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| THE DAY X
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THE STANFORD JAPONICA
COLLECTION
Donated from the Library of the
Rev. Arthur Willis Stanford, 1859491.1 .
Yale Divinity School, 1885 ; Japan Mission
of the American Board of Commissioners
for Foreign Missions, 1886-1921.
U5c/k ' ¦n**-nAi*^tdls c»
*S.sr? ?<¦•// . X/( //e/i/ ,
^. U word, which is in reality a transla
tion. In English books the term ' viz.' is used and is read as
' namely.' Here ' namely ' is not pronunciation but transla
tion. This is an example similar to our ' kun ' of a word.
When to read by pronunciation and when to read by ' kun '
entirely depends upon the construction of the phrases, but
one thing is certain, and it is that in Japan one has to know both
the pronunciation and ' kun ' of Chinese ideographs.
The Japanese pronunciation of Chinese ideographs is not the
same as any kind of the modern Chinese pronunciation, and
therefore even one simple word expressed by an ideograph is
unintelligible between a Chinese and a Japanese, though they
understand when it is written. In China the pronunciation of
ideographs underwent much change; besides it has varied
according to localities. In Japan the pronunciation of those
Chinese ideographs, which is comparatively ancient, has been
preserved on account of our possessing phonetic letters, by the
use of which the preservation has been effected. But then there
are two kinds of pronunciation of those ideographs, on account of
its introduction into Japan at different periods from the different
LANGUAGES OF CHINA AND JAPAN 311
localities. This is an additional difficulty we have in read
ing Chinese characters used in Japan, though the usual
customs where to use one or where the other are usually
plain to educated people.
Japanese phonetics consist of fifty letters.1 Five of them
are vowels, being equal to a, e, i, 0, u, and each of the rest
represents the sound of two Roman characters, i.e. a consonant
and a vowel ; thus, for instance, the sound of ka or ke is repre
sented by a single letter without spelling.
I said above that the modern Chinese pronunciation is
different from the ancient one. It goes without saying that
the style of phraseology is much changed, even in a greater
measure than the modern English writing is different from
that of the Elizabethan epoch. The Chinese, which has been
studied in Japan indeed very commonly, is the ancient one,
i.e. classical Chinese, and we are familiar with classical Chinese
even more than the Chinese themselves. As a system of writ
ing, that of the pure Japanese, which consists of phonetic letters,
is in its quality rar superior to the other one, which is in our
common use, nay, even superior to the proper Chinese system
itself. Our phonetic system, however, has not made sufficient
progress on account of the introduction of the Chinese system,
to which we had paid too high value and devoted too much
attention, the resut being the mixture of Chinese ideographs
in our phonetic system, that is to say, the other system just
mentioned. Even n the West there is some similarity to this.
Take, for instance, lome modern English books. One would
scarcely find a few ines in which a large number of words
which are Latin or scmetimes Greek in origin is not contained.
Are there not even new names for new inventions coined from
Greek or at least from latin ? And is not all this due to the fact
that such words sound more scholastic or else more concise or
accurate? If it were lot so, why does one call a horseless
carriage ' automobile ' instead of ' self-moving carriage ' ?
Fortunately for the W;stern nations, however, there is no
difficulty in transcribingGreek or Latin words in their modern
letters, inasmuch as thos> letters are similar to, in fact evolved
1 These phonetic letters were ivented in Japan between the seventh and eighth
centuries A.D., during which tim they gradually became improved. As to their
form they are a simplification of some simple Chinese ideographs, and as to the
principle of their formation, it is bsed upon the Sanscrit.
3i2 APPENDIX VIII
from, the Greek and Latin letters, and therefore, when once a
Greek or Latin word is employed, it is easy to get naturalised,
as it were. But, unfortunately for us, the Chinese method is
ideographs, and our own is phonetic, and one cannot be directly
transcribed from the other, except that either it be translated or
merely phonetically represented, which in truth presents much
ambiguity. For this reason the original ideographs them
selves have come to be interposed between the phonetic letters
as I have illustrated above, and the ideographs so inter
posed have never become thoroughly 'naturalised,' from the
very nature of the case. Thus one would see that as far as
the mechanical side is concerned, the deep study of Chinese
has given much drawback to Japan. On the mentai side, how
ever, I may say that it has helped us in enriching our thoughts
for many centuries, inasmuch as there is rich treasure for ethical
teaching in the classical Chinese, although this is not the place
for me to dwell on that topic.
I may add a few words. Philological researches of different
Asiatic languages are still very incomplete, b»t I understand
from what is stated by experts that there is some resemblance
between our language and those of Korea, Manchuria, and
indeed Mongolian tribes : first, in that all th>se languages are
monosyllabic like ours ; second, in the older of words in
forming sentences. Moreover, it is said that there were already
discovered several words which are much sinilar to ours. No
satisfactory statement could be made as jet, but it would be
a matter of no common interest if further jesearches be made.
It goes without saying that there is muci similarity, so it is
said, between ours and the language of the Inoes, who are
rapidly disappearing from the surface ai the earth, despite
our taking care of them. They once occupied the greater
part of Japan and were a brave race. It is no wonder that
there is that similarity in the tonguesjthough it is a matter
of question whether they left their wo/ds behind them or we
gave them those words. For exampfe, Kami, which in the
colloquial Japanese means god, superior, or upper part of any
thing, is Kamui in Ino, the meaning: being the same. This
word, then, must surely belong to thejsame origin. There are
also many names of rivers and maintains in Japan which,
beyond doubt, are of Ino origin.
ONCE MORE ON JAPAN AND FRANCE 313
IX
ONCE MORE ON JAPAN AND FRANCE1
The French and the Japanese have some sort of resem
blance in their character, and therefore they are not wholly
antagonistic to each other by nature. France once committed
a great error, it is true, together with another country, in
backing Russia against Japan after the Sino- Japanese war,
but Japan has forgiven her for it, and has even forgotten
it long since. It therefore mainly depends on France if the
friendly relationship subsisting between her and Japan shall
be maintained.
There are two things which we have to examine in this
connection : first, the question of Indo-China ; second, the
effect of the Franco-Russian alliance upon Far Eastern affairs.
Much has been talked about Japan's having designs upon
Indo-China. It is, in truth, nothing more than a resuscitation
in part of the old bogey of the Yellow Peril. According to
that bogey, Japan is to pick quarrels with every civilised nation,
and is ultimately to swallow up the whole world. Nothing
can be more absurd than that ; but at times it has been made
use of by the Russians and Russophiles with a certain amount
of success. To me it appears almost amazing that so great
a psychological incongruity should exist simultaneously in the
minds of some of the Occidentals, in that, while they exhibit
almost unreasonable contempt of the Orientals on the one
hand, they give credit for almost superhuman potentiality to
the same people on the other. Whatever this may be, the
question of Indo-China resolves itself into this :
The yellow peril alarmists began to talk about Japan as
being intent upon seizing Indo-China. The Colonial party of
France has utilised this theme for the promotion of its own
object, and the Russophiles have utilised it for inciting the
public to hate and detest Japan in favour of Russia. Surely
an act of gross injustice and cowardice ! For, as a matter of
fact, on the part of Japan there is no such intention whatever.
