleon removed to Longwood on the 10th of December. The
additions and repairs had been finished some days previously, but the
smell of paint, to which he was exceedingly sensitive, at first pre
vented his entrance, though his numerous inconveniences at the Briars
made him anxious to leave his abode there. On the evening before his
departure, he sent the expression of his regrets to Mr. Balcombe, for
the trouble which he had caused to him, accompanying the message
with the present of a handsome snuff-box. That gentleman also break
fasted with the Emperor, by invitation, on the last morning of his re
sidence in the pavilion.
Admiral Cockburn arrived in the middle of the day to escort the
Emperor to Longwood. They had not met for some time ; the incon
veniences sustained by Napoleon and the restraints put on the mem
bers of his suite, having occasioned some coolness between them.
Napoleon, however, received him with perfect courtesy, and appeared
to have forgotten all causes of complaint. The admiral, on his part,
shewed every attention towards him. They soon mounted on horse
back, and, accompanied by all the officers of the Emperor's suite, and
several English officers, rode to Longwood. A guard, under arms,
received them at the gate. The Emperor's horse started aside as the
three ruffles of the drum gave the usual honours to a general officer,
and it was only by the use of the spur that he could force the animal
to enter the gate. " At this moment," says Las Casas, " I observed
very expressive looks exchanged among the persons composing the
escort." It was about four o'clock on the 10th of December, 1815,
that Napoleon, after all his wanderings — his life of intense action and
strange turns of fate — entered the abode in which all action was to be
superseded by passive endurance, and all glory by suffering, and which
he was never to leave until he had found his final rest.
" The admiral," says Las Casas, took great pains to point out to
us even the minutest details at Longwood. He had superintended
all the arrangements, and some things were even the work of his
own hands. The Emperor was satisfied with everything, and the
admiral seemed highly pleased. He had evidently anticipated petulance
and disdain; but the Emperor manifested perfect good humour."

460 THE HISTORY OF
The foregoing description of Napoleon's arrival at Longwood, and
the following account of his first evening in that abode, present a
strange contrast to the impressions which the public in general have
received concerning his usual deportment there, which, according to
some writers, was one continued series of selfish and undignified com
plaints. " He retired," says Las Casas, " at six o'clock, and beckoned
me to follow him to his chamber. Here he examined various articles
of furniture, and enquired whether I was similarly provided. On my
replying in the negative, he insisted on my accepting them, saying
in the most engaging manner, "Take them; I shall want for nothing:
I shall be taken better care of than you." He felt much fatigued,
and asked whether he did not look so. This was the consequence
of having passed five months in absolute inactivity. He had walked
much in the morning, besides riding Some miles on horseback. Our
new residence was provided with a bath, which the admiral had
ordered the carpenters to fit up in the best way they could.
The Emperor, who since he quitted Malmaison, had been obliged to
dispense with the use of the bath, which to him had become one of
the necessaries of life, expressed a wish to bathe immediately, and
directed me to remain with him. The most trivial details of our new
estabUshment came once more under consideration ; and as the apart
ment which had been assigned to me was very bad, the Emperor ex
pressed a wish that during the day I should occupy what he called
his topographic cabinet, which adjoined his own private closet, in
order, as he said, that I might be nearer to him. I was much
affected by the kind manner in which aU this was spoken. He even
went so far as to repeat to me several times that I must come next
morning and take a bath ; and when I excused myself on the ground
of the respect and distance which ought to be kept up between us,
— ' My dear Las Casas,' said he, ' fellow-prisoners should accommo
date each other. I do not want the bath all day, and it is not less
necessary to you than to me.' One would have supposed that he
wished to indemnify me for the loss I was about to sustain, in
being no longer the only individual about his person. This kind
ness delighted me it is true ; but it also produced a feeUng of re
gret. The Emperor, not wishing to dress again, dined in his own
room, and desired me to remain with him." If to this description
it should be objected that it was given by an affectionate and devoted
friend, it must be remembered that no man, after two months of
hourly intercourse with a friend, under circumstances of trial and
privation, could have continued to excite such affection and devotion
without the possession of the amiable qualities here ascribed to
Napoleon.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 461
Longwood House now contained the following accommodations. A
new entrance hall had been built, which was designed to answer the
additional purpose of a dining room. This apartment led to the
drawing room, partly new and partly old; altogether forming a spa
cious apartment, with three windows on each side, and a verandah
leading to the garden. It would have been a very good room, but
that being built of wood, it was apt to become intolerably hot. A
small and rather dark room adjoined it, intended for Napoleon's books
and maps, but it was afterwards converted into a dining room. The
Emperor's bed-room and cabinet opened into this apartment, at the
right hand side. They had been originally one room, and were re
cently divided. They were very small. The bed-room was about
fourteen feet by twelve, and ten or eleven feet high. A little external
gallery served as a bathing room. The Count and Countess de Mon-
tholon occupied the opposite wing of the house. The servants' offices
were in a range of buildings detached from the other part. Las
Casas occupied a small square room close to the kitchen, and his
son slept in a kind of loft above, to which he ascended by a ladder.
The servants slept in the lofts above the old house, until rooms, then
in preparation, were completed for them. Gourgaud and O'Meara,
and the orderly officer, slept under a tent, tUl their apartments were
completed. The Count and Countess Bertrand and their family lived
at first at Hut's Gate, a smaU place at about two miles distance.
A kind of garden surrounded the house, but the arid soil, the
want of water and proper cultivation, made it a garden only in name.
In front of Longwood, but separated by a ravine, was the camp of
Deadwood, occupied by the 53rd regiment. The climate of this ele
vated plain, was considerably cooler than that of the sea-shore ; the
thermometer marking a difference of about ten degrees. It was sub
ject to violent gales of wind, occasionally rising to hurricanes; and
to violent rains, thick fogs, and mists.
All the evidence which can be collected on the subject seems to
prove that the climate of St. Helena would be less destructive of Eu
ropean health and Ufe than most places within the tropics, but for the
extraordinary variations of its surface. Its atmosphere is continually
purified by the sea breeze ; its rocky soil precludes nearly all the
danger resulting from vegetable decomposition ; but the following clear
statement taken from O'Meara, will at once shew the kind and degree
of danger to which its residents are exposed. "The interior of St.
Helena, as has been already mentioned, is chiefly formed of succes
sions of high, steep, and unequal ridges of hills, the most elevated
of which are two thousand six hundred feet above the level of the
ocean, divided by deep, narrow, and long ravines, some of which at

462 THE HISTORY OF
the bottom are not more than a few feet above the level of the sea.
Whoever therefore would ride a few miles, must calculate on passing
through different climates every half hour; one moment, becalmed in
the bottom of the ravines, he experiences the heat of the tropics, in
a latitude of 15° 55' south; a moment afterwards, passing the aper
ture of some chasm, perspiring from every pore, the temporary lull
is succeeded by a sudden and bleak blast from the mountains, the
effects of which, combined with the humidity accompanying it, are to
produce a rapid evaporation and abstraction of animal heat from the
surface of the body, driving thereby the blood to the interior.
Emerging from the valley covered with perspiration, a similar cutting
blast, producing the same effects, strikes you on reaching the summit
of the mountains." The elevated part of the island, on which Long-
wood was situated, being exposed to the prevailing trade wind, and
quite unsheltered, was subject to violent and sudden alternations of
temperature in the course of a single day. "At one moment," says
O'Meara, " assailed by a shower of rain and enveloped in fog, to the
force of which the wind communicates such an impetus, as to cause
it to penetrate the best great coat in a few minutes : shortly after
wards, the sky brightening, the weather clearing up, and the scorching
rays of a tropical sun beaming forth. This continues for a short
time, and is suddenly followed by a repetition of fog, rain, and mist.
This alternate drenching and scorching is, of itself, sufficient (as every
medical man will allow) to produce the most violent inflammatory
affections of the viscera, particularly in those of the abdomen." This
description given by O'Meara, which is proved to be correct, by sim
ply looking at the map of St. Helena, is quite sufficient to shew
that the climate is dangerous without great precaution, and the pos
session of the most favourable circumstances. Accordingly we find
that Dr. Arnott, though he pronounces the cUmate "healthy, the air
pure and temperate," and adds "Europeans enjoy their health, and
retain the vigour of their constitution as in their native country;" —
yet, qualifies this general assertion by important exceptions. He states
that dysentery and other acute diseases of the abdominal viscera,
prevailed among the troops; which he imputes to the carelessness and
intemperance of the English soldiers, and the fatigue of the working
parties. " I can safely assert," continues Dr. Arnott, " that any one
of temperate habits, who is not exposed to much bodily exertion, night
air, and atmospherical changes as a soldier must be, may have as much
immunity from disease as in Europe." This may be perfectly true, but
at the same time it must be admitted that a climate which requires
such precautions as these, should not be characterised as healthy.
Each historian, in speaking of the proportion of sick among the
troops, gives the returns according to his own political bias, and they are

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 463
so contradictory that they can only be reconciled by the supposition that
one return was made in a sickly season, another in a healthy ; another
in an interval of comparative immunity from exposure to dangerous
influences; another in one of much fatigue or intemperance. The
English ministry had pronounced the cUmate to be salubrious; Scott
therefore declares, that Dr. Short, physician to the forces at the period
of Napoleon's residence, made returns to the effect — that among the
troops stationed in St. Helena, constantly employed in ordinary and
fatigue duty, the proportion of sick was only one man to forty-two,
including casualties, and those sent to the hospital after punishment.
Lockhart reduces the number of sick to one in forty-five, quoting Dr.
Arnott as authority ; a statement (if taken as a general fact) certainly
at variance with that physician's own admission that "dysentery, and
other acute diseases of the abdominal viscera, prevailed among the
troops." O'Meara declares that from the 20th of November, 1815,
to the 20th November, 1816, there were admitted into the regimental-
hospital, four hundred and thirty-eight patients, one hundred and
seventy-nine of whom had bowel-complaints ; the regiments being only
between five and six hundred strong ; that during the first twelve or
thirteen months after its arrival at St. Helena, the second battalion
of the 66th regiment lost by dysentery and liver complaints fifty-six
men out of six hundred and thirty — being one in eleven. That the
Conqueror, which ship arrived in July, 1817, lost one hundred and
ten men out of six hundred, besides one hundred and seven invalided
and sent to England, being more than a third of her complement;
and gives his opinion that the climate is decidedly unhealthy.
Such are the contradictory statements to be found on the subject
of the climate of St. Helena. They are, however, of the less conse
quence, since want of exercise for mind and body, preying grief, chiefly
caused by his separation from his child, of whom he appears to have been
devotedly fond, — and the irritation produced by petty insults and vex
ations, much more than the cUmate, caused the active and fatal de
velopment of the disease of which Napoleon died, and produced that
compUcation of disorders which were found on examination to have
affected nearly every organ of his frame.
Under the regulations established by Sir George Cockburn, a space
of twelve miles in circumference was allotted to Napoleon, within which
he might ride or walk, without being accompanied by a British officer.
Two military stations were placed within these limits, one at Dead-
wood, the other at Hut's Gate, opposite to the residence of Count
Bertrand. An arrangement was made with Bertrand by which persons fur
nished with a pass from him were permitted to enter Longwood grounds.

464 THE HISTORY OF
This was productive of no inconvenience, as no one could visit Ber
trand without permission. The French were aUowed to send sealed
letters to anybody residing upon the island; Sir George Cockburn
sensibly considering that no restriction on that point would be of the
slightest avail, as they were at liberty to visit and converse at plea
sure with any inhabitant. A subaltern's guard was posted at the
entrance of Longwood, about six hundred paces from the house, and
a cordon of sentinels and picquets were placed round the Umits. At
nine o'clock, the sentinels were drawn in, and stationed in communi
cation with each other; surrounding the house in such positions that
no person could come in or go out without being seen and scruti
nised by them. Double sentinels were placed at the entrance of the
house, and patroles were continually passing backwards and forwards.
After nine, Napoleon was not at liberty to leave the house unless
in company with a field-officer; and no person whatever was allowed
to pass without the countersign. The picquets stationed at every
landing-place or semblance of one, and the regulations as to ships
and boats, have already been stated.
Under this system of precautionary restrictions, the late Emperor
of France accommodated himself to his circumstances with dignity.
He maintained even a cheerfulness of manner, and portioned out his
time so as to find employment for the various hours of the day.
He arranged his household, allotting to each member of it a certain
trust; and preserving the etiquette and arrangements of a court as
much as possible. To the minds and feeUngs of the faithful followers
who surrounded him, he was still the Emperor of half Europe, though
his manners to them were simple, familiar, and frequently playful,
All the conversations detailed by Las Casas and O'Meara are those
of friends, talking on equal terms. He rode, drove, or walked out
frequently; visiting the residents within his limits, and frequently en
tering into familiar conversation with the labourers and poorer inha
bitants. The officers of the 53rd, and of the St. Helena regiment,
with their wives, were introduced to him, and he invited some of them
to his table every week, together with some of the families of the island,
such as Colonel and Mrs. Skelton, the Balcombes, &c. The officers
of India ships, the passengers to or from India, came in numbers to
Longwood, to request an interview with him, and were rarely disap
pointed. They generally went away highly pleased with their re
ception, and often expressed great surprise at finding Napoleon so
unlike the idea they had formed of him. On one occasion, O'Meara
told him of the great admiration his manners had excited in some
ladies who had been presented to him. " Oh," replied he, laughing,
" I suppose they imagined I was some ferocious horned animal."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 465
Napoleon was not on cordial terms with Sir George Cockburn,
and they seldom met. This coolness was owing more to the admiral's
manners than his acts. He excited disgust in the Emperor by a kind
of forced familiarity, by which he appeared determined to shew that
he conceived himself to be of equal rank with the "General." There
were certain points also on which painful feelings necessarily arose
between Napoleon and any one appointed to guard him. The Emperor
did not acknowledge himself a lawful prisoner — he yielded to force alone;
he therefore never voluntarily complied with any of the conditions im
posed upon him as a prisoner ; such as shewing himself to a British officer
twice in the course of the twenty-four hours. It was also a principle
with him not to acknowledge the right of the English government
to pretend to sweep away, by a stroke of the pen, all the acts of the
French people — by which he had been endowed with the titles of
First Consul, Consul for Life, and finally Emperor. He, therefore,
would never recognise the title of General Bonaparte, which the Eng
lish Government had conferred upon him. This did not proceed from
personal vanity, as his detractors assert. He offered, both before his
imprisonment and during its continuance, to assume a name, which
he intended should be either Colonel Muiron, or Duroc, but no notice
was taken of his offer. The English government chose to treat him
as an usurper, and to consider that Louis XVIII. had reigned for
twenty years ; notwithstanding that they had made the peace of Amiens
with him as First Consul, and had treated with him as Emperor on more
than one occasion, the last instance being at the conferences of ChatiUon-
sur-Seine. " If the people had no right to make me Emperor,"
said Napoleon, " they were equally incapable of making me General.
The English called Washington a leader of rebels for a long time,
and refused to acknowledge either him or the constitution of his
country; but his success ultimately obliged them to change their
tone, and acknowledge both."
That infliction of the English government, however, which pressed
most heavily on the mind and spirits of Napoleon, and the companions
of his exile, was the order that " all letters addressed to him or any
of his suite should be deUvered, in the first place, to the admiral,
or the governor, who was to read previously to transmitting them ;
and the same regulation was to be enforced with respect to letters
written by the General, or those of his suite." This cruel measure,
which was intended, of course, to cut off all communication between
the late Emperor and Europe, and by that means to hasten the time
when Lords Bathurst and Castlereagh hoped that he would be for
gotten, is thus stigmatised by Sir Walter Scott, whose kind heart
on this and a few other occasions has conquered his political preju-
k

466 THE HISTORY OF
dices. " If a third person, cold-blooded at best, perhaps inclined to
hold up to scorn the expressions of our grief or our affection, is
permitted to have the review of the feelings of our hearts towards a
wife, a sister, a brother, or a bosom friend, the correspondence loses
half its value ; and forced as we are to keep it within the bounds
of the most discreet caution, it becomes to us rather a source of new
mortification, than the opening of a communion with those absent
persons, whose friendship and attachment we hold to be the dearest
possession of our lives. * * * * Whatever was to be appre
hended of danger in this species of intercourse, was much more likely
to occur in a clandestine correspondence than in one carried on even
by sealed letters openly and by permission of the government." The
effect of the regulation as to the Emperor was to prevent his ever
writing at all, to any individual whatever, as he would not submit
to the indignity proposed.
It was asserted by the admiral that his instructions were to cause
an English officer always to dine at the Emperor s table, but as
Napoleon declared that if this were enforced he would dine in his
own apartment, it was remitted by the admiral.
An evil which threatened to affect the peace of the establishment
at Longwood even more than the measures of the English ministry,
was conquered in a great degree by the Emperor's justice, kindness,
and care. Dissensions and jealousies began to grow up among the
members of his household, who though all united by one common tie
of affection for him, had been comparatively strangers to each other, yet
were now thrown into daily intercourse. " These circumstances," says
Las Casas, " served to develope many exceUent traits in the Emperor's
character. They were apparent in his endeavours to produce among
us unity and conformity of sentiment ; his constant care to remove
every just cause of jealousy ; the voluntary abstractions of mind by
which he averted his attention from that which he wished not to observe ;
and finally, the paternal expressions of displeasure, of which we were
occasionally the objects; and which (to the honour of all be it said)
were avoided as cautiously, and received as respectfully, as though
they had emanated from the throne of the Tuileries."
The newspapers successively brought accounts of the violent deaths
of Murat, Ney, and Labedoyere, and of the condemnation, with the
subsequent escape, of Lavalette, by the help of his heroic wife.
Murat had fled from France after the second abdication of Na
poleon, — found a refuge in Corsica, and was promised an asylum in
Austria ; but he cherished a wild hope of recovering his crown. He
invaded the Neapolitan territory at the head of a small band. He*
was attacked by the country people,— fought with his usual des-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 467
peration, — but after seeing nearly all his followers killed or wounded
at his side, was taken. He was tried by a military commission, and
condemned to immediate death. He wrote an affecting letter to his
wife, in which he enclosed a lock of his hair, and then walked to
the place of execution with a firm and calm demeanour. He stood
facing the soldiers who were drawn out ready to fire ; kissed a little
cornelian gem on which was the head of his wife, and gazing stead
fastly at it, said — " Save my face, aim at my heart !" — received six
balls, and fell dead. Ney was shot in direct violation of the twelfth
article of the capitulation of Paris. Like Murat, he refused to have
his eyes bandaged. He took off his hat, raised it above his head, and
said, with a firm voice, " I declare before God and man, that I have
never betrayed my country : may my death render her happy ! Vive la
France ! " Then, turning to the men, and striking his other hand on his
heart, he himself gave the word, " Soldiers — fire ! " " This extraordinary
man," says Colonel Napier, " was notoriously indolent and unlearned in
the abstract science of war : it was necessary for him to see in order to
act ; his character seemed to be asleep, until some imminent danger
aroused aU the marvellous energy and fortitude with which nature
had endowed him. He who had fought Five Hundred battles for
France — not one against her — was shot as a traitor." Thus do we
pass over — described in how few abrupt words — the death-scenes of
two men, whose Uves were almost miracles of inexhaustible spirit,
activity, and defiance of death, — and over whose lives it seemed as if
death had no power until they could be taken at the utmost
disadvantage. The execution of Ney, and of the young and enthusiastic Labe
doyere, roused a strong feeUng of disgust throughout Europe, against
the Bourbons. Napoleon observed on the imprudence of their inex
orable policy. " But the saloons of Paris," said he, " have shewn the
same passions as the clubs, the noblesse have renewed the spirit of
the jacobins."
Napoleon's health already began to decline, though there was no
appearance of any decided disease. The representations of O'Meara,
however, induced Jiim to take more exercise, and towards the end of
the year, and the commencement of 1816, he took frequent rides and
walks, often very early in the morning. On one occasion, when he
was riding by a field in which some labourers were ploughing, he
aUghted, — took hold of the plough, — and to the astonishment of the
workmen, traced a furrow of considerable length. His favourite ride
was through the deep ravine which separated Longwood from Diana's
.Peak. He gave it the name of the " Valley of Silence," and in the
midst of it he fixed on a regular resting-place. He read very much,

