<.y* fetil^vfP *5f *i' THE LIFE OE JESUS CHRIST HISTORICAL CONNEXION AND HISTORICAL DEYELOPEMENT. BY AUGUSTUS NEANDER. TRANSLATED FROM THE JourtJ ©ferman IStiitfon, by .-» JOHN M'CLINTOCI AND CHARLES E. BLUMENTHAL, PBOFESSOBS IN DICKINSON COLLEGE. THIRD EDITION. NEW YORK: HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS, 82 CLIFF STREET. 18 51. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight hundred and forty-eight, by Harper & Brothers, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of New York, TO MY CHRISTIAN BRETHREN IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. \ «... The present age may be considered an epoch of transition in the developement of the kingdom of God ; and, as such, it is full of signs. Among the most striking of them is a greater zeal for the spread of the Gospel and the Bible through all nations, com bining many and various agencies for that work ; as well as a closer union among all earnest Christians, seekers of salvation and truth, of all lands, however widely separated — a new Catholic Church, which, amid all the diversity of outward ecclesiastical forms, is preparing that unity of the spirit which has Christ for its foundation. Especially is it matter of rejoicing to see a grow ing spirit of fraternal union between the Christians of the Old World, and those of the New ; a land in which Christianity (the destined leaven for all the elements of humanity, how various so ever) developes its activities under secular relations so entirely novel. It was, therefore, very gratifying to me to learn that Professors M'CuttTocK and Blumenthal had determined to put this volume, the fruit of my earnest inquiries, before the transatlantic Christian public in an English dress. To see a wider sphere of influence opened for views which we ourselves (amid manifold struggles, yet guided, we trust, by the Divine Spirit) have recognized as true, and which, in our#opinion, are fitted to make a way right on through the warring contradictions of error, cannot be otherwise than grateful to us. For truth is designed for all men : he who serves the truth works and strives for all men. The Lord has given to each his own charisma, and with it each must work for all. What is true and good, then, is no man's own ; it comes from the Father of Lights, the Giver of every good gift, who lends it to us to be used for all. And what is true, must prove itself such by bearing the test of the general Christian consciousness. But the pleasure with which I write these words is not un- , mingled with anxiety. To write a history of the greatest Life that has been manifested upon earth — that Life in which the Divine x THE AUTHOR'S ADDRESS. glory irradiated earthly existence— is indeed the greatest of hu man tasks. Yet the attempt is not presumptuous (as I have said in the preface to the German edition), if it be made upon the Gospel basis : every age witnesses new attempts of the kind. It is part of the means by which we are to appropriate to ourselves this highest life ; to become more and more intimate with it ; to bring it nearer and nearer to ourselves. Every peculiar age will feel itself compelled anew to take this Divine Life to itself through its own study of it, by means of science, animated by the Holy Spirit ; to gain a closer living intimacy with it, by copying it. To eat His flesh and drink His blood (in the spiritual sense) is indeed the way to this intimacy ; but science also has its part to do, and this work is its highest dignity. But yet, in view of the grandeur and importance of this greatest of tasks, in view of the difficulties that environ it, and our own incapacity to execute it adequately, we cannot see bur work diffused into wider and more distant circles, without fear and trembling. We are fully conscious of the dimness that surrounds us, growing out of the errors and defects of an age just freeing itself from a distracting infidelity. May we soon receive a new outpouring of the Holy Ghost, again bestow ing tongues of fire, so that the Lord's great works may be more worthily praised ! I have another, and a peculiar source of anxiety. This book has arisen (and it bears the marks of its origin) amid the intel lectual struggles which yet agitate Germany, and constitute a preparatory crisis for the future. Those who are unacquainted with those struggles may, perhaps, take offence at finding not only many things in the book hard to understand, but also views at va riance with old opinions in other countries yet undisturbed. The English churches (even those of the United States, where every thing moves more freely) have perhaps, on the whole, been but slightly disturbed by conflicting opinions of precisely the kind that find place among us. Had they to deal with the life-questions with which we have to do, they would be otherwise engaged than in vehement controversies about church order and other unessen tial points. It would be easier, then, for them to forget their minor differences, and rally under the one banner of the Cross against the common foe. Perhaps a nearer acquaintance with the relig ious condition of other lands may contribute to this end. I am, notwithstanding, still afraid thart some readers unac quainted with the progress of the German mind, which has de- THE, AUTHOR'S ADDRESS. xi veloped new intellectual necessities even for those who seek the truth believingly, may take offence at some of the sentiments -of this book. Especially will this be likely to happen with tho"se who have not been accustomed to distinguish what is Divine from what is human in the Gospel record ; to discriminate its immutable essence from the changeful forms in which men have appreherfded it ; in a word, with those who exchange the Divine reality for the frail support of traditional beliefs and ancient harmonies. I would lead no man into a trial which he could not endure ; I would willingly give offence to none, unless, indeed, it were to be a transi tory offence, tending afterward to enlarge his Christian knowledge and confirm his faith. How far this may be the case, I am not sufficiently acquainted with the transatlantic Church to be a com petent judge. Nor would I, on my own sole responsibility, have introduced this work (which arose, as I have said, among the struggles of our own country) to a foreign public: this I leave to the esteemed translators, hoping that their judgment of the con dition of things there may be well founded. But of this I am certain, that the fall of the old form of the doctrine of Inspiration, and, indeed, of many other doctrinal preju dices, will not only not involve the fall of the essence of the Gospel, but will cause it no detriment whatever. Nay, I believe that it will be more clearly and accurately understood ; that men will be better prepared to fight with and to conquer that inrushing infidelity against which the weapons of the old dogmatism must be power less in any land ; and that from such a struggle a new theology, purified and renovated in the spirit of the Gospel, must arise. Everywhere we see the signs of a new creation; the Lord will build himself, in science as well as in life, a new tabernacle in which to dwell ; and neither a stubborn adherence to antiquity, nor a profane appetite for novelty, can hinder this work of the Lord which is now preparing. May we never forget the words of the great apostle, " Where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is Liberty.'' Whatever in this book rests upon that one foundation than which none other can be laid, will bear all the fires of ihe time ; let the wood, hay, and stubble which find place in all works of men, be burned up. Perhaps the impulse* which the American mind has received *, * Not, it ia to be hoped, a one-sided, partisan tendency, as is justly remarked by Professor Porter, whose article on "Coleridge and his American Disciples," in the Bibliotheca Sacra for February, 1847, I have read with great interest. x" THE AUTHOR'S ADDRESS. from the profound Coleridge, who (like Schleiermacher among ourselves) has testified that Christianity is not so much a definite system of conceptions as a power of life, may have contributed, and may still further contribute, to prepare the way for a new tendency of scientific theology in your beloved country. A. Neander. Berlin, November 4, 1847. TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. The work, of which an English version is presented in this volume, appeared originally in 1837. It has abeady passed through four editions, from the last of which* this translation has been made. It is well known that Dr. Neander has been engaged for many years in writing a " General History of the Christian Religion and Church," and that he has published separately an account of the "Planting and Training of the Early Christian Church by the Apostles." He would doubtless have felt himself constrained, at some period, to give a history of the life and ministry of the Divine Founder of the Church ; and, indeed, he states as much in the preface to this work (page xxi.). The execution of this part of his task, however, would perhaps have been deferred until the com pletion of his General History, had not the " signs of the times" urged him to undertake it at once. Its immediate occasion was the publication, in 1835, of Strauss's " Life of Christ,"! a work which, as every one knows, created a great sensation, not merely in the theological circles of Germany, but also throughout Europe. A brief sketch of the state and progress of parties in Germany may be useful to readers not familiar with the literature of that country ; and we here attempt it, only regretting our incapacity to give it fully and accurately. Notwithstanding the dread with which German theology is regarded by many English and some American divines, it was not in German soil that the first seeds of infidelity in modern times took root. It was by the deistical writers of England, in the early part of the last century, that the authenticity of the sa cred records was first openly assailed. The attacks of Toland, Chubb, Morgan, &c, were directed mainly against the credibil ity and sincerity of the sacred writers ; and their blows were * Das Leben Jesu Christi, in seinem geschichtlichen Zusammenhange and seiner ge« schichtlichen Entwickelung dargestellt von Dr. August Neander, vierte und verbesserte Auflage, Hamburg, bei Friedrich Perthes, 1845. t Das Leben Jesu, Kritisch bearbeitet von Dr. David Friedrich Strauss. 2 Bde Tubingen, 1835, 4<« Aufl., 1840. xiv TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. aimed, avowedly, against the whole fabric of Christianity. It is needless to say that they failed, not merely in accomplishing their object, but in making any very strong or permanent impres sion on the English mind. Nor has an infidelity of exactly the same type ever obtained firm footing in Germany. The English Deism, first promulgated in the Wolfenbiittel fragments, set the German theologians at work upon the canon of Scripture, and upon Biblical literature in general, with a zeal and industry un known before ; and many of them pushed their inquiries With a freedom amounting to recklessness ; but a direct and absolute de nial of the authority of the word of God is a thing almost unknown among them. Still, professed theologians, of great talents and learning, and holding high official positions, adopted a theory (the so-called Rationalism) more dangerous than avowed infidelity, and succeeded, for a time, in diffusing its poison to a painful extent. The declared aim of the Rationalists was to interpret the Bible on rational principles ; that is to say, to find nothing in it beyond the scope of human reason. Not supposing its writers to be im postors, nor denying the record to be a legitimate source, in a cer tain sense, of religious instruction, they sought to free it of every thing supernatural ; deeming it to be, not a direct Divine revela tion, but a product of the human mind, aided, indeed, by Divine Providence, but in no extraordinary or miraculous way. The miracles, therefore, had to be explained away ; and this was done in any mode that the ingenuity or philosophy of the expositor might suggest. Sometimes, for instance, they were no miracles at all, but simple natural facts ; and all the old interpreters had misunderstood the writers. Sometimes, again, the writers of the sacred history misunderstood the facts, deeming them to be mi raculous when they were not ; e. g., when Christ " healed the sick," he merely prescribed for them, as a kind physician, with skill and success; when he "raised the dead," he only restored men from a swoon or trance ; when he " subdued the storm," there was simply a happy " coincidence," making a strong impression upon the minds of the disciples ; when he fed the " five thousand," he only set an example of kindness and benevolence which the rich by-standers eagerly followed by opening their stores to feed the hungry multitude, &c, &c. But even this elastic exegesis, when stretched to its utmost capacity, would not explain every case : some parts of the narratives were stubbornly unyielding, and new methods were demanded. For men who had gone so TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. xv far, it was easy to go farther ; the text itself was not spared ; this passage was doubtful, that was corrupt, a third was spurious. In short, " criticism," as this desperate kind of interpretation was called, was at last able to make any thing, and in a fair way to make nothing, out of the sacred records. But still the rationalist agreed with the orthodox supernaturalist in admitting that there was, at bottom, a basis of substantial truth in the records ; and asserted that his efforts only tended to free the substantive verity from the envelopements of fable or perversion with which tradition had invested it. The admission was a fatal one. The absurdities to which the theory led could not long remain undetected. It was soon shown, and shown effectually, that this vaunted criticism was no criticism at all ; that the objections which it offered to the Gos pel history were as old as Porphyry, or, at least, as the English Deists, and had been refuted again and again ; that the errors of interpretation into which the older expositors had fallen might be avoided without touching the truth and inspiration of the Evan gelists ; and, in a word, that there could be no medium between open infidelity and the admission of a supernatural revelation. During the first quarter of the present century the conflict was waged with ardour on both sides, but with increasing energy on the side of truth ; and every year weakened the forces of rational ism. Still, the theological mind of Germany was to a consid erable extent unsettled : its Tholucks and Hengstenbergs stood strong for orthodoxy ; its Twesten and Nitszch applied the clear est logic to systematic theology ; its Marheineche and Daub phi losophized religiously ; its Bretschneider and Hase upheld reason as the judge of revelation ; while not a few maintained the old ra tionalism, though with less and less of conviction, or at least of boldness. It was at this point that Strauss conceived the audacious idea of applying the mythical theory to the whole structure of the Evangelical history. All Germany has been more or less infected with the mytho-mania, since the new school of archseologers have gone so deeply into the heathen mythology. A mythis omnis pris- corum hominum cum historia turn philosophia procedit, say's Heyne : and Bauer asks, logically enough, " if the" early history of every people is mythical, why not the Hebrew 1"* The mere applica tion of this theory to the sacred records was by no means original with Strauss : he himself points out a number of instances in which * Strauss, i., J 8. xvi TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. Eichhorn, Gabler, Vater, &c, had made use of it. His claim is to have given a completeness to the theory, or rather to its appli cation, which former interpreters had not dreamed of; and, to tell the truth, he has made no halting work of it. That Jesus lived ; that he taught in Judea ; that he gathered disciples, and so impressed them with his life and teaching as that they believed him to be the Messiah ; this is nearly the sum of historical truth contained in the Evangelists, according to Strauss. Yet he as cribes no fraudulent designs to the writers ; his problem is, there fore, to account for the form in which the narratives appear ; and this is the place for his theory to work. A Messiah was expect ed ; certain notions were attached to the Messianic character and office; and with these Christ was invested by his followers. " Such and such a thing must happen to Messiah ; Jesus was the Messiah ; therefore such and such a thing must have happened to him." " The expectation of a Messiah had flourished in Israel long before the time of Christ ; and at the time of his appearance it had ripened into full bloom ; not an indefinite longing either, but an expectation defined by many prominent characteristics. Mo ses had promised (Deut., xviii., 15) ' a prophet like unto himself,' a passage applied, in Christ's time, to Messiah (Acts, iii., 22; vii., 37). The Messiah was to spring of David's line, and ascend his throne as a second David (Matt., xxii., 42 ; Luke, i., 32) ; and there fore he was looked for, in Christ's time, to be born in the little town of Bethlehem (John, vii., 42 ; Matt., ii., 5). In the old legends the most wonderful acts and destinies had been attributed to the prophets : could less be expected of the Messiah ? Must not his life be illustrated by the most splendid and significant incidents from the lives of the prophets ? Finally, the Messianic era, as a whole, was expected to be a period of signs and wonders. The eyes of the blind were to be opened ; the deaf ears to be unstop ped ; the lame were to leap, &c. (Isa., xxxv., &c). These ex pressions, part of which, at least, were purely figurative, came to be literally understood (Matt., xi., 5 ; Luke, vii., 21, sqq.) ; and thus, even before Christ's appearance, the image of Messiah was con tinually filling out with new features. And thus many of the le gends respecting Jesus had not to be newly invented ; they exist ed ready-made in the Messianic hopes of the people, derived chiefly from the Old Testament, and only needed to be transferred to Christ and adapted to his character and teachings."* * Strauss, i., $ 14, TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. xvii These extracts contain the substance of Strauss's theory ; his book is little more than an application of it to the individual parts of the history of Christ as given in the Evangelists. A few in stances of his procedure will suffice. He finds the key to the miraculous conception in Matt., L, 22 : " All this was done th^t it might be fulfilled which was spoken of the Lord by the prophet, saying,"* &c. " The birth of Jesus, it was said, must correspond to this passage ; and what was to be, they concluded, really did oc cur, and so arose the myth." The account of the star of the Magi- ans, and of their visit from the East, arose from a similar applica tion of Numbers, xxiv., 17 ; Psa. Ixxii., 10 ; Isa., lx., l-6,f &c. The temptation of Christ was suggested by the trials of Job ; its separate features helped out by Exod., xxxiv., 28 ; Lev., xvi., 8, 10 ; Deut., ix., 9,J &c. The Transfiguration finds a starting-point in Exod., xxxiv., 29-35.