Indo-China is very different from Korea and Manchuria in re
spect of its relative position to Japan. There is nothing worth
1 The Deutsche Revue, June 1905.
314 APPENDIX IX
mentioning politically, strategically, historically, or economically
in the mutual relations between Japan and Indo-China. All
this I have shown in the utmost detail in an article which I
have contributed and published in a well-known French review.
Sensible French people have now begun "to see the truth of it,
so that they have almost ceased to pay serious attention to
the false alarms of the yellow peril agitators. Indeed, the
France of to-day appears to be very different from the France
of this time last year. The lapse of one year has been sufficient
to disclose many falsehoods by which the public was once
taken in. It has also disclosed the relative merit of Russia
and Japan in many things. Which government — the Russian
or the Japanese — is the more enlightened? Which troops —
the Russian or the Japanese — are more humane and orderly ?
Which people — Russia or Japan — is more compact as a nation ?
Which of them — Russia or Japan — has better ethics and
morality? In which of them — Russia or Japan — are laws
better administered and more loyally adhered to? In which
of them — Russia or Japan — are philanthropical works, such as
the Red Cross Society, better organised and more honestly
carried out ? Above all, in which of them — Russia or Japan —
does the justice of its cause in the present war lie? All these
things have now become very widely known to the public, hence
the difference of their attitude. I do not think France ever
will be foolish enough to stretch forward her fists against
Japan on account of the yellow peril bogey concerning Indo-
China. I am rather in hope that the day will come when those
Russophiles will repent the mistake they made when they
abused Japan contrary to the dictates of justice and equity.
The second question, namely, the effect of the Franco-
Russian alliance upon Far Eastern affairs, is rather a delicate
one to discuss. On the whole, however, I can say this :
Considering the delicate position in which she is placed,
France has managed things well to the extent that we have
not much to complain of (except one important matter, which
I will elucidate presently). True it is that she has made many
unfair accusations against us with regard to the commence
ment of the war and also with regard to the yellow peril bogey,
but then the same, if not a harsher thing, has also been done
or said in some other quarters where we might have expected
more impartiality. Her general conduct as a neutral has not
ONCE MORE ON JAPAN AND FRANCE 315
been very satisfactory. But then we remember that in some
other quarters also very bitter pills were given us to swallow,
altogether beyond our reasonable anticipation. We put up with
all this unfairness, because we are quite confident that sooner
or later the time will come when the world will clearly see how
undeserving we are of such calumny.
The important exception I made above is the question of
French neutrality concerning the treatment of the Baltic Fleet.
In this respect Japan has grave reasons to complain of what
France has been doing. As the whole world knows, the Russian
Fleet has been obtaining abundant facilities from France all
the way along from European waters to those of the Far East.
It was abusing French hospitality in Madagascar for a very
long period. Japan repeated her protest, or at least called
French attention from time to time. When France pleaded
her innocence at Madagascar on the pretext that the fleet
was outside the territorial waters of France, Japan, relying on
incontestable proof to the contrary, remonstrated. France was
very tardy in executing what she said she would do, but Japan
showed much patience, almost beyond common endurance.
The same thing began to be repeated in the waters of Indo-
China, the very door of the seat of the war. However moderate
and good-natured Japan may be, this was more than she could
endure. This was the real cause of the strain of an event
which has been recently threatening the continuance of friendly
relations between France and Japan.
According to some French papers, the view is held that
France has not infringed her duty as a neutral, but Japan does
not coincide. The French contention is that, according to the
French law of neutrality, there is no time limit for affording
asylum to a belligerent ship, and therefore, whatever length
of time Russian ships may spend in French waters, France is
under no obligation to tell them to quit the place (so long as
they are not accompanied by prizes), and also they may be
supplied with victuals and even coals. Japan contends that
this is not a just interpretation of the laws of nations. Japan's
view may be formulated as follows :
1. The twenty-four hours rule may not be a condition uni
versally accepted, but justice and equity demand that in its
spirit it should be followed by all nations. It has already
been adopted by many nations, including Russia herself; as
316 APPENDIX IX
a matter of fact, the world has come to view it as though it
were already a rule universally accepted, and it behoves every
civilised nation to promote its adoption, or at least a practice
similar to it in spirit, for the sake of consolidating international
morality, viz. justice and equity. At the time when Russian
ships, after the sea-battle of August ioth last year, sought
asylum in the waters of Kiao-Chow and Saigon, both the
German and French authorities respectively hastened to dis
mantle them, because the ships would not leave the place
indicated at the prescribed time ; this was done in exact
accordance with the spirit of international law, and in reality
it amounted almost to the same thing as observing the twenty-
four hours rule. Why should France now say that no time
limit can be made in the case of the Baltic Fleet, which requires
all the more vigilance than would the case of a few solitary
ships ?
2. The so-called French law of neutrality is not in fact a
law in the strict sense of the term. It is a sort of an instruc
tion issued in the beginning of the present war by the French
Minister of Marine, although based upon a similar document
issued at the time of the Spanish-American war. It is
immaterial whether or not it is a law in the strict sense, but we
cannot deem it has a just rule if it were to be interpreted as
has been done by some of the French papers. True it is that
in that document no time is mentioned, but does it mean that
France has to or must allow all belligerent ships to stay in her
waters whatever length of time they like? Certainly not,
I should think. If it is so, why should France adhere to that
sort of interpretation even when its adherence is obviously
contrary to justice and equity ?
3. Even if we admit for a moment that the French rule as
interpreted by those papers be applicable to the cases of some
solitary ships seeking asylum ; it is certainly not applicable to
cases like that which we now have in view, because no such
case as that of the Baltic Fleet has ever been within the
contemplation of those who framed such a rule. As a matter
of fact, however, it would be inapplicable even to the cases of
a few solitary ships if it were to be interpreted in the way that
was done by those journals.
4. Even admitting for a moment that the interpretation of
those French journals is correct as far as the strict letter of the
ONCE MORE ON JAPAN AND FRANCE 317
rule is concerned, it does not give them the right to say that
their doings are internationally correct. It must be known
that in the laws of nations the spirit of international morality,
namely, justice and equity, has greater weight than municipal
laws, lex loci. If this were not so, how was it that England had
to apologise to Russia a long time ago for an act — personal
seizure of an ambassador — which had been done in a civil
matter perfectly in accordance with her law? Therefore the
mere fact that France has her own law of neutrality (in fact no
law in a strict sense) is no defence for her doings unless its
justice and equity can be maintained in the eyes of the law of
nations. I may further add that the above is the raison d'etre
why prize courts of different countries make it their theory,
unlike ordinary civil or criminal courts, that they administer
prima facie the law of nations and not lex loci. It is another
raison cfitre why matters relating to neutrality, prizes, and
cognate matters are generally dealt with in the shape of
instructions (in other words, interpretations of the law of
nations), and not in the shape of a law of the land in the
strict sense. Japan, therefore, cannot submit to the ruling
of those French instructions as interpreted by those journals,
inasmuch as she does not think it internationally just and
equitable. 5. And, moreover, that part of the French instruction which
those journals so habitually quote is not the only part which
has an important bearing on the question. In the instruction
it is also mentioned that no belligerent may use a French port
for purposes of war (dans un but de guerre) ; and also that
belligerents sojourning in such ports may not make use of
them as the base of operations of any kind against the enemy.