468 THE HISTORY OF
especially when the files of newspapers arrived by the ships
which came from Europe. He also continued his dictations. He
generally invited one or more, sometimes all the members of his suite,
to dinner. The conversation then turned on the events of the day,
which had been learned from the newspapers ; or on old recollections ;
or on the discussion of works of literature, poetry, or romance. The
reports of these conversations are highly interesting. Once, the Em
peror entertained his guests with a narrative of the expedition of La
Perouse, which he professed to have found in a newspaper. He went
on a long while, dictating the most romantic adventures, and strange
turns of fate. At last, when they were all put into a state of ex
citement, he laughed, and they found he had been exerting his old
talent of improvising. The evenings were spent in reading aloud —
generaUy romances and novels — but frequently dramas. Once or twice
the Bible became the subject; after reading the 'Sermon on the
Mount,' and observing on its pure and exalted morality, Napoleon
said laughing, " It would be hard to make many people in Europe
believe what I have been reading." In one of his rides with Las
Casas, they dismounted to explore the bottom of a deep valley, and
sunk in the mud up to their knees. It was with considerable diffi
culty that they extricated themselves. As Napoleon scrambled out,
he said " This is a dirty adventure. If we had sunk and been lost,
it would certainly have been said that I was swaUowed up for my
crimes." He had a full sense of the monstrous nature of the cha
racter which had been attributed to him in England, and read the
UbeUous pubUcations concerning him whenever he could get them.
He used to laugh excessively at some parts of them. O'Meara de
scribes him once as he was lying on his sofa, turning over a most
scurrilous work of the kind. Sometimes he laughed, and sometimes
exclaimed " Jesus !" and crossed himself — an action common to him
when he was excited; but he never seemed moved to anger except
once, when he read some atrocious scandals concerning his mother. As
to himself, he used to say he was accustomed to it. " If," said he,
on one occasion, "it should enter any one's head to put it in print
that I had grown hairy, and walked on all fours, there are people
who would believe it, and would say that God had punished me as
he did Nebuchadnezzar."
On the 14th of April, 1816, Sir Hudson Lowe, the new governor,
arrived at St. Helena. He was accompanied by Lady Lowe, and a
numerous staff. He landed the following day, and sent notice to Long-
wood that he should visit Napoleon at ten the following morning, —
without in any way consulting his illustrious prisoner as to the con
venience of that early hour, an hour at which he never received

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 4-69
visitors. Accordingly, when he presented himself, accompanied by the
admiral, and by the whole of his staff, in the midst of a pelting storm
of wind and rain, he received notice that Napoleon was indisposed, and
could not receive him. Two o'clock of the following day was then
fixed, when he again arrived, attended as before, and the whole party
was ushered into the dining-room, within which was the drawing-room ;
where the Emperor, attended by Bertrand, was soon after ready to
receive them. Sir George Cockburn had offered to introduce Sir
Hudson Lowe, but as no notice of his intention or even of his pre
sence had been given to Napoleon, the governor alone was called for ;
and as Sir Hudson hastily stepped forward, the valet whose business
it was to stand at the door, and announce the names of the persons
introduced, admitted him only, and then closed the door, and refused
to usher in the admiral. The governor's staff was then called for and
introduced, while the admiral remained much disconcerted, to the
great discomfiture of the Emperor's suite who were stationed in the
dining-room, and whose French poUteness was shocked by the circum
stance. When the cavalcade had departed, the Emperor was informed
of this occurrence, and declared that he had known nothing of the
matter, very properly observing that he ought to have been apprized
by the new governor of Sir George Cockburn's presence. He could
not help laughing, however, at the discomfiture which this officer had
undergone, as if in return for all his insults, and then added in a graver
tone, ".Perhaps the admiral has lost nothing by the mistake. I should
have apostrophised him in the midst of his countrymen, and have told
him that by the sentiment attached to the honourable uniform which
we both had worn for forty years, I accused him of having, in the
eyes of the world, degraded his nation and his sovereign, by wantonly
and stupidly failing in respect to one of the oldest soldiers in Europe.
I should have assured him that a man of true honour would pay me
more respect on my rock, than if I were still on my throne and
surrounded by my armies."
After dinner, the events of the morning came under discussion.
" Some one," says Las Casas, jokingly observed that the two first days
of the governor's arrival had been like days of battle, and were cal
culated to make us appear very untractable, though we were naturally
most patient and accommodating. At these words, the Emperor smiled,
and pinched the ear of the individual who made the remark." This
was a frequent action of Napoleon when anything struck him as comic.
The governor, with all his suite, had arrived in the rain and wind to
no purpose, because the prisoner was still warm in bed; and the
great admiral, who had brought the prisoner across the sea, had been
accidentally subject to a ludicrous indignity on his farewell visit.

470 THE HISTORY OF
" The conversation," continues Las Casas, " then turned on Sir Hudson
Lowe. He was described as being a man about forty-five years of
age ; of the ordinary height, and of slender make, with red hair, a
ruddy complexion, and freckled. His eyes were said to have an
oblique kind of expression, — glancing askance, seldom fixed full in a
person's face ; surmounted by fair, bushy, and very prominent eye
brows. ' He is hideous,' said the Emperor ; ' he has a most viUanous
countenance. But we must not decide too hastily; the man's dispo
sition may perhaps make amends for the unfavourable impression which
his face produces; this is not impossible.'" In all this, we see certainly
an unpromising beginning to an intercourse intended to endure, but
none of that premeditated animosity towards Sir Hudson Lowe attri
buted to Napoleon by Scott and others. On the contrary, he evidently
regarded all that happened as trifling circumstances which he treated
playfully. Graver matters were soon presented to his mind.
The convention between Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia,
signed at Paris on the 20th of August, 1815, reached St. Helena at this
period. Its principal provisions were as foUows. After a preamble
which stated that the sovereigns had agreed on the measures best
calculated to preclude the possibility of Napoleon Bonaparte again
disturbing the peace of Europe, the documeht continued : —
" Napoleon Bonaparte is considered by the powers who signed the
treaty of the 20th of March last, as their prisoner. His safeguard is
specially entrusted to the British government. The choice of the place
and the measures which may best ensure the object of the present
stipulation are reserved to his Britannic Majesty. The imperial courts
of Austria and Russia, and the royal court of Prussia, shall appoint
commissioners to reside in the place which his Britannic Majesty's go
vernment shall assign as the residence of Napoleon Bonaparte ; .and
who, without being responsible for his security, shall assure themselves
of his presence. His most christian Majesty is also invited to send
a French commissioner to the place of Napoleon Bonaparte's detention."
M. de Chateaubriand well characterised the fear which had dictated
this convention, when he said in the Chamber of Peers, — " The grey
great coat and well-known hat of Napoleon mounted on a pole on the
coast of Brest, would make all Europe fly to arms."
As if to insinuate that the captivity, now declared to be permanent,
was to become even more rigorous, the British government had offi
cially ordered, that all the persons forming the suite of Napoleon,
including his domestics, should sign a written declaration that it was
their desire to remain in the island, and to participate in the restrictions
to be imposed on Napoleon Bonaparte personally. No individual re
fusing to sign was permitted to remain, but was to be sent to the Cape of

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 471
Good Hope, and thence to Europe. A paper containing the requisite
form was, in consequence, sent up to Longwood by the governor on
the morning after his own interview with the Emperor, for signature
by the servants. The officers of the suite were permitted to draw up
their own declarations. The tenour of the governor's paper was not
approved by Napoleon, who besides declared the translation from the
English into French to be too Uteral to be easily understood by
Frenchmen; he, therefore, caused Count Montholon to substitute the
following : — " We, the undersigned, desiring to remain in the service
of the Emperor Napoleon, consent, however frightful the abode in
St. Helena may be, to remain there, submitting ourselves to the re
strictions, however unjust and arbitrary, which are imposed upon his
majesty and the persons in his service." This declaration was signed
by all the servants ; and the officers each sent in his own written
resolution to remain, and abide by the regulations, whatever they
might be.
Sir Hudson Lowe was not satisfied with this unanimous compliance.
He appeared at Longwood the following week, and asked the Emperor's
leave to summon all the servants before him. He received for answer
through Montholon, who was at the head of the domestic department
at Longwood, that " His Majesty had not imagined there could have
been any pretence for interference between him and his valet-de-
chambre ; that, if his permission were asked, he decidedly refused
it ; that if the governor's instructions required the adoption of this
measure, the power was in his own hands, and he might use it : this
would only be adding another outrage to those which the English
ministers had already accumulated upon him." The governor then
proceeded to summon the domestics, and was left alone with them,
none of the Emperor's suite choosing to sanction his proceeding by
their presence.
Upon his re-appearance after his interrogatories were finished, he
remarked, " I am now satisfied. I can inform the English govern
ment that they aU signed it freely and voluntarily." The governor's
" instructions did not require the adoption of this measure ;" it was a
gratuitous insult on his part towards the Emperor, by an insinuation
that undue influence had been exercised over his domestics. It was the
first in the series of vexatious, paltry interferences by which he em
bittered the few remaining years of his^ noble victim, and was suffi
cient of itself, to prove that he was most unfit for the post which
had been assigned to him. He had already, after an apparently kind
offer of lending books to Las Casas, sent up two, one of which was the
Abbe de Pradt's " Embassy to Warsaw," which is, from beginning to
end, an attack upon Napoleon. This had given rise to doubts of his

472 THE HISTORY OF
kindness being sincere. As he took his departure, he now began to
extol the beauties of Longwood, a subject scarcely to be expected to
give much pleasure to its unfortunate inmates, who remarked that
" they felt severely the want of shade in that burning cUmate, and
that there were scarcely any trees." "Oh," replied the governor,
" we will plant some ! " This * answer, if not intended as a cruel
taunt, bears too much the appearance of it, and was' felt as such. It
must at least be allowed that such an intimation of "perpetual im
prisonment " could not have proceeded from a man of tact or delicacy ;
and both ought to have been possessed by the governor intrusted with
the charge of Napoleon.
The Emperor made very few remarks on the arbitrary proceedings
of the sovereigns, and the vexatious measures of the governor. He
appeared to avoid the subjects as much as possible. He read the
Abbe de Pradt's work; seemed much amused with it, and it served
as a text for conversation. Sleep, however, now began to desert him,
and his health suffered. For some days he remained in utter seclusion,
shut up in his own apartment, only admitting Las Casas in the evening.
This devoted friend observing that the Emperor's spirits were failing,
tried to amuse him by anecdotes of the emigrants and the gossip of
the Fauxbourg St. Germain, which he was fond of hearing, because,
as he once expressed it, " I was well acquainted with everything
that had relation to m3Tself, but I never knew anything of those
affairs." Las Casas therefore went on with one story after another,
and succeeded in making the Emperor laugh heartily. His kind inten
tion was fully understood. " At the conclusion of one of my sto
ries," says he, " the Emperor pinched my ear, and said in a tone of
voice which delighted me, — ' I read a story in your Atlas (the work
published under the title of Le Sage's Atlas, but in reality by Las
Casas), of a northern monarch who was immured in a prison, 'and one
of his soldiers solicited and obtained permission to be imprisoned
with him, in order that he might cheer his spirits, either by inducing
him to converse, or by relating amusing stories to him. My dear
Las Casas, you are that soldier.' " ^
Some of the 'amusing stories' are related in the journal : the fol
lowing is selected as a specimen: — It had been reported in Paris that
Napoleon, irritated against the Emperor of Austria, exclaimed within
hearing of Maria Louisa that he was a blockhead (une ganache). Not
understanding the term, the Empress asked a courtier what it meant,
who stammered out—" a clever man, a man of extraordinary talent."
Shortly afterwards, she presided at the Council of State, and on occasion
of some stormy debate, she called on Cambaceres to set all right, for,
said she, " I consider you the greatest ganache in the empire." At

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 473
this story, Napoleon held his sides with laughter. "What a pity,"
said he, "it is not true! Only imagine the scene. The offended
dignity of Cambaceres, the merriment of the whole council, and the
embarrassment of poor Maria Louisa, alarmed at the success of her
unconscious joke."
Three days after his last visit, Sir Hudson Lowe returned to Long-
wood, and was admitted by Napoleon, though he was still indisposed,
and not able to leave his couch. The interview was stormy. Napo
leon referred to the convention of the sovereigns, spoke of protesting
against- it, — and proceeded to enumerate the oppressions under which
he suffered, with warmth, and at great length. It should be remem
bered by those who blame him for this, that he wished his observa
tions to be sent to England, and had no other means of communi
cation with the EngUsh government than through Sir Hudson Lowe.
That officer maintained his temper; replied in a conciliatory manner,
except once, when he hinted at further restrictions; and ended by
asking if he had offended since his arrival. " No, sir, " replied the
Emperor, "we complain of nothing since your arrival. Yet one act
has offended us, and that is your inspection of our domestics. It
was insulting to M. de Montholon, by appearing to throw suspicion
on his integrity ; and it was petty, disagreeable, and insulting towards
me, and perhaps degrading to the English general himself, who thus
came to interfere between me and my valet-de-chambre."
When Napoleon described this interview afterwards to his officers,
he added an expression which shewed that a rooted antipathy to Sir
Hudson Lowe had taken possession of him. " How mean and dis
agreeable, "said he, "is this governor's countenance! I should be unable
to drink my coffee if this man were left beside it for a moment. They
have sent me worse than a jailor." This kind of disgust with which
Sir Hudson Lowe inspired him, enhanced every difficulty, of course.
But, it should be remarked, that such a feeling was unusual with
Napoleon, and by no means existed towards the governor as an
"Englishman," which is sometimes asserted. Napoleon was attached
to Captains Usher and Maitland ; to O'Meara, to Sir Pulteney Mal
colm; and he even liked Sir George Cockburn, though he was justly
displeased with his manners. He was also on the best terms with the
different captains on guard who successively resided at Longwood.
New measures, indicative of suspicion and fear, were shortly com
menced by the governor. His secretary and aide-de-camp went through
the town to the different shopkeepers, forbidding any credit to be
given to the French, or any communication held with them without
permission from the governor, under pain of being sent off the island.
The officer on guard at Hut's Gate was ordered to report all person;,
1

474

THE HISTORY OF

entering Bertrand's house. Sentinels were placed to turn back vi
sitors. A sensation of fear to visit the exiles began to prevail, and
many officers of the 53rd regiment went to take leave of Madame Ber
trand, as they declared the impossibility for men of honour to comply
with the new regulations, which extended to a requisition that, they
should repeat, to the governor the conversation which had passed.
The weather being wet, and Napoleon not stirring out, Sir Hudson
became alarmed, and went to Bertrand to enforce the necessity which
existed for an English officer seeing him daily ; and his fears could
not be calmed, although the inhabitants of Longwood (including an
English officer) were assured of the presence of the Emperor by
the sound of his voice. He at length obtained a short interview
with Napoleon, in his bed-chamber, which was more unpleasant than
the last. He walked much about the house, and measured and laid
out plans for a new ditch round it; he also had the only large tree
which was there grubbed up, probably lest it should serve as a place
of concealment. All these measures are indicative of nothing worse
than a narrow mind, and restless, timid, nervous disposition, full of
panics. It has been said in his excuse, that he was constantly tor
mented with the fear that Napoleon would escape, and oppressed
with the weighty charge laid upon him. This is an excuse for Sir
Hudson Lowe, but it is a condemnation of the government which
could commit such a charge to such a man. Having undertaken the
custody of the late Emperor of France, and having chosen so remote
and inaccessible a prison for him, it was incumbent on the British
government to choose, as the governor of that prison, a man of
large and comprehensive mind ; at once firm and uncompromising,
and humane. Such a man would have surveyed the narrow rock of
St. Helena as a general surveys a field of battle ; would have seen
that by skilful management, he might give Napoleon the range of
the whole island, if he pleased, for he could watch him from every
height; would have taken the necessary measures to make escape
impossible, and having done so, would have concealed the fetters from
his prisoner as much as possible, and lightened his sufferings by
every comfort, indulgence, attention, and respect, within his power.
We shall see how opposite to this was the conduct of Sir Hudson
Lowe, for many of whose subsequent actions, the excuse of a " nervous
temperament" will not account.
It was a few days after the last interview of the governor, that
Napoleon sent for O'Meara, to visit him in his bed-room, at about
nine o'clock in the morning. The minute description which the
latter has given of this apartment, will interest those to whom the
power of association makes such " little things" seem, in some cases

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 475
" great." " It was," says O'Meara, " about fourteen feet by twelve, and
ten or eleven feet in height. The walls were lined with brown nan
keen, bordered and edged with common green bordering paper, and
destitute of surbace. Two small windows, without ¦ pulleys, looking
towards the camp of the 53rd regiment, one of which was thrown up
and fastened by a piece of notched wood. Window-curtains of white
long-cloth, a small fire-place, a shabby grate, and fire-irons to match,
with a paltry mantel-piece of wood, painted white, upon which stood a
small marble bust of his son.. Above the mantel-piece hung the por
trait of Maria Louisa, and four or five, of young Napoleon, one of
which was embroidered by the hands of the mother. A little more to
the right hung also a miniature picture of the Empress Josephine, and
to the left, the alarm chamber-watch of Frederick the Great, obtained
by Napoleon at Potsdam ; while, on the right, the consular watch, en
graved with the cypher "B," hung by a chain of plaited hair of Maria
Louisa from a pin stuck in the nankeen lining. The floor was covered
with a second-hand carpet, which had once decorated the dining-room
of a lieutenant of the St. Helena artillery. In the right hand corner
was placed the little, plain, iron camp bedstead, with green silk cur
tains, upon which its master had reposed on the fields of Marengo
and Austerlitz. Between the windows, there was a paltry second-hand
chest of drawers ; and an old bookcase, with green blinds, stood on
the left of the door leading to the next apartment. Four or five
cane-bottomed chairs, painted green, were standing here and there
about the room. Before the back door, there was a screen, covered
with nankeen, and, between that and the fire-place, an old-fashioned
sofa, covered with white long-cloth ; upon which reclined Napoleon,
clothed in his white morning gown, white trowsers and stockings, all
in one. A chequered red Madras upon his head, and his shirt-collar
open, without a cravat. His air was melancholy and troubled. Before
him stood a Uttle round table, with some books, at the foot of which
lay, in confusion upon the carpet, a heap of those which he had
already perused, and at the foot of the sofa, facing him, was sus
pended a portrait of the Empress Maria Louisa, with her son in her
arms. In front of the fire-place stood Las Casas, with his arms folded
over his breast, and some papers in one of hands. Of all the former
magnificence of the once mighty Emperor of France, nothing was
present except a superb wash-hand stand, containing a silver basin,
and- water jug ofthe same metal, in the left hand corner."
Napoleon had sent for O'Meara to ask him the foUowing questions :
— " You know that it was in consequence of my application that you
were appointed to attend upon me. Now I want to know from you
precisely and truly, as a man of honour, in what situation you con-

476

THE HISTORY OF

ceive yourself to be, whether as my surgeon, as M. Maingaud was,
or the surgeon of a prison-ship and prisoners ? Whether you have
orders to report every trifling occurrence or illness, or what I say to
you, to the governor ? Answer me candidly : what situation do you
conceive yourself to be in ?" O'Meara replied, " As your surgeon,
and to attend upon you and your suite ;" and proceeded to satisfy
Napoleon on the subjects which had agitated him. The sequel and
the ultimate expulsion of O'Meara from the island shew that he was

justified in his declaration. The Emperor proceeded to say, that the
governor had in a manner forced himseU into his chamber a few days
before when he was ill and a prey to melancholy, and had pressed
him to accept the visits of Mr. Baxter, his own physician ; to which
he would not consent. " I understand," said he, " that he proposed
an officer should enter my chamber to see me, if I did not stir out.
Any one," continued he, with much emotion, " who endeavours to
force his way into my apartment, shall be a corpse the moment he
enters it."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 477
The wooden palace prepared for Napoleon in England, arrived at
St. Helena in May, 1816. It proved to be useless, as there were no
workmen on the island who could put together the planks of which
it was composed, . and no measures were taken to procure any. It
merely served the purpose of making the English think themselves
very generous. Napoleon resided at Longwood till his death.
Lady Moira passed a few days at Plantation House, on her way
from India, about the same period ; and the governor sent a card of
invitation to " General Bonaparte" to meet her at dinner, which of
course received no answer. It may have been well meant, but it was
another instance of all want of tact and delicacy to suppose that Na
poleon would ride under a guard to dine among English people under
a title which he did not acknowledge. The vexatious interferences
continued ; the sentinel's orders were continually changed, so that the
French did not know what they had to expect on each fresh day.
Bertrand was warned that he must not speak to passengers going to
Europe, and the presence of the English officer in Napoleon's rides was
insisted on. " Cannot the governor," said Napoleon, " put a few horse
men in motion, when he knows 1 am going out ? Cannot he place
them on the hills, or where he Ukes, without letting me know any
thing about it ; / will never appear to see them." Nothing in truth
could have been more easy, as no inhabitant of Longwood ever moved
out without being observed ; and a signal conveying the intelligence
to Plantation House in less than a minute.
Under these irritations, another interview was sought by Sir Hud
son Lowe, in which Napoleon told him he believed that the English
ministry had ordered his assassination by his means. This is treated as
a wanton insult but the suspicion was natural, and was doubtless
sincere. Why should it not have been so ? Napoleon had already
been declared an outlaw, and his death connived at by some of the
diplomatists concerned. The mystery and isolation daily increasing
and closing round him, favoured the idea. " If my death is determined
on," said he, " execute your orders. I know not how you will admi
nister poison ; but as for putting me to death by the sword, you
already know the means of doing that. If you should attempt, as
you have threatened, to violate the sanctuary of my abode, I give you
fair warning that the brave 53rd shall enter only by trampling over my
corpse." Napoleon perpetuaUy deprecated the renewal of these painful scenes,
by begging the governor to abstain from visiting him. He was aware
that he lost command of himself at the sight of this object of his
antipathy. When he is censured for this weakness, it should be re
membered that he was of Italian blood, and of fiery temperament,