§ So we might go through the book. ¦ The appearance of the work, as we have said, produced a won derful sensation in Germany ; greater, by far, than its merits would seem to have authorized. It was the heaviest blow that unbelief had ever struck against Christianity; and the question was, what should be done? The Prussian government was dis posed to utter its ban against the book ; and many evangelical theologians deemed this the proper course to pursue in regard to it. But Dr. Neander deprecated such a procedure as calculated to give the work a spurious celebrity, and as wearing, at least, the aspect of a confession that it was unanswerable. He advised that it should be met, not by authority, but by argument, believing that the truth had nothing to fear in such a conflict. His counsel pre vailed ; and the event has shown that he was right. Replies to Strauss poured forth in a torrent ; the Gospel histories were sub jected to a closer criticism than ever ; and to-day the public mind of Germany is nearer to an orthodox and evangelical view of their contents than it has been for almost a century. Besides the general impulse given by Strauss to the study of the Four Gospels, he has done theology another good service. His book has given a deadly blow to rationalism properly so called. Its paltry criticism and beggarly interpretations of Scrip ture are nowhere more effectually dissected than in his investiga tions of the different parts of the history and of the expositions that have been given of it. In a word, he has driven rationalism out of the field to make way for his myths ; and Neander, Eb- * Strauss, i., } 29. t Ibid., $ 36. t Ibid., } 56. $ Ibid., $ 107. xviii TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. rard, and others have exploded the myths ; so that nothing re mains but a return to the simple, truthful interpretations which, in the main, are given by the evangelical commentators. But, it may be asked, why trouble ourselves with controversies of this kind here ? We cannot help it, Strauss's book, at first, could not find a respectable publisher in England ; and a garbled translation, containing its very worst features, was put out in a cheap form for the million. The same, or a similar abridgment, has been circulated to a considerable extent in this country. And within the last year a translation of the whole work, from the last German edition, has been published in London in three hand some volumes. That the soil of many minds is ready to receive its pestilent doctrines, both in that country and in our own, is too sadly true to be denied. The Westminster Review for April, 1847, contains an article on Strauss and Parker which talks about the Evangelists in the coolest strain of infidelity imaginable, and refers, with obvious complacency, to the signs of" unbelief or illumination" (it cares not which) that are at present so abundant in England. To a certain extent, as we have remarked, Neander's Life of Christ has a polemic aim against Strauss. But this is a small part of its merits ; indeed, but for the notes, an ordinary reader would not detect any such specific tendency. It unfolds the life of the Saviour from the record with great clearness and skill ; it invests the outline, thus obtained, with the fresh colours of life, without re sorting to forced constructions and vain imaginings ; and, above all, it seeks, with child-like humility and reverence, to learn and exhibit the mind of the Spirit. The characteristic of spirituality, so strongly stamped upon all the works of this great writer, is espe cially prominent here. None, we think, can read the book without becoming not merely better acquainted with the facts of the life of Christ, but more anxious than ever to drink into its spirit. At the same time, it is not to be concealed that Neander differs in his views on some points of doctrine, as well as of interpreta tion, from most Evangelical theologians. We wish to state dis tinctly that we do not hold ourselves responsible for these pecu liarities of opinion. It was at one time our purpose to append notes to such passages as we deemed most objectionable ; but af ter mature deliberation this intention was laid aside. It is hardly fair to criticise a man in his own pages, even if one is able to do it. The general spirit and tendency of the work cannot, we are TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. xix << '*> sure, be otherwise than beneficial, or we ..should never have at tempted to translate it. Its specific errors can be met and refuted elsewhere. * The noble candour of Neander in the letter which precedes this preface must disarm all severity. Let us remember, in our judgment of what may appear to us even grave errors of opinion in the book, that its author has fought for every step of ground that has been gained of late years by spiritual religion in Ger many ; and, while we lament the " dimness" which this great man confesses with such Christian-like humility; let us acknowledge the grandeur of his idea of the kingdom of God, and the earnest ness of his devotion to it. His starting-point, and many of his paths, are different from ours ; it must, therefore, gladden our hearts, and may, perhaps, confirm our faith, to see that he reaches, after all, the general results of Evangelical theology. One word for the translation. We have tried to do our best ; but we feel that we have not done very well. It is hard to trans late* German ; and of all German that we have tried to put into intelligible English, Neander's is the hardest. We have not at tempted a literal version (for we want the book to be read) ; nor, on the other hand, have we willingly gone into mere paraphrase. We have sought to seize the sense of the author, and to express it in our own tongue ; -but none can be better assured than our selves that we have very often failed. Readers of the original work will see that we have taken some liberties with it which de mand explanation. The division of the text into books, chapters, and sections will, we hope, make the work more intelligible and acceptable to English readers. In many of the author's para phrases of Scripture passages we have substituted the words of the English version, where it could be done without affecting the sense ; and many passages, also, to which he had merely alluded, are quoted at length. A few sentences have been transferred from the text to the notes ; and a few passages of the notes, of purely polemical interest, which would have needed explana tion to put them fairly before the American public, have been omitted. In all that we have done, we have endeavoured to com ply with the spirit of Dr. Neander's wishes, as kindly communi cated to us by himself. January 5, 1848. TRANSLATORS' PREFACE. LIST OF DR. NEANDER'S WORKS. Das Leben Jesu Christi, in seinem geschichtlichen Zusammenhange und seiner geschichtlichen Entwickelung; lte Aufl., 1837; 4" Aufl., 1845 (The Life of Jesus Christ, in its Historical Connexion and Historical Developement: 1st ed., 1837 ; 4th ed., 1845). Geschichte der Pflanzung und Leitung der Christlichen Kirche durch die Apostel: Vs Aufl., 1832; 4te Aufl., 1847 (History of the Planting and Training of theChristian Church by the Apostles: 1st ed., 1832; 4th ed., 1847). Allgemeine Geschichte der Christlichen Religion und Kirche (General History of the. Christian Religion and Church). (a) Die drei ersten Jahrhunderte : lt« Aufl. in 3 Banden ; 2» Aufl. in 2 Bd., 1842-43. ' (The three first centuries : 1st edition ui 3 volumes, 1825 ; 2d edition in 2 vols., 1842-43.) (b) Das 4te-6te Jahrhundert : lte Aufl. in drei Banden, 1828 ; 2te Aufl. in 2 Bd., 1846-47. (Fourth to sixth century : 1st ed. in 3 vols., 1828 ; 2d in 2 vols., 1846-47.) (c) 6'e-8te, in 1 Bd. (Sixth to eighth, 1 vol.), 1834. (d) 8te-llte, in 1 Bd. (Eighth to eleventh, 1 vol.), 1836. (e) llte-13te, in 2 Banden. (Eleventh to thirteenth, 2 vols.), 1841 and 1845. Ueber den Kaiser Julianus und sein Zeitalter (The Emperor Julian and his Times), 1812. Genetische Entwickelung der vornehmsten Gnostischen Systeme (Genetical Devel opement of the principal Gnostic Systems), 1818. Anti-Gnosticns. Geist des Tertullianus und Einleitung in dessen Schriften (Anti- Gnosticus. Genius of Tertullian and Introduction to his Writings), 1825. Der heilige Chrysostomus und die Kirche in dessen Zeitalter, 2 Bd., 1820 ; 2te Aufl. I"5 Bd., 1832 (Chrysostom and the Church in his Times, 2 vols., 1820 ; 2d ed. of 1st. vol., 1832). Der heilige Bernhard und sein Zeitalter (Bernard and his Times), 1813. Denkwtlrdigkeiten aus der Geschichte des Christenthums und des Christlichen Lebens: 1"> Aufl. in 3 Bd., 1822; 3te Aufl. in 2 Bd., 1845-46 (Memorabilia from the History of Christianity and the Christian Life : 1st ed. 3 vols., 1822 ; 3d ed. 2 vols., 1845-46). Kleine Gelegenheitschriften praktisch-Christlichen, vornehmlich exegetischen und historischen Inhalts, 3te Aufl., 1829 (Smaller Treatises, chiefly exegetical and historical, 3d ed., 1829). Das Eine und das Mannichfaltige des Christlichen Lebens; Eine Reihe kleiner Gelegenheitschriften, grossertentheils biographischen Inhalts (Series of smaller Treat ises, chiefly biographical), 1840. Das Princip der Reformation, oder Staupitz und Luther (The Principle of the Ref ormation ; or Staupitz and Luther), 1840. PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION. In the Preface to my Representation of the Christian Religion and Church in the Apostolic Age, I assigned my reasons for the separate publication of that work, and stated its relations to my General History of the Church. It remained for me to treat of that which formed the ground of the manifestation and existence of the Apostolical Church itself, viz., the Life and Ministry of the Divine Founder of the Church ; and I have, moreover, been urged from many quarters to execute this necessary portion of my work. I was made to pause in the former undertaking by the lofty sa credness of the subject and its many difficulties ; how much more, then, in the latter ! But the signs of the times (to which, as a his torian of the Church, I could not but take heed), the uncertainty of human affairs, and the opportunity afforded by a pause in my General History, have overcome my scruples, and led me, trusting in God, to go on with this work. Yet well may he hesitate who undertakes to write the life of Christ! "Who, indeed (as Herder finely answered Lavater), could venture, after John, to write the life of Christ ?"* Who will not agree with Anna Maria von Schurmann, that such an attempt is " to paint the sun with charcoal : the life of a Christian is the best picture of the life of Christ ?"f Yet why ghould not history (though assured that its description must be far behind the reality) occupy itself with the highest man ifestation that has appeared in humanity — a manifestation which sanctifies, but does not spurn, the labours of men ? The artist, in- * "I write the life of Christ — II Never. The Evangelists have written it as it can and ought to be written. Let us, however, not write it, but become it V (Beitrage zur na- heren Kenntniss Lavater's, von tllrich Hegener: Leips., 1836.) May the good Zurichers, who have lately shown themselves so worthy of their sires in their resistance to revolution ary violence and their- enthusiasm for the faith (dogma Christianum dogma populare, Au- gustin. opus imperf. c. Julian, ii., 2), erect a Christian national memorial by an edition, as complete as possible, of Lavater's correspondence - 1 Cf. Reinhard, Plan Jesu, 1 ; Heubner's Anm. xxii PREFACE. spired by devotion, paints a picture of Christ without any aid from history, merely from intuition of the idea of Christ. But we have the lineaments of the historical Christ, in fragments at least ; and there is wanting only insight into their connexion to frame them into a harmonious whole. We feel the necessity of calling up vividly before our minds, in our own stage of life and scientific progress, this realized Ideal, which belongs to all ages ; and at particular epochs in the mutations of time this necessity is always felt anew. The image of Christ, not of yesterday nor to-day, ever renews its youth among men, and, as the world grows old, penetrates it with a heaven-tending youthful vigour. What Pho- tius says of the various ideas of Christ among different nations may be applied to different periods of time, viz., "that each, by a new representation, must make itself familiar with the image of Christ." Obviously, however, the peculiarities of different periods must be distinguished. Some periods mark a new creation in the Christian Church and in humanity, as already appeared; others, by dissolution and crisis, prepare the way for it. Our age belongs to the latter class : we stand between the old world and a new one to be called into being by the ever old and ever new Gospel. For the fourth time Christianity is preparing a new epoch in the life of humanity. Our labors can only be preparatory to that new creation, when, after the regeneration of life and science, the great acts of God shall be proclaimed with new tongues of fire !* But it may be questioned, also, whether it is possible, from the authorities in our hands, to exhibit a connected description of the life of Christ 1 Christian consciousness will be satisfied with no thing less than an intuition of Christ's life as a whole ; and, there fore, science must undertake to free it from all alloy, and to found it on a substantial basis. It is by means of the Christian conscious ness that we feel ourselves allied to all Christianity since the out pouring of the Holy Ghost— Christian consciousnes*s, the living source from which every thing in life and science, which has really enriched the Church, has proceeded and must proceed ; a far different thing from the changeful culture of the day, which, without it, must ever be ephemeral and transitory. To serve this' last is the most wretched of servitudes. It is, indeed, time for a new beginning of Biblical criticism, of New Testament exegesis, * Most keenly does the author feel (as did his late friend, B. Jacobi, who has left b V d Lim a blessed and honoured memory) that his work bears the marks of its prod f * ™ age of crisis, of "solation, of pain, and of throes. PREFACE. xxiii of inquiries into the formation of the canon. There are great dif ficulties, indeed, especially in the chronology,* in the work which we have to do. But this, instead of deterring, must only stimu late us to greater efforts. We must only guard against relinquish ing our hopes too hastily, and keep aloof from all prejudices either of antiquity or novelty ; and then this undertaking may be one of the preparations, however trifling, for a new epoch in this part of history. As for those who deny that our field is properly historical, and place it in a pre-historical and mythical region, I need say nothing here, as I have sought to refute them in the course of the work itself. '» In regard to my relations to the -various theological parties of the age, I must refer to the Preface to the first volume 6f my "Apostolic Age;" and to my letter to Dewar, chaplain to the British Embassy in Hamburg. Whatever appears to me to be true, or most probable, after candid and earnest inquiry, with all reverence for the sacredness of the subject, I utter, without looking at consequences. Whoever has a good work to do must, as Luther says, let the devil's tongue run as it pleases. There are two opposite parties whom I cannot hope to please, viz., those who will forcibly make all things new, and fancy, in their folly, that they can shake the rock which ages could not undermine ; and those who would retain, and forcibly reintroduce, even at the expense of all genuine love of truth, every thing that is old ; nay, even the worn-out and the obsolete. I shall not please those hy- percritics who subject the sacred writings to an arbitrary subtil- ty, at once superrational and sophistical ; nor those, on the other hand, who believe that here all criticism — or at least all criticism on internal grounds — cometh of evil. Both these tendencies are alike at variance with a healthful sense for truth and conscientious devotion to it ; both are alike inimical to genuine culture. There is need of criticism where any thing is communicated to us in the form of a historical tradition in written records ; and I am sure that an impartial criticism, applied to the Scriptures, is not only consistent with that child-like faith without which there can be no Christianity or Christian theology,f but is necessary to a just * Wherever I have not sure grounds for decision, I say "perhaps :" nor am I ashamed of it, unfashionable as " perhaps" is, nowadays, in matters of science. Would that our young votaries of science would lay to heart the excellent words of Niebuhr, on the de grees of confidence, in the " Lebensnachrichten," ii., 208. t But the theologian mast have more than a merely critical mind and critical aims : he xxiv PREFACE. acuteness* and profoundness of thought, as well as to that true consecration of mind which is so essential to theology. The child like faith of the theologian who cannot violently rid himself of the critical element of his times or of human nature, is thus proved, as it were, in the fire of temptation ; this is the tentatio (particu larly in this age of scientific struggle) which must go along with oratio and meditatio, in the depths of the earnest and humble spirit. Without this priestly consecration, there can be no theol ogy. It thrives best in the calmness of a soul consecrated to God. What grows amid the noisy bustle of the world and the empty babble of the age is not theology. God reveals himself in his word as he does in his works. In both we see a se\f-revea.ling, se\{-concealing God, who makes him self known only to those who earnestly seek him ;f in both we find stimulants to faith and occasions for unbelief; in both we find contradictions whose higher harmony is hidden except from him who gives up his whole mind in reverence ; in both, in a word, it is the law of revelation that the heart of man should be tested in receiving it ; and that, in the spiritual life as well as in the bodily, man must eat his bread in the sweat of his brow. Berlin, July 18, 1837.