Japan's insistence is that France should adhere to that spirit.
My wonder is why those French papers which try to uphold
one part of the instruction should totally ignore other parts of
the same instruction.
6. The theory of asylum in the case of the ships is not so
rigid as the case of an army. I admit it. Japan does not
demand that it should be made on the seas as rigid as it is on
land. But it must never be allowed to go beyond the limit
which justice and equity allow. I take the theory of asylum
on the seas to be this : No neutral is justified in helping either
of the combatants, but the nature of the seas is such that the
318 APPENDIX IX
neutral may give a certain grace of time to combatant vessels
which seek shelter in its neutral waters, before it proceeds to
dismantle, — (no immediate internment as in the case of the
land force), — and it may also give them certain victuals — even
a certain amount of coals — as it would also be contrary to
humanity if they were to hang about, or to cause starvation of
the men on board in mid-voyage on account of the mere lack
of coal or food. Beyond this, the spirit of the law of nations
is that a neutral ought to allow nothing. Can any one boldly
assert that the theory of asylum can be applied with fairness to
a case like that of the Baltic Fleet, which is far from seeking
asylum, but is deliberately endeavouring to administer coups to
its adversary and proceeding to the very seat of war. If he
can do so, where is the justice and equity of the so-called law
of nations, which the Occidentals boast of, not without just
title, and claim that it forms one of the essential parts of
Christian morality?
7. As to the talk about the three-mile limit of the territorial
waters, there is already much divergency of opinion even
amongst the jurists. To put it forth as a defence in a case like
that of the Baltic Fleet affairs seems to me too puerile. The
matter, however, becomes all the more grave when even that
limit is not observed, and it has been constantly ignored by the
Baltic Fleet.
Such are the views which we Japanese have taken in the
matter. Some French journals (erroneously basing their
assertions on the views I have personally expressed) say that
Japan has taken up English views of international law in
opposition to the Continental views, so that France ought not
to yield to Japan's protest. This contention is not correct.
We do not hold these views because they are English ones :
we do so because they are in our opinion the only views which
are internationally just and equitable. We are now fighting
against a foe so formidable, as the whole world knows, that to
us it is a matter of life and death. We have sufficient patience
and fortitude, but we cannot run the risk of sacrificing our
very existence without some protest when we think that we are
not being treated with justice and equity.
I am glad to add that the views we hold seem to have come
at last to be shared by the more responsible part of the French
amongst the governmental circle, as well as by the general
JAPAN AND EUROPE 319
public. The newspapers which are still sticking to their old
contention are very few in number, and they seem to have
some particular reasons of their own. I can never think a
nation like France could consciously and wilfully offend
against justice and equity, and the only thing we anxiously
hope for is that the declaration of the French Government may
be honestly and effectually followed up. Whatever may be
one's intention, the drift of events often creates unlooked-for
incidents, and that too often against one's will, when it is too
late to avoid the consequences. Let all parties concerned be
careful in this matter of vital importance. X
JAPAN AND EUROPE1
YOU ask my opinion on the future of the Yellow Peril cry.
From an ethical point of view it is an unjust and unreasonable
accusation. From a practical point of view it is idle and useless
talk. I have spoken and written on these particular points so often
that I do not feel inclined to reiterate any more. I will, how
ever, consider the matter from a different point of view and
solicit any answer which may be advanced against my convic
tion. I do not do this from any thought of vanity ; I should
be very sorry if it were ever taken in that sense. I would
simply ask those who agitate and cry the Yellow Peril, the
means they would suggest for the adopting of their propaganda,
if their words are not to be empty ones.
Suppose any country wanted to subjugate Japan, and should
want to send an army to fight on the soil of Japan, what
number of men do they think would suffice ? No general in
the whole world would, I am sure, be bold enough to undertake
the task with under one million men. I have reason to believe
even that number would not suffice, but for a moment let it
be that number. What country in the world can send that
number over the broad ocean ? Germany, France, England, or
America? Russia seems to have the greatest chance, being
nearer to Japan. But her experience is already known.
Suppose the idea of a land campaign be abandoned, and only
1 Written for the Potentia Organisation, July 1905.
320 APPENDIX X
a fleet be sent to intimidate Japan by sea battles, or by harass
ing her commerce. There would certainly be a better chance
for any of the Occidental fleets than for the armies, in coping
with the forces of Japan. Above all, I frankly admit that Eng
land would be the most formidable foe in that respect. But
excepting England, is there any other country that can say
with certainty that it can easily crush the Japanese navy ? Is
it Germany? is it France? or is it — America?
But supposing our navy were crushed; what next? It
would, of course, be a very ugly thing for us, but it would not
mean the subjection of Japan. Our sea-coast towns may be
bombarded, our commerce may be harassed, but Japan will
still subsist within her soil, for she can live without depending
on any other country for food. And, besides, disturbance of
commerce would not be a loss only to her.
Moreover, any country which should embark on such an
enterprise would have need to think it over twice (or, indeed,
three or four times) before undertaking it, and to calculate the
probable benefit it could get therefrom, and the probable ex
penses it would incur ; not to speak of the result of any possible
failure. It may be presumed that Japan would not tamely be
intimidated by any action undertaken by any country which is
not based on justice and equity, and which, therefore, is not
open to reason.
Further, is there any country which would willingly embark
on such an enterprise single-handed ? I think not. The reason
is too obvious for me to elucidate.
Putting aside altogether any question of justice and equity, if
such an enterprise is to be embarked upon at all, it would have
to be by common action of all the Western Powers, somewhat
similar to that when the combined forces of Europe rose against
France some hundred years ago.
But let me ask if such a thing is possible under the present
circumstances? The claims of Japan to the kind consideration
of humanity have already become so widely spread that she
could no longer be trampled upon easily. Man is, after all, a
rational being. Do the writers of the articles on the Yellow
Peril (articles which even now repeatedly make their appear
ance) not know the fact that even in France there is a large
number of people who have recently purchased Japanese bonds,
not to speak of Germany, where those bonds have been openly
THE INDO-CHINA QUESTION 321
floated by banks of high standing ? Even if all the govern
ments of the West should be willing to agree to such an enter
prise, I do not think the people at large would move with them.
Japan is modest enough, Japan is honest enough. Why
does she deserve a general ostracism ? She might become, it
is possible, a Power of the world. She might become, it is
possible, more civilised on the lines of occidental civilisation,
after which she strives so earnestly. Are these to be blamed
as her sins ?
To me the Yellow Peril cry, which is so often revived in some
quarters of the Continent, is either a sort of what we call
' guchi,' that is to say, useless repetition of complaint of some
unreasonable disappointment, or a perpetuation of wicked
instigation and selfish intention. In either case, it is not at
all a laudable action ; indeed, I may say it is wasteful calumny
for no material good will come of it inasmuch as its object can
never be achieved from the very condition of the world. The
people who entertain that idea would be doing far better ser
vice to their country, to the progress of civilisation, to the
general cause of humanity, if only they put aside such a silly
notion, and busy themselves in teaching their fellow country
folks to accustom themselves to the changed circumstances of
the time. It would be a far more manly and noble act if they
revised their old notions, which in a measure may be called
prejudice. As to ourselves, the Japanese, we shall only be glad if we can
enjoy a peaceful and harmonious life in the happy family of the
world, as we are determined to do, in spite of all the obstacles
which may be laid before us.