478 THE HISTORY OF
and galled by petty details and mysteries, which were above all things
intolerable to him. His anger, however, did not last. " Well," said
he to one of his suite shortly after the interview, with something like
a satirical tone- of comment upon himself, " I have been thrown quite
out of temper ! I received Sir Hudson to-day with my stormy coun
tenance, my head inclined, and my ears pricked up. We looked most
furiously at each other. My anger must have been powerfully excited,
for I felt a vibration in the calf of my left leg. This is always a
sure sign with me ; and I have not felt it for a long time before."
The commissioners of Russia, Austria, and France, arrived in June,
1816. Napoleon would not receive them in their official capacities,
so that they were never presented to him at all. He laughingly
complimented Prussia on having spared itself the expense of sending
one ; and expressed vexation at hearing that the Frenchman of the
party was an old emigrant, the Marquis of Montchenu, one of that
race of "imbeciles," as he expressed it, " who had made aU Europe
believe that Frenchmen were all dancing-masters." He, however,
laughed very heartily at the anecdotes current concerning the poor
marquis. At the same time, Rear-admiral Sir Pulteney Malcolm, with his
lady, arrived. He was appointed admiral on the station. On the
21st, he was presented to Napoleon ; they had a conversation of two
hours, and were mutually pleased with each other. As the admiral
went away, he said to the French officers that he had been taking
a very fine, and valuable lesson on the history of France. Napoleon
thus expressed himself concerning Sir Pulteney: — "Ah! there is a
man with a countenance reaUy pleasing, open, inteUigent, frank, and
sincere. There is the face of an EngUshman. His countenance be
speaks his heart, and I am sure he is a good man. I never yet
beheld a man of whom I so immediately formed a good opinion as
of that fine soldier-Uke old man."
Napoleon's conversation then turned on the protest made by Lord
Holland against the second reading of the bill called " Bonaparte's
Detention Bill," which had passed the British parUament, and of which
he had just heard, expressing, at the same time, his high respect and
admiration for that excellent nobleman. The protest was as follows : —
" Because, without reference to the character or previous conduct
of the person who is the object of the present bill, I disapprove of
the measure it sanctions and continues.
"To consign to distant exile and imprisonment a foreign and
captive chief, who, after the abdication of his authority, relying on
British generosity, had surrendered himself to us in preference to his
other enemies, is unworthy of the magnanimity of a great country;

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 479
and the treaties by which, after his captivity, we have bound our
selves to detain him in custody, at the will of sovereigns, to whom
he had never surrendered himself, appear to me repugnant to the
principles of equity, and utterly uncalled for, by expedience or ne
cessity." On the third reading, the Duke of Sussex entered his protest
for the same reasons.
Several cases of books which had been ordered by Bertrand at
Madeira, were brought by the admiral. When they arrived at Long-
wood, so great was Napoleon's impatience to get at them, that he
laboured hard with hammer and chisel, in assisting to open the cases.
The next morning, O'Meara found him in his bed-room, surrounded
by heaps of books. The floor was covered with those he had thrown
down as he finished them, according to his constant habit. He had
been up nearly all night reading; his countenance was smiling, and
his manner perfectly good-humoured. "Ah," he exclaimed, " what a
pleasure I have enjoyed. I can read forty pages of French, in the
time that it would require me to comprehend two of English."
The delight which Napoleon took in reading, made it the more
cruel of Sir Hudson Lowe' to restrict this pleasure as he did. Instead
of permitting a regular series of newspapers to go up to Longwood
as heretofore, only irregular numbers of the " Times" and " Courier"
now appeared. The "Morning Chronicle," and pamphlets or books
favourable to Napoleon, were detained by the governor. " The Last
Reign of Napoleon," by Hobhouse, was never sent to him at all,
because on the back was inscribed — "To the Emperor Napoleon."
These practices, which grew more and more frequent, were among
the totally unnecessary evils which the governor inflicted.
The English government allowed £12,000 a-year towards support
ing the establishment at Longwood. The sum sounds liberal, but it
should be remembered that the household consisted of nearly fifty
persons, including the English officers and servants, and that the high
price of all the necessaries of life at St. Helena, reduced the value
of an income there, to one-half its worth in England. Lord Bathurst
sent orders for a reduction bf the expenses to £8,000 a-year, about
this time. £12,000 had been found insufficient; and besides the
scantiness, the badness of the provisions was very much complained
of. AU this was the fault of the government, not of the governor.
The expense of this remote rock, which was incapable of production,
and the means of providing properly for so large an ingress of persons
into it, ought to have been duly considered by them before they fixed
upon it. The attempt to reduce, however, gave a fresh impetus to
Sir Hudson Lowe's vexatious activity. He examined into minute de-

480 THE HISTORY OF
tails ; such as whether common salt should not be used instead of
basket salt; he complained of the fire-wood used, of the frequency
of the Emperor's baths, which entailed expenses, as all the water had
to be brought from a distance, there being none at Longwood. He
even found fault with so much linen being sent to the wash ! It is
said that Sir Thomas Reade and Major Gorrequer inspected and made
their remarks on the foul linen. At the same time, orders and counter-
orders so confused the sentinels, that O'Meara was arrested for going
into Bertrand's house. Gourgaud was repeatedly stopped ; and no one
knew from one day to another how to avoid these irritations. The
Emperor, who would not expose himself to such insults, gave up his
rides, and only drove out in his calash or took short walks. One
day at dinner, he asked his groom " How his horse was," and was an
swered, that he was in good condition and high spirit. "At all events,"
answered the Emperor, " I hope he does not complain of me. No
horse ever led more the life of a canon than he does." Notwith
standing he talked thus lightly on the subject, Napoleon's health
visibly suffered, and his friends observed with pain that his counte
nance altered.
It was at this period, about the middle of July, 1816, that the
most painful — but happily the last — interview took place between
Napoleon and Sir Hudson Lowe. The latter had sought it, and
arrived suddenly, accompanied by the admiral, while the Emperor
was walking in his garden, so that he could not avoid it. On this
occasion, Napoleon used language unbecoming and unworthy of himself,
and which he afterwards regretted. The governor wished to enter
into details concerning the expense of the establishment, a kind of
subject intolerable to Napoleon; and further declared that he had
altered nothing since his arrival, and that if Napoleon knew him
better, he would feel differently. Here Napoleon, losing all command
of himself, said — " I know all the English generals who have dis
tinguished themselves, but of you I never heard except as a clerk
to Blucher. You have never commanded in battle, nor any but va
gabond and Corsican deserters, or Piedmontese and Neapolitan brigands."
Sir Hudson reminding him that he had not sought his present em
ployment, Napoleon replied : " Such places are not sought, they are
given to people who have dishonoured themselves ;" — and finally, calling
the governor no Englishman, but a Sicilian thief-catcher, he desired
him to send him no provisions if he pleased, but to let him go and
dine at the table of the brave 53rd, who would not refuse a place
to an old soldier. " Never appear before me again," he concluded, " till
you bring me my sentence of death— then all the doors shall be open
to you."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 481
Napoleon firmly kept to his purpose, and never again admitted the
governor to an interview. Sir Hudson Lowe had just cause of complaint ;
but if one half of the language imputed to him in the different ex
pressions of his resentment, and the messages he delivered to O'Meara,
with orders that he should "repeat them to General Bonaparte," are
authentic, he fully revenged himself as far as words could do so.
Besides expressions too coarse to be repeated, he called Napoleon
"a great liar;" said he considered AU Pacha a more respectable
scoundrel than Bonaparte, &c.
It was perhaps because Napoleon regretted the undignified scene
which had occurred, that he dictated to Montholon a clear and de
tailed list of his grievances, and sent it to the governor. Copies of
this document found their way to Europe. He then turned his atten
tion into totally different channels ; resumed his study of English, which
he had previously begun ; returned to his dictations, and evening con
versations and readings. A billiard table was sent up to him about
this time, which became a source of amusement. This power of en
tirely dismissing a subject from his mind was a remarkable charac
teristic of Napoleon. He once explained it by saying, that the dif
ferent affairs were arranged in his head as in a closet. " When I
wish to turn from any business," said he, " I close the drawer
which contains it, and I open that which contains another. They
do not mix together, and do not fatigue me or inconvenience me.
If I wish to sleep, I shut up all the drawers, and I am soon asleep."
He was, in fact, able to sleep at wiU. All his counsellors were well
aware of this faculty in him. He was frequently aroused suddenly
upon some emergency in his campaigns ; he would then get up im
mediately, give his decision, or dictate his answer, with his mind as
clear and unembarrassed as at any other moment, and without having
in his eyes the slightest appearance of sudden awaking. When the
business was over, he immediately returned to rest. This has been
known to have happened ten times in one night, and he was always
found to have fallen asleep again.
When the reductions in the expenses began, Napoleon would not
suffer any disputes ; but to supply the deficiency, ordered a portion
of his gold plate to be broken up monthly, and sent to the town
for sale: a circumstance disgraceful to the English government.
Scott mentions that it was proved afterwards by his will that he
possessed four thousand napoleons in secret at this time; and there
fore, according to that historian, this sale of plate was unnecessary,
and only done for effect. Surely Napoleon had a right to expend
whatever part of his property he chose; the disgrace lay with the
m

482 THE HISTORY OF
English ministry, which occasioned him to contribute in any way to his
own support, after taking upon itself that charge.
"I cannot," observed Napoleon to O'Meara, "weU comprehend
the conduct of your ministers. They go to the expense of sixty or
seventy thousand pounds in sending out furniture, wood, and building-
materials for my use, and at the same time send out orders to put
me nearly on rations ! They will not furnish my followers with
what they have been accustomed to, nor will they allow me to pro
vide for them by sending sealed letters through a mercantile house,
even of their own selection. No man in France would answer a
letter of mine, when he knew that it would be read by the English
ministers, and he denounced to the Bourbons. Moreover, your
ministers having seized the trifling sum of money that I had in the
Bellerophon, gives reason to suppose that they would do the same
again, if they knew where any of my property was placed. It must
be to gull the English nation. John Bull, seeing aU this furniture
sent out, and so much parade and show in the preparations, thinks
I am weU treated here."
Soon afterwards, the ministerial papers, in reply to Lord Holland's
motion on the subject, commenced the cry that " Bonaparte must
possess immense treasures, which he no doubt concealed." On
reading these assertions, Napoleon gave utterance to one of the most
noble denunciations of a mean insinuation that was ever recorded.
He called for a secretary, and rapidly dictated the following, which
was taken down without the alteration of a single word : —
"You wish to know the treasures of Napoleon! They are im
mense, it is true, but they are all exposed to light. They are : —
The noble harbours of Antwerp and Flushing, which are capable of
containing the largest fleets, and of protecting them against the ice
from the sea; the naval works at Dunkirk, Havre, and Nice; the
great harbour of Cherbourg; the maritime works at Venice; the
fine roads from Antwerp to Amsterdam, from Mentz to Metz, from
Bordeaux to Bayonne ; the passes of the Simplon, of Mont Cenis,
of Mont Genevre, of La Corniche, which open the Alps in four
directions: — these passes exceed in grandeur, in boldness and skill
of execution, all the works of the Romans; in these alone you wiU
find eight hundred millions of francs : — the roads from the Pyrenees
to the Alps, from Parma to Spezzia, from Savona to Piedmont;
the bridges of Jena, Austerlitz, Des Arts, Sevres, Tours, Rouanne,
Lyons, Turin, Bordeaux, Rouen, of the Isere, of the Durance, &c;
the canal which connects the Rhine with the Rhone by the Doubs,
and thus unites the northern seas with the Mediterranean; the canal
which connects the Scheldt with the Somme, and thus joins Paris

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 483
and Amsterdam ; the canal which unites the Ranee with the Vilaine ;
the canals of Aries, of Pavia, of the Rhine ; the draining of the
marshes of Burgoing, of the Cotentin, of Rochefort; the rebuilding
of the greater number of the churches destroyed during the revolu
tion; the building of others; the institution of numerous establish
ments of industry for the suppression of mendicity; the works at
the Louvre ; the public warehouses ; the Bank ; the Canal of the
Ourcq ; the distribution of water in the city of Paris ; the numerous
sewers ; the quays ; the embellishments and the monuments of that
great capital ; the works for the embellishment of Rome ; the re-
establishment of the manufactories of Lyons; the creation of many
hundreds of cotton manufactories for spinning and weaving, which
employ several millions of hands; funds accumulated to establish four
hundred manufactories of sugar from beet-root, for the consumption
of France, and which would have furnished sugar at the same price
as the West Indies, if they had continued to receive encouragement
for only four years longer ; * the substitution of woad for indigo,
which would have been brought to equal in quality, and not to
exceed in price, the indigo from the colonies ; numerous manufactories
of different descriptions ; fifty millions of francs expended in re
pairing and beautifying the palaces belonging to the crown ; the fur
niture of the palaces ; the crown diamonds, all purchased with Napo
leon's money; the Regent (the only diamond that was left of those
formerly belonging to the crown), withdrawn from the hands of the
Jews at Berlin, with whom it had been pledged for three millions
of francs ; the Napoleon museum, valued at upwards of four hundred
millions of francs, filled with objects legitimately acquired, either by
money or treaties of peace known to the whole world, by virtue of which
the master-pieces it contains were given in lieu of territory, or of con
tributions ; several millions amassed for the encouragement of agricul
ture, which is the paramount consideration for the interest of France ;
the introduction into France of merino sheep, &c, &c. These form
a treasure of several thousand millions of francs, which will endure
for ages ! These are the monuments which will confute calumny !
" History wiU say, that all these things were accomplished amidst
perpetual wars, without having recourse to any loan, and whilst the
national debt was diminishing every day; and that nearly fifty mil
lions of taxes had been remitted ; while very large sums remained
in the private treasury of Napoleon."
History will also add to the mass of treasures left by Napoleon, as
not the least valuable, though intangible, his great Code of simplified
* The thriving state of this manufacture, at the present day, is well known.

484 THE HISTORY OF
laws ; his schools and universities ; and his cadastre, or excellent system
of registration, which, had he had time to complete it, would have
proved one of the greatest boons ever conferred on a civilised nation.
But, our view must be again contracted, and concentrated on the
rock of St. Helena. After various preliminaries, — such as putting
Piontkosky under arrest, and sending a note up to Bertrand, which
gave warning that the French would all be required to sign another
paper, and that any of them who might use insulting language, or
behave so as to give offence to the governor or the government, would
be immediately removed to the Cape of Good Hope, — Sir Hudson
Lowe sent up to Longwood his new restrictions of the 9th of October,
1816. They were as follows: — "First: — Longwood, witb the road by
Hut's Gate, along the hill, as far as the signal-post near Alarm- House,
are to be fixed as boundaries." One-third of Napoleon's limits were
cut off by this article ; and in the space so cut off, was included his
favourite spot — the fountain and the willow trees, which afterwards con
tained his grave. By the third article, another road leading to Napo
leon's favourite "Valley of Silence" was forbidden. Within the bound
aries, there was not now a single spot in which the captives could enjoy
the sight of trees and water. The fourth article prescribed the rules to
be observed by the officer who should attend Napoleon when he wished
to ride farther; and was useless, because he would not voluntarily
submit to direct and public inspection. The fifth article was as follows : —
" The rules already in force, for preventing communications with any
one whatever without the governor's permission, must be strictly en
forced. Consequently, it is requisite that General Bonaparte should
abstain from entering into any conversation (except such as the inter
change of customary salutations may demand) with the persons whom
he may happen to meet, unless it be in the presence of an English offi
cer." Napoleon characterised this article as the " extremity of insult."
The sixth article prohibited those persons who might visit General
Bonaparte by permission, from communicating with any of his suite, ex
cept by farther permission. Napoleon justly observed, that if he should
receive a stranger after this rule, he must himself open his doors, as none
of his suite or servants could be permitted so to do. The seventh
article announced "That, at sunset, the garden round Longwood would
be considered as the boundary, and the sentinels posted at its limits."
As the grounds were without verdure or shade, the only period at
which they were tolerable in the hot season, was " after sunset ;" and as
Napoleon would not walk in them under direct inspection of sentinels,
his walks were necessarily altogether prevented by this regulation.
From the moment these restrictions were enforced, Napoleon entirely
gave up riding, and confined himself to the house, with the exception

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 485
of an occasional, but very rare, drive in his calash, or stroll near the
doors, or a walk to see the Bertrands, who were now resident within
the grounds of Longwood. Scott and others treat his determination
as a petulant, childish whim. Sir Hudson Lowe said, — " He believed
it was laziness." It was a "whim" dearly bought; "laziness" indulged
at a heavy price. It was a voluntary resignation to imprisonment in
a small and inconvenient house, in a tropical climate, after being used
"to ride over half Europe" as Napoleon expressed it himself; and that
imprisonment to be terminated by a slow but certain death, rather
than submit to the heartless injustice of this tyranny.
The members of Napoleon's suite were now presented with a form
by which they were to bind themselves to come under the same re
strictions, or leave the island. They all signed it, inserting, however,
the words " the Emperor Napoleon" instead of " Napoleon Bonaparte."
This could not be admitted. At length, after much discussion and
much pain, occasioned by fear of displeasing the Emperor, on the one
hand, or of being separated from him, on the other, they all signed the
original paper, with the exception of Santini. This man was a Cor
sican, and devotedly attached to Napoleon ; but his way of shewing his
love was to refuse to assent to the pretended annihilation of the imperial
dignity. He was accordingly sent away. He was a man of vindictive
Italian blood, and had once formed a scheme to shoot Sir Hudson Lowe,
which was fortunately discovered, and prevented by Napoleon. He
published a statement of the Emperor's wrongs when he reached Europe,
but in language so violent and exaggerated, that it injured the cause.
Together with Santini, Piontkoski, Rousseau, and Archambaud the
younger, were sent away, — the reduction of the establishment having
been ordered by government.
The officers of Napoleon's suite continued to ride and walk in their
Umits, especiaUy Gourgaud, whose health was much affected; but he
was continually stopped by sentinels, in consequence of new orders.
To these indignities the Emperor would of course have been exposed,
had he not secluded himself. The exiles were now completely isolated,
and condemned to a kind of collective, solitary imprisonment.* Ditches
and iron railings surrounded Longwood, and so many mounds and
* It happened, to the Editor to meet lately with a gentleman who had visited St.
Helena at this period. He said he well remembered that, while riding with his brother,
who was an officer in Sir Hudson Lowe's staff, they met the Bertrands and Montho-
lons, and sensibly felt the awkwardness of passing, without any sign of recognition
beyond a mute glance or slight gesture, acquaintances with whom they had been on
terms of intimacy. "Had we even lifted our hats," said he, "a signal would have
conveyed the fact to Plantation House in a minute." The tone of disgust in which this
was said, marked the feelings of English officers on the proceedings of the governor.