- needs a spiritual mind, a deep acquaintance with divine things ; and he must study the Scriptures with his heart as well as head, unless he wishes his theology to be robbed of its salt by his criticism. * Not too sharp, so as to be notched. t This is the pervading thought of Pascal (the sage for all centnries) in his Pensees, though blended with many errors of Catholicism and absolute Predestination. Great thanks are due to Famgere for the edition of this work (1844) in its original form. • PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION. Thje reception of this work among the opposing theological parties of the age has been such as I anticipated in the Preface to the first edition. It is, therefore, the less necessary for me to vin dicate myself against special accusations on any side. I am sat isfied that the principles of my theological procedure are in the main correct, and that their claims will finally be justified. To answer therevilings or false inferences of fanatical prejudice on either hand, or to enter into purely personal controversy, forms no part of my purpose. , Yet, in order to leave no room for doubt as to my own theological stand-point, it appears necessary that I should notice a few of the opinions that have been passed upon the work. A review from the pen of Consistorial Counsellor Schulz has appeared in the Allgemeine Darmst'ddtische Kirchenzeitung, which opposes me merely by dictatorial decisions; and, by isola ting various passages* of my work from their connexion, ascribes to me opinions which are foreign to my whole theological system What I say will not be disputed by any one who candidly exam ines that review and compares it with my work. I have called the attention of my readers in this edition to these perversions of my words ; perversions in which Schulz shakes hands with men of a school directly opposite to his own. Were I not satisfied of his integrity, I should be under the necessity of calling them dishonest perversions ; as the case is, I see in them only the prejudice of that enthusiasm of reason so admirably characterized by Jacobi in his remarks upon " Reason which is not Reason" (ii., 492). Of those who are enslaved by this enthusiasm, "he says : " Their belief is always reason, nor»can they recognize another's reason except in his belief. They inquire not how he feels, perceives, observes, * The reviewer has been able to point out but one oversight — certainly no proof of care less baste in a work on such a subject. The mistake was one which might have happened to any one in an unlucky moment, which could not fail to be noticed by any one, and woich, in fact, was noticed by myself as soon as I glanced again at the passage. xxvi PREFACE. or infers, but only what his opinions are— whether they agree with their canon or not ; and that decides the matter." This stand-point as surely generates a prejudice which precludes all just judgment of the opinions of others, and leads (though uncon sciously) to falsehood, as does the enthusiasm for an absolute sys tem of doctrines which lays down, as a standard, a definite num ber of articles of faith, or principles therewith connected, and makes this standard a criterion of every one's claim to Christian ity. In the judgments formed of my work, as well as in many other matters of our time, these two sets of prejudices have led to similar results. " What," inquires Schulz several times, " will the believers in creeds say to this 1" Now, as to the opinion of this or that set of men, I am indifferent ; it concerns me only to know how far my statements accord with truth, especially Christian truth. It is proper that I should say, however, that I go along with those who oppose " creed-believers" (to use Schulz's term) so far as this, viz., that I could not subscribe to any of the existing symbols (ex cept the Apostles' creed, which testifies to those fundamental facts of Christianity that are essential to the existence of the Christian Church) as an unconditional expression of my religious convic tions. I believe that our path lies, through the strifes and storms of the present time, to a new creation in the Church, when the same Holy Spirit* that works in the life of the Church, and produces all truly Christian creeds as expressions (defective, indeed, as all human representations of the Divine must be, and stamped with the varying culture of the time) of Christian truth, will produce a symbol adapted to the new stage of the Church's developement, if it become necessary that such an expression of the animating faith of the Church be given in a new literal form. But I go along with the theologians (so called creed-believers) in what I believe to be the fundamental principle of the Reformation and of the Evangelical Church ; the doctrines, viz., of the corruption of human nature (not, however, excluding, but presupposing, an ele ment of affinity for God [Gottverwandte] in human nature) ; and * The Holy Spirit going out from faith in Christ, who was crucified for the sins of men, who truly rose from the dead and ascended to heaven ; the Holy Spirit, which has proved itself tbe same since the first Christian Pentecost, at all times, among all people, learned or unlearned ; not the changeful spirit of the times, which corresponds more nearly to what is called in the New Testament the spirit of the world, and whose manifestations stand opposed to those of the Holy Spirit. PREFACE. xxvii ot justification by faith in Jesus as the Redeemer. The essential part of the Evangelical Confession (the Augsburg Confession and its Apology), so far as it is -an exposition of this doctrine, togeth er with the unchangeable verities to which the Apostles' Creed bears witness, seem to me the irrefragable basis of the_ Evan gelical Church ; which, on this basis* protests against all popery, whether the Roman or any other impure spirit of the age ; against human statutes, no matter of what kind. Dr. Schulz reproaches me for speaking of the sinfulness of human nature. On the other hand, I cannot but be astonished that this truth, so clearly re vealed in the Scriptures, nay, lying at their basis, and so plainly written upon every human hedrt, should be 'denied by any man. He wishes, moreover, that the terms " natural reason" and " self- righteousness" may hereafter not appear, in my writings. In this respect I eannot possibly gratify him. These terms have a well- established right in the Evangelical Church ; the conceptions which they express are closely connected with its fundamental principle ; they are, moreover, firmly founded in Biblical Anthro pology.* They are not the offshoot of a "new Evangelical" Theology, but of an, old Evangelical faith. It is a mere pretended " enlightenment" (which, notwithstanding it may, by destroying, prepare the way for better things, is yet in its positive elements a source of darkness) that can object to those conceptions. I have to thank Dr. Hase for the kindness with which he has spoken of my work in the Jahrbucher, fur wissenschaftliche Kri- tik; but it would take more space than a preface will allow to come to an understanding with him upon the points in Apologet ics and Dogmatics on which he touches in his review. I can only remark, that a description of the life of Christ (although it must proceed from the Christian consciousness, which alone can afford a living intuition of it) does not necessarily demand for its found ation a complete and well-defined theory of the person of Christ. On the contrary, it would be one of the excellences of such a * It is a trick of Jesuitism (which is by no means confined to one form, but often assumes the shape of the fanaticism of reason or understanding) to protest (inform) against the ten dencies of the journal called the Evangelische Kirchenzeitung, while, in fact, the protest is not meant to bear against those tendencies — not against antiquated dogmas — but against the unchangeable fundamental truths of the Church of Christ ; truths which' can appear to be antiquated dogmas only to the shallow and superficial spirit of the times ; a spirit as contracted as it is conceited. At the same time, it cannot be denied that the one-sided- nesS, the exaggerations and multiform sickliness of the tendencies referred to may have contributed to produce a reaction. We say this sine ira et studio, with a full sense of the sincere and earnest zeal, and tbe true Christian endeavours and results of those tenden cies which find an organ in the Kirchenzeitung. xxviii PREFACE. wtork, that various doctrinal tendencies (if supranaturalistic) could be satisfied with it. It must deal with facts, which are more weighty than men's conceptions, changeful as they are. All dog matical theories except those which are willing to do violence to history must agree in acknowledging certain facts. What I have said of the human developement of the life of Christ harmonizes well with the consequent doctrine of a status exinanitionis ; with out this, in fact, the human life of Christ can have no reality. As to my views of the Ascension, I must adhere to them, until I can be convinced that without them the fujl import of Christ's resur rection can be asserted. Nor is it simply strength of faith thai leads rn.e to these results ; from the beginning my religious life has been too much affected by the culture' of this age to allow me to glory in such a faith — to compare myself with those men of child-like simplicity, those heroes whose Divine confidence is ex alted above all doubt.* I have adopted them from consecutive reasoning upon the principles of the Christian faith. There is no middle ground here ; unless, indeed, in order to avoid admitting a limit to all explanation, without, at the same time, affirming the opposite, we cover up the difficulty in phrases and formulas. To all those who consider the Socratic ignorance as folly, and who have settled beforehand the highest questions— questions whose right answers the great Melancthon placed among the beatitudes of the intuition of a better life — my dogmatical system must appear weak and unsatisfactory. In the reviewer of my work in the Halle Literaturzeitung (Church-counsellor Schwarz of Jena), I am happy to recognize a worthy man, who can acknowledge with congenial spirit, even amid differences of opinion, the work of an earnest mind and of serious study — a phenomenon every day becoming rarer in this age of selfish and excited party spirit. I am gratified, though not surprised, to find, from the beautiful notice of my book by Dr. Lucke, that that old and worthy friend agrees with me in all es sential points. To find ourselves at one in the recognition of certain truths with men whom we must admire and honour on many accounts, even though our convictions, on important subjects, may be op posed to each other, cannot be otherwise than gratifyin°\ I have * Truth before all things . I would not seem to be what I am not. This book, which could only have arisen in this age of strife and discord, is itself a mirror of the progress of my noind. PREFACE. xxix no sympathy with that narrowness of, mind which refuses to do justice to, the advocate, however able, of opinions which we our selves must reject. That is an unworthy arrogance which, in its zealous defence of a holy cause (a cause which, above all others breathes humility, and teaches us more and more that all our knowledge is , but ff agmentary), deems itself authorized to look down haughtily upon its opponent, however superior in scientific ability ; or even seeks to cover the weakness of its own argu ments by what is intended, according to the sickly taste of the age, to pass for wit and humour. I cannot, therefore, but rejoice to find that my treatment of the subject, with that of others engaged in the same controversy, has induced Dr. Strauss to soften down his mythical theory of the life of Christ in various points, and to acknowledge the truth of several results arrived at by my historical inquiries. In his pub lic acknowledgment of this I recognize a candour and love of truth which is far more honourable than mere intellectual greatness. At the same time, I am grateful tohim for the kindness with which he has spoken of me personally. A certain degree of harmony, then, may be attained by the application of those fundamental prmciples of historical criticism which all sound thinkers must ac knowledge to be correct. Yet it is only a certain degree ; it is easy to be understood how the harmony thus reached is inter rupted by the wider differences which lie at the foundation of the subject. The chief points of controversy turn upon essential differences of religious thought and feeling. These fundamental differences are clearly set forth by Dr. Strauss in the closing dissertation of his third edition, and in his essay on the Permanent and the Tran sitory (das Bleibende und Verg'dngliche) in Christianity. They are to be found chiefly in opposing views of the relation of God to the world, of the personality of spirit, of the relation between the here and the hereafter, and of the nature of sin. The contro versy, to our mind, does not lie between an old and a new view of Christianity, but between Christianity and a human invention directly opposed to it. It is nothing less than a struggle between Christian Theism and a system of world- and self-deification. This system (by a relative historical necessity) had to unfold it self in theological and philosophical rationalism, in order to be overthrown by the power of Christian truth in the natural prog ress of life and thought. Symptoms of it can be detected in the xxx PREFACE. sects of the Middle Ages, and in many of the manifestations that preceded the Reformation ; and it would have broken forth at an earlier period, had not the Evangelical enthusiasm of the Refor mation suppressed it for a time. We may apply here the words of Melancthon, uttered, with his deep historical insight, in a con nexion akin to this : Dogmatum semina, quae longe graviora tumul- tus aliquando excitatura fuerant, nisi Lutherus exortus esset ac stu- dia kominum alio traxisset (Corpus Reformator., tom. i., f. 1083). Far be it from me to judge the heart of any man ; in this regard each must be his own accuser. A man that knows he serves a truth above the range of the human mind knows, at the same time, how far below it he himself stands, and how high, on the other hand, others, whose individual culture modified by the spirit of the age may have laid them open to error, may in heart be raised above their error. Whoever has entered into the struggles of his age will be willing, at the same time that he judges himself, to be mild in his judgments of others, who, although they may have been further carried away by those same struggles, hare preserved a seemly and becoming moderation. It is the principle alone that is in question, and that cannot be judged too strictly. I conclude with the golden words of one of the greatest men of modern times in testimony of the truth, and in opposition, not only to the vain attempt to amalgamate Christianity with the principle of modern mis-culture, but also to the spirit which seeks to reduce all minds to one mode of doctrinal conception — to the stand-point which strives to make the piece-work of human knowl edge absolute. "The man who does not hold Christ's earthly life, with all its miracles, to be as properly and really historical as any event in the sphere of history, and who does not receive all points of the Apostolic Creed with the fullest conviction, I do not conceive to be a Protestant Christian. And as for that Christian ity which is such according to the fashion of the modern philoso phers and Pantheists, without a personal God, without immortal ity, without an individuality of man, without historical faith — it may be a very ingenious and subtle philosophy, but it is no Chris tianity at all. Again and again have I said that I know not what to do with a metaphysical God ; and that I will have no other but the God of the Bible, who is heart to heart. Whoever can recon cile the metaphysical God with the God of the Bible, may try it, and write symbolical books to suit all ages ; but he who admits the absolute inexplicability of the main point, which can only be ap- PREFACE. xxxi proached by asymptotes, will never grieve at the impossibility of possessing any system of religion."* May the man who, with rare world-historical insight, was able to explain the signs of the times, be heard of many ! Berlin, May 6, 1839. * Leben Niebuhr's, Thl. ii., 344. We cannot be too grateful to the publishers for put ting forth this treasure of sound feeling and profound truth. PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION. I have sought, in this fourth edition, to improve, as far as I could, both the matter and form of the work ; but do not deem it necessary to add any thing to what has been said in former pref aces upon my mode of treating the subject. I have thought it best, in spite of a desire to economize space, to republish those prefaces ; adding here and there a remark called for by the rela tions of the times, which I should have otherwise put into a separ ate preface. Although I would willingly have buried in oblivion the unpleasant personal allusions (contained in the second pref ace) to a man whom I honour and esteem, I have considered it necessary to republish it, in view of the truths which it contains, and their bearing upon the times. And now let my book, with the blessing of God, enter anew among the strifes of the age : standing in the midst of which, I shall not suffer myself to be shaken or perplexed by the " rd iv ueou afupoTepudev KTelverai.'' A. Neander Berlin, 3d August, 1845. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. THE IDEA OP THE HISTORY OF CHRIST IN GENERAL. Fnge 9 1. The Indifference of Criticism rejected 1 $ 2. The Truth, that Christ is God-man, presupposed .... 2 } 3. This Presupposition and the historical Accounts mutually confirm and illustrate each other 3 CHAPTER II. SOURCES OP THE HISTORT OP CHRIST. J 4. Traditional Origin of the Synoptical Gospels 6 $ 5. Genuineness of John's Gospel 6 J 6. Results of Criticism * BOOK I. BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF JESUS. CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. } 7. Scantiness of our Information in regard to this Period of Christ's Life; nothing further essential to the Interests of Religion . . .31 J 8. Fundamentally opposite Modes of apprehending the Accounts . . 11 CHAPTER II. THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. } 9. The miraculous Conception demanded a priori, and confirmed it pos teriori ... 13 J 10. No trace of a Mythus in the Narrative. Such a Myth could not have originated among the Jewish People 13 J 11. Objections to the Credibility of the Narrative from the subsequent Dis positions of Christ's Relations answered, (1) from the Nature of the Case ; (2) from the Name Jesus 16 $ 12. Analogical Ideas among the Heathen . 17 CHAPTER III. THE BIRTH AND CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST. J 13. The Birth of Christ in its Relations to the Jewish Theocracy . . 18 $ 14. The miraculous Events that accompanied it 19 $15. The Taxing ; Jesus born at Bethlehem 20 xxxvi CONTENTS. Tags 5 16. The Announcement of the Shepherds ¦ .21 § 17. The Sacrifice of " Purification," and the " Ransom of the First-born." Their Weight as Proof against the Mythical Theory ... 23 § 18. Simeon's prophetic Discourse 24 § 19. The longing of the Heathen for a Saviour. The Star of the Wise Men 25 $ 20. The Massacre of the Innocents, and the Flight into Egypt ... 27 I 21. The Return to Nazareth 28 $ 22. Brothers and Sisters of Jesus ; the mention of them in the Gospel Nar rative a Proof of Credibility 29 $ 23. Consciousness of Messiahship in the Mind of Jesus. Christ among the Doctors 30 BOOK II. THE MENTAL CULTURE OF JESUS : HIS LIFE TO THE TIME OF HIS PUBLIC MINISTRY. CHAPTER I. JESUS NOT EDUCATED IN THE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOLS OF THE JEWS. § 24. The Pharisees 35 § 25. The Sadducees 35 $ 26. The Essenes . . 