XI
THE INDO-CHINA QUESTION1
INTERVIEW WITH THE BARON SUYEMATSU
The eminent statesman, Baron Suyematsu, kindly dictated
in English to one of our editors answers relating to certain
questions with regard to the relation between Japan and
Europe, especially France and Germany.
1 L'Europeen, August 5, 1905.
X
322 APPENDIX XI
With the disclosure of the alleged Kodama report in
view, how far may one give credit to the alleged
Japanese plan of invasion of Indo-China?
I know all that has been written in France on the subject.
All those rumours appear to me to have come originally from
Russia, and to have been put into circulation in order to excite
French opinion against Japan, in other words, it is nothing else
than a mere repetition of the Yellow Peril cry.
Japan does not covet Indo-China. I have shown else
where that the French colonies in the Far East have no
perceptible influence upon the situation of Japan, either from
a political or an economical point of view. Japan has sufficient
to do at home, she does not want to plunge into external
adventures, such as meddling with Indo-China or picking a
quarrel with a country like France. You may be sure that it
would be more politic for France to cultivate amicable relations
with Japan than irritate her by such accusations. Even if
those accusations honestly represent the true sentiment of the
French, the Japanese would only take them for malicious
manoeuvres directed to aid Russia, and they could not produce
any good impression on the minds of the Japanese.
Is there any reason to believe that the so-called Kodama
report was forged in Russia rather than in France ?
I have demonstrated elsewhere that the document which was
recently made public and attributed to Kodama containing
some military indications on the plan of an invasion of Indo-
China is a perfect forgery. I have exposed elsewhere several
technical errors therein which would never appear in an
authentic official document. But whether it is authentic or
not, I do not attach any importance to the matter, from a
political point of view at least. It is the duty of all the
military and naval authorities to keep themselves ready for
any emergency. For example, France ought to keep herself
always prepared for any possible difficulties which may arise
on her frontiers in the east, and in the south, and on the
western coasts ; the same with Germany, with Austria, with
Italy, even with the United States.
It appears to me that, if the general staff-office of France or
of Germany, or the military or naval authorities of any country
whatever, were to remain without the least knowledge as to
THE INDO-CHINA QUESTION 323
what measure should be taken in case of a danger, they would
be neglecting their duty to their country. I can then say that
all the Japanese officers, both in the army and in the navy
ought to study constantly the measures which Japan should
take in any emergency. I believe it is the same in every
country in Europe. This, however, does not belong to the
sphere of practical politics. It is the duty of statesmen and
politicians to maintain a friendly relationship with all other
countries as far as possible ; and, consequently, to keep
absolute control over their armies and navies. The army and
navy ought to serve as instruments and machines in their
hands, and not they, the civilians, become the instruments of
the army and navy. You may be quite assured that in Japan
the army and navy are the machines of the statesmen, and
that the statesmen are not their machines.
Can the fabrication of the so-called Kodama report be
demonstrated by a precise fact ?
I shall not say whence the document emanated. I believe
it was composed by some one who does not lack a certain
knowledge of Japan, but who has drawn false deductions from
his knowledge of similar matters of other countries. Here is
the best example. The document speaks of the native con
tingents of Formosa. Now there exist no such forces in
Formosa. The garrisons of Formosa are sent there from
Japan. On the other hand, in the colonies belonging to other
countries there are generally troops formed of native con
tingents. It is notably so in French colonies. The author of
the document in question, reasoning from these facts, thought
that it ought to be the same with Formosa.
Has Japan any fear of another alteration of the Treaty
of Shimonoseki being imposed upon her?
The combined action of Russia, Germany and France, for
imposing on Japan an alteration of the Treaty of Shimonoseki
appears to us to have been a great error on their parts. I can
positively say that there are many eminent persons in Germany
and in France who regret that action. Even in Russia, in
certain quarters, a belief seems to be entertained that, but for
the fault then committed, the present misfortunes would not
have happened. As to ourselves, we are not hypnotised by
324 APPENDIX XI
the errors then committed by those three powers. We intend
to remain friends of France, of Germany, and even of Russia,
in spite of the injustice we have suffered, provided, of course,
those powers wish to keep friendship.
We do not overlook the possibility of another combination
which those powers may have an idea of forming against us,
and it behoves us to be watchful. Nevertheless, to tell you
my candid opinion, it is scarcely possible that a similar inter
vention should be renewed. I do not think France would
push her docility so far as to follow Germany a second time.
It would be necessary that Germany should set the example,
aided by Russia and France, to come out to the Far East,
especially because the Russian fleets have ceased to exist.
I admit that the German fleet is strong, but I do not believe
it is powerful enough for one to say with certainty that it can
easily crush Japan. At all events, what pretext has Germany
to enter into war in the Far East? Among other things also
she would have to count on the opinion and sentiments of two
countries at least, I mean England and the United States. I
do not, therefore, consider a new combination possible. Japan
cannot be intimidated by mere barking.
If, however, Europe should choose to take such a course,
we should gravely reflect. I do not believe your country for
example would ever undertake an expedition against Japan.
You have disapproved a small expedition to Tonkin and we
are a little more serious than the Tonkinese. France might
no doubt, if her honour demanded it, judge it worth the pain
to engage in a war with Japan, but under no other circum
stance do I believe her disposed to take such a part.
Japan will always continue to advance on the lines
of occidental civilisation. I do not see the reason which
will prevent Japan from acting in concert with France or
Germany, provided of course these powers do not enter upon
an action which may appear to her altogether unjust or
iniquitous, in which case she may not be able to march with
them hand-in-hand. Would Japan be offended by France introducing civilisa
tion into Indo-China ?
We are not at all opposed to your introducing Western
civilisation into your colonies. On the contrary we shall be
THE AUSTRALIAN QUESTION 325
quite contented, but in introducing your civilisation into your
colonies you have to be prepared that it signifies an ameliora
tion of the condition of the natives. If it were so, why should
we make the least objection ? But in the hypothesis that the
introduction of civilisation has in view neither amelioration
of the condition of the natives nor progress of commerce
and industry, we might then conceive a sort of suspicion.
Supposing that you augment the garrisons, the fortifications,
the naval forces, one would see in it nothing but an expansion
of your military power and not an introduction of civilisation
in the sense understood in France. Even in that case we
would not raise objections, unless it were done with a view to
menace us ; but here I shall offer you a suggestion. Is it really
worth your while to develop there incessantly your military
and naval forces in order to oppose Japan? Would not the
enterprise be rather costly ? Would it not be infinitely better
to employ your energy in cultivating a good understanding
between your country and ours instead of rivalling each other
by crossing armaments ?