486 THE HISTORY OF
defences had been raised about the house and stables, that the English
soldiers used to call them " Fort Hudson" and " Fort Lowe."
On the 13th of November, Las Casas received orders from the go
vernor to dismiss his servant, a mulatto, and receive another who would
be sent to him, on the ground that " Sir Hudson Lowe had con
ceived some doubts as to the propriety of the Count being attended
by a native of the island." The answer of the Count was brief, but
positive. He would not receive a servant of Sir Hudson Lowe's
choosing, who, however, had, of course, the power to dismiss his present
one. After various notes and messages, the mulatto was taken away,
and the Count was served by Gentilini, one of Napoleon's valets. This
was the prelude to a piece of treachery, which the French writers
attribute to Sir Hudson Lowe, but which, in the absence of all direct
evidence, is here related without comment.
A few days after he had been removed, the mulatto returned
late at night, having, as he said, scaled precipices, and avoided senti
nels, in order to tell his late master that he had got a new place,
was going to Europe, and had come to offer his services without
reserve ; he would return, he declared, before he sailed. Las Casas
informed the Emperor of the circumstance on the following day,
urging " That they were lost in the world ; Europe was ignorant of
their real situation ; the newspapers shewed the veil of imposture
which had' been thrown over them : it was for them to pubUsh
the truth; it would find its way to the ears of sovereigns, to whom
it was, perhaps, unknown, and would rouse the sympathy and in
dignation of the people." The Emperor was pleased at the idea;
he spent the day in searching out their records, and choosing those
which should be transcribed and sent; but on the succeeding days, he
entirely dropped the subject. Las Casas understood him ; he saw that
complaints should not come from Napoleon himself, and, without fur
ther consultation, wrote a letter to Lucien Bonaparte, on satin. The
mulatto returned, and assisted with his own hands to sew the letter into
his clothes. On the following day, the 25th of November, 1816, Las
Casas was arrested by Sir Hudson Lowe, being accused, on the deposition
of the mulatto, of attempting to carry on an illegal correspondence. ?
All the papers belonging to the Count were seized, and examined
by the governor; but as nothing treasonable, nor any attempt to
assist in the Emperor's escape, could be found, the utmost punishment
that could be awarded, was a dismissal to the Cape of Good Hope,
which was accordingly ordered. The Count and his son were, how
ever, first detained in strict imprisonment on the island, and exposed
at first to extreme hardships. After repeated protests, Las Casas was
permitted to receive back all his papers which did not relate to the

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 487
Emperor; his journal and other documents were sealed up for the
decision of the EngUsh government. A farewell letter, written by Na
poleon to the faithful companion who was thus torn from him, was
detained by Sir Hudson Lowe, and never reached him entire till after
the death of the writer; but portions of it were sent to their des
tination, and even these fragments are mentioned as a " real blessing."
The following passage is contained among these fragments. " Your
company was necessary to me. You are the only one that can read,
speak, and understand English. How many nights you have watched
over me during my iUnesses ! However, I advise you, and, if necessary,
I order you, to demand of the governor to send you to the continent ;
he cannot refuse, since he has no power over you, but by virtue of
the act which you have voluntarily signed. It will be a great source
of consolation to me to know that you are on your way to more fa
voured climes. If you should, some day or other, see my wife and son,
embrace them for me ; for the last two years, I have had no news from
them, either directly or indirectly."
Napoleon had declared that he would not write to his mother,
wife, or brothers, under the regulation of submitting his letters to his
jailors ; but he made an exception of this case. He sent his letter
sealed. It was returned to him. He was lying on his sofa at the time :
he raised his hand over his head, broke the seal, and gave it back to
the person who brought it, without uttering a word. A parting in
terview was desired by the Emperor, but it could not be granted, except
in the presence of an English officer. The intention was therefore
renounced, with the observation, — " Las Casas knows I would not see
my own wife and son on such a condition ! "
It is difficult to explain for what reason Sir Hudson Lowe gave
Las Casas the option of returning to Longwood, as before, until the
pleasure of the English government, concerning him, had been made
known ; but so it was. The Count had resolved, however, to proceed
to Europe, and the Emperor's desire to that effect, — prefaced by the
words, " I advise you, and, if necessary, I order you," — held him firm
to his resolution. He was full of the hope that he should effect some
good to the Emperor ~by going. He was, however, grievously disap
pointed. He was detained at the Cape under surveillance, for seven
months : when he reached England he was not permitted to land ; and
five months more elapsed, before he was a free agent. When, at length,
he found an asylum at Frankfort, he wearied every court of Europe,
every minister and congress, wifh his protests and remonstrances, but
all in vain. He himself made over to Napoleon's service about four
thousand pounds, his whole private fortune, which was vested in the
English funds. His health had been injured considerably by his resi-

488 THE HISTORY OF
dence at St. Helena, and his subsequent sufferings of mind and
body ; he lived, notwithstanding, to hear of the death of his beloved
Emperor. He afterwards received his papers, through the interven
tion of Lord Holland, and was able to publish his valuable and interest
ing journal.
The journal of O'Meara began to assume the appearance of a series
of bulletins of illness, as the year 1817 advanced. Some further re
strictions, ordered by Sir Hudson Lowe, in the March of that year,
induced the Emperor to give up even his occasional drives.
Nearly the sole exception to the Emperor's refusal to see visitors
from the period already mentioned, till his death, occurred in the in
stance of Lord Amherst, who touched at the island on his return from
China. He had an interview of two hours, alone, with Napoleon, in
the beginning of July, 1817; the members of his suite were afterwards
introduced. His secretary, Mr. Ellis, has described the appearance
and conversation of Napoleon, who received his visitors with his ac
customed politeness, and addressed each in turn. Mr. Ellis mentions
the extent of the limits allowed to the prisoner, with much com
placency; but has not taken into account those restrictions "sur le
moral," which, as Napoleon used to express it, — "Imposed by Sir
Hudson Lowe on me, have the same effect in imprisoning me, as
chains and irons on the legs would have upon galley slaves."
Lady Holland sent out some presents for Napoleon about this
period. He felt her attentions deeply. Mr. Maiming, who had an
interview with Napoleon, and who had travelled in China, and Mr.
Elphinstone, the brother of Captain Elphinstone, wounded at Water
loo, also transmitted presents. The latter were of a splendid descrip
tion. It was about this time that an Italian sculptor sent out a
marble bust of young Napoleon, for his father. This bust was kept
for fourteen days at Plantation House, before it was deUvered up,
and it seemed to embarrass the governor, who evidently had some
doubts about sending it at all. It is said, and was believed by the in
mates of Longwood, that he entertained thoughts of having it broken,
or thrown into the sea. It has been conjectured, that he was terrified
at the idea of the marble containing some aperture inside, filled with
dangerous materials of some kind, and that he had employed this
fortnight in examining it all over. The bust gave the most exquisite
pleasure to Napoleon, and he gave an order for three hundred pounds
to the man who brought it out to him, who was the gunner of the
ship Baring. Two engravings of young Napoleon, brought out by
a Mr. Barber, of the Cambridge, about the same time, and given
by him into the charge of Sir Hudson Lowe, had never been sent
to the father, when O'Meara left the island. Surely there could be

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 489
nothing dangerous in these ? A botanist, attached to the suite of the
German commissioner, who was known to have seen and conversed
with Maria Louisa and young Napoleon just before he left Vienna,
was never allowed to go to Longwood, though Napoleon, who knew
the circumstance, wished very much to have an interview with him.
No feasible motive can be assigned for these and many other acts of
Sir Hudson Lowe, except a secret pleasure in giving pain.
The news of Lord Holland's motion for an enquiry into the personal
treatment of the Ex-emperor, reached St. Helena about this period.
The question had come on in the House of Lords on the 18th of
March, 1817. Lord Holland chiefly grounded his motion on the paper
written by Count Montholon, which, as already mentioned, had found
its way to England. His speech was clear and forcible. He was
answered by Lord Bathurst, in a series of assertions which satisfied
the house, and his motion was negatived without a division. Napo
leon attentively read the newspaper reports. The utter failure of an
attempt in his favour, brought forward in so high a quarter, and in
terms so moderate and reasonable, sensibly affected him. " I am glad,"
said he, " to see that the English minister has attempted to justify
his atrocious conduct to me, to the parliament, to his nation, and to
Europe, by falsehood, — a poor resource, which will not long avail.
The reign of lies wiU not last for ever."
Napoleon lost the agreeable society of Sir Pulteney and Lady Mal
colm, in July, 1817, when they left the station. It was towards the
end of the same month, that the jealous fears which tormented Sir
Hudson Lowe, took the form of suspicions of O'Meara, whom he or
dered henceforth to hold "no conversation with General Bonaparte,
except on professional subjects," and to give a report in person, twice
a-week, of the state of his patient's health. The former of these com
mands, which Sir Hudson had neither the right nor the power to en
force, led to a course of violent conduct on his part, towards O'Meara,
which lasted as long as the latter remained on the island. O'Meara
continued to converse with Napoleon as usual, whenever he had an
opportunity of enjoying the privilege ; and the two reports every week,
which he gave personaUy to the governor, thenceforth became the oppor
tunities for an inquisitorial persecution. The governor insisted on being
informed of all that had passed at Longwood, and all that had been
said by Napoleon, while O'Meara steadily refused to reply to any
question unconnected with the health of his patient; and, moreover,
repeatedly enforced the fact, that want of exercise, caused by the go
vernor's restrictions, was the occasion of the disease which was beginning
to make its appearance. These interviews generally ended in violent
language, and insulting behaviour, on the part of Sir Hudson; and

490 THE HISTORY OF
the situation of O'Meara, who, as an inferior officer, was subjected to
this ordeal, became so irksome, that he requested to be removed from
his employment; but no actual measure to this effect was taken on
either side, till some time afterwards.
The first decided symptoms of liver-complaint in Napoleon, made
their appearance in October, 1817; in addition to scorbutic symptoms,
and swelUng of the legs, which he had exhibited for some time.
O'Meara was placed in a most difficult situation by the refusal of his
patient to take medicine ; which, he declared, he never remembered
having taken in his Ufe. A change of diet, and outward remedies, such
as friction, salt-water baths, &c, were all he would submit to adopt.
He argued — sometimes seriously, sometimes playfully — that physicians
worked in the dark, — that they could not see the interior of the organs
on which they endeavoured to make an impression : with surgeons it was
quite another matter, he would say ; their science he duly estimated.
"But," said he, in one of these frequent disputes with O'Meara, " my
opinion is, that physicians kiU as many as we generals. When they
despatch a number of souls to the other world, either through igno
rance, mistake, or not having properly examined their complaints, they
are just as cool, and as Uttle concerned, as a general with whom I
am acquainted, who lost three thousand men in storming a hiU.
Having succeeded, after several desperate attempts, he observed, with
great sang-froid, — ' Oh, it was not this hill I wanted to take ; it was
another ; this is of no utility ! ' and returned back again to bis former
position." It must, nevertheless, be admitted that physicians, even
of the school of Moliere or Le Sage, would find it difficult to com
pete with generals, in " sending souls to the other world." When
pressed to be serious on the subject, Napoleon said, — "At least I
shall have this consolation, that my death will be an eternal disgrace
to the EngUsh nation." On further expostulation, he would reply, —
"What is written, is written: — our days are numbered."
It was not till a month afterwards that Napoleon consented to
take the necessary remedies. It is scarcely credible that he would
have suffered his mere prejudices on this point to prevail for so long,
and to resume their influence so frequently throughout his long ill
ness, had he not been aware that all medicine was unavailing in a
case like his, counteracted as its effects must be by confinement,
anxiety, and want of stimulus for mind or body. The state of Lone-
wood House had become very bad by this time. The additions made
by Admiral Cockburn were constructed only on a temporary plan;
great part of the buildings were roofed with brown paper, pitched
over. The heat of the sun having cracked the pitch, the rain now
poured in; and the walls of some of the apartments were covered

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 491
with green mould, from the extreme dampness, though fires were kept
continually burning. The old part of the house was infested by
rats, to such a degree as to annoy its inmates extremely, and to
prevent sleep by their noises and inroads. A proposal was made by
O'Meara, and seconded by Mr. Baxter, Sir Hudson Lowe's surgeon,
that Napoleon should be removed to some other residence on the
island; but the difficulties which presented themselves to the mind
of the governor, as to maintaining elsewhere the necessary vigilance,
prevented its accomplishment. Repairs of Longwood were talked of,
and the erection of the wooden palace was commenced ; but it went
on slowly. On the latter subject, Napoleon observed, — " It would
take three years to erect the building, even if we had the admiral
back, with aU his energy ; and it could not then be inhabited im
mediately. I shaU be dead before it could be ready!"
The governor, however, shewed considerable alarm at the increas
ing illness reported of Napoleon. He proposed to build a large
wooden barrack at Longwood, as a place of exercise, shaded from
the sun's rays. Napoleon refused to accept the offer. He wanted,
he said, the shade of trees ; and the barrack would get hot in the
same way that the billiard-room did. The governor next offered, by
letter to Bertrand, to permit Napoleon to go off the road and down
into the valley ; but added, that the same privilege (unless in com
pany with Napoleon) was not to be extended to his officers. O'Meara
tried to persuade the Emperor to take advantage of this permission.
" Mere tracasserie," he repUed ; " it would only expose me to more
insults, for the sentinels do not know me ; and every old soldier who
wished to fulfil his duty, so as to clear himself of all responsibility,
would say ' Halte-la! is General Bonaparte amongst you? Axe you
him? Oh, then, if you are him, you may pass.' Thus should I be
exposed to daily insults, and be obliged to give an account of my
self to every sentinel who thought it right to perform his duty pro
perly. Besides, he has no right to impose more restriction upon
these gentlemen than upon me. By the paper which they have
signed, they only engage to subject themselves to such restrictions as
are, or may be, imposed upon me. Moreover, I do not recognise
his right to impose any other restrictions than those made by Admi
ral Cockburn, which were approved of by his government; unless
he shews that they are signed by the Prince Regent, or by the mi
nisters. For, if he has the power to impose what he likes, he may,
according to his caprice, or some pretext, which to him would never
be wanting, lay them on again, or make them worse than before.
This is one of the reasons why I have not taken exercise, that I
may leave nothing in his power to inflict. I do not choose to sub-

492 THE HISTORY OF
ject myself to the caprice of a man whom I do not trust, and who
is my personal enemy."
If, in the unquestionable justice of these objections, some petu
lance and unwillingness to accept any approach to conciliation from
the governor, are observable in Napoleon, it should be remembered
that, at the period in question, he had become the prey of extreme
ill-health. The only point of defence, indeed, for Sir Hudson Lowe,
amidst the general hatred with which he is beheld in England, almost
as much as in France, is to be found in that complication of mortal
diseases, which, during the three last years of Napoleon's Ufe, occa
sioned suffering, sometimes amounting to excess of agony, and un
avoidably produced a state of nervous irritabiUty, such as — had he
been surrounded by saints, and himseU an angel (as he was most
certainly a victim) — must have exaggerated every cause of complaint,
and rendered any apprehension of interference intolerable. A defence
of Sir Hudson Lowe, on the ground of any real danger of the escape
of his prisoner cannot be admitted. The few wild schemes enter
tained in America or in Europe to effect it, only prove the fact of
its impossibility ; and it is not pretended by any authority that Na
poleon himself ever paid any attention to these reported attempts,
one of which was to have been made by a vessel capable of being
sunk in the water during the day, and raised at night.
Whatever might be the irritable effects of his iUness in his inter
course with the governor, it is, nevertheless, the unvarying declaration
of all his friends and attendants, that Napoleon's equability towards
them never deserted him, and that the patience and fortitude which
he exhibited to the last were wonderful. To O'Meara, he was
always kind, frequently playful, even when suffering much. On
visiting him, one morning, O'Meara found him worse, and heard that
he had been very ill in the night. " I was going to send for you
early in the morning," said he; "but then I considered, — this poor
devil of a doctor has been up all night, at a ball, and has need of
sleep. If I disturb him, he .will have his eyes so heavy, and his
inteUects so confused, that he will not be able to form any correct
opinion. Soon after this, I fell into a perspiration, and felt much
relieved." Few patients shew so] much consideration for their medical
attendants. He often amused himself with jokes upon O'Meara.
Whenever he heard of an EngUsh dinner party, he would ask 
" Well, how many bottles of wine did you drink ? Have you a
head-ache to-day ? Ah ! doctor, your eyes betray you ! " And if
he stiU met with a denial of the charge, he would ask, — "How
many of you got drunk? It must have been a very stupid party,
surely, if none did." He had a great notion of English wine-drink-

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 493
mg ; and used to animadvert on the practice of sitting after dinner,
and sending the ladies away. Once he asked O'Meara what was
his Christian name, and who was his patron saint ; — " For," said
he, laughing, " you must have one to plead your cause for you.
Saint Napoleon," he went on, " ought to be very much obliged to
me, and do everything in his power for me in the next world.
Poor feUow ! nobody knew him before. He had not even a day in
the kalendar. I persuaded the Pope to give him the 15th of Au
gust, my birthday!" Then he went on to tell the story of a poor
sinner, ,as he had heard it told by a priest in Italy. This sinner
died ; and his soul saw all the good and evil he had done in his life
thrown into the scales. The evil much preponderated, and the
poor soul was condemned. ' Already,' said the preacher, ' had the de
vouring element covered his feet and legs, and proceeded upwards,
even unto his bowels; in his vitals, O brethren! he felt them. He
sank; and only his head appeared above the waves of fire, when he
cried out to his patron saint, — 'O patron! take compassion; and
throw into the scale aU the Ume and stone, which I gave to repair
the convent of  .' The saint took the hint, gathered together
all the lime and stone, threw them into the scale of good, and the
evil flew up to the beam, and the sinner's soul to paradise, at the
same moment. Now, you see by this, brethren, how useful it is to
keep the convents in repair, &c.' You observe," said Napoleon,
laughing, " those knaves wanted money to get a new convent built,
and it poured in upon them after this expedient."
One of the few newspapers which Sir Hudson Lowe sent up to
Longwood, contained the account that young Napoleon was not per
mitted to succeed to the duchies of Parma, &c. The intelligence
produced extreme melancholy in Napoleon. " I was always prepared
to expect something of the kind from the congress," said he. " They
are afraid of a prince who is sprung from the people. However, you
may yet see a great change ; that is, provided they continue to give
him a good education, or that they do not assassinate him. If they
brutify him by a bad education, there is Uttle hope. As for me, I
may be considered as dead, as already in the grave. I am certain that,
before long, this body will be no more. I feel that the machine
struggles, but cannot last."
Cipriani, the maitre d' hotel of Napoleon, died in the spring of
1818, of inflammation of the bowels. Bertrand announced the event
to the widow, by letter to Cardinal Fesch : the following is an extract
from the same letter, dated March 22nd, 1818. "I shall not afflict
you by speaking of the Emperor's health, which is very unsatisfactory.
It has not, however, become worse since the hot season. I think

494 THE HISTORY OF
that these details should be concealed from Madame. Do not give
any credit to the false accounts that may be prevalent in Europe.
Keep in mind, as a rule, and as the sole truth, that for twenty-two
months the Emperor has not left his apartments, except rarely to visit
my wife. He has seen nobody, but the two or three French who are
here, and the English Ambassador to China."
On the 10th of April, 1818, Sir Hudson Lowe sent an order,
through Sir Thomas Reade, that O'Meara should not be permitted to
pass out of Longwood. O'Meara, in consequence, resigned his situa
tion ; but, after a confinement of twenty-seven days, he was released, and
resumed his medical attendance on Napoleon. In the interval, Sir
Hudson had utterly failed in his attempts to induce the Emperor to
see another medical man ; and the foreign commissioners had made
such strong remonstrances with him on the danger to his own cha
racter, throughout Europe, of suffering Napoleon to remain deprived
of all advice, that he was compelled to end the matter for the time.
The health of the patient had become considerably worse, in the
course of this altercation, and great indignation was excited, through
out the island, at the way in which he had been treated.
About the same period, an order arrived from the EngUsh govern
ment, in mitigation of some of the governor's restrictions respecting
visitors to Napoleon ; and, a few days afterwards, as if to neutralise
it, a proclamation was issued by Sir Hudson Lowe, interdicting "all
officers, inhabitants, and other persons whatever, from holding any
correspondence or communication with the foreign persons under de
tention." At this time, Napoleon had been confined to his apartments
for six weeks, and suffered much from pain in the side and shoulder,
nausea, swelling of the legs, severe catarrhal affections, scurvy in the
gums, and tooth-ache, to mitigate which several of his teeth were ex
tracted. On the 20th of July, 1818, O'Meara received his dismissal, by
order of Lord Bathurst, and was commanded to leave Longwood
immediately, without any further communication with the persons
residing there. The latter inhuman order he disobeyed without a
moment's hesitation. He felt that it was necessary that he should
prepare medicines and prescribe a regimen for the iUustrious patient,
who was about to be left without medical aid. He accordingly
went instantly to Napoleon's apartment, and, having obtained admis
sion, communicated the order he had received. " The crime will be
consummated more quickly, " said Napoleon : " and I have Uved too
long for them."
After some professional as well as other conversation, Napoleon
said: — " When you arrive in Europe, you will either go yourself, or

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 495
send to my brother Joseph. You will inform him, that I desire he
shaU give to you the parcel containing the private and confidential
letters of the Emperors Alexander and Francis, the King of Prussia,
and the other sovereigns of Europe with me, which I delivered to
his care at Rochefort. These valuable records were intrusted by
Joseph Bonaparte, on his departure for America, to a person in whom
he believed he might place confidence. The trust was abused for a
large bribe, and they are irremediably lost to the world. Consider
ing the humble and crouching character of several of their public
letters, some notion may be formed of what the private letters con
tained. You will publish them to cover those sovereigns with shame,
and to shew to the world the abject homage which those vassals
paid to me, when asking favours, or suppUcating for their thrones.
When I was strong, and in power, they besought my protection,
and the honour of my alliance, and licked the dust from under my
feet. Now, in my decUning years, they basely oppress, and take my
wife and child from me. I require of you to do this ; and if you
see any calumnies pubUshed of me during the time that you have
been with me, and that you can say, ' I have seen with my own
eyes that this is not true,' — contradict them."
The Emperor then dictated a letter to Count Bertrand, addressed
to O'Meara, to which he added, with his own hand, a postcript, recom
mending him to Maria Louisa. " You wUl express to the different
members of my family the sentiments which I preserve for them : "
he added; — "You will bear my affections to my good Louisa, to my
excellent mother, and to PauUne. If you see my son, embrace him
for me : may he never forget that he was born a French prince !
Testify to Lady HoUand the sense I entertain of her kindness, and
the esteem which I bear to her. Finally, endeavour to send me
authentic intelligence of the manner in which my son is educated."
Then, taking O'Meara by the hand, the Emperor embraced him,
saying, — " Adieu, O'Meara, we shall never meet again. May you
be happy ! "
O'Meara transmitted an official letter to the Lords of the Admi
ralty immediately upon his return to Europe, dated 28th October,
1819, containing a statement of the vexations inflicted upon Napo
leon, of which the following is an extract: — "I think it my duty to
state, as his late medical attendant, that, considering the disease of
the liver with which he is afflicted; the progress it has made in him;
and reflecting upon the great mortality produced by that complaint
in the island of St. Helena (so strongly exemplified in the number
of deaths in the 66th regiment, the St. Helena regiment, the squadron,
and Europeans in general, and particularly in His Majesty's ship