37 § 27. The Alexandrian Jews 39 } 28. Affinity of Christianity, as absolute Truth, for the various opposing Systems 39 5 29. Christ's Doctrine revealed from Within, not received from Without . 39 $ 30. The popular Sentiment in regard to his Connexion with the Schools . 40 CHAPTER II. THE LIFE OF JESUS TO THE OPENING OF HIS PUBLIC MINISTRY. § 31. Consciousness of Messiahship in Christ 41 BOOK III. PREPARATIVES TO THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF CHRIST PART I. OBJECTIVE PREPARATION: MINISTRY OF JOHN THE BAPTIST CHAPTER I. RELATION OP THE BAPTIST TO THE JEWS. $ 32. How far the Baptist revived the Expectation of a Messiah 45 j 33. Causes of Obscurity in the Accounts left us of the Baptist. Sources, viz., the Evangelists, Josephus ... ag § 34. The Baptist's mode of Life and Teaching in the Desert 48 § 35. John as Baptist and Preacher of Repentance . 40 $ 36. Relations of the Pharisees and Sadducees to the Baptist 50 $ 37. Relations of the Baptist to the People, and to the narrower Circle of his own Disciples } 33. jonn's Demands upon the People compared with those of Christ. His humble Opinion of his own Calling .... ,, CONTENTS. xxxvii CHAPTER II. THE RELATION OF THE BAPTIST TO T"HE MESSIAH. . PaSe $ 39. The Baptist's Explanation of his Relation to Messiah. The Baptism by Water and by Fire 53 §40. The Baptist's Conception of Messiah's, Kingdom ..... 54 §41. The Baptist's Recognition of Jesus as Messiah 55 (1) Import of hie Baptism of Jesus 57 (2) The Continuance of his Ministry 57 (3) Possible Wavering in his Convictions 58 (4) His Message from Prison . .60 (5) Conduct of his Disciples towards Jesus 60 § 42. The Phenomena at the Baptism, and their Import .... 61 (1) No ecstatic Vision ' . . . , 61 (2) The Ebionitish View, and its Opposite 62 (3) Developement of the Notion of Baptism in New Testament . . ,63 (4) The Baptism of Christ not a Rite of Purification . . • .64 (5) But of Consecration to his Theocratic Reign 65 (6} John's previous Acquaintance with Christ 65 (7) Explanation of John, i., 31 66 (8) The Vision and the Voice : intended exclusively for the Baptist . 67 PART II. SUBJECTIVE PREPARATION : THE TEMPTATION OF CHRIST. CHAPTER I, IMPORT OP THE INDIVIDUAL TEMPTATIONS. § 43. The Hunger 70 § 44. The Pinnacle of the Temple 71 } 45. The World-Dominion 72 CHAPTER II. IMPORT OP THE TEMPTATION AS A WHOLE. § 46. Fundamental Idea 73 § 47. The Temptation not an inward one, but the Work of Satan . . 73 BOOK IV. THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF CHRIST ACCORDING. TO ITS REAL CONNEXION. PART I. THE PLAN OF CHRIST. CHAPTER I. THE PLAN OF CHRIST IN GENERAL. § 48. Had Christ a conscious Plan ? 79 J 49 Connexion with the Old Testament Theocracy . , . 81 4 IO Christ's steadfast Consciousness of Messiahship . ' . . .81 xxviii CONTENTS. P«8» § 51. His Plan underwent no Alterations ." . ' § 52. Two-fold Bearing of the Kingdom of God. (1) An inward, spiritual Power : (2) A world-renewing Power **6 CHAPTER II. THE PLAN OF CHRIST IN ITS RELATION TO THE OLD TESTAMENT IDEA OF TH£ KINGDOM OF GOD. § 53. Christ's Observance of the Jewish Worship and Law . § 54. His Manifestation greater than the Temple . § 55. The Conversation with the Samaritan Woman § 56. The " Destroying" and " Fulfilling" of the Law . § 57. The Interpolation in Luke, vi., 4. (Cod. Cant.) . 8889 90 91 92 CHAPTER III. NEW FORM OF THE IDEA OF THE PERSON OF THE THEOCRATIC KING. § 58. The Names " Son of God" and " Son of Man" 94 \ 59. Import of the Title " Son of Man," as used by Christ himself. Rejec tion of Alexandrian and other Analogies 95 § 60. Import of the Title " Son of God" 96 (1) John's Sense of the Title accordant with that of the other Evan gelists 96 (2) And confirmed by Paul's 97 PART II. THE MEANS AND. INSTRUMENTS OF CHRIST. CHAPTER I. THE MEANS OF CHRIST IN GENERAL. § 61. Christ a Spiritual Teacher 99 § 62. Different Theatres of his Work as Teacher 99 § 63. Choice and Training of the Apostles to be subordinate Teachers . 100 CHAPTER II. Christ's mode of teaching in regard to its method and form. a. its general principles. § 64. His Mode of Teaching adapted to the Stand-point of his Hearers . .101 § 65. His Truth presented in Germ to be developed : Seeds of Thought . 102 § 66. Its Results dependent upon the Susceptibility of the Hearers . . 103 § 67. This corresponds to the general Law of Developement of the Kingdom of God 106 B. CHRIST'S USE OF PARABLES. § 68. Idea of the Parable. Distinction between Parable, Fable, and Mythus 107 § 69. Order in which the Parables were delivered. Their Perfection. Mode of interpreting them jq8 § 70. Clirist's Teaching not confined to Parables, but conveyed also in longer Discourses 109 § 71. John's Gospel contains chiefly connected and profound Discourses, and why? 110 § 72. The Parable of ^the Shepherd, in John, compared with the Parables in the. other Gospels jjj CONTENTS. xxxix C. CHRIST'S USE OF ACCOMMODATION. Page §73. Necessity of Accommodation 113 § 74. Distinction between Material and Formal Accommodation . . . 114 §75. Christ's Application of Passages from Old Testament . . . .115 CHAPTER IIL CHOICE AND TRAINING OF THE APOSTLES AS TEACHERS. § 76. Christ's Relation to the Twelve. Significance of the Number. The Name Apostle 116 §77. Choice of the Apostles. Of Judas Iscariot 117 § 78. The Apostles uneducated Men 119 § 79. ' Two Stages in their Dependence upon Christ 120 § 80. Christ's peculiar Method of Training the Apostles .... 121 CHAPTER IV. THE CHURCH AND BAPTISM. § 81. Founding of the Church. Its Objects 122 § 82. Name of the Church. Its Form traced back to Christ . . . 123 § 83. Later Institution of Baptism as an initiatory Rite 126 CHAPTER V. THE MIRAT3LES OF CHRIST! THEIR CHARACTER AND OBJECTS. A. THE OBJECTIVE CHARACTER OF MIRACLES. § 84. Connexion of Christ's Miracles with his Mode of Teaching . . . 127 § 85. Negative Element . , . , 127 § 86. Positive Element. Teleological Object . . . . . .129 § 87. Relation of Miracles to the Course of Nature 130 § 88. Relation of the individual Miracles to the highest Miracle^ viz., the Manifestation of Christ 131 § 89. Relation of Miracles to History 132 B. THE MIRACLES OF CHRIST AS VIEWED BY HIS CONTEMPORARIES. § 90. Miracles deemed an essential "Sign of Messiahship . . . .132 C CHRIST'S OWN ESTIMATE OF HIS MIRACLES. §91. Apparent Discrepancies : Mode of removing them .... 134 (1) Two-fold Object of the Miracles . 134 (2) A Susceptibility for Impression presupposed 135 § 92. His Explanation of the "Sign of the Prophet Jonah" .... 136 § 93. His Declaration, " Destroy this Temple," &c 137 § 94. His Distinction between the Material and Formal in the Miracles . 137 §95. His Appeals to Miracles as Testimony. Three different Stages of Faith 138 § 96. The Communication of the Divine Life the highest Miracle . . . 140 CHAPTER VI. THE MIRACLES OF CHRIST CONSIDERED IN REGARD TO SUPERNATURAL AGENCY. § 97. Transition from the Natural to the Supernatural in the Miracles . . 140 A. MIRACLES WROUGHT UPON HUMAN NATURE. I. The Healing of Diseases. '§ 98. Use of Spiritual Agencies. Faith demanded for the Cure . . . 141 § 99. Use of Physical Agencies ¦ < 142 xl CONTENTS. Page J 100 Relation between Sin and Physical Evil. Jewish Idea of Punitive Justice. Clirist's Doctrine on the Subject 143 II. Demoniacal Possession. § 101. Two extreme Theories. Analogous Phenomena .... 145 § 102. Connexion pf the Phenomena with the State of the Times . . .146 § 103. Accommodation of the two extreme Theories 147 § 104. Christ's Explanations of Demonism purely Spiritual. His Accom modation to the Conceptions of the Demoniacs .... 149 § 105. Differences between Christ's Cures of DemoniacB and the Operations of the Jewish Exorcists 150 III. The Raising of the Dead. § 106. Different Views on these Miracles 151 B. MIRACLES WROUGHT UPON MATERIAL NATURE. § 107. Most obvious Manifestations of Supernatural Power .... 152 BOOK V. THE PUBLIC MINISTRY OF CHRIST ACCORDING TO ITS CHRONOLOGICAL CONNEXION. •INTRODUCTION. ON THE DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE SYNOPTICAL GOSPELS AND JOHN. § 108. Differences in Chronology 155 §109. Differences aS to the Theatre of Christ's Labours .... 155 § 110. Proof that Christ frequently exercised his Ministry in Judra and Jerusalem 156 PART I. FROM THE COMMENCEMENT OF CHRIST'S PUBLIC MINISTRY TO THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY. CHAPTER I. JESUS AND JOHN THE BAPTIST. THE FIRST DISCIPLES. §111. Message of the Sanhedrim to John at Bethabara .... 159 § 112. John points to Jesus as the Suffering Messiah, and testifies to his Higher Dignity 160 § 113. John and Andrew, Disciples of the Baptist, attach themselves to Jesus. Gradual Attraction of others Ig2 CHAPTER II. FIRST PUBLIC TEACHING OF CHRIST. CAPERNAUM. § 114. Miraculous Draught of Fishes. Effect on Peter, Andrew, James, and Jolm • 162 §115. The Calling of Nathanael . . ¦ ... 164 CHAPTER III. CHRIST AT CANA. § 116. The Water changed into Wine. Character and Import of the Miracle 166 CONTENTS. xii CHAPTER IV. FIRST JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM TO ATTEND THE FEAST OF PASSOVER. Page § 117. The Cleansing of the Temple 168 § 118. The Saying of Christ, "Destroy this Temple," &c. . . „ . .170 § 119. Christ and Nicodemus . . . . .* . . . 173 (1) Dispositions of the Pharisees and People : of Nicodemus . . 173 (2) The New Birth . . 174 (3) The Birth of " Water and the Spirit" . . . . m . .175 (4) Christ intimates his own Sufferings 177 CHAPTER V. JESUS AT J5NON, NEAR SALIM. § 120. Jealousy of John's Disciples.. Final Testimony of the Baptist. His Imprisonment 173 CHAPTER VI. RETURN THROUGH SAMARIA TO GALILEE". THE SAMARITAN WOMAN. §121. First Impressions of the Samaritan Woman 180 § 122. Christ's Decision between the Worship of the Jews and that of the Samaritans 181 § 123. The Worship of God in " Spirit and in Truth" 182 § 124. Bearing of the Spiritual Worship upon Practical Life* . . . . 183 § 125. Christ Glances at the future Progress of his Kingdom, and at his own Death 184 §126. Subsequent State of the Samaritans 185 CHAPTER VII. Christ's first general ministry in Galilee. § 127. Christ heals the Nobleman's Son. Chooses Capernaum as his Abode 185 § 128. Christ appears in the Synagogue at Nazareth. His Life is Endangered 186 § 129. Parable of the Sower. Christ's Explanation of it . . . . 188 § 130. Parable of the Draw-net : of the Wheat and Tares 190 § 131. Christ subdues the Storm. Character of the Miracle. Its moral Import 191 § 132. The Gadarene Demoniac 192 § 133. Return to the west Side of the Sea. Healing of the Issue of Blood . 195 § 134. Raising of Jairus's Daughter, and of the Widow's Son at Nain . . 196 § 135. Doubts of John Baptist in Prison. His Message. Christ's Testimony concerning Him. Relation of Old and New Dispensations . .198 § 136. Relation of the People to the Baptist and to Christ. The Easy Yoke and the Light. Burden. Jewish Legalism contrasted with Christian Liberty ... 201 { 137. Christ's Conversation with the Pharisees in regard to Kb Disciples' Mode of Life. The Morals of Fasting . . . . . .203 § 138. Parable of the New Patch on the Old Garment : of the New Wine in ' Old Bottles 205 § 139. Forms of Prayer. The Lord's Prayer 208 § 140. Christ and the Magdalen at Simon's House. Reciprocal Action of Love and Faith in the Forgiveness of Sins 211 § 141. Call of Matthew the. Publican. The Feast 213 xhi CONTENTS. Page 1 } 142. Christ's different Modes of Reply to those who questioned his Con duct in consorting with Sinners. Parable of the Prodigal Son : of the Pharisee and Publican 214 CHAPTER VIII. Christ's second journey to Jerusalem. § 143. The Miracle of the Pool of Bethesda. The Words of Christ in the Temple to the Man healed 217 § 144. Christ accused of Sabbath-breaking and Blasphemy. His Discourse in Vindication .¦ 218 § 145. The Discourse continued: Christ -intimates his greater Works. His Judgment, and the Resurrection. 219 § 146. The Discourse continued: Christ Appeals to the Testimony of his Works . 220 § 147. The Discourse continued : Incapacity of the Jews to Understand the Testimony of God in the Scriptures 221 CHAPTER IX. Christ's second course of extended labour in galilee. The Sermon on the Mount. Introduction. § 148. (1) Place and Circumstances ........ 223 (2) Subject-matter of the Sermon; viz., the Kingdom of God as the Aim of the Old Dispensation 223 (3) Two Editions of the Sermon : Matthew's and Luke's . . . 224 (4) Its Pervading Rebuke of Carnal Conceptions of the Messiahship . 224 I. The Beatitudes. §149. Moral Requisites for Entering the Kingdom of God .... 224 (1) Poverty of Spirit 224 (2) Meekness 225 (3) Hungering and Thirsting after Righteousness .... 226 § 150. Moral Result of Entering the Kingdom. " The Pure in Heart see God" 826 § 151. Moral Relations of the Members of the Kingdom to their Fellow-men- viz., they are " Peace-makers," and " Persecuted" .... 227 II. Influence of the Members of the Kingdom of God in Renewing the World. § 152. The Disciples of Christ the "Light" and "Salt" of the Earth . . 228 III. The Law of Christian Life the Fulfilmewtof the Old Law. § 153. Fulfilling the Law and the Prophets 229 § 154. Fulfilling the Law in the Higher Sense. General Contrast between the Juridical and Moral Stand-points . . . 231 § 155. Fulfilling tbe Law in the Higher Sense. Special Examples, viz., (1.) Murder; (2.) Adultery; (3.) Divorce; (4.) Perjury; (5.) Revenge; (6.) National Exclusiveness .... nqo IV. True Religion contrasted with the Mock Piety of the Pharisees. § 156. (1.) Alms, Prayer, and Fasting; (2.) Rigid Judgment of Self, Mild Judgment of others ; (3.) Test of Sincerity . . 035 V. Warning to the Children of the Kingdom. § 157. Exhortation to Self-denial. Warning against Seducers . oog VI. True and False Disciples Contrasted. § 158. Test of Discipleship „ CONTENTS. xliii Page § 159. Healing of the Leper on the Way to Capernaum . . . 237 § 160. Healing of the Centurion's Slave at Capernaum . . w , • ¦ 238 § 161. Healing of the Deaf and Dumb Demoniac. Charge of a League with Beelzebub refuted . • < • , 239 §162. Conjuratipns of the Jewish Exorcists , - . . . . ' . . 241 § 163. Blasphemy against the Holy Ghost, and against the Son of Man . "243 § 164. Purpose of Christ's Relatives to confine him as a Lunatic . . . 244 § 1657 Demand for a Sign answered by "the Sign of the Prophet Jonah" . 245 § 166. Discourse at a Feast against the Pharisees and Lawyers . . . 246 § 167. The Disciples Warned against the Pharisees. Power of Truth . . 248 § 168. Christ Heals a Paralytic at Capernaum. Charge of Blasphemy Re pelled . . .*.,.-¦ 250 § 169. Withered Hand healed On the Sabbath. Objections anticipated . 252 § 170. Infirm Woman healed on the Sabbath. Pharisees disconcerted . . 253 § 171. Precedence at Feasts. Parable of the Great Supper .... 254 § 172. The Pharisees attack the Disciples for plucking Corn on the Sabbath. Christ defends them 255 § 173. Discourse against the merely outward Cleanliness of the Pharisees . 256 § 174. Trial Mission of the Apostles in Galilee 257 (1) Objects of the Mission. Powers of the Missionaries . . . 257 (2) Instructions to the Missionaries. , Reasons for the Exclusion of Samaritans and Heathen ........ 258 (3) Instructions continued : the Apostles to rely on Providence . . 260 § 175. Various Opinions entertained of Jesus ...... 260 §176. Return of the Apostles. Feeding of the Five Thousand . . . 261 § 177. Christ Walks upon the Waters . . ^ . . . . . 264 § 178. Christ in the Synagogue at Capernaum 265 (1) Carnal Mind of the Multitude rebuked 265 (2) Christ the " Bread of Life" 266 (3) Eating Christ's Flesh and Drinking his Blood . . . .267 (4) Sifting of the Apostles. Confession of Peter .... 269 CHAPTER X. JESUS IN NORTH GALILEE, AND ON THE WAY TO CESAREA PHILIPPI. § 179. Reasons of the Journey 270 § 180. Blind Man cured at Bethsaida. Peter's Second Confession. Power of the. Keys 270 § 181. The Disciples forbidden to reveal Christ's Messianic Dignity. Peter's Weakness rebuked 272 § 182. Monitions to the Apostles 273 (1) Wisdom of Serpents and Harmlessness of Doves . . . . 273 (2) Parable of the Unjust Steward 274 (3) " Friends of the Mammon of Unrighteousness" .... 275 § 183. Caution against imprudent Zeal 277 § 184. The Syro-Phcenician Woman. (1.) Her Prayer; (2.) Her Repulse; (3.) Her persevering Faith; (4.) The Result 279 § 185. The Transfiguration 281 § 186. Elias a Forerunner of -Messiah ........ 283 § 187. Cure of a Demoniac, after vain Attempts of the Disciples . . . 283 § 188. The Disciples' Failure explained. The Power of Faith. Prayer and Fasting .285 § 189. Return to Oapernaum. Dispute for Precedence. The Child a Pattern. Acting in the Name of Christ . . 286 sliv CONTENTS. Page § 190. Christ's two Sayings, " He that is not against you is for you;'' and, " He that is not for me is against me" • "°<> § 191. The Stater in the Fish 29° CHAPTER XI. Christ's journey to Jerusalem to attend the feast of tabbrnacles. § 192. His Precautions against the Sanhedrim 291 § 193. Christ Explains the Nature of his Teaching as Divine Revelation . 292 § 194. The Pharisees attempt to arrest Him . 293 § 195. Christ a " Spring of Living Water," and the " Light of the World." Vahdity of his Testimony of Himself 294 § 196. Connexion between Steadfastness, Truth, and Freedom . . .296 § 197. Vain Attempts of the Sanhedrim. First Decision against Christ . 297 § 198. Man born Blind healed on the Sabbath. Individual Sufferings not to be judged a Punishment for Sin . . . ¦ , • • 298 § 199. Attempts of the Sanhedrim to corrupt the restored Man. " The^Sight of the Blind, and the Blindness of the Seeing" . . . .300 § 200. Parable of the Good Shepherd. The Parable extended . . .301 § 201. Divisions among the People. Christ returns to Galilee . . . 302 CHAPTER XII. RETURN FROM CAPERNAUM TO JERUSALEM THROUGH SAMARIA. § 202. Reasons for the Journey through Samaria 303 §203. Mission of the Seventy. Significance of the Number . . . . 304 § 204. Instructions to the Seventy. The Wo to the Unbelieving Cities . 305 § 205. Exultation of the Disciples. Christ warns them against Vanity . . 306 § 206. The Kingdom revealed to Babes. Blessedness of the Disciples in be holding it 307 § 207. Requisites of Discipleship. Self-Denial, Submission, taking up the Cross 309 § 208. Self-Denial further illustrated : Parables of the building of the Tower, of the Warring King, of the Sacrificial Salt, of the Treasure hid in a Field, of the Pearl of Great Price 311 § 209. Christ refuses to interfere in Civil Disputes. His Decision in the Case of the Adulteress . •. 312 § 210. Christ Intimates the Future ' . 314 §211. Parables of the Mustard Seed and the Leaven ..... 314 § 212. The Fire to be Kindled. The Baptism of Sufferings. Christianity, not Peace, but a Sword . 3jg § 213. The Kingdom of God cometh not with Observation .... 317 §214. Christ's personal Return and the Day of Judgment . . .317 § 215. Exhortation to Watch for Christ's Coming. The importunate Widow 318 §216. Call to entire Devotion. The Straight Gate ... .319 § 217. The Signs of the Times .320 § 218. The contracted Jewish Theocracy Rejected . 