XII
THE AUSTRALIAN QUESTION >
AN INTERVIEW
Baron Suyematsu gave a Daily News representative his
opinion of the ' Spectre of Japan ' as conceived by many
Europeans. The Japanese Baron, a burly, cheerful man,
laughed heartily as he dealt with the alarmist fears of the
' Yellow Peril.'
Our talk began over Mr. Bruce Smith's notice of motion
in the Australian Parliament.
'Yes, I have seen the proposal,' said Baron Suyematsu,
'and I am very glad an Australian representative has taken
up the question. He proposes to amend the Immigration
Restriction Act so as to permit Japanese to enter the Common
wealth. The reason given is that Japan has placed herself in
the front rank of nations, has granted religious freedom, has
established consulates, and become the honoured ally of Great
1 The Daily News.
326 APPENDIX XII
Britain. I understand that Australian papers are saying
there is no chance of the motion being carried. I care not
whether the motion is carried or not this time. Of one thing I
am certain — it will be carried eventually.
' What reason has Australia for shutting out the Japanese? '
'The dread of cheaper labour and of the "Yellow Peril,"
as it is called. Whatever there be in that, it certainly does
not apply to the Japanese. This is already being realised in
Australia, as Mr. Bruce Smith's motion shows. The Japanese
are making it clear that they have to be regarded by Europeans
in a different light from the rest of Asiatics. Europeans
consider themselves superior to all other races. I do not blame
them for thinking that, for of modern civilisations theirs is
certainly the best. But with the exception of the British
people, Europeans have not yet realised that modern Japan is
built up on European methods. She has no more to do with
the so-called " Yellow Peril " than America has. She takes
her place by the side of the other powers, with very much the
same civilisation as theirs. England having been the first to
recognise the new Japan, I am certain her colonies will soon
follow. That is why I feel it is only a question of time before
Australia excludes Japan from its Restriction Act.'
a mistaken idea
' Yet Australia has been talking freely enough about the
Japanese menace.'
' I know. It is quite a mistaken idea of the Australians
that if Japan triumphs in the present war she would be a
menace to Australia. They say that if we win we shall be
masters of the East and the paramount power in Eastern
waters. What, they ask, is to become of Australia, if we take
it into our heads to make a descent upon their shores ? '
Baron Suyematsu again laughed boisterously, as one who
can afford to make merry at an extravagant idea.
'The whole thing is so utterly preposterous,' he went on,
' that it would not be worth considering were it not typical of
what is being said all over Europe. Our fight for national
existence against Russia has been misconstrued everywhere.
We seem to have filled the Western world with all sorts of
vague fears. France is saying that we shall soon deprive her
JAPANESE ALLIANCE AND AMERICA 327
of Indo-China. Germany declares we have designs on Kiao-
chau. The Dutch say that Java is no longer safe from our
machinations. Never was such nonsense talked of a country
which, after all, is but fighting to preserve its national
existence.' ' And you say Japan has no intention of arming the Asiatics
against the Europeans ? '
'The whole idea is absurd. Japan wishes to become one
with the European nations. I might even say she aspires to
become a member of the European family. It is a mistake to
think that Japan is going to form a Pan-Asiatic Association.
Japan is the only country in the East that can rise on European
lines. Her example could not be followed by other Asiatic
countries. We are said to be the successors of the Tartars, at
one time the disturbers of the world's peace. Nothing of the
kind. Russia would be more fittingly the successor of the
Tartars. The Tartar races have been merged in the Russian
Empire. ' I am sure,' added Baron Suyematsu, in a final word, ' that
Europe will soon find its fears about the " spectre of Japan "
are all ill-founded. England, I am glad to believe, never had
those fears, and before long I hope to see her colonies in the
same frame of mind. I hope the Commonwealth Parliament
will lead the way.'
XIII
THE ANGLO-JAPANESE ALLIANCE AND AMERICA1
AN INTERVIEW
' OUR people,' said Baron Suyematsu, ' like the British people,
favour the renewal of the Anglo-Japanese alliance. They also
favour its extension. The nature of such extension demands
careful thought, of course. I will not go into details, but I will
say that a more effectual alliance is desirable from the stand
points of both England and Japan, and I also think from the
standpoint of America. Japan's interest is too obvious to re
quire mention ; but England's interest, in my opinion, is equally
real. Russia and England are in contact throughout Asia and
1 An extract from the Chicago Daily News.
328 APPENDIX XIII
friction is constant. England needs strengthening against
Russia and also against other powers active in the Orient.
MONROE DOCTRINE OF THE PAST
' America's relation to this problem is more difficult. Monroe
ism is thought to stand in the way. I appreciate the delicacy
of venturing to discuss the policy of a nation other than my
own, but I feel that Americans are too sensible to resent an
honest expression of opinion. Monroeism is not part of the
constitution, but the dictum of a statesman. This dictum was
made when our planet was very large, before the develop
ment of steam and electricity. The nations were isolated and
insulated by distance and non-communication.
'At that time American theory and practice relative to
foreign affairs were in harmony. America was actually self-
contained, but to-day the world is a tiny ball and America's
flag and America's interests are on every sea. America is
sovereign in Hawaii and the Philippines, and yet the American
people cling to the idea of leaving distant matters alone.
Nevertheless the state department is widely and intelligently
active. AMERICAN INTEREST WORLD-WIDE
' Theoretically you do not participate , actually your partici
pation bears upon international events everywhere. Witness
Secretary Hay's initiative respecting the Jews, as well as de
spatch after despatch aimed at Russian aggression in Manchuria.
The world's interests are becoming woven into a solid fabric.
Great nations cannot escape the responsibility this involves.
American theory and practice, in my judgment, will go on
diverging until the notion of non-participation will be merely
an antiquated abstraction.
'Therefore I refuse to regard as hopeless the idea of an
American-Anglo-Japanese alliance, guaranteeing the peaceful
development of the vast resources of the Far East. Such an
alliance exists essentially now — an alliance springing from
cognate ideas, wishes, purposes and principles. This is the
best possible foundation for that formal compact which the
evolution of industry and commerce seems to me unmistakably
to foreshadow.'
NOTES 329
NOTE TO DIALOGUE V.
Since the bulk of the present work went to press, I came
across the following communication printed in the Outlook.
I take the liberty of subjoining it herewith, without any vain
intention of flaunting the virtues of my countrymen. — K. S.
JAPANESE CHARACTER
To the Editor of the OUTLOOK
SIR, — I have received during the last few weeks letters
bearing such eloquent testimony to the nobility of Japanese
character that I am sending you some extracts in the hope of
your publishing them. The letters are from a friend of mine,
who with her husband has lived in Yokohama for many years,
and can therefore speak with considerable authority. The
first extract is about the soldiers themselves : —
Mine you know is a busy life, and I found work among the
military hospitals and also among the brave wives of the soldiers so
fascinating that from the New Year till early June I let all social duties
slip, so much so that I had a nervous breakdown in June, and since
then have had to go very slow.
We had a splendid time at our seaside cottage at Negishi this after
noon, any amount of our dear brown soldiers round us. There are
five hundred quartered in that fishing village just now; they were
resting, bathing, boating, washing their clothes or cooking their chow,
but never a rude word or an uncouth action ; no rowdyism, but all as
civil, quiet, good-tempered, and alert as possible ; they are a marvel ;
and my children go in and out among them and love them, like I do !