496 THE HISTORY OF
Conqueror, which ship has lost about one sixth of her complement,
nearly the whole of whom died within the last eight months), — it is
my opinion that the life of Napoleon Bonaparte will be endangered
by a longer residence in such a climate as that of St. Helena, espe
cially if that residence be aggravated by a continuance of those dis
turbances and irritations to which he has been hitherto subjected,
and of which it is the nature of his distemper to render him pecuUarly
susceptible." From that moment, therefore, the British ministry
must be regarded as having been perfectly aware of the situation of
Napoleon. Sir Hudson Lowe had accompanied the order for the dismissal of
O'Meara by a notification that Mr. Baxter would supply his place,
but that any other medical man on the island who might be pre
ferred by Napoleon, should be permitted to attend him. Napoleon,
after a time, made choice of Dr. Stokoe, surgeon of the Conqueror,
who attended him for the short period intervening before the month
of January, 1819, when he also was removed. The Emperor then
remained without medical advice for nine months. General Gour-
gaud, meanwhile, had been compelled by the state of his health to
leave St. Helena. Counts Bertrand and Montholon now alone re
mained with their revered and suffering Emperor. Some time after
wards, Colonel de Planat, whose strong affection for him has been
mentioned, succeeded in obtaining leave to go to him, but succeeded
too late.
The records of the first six or seven months of 1819, are few and
melancholy. The month of August was signalised by a course of
brutal and outrageous conduct on the part of the governor and his
officers such as must make every Englishman who has a heart, blush
for his country. The governor had been in the habit of corresponding
constantly with Count Montholon, who gave the required reports of
the Emperor's health ; but this nobleman being ill, the governor, as
if desirous to invent fresh vexations, refused to correspond with Count
Bertrand, and endeavoured to insist on a direct correspondence with
Napoleon himself, either by the visit of one of his officers twice
a-day to him, or by letter. The letters, addressed in the usual
style, the Emperor would not receive ; against the visits his doors
were bolted. During a whole week, Sir Thomas Reade and another
staff-officer perpetrated the almost incredible outrage of entering
Longwood House, proceeding to the outer door of Napoleon's apart
ments, and continuing to knock for some time, exclaiming " Come
out Napoleon Bonaparte ! " " We want Napoleon Bonaparte ! " &c,
concluding their atrocious act by leaving packets of letters addressed
to him. The following declaration from the victim of these insults,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 497
put an end to these disgusting scenes: — "On the 11th, 12th, 13th,
14th, and 16th of August, 1819, attempts were made, for the first
time, to violate the apartments inhabited by the Emperor Napoleon,
which to this epoch had been constantly respected. He resisted this
violence by shutting and locking the doors. In this situation, he
reiterates the protestation which he has made, and caused to be made
several times, that the right of his door shall not be violated unless
by walking over his corpse. He has for three years lived concentrated
in the interior of six smaU rooms, in order to escape insults and out
rages. If baseness is carried to the degree of envying him this refuge,
it has been determined to leave him no other than the tomb.
Labouring for two years under a chronic hepatitis, a disease endemic
in this place, and for a year deprived of the assistance of his phy
sicians by the removal of Dr. O'Meara, in July, 1818, and of |Dr.
Stokoe, in January, 1819, he has experienced several crises, during
which he has been obliged to keep his bed, sometimes for fifteen or
twenty successive days. At the present moment, in the midst of one
of the most violent of the crises that he has yet experienced, con
fined to his bed for nine days, having only patience, diet, and the
bath, to oppose to the disease ; for six days his tranquillity has been
disturbed by threats of an attack, and of outrages which the Prince
Regent, Lord Liverpool, and all Europe, well know he will never
submit to. As the wish to debase and to insult him is daily mani
fested, he reiterates the declaration he has already made, — that he
has not taken, nor will he take any notice, nor has he ordered, nor
will he order any answer to be given to any dispatches or packets,
the wording of which shall be done in a manner injurious to him,
and contrary to the forms which have been established for four years,
to correspond with him through the intermediation of his officers ; that
he has thrown and will throw in the fire or out of the window, those
insulting packets, not wishing to innovate anything upon the state of
affairs that has existed for some years.
, ,„ , . ioir> (Signed) "Napoljeon."
"Longwood, 16th August, 1819. v e ;
The reports of the state of Napoleon, successively brought to Eu
rope by Las Casas, O'Meara, and Gourgaud, filled with apprehensions
all those who remembered the Emperor with affection. His mother
and his sister Pauline were agitated with extreme anxiety and grief.
The former addressed an affecting appeal to the congress of the allied
sovereigns, for his removal to a more genial climate ; but failing, she
obtained from Lord Bathurst, through the mediation of Cardinal Fesch,
permission to send out a physician in whom Napoleon might feel con
fidence. She selected, for this purpose, Dr. Antommarchi, a young

498 THE HISTORY OF
man of Corsican birth, who accordingly arrived at St. Helena in Sep
tember, 1819, accompanied (by permission) by two ecclesiastics, the
Abbes Bonavita and Vignali, — Napoleon having expressed a wish that
himseU and his suite might have it in their power to perform the rites
of the church according to the Catholic mode of observance. •
As Napoleon had not been apprised of this negociation, Antom
marchi was received at Longwood with some suspicion ; but this he
soon succeeded in dispelling, and was introduced to his patient on the
22nd of September, 1819. Napoleon received him with much kind
ness, and overwhelmed him with a thousand questions. Their two
first interviews were entirely occupied with conversation concerning
every member of the imperial family, especially Madame Mere. An
tommarchi was made to repeat her words, and describe her looks.
Unfortunately, he had not Seen Maria Louisa nor young Napoleon; but
he could give intelligence of them, and had to repeat all he knew,
or had heard. He had brought a print of the latter, on which Na
poleon gazed with a kind of rapture for some time. Intelligence of
Las Casas, O'Meara, and of Lord and Lady Holland, was eagerly sought;
no one was forgotten; the news of Europe were next discussed; old
recollections of Corsica revived : in this manner, no time was left for
professional inquiries. It was not till the third interview, that the
physician found an opportunity of making the necessary examination,
which produced evidence of the existence of extensive disease. The
colour of the skin was unhealthy, the body excessively fat, the white of
the eyes had become yellow, the ear hard, the tongue bad, the pulse
low; violent sneezing and hard dry cough were frequent. The right
side was hard, sweUed, and painful on being touched. A vague pain
existed there, and great uneasiness in the shoulder, with a fixed and
deep-seated pain, which Napoleon described as appearing to be in the
interior of the chest, and which never left him, proceeding doubtless from
the dreadful organic disease of the stomach, which was the principal
cause of his death. The appetite was gone ; and frequent nausea and
rejection of the food taken, occurred. " Well, doctor," said Napoleon,
when this examination had concluded, "what do you think -of it?
Am I still destined to disturb, for a long time, the digestion of the
rulers of the earth?"
It is probable that the opinions of the physician and his patient
were much alike on this matter; but the zeal of Antommarchi pre
vailed over Napoleon's unwillingness to use remedies. He submitted
to take medicine. He was actually induced, once more, to take exer
cise. He walked out; he even mounted on horseback, and galloped a
few miles; and took short drives in his calash. A decided, but tem
porary, improvement was the result, interrupted, however, by severe

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

499

attacks of illness. A new mode of inducing the continuance of a
more active life occurred to Antommarchi, towards the close of the
year; he proposed to the Emperor to dig in the garden. The very
next morning, Napoleon was at work. He had named Noveraz, who

had been used to rural occupations, his head gardener, and worked
under his directions. " Well, doctor," he cried, as Antommarchi ap
proached, " are you satisfied with your patient ? Is he obedient enough ?
This is better than your pills, dottoraccio" (great doctor), he conti
nued, laughing, and holding up his spade ; " you shall not physic me
any more ! "
The Emperor became fond of his new employment. He pressed
all Longwood into his service. The ladies alone escaped, though he
tried by every means to persuade them also to begin to dig. They
made aUeys, grottoes, cascades, miniature roads, basins, or excavations;
transplanted young trees; manured the ground, and sowed in it beans,
peas, and every vegetable that grows in the island. The arid soil
gave little hope of vegetation, but the object was attained for the time;

500' THE HISTORY OF
Napoleon enjoyed a month of comparative health. On these occasions,
he wore a loose, light dress, and a large straw hat; and he gave the
same costume to a set of Chinese, who worked under his direction.
The cruel diseases which preyed on him, were, however, only lulled
for a time. His sufferings returned, and increased as the year 1820
proceeded. His physician could now perceive, by certain indications,
that a dread of the complaint of which his father died, — a cancer in
the stomach, — had entered Napoleon's mind, but that he dared not avow
his fears. He was observed consulting medical books and physiological
plates, to endeavour to gain information from them, and he sometimes
recurred to the question of the existence of hereditary diseases. In one
of these discussions, a striking proof appears of the acuteness of his mind.
The conversation having turned on the causes of pestilence, and the
difference between pure and impure air, Napoleon exclaimed, — "How!
is it not known what, in an aeriform fluid, wounds such or such organ ?
Has no attempt been made to isolate that fatal principle?" "The
attempt has been made," replied Antommarchi, "but in vain; it is too
subtle." "But" rejoined Napoleon, "the atmosphere that surrounds
an individual infected with the plague, cannot offer the same elements
of composition as that of an healthy individual.." These remarks
are rendered highly interesting, since modern science has succeeded
in isolating the fatal principle by condensing and separating from the
air those minute particles of animal and vegetable matter in a state
of decomposition, which have been found, by direct experiment on
animals, to produce various forms of fever, in its different degrees
of intensity. The intervals of comparative ease which Napoleon enjoyed, be
came fewer and of shorter duration as the year 1820 proceeded : whilst
they lasted, his spirits were cheerful. He is described as amusing
himself with the young Bertrands, whom he liked to have about him,
and whom he used to encourage to romp, and make a great noise.
One day, finding them aU around him, he said to General Mon
tholon, — "Send for the doctor, I want his ministry; he must bore
these pretty little ears," — shewing those of little Hortense, and opening
a paper in which a pair of coral ear-rings were folded up. The little
girl was frightened at first at the sight of the instrument, and her
brother Arthur began to stamp and storm, crying out, that he would-
not allow his sister to be hurt; she, however, was soon reconciled
by the sight of the trinkets, and Napoleon, who was much amused
at the anger, threats, and English phrases of the Uttle feUow, super
intended the operation'; and then giving Hortense a kiss, sent her to
her mamma,, to shew the ear-rings, and to teU her (if she was angry) that
" It was the dottoraccio who did it." Antommarchi bears the same

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 501
testimony to the amiable qualities of Napoleon, which aU his other
followers have done. "He was to us," says he, "amiable and affec
tionate, seeking to centre in himself all our affections : his advice
was that of a father, — his reproaches, those of a friend."
__ Some rainy weather came, which stopped the operations in the
garden, and Napoleon would not allow even the Chinese to proceed.
He was employing them to construct a basin, to which he meant to
bring water by pipes. " It is useless," said he ; " since there is no hurry
for this basin, let them rest; we will resume our task hereafter. I
have, besides some observations to make; come, follow me, you will
find them interesting." "I went," says Antommarchi ; "and found that
the objects of his observations were some ants, whose manners he had been
studying. These insects had appeared in greater numbers in his bed-room,
since he occupied it less, and had climbed upon his table, on which
there was usually some sugar. Allured by the bait, they had estabUshed
a chain of communication, and taken possession of the sugar-basin.
Napoleon was anxious that they should not be disturbed in their
plans ; he only now and then moved the sugar, following their man
oeuvres, and admiring the activity and industry they displayed until they
had found it again. ' This is not instinct,' said he, ' it is much more —
it is sagacity, intelligence, the ideal of civil association. But these little
beings have not our passions, our cupidity ; they assist, but do not
destroy each other. I have vainly endeavoured to defeat their pur
pose ; I have removed the sugar to every part of the room ; they
have been one, two, or sometimes three days looking for it, but have
always succeeded at last.' "
In the month of October, 1820, the sufferings of the Emperor had
greatly increased. He was very weak, he experienced severe pain, and
had occasionally a sensation of icy coldness all over the body. He
slept iU, and the paleness of his face, lips, and Umbs, was extreme.
In this state he at times feU into profound melancholy, and passed
whole days without speaking. Frequently, he refused the remedies
proposed ; and defended himself with his old arguments. " We are,"
he said, " machines, made to live. Do not counteract the Uving prin
ciple. Our body is a watch that is intended to go a given time.
The watch-maker cannot open it, and must, in handling it, grope his
way, blind-fold and at random. For once that he assists and reUeves
it, by tormenting it with his crooked instruments, he injures it ten
times, and at last destroys it." Then, seeing that this analogy had
made but little impression, he continued, half in earnest and half in
humour: — " You are aware, doctor, that the art of heaUng consists
only in lulling . and calming the imagination : that is the reason why
the ancients dressed up in robes, and adopted an imposing costume.

502 THE HISTORY OF
That costume you have unadvisedly abandoned; and, in so doing, you
have exposed the imposture of Galen. Who knows whether, if you
were suddenly to appear before me, with an enormous wig, a cap, and
a long train, I should not take you for the god of health? — whereas
you are only the god of medicines."
The illness of Napoleon was still varied by intervals of ease, dur
ing which he took exercise, and occasionally mounted on horseback.
He one day even rode fast and far enough to alarm Sir Hudson
Lowe, who instituted an inquiry into the mysterious circumstance of a
horseman having been seen galloping to the camp at Deadwood, dis
guised as a Chinese. This horseman turned out to have been the Em
peror in his working dress. " Is he afraid," said Napoleon, " that I
should find wings and fly away, and escape the grave?"
Napoleon, when suffering from weakness and exhaustion, would sit
for hours by a small pond, which had been dug under his directions,
filled with water, and in which some small fishes had been placed. He
took an interest in watching these little creatures, — in throwing bread to
them, and studying their habits and motions; and became acquainted
with each of them. Unfortunately, they sickened, and floated dead on
the water, one after another. Napoleon was deeply affected at this cir
cumstance, trifling as it seems. " You see very well," said he, " that
there is a fatality attached to me. Everything I love, everything
that belongs to me, is immediately struck : heaven and mankind unite
to persecute me."
The intelligence of the death of his sister, the Princess Eliza, which
reached him in the end of December, 1820, threw him into a state of
intense melancholy, amounting, for some time, to stupor ; his own
disease rapidly increased. After the 17th of March, 1821, he was chiefly
confined to bed. On the 2nd of April, he consented to receive the visits
of Dr. Arnott, the surgeon of the twentieth regiment, in addition to the
attendance of Antommarchi. Towards the end of the month, Napoleon
removed out of his smaU and close bed-room into the adjoining apartment:
though overpowered by pain and fever, and scarcely able to stand, he
refused to be carried :— " No," said he, " you may do that when I am
dead ; for the present, it will be sufficient that you support me." He
had, already, spent nearly the whole of four days in dictating his will,
shut up alone with Count Montholon and Marchand. It is a most in
teresting document of considerable length, and highly characteristic of
Napoleon. The effort had been beyond his strength ; and, on the last
occasion, had produced an exacerbation of fever, intolerable pain, and
delirium. On the following day, he sent for the Abbe Vignali. " Do
you know, Abbe," said he, "what a chambre ardente is?" "Yes, sire."
" Have you ever officiated in one ?" — " Never, sire," replied the Abbe.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 503
"Well," said Napoleon, "you must officiate in mine." He then explained
minutely to the priest all the details of the ceremonies to be observed
in a> room in which a body lies in state. " His countenance," says
Antommarchi, " was excited and convulsive ; and I was watching, with
uneasiness, the contraction of his features, when he observed in mine
I know not what expression, which displeased him. ' You are above
these weaknesses,' said he ; ' but what is to be done ? I am neither
a philosopher, nor a physician. I believe in God, and am of the religion
of my father. It is not everybody who can be an atheist.'" Then, turning
to Vignali, he continued : — " I was born in the catholic religion ; — I will
fulfil the duties it imposes, and receive the assistance it administers."
"The Abbe withdrew," says Antommarchi; "and I remained alone
with Napoleon, who censured my supposed incredulity. ' Can you,'
said he, ' carry unbeUef to such a point ? Can you not believe in God,
whose existence everything proclaims, and in whom the greatest minds
have believed ? ' ' But, sire, I have never doubted it. I was following
the pulsations of the fever; and your majesty thought you perceived in
my features an expression which they had not.' ' You are a physician,'
replied he, laughing : and then added, in an under-tone, — ' those people
have only to do with matter ; they wiU never have faith.' " This affords
another example, among the numbers already on record, of the recur
rence of early impressions in physical disease and prostration.
Napoleon was now on his death-bed ; and he was quite aware of his
situation. It was on the 28th of April that he gave to Antommarchi, in
a voice of the greatest kindness, and with perfect calmness and com
posure, the following instructions : — " ' After my death, which cannot be
far distant, I desire that you will open my body. I desire also, and
insist, that you will promise that no English medical men shall touch me.
If, however, the assistance of one should be indispensably necessary,
Dr. Arnott is the only one whom you have permission to employ. I
further desire, that you will take my heart, put it in spirits of wine, and
carry it to Parma, to my dear Maria Louisa. You will tell her, that
I tenderly loved her, — that I never ceased to love her; and you will
relate to her all you have seen, and every particular respecting my
situation and my death. I particularly recommend to you carefully to
examine my stomach, and to make a precise and detailed report of the
state in which you may find it; which report you will give to my son.
I am inclined to believe that it is attacked with the same disorder
which kiUed my father; I mean, a scirrhus in the pylorus. — What is
your opinion ? ' — I hesitated to reply," says the physician ; " and he
continued : — ' I began to suspect that such was the case, as soon as I
experienced the frequency and obstinate recurrence of the sicknessl
1 beg you will be very particular in your examination, in order that,

504 THE HISTORY OF
when you see my son, you may be able to communicate your observations
to him, and point out to him the most proper medicines to use. When
I am no more, you will go to Rome ; you will see my mother and my
family, and will relate to them all you may have observed concerning my
situation, my disorder, and my death upon this dreary and miserable
rock. You will teU them, that the great Napoleon expired in the most
deplorable state, deprived of everything, abandoned to himself and to
his glory; and that he bequeathed with his dying breath, to all the
reigning famiUes of Europe, the horror and opprobrium of his last
moments." An access of violent delirium succeeded ; after which, Napoleon
repeated his anxious injunctions. " Doctor, I recommend to you, once
more, to examine my pylorus with the greatest care : write down your
observations, and deliver them to my son ; I wish, at least, to preserve
him from that disease. You will see him, doctor ; and you will point
out to him what is best to be done, and wiU save him from the cruel
sufferings I now experience."
On one of these days, marked only by alternations of anguish,
Napoleon was able to swallow and enjoy a large draught of cold water;
and he immediately expressed his gratitude to the anxious friends who
surrounded him : — " If fate had decreed that I should recover, I would
erect a monument on the spot where the water flows, and would crown
the fountain in testimony of the reUef it has afforded me. — Let me be
buried," he added, " near the limpid stream of this pure fountain."
In the paroxysms of fever and delirium, which were of frequent
occurrence, imagination carried him back to the days of his power, when
his word decided the turn of battle, and his will regulated the fate of
nations ; and the dying sufferer saw armies at his command, and would
exclaim, — "Ah! victory is declaring! Steingel, Dessaix, Massena, press
the charge! — they are ours!" — and would leap from his bed, to fall
prostrate and helpless on the floor.
" His end was approaching," says Antommarchi ; " we were going to
lose him ; and aU redoubled their zeal and attention, anxious to give
him a last mark of devotedness. His officers, with Marchand, Saint
Denis, and myself, had exclusively taken upon ourselves the duty of
sitting up at night: but Napoleon could not bear the light; and we
were obUged to lift him up, and to administer aU the cares his state
required, in the midst of darkness. Anxiety had added to our fatigue :
the grand-marshal was exhausted ; General Montholon was equally so ;
and I was not much better. We, therefore, yielded to the pressing
solicitations of the Frenchmen who inhabited Longwood, and gave them
a share in the melancholy duties we had to perform. Pieron, Coursot 
every one, in short, — sat up conjointly with some one of us. The zeal and