321 § 219. Parable of Dives and Lazarus „21 § 220. Persecutions of Herod Antipas ,„„ §221. Christ Speaks of his Death ! 323 § 222. Heahng of the Ten Lepers. Ingratitude of the Nine. Gratitude of the one Samaritan „„. CONTENTS. xiv CHAPTER XIII. Christ's stay at Jerusalem during the feast of dedication. § 223. His Statement of the Proofs of his Messiahship. His Oneness with the Father. He defends his Words from the Old Testament . . 326 CHAPTER XIV. CHRIST IN PER.EA (BETHABARA). § 224. His Decision oh the Question of Divorce. Celibacy .... 328 § 225. The Blessing of Little Children ........ 331 § 226. Conversation with the rich Ruler of the Synagogue .... 332 § 227. The Dangers of Wealth . . . 334 § 228. The Reign of Believers with Christ . . . . . . .335 CHAPTER XV. CHRIST IN BETHANY. § 229. Family of Lazarus. Martha and Mary. Their different Tendencies 336 §230. Sickness of Lazarus. Christ's Reply to the Messengers . . . 337 § 231. Death of Lazarus. Christ's Conversation with the Disciples in regard to it 338 § 232. Death of Lazarus: Christ's Conversation with Martha; with Mary . 340 § 233. Resurrection of Lazarus. Christ's Prayer 342 § 234. Measures of the Sanhedrim 343 CHAPTER XVI. CHRIST IN EPHRAIM. § 235. The Necessity for his Death 344 CHAPTER XVII, CHRIST'S LAST PASSOVER JOURNEY TO JERUSALEM. § 236. Journey to Jericho. Blind Bartimeus 345 § 237. Christ Lodges with Zaccheus 346 §238. The Request of Salome. Ambition of the Disciples rebuked . . 347 § 239. Parable of the Pounds 348 § 240. Parable of the Labourers in the Vineyard 349 § 241. Passion for Rewards rebuked ., 350 § 242. Christ Anointed by Mary in Bethany 351 PART II. FROM THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY TO THE ASCENSION. CHAPTER I. FROM THE TRIUMPHAL ENTRY TO THE LAST SUPPER. § 243. The Entry into Jerusalem 354 §244. Sadness of Christ at Sight of the City 356 § 245. The Fig-tree Cursed. Parable of the Fig-tree 357 § 246. Machinations of the Pharisees 359 § 247.\Union of the Pharisees and Herodians. Tribute to Caesar . . . 360 §248. Christ's Reply to the Pharisees about the Resurrection . . .361 §249. His Exposition of the First and Great Commandment . . . 362 §250. Parable of the Good Samaritan 363 xlvi CONTENTS. J* § 251. Christ's Interpretation of Psalm ex., 1 .... 364 § 252. The Widow's Mite . ., . 366 § 253. Christ predicts the Divine Judgments upon Jerusalem . . .366 § 254. He predicts the Coming of the Kingdom, and the Second Advent . 367 § 255. Parable of the Marriage Feast of the King's Son .... 369 §256. Parable of the wicked Vine-dressers .371 § 257. Parable of the Talents compared with that of the Pounds . . .372 § 258. Parable of the Wise and Foolish Virgins i 373 § 259. Christ teaches that Faith must prove itself by Works . . . .373 § 260. The Heathens with Christ 375 § 261. Christ's Struggles of Soul. The Voice from Heaven . . . .376 § 262. Christ closes his Public Ministry 378 §263. Machinations of his Enemies 378 §264. Motives of Judas in Betraying Christ 379 (1) Avarice? 380 (2) False Views of Christ's Messiahship ? 381 ( 3) Gradually developed Hostility? 383 CHAPTER II. THE LAST SUPPER. § 265. Object of Christ in the Last Supper 384 5 266. Christ's washing of the Disciples' Feet 386 § 267. His Words with, and concerning, his Betrayer 387 § 268. Institution of the Eucharist 388 CHAPTER IH. Christ's last discourses at table with the disciples. § 269. The New Commandment 391 § 270. The Request of Peter : Christ predicts his Denial . . . .392 § 271. He predicts Danger to his Disciples 392 § 272. He consoles the Disciples 394 § 273. Conversation with Philip and Thomas 395 § 274. Of Prayer in the Name of Christ. He promises the Comforter . . 397 § 275. Christ's Salutation of " Peace." Its Import 398 CHAPTER IV. DISCOURSES OF CHRIST AFTER RISING FROM TABLE. §276. Similitude of the Vine and Branches. The Law of Love . . . 399 §277. Final Promise of the Holy Ghost 400 § 278. Christ's Prayer as High-priest 402 CHAPTER V. GETHSEMANE. § 279. Comparison of John's Gospel with the Synoptical Gospels . . . 404 § 280. The Agony in the Garden 407 § 281. The Arrest. Peter's Haste rebuked .... . 408 CHAPTER VI. THE TRIAL AND CONDEMNATION. § 282. Night. Examination before Annas i,n i 283. Morning. Examination before Caiaphas .... 411 CONTENTS. xlvii Page §284. Double-dealing of the Sanhedrim i 412 § 285. Christ before Pilate. His Kingdom not of this World . . .413 § 286. Christ sent to Herod 415 § 287. Pilate's Fruitless Efforts to save Christ. Dream of Pilate's Wife . 415 § 288. Last Conversation with Pilate. The Sentence 416 § 289. Christ led to Calvary. Simon of Cyrene 417 CHAPTER VII. THE CRUCIFIXION. § 290. Details of the Crucifixion 418 § 291. Christ prays for his Enemies. The two Thieves . . . .419 § 292. Christ's Exclamation, Psalm xxii. His last Words . . . .420 § 293. Phenomena accompanying the Death of Christ 421 CHAPTER VIII. THE RESURRECTION. § 294. Did Christ predict his Resurrection? 422 § 295. Sudden Transition of the Apostles from Dejection to Joy. Argument from this 423 §296. Was the Reappearance of Christ a Vision ? 424 § 297. Was Christ's a real Death? 425 § 298. The Resurrection intended only for Believers 428 § 299. The Women, Peter, and John at the Grave 428 § 300. Christ appears to the Women ; to Mary ; to the two Disciples on the Way to Emmaus 429 § 301. Christ appears to Peter; to all the Apostles except Thomas . . 431 § 302. Christ appears to five hundred Believers ; to James ; to all the Apostles. Conversation with Thomas 432 § 303. Christ appears in Galilee to the Seven on Genesareth . . . 434 § 304 Christ appears in Galilee for the last Time 435 § 305 Christ appears for the last Time near Jerusalem .... 435 CHAPTER IX. THE ASCENSION. i § 306 Connexion of the Ascension with the Resurrection .... 436 § 307 The Ascension necessary for the Conviction of the Apostles . . 437 § 308. Connexion of all the supernatural Facts in Christ's Manifestation . 438 INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER I. THE IDEA OF THE HISTORY OF CHRIST IN GENERAL. § 1. The Indifference of Criticism rejected. IT has been often said that, in order to true inquiry, we must take noth ing for granted.* Of late this statement has been reiterated anew, with special reference to the exposition of the Life of Christ. At the outset of our work we refuse to meet such a demand. To comply vrith it is impracticable ; the very attempt contradicts the sacred laws of our being. We cannot entirely free ourselves from presuppositions, which are born with our nature, and which attach to the fixed course of prog ress in which we ourselves are involved. They control our conscious ness, whether we will or no ; and the supposed freedom from them is, in fact, nothing else but the exchange of one set for another. Some of these prepossessions, springing from a higher necessity, founded in the moral order of the universe, and derived from the eternal lawsf of the Creator, constitute the very ground and support of our nature. From such we must not free ourselves. But we are ever in peril of exchanging these legitimate sovereigns of our spiritual being, against which nothing but arbitrary will can re bel, for the prepossessions of a self-created or traditional prejudice, which have no other than an arbitrary origin, and which rule by no better title than usurpation. But for this peril, the way of the science of life would be as safe as the way of life itself. Life moves on in the midst of such diversified and ever-commingling prepossessions, espe cially in our own time, which, torn by contrarieties (contrarieties, how ever, which subserve a higher wisdom by balancing each other), forms the period of transition to a new and better creation. On the one hand we behold efforts to bring the human mind again into bondage to the host of arbitrary prejudices which had long enough enslaved it ; and * [Voraussetzungslosigkeit : " freedom from presuppositions."] t Of which, says Sophocles, beautifully, (Lv SXvfuros zarflp povos, oiiSi viv Svara $vais avipiav triKrzv, ivSk ixdv iroT£\d9a Karaicoiudaa | Itfyas iv roiiToif 5e&s oiSi yrip&oKit. 1 2 INTRODUCTION. on the other, we see a justifiable protest against these prejudices run ning into the extreme of rejecting even those holy prepossessions which ought to rule our spiritual being, and which alone can offer it true freedom. What, then, is the duty of Science,'? Must she dismiss all prepos sessions, and work out her task by unassisted thought ? Far from it. From nothing nothing comes ; the Father of spirits alone is a Creator, Empty indeed is that enthusiasm which seeks only the mere sound of truth — abstract, formal truth.* This absolute abnegation of all pre possessions would free the soul from those holy ties by which alone it can connect itself with its source — the source of all truth — and com prehend it by means of its revelations in humanity. The created spirit cannot deny its dependence upon God, the only creative Spirit ; and it is its obvious destination to apprehend the revelation of God in crea tion, in nature, and in history. So, the work of science can only be to distinguish the prepossessions which an inward necessity constrains us to recognize, from such as are purely voluntary. Indeed, the healthful- ness of our spiritual life depends upon our ridding ourselves of the latter, and, at the same time, yielding in lowliness and singleness of heart to the former, as the law of the Creator, as the means by which light from heaven may be conveyed to our minds. All that the intellect has to do in regatd to these last is to demonstrate their necessity, and to show that our being contradicts itself in rebelling against them. § 2. The Truth, that Christ is God-Man, presupposed. What, then, is the special presupposition with which we must ap proach the contemplation of the Life of Christ 1 It is one on which hangs the very being of the Christian as such ; the existence of the Christian Church, and the nature of Christian consciousness.! It is * It is one of Pascal's best thoughts, that " On se fait une idole de Ia verite mime ; car la verite hors de la charite n'est pas Dieu ; c'est son image, et une idole, qu'il ne faut point aimer, ni adorer, et encore moins faut-il aimer ou adorer son contraire, qui est le men songe." t It was one of the epoch-making indications of Schleiermacher's influence upon theol ogy that he , succeeded in stamping this phrase (Christian consciousness) as cmrent, with the meaning that he assigned to it, in an age which (although some men, blind to the les sons of history, look back upon it longingly as tbe golden age of our nation) was guided only by the naked understanding, and destitute at once of faith and of true historical insight He used it to denote Christianity as an undeniable, self-revealing power, entering into the life of humanity; an immediate, internal power in the spiritual world, from which went forth, and is ever going forth, the regeneration of the life of man, and which produces phe nomena which can be explained in no other way. This phrase, and the thought which it expresses, are able to maintain their ground against that formalism of thought which is so nostile to every thing immediate, and wishes to substitute empty abstractions for the living powers that move the human race, as well as against that low and mean view of the world (impertinently obtrusive as it has been of late) which owns no power above those which build rail-ways and set steam-engines agoing. As the intuitive consciousness of God in dicates to tne human mind the existence, the omnipresent power, and the self-revelation of INTRODUCTION. 3 one at whose touch of power the dry bones of the old world sprung up in all the vigour of a new creation. It gave birth to all that culture (the modem as distinguished from the ancient) from which" the Germanic nations received their peculiar intellectual life, and from which the emancipation of the mind, grown too strong for its bonds, was devel oped in the Reformation. It is the very root and ground of our mod ern civilization ; and the latter, even in its attempts to separate from this root, must rest upon it : indeed, should such attempts succeed, it must dissolve into its original elements, and assume an entirely new form. It is, in a word, the belief that Jesus Christ is the Son of God in a sense which cannot be predicated of any human being, — the perfect image of the personal God in the form of that humanity that was es tranged from him ; that in him the source of the Divine life itself in humanity appeared ; that by him the idea of humanity was realized § 3. This presupposed Truth and the Historical Accounts mutually con firm and illustrate each other. But as man's higher nature can only reach its true destiny in Chris tian consciousness, from which the great First Truth just mentioned is inseparable, it is necessary that this first truth should be shown to be essential also to the general consciousness of man. That it is so can be proved from its harmony with the universal and essential" prepos sessions of human nature ; but the exhibition of this proof belongs more properly to the department of Apologetics. It is shown to be a neces sary and not a voluntary prepossession ; first, because it satisfies a fun damental want of human nature, a want created by history, and fore' shadowing its own fulfilment ; and, secondly, because this view of Christ's person arose from the. direct impression which his appearance among men made upon the eye-witnesses, and, through them, upon the whole human race. This image of Christ, which has always propa gated itself in the consciousness of the Christian Church, originated in, and ever points back to, the revelation of Christ himself, without which, indeed, it could never have arisen. As man's limited intellect could never, without the aid of revelation, have originated the idea of God, so the image of Christ, of which we have spoken, could never have sprung from the consciousness of sinful humanity, but must be regard ed as the reflection of the actual life of such a Christ. It is Christ's self-revelation, made, through all generations, in the fragments of his history that remain, and in the workings of his Spirit which inspires a personal Deity, so does this " Christian consciousness" testify that Christ lived, and that he continues, by his Spirit, to operate upon mankind. The works of creation only reveal God to him who aheady has a consciousness of the Divine existence ; for he who has not God within can find him nowhere. So it is only he who has a " Christian consciousness" that can recognize Christ in the fragments of tradition and the manifestations of history, or that can comprehend the history of Christ and his Church. INTRODUCTION. these fragments, and enables us to recognize in them one complete whole.* It is a stream of the Divine Life which has spread abroad through all ages since the establishment of the Christian Church. And the peculiar mark of this Divine Life is precisely this, that it is ground ed in a consciousness of absolute dependence upon Christ ; that it is nothing else but a constant renewing after the image of Christ. But as we often find this stream darkened and troubled, we are necessarily led back to Him, the well-spring from whom the full-flowing fountain of Divine Life gushes forth in all its purity; the Son of God, and the Redeemer of men. He who could with Divine confidence present himself as such to mankind, and call all men to come unto him to satis fy the cravings of their higher nature, must have had within himself the authority of an infallible consciousness. Now if we can show that the Life of Christ, without the aid of the First Truth which forms the ground of our conception of it, must be unintelligible, while, on the contrary, with its assistance, we can frame the Life into a harmonious whole, then its claims will be established even in the exposition of the Life itself.t Nay, the idea of Christ * Strauss, in his " Leben Jesu" (part ii., p. 719), has drawn a just distinction between the abstract idea of human perfection wbich is involved in our consciousness of sinfulness, and seems inseparable from our natural tendency to the idea of God, and the " actual (con crete) working out of the picture, with the traits of individual reality." In relation to this last he says, " Such a faultless picture could not be exhibited by a sinful man in a sinful age ; but," adds he, " such an age, itself not free from these defects, would not be conscious of them ; and if the picture is only sketched, and stands in need of much illustration, it may, even in a later and more clear-sighted age, willing to afford favorable illustrations, be re garded as faultless." In opposition to this, we have to say that the picture of the Life of Christ which has been handed down to us does not exhibit the spirit of that age, but a far higher Spirit, which, manifesting itself in the lineaments of the picture, exerted a regen erating influence not only in that age, but on all succeeding generations. The image of hu man perfection, concretely presented in the Life of Christ, stands in manifold contradiction to the tendencies of humanity in that period ; no one of them, no combination of them, dead, as they were, could account for it. Whence, then, in that impure age, came such a pic ture (a picture which the age itself could not completely understand, of which the age could only now and then seize a congenial trait to make a caricature of), tbe contemplating of which raised the human race of that and following ages to a new developement of spiritual life ? The study of this picture has given a new view of the destiny of humanity ; a new con ception of what the ideal of human virtue should be, and a new theory of morals : all which vanish, however, when we withdraw our gaze from its lineaments. The spirit of ethics, which had taken to itself only certain features of the picture broken from their connexion with the whole, and was corrupted by foreign elements that had bound themselves up with the Christian consciousness, was purified again in contemplating the unmutilated historical Prototype in the days of the Reformation. And whenever the spirit of the age cuts itself loose, either in the popular turn of thought or in the schools of philosophy, from this his torical relation, it estranges itself also from the ethics of Christianity, and sets up a new and different ideal of perfection from that which the revelation of Christ has grounded in the consciousness of man. So much for what Strauss, 1. u., and Baur (Gnosis, p. 655), have said against Schleier macher. t Tis tmodhus iroioiiisvos oiiK afxtti, aXXi r$ im iiroBhus, olov imBdms rs Kal hpuds, as Plato says, in a different connexion, at the end of the sixth book of the Republic. INTRODUCTION. 