I could kill white idiots when I hear them speak of those fine fellows
as ' an inferior race.' Ye gods ! ' inferior ' with never a camp follower
to their name, and rapine unknown even after the fiercest fight !
What European race can show a record like that ? I wish I could be
home for six months and tell what the soldiers and their wives are —
what miracles of cheerful patience and manly dignity the wounded
men are as they lie hacked and maimed, sometimes till almost all
semblance of manhood is gone, yet never a murmur does any one
hear from their lips — no, not if they are armless, legless, and even
blind. And you would not dare condole with them ! They say and
believe they ' are greatly honoured.' When they embrace Christianity,
they shame the brightest Christian among us, and I come away from
visiting the hospitals feeling so small, so humble, yet at peace with all
the world. We have very, very much to learn from this great people.
330 APPENDIX
This second extract, about a soldier's wife, may come home
to your readers even more : —
I allow two families a small sum of money every week. One case is
that of a young woman, under twenty years of age, who has a child
and an aged parent to keep, and her husband went to the war a few
weeks ago, leaving her penniless and on the verge of having another
baby. A few days ago, when I went to take her weekly money, she
refused to take it, saying she had got a little work to do and could now
manage without any help, as there were so many in much greater need
of help than herself; and she would not take the money, though she
was earning even less than I was allowing her. That is what I call a
real heroine.
How many at work amongst our poor last winter could
give such evidence to character as that ? — I am, sir, yours, etc.
Englishwoman.
NOTE TO DIALOGUE VIII.
Before the preceding pages had been printed two events
worth mentioning here took place. One is the lamented death
of Sir Henry Irving. The other is the public discussion which
took place under the auspices of the London Shakespeare
League, on the best method of presenting Shakespeare's plays
on the modern stage. On the latter subject perhaps I may
add a word. While in Japan the tendency is to introduce
women-players into the company of male players, and im
provement of scenery is much sought after on European
lines, both of which are due to the occidental influence, it is
curious to notice that exactly reverse movements, namely the
dispensing with the female players and the returning back
to the primitive simplicity of stage properties, are advocated
in England by competent persons with regard to the repre
sentation of Shakespeare. I extract below among others a
passage of the speech of Mr. Bernard Shaw on the occasion of
the discussion referred to above : —
When Mr. Gilbert said that he would like to see the women's parts
played by boys, he was not uttering a jest. In some of the perform
ances at Westminster School, he had seen boys in women's^parts much
more effective than any professional actress. If women players had
been proposed to Shakespeare, he would not only have been scandal
ised, but he would have pointed out that it was impossible to get the
force from women that was obtained from boy actors.
NOTES 331
NOTE TO THE ARTICLE ON 'COMMERCIAL
MORALITY'
In the October number of the Anglo -fapanese Gazette
(London) is published a criticism by Mr. Curtis, editor and
proprietor of the Kobe Herald, on ' the ridiculously sweeping
assertions,' as he calls it, made by Mr. Longford in his article.
I subjoin herewith a passage which relates to Mr. Longford's
assertion that a ' cordon ' is drawn by the Japanese round the
trading centres of Yokohama and Kobe, and that foreign
merchants are suffering under the ' thraldom ' : —
Well, let me say that no sane, fair-minded man who knows anything
whatever of his subject would ever dream of accusing the whole Japanese
people of a lack of commercial morality. All this talk about a cordon
being drawn round the treaty ports is rubbish. No such barrier exists,
save perhaps in the imagination of a few who cannot shake off the
prejudices and disabilities of the past. The idea sounds absurd to me,
knowing, as I do know, that all the go-ahead firms have been doing
their utmost for some time past to open up connections in the principal
cities. Mr. Longford seems to think that business is conducted in Japan
to-day just as it was twenty years ago. He apparently does not know
that some foreign houses have trusted clerks or travellers all over the
country ; that some foreign business men run up to Osaka and Tokio
daily; and that business journeys to Maidzuru — the great, fortified naval
base on the Sea of Japan — Nagoya Sasebo, Hiroshima, and other
important centres, are matters of everyday experience now.
In the same number of the same journal is also published
an important article from the pen of Sir Tollemache Sinclair,
Bart., concerning Bishop Awdry's letter published in the
Times. Sir Tollemache strongly repudiates the accuracy of
the bishop's charge of dishonesty and immorality against the
Japanese, which Sir Tollemache calls the bishop's ' utterly
erroneous accusations,' basing his contention upon an elaborate
comparison of the statistical facts of Japan and many other
nations relating to several important subjects having bearing
on the question. Among other things, he writes : —
This clerical censor, who endeavours to find a mote in his Japanese
brother's eye, but does not see the beam in his English brother's eye,
cut the ground from under his own feet on the subject of the imaginary
dishonesty of Japanese traders, for he tells us that a house was built
for him by Japanese tradesmen admirably without any contract, and at a
moderate expense ; and I should like to know, if any Englishman did the
same thing in England, whether he would not be unmercifully fleeced.
332 APPENDIX
Bishop Awdry says he is a friend of the Japanese, but they will probably
say to him, after reading his letter, ' Save us from our friends, as to
our enemies we will take care of them ourselves.'
And he winds up the article with these words : —
What excuse has he to offer for the gross and discreditable and
unfounded insults which he has heaped on the heads of those under
whose protection, and in the enjoyment of whose hospitality, he resides.
... In short, it may justly be said of the letter written by this super
fluous bishop, ' what is true is not new, and what is new is not true.'
INDEX
Adoption, the custom of, 9.
Advance Japan, Morris's, 84.
Age, ways of counting, 72.
Aida, the opera, 48.
Ainslie, Dr. Daniel, his mission to
Nagasaki, 144, 145.
Aizu, Lord of, 52.
America's sympathy for Japan, 148.
American Press, views of war with
Russia given to the, 192.
Anglo-French, Russo-Japanese entente,
127, 136.
Anglo-Franco Diplomacy in Japan, 266-
272.
Anglo-Japanese Alliance and America,
an interview, 325, 326.
Army, the Japanese, 47, 188, 189.
state of, after fighting, 188.
Army and»Navy, organisation of, 255.
Arisugawa, Prince, 78.
Art, Japanese, 12, 63, 100.
Ashikaga, 199.
Aston, Dr., 107.
Australian Question, the, 323-324.
Bank of Japan, 224, 225.
' Black Room President,' the, 9.
Books on Japan, 84.
Bracken, a talk about, 91, 92.
British East India Company, 144.
Buddhist Sects, 32, 33.
Budha, Amida, 32.
Bukum, 106.
Bushido, 6, 33, 41-47, 115, 134, 189.
discourse on, 103.
history of the term, 104, 105.
its literature, 106, 107.
Bushiku, 107.
Bushi-Zoku, 106.
Calendar, the Japanese, 70-72.
Calumnies on Japan, 71.
Card-playing, 175-179.
Cards, description of, 175-179.
Character of the Japanese, 144.
Chastity, 74, 75.
Chauvinism, fear of, 188.
Chess-playing in China, 168 ; in Japan,
168-173.