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 505
solicitude they manifested, sensibly affected the Emperor, who recom
mended them to his officers, enjoining that they might be assisted and
taken care of. " And my poor Chinese," said he, " do not let them be
forgotten neither; let them have a few scores of napoleons: I must
take leave of them also."
On the 3rd of May, the last day but one which Napoleon was
destined to see to its close, he called his officers to him, and addressed to
them the following discourse, which the historian who has recorded his
power, and his despotic use of power, should never omit to record : — "I
am going to die," said he, " and you to return to Europe ; I must give
you some advice as to the line of conduct you are to pursue. You have
shared my exile ; you will be faithful to my memory, and will not do
anything that may injure it. I sanctioned great principles, and infused
them into my laws and acts. Unfortunately, however, the circumstances
in which I was placed were arduous, and I was obliged to act with seve
rity, and to postpone the execution of my plans. Our reverses occurred :
I could not unbend the bow; and France has been deprived of the liberal
institutions I intended to give her. She judges me with indulgence ;
she feels grateful for my intentions; she cherishes my name, and my
victories. Imitate her example ; be faithful to the opinions we have
defended, and to the glory we have acquired ; any other course qan only
lead to shame and confusion."
While the wings of the Angel of Death had already cast their mighty
and soothing shadow over the bed of anguish, a hurricane howled round
the rocks of St. Helena. On the night of the 4th, the willow, under
which Napoleon had usually sat, was torn up by the roots ; and the
young trees, which he had assisted to plant with his own hands, were
carried away, or scattered by the tempest.
On the morning of the 5th, it was evident to his faithful attendants,
that the long agony was fast drawing to a close. There were fearful
indications of physical pain ; but the mind appeared to have become
unconscious of it; and, except at intervals, sensation was apparently
aboUshed. A few scarcely articulate words were still uttered ; amongst
which, the last that could be distinguished were, — " Tete . . . armee"
(head . . . army ; or, perhaps, armed . . . head). Madame Bertrand, who,
though very ill herself, was a close attendant on the dying Emperor, now
brought her children to take a last view of their kind friend. They had
not seen him for fifty days ; and sought in vain to recognise in his pale
and disfigured countenance the expression of greatness and goodness to
which they had been accustomed. They took hold of his hands, which they
covered with tears, sobbing aloud, with all the bitter grief of childhood;
and young Napoleon Bertrand, overcome by the terrible sight, fell back,
and fainted. The poor children were quickly removed from the room.
P
- -M

508 THE HISTORY OF
As the short sum of the appointed hours gradually decreased, the
pulse became scarcely perceptible ; there were deep sighs, piteous moans,
and convulsive movements; the lips were spasmodicaUy closed against all
nourishment: at eleven minutes before six, on the 5th of May, 1821,
Napoleon died.
Those who have seen a cast of the mould which was taken of his
countenance a few hours afterwards, will not require to be told that the
transitory distortion, occasioned by physical disease, had then given place
to the indescribable calm of death. The noble expanse of forehead is
not furrowed by a single line ; the eyes are gently shrouded by the deep
eye-lids ; the finely-formed nose, the deUcate upper lip, and broad, firm
chin, might form a study for a sculptor ; and the whole expression is
that of power in repose, almost awaking into a child-Uke smile.
After the first burst of grief had been indulged, the executors
proceeded to open two codicils, according to the desire of the Emperor.
The first gave orders as to the gratuities to be paid to the members of
his household, and the alms to be distributed to the poor of the island.
The second contained the well-known direction, which has been lately
fulfilled: — "It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of
the Seine, in the midst of the French people, whom I loved so well."
Sir Hudson had no authority to comply with this desire ; but he ex
pressed a wish to have the grave prepared in any situation within the
island which might be selected by the officers of the deceased. They
accordingly fixed on that spot, to which the late Emperor had often re
curred with recollections of pleasure, near the spring from which the water
had been brought, which had, on one occasion, allayed his cruel sufferings.
The Princess Pauline, his sister, had only a short time previouSiy
succeeded in obtaining permission to join him at St. Helena; but the
voyage never took place, being prevented by the news of his death.
Twenty hours after death, Antommarchi proceeded to perform the
examination of the body, according to the repeated orders he had
received. Doctors Arnott and Short, with six other medical men,
witnessed the operation, together with Sir Thomas Reade, and a few
staff-officers. Counts Bertrand and Montholon, and Marchand, were also
present. The examination disclosed the ravages of a compUcation of
diseases. The lungs were inflamed, and organicaUy diseased ; the liver
was seriously affected; and both the lobes adhered, the one to the
diaphragm, the other to the stomach. The latter circumstance had
prolonged the sufferings and the life of the patient ; for the adhesion of
the Uver to a portion of the stomach, had occurred on the very spot
where the dreadful disease, which had been the immediate cause of
death, had perforated a hole entirely through the latter organ, which,
had it not been so covered, would have caused death at the instant

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11

DEATH OF NAPOLEON.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

507

of its formation, by admitting the contents of the stomach into the cavity
of the abdomen. Nearly the whole of the interior of the stomach was
occupied by a cancerous ulcer.
The examination being concluded, the heart and stomach were
placed in a silver vase containing spirits of wine. The body was then
dresssed in the costume usually adopted by the Emperor during his

life, — the uniform of the horse-chasseurs of the imperial guard, — and was
removed to the small bed-room, which had been hung with black, and
there laid on a bed, covered by the blue cloth cloak which had been
worn by the Emperor at Marengo. Behind the head, was the altar, at
which the priest recited prayers. Lighted tapers were placed on either
side, All the persons of the household, dressed in mourning, stood on
the left side ; Dr. Arnott watched over the corpse, which had been
placed under his personal responsibility.
A great crowd had been assembled for some hours, desirous to gain
admittance. When the doors were opened, they thronged the apartment
and continued so to do for several days ; but the greatest order was
maintained, and a feeling of awe caused the preservation of a deep
silence. When the coffin was brought, the body was deposited in it

508 THE HISTORY OF
by Antommarchi, who was not permitted to carry into effect the request
of the late Emperor, concerning the transmission of the heart to Europe.
The coffin was composed, first of tin, lined with white satin, which having
been soldered down, was enclosed in another of mahogany, a third of lead,
and the whole in a fourth of mahogany, secured with iron screws.
The funeral was appointed to take place on the 8th of May,
on which day the troops received orders to be under arms at day
break, and in mourning. Early in the morning, the governor arrived
at Longwood, and was shortly followed by the admiral and all the
civil and military authorities. The description of the several solemnities
we give in the words of Antommarchi.
" The weather was beautiful, the roads were crowded with people,
and the hills covered with -musicians; never had so mournful and so
lemn a spectacle been before exhibited in the island. At half-past
twelve, the grenadiers took the coffin, which they could not lift without
difficulty, and after repeated and persevering efforts, they succeeded
in carrying it to, and placing it on, the hearse, which was waiting in
the great walk in the garden; and it was then covered with a violet-
coloured velvet cloth, and the cloak which Napoleon wore at Marengo.
The Emperor's household was in mourning. The funeral procession
was arranged, and proceeded in the foUowing order, which had been
regulated by the governor himself:—
" Abbe Vignali, habited in the sacerdotal ornaments used for the celebration of
mass, with young Henry Bertrand, carrying a vase of silver, containing
Holy-water and the A ' spersorium.'
Doctor Arnott and myself (i. e. Dr. Antommarchi).
The persons appointed to take care of the hearse, which was drawn by four
horses, led by grooms, and escorted by twelve grenadiers
on each side, without arms.
Young Napoleon Bertrand and Marchand, both on foot, one on each
side of the hearse.
Counts Bertrand and Montholon, on horseback, immediately behind the hearse.
Part of the Emperor's suite.
Countess Bertrand, with her daughter Hortense, in a calash drawn by two
horses, led by servants who walked on the side of the precipice.
The Emperor's horse, led by his piqueur Archambaud.
The officers of the marines, on foot and on horseback.
The officers of the staff, on horseback.
General Coffin and the Marquis Montchenu, on horseback.
The Admiral and the Governor, on horseback.
The Inhabitants of the Island.
" The procession left Longwood in this order, and passed before the
guard-house, and the garrison of the island, about two thousand five hun
dred strong, lining the whole of the left side of the road as far as Hut's
Gate. Bands of music, stationed at intervals, added by their mournful

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 509
sounds to the solemn sadness of the ceremony. After the procession
had passed before the troops, they followed, and accompanied it towards
the place of burial. The dragoons marched first, the 20th regiment
of infantry followed; then came the marines; the 66th regiment; the
volunteers of St. Helena; and lastly, the regiment of royal artillery,
with fifteen pieces of cannon. Lady Lowe and her daughter were
waiting on the road at Hut's Gate, in a calash drawn by two horses,
and afterwards followed the procession at a distance, accompanied by
some servants in mourning.
"At about a quarter of a mile beyond Hut's Gate, the hearse stopped,
and the troops halted and ranged themselves in order of battle along
the road. The twelve grenadiers then took the coffin on their shoulders,
and carried it thus to the grave, by the new road which had been made
for that purpose on the side of the mountain. Everybody then dis
mounted; the ladies got out of the calash, and the procession followed
the corpse, without observing any order : Counts Bertrand and Mon
tholon, Marchand, and young Napoleon Bertrand, holding the four
corners of the pall. The coffin was deposited on the edge of the
grave, which was hung with black, and near to it were the machinery
and the ropes with which it was to be lowered: everything offered a
mournful aspect; everything contributed to increase the grief and afflic
tion which filled our hearts. Our emotion was great, but deep, concen
trated, and silent. The coffin having been uncovered, the Abbe Vignali
recited the usual prayers, and the body was consigned to the grave, the
feet turned towards the east. The artillery then fired three successive vol
leys of fifteen guns each. During the march of the funeral procession, the
admiral's ship had fired twenty-five minute-guns. An enormous stone,
which was to have been employed in the construction of the Emperor's
new house, was now used to close his grave. The religious ceremonies
being over, that stone was Ufted up by means of a ring fixed in it,
and was lowered down over the body, resting, on both sides, on a
strong stone wall, so as not to touch the coffin. It was then fastened ;
the ring was taken away, the hole it had left filled up, and the ma
sonry covered with a layer of cement.
" The Emperor's grave is about a league from Longwood. Its shape
is quadrangular, but wider at the top than at the bottom; its depth
is about twelve feet. The coffin is placed upon two strong pieces of
wood, and isolated on all sides. We were not allowed to place over
it either a stone, or a modest inscription: the governor opposed this
pious wish; as if a tomb-stone, or an inscription, could have told the
world more than they already knew ! "
The completion of a work like the present, which has involved the
account of so many actions and events, so many designs and policies,

510

THE HISTORY OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

so many complicated feelings and interests, all ramifying over a pro
digious extent of the civilised world, may well render the historian
diffident of his success, and anxious lest his forbearances and occasional
balancings of conflicting facts or statements, should be misinterpreted.
To the examination and decision, therefore, not only of competent
judgments, conversant with the histories of the period, but to the exa
mination and decision of the public sentiment of whatever nation —
which is always eventually influenced by that love of the truth inherent
in all aggregate masses of humanity — this work is respectfully submitted.
One thing only is especially claimed for it, — that of being written with
a sincere desire to place the memory of a great man in its true and
just light, for the future as well as present times. One thing, also,
is especially regretted — namely, the want of power, in the vehicle of
words, to contend against the prejudices of " foregone conclusions,"
except when aided by the slow process of years. But, of the real
character of the Emperor, both in public] and private, and of the true
history of his actions, and their demonstrable causes, it is quite cer
tain that the world has not yet heard sufficient ; nor will it ever cease
to crave for fresh works, and means of judging, till a history of such
importance as that of Napoleon be found satisfactory to the progressive
intelligence of mankind.

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APPENDIX.

THE SECOND FUNERAL

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE:
INCLUDING
AN ACCOUNT OF THE EXHUMATION OF HIS REMAINS
AT ST. HELENA;
AND THEIR CONVEYANCE IN THE BELLE POULE TO FRANCE.

ILLUSTRATED BY THE ARTISTS WHO ACCOMPANIED THE EXPEDITION.

LONDON:

ROBERT TYAS, 8 PATERNOSTER ROW.

MDCCCXLI.

London:
Vizetelly & Co. Printers and Engravers,
135 Fleet Street.

» THE SECOND FUNERAL

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

"APOLEON is again in France ; and,
for the first time, with a power
which is only passive. The
recent disinterment of his im
prisoned ashes, and their en
tombment in the heart of the
country, is an event which has
aroused strong memories all over
Europe ; memories which had
scarcely slept, and were never
dead. But the evil passions of
the past have long slept, — and,
we believe, are at last at an
end. It has been thought that
the history of the great Emperor of France would not be complete, without
an account of the funeral honours paid to him by his country, and a recog
nition of the becoming tone of feeling manifested by a Government which
was once his most implacable foe.

•1 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
From the period when the dying wish of the exile, that " his ashes should
repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people whom he
had loved so well," became known, its accomplishment was sought from time
to time by the French nation, especially by the military portion of it; but as
often discountenanced by parties in power. Shortly after the Revolution of
1 830, the slumbering question was again mooted, and with a louder voice ;
but the son of Napoleon — he who had been recognised by all France as his
heir, and' even proclaimed emperor after his father's second abdication — was still
living, and it was considered that such honour to the dead might endanger the
stability of the existing dynasty, by reviving the old question of legitimacy.
The disturbed state of Europe, looking on with a distrustful eye to the
purposes of France, also discouraged the experiment. It was reserved for the
French ministry of 1840, with M. Thiers at its head, to propose that the
Emperor's wish should be complied with, by consigning his ashes to their
fitting resting-place. On the 5th of May, by direction of Louis-Philippe, an
official correspondence took place between the cabinets of France and England
concerning the removal of the remains. The British ministry responded frankly
and generously, as is testified by the following communication from Lord
Palmerston : —
" The government of her Britannic Majesty hopes that the promptness of
its answer may be considered in France as a proof of its desire to blot out the
last trace of those national animosities which, during the life of the Emperor,
armed England and France against each other. The British government hopes
that if such sentiments survive anywhere, they may be buried in the tomb
about to receive the remains of Napoleon."
On the 12th of May, the design so worthily entered upon was thus com
municated to the Chamber of Deputies by M. de Remusat, Minister of the
Interior : —
" The King has commanded his son, the Prince de Joinville, to proceed
to St. Helena to receive the ashes of the Emperor Napoleon, in order to
convey them to France. Our magnanimous ally has wished in this event to
efface the last traces of past animosity. The frigate bearing the remains will,
on its return, repair to the mouth of the Seine, from whence another vessel
will transport them to Paris, to be deposited in the Hotel des Invalides, when
a solemn ceremony, worthy of the occasion and of the country, will take place.
Napoleon was legitimate sovereign of France ; and as such, his mortal remains
might repose at St. Denis ; but the ordinary sepulture of kings would not be
worthy of Napoleon: he should lie among the soldiers of the nation — his
former companions in glory — in that silent and sacred asylum, to which those
who henceforth may be called on to defend our country, may always repair
to invoke success. Beneath the dome of the temple, a monumeift, durable

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 3
as his memory, will be erected, for which, with the expenses of removal and
of the funeral ceremony, we require of the chambers the grant of a million
of francs (£40,000). Henceforth, France alone will possess all that remains of
Napoleon : his tomb, like his fame, will belong to none but his country.''
The chambers nobly responded to the appeal of the government, and to
the wishes of the country ; and the announcement speedily spread through
France, eliciting a burst of enthusiasm. Preparations for the expedition
were immediately commenced. M. Baudoin, Director of Funeral Ceremonies,
was intrusted with the construction of the coffin, in form resembling the
ancient sarcophagi. It is of solid ebony, finely polished, but without orna

ments, surmounted only by an entablature and moulding, and inscribed
" Napoleon," in letters of gold, — medallions, bearing the letter " N," being
incrusted upon each side. Within the sarcophagus is a leaden coffin, upon
which are engraven branches of laurel and arabesques in basso-relievo. In
the centre is inscribed — Napoleon
Empereur et Roi,
Mort a Ste. Helene
le v Mai,
mdcccxxi.

A superb pall of violet-coloured velvet, bordered with ermine, decorated with
the imperial eagle and the letter "N" in silver brocade, and studded with
golden bees, accompanied the coffins.
On the 2nd of July, the Prince de Joinville quitted Paris to take com
mand of the Belle Poule frigate and the Favorite corvette, lying off Toulon.
The quarter-deck of the frigate (on board of which the Prince sailed) had

4 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
been fitted up as a chapelle-ardente — an imperial cenotaph, — bearing alle
gorical bassi-relievi — History and Justice, with Religion, and the cross of the
legion of honour at the sides; eagles at the four angles; and the crown on
the summit.
The Prince was accompanied by four of the Emperor's companions in
exile — Count Bertrand, Baron Gourgaud, the younger Las Casas, and
Marchand (the Emperor's ancient v alet- de- chambre), and by Captain Hermoux,
of the navy, his royal highness's aide-de-camp ; Midshipman Touchard, his
ordnance officer; the Count de Rohan-Chabot~, the king's commissioner; the
Abbe CoauEREAU, chaplain ; and four old servants of Napoleon — • Denis
and Novarrez, valets; Pierrou, domestic officer; and jArchambaud, his
huntsman. Of Marchand, his testamentary executor, the Emperor had said
— " The services which he has rendered me have been those of a friend."

»*i*5s

The Belle Poule and Favorite put to sea on the 8th of July, 1840, and
anchored off St. Helena on the 8th of October. Qn the 1st of December, the
French government received the following dispatch : —
"Cherbourg Roads, November 30th, 1840.
" Monsieur le Ministre,— As I had the honour of announcing to you, I
left the Bay of All Saints on the 14th of September. I sailed along the coast
of Brazil with easterly winds, which enabled me to reach St. Helena by the
parallel of 28 degrees south, and to arrive at this point after some delay. On
the 8th of October, I cast anchor in the roads of James' Town. The brig

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.1

Oreste, sent by Vice-Admiral de Mackan to take a channel-pilot on board
the Belle Poule, had arrived the evening before. As this vessel brought me
no new instructions, I immediately attended to the orders previously com

mitted to me. My first care was to introduce M. de Chabot, the king's
commissioner, to General Middlemore, Governor of the Island. These gen
tlemen had to regulate, according to their respective instructions, the manner
in which the remains of the Emperor should be exhumed and removed on
board the Belle Poule. The execution of the plans decided on was fixed for
the 15th of October.* The governor undertook the exhumation, and all that
was to be done on the English territory. As for myself, I regulated the
honours that were to be paid on the 15th and 16th, by the division placed
under my orders : the French trading vessels, La Bonne Aimee, Captain
Gallet, and L'Indien, Captain Truquetit, eagerly joined us. On the 15th,
at midnight, the operations were commenced in presence of the English and
French commissioners, M. de Rohan-Chabot, and Captain Alexander, R.E. ;
the latter directed the works. As M. de Chabot will transmit to the govern
ment a circumstantial report of the operations he witnessed, it is unnecessary
for me to detail the particulars ; I shall, therefore, only inform you that at
ten in the morning the workmen reached the coffin. After having removed
it from the grave uninjured, it was opened, and the body found in a state of
unhoped-for preservation. At this solemn moment, on sight of the remains —
so easily recognised — of him who had done so much for the glory of France,
profound emotion seized the spectators. At half-past three, cannons from the
forts announced that the funeral cortege was moving towards James' TJawn.
* The anniversary of Napoleon's arrival in the island twenty-five years before.

6 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
The militia and the garrison preceded the car, which was covered with the
pall borne by the generals Gourgaud and Bertrand, and by Messrs. Las
Casas and Marchand ; the authorities and the inhabitants followed in crowds.
The frigate in the roads responded by minute-guns to the cannon of the forts ;
our flags were lowered half-mast high, and all the foreign vessels displayed the
same signs of mourning. When the cortege appeared on the quay, the English
troops formed an avenue, through which the car advanced slowly towards
the beach. On the sea-shore, where the English lines terminated, I had as
sembled around me the officers of the French division : all in deep mourning,
with heads uncovered, we awaited the approach of the coffin. It stopped at
twenty paces from us, and the governor, advancing towards me, gave into my
charge/ in the name of the British Government, the remains of the Emperor
Napoleon. So soon as the coffin had been lowered into the frigate's long
boat, previously disposed to receive it, renewed emotions were manifested ; the
last wishes of the Emperor were fulfilling ; his body at length reposed under
the national flag.
" From that moment, all signs of mourning were abandoned ; honours that
the Emperor would have received in life, were rendered to his mortal remains,
and it was amidst the salvos of the ships, with their flags hoisted and their
yards manned, that the long-boat, escorted by the boats of all the vessels in
the roads, was slowly towed towards the frigate. On its arrival on board,
the coffin was received between two files of officers under arms, and borne
to the temporary chapelle-ardente. According to your orders, the honours
were rendered by a guard of sixty men, commanded by the senior -lieutenant
of the frigate. Though it was already late, the absolution was read, and the
body remained thus exposed during the night, the chaplain and an officer
keeping watch near the coffin.
" On the 16th, at ten in the morning, the officers and the crews of the
French ships of war, together with those of the merchant-men, having as
sembled on board the frigate, a solemn funeral service was celebrated. The
body was then lowered between decks, where a new chapelle-ardente had been
prepared to receive it. At noon, all was ended, and the frigate ready to sail,
but two days were required for the drawing up of the proces-verbal (authentic
account), and it was not till the morning of the 18th, that the Belle Poule
and Favorite were able to get under weigh. The Oresle left at the same
time, for its destination. After a quick and favourable voyage, I anchored in
the Cherbourg Roads at five o'clock this morning.
(Signed) ' " F. D'ORLEANS."
" To the Minister of Marine."