5 which has come down to us through Christian consciousness (the chief element of which is the impress which He himself left upon the, souls of the Apostles) will, by comparison with the living manifestation [i. e., of Christ in his life), be more and more distinctly defined and devel oped in its separate features, and more and more freed from foreign elements. So it is in considering the life of any man who has materially and beneficially affected the progress of the race, especially if the results of his labours have touched upon our own interests. We form in ad vance some idea of such a man, and are not disposed, from any doubt ful acts of his that may be raid before us, to change our preconceived notion for an opposite one. But while this preconceived idea may be our guide in studying the life of such a man, the study itself will con tribute to enlarge and rectify the individual lineaments of the picture. But we must not lose sight of one important difference. In all other men there is a contrast between the ideal and the phenomenal. While in many of their traits we may discern the Divine principle which forms their individuality, the archetype of their manifestation in time, in others we see opposing elements, which go to make a mere carica ture of that principle. We can obtain no clear view of the aim of the life of such men, unless we can seize upon the higher element which forms the individual character ; just as an artist might depict accurately a man's organic features, and, for want of the peculiar intellectual ex pression, fail completely in giving the entire living physiognomy. But without a conception of the living whole we could not detect the sep arate features which mar the harmony of the picture. On the other side, again, if we contemplate the whole apart from the individual features, we shall only form an arbitrary ideal, not at all corresponding to the reality. In Christ, however, the ideal and the phenomenal never contradict each other. All depends upon our viewing rightly together the separate features in their connexion with the higher unity of the whole. We presuppose this view of the whole, in order to a just conception of the parts, and to avoid regarding any necessary feature in the light of a caricature. This can the more easily be done, as the phenomena which we are here to contemplate stand alone, and can be compared with no other. And as, even in studying the life of an eminent man, we must commune With his spirit in order to obtain a complete view of his being, so we must yield ourselves up to the Spirit' of Christ, whom we acknowledge and adore as exalted above us, that He him self may show us his Divine image in the mirror of his Life, and teach us how to distinguish all prejudices of our own creating from the nec essary laws of our being. INTRODUCTION. CHAPTER II. SOURCES FOR THE HISTORY OF CHRIST. § 4. Traditional Origin of the Synoptical Gospels. IN using the authorities, I shall follow the general rules of historical criticism, and seek the truth by comparing the individual accounts with themselves and with each other. A correct judgment of the nature of the authorities may be derived from thus examining them in detail. The settled result of my investigations on this subject maybe stated as follows : The historical remains, as well as the nature of the case, show that the writing of the Gospel history did not originate in any design to give a connected account of the life and public ministry of Christ as a whole, but rather grew out of a series of traditional ac counts of separate scenes in his history. These accounts were partly transmitted by word of mouth, and partly laid down in written memoirs. The commission of the whole to writing naturally soon followed the spread of Christianity among the Greeks, a people much accustomed to writing. There can be no doubt that Paul made use of written memoirs of the life of Christ.* The abjections of Weisse against this view are of no importance. Our first three Gospels resulted from the compilation of such separate materials, as Luke himself states in his introduction.t Matthew's Gospel, in its present form, was not the pro duction of the apostle whose name it bears, but was founded on an ac count written by him in the Hebrew language, chiefly (but not wholly) for the purpose of presenting the discourses of Christ in a collective form. § 5. Genuineness of John's Gospel. John's Gospel, which contains the only consecutive account of the la bours of Christ, arose in a very different way. It could have emanated from none other than that " beloved disciple" upon whose soul the image of the Saviour had left its deepest impress. So far from this Gospel's hav ing been written by a man of the second century (as some assert), we can not even imagine a man existing in that century so little affected by the contrarieties of his times and so far exalted above them. Could an age involved in perpetual contradictions, an age of religious materialism, anthropomorphism, and one-sided intellectualism, have given birth to a production like this, which bears the stamp of none of these deformities'? * See my Apostol. Geschichte, 3d edit., p. 131. t Luke i„ 1 2. INTRODUCTION. 7 How mighty must the man have been who, in that age, could produce from his own mind such an image of Christ as this \ And this man, too, in a period almost destitute of eminent minds, remained in total obscurity ! Was it necessary for the master-spirit, who felt in himself the capacity and the calling to accomplish the greatest achievement of his day, to resort to a pitiful trick to smuggle his ideas into circula tion! And then, too, while it is thought sufficient to say of the three other Gospels that they were compiled from undesigned fables, we are told that such a Gospel as this of John was the work of sheer invention, • as lately Dr. Baur has confessed, with praiseworthy candour. Strange that a man, anxious for the credit of his inventions, should, in the chronology and topography of his Life of Christ, give the lie to the Church traditions of his time, instead of chiming in with them ; stran ger still, that, in spite of his bold contradiction of the opinions of his age in regard to the history, his fraud should be successful ! In short, the more openly this criticism declares itself against the Gospel of John, the more palpably does it manifest its own wilful disregard of history.* § 6. Results of Criticism. A comparison of the representation of Christ derived from the tra ditions of the Apostolic Church, with that which the direct and person al knowledge of the beloved disciple affords to us, will not only aid our general conception of his image as a whole, but will also prove the identity of these two representations with each other, from their agree ment as well in the separate features as in the general picture. It must be regarded as one of the greatest boons which the purify ing process of Protestant theology in Germany has conferred upon faith as well as science, that the old, mechanical view of Inspiration has been so generally abandoned. That doctrine, and the forced har monies to which it led, demanded a clerk-like accuracy in the evangel ical accounts, and could not admit even the slightest contradictions in them ; but we are now no more compelled to have recourse to subtil- ties against which our sense of truth rebels. In studying the historical connexion of our Saviour's life and actions by the application of an un fettered criticism, we reach a deeper sense in many of his sayings than the bonds of the old dogmatism would have allowed. The inquiring reason need no longer find its free sense of truth opposed to faith ; nor is reason bound to subjugate herself, not to faith, but to arbitrary dogmas and artificial hypotheses. The chasms in the'fitospel history were unavoidable in the transmission of Divine truth .through such lowly human means. The precious treasure has come to us in earth en vessels. But this only affords room for the exercise of our faith— ~ 8 INTRODUCTION. a faith whose root is to be found, not in science, not in demonstration, but in the humble and self-denying submission of our spirits. Our sci entific views may be defective in many points ; our knowledge itself may be but fragmentary ; but our religious interests wiM find all that is necessary to attach them to Christ as the ground of salvation and the archetype of holiness. BOOK I. BIETH AID CHILDHOOD JESU S. BOOK! THE BIETH AND CHILDHOOD OF JESUS.' CHAPTER I. PRELIMINARY REMARKS. § 7. Scantiness of our Information in regard to this Period of Christ's Life. — Nothing further really essential to the Interests of Religion. IN writing the life of any eminent man, we should not be likely to begin with a period when his character was fully developed and his world-historical importance recognized. On the contrary, we should study the growth of his being — seek for the bud which concealed the seed, and the powers that conspired to unfold it. We cannot fail to have the same desire in studying that Life which far transcends every other, both in its own intrinsic excellence and in its bearing upon the history of the human race ; but we are kept with in very narrow limits on this point by the paucity of our materials, con sisting, as they do, of fragmentary accounts, whose literal accuracy we have no right to presupppse. To exhibit these features in the life of Christ did not belong to the Apostolic mission, which was designed to meet religious rather than scientific wants ; to relate the mighty acts of Christ, from the beginning of his ministry to the time of his ascension, rather than to show how, and under what conditions, his inner nature gradually manifested itself. It belongs to science to give a pragmatico- genetical developement of the history; religious faith occupies itself only with the immediate facts themselves. We cannot expect this part of the history to give so accurate a detail as that which treats of Christ's public ministry and his redemptive acts ; nor do the wants of faith require it. § 8. Fundamentally opposite Modes of apprehending ihe Accounts. The problems offered to scientific inquiry at this point are, first, to distinguish the objective reality of the events from the subjective form in which they are apprehended in the accounts ; and, secondly, to fill up, as far as may be, the chasms which necessarily arise in the history from * I do not enter into the minute researches which are necessary to fix the exact date of Christ's birth. 12 OPPOSING VIEWS OF THE NARRATIVES. its being composed of detached narratives. These problems nearly in-' volve each other ; for we must obtain a clear view of the events them- selves.before we can solve the difficulties that arise in connecting them together. Of these, various views may be taken, different in themselves, yet each in harmony with the interests of religion. But this cannot be said of all the different views which maybe taken of the subject. The attempt might be made, for instance, to explain the life of Christ just as that of any eminent man, on the natural prin ciples of human developement ; rejecting, of course, the first truth of Christian belief in Christ as the Son of God and our Saviour. This theory, denying the supernatural element of Christianity, necessarily leads its advocates to consider every thing in the Gospel accounts which contradicts it as simply mythical. Thus, even in what may he called the ante-historical part of our work, we find arrayed against us those views which always reject the supernatural in the events of the life of Christ; although this is a dispute which cannot be settled em pirically by inquiries into the separate accounts ; for this very distinc tion of historical and non-historical presupposes a final decision be tween these opposing views made elsewhere. Thus, the Deistic arid Pantheistic theories, which, although they arise from directly opposite modes of thought, agree perfectly in opposing supernaturalism, must deny, in the outset, what the supernatural-theistic views hold to be es sential to the idea of a genuine world-redeeming Christ. We must, then, in order to bring the individual features into harmo ny with our portraiture of Christ, form the latter definitely from a view of his whole life, and of the organism of that Christian consciousness which grows out of his impress left upon humanity, and manifests his perpetual revelation. In relation to the individual features of the his tory, it only remains to prove, by naked historical inquiry, that there is no sufficient ground, apart from the general prejudices of rationalism, to deny their historical basis ; and to show that the origin of the ac counts themselves cannot be explained without the actual occurrence of the events which they describe on the very ground where they arose, THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. 13 CHAPTER II. THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. £ 9. The Miraculous Conception demanded a priori, and confirmed a posteriori. IF, then, we conceive the manifestation of Christ to have been a super natural communication of the Divine nature for the moral renewal of man, a new beginning in the chain of human progress ; in one word, if we conceive it as a miracle, this 'conception itself, apart from any his torical accounts, would lead us to form some notion, of the beginning of his human life that would harmonize with it. It is true, this human life of Christ took its appointed place in the course of historical events — nay, all history was arranged with refer ence to its incorporation ; yet it entered into history, not as part of its offspring, but as a higher element. Whatever has its origin in the natural course of humanity must bear the stamp of humanity ; must share in the sinfulness which stains it, and take part in the strifes which distract it. It was impossible, therefore, that the second Adam, the Divine progenitor of a new and heavenly race, could derive his origin from the first Adam in the ordinary course of nature, or could repre sent the type of the species, the people, or the family from which he sprung, as do the common children of men. We must conceive him, ' not as an individual representative of the type which descended from our first parents, but as the creative origin of a new type. And so our own idea of Christ compels us to admit that two factors, the one natu ral, the other supernatural, were coefficient in his entrance into human life ; and this, too, although we may be unable, a priori, to state how that entrance was accomplished. But at this point the historical accounts come to our aid, by testifying that what our theory of the case requires did, in fact, occur. The es sential part of the history is found precisely in those features in which the idea and the reality harmonize ; and we must not only hold fast these essential facts which are so important to the interests of religion, but carefully distinguish them from unimportant and accidental parts, which might, perhaps, be involved in obscurity or contradiction. § 10. Mythical View of the Miraculous Conception. — No trace of itin the Narrative. — No such Mythus could have originated among the Jews. The accounts of Matthew and Luke agree in stating that the birth of Christ was the result of a direct creative act of God, and not of the ordinary laws of human generation. They who deny this must m?Vp 14 THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. one of two assumptions; either that all the accounts are absolute fables, or that some actual fact was the ground-work of the fabulous conception. Those who adopt the former view tell us that, after Christ had made himself conspicuous by his great acts, men, struck with his extraordi nary character, formed a theory of his birth to correspond with it. But this assumption is utterly irreconcilable with the simple and pro saic style in which Matthew tells the story of Joseph's perplexity at finding Mary pregnant before hsr time ;* and the supposition that this prosaic narrative was the offspring of some previous mythical descrip tion, is out of all harmony with the character of the primitive Christian times. As for the second assumption, those who adopt it can assign no possible fact to explain the origin of the account, but one of so base a nature as utterly to shock every religious feeling, and every just notion of the overruling Providence of God. Had such an occurrence ever been deemed possible, the fanatical enemies of Christ would very soon have made use of it.t Both these assumptions failing, nothing remains but to admit that the birth of Christ was a phenomenon out of the or dinary course of nature.^ Nor would such a mythus have been consistent with Jewish modes of thought. The Hindoo mind might have originated a fable of this character, though in a different form from that in which the account of the Evangelists is given ; but the Jewish had totally different ten dencies. Such a fable as the birth of the Messiah from a virgin could have arisen any where else easier than among the Jews ; their doctrine of the Divine Unity, which placed an impassable gulf between God and the world ; their high regard for the marriage relation, which led them to abhor unwedded life ; and, above all, their full persuasion that the Messiah was to be an ordinary man, undistinguished by any thing supernatural, and not to be endowed with Divine power before the time of his solemn consecration to the Messiahship, all conspired to * We cannot believe, notwithstanding what Strauss says on this point in his 3d edition. that a fable could originally be presented in so prosaic a garb as that of Matthew. Cases are not wanting, however, in which the substance of a mythus, after it had come to be re ceived as history, has been given out in a prosaic form. t They would have done so before Jewish malevolence employed the history of the miraculous conception to invent the fable which Celsus first made use of. Orig.. i., 32. Had any such legends been in circulation before, we should find some trace of them in the. Evangelists, who do not conceal the accusations that were made against Christ. t Schleiermacher, whose reverence for sacred things forbade him to adopt the latter of these two suppositions, while his conscientious love of truth compelled him to admit the reality of the history, says, in comparing the statements of Matthew and Luke (Critical Inquiries, p. 47), " We may well leave the statement of Matthew in the judicious indefiniteness in which it is expressed ; while the traditional basis of tlie poetical announcement in Luke re- bakes those impious explanations which soil the veil they cannot lift." But, in sober truth, no one can admit the veracity of the history, and, at the same time, deny the miraculous conception, without falling into the very conclusion which Schleiermacher rejects with such pious indignation. . THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION 15 render such an invention impossible among them. The accounts of Isaac, Samson, and Samuel cannot be quoted as in point ; these cases rather illustrate the Hebrew notion of the blessing of fruitfulness; and in them all the Divine power was shown, not in excluding the male, but in rendering the long-barren female fruitful, contrary to all human ex pectation. The conception of Christ would have been analogous to these, had Mary, after long barrenness, borne a son1, or had Joseph been too old to expect offspring at the time.