Chiku-ba-sho, 106.
China, the difficulty of reform in, 200.
the future of, 198.
and Russia, secret treaty between,
137-
Chinese jurisprudence, 241.
banking system, 226.
Chivalry, Japanese, 41, 42, 43.
Chokai, Gunboat, 31.
Chosiu, 196, 199, 201, 203, 212, 227,
232, 235.
troops, 190, 191.
Choski, 202.
Christianity and Japan, 120, 128.
Chrysanthemums, the culture of, 162.
Climate in Japan, 161-163.
Code of honour, the Japanese, 182, 183.
Commerce and industry of Japan de
scribed, 220-226.
Commercial morality of the Japanese de
scribed, 291-298.
Communication, means of, in Japan, 222.
Corea, 49.
Currency, Japanese, 224.
Daidoji Yiuzan, 106.
Daimio explained, 108.
and Samurai, difference between,
108.
Danjiuro, 246.
Deaf and dumb, the treatment of, 68, 69.
Death, the Japanese conception of, 132,
134-
Deutsche Revue, 129.
Diet, the, 157, 252-254. 383
334 SUMMER DREAM DIALOGUES
Difficulty of distinguishing R and L, 78,
79-
Duels, 109.
Dwellings, details of, 57-59.
Earrings, remarks on, 188.
Eating fruit without peeling, 93.
Education in Japan, 135.
the system of, 258-266.
common and military, 182.
Elementary Lessons on Budo, 106.
England, her political attitude, 4.
England and America, relations between,
with regard to Japan, 136, 137.
English Press views on Japanese charac
ter, 193, 194.
sympathy for Japan, 148.
Feeling and sentiment in Japan, 133.
Feudal system in Japan, 201-218.
Fiction, Japanese, 7.
Fighting, modes of, 228-232.
Finance of the Imperial Government at
the beginning of the Great Change,
214-217.
Financial and Economical Annual, IOI.
Financial system, progress of, 224-226.
Firearms, the first use of, in Japan, 229.
Flowers, art of arrangement of, 21.
sale of, 65.
Food, Japanese, 49.
Forecast on the issue of the war, 3-5, 38.
France and her women, 72.
relations with England, 4.
French Nationalists and Socialists with
regard to Japan, 153-155.
Fushimi, battle of, 227.
Garden, a Japanese, described, 13,
Geishas, their life, 8.
German policy, 4.
' Go,' the game of, 168, 169.
Government, the Japanese, 51, 52.
described, 251.
' Great Change,' the, 147-150.
Greek and Roman comedies, 7.
customs, 7.
Greek inspiration, 38.
Griffis, the Rev. W. E., 84.
Hakodate, 196.
Hana-Karuta, 177.
Hanawa, 68.
14.
Hearn, Lafcadio, 74, 75, 76, 84, 123.
life of, 76.
remarks on, 85, 86.
Hetaira, 7.
Hideyoshi, 206.
Hiros£, Commandant, 29, 160.
Mrs., her letter to an English
Admiral, 30.
Hizen, 283,
Hogen Monogatari, 105.
House of Representatives, 5 1 .
Imperial Army Department, 191.
Government and military reform,
226.
Imperial Japan, 84.
Imperial succession, 250.
Troops, 226.
Independent Review, 135.
Indo-China Question, 319-323.
Inouye, Count, 159.
a sketch of his life, 280-281.
Intermarriages, Japanese, 159.
International Conventions and Japan,
129.
Irving, Sir Henry, and the Japanese
stage, 246.
Ito, Marquis, 24, 50, 95, 122, 159, 190.
an old speech by, 285-291.
a sketch of his life, 272-279.
Izawa Hanrioshi, 107.
Jane Eyre and Japan, 1 1 .
Japan after the war, 190.
Emperor of, his powers, 249, 250.
and America, relations between,
137-
and Europe, relations between, 317.
and foreign capital, 299-301.
and Russia, a priest's views on, 131.
Japan Times, 165.
Japanese, the age of, 15.
as correspondents, 243, 244.
love tale, a, 9, 10.
reform, how brought about, 200-
204.
tariff, 220.
Vendetta, no, in.
Jiujitsu, discourse on, 95-99.
and wrestling, a comparison of, 97,
the Willow Mind style, 99.
Kagoshima, 236, 237, 238; bombard
ment of, 231, 235.
INDEX
335
Kaibara Yekken, 106.
Kataki-uchi, no.
Katsura, Count, 281.
Kawas6, 190.
Kawkami, 247.
Kido, 190, 191, 203, 205.
Kikugoro, 246.
Kiusiu, 163, 212.
Kioto, 205, 227, 228.
Kite flying, 167.
Kites, 167.
Koizumi Yakumo, 76.
Kokkwa, a monthly on Art, 100, 102.
Komura, Baron, 136.
Kumazawa Banzan, 106.
Kuroda, 283.
Kuropatkin, General, 77.
Kwanto, plain of, 163.
Lady's opinion on Japanese women, A,
72, 73-
Languages, remarks on, 94.
Languages of China and Japan, 301-
310.
Lays of Ancient Rome, 29, 30.
Le Matin, 35.
Lectures by Yamaga Soko, 106.
Legislation, evolution of, 240, 241.
Lines on hailstones, 67.
Little, Archibald, 124.
Local administration, 255.
Loti, Pierre, 180.
Macaulay, 29, 30.
Maritana, the opera, 248.
Marriage ceremonies, description of, 15-
29.
Massage, 69.
Matoni, Monsieur, 27, 35, 59.
Matrimony, preliminary inquiries in
respect to, 19, 20.
Matsukata, career of, 281.
Mikado's Empire, 84.
Military organisation, 46.
training, 45, 46.
for boys, 184.
service, hereditary, abolished, 190.
Mongolian troops, 49.
Moon scenes, 67, 68.
Morality of Japan, compared with other
nations, 116, 117.
Mothers and wives, Japanese, 29, 89.
Music, Japanese, 102.
Nagasaki, 167.
Nakaodo, a, 15, 16.
Nakaye-toju, 106.
Names, Japanese, 77.
Napoleon, 18, 19, 29, 46, 53, 109.
National banks, 255.
Nationality, abuse of Japanese, 160.
Navigation in the Japan Sea, 222.
Navy, the Japanese, 46 ; its history, 194-
197.
Nelson, 183.
Neutrality question, the, 311-316.
' New Commoners,' and the history of
their emancipation, 47, 48, 51.
Night fetes in Japan, 63, 64.
Nobility, the Japanese, 52, 83 ; methods
of addressing, 83.
Nogi, General, and religion's meaning,
130.
Notions of pardon and forgiving, 31-32.
Nozu, General, 238.
Occidental Civilisation, 119-121,
142.
vulgarity, 124.
Okubo, 203, 204, 205, 233, 236.
Okuma, Count, 220 ; a sketch of the life
of, 282-284.
Osaka, 223.
Oyama Marshal, 52, 238.
Paris, 1-15.
a motor ride round, 14.
by night, 143.
Peace prospects, observations of, 125, 126.
Physique, the Japanese, 61.
Political attitude of England, 4.
Political organism of Japan, 249-258.
Port Arthur, 29, 137.