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 7
The official report of the commissioners, referred to in the foregoing dis
patch, gives the following detail of the exhumation and delivery of Napoleon's
remains : —
"We, the undersigned Philippe-Ferdinand- Auguste de Rohan-Chabot,
in virtue of powers conferred on me by His Majesty the King of the French,
and Charles Corsan Alexander, deputed by his Excellency General Middle-
more, Governor of St. Helena, to preside on the part of Her Britannic Majesty,
having previously communicated to each other our respective powers, have
repaired, this 15th day of the present month of October, of the year 1840,
to the place of sepidture of the Emperor Napoleon, to superintend and
direct personally all the operations of exhuming and removing his remains.
" Having arrived at the Valley of Napoleon, we found the tomb guarded,
according to the orders of the governor, by a detachment of the 91st regiment
of British infantry, commanded by Lieutenant Barney, for the purpose of
preserving order befitting the occasion. The members of council received
directions to attend the disinterment : these were Lieutenant-Colonel Tre-
lawny ; his Honour Chief- Justice Wylde ; and Colonel Hodson. There
were also ordered to be present, Mr. Seale, the Colonial Secretary, and
Lieutenant Littlehales, commanding the Dolphin. On the French side
were Generals Bertrand and Gourgaud; Count Las Casas; Marchand;
Arthur Bertrand, the commander of the frigate ; the Abbe ; and the
Surgeon, with five or six of Napoleon's domestics. The persons appointed
to execute the works having been admitted within the reserved space round the
tomb at midnight, and in silence, Captain Alexander, of the Engineers, com
menced his work by removing the railing, and the slabs that covered the grave.
The earth was next excavated, and after unwearied efforts the workmen suc
ceeded in making an impression on the cement which covered the first layer
of masonry below. This being entirely removed, we next found a rectan
gular wall, forming, as we afterwards ascertained, the four sides of a vault,
fourteen feet deep, six feet wide, and ten feet two inches long. Below the
slabs already removed, this vault was entirely filled with earth, about nine
inches deep. Beneath the earth appeared a layer of common cement, cover
ing the whole space, and adhering to the walls, which having been completely
cleared away, the undersigned commissioners descended into the vault, and
found it perfectly uninjured. The next covering, formed of stones thirteen
inches in thickness, bound together by iron cramps, resisting the labour of
several hours, the undersigned English commissioner caused a tunnel to be
excavated from the left side of the vault, in order to reach the coffin by
this means, in case further efforts to perforate the solid mass should prove in
sufficient. The removal of the latter, however, having been at length effected,
the digging of the lateral ditch was abandoned; and below the demolished

8 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
mass we found a slab, eight feet four inches long, four feet and an inch wide,
and six feet thick, forming the covering of the inner sarcophagus (or sepulchre)
of hewn stones, containing the coffin. This slab, in perfect preservation, was
framed in Roman cement, and strongly fastened to the walls of the vault ; and
this last masonry having been carefully raised by means of rings or pulleys
affixed to it, at half-past nine o'clock in the morning everything was ready
for the opening of the sarcophagus. Then Dr. Guillard purified the tomb
by besprinkling it with chlorine, the slab was drawn up, and laid on the edge
of the vault, exposing the coffin to view, at which moment all present uncovered
their heads, and the Abbe CoauEREAU, sprinkling holy water, repeated the De
Profundis. The undersigned commissioners then stepped down to inspect the
coffin, which they found well preserved, excepting only a small portion of its
base, which, although resting on a sound slab, supported by hewn stones, was
slightly impaired. Some sanatory precautions having been again taken by
the surgeon, an express was sent to the governor, to inform him of the progress
of the work. The coffin was then raised with hooks and straps, and removed
with reverent care to a tent erected to receive it, the chaplain reading the
while the service for the dead conformably to the rites of the Roman Catholic
church. " The undersigned commissioners then descended into the tomb, which they
found to be in perfect preservation, and agreeing entirely with the official
description of the interment.
" Towards eleven o'clock, the undersigned French commissioners, learning
that his excellency the governor had authorised the opening of the coffins,
caused the first to be taken off with every requisite precaution, within which
was found a leaden one, which, with its contents, was placed within that
brought out from France. Then his excellency, accompanied by his staff,
Lieutenant Middlemore, aide-de-camp and military secretary, and Captain
Barnes, town-major, entered the tent, to be present at the opening of the
inner coffins. The upper part of the leaden coffin was thereupon cut, and
lifted off with the utmost care. In it was found another of wood, in excellent
preservation, and corresponding with the description and recollection of those
who had been present at the depositing of the Emperor's remains.
" The lid of the third coffin having been removed, the lining of fin was with
drawn, and disclosed a sheet of white satin, which was carefully drawn aside by
Doctor Guillard, and the body of Napoleon was exposed to view. The features
had undergone so little alteration as to be instantly recognised. The contents of
the coffin were found remaining, in the exact position in which they had been
placed ; the hands in remarkable preservation ; the uniform, the orders, the hat,
very little injured ; and the whole person indicating recent inhumation. But two
minutes at most did the body remain exposed to the air, that short interval

the exhumation.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 9
sufficing for the surgeon to take the measures prescribed to preserve it from
further injury. The tin and mahogany coffins were then re-closed, over which
the leaden one was carefully re-soldered, under the direction of Dr. Guillard,
and securely fixed by wedges in the new leaden coffin sent from Paris. The
whole were then placed in the splendid ebony sarcophagus, which was locked,
and the key delivered to the undersigned French commissioner.
" Then the undersigned English commissioner declared that, the exhumation
being ended, he was authorised by his excellency the governor to inform the
French commissioner that the coffins containing the mortal remains of Napo
leon should be considered at the disposal of the French government from the
moment they had reached the place of embarkation, whither they would be
conveyed under the personal orders of his excellency the governor.
" The coffin was then placed on a funeral car, covered with an imperial
mantle presented by the undersigned French commissioner, and, at half-past
three in the afternoon, the cortege formed, under the command of his excellency
the governor (who, in consequence of illness, had been unable to preside at the
labours of the night), and advanced from the grave in the following order : —
The St. Helena Militia, commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Seale.
The detachment of the Ninety-first Regiment,
Commanded by Captain Blackwell, forming the escort of the Body.
The Militia Band, playing the Dead March in Saul.
The Priest, in white vestments, accompanied by two choristers, the one bearing
the Crucifix, the other, the Holy Water.
THE FUNERAL CAR :
Drawn by four horses, and escorted by a detachment of Royal Artillery :
the Pall, borne by Count Las Casas and Marchand in front ;
and near the head, by Generals Bertrand and Gourgaud.
Immediately behind the Car, walked the Commissioner, leading the Captains of
the Corvette and Oreste ;
And followed by M. Arthur Bertrand ;
The Servants of Napoleon ; Captain Doret and Doctor Guillard ;
The Military, Naval, and Civil Officers ; ,
The Members of Council ;
The Chief Justice ;
The Governor;
The Inhabitants of the Island in deep mourning.
" From the moment the procession began to move, minute-guns were fired
from the battery at High Knoll, and continued from the lines. On its arrival
at James' Town, the cortege passed slowly down the main street, through lines
of the militia and of the 91st, resting on their arms reversed, to the quay, where
stood the Prince de Join ville, surrounded by French officers in waiting to
2

10 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
receive the body. The Prince then received from the governor the imperial
coffin, which was immediately deposited in the long-boat prepared for its
reception, and conveyed by the Prince on board the Belle Poule with all .the
honours due to sovereigns.
" For the faithful record of which, we, the undersigned commissioners, have
drawn up this proees-verbal, and have sealed it 'with our arms.
" Made in duplicate between us, at St. Helena, this fifteenth day of October,
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty."
" Rohan Chabot.
(Approved) " Middlemore. "Alexander.
Further details of the transfer of the body from the custody of the English
governor to that of the French commissioners have been derived from an eye
witness of the ceremony, who writes to the following effect : — After two hours
march, the cortege reached the end of the quay, where the Prince de Joinville
had stationed himself, at the head of the officers of the three French ships of
war. The greatest official honours had been rendered by the English authorities
to the memory of the Emperor, and every testimonial of respect had marked the
adieu given by St. Helena to his remains. When the funeral car halted at the
quay, the Prince de Joinville (who, very considerately judging that in his
character of commandant of the expedition, it would be proper to absent himself
from the operations not under his immediate directions, had remained on board
the frigate during the exhumation) advanced alone, and, in presence of all
around, who stood with their heads uncovered, received in a solemn manner the
imperial coffin from the hands of General Middlemore. His royal highness
then thanked the governor, in the name of France, for all the marks of sympathy
and respect testified by the authorities and inhabitants of St. Helena at the
memorable ceremonial, and expressed his entire satisfaction with everything that
had been done.
The sarcophagus, having been lowered from the quay to the French cutter,
was covered with an imperial mantle, and borne towards the frigate amidst sa
lutes from the ships, dressed out in their colours, and having their yards manned.
All indications of mourning which the French vessels and crews had hitherto
assumed, now that the remains of Napoleon were in French custody, were ex
changed for manifestations of festivity and triumph. The magnificent flag wliich
some ladies of James' Town had worked for the occasion was unfurled ; and,
amid the roar of artillery, the exulting cheers of the French crews, with their
bands playing lively national airs, the remains of the great conqueror and
captive left the island, and were received on board the Belle Poule frigate, be
tween two ranks of officers under arms, and carried to the quarter-deck, which
had been arranged as a chapelle-ardente. A guard of sixty men, commanded

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

11

by the senior-lieutenant of the frigate, did the honours. Although it was now
late, the absolution was pronounced, and the coffin remained exposed all night,
the almoner and an officer keeping watch by its side, as if ocean might claim
what earth had spared : a touching and an impressive scene must have been

that night death-watch on the great deep. The Abbe Coquereau shared the
post, though this was the third night of his watch ; and at ten o'clock on the
following morning a solemn funeral service was to commence. At that hour, all
the officers and crews of the French ships of war and merchantmen assembled
on board the frigate, where an altar was erected at the helm, bearing towards
the mizen-mast ; it was surmounted by a French tent, and military trophies ;
muskets were disposed on the right and left ; beneath them, a crown of oak ; and
two small pieces of artillery in front ; between the altar and the capstern stretched
an immense black drapery, embroidered with silver, upon which lay the coffin,
covered with its splendid pall, and bearing the imperial crown, veiled with crape;
while above it were suspended censers of burning incense. Of the sixty men
commanded by Captain Penanros, thirty were stationed a-starboard, under his
own immediate orders ; and thirty a-larboard under those of M. Jauge. The
companions of the Emperor's exile took their places ; near them were his faithful
servants, and the oldest non-commissioned officers of the division. At the foot of

12

THE SECOND FUNERAL OF

the coffin knelt the Prince commander ; at his right, the Commander Hernoux,
his aide-de-camp ; at his left, the Count de Chabot, king's commissioner ;
behind him were the commanders Guyet, Doret, and the Deputy-Consul of
France. Then the chief officers, each in his rank ; the captains of French
merchant vessels, with their officers ; and finally appeared all the sailors on
their knees. The Favorite and the Oreste had each sent a deputation of sixty
men : no stranger was among them ; it was exclusively a national ceremony.
The Abbe conducted the sacred service ; during which the sloop and the frigate
fired minute-guns alternately.
Nothing (says Las Casas) could obliterate recollection of the impressions
that attended this ceremony. To those who had lived familiarly at St. Helena
with Napoleon in decay, it was the dust of the most attaching of men over
which they now wept ; to those who had known him not, it was the tomb of
the greatest of men, who had exalted to the highest the glory of his country ;
to all those assembled, it was the shade of the great Napoleon re-appearino-
amidst the French, after an exile of a quarter of a century.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE

13

The rites ended, the body was deposited in the receptacle prepared for it,
with the prayers and forms prescribed by the Roman Catholic church.
On Sunday at nine o'clock, the three French vessels were under weigh,
and were soon out of sight of the island.
The Belle Poule having anchored in the roads of Cherbourg, of which
event the prince's dispatch conveyed immediate intelligence to Paris, pre
parations for the celebration of the obsequies, to take place in that city on
the 1 5th of December, were commenced on the most extensive scale ; and
every town and village of the route by which the remains were to pass thither
manifested zealous eagerness to pay its tribute of respect to the memory of
Napoleon. On the receipt of final instructions from the French government,
the prince proceeded to execute them. At sunrise on Tuesday the 8th, the

sarcophagus containing the body was transferred from the frigate to the Nor-
mandie steamer, destined to convey it to Val de la Haie, a small village below
Rouen, where other steamers in waiting were stationed. During the transfer,
all the vessels in the port and roadstead of Cherbourg slung their yards, and
hoisted their colours half-mast high. The civil and military authorities were
assembled on the quay ; the troops presented arms, and the ships of war fired
a royal salute as the Normandie steamer, followed by the Courrier and Veloce

14

THE SECOND FUNERAL OF

steamers, and the Rodeur cutter, sailed on for Havre. The entire ceremony
at Cherbourg was of the most imposing description. The whole of Tuesday
was wet and gloomy, and the vessels on their passage to Havre encountered
a sharp gale. The inhabitants of Havre, knowing that the steamer was
expected that evening, maintained an anxious watch for it; and as the weather
cleared, and the moon shone forth upon the sea, a dark speck in the blue
distance became visible ; and, as it neared the shore, was hailed by many a
watchful eye as bearing to the mouth of the Seine the mortal remains of the
great warrior of France. All doubts were soon removed by the recognition of
the three vessels, which, as they approached the land, were joined by the
Seine, from the port of Havre, and, then bearing off, anchored at two miles'
distance for the night. Between seven and eight in the morning, it was
observed that the Normandie, convoyed by five steamers, was approaching the
shore. The troops of the line and national guards had long been stationed
along the quays and ramparts, and the artillerymen at their guns. As the
steamer passed the town, the imperial canopy under which* the sarcophagus
was placed could be clearly seen. It was hailed with salutes by the whole
line, and with every demonstration of enthusiasm by the assembled multitudes,
who stood with heads uncovered, many of them rushing down to the water's
edge, and throwing crowns of laurel and of flowers towards it. As the little
squadron proceeded, and the river narrowed, both banks became lined with
spectators, and the vessels were greeted with one continued discharge of
artillery, blended with murmured acclamations of the people. On Wednesday,
at three o'clock, the prince and his suite reached Val de la Haie, amidst such
tokens of respect as the place could afford, and where the Dorade, a boat
distinguished from the others stationed there by its state adornments, was laid

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 15
alongside the Normandie, and another removal of the coffin effected. The
deck of this vessel represented a funeral temple, hung with drapery of violet-
coloured velvet, embroidered with golden bees. The coffin was covered with
a magnificent pall, surmounted by an imperial crown. Tha stern was deco
rated with flags, inscribed with the names of Napoleon's victories. On this
occasion, the prince ordered away all ornaments from the deck, observing, —
" This noble deposit from St. Helena needs no decoration." At Val de .la
Haie, the vessel anchored for that night, and arrived off Rouen the following
morning. Here, at the earnest petition of the citizens, it halted a sufficient
time to enable the authorities to visit the remains, and the archbishop and
clergy to perform some religious rites. The municipal council also met, and
voted 25,000 francs (£1,000), to defray the expense of honours to be rendered
as the revered freight passed their city. Nothing was left undone that could
give effect to the arrangements ; the array of military force was most imposing,
— shops were closed, — windows and balconies were filled with spectators, —
nearly every building displayed a banner, — and when the fog cleared away,
and the sun burst forth, the coup-d'ceil was admirable. These dispositions
were all completed when, about a quarter-past ten o'clock, a discharge of
artillery announced that the convoy was entering the precincts of the city. It
was responded to by the batteries of the Vaisseaux d'Honneur, which (dis
playing colours of all nations, with the British flag in the midst) fired guns
every minute till the close of the religious ceremony. The bells of the
churches rang the knell, and the bands of the troops played funeral marches.
At eleven, the first steamer approached. The flotilla consisted of twelve small
vessels, the third in order being the Dorade, with the sarcophagus raised on
its prow. At its four corners stood Generals Gourgaud and Bertrand, Las
Casas, and M. Marchand ; behind was an altar, surmounted with a large
eagle and fasces of tricoloured flags, next to which were placed the Abbe
Coquereau, the chaplain of the expedition, and his two acolytes ; after him
stood the Prince de Joinville, as chief mourner, surrounded by his staff
and the other persons who had accompanied him to St. Helena ; and in the
rear were one hundred seamen of the Belle Poule frigate. The coffin was
covered with an imperial mantle, and different other insignia of the Emperor ;
and everything on board was decorated with the letter " N," and other
devices and emblems of the empire. As the convoy passed along, the drums
beat a funeral march, the troops and national guards presented arms, and the
banners were inclined. On reaching the suspension-bridge, upon which stood
the triumphal arch, the steamer paused awhile, during which the military
veterans, who had accompanied the Emperor in his career of glory, defiled
before the coffin, throwing upon it crowns of laurel, and saluting it. At this
moment, innumerable banners and handkerchiefs were waved by the specta-

16 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
tors, and immortelles and laurel-wreaths were thrown from every part towards
the sarcophagus. The cry (somewhat incongruous) of "Vive l'Empereur!"
seemed to burst almost involuntarily from the old Ugionnaires as they saluted the
corpse of their favourite chief. After the delay of a few minutes, the Dorade
passed under the arch, and took her station alone in the centre of the basin,
fired several salutes, and remained there for about twenty minutes, while a
funeral service was conducted by the Cardinal Archbishop of Rouen, attended
by two hundred priests. The deepest silence and profound attention prevailed
during this solemnity.
Immediately afterwards, a salute of six rounds from the shore announced
that the ceremony would henceforth assume a triumphal character ; the bells
rang in peals, — all signs of mourning disappeared, — the bands played national
airs, — the troops presented arms, — and the artillerymen of the national guards
fired one hundred and one rounds.
The Prince de Joinville, in compliance with the orders he had received
not to quit his charge an instant, remained on deck all the time ; but shortly
before weighing anchor, he sent his aide-de-camp, Captain Hernoux, to
compliment the authorities in his name. A moment afterwards, the boat con
taining the coffin cleared the Pont de Pierre, and the escort-steamers followed
in the same order, and were soon out of sight.
To detail the progress of the flotilla from Rouen to Courbevoie would
be only to repeat similar demonstrations of honour, of triumph, or of mourning.
All the wealth and beauty of France seemed congregated on the banks of
the Seine ; the miUtary swarmed as in a camp, and the veterans of the old
armies all rallied round the remains of their chief. Hundreds of them were
to be distinguished by their faded uniform, bearing crowns of laurel and
immortelles. There were chasseurs of the imperial guards, — and grenadiers of
the armies of Italy and of Egypt, of Spain and of Russia, — heroes of Marengo,
Austerlitz, and Jena, many of whom were obviously affected, — some even to
tears. Nor were young soldiers of the day devoid of such feeling ; one of
them, a lieutenant, was heard to say to a group of cuirassier officers, ' I would
give much to be able to command my emotion ; but I feef that when the
convoy conies up I shall cry like a child, and look foolish at the head of my
men.' Early on Saturday the 12th, the steamers arrived at Mantes, and the
same afternoon at Poissy. On the following day, the procession moved up
from Poissy to Maisons, where it remained for the night; and on Monday
the 14th, advanced to the bridge immediately below St. Germain's, through
which the vessels passed amid every possible manifestation of welcome from
the assembled thousands, who densely thronged every position from whence
the spectacle could be seen. At Anniers, a small village two miles below
Courbevoie, lay the massive and gorgeous vessel which had been built expressly

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 17
to convey the remains from Val de la Haie. A receptacle for them had been
raised on its deck, in the form of an Egyptian temple, oblong in build, open
at the sides, with plain square columns supporting a flat roof, but sustained
in front by four statues, on the heads of which it appeared to rest ; the
entrance to this temple was by several steps ; the vessel had an immense eagle
(gilded) as a figure-head, and bronze shields suspended all round, with the
names of victories, trophies of arms, and banners surmounted by the imperial
eagle, — the bulkhead being covered with laurels and immortelles. In the front
and rear were four tripods, throwing out flames ; and round the tomb were
engraved on escutcheons the names of the principal victories of the Republic
and the Empire. This magnificent and expensive piece of craftsmanship was
not used for the destined purpose, its great weight preventing the possibility
of towing it to Paris by any steamer on the river, in time for the translation
to take place on the 15th. This vessel, however, formed part of the convoy
from Anniers to Courbevoie, and had a superb effect. At half-past three in
the afternoon, the cortege reached Courbevoie (some four miles from Paris),
where it was received with imperial honours. Courbevoie is finely situate on
one of the eminences which diversify the left bank of the Seine, at a short
distance from Neuilly. On the summit of the hill upon which the village is
built are some magnificent barracks erected by Louis XV. ; its population is
about two thousand, but on this occasion every house was densely crowded with
people eager to obtain a view of the ceremony on the following morning.
As the vessels advanced slowly towards Courbevoie, the fine battalions
stationed there were seen drawn up under arms along the left bank of the
river, whieh was covered with an immense multitude, who received the
remains with deafening acclamations. The deck on which the coffin rested
was observed to represent a funeral temple, and was hung with drapery and
violet velvet, embroidered with golden bees. The stern was decorated with
banners, inscribed with Napoleon's victories. As each steamer came [up, she
fired a salute, and then took the station assigned to her for the night.
At five o'clock, Marshal Soult, Admiral Duperre, and M. Duchatel,
arrived at Courbevoie, and repaired on board the Dorade, to pay their homage
to the Prince de Joinville. They were soon after joined by the Duke de
Nemours, who spent part of the night with his brother. Very few of the
sailors were allowed to land ; but one man went ashore by special leave, who
no sooner set his foot on the quay than he was surrounded and embraced by
all the generals in the presence of all the troops. This man, Sergeant
Hubert, had never abandoned the Emperor dead or alive,— had assigned to
himself the pious mission of guarding his tomb, and had faithfully discharged
the self-imposed office from the 5th of May, 1821. Hubert was dressed
3