* It was on this very account, viz., because the miraculous conception was foreign to the prevailing Jewish modes of thought,! that one sect of the Ebionites, who could not free themselves from their old preju dices, refused to admit the doctrine ; and the. section which contains the account is excluded from the Ebionitish recension of the Gospel to the Hebrews, which arose from the same source as our Matthew. As for the single obscure passage in Isa., vii., it could hardly have given * E. g., in the apocryphal Gospel of James, ch. ix., it is stated, that when the priest was about to give Mary as a wife to the aged Joseph, the latter said, "I have sons and am old, while she is yet young ; shall I not then become a mockery for the sons of Israel V t Professor Weisse, in his work, "Die Evangelische Geschichte" (The Gospel History, critically and philosophically treated, Leips., 1838), admits that the Jews could not have in vented this mythus, but ascribes to it a heathen origin. How, in. view of the relations that subsisted between early Christianity and heathenism, the pagan mythus of the sons of the gods could so soon have been transformed into a Christian one ; and how the latter could haTe found its way into St. Matthew's Gospel, which unquestionably had a Jewish- Christian origin, are among the incomprehensibilities which abound in Prof. W.'s very intelligible work. He says, p. 178, that "as Paul found himself involuntarily compelled, in addressing the Athenians, to quote Greek poetry (For we are also his offspring, Acts, xvii., 28), so it is possible that the apostles to the heathen were led to adopt the pagan mythus of the sons of the gods, in order to make known to them the truth, that Christ is the Son of God, in a form suited to their way of thinking, and that their figurative language, literally understood, formed the starting-point for such a mythus." Things very heterogeneous are thrown to. gether in this passage. What religious scruples need have hindered Paul from alluding to the consciousness of the Divine origin of the human race, which the Athenians themselves had expressed, and to the vague idea which they entertained of an unknown God 1 Nor was such an allusion likely to be misunderstood. How could a man, imbued with Jewish feelings in regard to the heathen mythology (feelings which his conversion to Christianity would by no means weaken), compare the birth of the Holy One — of the Messiah — with those pagan fables, whose impurity could inspire him with nothing but disgust ? Weisse has transferred his own mode of contemplating the heathen myths to a people that would have revolted from it. It is quite another tiling when WeisBe adduces the comparisons in which the early Chris tian apologists indulged. . These men, themselves of heathen origin, were accustomed to the allegorical interpretations of the mythology, and it was natural for them to seek and oc cupy a position intermediate between their earlier and later views. But, so far from these comparisons having given rise to the accounts of the supernatural conception, it was the latter which caused the former. They wished to show to tbe heathen that this miraculous event was not altogether foreign to their own religious ideas, while they carefully guarded against the sensuous forms of thought involved in the myths ; and, as they could presuppose this event, they had a right to employ the myths as they did, inasmuch as these poetical ef fusions of natural religion anticipated (though in sadly-distorted caricatures) the great truth of Christianity, that the union of the Divine with the human nature was brought about by a creative act of Omnipotence. The early apologists expressed this in their own way: " Satan invented these fables by imitating the truth." 16 THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. rise to euch a tradition among the people of Palestine, where, unques tionably, Matthew's Gospel originated. § 11. Objections to the Narrative drawn from the subsequent Disposi tions of Christ's Relatives, answered (l)fro-m the nature of the case; (2) from the name Jesus. An objection to the credibility of the narrative' has been raised on the ground that if such events had really preceded the birth of Christ, his own relatives would have been better disposed to recognize him as the Messiah. It is possible that the circumstances of his birth did raise their expectations to a lofty pitch' ; but as for thirty years no indica tions corresponding with ordinary views of the Messiah manifested themselves, their first impressions gradually wore away, only to be re vived, however, by the great acts which Jesus performed after the opening of his public career. And as for Mary (in whom a doubt of this sort would appear still more strange, as she was directly cognizant of the miraculous features of the history), there is no proof whatever that she ever lost the memory of her visions, or relinquished the hopes they were so well calculated to raise. Her conduct at the marriage of Cana proves directly the reverse. She obviously expected a miracle from Christ immediately after the proclamation of his Messiahship by John the Baptist. The confirmation which John's Gospel, by its re cital of this miracle, affords to the other evangelists is the more stri king, as John himself gives no account of the events accompanying the birth of Christ* * (a) John's silence in regard to the miraculous conception is no proof that he was either ignorant of the accounts of that event or disbelieved them. His object was to testify to what he had himself seen and heard, and ,to declare how the glory of the Only begotten had been unveiled to him in contemplating Christ's manifestation on earth. But that he recognized the miraculous conception is evident from his emphatic declarations (in oppo sition to the ordinary Jewish idea of the Messiah), that the Divine and the human were originally united in the person of Christ, and that the Logos itself became flesh in him i while at the same time he avers that " that which is born of the flesh is flesh." No man could hold these two ideas together without believing in the immediate agency of God in the generation of Chkist. (b) The objection that Jesus was known among the Jews .as the son of Joseph and Mary, and that this fact was adduced against his claims, has been sufficiently met in the text ; but it has been urged further that Christ himself, when this objection was brought against him (Matt, xiii., 55), did not allude to the miraculous con ception. As to this, we need only say that it was far more likely and natural that Jesns should call men's attention to the proofs of his Divinity which were before their eyes in his daily acts, showing, at the same time, that the causes of their disbelief lay in themselves, rather than that he should dwell upon the circumstances which preceded his birth, the proof of which had to rest upon the testimony of Mary alone, (c) Nor is Paul's silence on. this point proof of his not acknowledging it. It only shows that, for his religious sense, the sufferings and resurrection of Christ, the centre and support of the Christian system, stood out more prominently than the miraculous conception. In the passages in which he speaks of Christ's origin, he had a different object in view than to treat of this subject ; e. g., ja Horn., ix., 5, " Whose are the fathers, ani of whom, as concerning the flesh, Christ came, who ts over all, God blessed forever ;" and in Rom., i., 4, where he brings out prominently the THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. , 17 The name Jesus itself affords additional proof that his parents were led by some extraordinary circumstances to expect that he would be the Messiah. Such names as Theodorus, Theodoret, Dorotheus, among the Greeks, were usually bestowed because the parents had obtained a son after long desire and expectation. As names were also given among the Jews with reference to their significancy, and as tbe name Jesus betokens " Him through whom Jehovah bestows salvation ;" and, moreover, as the Messiah, the bearer of this salvation, was gen erally expected at the time, it must certainly appear probable to us that the name was given with reference to that expectation. Not that this conclusion necessarily follows, because the name Jesus, Joshua, Was common among the Jews ; but yet, compared with the accounts, it certainly affords confirmatory evidence. § 12. Analogical Ideas among the Heathen. Moreover, inferences in favour of the accounts of the miraculous conception, as well as against them, may be obtained by comparing them with the ancient myths of other religions. The spirit of the pa gan mythology could not have penetrated among the Jews, and there fore cannot be assigned to explain the similarity between the Chris tian and pagan views. We must seek that explanation rather in the relations that subsist between mythical natural religion and historical re vealed religion; between the idea, forming, from the enslaved conscious ness which it sways, an untrue actualization ; and the idea, grounded in truth, and developing itself therefrom into clear and free consciousness. The truth which the religious sense can recognize at the bottom of these myths, is the earnest desire, inseparable from man's spirit, for communion with God, for participation in the Divine nature as its true life — its anxious longing to pass the gulf which separates the God-de rived soul from its original — its wish, even -though unconscious, to se cure that union with God which alone can renew human nature, and which Christianity shows us as a living reality. Nor can we be aston ished to find the facts of Christianity thus anticipated in poetic forms (imbodying in imaginative creations the innate yet indistinct cravings of the spirit) in the mythical elements of the old religions, when we re- two-fold manifestation of Christ, as the Son of David and as 'the Son of God, raised above all human and national relationships, as he revealed himself after the resurrection. If we could infer from such passages Paul's disbelief in the miracle, we can draw precisely the opposite -conclusion from Gal., iv., 4 ; although, as the case is, we do not lay much stress upon the expression, " born of a woman." And if Paul could represent Jesus as the Son of God from heaven, as being without sin in the flesh (aapty, in which sin before had reign ed, while at tbe same time he taught the propagation of sinfulness, from Adam down, it is likely that the supernatural generation of Jesus was so firmly established in the connexion of his own thoughts, that he felt the less necessity to give it individual prominence. We shall have occasion to make a similar remark hereafter in regard to the omission of the ae count of Christ's ascension as an individual event. B 18 ' THE MIRACULOUS CONCEPTION. * member that human nature itsejf, and all the forms of its developement, as well as the whole course of human history, were intended by God to find their full accomplishment in Christ. But the genius of Chris tianity is mistaken by those who despise the simplicity of the Gospel history, and contrast it with the poetry of religion. The opposition, apparently essential to the mere natural man, between poetry, trans cending the limits of the actual, and the prose of common reality, is taken away by the manifestation of Christ,' and will be done away wherever Christianity passes into flesh and blood. The peculiarity of Christian ethics is indeed founded upon this. The characteristic difference between the religion of Theism and that of the old mytholpgy lies in this one point : that in the evangelical his tories the Divine power is represented as operating immediately, and not by the interposition of natural causes; while, in the mythical con ceptions, the Divine causality is made coefficient with natural agencies ; the Divine is brought down to the sphere of the natural, and its mani festation is thus physically explained.* Thus the Gospel histories, pre cisely as a just idea of Christ would lead us to presuppose, attribute to the creative agency of God alone the introduction of that new member of humanity through which the regeneration of the race is to be ac complished. CHAPTER III. THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. § 13. The Birth of Christ in its Relations to the Jewish Theocracy. AS the entrance of Christ into the course of humanity was brought about by the co-working of supernatural with natural elements, so both these agencies conspired in preparing the way for that great event, the centre of all things, and the aim of all preceding history. So we interpret the relations of the Jews and heathens to the appearance of Christ. The natural developement of the heathen was destined, under the Divine guidance, to prepare them for receiving the new light which emanated from Jesus ; and the history of the Jewish people was all pre paratory to the appearance and ministry of Christ, who was to come forth out of their midst. This preparation was accomplished by means * Baumgarten-Crusius has noticed this distinction in his Biblical Theology, p. 397 ; but Strauss denies it, and asserts that the expression wis Geou in Luke i., 35, is to be taken en tirely in a physical sense. There is no such meaning in the passage ; it predicates the terms " the holy one," " tlie Son of God," of Christ, on the ground of the special agency . of the Holy Spirit in his birth. He who was conceived under such an agency must stand in a special relation to God. Not merely the Jewish mode of thinking on the subject, but also the fact that Jesus is designated both as the Son of David and the Son of God. ex elude the physical interpretation. THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. 19 of a chain of separate, but organically connected revelations, all tend ing toward the full revelation in Him, whose whole life was itself to be the highest manifestation of God to man. There was peculiar fitness in Christ's being born among the Jewish people. His life revealed tbe kingdom of God, which was to be set up over all men, and it properly commenced in a nation whose polit ical life, always developed in a theocratic form, was a continual type of that kingdom. He was the culminating point of this developement ; in Him the kingdom of God, no longer limited to this single people, was to show its true design, and, unfettered by physical or national re straints, to assert its authority over the whole human race. The par ticular typifies the universal ; the earthly, the celestial ; so David, the monarch who had raised the political theocracy of the Jews to the pin nacle of glory, typified that greater monarch in whom the kingdom of God was to display its glory. Not without reason, therefore, was it that Christ, the summit of the theocracy, sprang from the fallen line of royal David.* § 14. The Miraculous Events that accompanied the Birth of Christ. The Divine purpose in the supernatural conception of Jesus could not have been accomplished without some providential forewarnings to his parents ; nor could these intimations of the certainty of the ap proaching birth of the theocratic King have been given by ordinary, natural means. In the sphere of the greatest miracle of human history^ the miracle which was to raise mankind to communion with Heaven, we do not wonder to see rays of light streaming from the invisible world, at other times so dark. * However the discrepancies in the two genealogies of Christ may be explained, his de scent from the race of David was admitted'from the beginning, and the evangelists took it for granted as indisputable. How Weisse should deny this, as he does (p. 169), is unac countable. His arguments can convince no one endowed with the slightest powers of ob servation, and. need no answer. The only one which is at all plausible is that founded on Mark, xii., 35 ; and that depends upon the question whether Mark uses these w,ords in their original application; a question which we shall hereafter have occasion to examine. Cer tainly, if they admit of more than one interpretation, we shall adopt any other sooner than that which comes into conflict with Paul, who assumed Christ's descent from David as cer tain. Could the apostles have emhraced a notion which the Saviour himself had denounced as an invention of the scribes ? There was nothing in Paul's turn of feeling or thought to incline him towards it, had it not been established on other grounds ; on the contrary, the doctrine that Christ was not the Son of David, but the Son of God and the Lord of David, womd have afforded him an excellent point of attack against Ju(daism. Although Luke's genealogy is not directly stated as following the hne of Mary, yet it may have done so, and have only been improperly placed where it is. Justin Martyr (Dial. c. Tryph., f. 327) was acquainted with such a genealogy referring to Mary. Luke, i., 32-35, seems to show that Mary was of David's race. Her relationship to Elizabeth, the mother of John Baptist, does not prove the contrary; for members of the tribe of Levi were not restrained from inter marriage with other tribes ; and Elizabeth, although of that tribe on the father's side, ano herself the wife of a priest, might very well have sprung from the tribe of Judah on the mother's side. 30 THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. From the very nature of the case, we can expect no full account of those extraordinary manifestations of which, naturally enough, Mary alone could testify* But a mere mythus, destitute of historical truth, and only serving as the veil of an ideal truth, is a very different thing from what we are here stating, viz., that a lofty history may be im parted in a form which must have more than its mere literal force ; and that events of a lofty character necessarily impart their higher tone to the language in which they are conveyed. In this latter case, we may harmlessly differ in our modes of arranging the materials, and of filling up the chasms of the history, so that we only hold fast the substan1 tial facts which form its basis. The course of the events described in Matt., i., 18-25, may be arranged as follows : When Mary informed Joseph of the remarkable communication that had been made to her, he could not at once bring himself to believe it ; which was not at all strange, considering its extraordinary character, and how little he was prepared for it. A struggle ensued in his feelings, and then occurred the night vision which brought his mind to a final" decision.t § 15. Tlie Taxing. — Birth of Christ at Bethlehem By a remarkable interposition of Providence, interwoven, however, with the course of events in the world, was it brought about that the promised King should be born in Bethlehem (as Micah the prophet had foretold), the very place where the house of David had its origin; while, at the same time, the lowly circumstances of his birth were in striking contrast with the inherent dignity and glory that were veiled* in the new-born child. The Emperor Augustus had ordered a general census of the Roman Empire, partly to obtain correct statistics of its resources,! an(^ partly for purposes of taxation.