Press, the, and the war, 3, 4.
Printing, the art of, 101.
Pronunciation of Japanese, 79-82.
Public baths, 180, 181.
Questions and Answers on Bun and Bu,
106.
Raffles, Sir Stamford, his apprecia
tion of Japan, 144.
Railways, construction of, 222.
Red Cross Society, 129.
Religion in Japan, 41, 42, 130, 131.
discussions on, 128.
336 SUMMER DREAM DIALOGUES
Religion, Japanese meaning of, 130.
Restoration, the Japanese, 52, 53.
Revenge, Japanese, 109.
Revolution, discussion on the Japanese,
M9.
Risen Sun, the, 90.
Rodjestvensky, Admiral, 77.
Romance, Japanese, 8.
' Ronin,' no.
Roosevelt, President, 136, 137, 148.
and jiujitsu, 60, 61.
his partiality towards Japan,
137.
Russia, Emperor of, 114.
and Japan, a priest's views on, 131.
Russian defeat, the cause of, 184, 185.
Russian views of the Japanese, 129.
Russo-Japanese War, outbreak of, 137,
138.
Russophile papers, 71.
Sada-Yakko, 247.
Sadanji, 246.
Saga, prince of, 283.
Saigo, 203, 227, 233, 236-239.
Saionji, a sketch of the life of, 284.
Samurai, 43, 45, 50, 98, 103, 118, 190,
202, 204, 211, 215, 234.
and Daimio, difference between,
108.
and fighting, no, 112.
explained, 107.
discipline of the, 11.
the soul of, 112.
mother illustrated by a drama, 9, 10.
Satcho, two powerful clans, 203, 227,
239, 240.
Satow, Sir E., 103, 107.
Satsuma, 201, 203, 211, 212.
formation of the, 212.
war, 224.
the cause of, 233.
Scenery of Japan, 55.
Sekigahara, battle of, 212.
Self-Help, Smiles's, 183.
Semitic sympathy, 38.
Shido, 106.
Shikwan, 245-246.
Shimadai, 21.
Shimazu Saburo, 235, 237.
Shintoism, its sensitiveness to pollution,
5°-
Shipbuilding yards, origin of, 195-198.
Shiwa Yoshimasa, 106.
Shizoku, the title, 47, 106.
Shogun, 204, 207, 210.
Shogunate, the, 195, 198, 199, 201,
227.
financial system of, 213.
troops, 191.
Simonoseki, treaty of, 140.
Singing insects, 65, and note.
Sino-Japanese war, 5, 226.
Sketches of some chief figures of actual
Japan, 272-285.
Snow scenes, 65, 66.
Social morality, discussion on, 115-124.
Social condition of Japan, 239-240.
Socialism and Japan, discussion on, 147-
155-
Sotsuibushi, or Police-master-general,
208.
Sports, Japanese, 164-169.
Stage, the Japanese, 245, 247.
' Standard of Living,' an essay, 122, 123.
Stoessel, General, 114.
Summer resorts of foreigners, 163.
Sumoo, 97.
Superstition, Japanese, 186, 187.
Swords, 111-113.
Taira, the, 208.
Takasago, 21-22, 24.
Takasugi, 190.
Takeda Shingen, 228.
Telegraphs in Japan, 223.
Telephones in Japan, 223.
Things Japanese (1898), 103.
Togo, Admiral, 193.
Tokio, 30, 55, 63, 64, 81, 86, 97, 113,
150, 167, 191, 195, 222.
the history of, 56, 57.
the patois of, 80.
Tokugawa, 199, 200, 234.
regime, 231.
Feudatories under, 209, 211.
Tolstoy, Count Leo, 127.
Trans-Siberian Railway, 34.
Trip to Japan, details concerning, 33, 36.
Tsu-shima, battle of, 126.
Uta-Karuta, 175.
Utamaro, 100.
Washington, George, 182.
Weapons, Japanese, 229-232.
INDEX
337
Wedding, dress, 25.
presents, 16, 25, 26.
Weddings, 25.
Western influence and Japan, 120-123.
Women, position of, in Japan, 27, 29.
the education of, 89.
the treatment of, 44.
Wrestling, 96-98.
Wright, Seppings, his views of Japanese
character, 193.
Yamagata, Marquis, 24, 123, 190,
227, 236, 238.
a sketch of his life, 279-280.
Yedo, 56.
'Yellow Peril,' discussion on, 141, 188.
Yenomoto, 196.
Yeta, 49.
Yokohama, 35, 53, 161, 222.
Yoritomo, 208.
Yoshimasa, 106.
Printed by T. and A. Constable, Printers to His Majesty
at the Edinburgh University Press
THE RISEN SUN
By BARON K. SUYEMATSU
Demy Svo, 12s. 6d. net
OPINIONS OF THE PRESS
The Times. — ' The opening portion of the book deals with ques
tions arising out of the war and the negotiations preceding it. As a
statement of the Japanese case — a case now approved by the general
judgment of the world — it is of considerable value. The second
portion of the book contains papers of a very various kind, but all
concerned in one way or another with interpretation of the life of
Japan. Among them is the excellent paper on the Japanese character
which Baron Suyematsu read to the Ethnological Society. One of the
most interesting, because most original, of Baron Suyematsu's exposi
tions, is his appreciation of the Emperor Mutsuhito as ruler and poet.
This reverential, but thoroughly instructive study of a little known
personality, will be welcome to European readers.'
The Daily Telegraph.—-' Baron Suyematsu is an authority who will
be widely read and cheerfully accepted in all he has to say about
Japan, not only for his own sake, but for that of the information he is
peculiarly qualified to give concerning the diplomatic relations of his
own country with the rest of the world.'
The Standard. — 'A record not only of personal industry and of
the growth of a nation, but a clever justification of the claims of the
Japanese to rank with the great Powers of the West.'
The Outlook. — 'We owe him a deep debt of gratitude for his
masterly exposition of many things outside the range of Japanese
foreign policy. His essays on the ethics, religions, arts, and literature
of his country are admirable; and, coming from so authoritative a
source, will be of the greatest service to students of sociology.'
Daily News. — ' His deference to Western ideas, his modesty about
his country's greatness, and his dignity of manner, disarm criticism.
He is well qualified to set forth a great case in a treatise which is
lacking neither in argument nor in eloquence. It is evident that a
new impetus is to be given to the moral ideas of the world by the
sudden triumph of Japan. And in the works of propagandism this
book of Baron Suyematsu will be a stirring and important con
tribution.' Publisher and Bookseller. — 'The Baron gives us a very clear
idea of the character of his countrymen, their traditions, their history,
and their ambitions. With full knowledge of the Western peoples
among whom he has lived, and whose lives, religion, and literature
he has studied, he has been able to a great extent to throw down
the barriers of misunderstanding which have so long subsisted between
the civilisations of the East and West. Baron Suyematsu, in his
recital of the events which preceded and brought about the war, has
preserved throughout a tone of moderation which makes his point of
view doubly impressive. His literary style is easy and pleasant, and
his history of the Far East during the past decade is not only accurate,
but readable into the bargain. "The Risen Sun" is full of good
things, and should reach a large circle of readers.'
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