18

THE SECOND FUNERAL OF

in the uniform of the grenadiers of the imperial guard, and wore the decora
tion of the Legion of Honour.
Early in the morning of Tuesday the 15 th of December, the Dorade
steamer left her station in the centre of the river, and was moored near the
landing-place. The twenty-four seamen of the Belle Poule, who were ap
pointed to bear the coffin ashore, were ranged on each side the sarcophagus.
The funeral car shortly afterwards drew up under the portico of a Grecian
temple, erected to receive the coffin. This structure, one hundred feet high,
and of tasteful design, was decorated at its angles with branches of palm and

tri-coloured flags ; and an eagle, with displayed wings spanning sixteen feet, was
placed over the front. At half-past nine, the clergy of Courbevoie went on
board the Dorade, where prayers were read over the body. The Prince de
Joinville then gave orders to land, when the twenty-four seamen raised
the coffin on their shoulders ; the artillery fired twenty-one rounds, and the
remains of the Emperor once more rested on French ground, amidst every
demonstration of welcome from the troops and people. After lying in state
a short time in the temple, where the Abbe Coquereau and the clergy
chanted prayers, the seamen raised again their precious load, and carried it
to the funeral car destined to convey the remains to the church of tlie
Invalides. The car consisted of five distinct parts— the base, the pedestal,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE,

19

JUL

the caryatides, the shield, and the cenotaph. The base rested on four massive
gilt wheels. It was twenty-five feet long and six feet high, and presented
the form of a parallelogram, with a semi-circular platform in front. On this
last stood a group of four genii, supporting the crown of Charlemagne ; at
the four angles were four other genii in relievo, who held garlands with one
hand, and with the other the trumpet of Fame ; above were fasces in the
middle eagles, and the cipher of the Emperor, surrounded with crowns. The
base and its ornaments were covered with burnished gold.
The pedestal placed on this base was eighteen feet long by seven high,
and entirely covered with gold purple cloth, with the cipher and arms of the
Emperor. On each side hung a violet-coloured velvet imperial mantle,
sprinkled with golden bees. Behind drooped a number of flags, bearing the
names of the Emperor's victories.
On the pedestal stood fourteen caryatides, somewhat larger than life,
entirely covered with gilding, and supporting with their heads and hands an
immense shield. These were placed six on one side, and six on the other,
back to back, and one at each extremity.
The shield, encrusted with gold, was of one elongated oval form, and loaded
with fasces of javelins.

20 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
The sarcophagus, of an antique form, was raised above the shield. In the
centre, on a rich cushion, lay the sceptre, the hand of justice, and the imperial
crown, studded with jewels.
This monument of gold and velvet, about fifty feet high, was drawn by
sixteen black horses yoked by fours, and so caparisoned as only to shew th
extremity of the feet. The trappings were of cloth of gold, cut and disposed
like those used in the tournaments of the middle ages, and the manes adorned
with white plumes and golden tresses. Grooms in the livery of the Emperor
led the horses.
By the time the coffin was deposited upon the car, the numerous civil
authorities of Paris and its districts had arrived at the bridge of Neuilly, to
receive the body on the limits of the department. At this spot, a number of
veterans of the old army, dressed in the uniforms of the various corps, passed
through the crowd to await and join the procession. One of the most affecting
associations recalled by the scene was a colossal statue of the Empress Josephine,
erected at the extremity of the bridge on the road leading to Malmaison. It
was eleven o'clock before the car left Courbevoie ; it paused awhile near the
statue of Josephine, after which the procession commenced its march towards
the capital in the following order : —
The Gendarmerie of the Seine, with trumpets, and the Colonel at its head.
The Municipal Horse Guards, with standards and trumpets, headed by their Colonel.
Detachments of the Seventh Lancers,
With the flags and band of the regiment, and commanded by their Colonel.
Lieutenant-General Derriule, Commandant of Paris,
And his staff, and the officers en congi.
A battalion of Infantry of the Line, with their Colonel at the head, and accompanied
by the Band, Sappers, &c.
The Municipal Foot Guards, with flags and drums, and the Colonel at their head.
The Sappers and Firemen, with flags and drums,
And headed by their Lieutenant-Colonel.
Two squadrons of the Seventh Lancers, commanded by the Lieutenant-Colonel.
Two squadrons of the Fifth Cuirassiers, flags and band, and the Colonel at the head :
The Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the division and his staff.
Officers of all Grades employed at the War-office.
The Military College at St. Cyr, headed by its staff.
The Polytechnic School, with its staff.
The Ecole d'Application d'Etat Major, with its staff.
A battalion of Light Infantry, with the Colonel at its head.
Two batteries of Artillery.
A detachment of the First Battalion of the Foot Chasseurs.
Seven companies of the Engineers, under the orders of a.Chief of Battalion.
Four companies of non-commissioned veteran Officers.

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 21
Two squadrons of the Fifth Cuirassiers, with the Colonel at the head.
Four squadrons of the mounted National Guards, with flags and band, and commanded
by their Colonel.
Marshal Gerard, Commandant-in-Chief, General Jacqueminot, the
Deputy-Commander, and their staffs.
The Second Legion of the Suburban National Guards.
The First Legion of the Paris National Guards.
Two squadrons of the Cavalry of the National Guards headed by the Lieutenant-Colonel.
A carriage, in which sat the Almoner, the Chaplain ofthe expedition,
and his assistants.
General Officers of the Army and Navy of the Reserve or Retired List,
on horseback.
General Officers and others belonging to the Royal Navy.
The principal Band of Funeral Music.
THE WAR HORSE OF NAPOLEON,
Led by two grooms richly dressed in the Imperial livery.
A detachment of twenty-four non-commissioned Officers, chosen from the Cavalry of the
National Guard, from the Cavalry and Artillery of the Line, and from the
Municipal Guard, under the command of a Captain of the
General Staff of the National Guard.
The Commission of St. Helena in a mourning carriage, drawn by four horses.
A body of thirty-three Sub-Officers, wearing the decorations, and selected from the Foot
National Guards, the Infantry of the Line, the Municipal Guards,
the Sappers, Firemen, under the orders of a Captain
of the staff of the Foot National Guard.
The Marshals of France.
Eighty-six mounted sub-officers, bearing the colours of the departments, under the
Command of a Staff-Major, that of Corsica preceding the rest.
Eighty-six Eagles, representing the eighty-six Departments of France.
His Royal Highness the Prince de Joinville and his Staff.

THE FUNERAL CAR,
bearing the remains of Napoleon, drawn by

An Admiral and

Two Marshals, sixteen horses, covered with cloth of gold,
. . . . _ , . , * Lt.-Gen.BERTRAND,
on horseback, and adorned with white plumes.

each holding a The Car itself, with gilt figures before, and
riband d'honneur, banners behind ; a velvet drapery on
attached to each side, the top supported
the Imperial pall. also by gilt figures, surmounted by an
imperial crown, which was covered by a
velvet mantle.

on horseback,
each holding a
riband d'honneur,
attached to
the Imperial pall.

The Five Hundred Sailors who accompanied the remains of Napoleon from St. Helena,
forming the escort, and surrounding the Imperial Car in two ranks.
The old Aides-de-Camp and Civil and Military Officers belonging to the
Emperor's Household.

22 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
The Prefects of the Seine and of Police, the Members of the General Council, the
Mayors of Paris and their adjoints, &c.
The old Soldiers of the Imperial Guard, in uniform ; the deputation from Ajaccio,
retired military men, in uniform.
A squadron of the First Dragoons, the Lieutenant-Colonel at its head.
Lieutenant-General Schneider, commanding the division extra muros, and his staff.
Field-Marshal Hequet, commanding the Fourth Brigade of Infantry outside Paris.
A battalion of the Thirty-fifth Regiment of the Line, with the band and banners, and
headed by the Colonel.
Two batteries of Artillery, stationed at Neuilly.
A battalion ofthe Thirty-fifth Regiment, under the command of the Lieutenant-Colonel.
Field-Marshal Lawoestine, commanding the brigade of the Paris Cavalry.
Two squadrons of the First Dragoons, with their flags and band,
headed by their Colonel.
In this order the procession continued to advance, and, crossing the
bridge of Neuilly, debouched into the road leading to Paris, where thousands
on thousands of persons were assembled. The first part of the cortege was
allowed to pass in silence ; the multitude seemed fixed in breathless expec
tation ; but the moment the car was perceived, every head was bare, — hats,
handkerchiefs, and banners swayed to and fro ; while above the roar of
artillery rose the swelling of those myriad voices in the incongruous acclaim
of "Vive l'Empereur!"
Here may be noticed as the most expressive circumstance of the day,
the total absence of any mark of attachment to the reigning sovereign. In
no part of the crowded lines was one voice heard to cry, "Vive le Roi!"
Long before daybreak all Paris had been astir. From every part of the
city, and from the surrounding country, the population flowed in one mighty
stream to the Esplanade des Invalides, the Place de la Concorde, the Champs
Elysees, and the Barriere de PEtoile ; the greater number, however, pushing
on towards Neuilly, the avenue of which was occupied by at least four or five
hundred thousand persons. The morning was bitterly cold and slightly foggy ;
but as the day advanced, the sun broke forth in cloudless splendour, and, as
its beams were everywhere reflected by waving banners, gold ornaments, and
the bright steel swords and bayonets of the troops, nothing could surpass the
animation of the scene.
By ten o'clock, the whole of the troops had arrived at their appointed
stations, and nearly the entire population of Paris had crowded itself into the
spacious streets before described. Occasionally the passing of some persons,
who proceeded to Courbevoie to take a part in the procession, had the effect
of exciting the most lively interest. At nine o'clock, Marshal Gerard,
attended by a numerous and brilliant staff, passed through the Champs

<
o
1-1<3
isa

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

23

Elysees in the direction of Neuilly, to take his station in the procession. As
had been previously arranged, the car halted again beneath the Arc de
I'Etoile, a splendid monument erected in 1806, at the expense of the city
of Paris, to commemorate the triumphs of Napoleon over Russia, and his
alliance with the Emperor Alexander at Tilsit. From the grand centre
arch, eighty-seven feet high, depended numerous banners, inscribed " The
Army of the Rhine," " The Rhine and Moselle," " The Army of Italy," " The
Grand Army," &c. ; draperies of purple velvet and crape, studded with devices
of triumph and of mourning, were disposed around ; and on the summit of

the edifice was represented the Emperor in his imperial costume, supported
by eagles, with figures of Fame proclaiming his deeds on either side.
At length the cortege, slowly advancing on its way, entered the city of Paris
by the Barriere de Neuilly ; thence, passing through the Champs Elysees, which
was densely thronged with spectators, it entered the fine open space of the
Place de la Concorde. As the procession wound through this noble square,
the effect was magnificent, though imparting less of the character of a funeral
solemnity than perhaps became the occasion. It rather denoted a military
triumph ; martial sights and martial sounds met the eye and smote the ear,
to the exclusion of sympathy, real or ideal,- — if we except the interest excited
by the appearance of that body of men, whose, aspeet and countenances, even
more than the distinguished names borne upon their streamers, denoted them
as soldiers of the Republic — the last representatives of the old armies of the
Empire. There, in all variety of uniform — some grotesque, others displaying
the acme of costume en militaire — might be recognised the veterans of Hoche
and Marceau, of Moreau and Massena, — of Ney, Murat, Bernadotte, and others
— covered with scars and cicatrices, and having an expression of countenance
that betokened the memories of their battle-days. But if pageantry expressing

•24

THE SECOND FUNERAL OF

the poverty of pomp might offend the mental vision, the effect was imposing
enough to the bodily sense ; and to that our narrative is confined.
Among the few other individuals who attracted attention was Marshal
Gerard, with his brilliant retinue. Count Montalivet appeared at the
head of the cavalry of the national guard as their colonel, habited as a peer
of France. The Prince de Joinville and the crew of the Belle Poule were
regarded with interest ; and the eighty-six eagles, representing the eighty-six
departments of France, which were carried before the car, excited much
notice. But the object to which all eyes were directed was the car itself, —
as attractive perhaps from the gorgeous tout ensemble it presented as from
memories awakened by the dust it bore. The cordons of the pall were held
by Marshal the Duke de Reggio, Marshal Molitor, Admiral Roussin, and
General Bertrand, who drew much attention. A mourning coach, upon
silvered wheels and chastely decorated, preceded the car, with four other
coaches containing the Commission of St. Helena, the Abbe Coquereau, and
others. One of the finest sights of the day was the Esplanade of the Invalides,
as the car entered it. The central road filled with the procession and lined
with troops ; the numerous statues of great monarchs and military com
manders on either side, commencing with Ney, Jourdain, and Hoche, with the

colossal figure of the Emperor at the edge of the quay ; the immense estrades
on each side, containing at least thirty thousand people, and behind them
innumerable masts with tri-coloured streamers floating, presented as imposing
an effect as could be conceived. The edifice of the Invalides is one of the
most splendid monuments of the reign of Louis XIV. As its name indicates,

NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

25

it is an hospital for the reception of old soldiers of all ranks, and now contains
from four to five thousand. The approach had undergone an appropriate tem
porary transformation. Across the grand entrance by the esplanade was thrown
a triumphal arch, surmounted by imperial emblems, and richly hung with

mourning draperies. The Cour Royale, which is entered by the elegant per
istyle reaching from this gate, had been fitted up with seats on each side for
the public, on a gradual elevation reaching to the top of the lower arcade.
This portion of the building was entirely masked with temporary fronts, richly
emblazoned with military trophies, the armorial bearings and initials of Na
poleon intersected with funeral wreaths, and other ornaments characteristic of
the ceremony of the day. The front of the church, on the south side, had
been converted into the portico of a military temple, on which were seen
seven statues of the most distinguished generals in the wars of the Empire,
among whom was Marshal Soult. Twelve immense banners, bearing warlike
insignia, and each "surmounted by the star of the Legion of Honour, completed
the splendid decorations of this court. At half-past two, the increased rapidity
of the artillery salutes gave notice to those within the building that the funeral
cortege had arrived at the gates. The military immediately formed ; and, pre
ceded by deputations from various grades in the army, the body of the late
Emperor was borne past.
The general effect of the decorations within the church was at once
gorgeous and solemn, suited to the mingled ideas of imperial greatness, and
the nothingness of the remains in honour of which these preparations had been
made. The lofty nave is supported by richly-wrought pillars, and in the
time of Napoleon was decorated with three thousand standards taken from
various nations, the place of which is now occupied by the colours captured at
4

26 THE SECOND FUNERAL OF
Algiers. At the end of the nave is the dome, supported by forty columns of
the composite order, with three cupolas. Opposite the grand entrance stood
a temporary altar, for the performance of the religious rites ; and to the
right of it a tribune, for the accommodation of the King and the royal
family ; beside it was another for the ladies of the court ; and in front one for
the ministers. On this occasion, the church wore the appearance of a palace
resplendent with gold, silver, and gems. The whole of the nave was car
peted with black ; but the walls and spaces between the pillars, hung with
black drapery, bordered and fringed with silver, and dotted with golden bees
and letters " N," reflected the mellowed light of many lustres. Tri-coloured
flags, escutcheons, and gilded trophies of Napoleon's victories were appro
priately arranged. Over the tribunes, on black medallions, surrounded with
laurel and immortelles, were inscribed the principal acts and achievements of the
Emperor's life ; above them, and extending round the nave, were the numerous
colours he had taken from the enemy ; and the seats, disposed en amphi
theatre, were occupied by a countless multitude in deep mourning. From the
entrance to the choir were placed, at short distances, enormous candelabra,
twelve or fourteen feet high, from which issued coloured flames. In the
centre of the choir, in front of the altar, was erected the superb catafalque,
a representation in gilded wood of the tomb which is to be raised in marble.
This splendid sepulchral monument, fifty feet in height, was supported by
four Corinthian columns, and bore every variety of symbol befitting its design.
Its canopy, in form of a dome, was borne by an eagle, with outspread wings
of immense dimensions, and around it were disposed sixteen funereal urns,
whence arose brilliant flames of various colours.
The public were admitted by tickets, and the church was filled at an
early hour. Not the least imposing part of this extraordinary spectacle was
the crowd in mourning dresses, who filled the chapel, first along the archways
in the nave, then in the tribunes of the dome, as they became thronged with
representatives of different bodies of the state, the ministers and staff, the
marshals and superior officers of the army, and seemingly all that France
contained of the brilliant in uniform or costume ; and then the long vista of
the nave, lined with the various deputations of the courts of justice of the
thousand and one departments of the French state mechanism ; and, at a later
period, with the officers, non-commissioned officers, soldiers, and sailors, who had
formed a part of the procession. At eleven o'clock, the first cannon was heard,
announcing that the remains of the Emperor then touched French ground ; at
the sound, an electric thrill seemed to pass through the vast assemblage. Soon
after, attention was for a moment attracted by the arrival of the venerable
Marshal Moncey, whose long-cherished wish had been that he might live to
see this day. He was wheeled into the church, and with some difficulty

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NAPOLEON BONAPARTE. 27
reached the choir, to await the remains of his beloved chief. About one, the
King and royal family arrived from the Tuileries ; and, at length, three hours
after' its departure from Courbevoie, the car stopped at the gate of the In
valides. Louis-Philippe, surrounded by his chief officers of state, stationed
himself beneath the dome to receive the body. The Archbishop of Paris
attended by the bishops and clergy, advanced to perform the rites of
absolution at the entrance of the church. The walls now reverberated the
sound of the cannon, — the muffled drums came solemnly up the aisle, — and,
presently, preceded by the Prince de Joinville, was seen advancing up the
nave the Emperor's coffin, borne upon the shoulders of the non-commissioned
officers appointed for the purpose, and accompanied by Generals Gourgaud
and Bertrand, and the marshals of France. It was covered with the pall,
and the imperial crown lay reposing above. The old invalides, who occupied
the first rank, were deeply moved, — by pride and joy, perhaps, rather than
by grief; whilst great emotion was apparent in individuals among the mass
of military who were ranged on one side of the dome. Here the body was
presented to the King by the Prince, who had accompanied it to its final
destination, with these words, " Sire, I present to you the body of the Em
peror Napoleon." The King replied, raising his voice, " I receive it in the
name of France." General Athalin carried the sword" of the Emperor upon
a cushion, and gave it to Marshal Soult, who presented it to the King.
His Majesty then addressed General Bertrand, and said, " General, I charge
you to place this glorious sword of the Emperor upon his coffin." His
Majesty next said, " General Gourgaud, place on the coffin the hat of the
Emperor." The general did so, and the King returned to his seat, passing
by the left of the catafalque, and bowing to the Chamber of Deputies. The
coffin was then raised into the catafalque ; the mass commenced ; and when
the Requiem ceased, holy water was sprinkled upon the catafalque by the
Archbishop, The solemn march which was played by the orchestra, on the
return of the clergy, and the entrance of the body, was magnificent. The
Requiem of Mozart, the De Profundis, and the Dies Irce, were then performed
with a solemnity profoundly enhanced by the occasion.
******
Thus concluded the ceremony, which had commenced like the great Em
peror's career in all the pomp and circumstance of war, and which, fulfilling
his last desire, closed, by leaving in silence, in solitude, and in peace with
all, the remains of ,  " That wondrous man !
Whose daring spirit, with volcanic rage,
Breathed flame and ruin on the affrighted world."

28

THE SECOND FUNERAL OF NAPOLEON BONAPARTE.

It is computed that one hundred and fifty thousand soldiers assisted "on
this great national occasion. The whole of the reigning family were present,
— not so that of the deceased Emperor. The brothers and nephews of him to
whose memory these honours were paid, are still proscribed, — in exile or in
prison. The streets of Paris continued thronged through the evening, but no
attempt at disturbance was perceptible. The capital generally wore ani aspect
of festivity and triumph, and the disposition of the populace seemed univer
sally favourable to the preservation of order.
During the week, the public were allowed to visit the catafalque; and
eight days after the ceremony, the body was deposited in a rich chapelle
ardente, in the small lateral dome.

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