§ As Judea was then a dependency of the empire, and Augustus probably intended to reduce it entirely to the * Mary could only have been taught to expect the Saviour in a way harmonizing with her views at the time, and with the prevailing Jewish ideas of the Messiah, viz., that the Messiah should come of the line of David, to establish an everlasting kingdom among the Jews. But this was only a covering for the higher idea of the Redeemer, the founder of the eternal kingdom of God. t We need be the less afraid of a free, unliteral interpretation when we find a difference in the subjective conception of these events by even the evangelists themselves, Matthew speaking only of dreams and visions, and Luke of objective phenomena, viz., the appear ance of angels. \ This was not confined to the Roman provinces, but extended also to the Socii. — Tacit, Ann., i, xi. § Cassiodor., i., iii., ep. 52: Augusti temporibus orbis Homanus agris divisus censuqve' descriptus, ut possessio sui nuUi haberetur incerta, quam pro tributorum susciperet quanti- tatibus solvendam. (Conf. Savigny' s dissertation in the "Zeitschrift fur die geschichtL Eechtswissensohaft, Bd. vi., H. 3.) This language of the learned statesman shows that he followed older accounts rather than a Christian report drawn from Luke ; and the ex pression of Tacitus confirms this-conclusion. There is no ground, therefore, for the doubts started by Strauss, 3d ed., p. 257. THE BIRTH OF CHRIST. 21 state of a Roman province, be wished to secure similar statistics of that country, and ordered King Herod to take the census. In performing this duty, Herod followed the Jewish usage, viz., ^a division by tribes.* Joseph and Mary belonged to the tribe of David, and therefore had to repair to Bethlehem, the seat of that tribe. On account of the throng, they could find no shelter but a stable, and the new-born infant had to be laid in a manger.t § 16. Tlie Announcement io the Sheplierds. It is in accordance with the analogy of history that great manifesta tions and epochs, designed to satisfy the spiritual wants of ages, should be anticipated by the prophetic yearnings of pure and susceptible r hearts, inspired by a secret Divine consciousness. All great events that have introduced a new developement of human history have been preceded by unconscious or conscious prophecy. This may seem * Luke's account of the matter-is so prosaic and straightforward, that none but a preju diced mind can find a trace of the mythical in it. Examine the Apocryphal Gospels, and you will see the difference between history and fable. And even if it could be shown that the census was incorrect, and that the gathering at Bethlehem was due to some other cause, no suspicion would thereby be cast upon the entire narration ; the only reasonable conclusion would, be, that Luke, or the writer from whom he copied, had fallen into an anachronism, or an erroneous combination of facts, in assigning the census as the cause of the gathering. Such an error could not affect in any way the interests of religion. More over, what right have we to demand of Luke so exact a knowledge of the history of his times, in things that did not materially concern his purpose ? Such anachronisms, in things indifferent, are common to writers of all ages. But the account itself contains no, marks of improbability. The emperor would naturally order Herod, whom he still recognized as king, to take the census, and Herod as naturally followed the Jewish usage in doing it. It was the policy of the emperor, at that time, to treat the Jews with kindness, and there fore he would naturally make the first attempt at a census as delicately as possible. How repugnant such a measure was to them is shown by Josephus's account of the tumults that arose on account of the census under Quirinus, twelve years afterward. Luke may have gone too far in extending (as his language seems to imply) the census over the whole em pire ; or, perhaps, in stating the gradual census of the whole empire as a simultaneous one. Perhaps he mistook this assessment for the census which occurred twelve years iater, and on that account erroneously mentioned Quirinus. Nevertheless, Qniiinus may have been actually present at this assessment, not, indeed, as governor of the province, but as imperial commissioner ; for Josephas expressly says that he-had held many other offices before he was Governor of Syria, at the time ofthe second census. I do not agree with any of the explanations, either ancient or modern, which attempt to make Luke's state ment agree exactly with history; they all seem to me to be forced and unphilological , while the want of exactness in Luke is easily explained, and is of no manner of importance for the 'object which he had in view. t The^ tradition in Justin Martyr (Dial. c. Tryph., 304, a), that they found shelter in a cave near the town, which had before been used for a cattle stall {pi eimXaitp rtvl ovvcyyvs rijff taofiijs), may be true, although we should not like to vouch for it. It is more likely that the prophecy in Isai., xxxiii., 16 (wbich Justin refers to in the Alexandrian version), was applied to this tradition after it arose, than that the tradition arose from the prophecy. At that time men were accustomed to find every where in the Old Testament predictions and types of Christ, whether warranted by the connexion or not. The tradition does not speci fy such a cave as the passage in Isaiah would lead one to expect, nor, indeed, does the passage seem distinctly to refer to the Messiah. 22 THE CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST. strange to such as ascribe to God the apathy of the Stoics, or who be lieve only in the cold, iron necessity of an immanent spirit of nature ; but to none who believe in a personal, self-conscious Deity, a God of eternal love, who is nigh unto every man, and listens willingly tothe secret sighs of longing souls, can it appear unworthy of such a Being to foreshadow great world-historical epochs by responding to such longings in special revelations. Far more probable, then, would such manifestations be, in reference to the highest object of human longings, the greatest of all world- historical phenomena; and so, at the time of Christ's coming, the people of Judea, guided by, the prophecies of the Old Testament, yearned for the appearance of the Messiah with an anxiety only ren dered more intense by the oppressions under which they groaned. This feeling would naturally be kept alive in Bethlehem, associated as the place was with recollections of the family of David, from which the Messiah was to come. So, even among the shepherds, who kept ,';i, nightly watch over the flocks, were some who anxiously awaited the appearance of the Messiah. It is true, the account does not say that the shepherds thus longed for the Messiah. But we are justified by what followed'in presupposing it as the ground for such a communica tion's being especially made to them ; and it is not unlikely that these simple souls, untaught in the traditions of the scribes, and nourished by communion with God, amid the freedom of nature, in a solitude congenial to meditation and prayer, had formed a purer idea of the Messiah, from the necessities of their own hearts, than prevailed at that time among the Jews. A vision from Heaven conducted them on that night, so big with interest to man's salvation, to the place where the object of their desire was to be born.* * Justly and beautifully says Schleiermacher, " There is something remarkable, some thing divine, in the satisfaction not seldom afforded in extraordinary times even to individual longings." We agree with this great teacher in thinking that this account came indirectly from the shepherds themselves, as it recites so particularly what occurred to themselves personally, and makes so little mention of what happened to the child after their arrival. The facts may be supposed to have been as follows : The faithful were anxious to preserve the minute features of the life of Jesus. (We cannot be persuaded by the assertions of modern Idealism that this feeling had no existence. We see every day how anxiously men look for individual traits in the childhood of great men.) Especial ly would any one who had tve opportunity prosecute such researches in the remarkable place where Christ was bor. Perhaps one of these inquirers there found one ofthe shep- ; herds who had witnessed these events, and whose memory of them was vividly,recalled after his conversion to Christianity. "We cannotbe sure that such a man would give with literal accuracy the words that he had heard ; but, taking them as they stand, it is astonish ing how free they are from the materialism which always tinged Jewish expression, and in how purely spiritual a way they describe the sublime transaction of which they treat. Whether we follow the received version or that of the Cod. Alex., we find the same thought expressed in the statement of the shepherds, viz., that "God is glorified in the Messiah, who brings peace and joy, to the earth, and restores man again tu the Divine Favour." THE SACRIFICE OF PURIFICATION. 23 %¦ , \ 17 '. The Sacrifice of Purification, and the Ransom ofthe First-born; their Weight as Proof against the Mythical Theory. The mass of the Jewish people, whose minds were darkened by their material and political views, entertained a totally false idea of the Messiah ; but there were many at Jerusalem who longed for a purer salvation, and these, also, were to receive a sign that the object of their hopes had at last appeared. Forty days after the birth of the infant Jesus his parents carried him to the temple at Jerusalem, in order to offer, according to their means, the prescribed sacrifice for the purification of Mary, and to pay the usual ransom for their first-born.* This appears strange, in view of the extraordinary circumstances that preceded and followed the birth of the child, which, one might suppose, would make it an excep tion to ordinary rules. The points which the Levitical law had in view seem not to have existed here : so remarkable a birth might have pre cluded the necessity of the Levitical purification. The ransom which had to be paid for other first-born sons, in view of their original obli gation to the priesthood, could hardly be necessary in the case of an infant who was one day to occupy the summit of the Theocracy. It would be natural to suppose that Mary must have. hesitated, and laid her scruples before the priests for decision before she could make up her mind to perform these ceremonies. But we cannot judge of such extraordinary events by common standards. Mary did not venture to speak freely in public of these wonderful things, or to anticipate the Divine purposes in any way ; she left it to God to educate the child, which had been announced to her as the Messiah, so as to fit him for his calling, and, at the proper time, to authenticate his mission publicly and conspicuously. Now a mythus generally endeavors to ennoble its subject, and to adapt the story to the idea.t If, then, the Gospel narrative were myth ical, would it have invented, or even suffered to remain, a circumstance so foreign to the idea of the myth, and so little calculated to dignify it as the above 1 A mythus would have introduced an angel, or, at least, a vision, to hinder Mary from submitting the child to a ceremony so un worthy of its dignity ; or the priests would have received an intimation * Exod., xiii., 2, 12; Num., iii., 45 ; xviii., 15 ; Levit., xii., 2, t The remarks of Strauss, 1. c, p. 326, do not at all weaken what is here said. He ad duces, also, the fact that Luke (iii., 21) states the baptism without mentioning John's pre vious refusal (Matt., iii., 14) ; but all the force of this lies in his presupposition that Luke's narrative is also mythical, which I deny. As to Gal., iv., 4, we of course believe that Christ strictly fulfilled the Mosaic law ; but this fact, on Jewish principles, is no parallel to the other, viz., that Mary, under the circumstances of the miraculous birth, -needed purifica tion, and that the Messiah, who was destined for the highest station in the Theocracy needed a ransom from the obligation to the priesthood. 24 THE CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST. from heaven to bow-before the infant, and prevent its being thus re duced to the level of ordinary children. Nothing of all this took place ; but, instead of it, simply and unostentatiously, the high dignity and destiny of the child were revealed to two faithful souls. § 18. Simeon's Prophetic Discourse. The aged and devout Simeon,* who had longed and prayed for the coming of Messiah's kingdom, had received the Divine assurance that he should not die without seeing the desire of his heart. Under a pe culiarly vivid impulse of this presentiment, he entered the Temple just as the infant Jesus was brought in. The Divine glory irradiating the child's features harmonized with the longing of his inspired soul ; he recognized the manifested Messiah, took the infant in his arms, and exclaimed, in a burst of inspired gratitude, " Lord, now let thy servant depart in peace according to thy promisefor mine eyes have seen thy sal vation which thou hast prepared before the face of all people, a light to enlighten the Gentiles, and the glory of thy people Israel."] Then, turn ing to Mary, he exclaimed, " Behold, this child is set for the fall and rising again of many in Israel, and for a sign which shall be spoken against ;% and a sword shall pierce through thine own soul also, that the thoughts of many hearts may be revealed." Notice, now, the remarkable idea of the Messiah which these words convey ; precisely such a one as we should expect from a longing Jew, of deep, spiritual piety. Although it cannot be said to contain really Christian elements, it is far above the ordinary conceptions of the times ; and this not only confirms the truth of the narrative, but stamps the discourse as Simeon's own, and not a speech composed in his name.§ It is true, Simeon conceives the kingdom of Messiah as tending to glorify the Jewish people, but yet extends its blessings also over the heathen, and believes that the light of the knowledge of Gon * We have no reason to suppose him to be the Rabbi Simeon, the father of Gamaliel, as no distinguishing mark of eminence is assigned to him. t It is said in Luke, ii., 33, that "Joseph and, Mary marvelled" at the words of Simeon Now it is strange that what he said should appear marvellous to the parents, who were already cognizant of so many wonderful events in the history of the child. But we are to remember that the first three Gospels do not contain connected histories, but compilations of separate memoirs ; and, again, the writer ofthe narrative may have been so imbued with wonder at the extraordinary whole, as to transfer this feeling to his expression in detailing the separate parts, again and again. The narrative would have worn a very different as pect had Luke designed to compose a systematic work, with the parts accurately adjust ed, instead of writing, as he did, with simple and straightforward candour. t The results of Messiah's appearance among men depend upon their own spiritual dis positions : salvation for the believer, destruction for the unbeliever. Around his banner the hosts of the faithful gather ; but infidels reject and fight against it. Salvation and doom are correlative ideas ; all world-historical epochs are epochs of condemnation. J The accurate report of this discourse is accounted for by the supposition that the ac count came indirectly from Anna : not only the discourse, but. the whole occurrence must have made a deep impression upon her mind, THE STAR OF THE WISE MEN. 25 will illumine them also. Nor does he conceive Messiah's kingdom as triumphing at once by displays of miraculous power, but rather as de veloping itself after struggles with prevailing corruptions, and after a gradual purifying of the theocratic nation. The conflict with the cor rupt part of the nation was to be severe before the Messiah could lead his faithful ones to victory. The foreboding of suffering to Mary, so indefinitely expressed, bears no mark of post factum invention. But the inspired idea of Messiah in the pious old man obviously connected the sufferings which he was to endure in his strife against the corrupt people with those which were foretold of him in Isaiah, liii. The other. devout one, to whom the destiny of the infant Jesus was revealed, was the aged Anna, who heard Simeon's words, shared in his joyful anticipations, and united in his song of thanksgiving.* § 19. The Longing of the Heathen for a Saviour. — The Star of the Wise Men. Not only dwellers about Bethlehem, but also men from a far-distant land, imbued with the longing desires of which we have spoken, were led to the place where Christ was born by a sign suited to their pe culiar mode of life, a fact which foreshadowed that the hopes of hea then as well as Jews, unconscious as well as conscious longings for a Saviour, were afterward to be gratified.f We have before remarked, that she natural developement of the heathen mind worked in the same direction as the movement of revealed religion among the Jews to pre pare the way for Christ's appearance, which was the aim and end of all previous human history. There is something analogous to the law and the prophets (which, under revealed religion, led directly, and by an organically arranged connexion, to Christ), in the sporadic and detached revelations, which, here and there among the heathen, arose from the Divine consciousness implanted in humanity. As, under the Law, man's sense of its. insufficiency to work out his justifi cation was accompanied by the promise of One who should accomplish what the Law could never do, so, in the progress of the pagan mind under the law of nature, there arose a sense of the necessity of a new revelation from heaven, and a longing desire for a higher order of * We agree with Schleiermacher in thinking it probable that the narrative came indi rectly from Anna. She is far more minutely described in it than Simeon, although the latter and his discourse constitute the most important part of the account, while her words are not reported at all. t If this narrative is to be considered as mythical, we must yet ascribe its origin to the same source which produced the Hebrew Gospel, viz., the Jewish-Christian congregations in Palestine — a likely origin, indeed, for a myth ascribing so great interest and importance to uncircumcised heathen! An extravagant exaggeration of the real occurrence was sub sequently made, probably from a fragment of one of the recensions of the Hebrew Gospel (Ignat., Epist. ad Ephes., § 19) : " The star sparkled brilliantly beyond all -other stars ; it was a strange and wonderful sight. The other stars, with the sun and moon, formed a choir around it, but its blaze outshone them all." 26 THE CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST. things. The notion of a Messiah, carried about by the Jews in then intercourse with different Dations, every where found a point of contact with the religious sense ot men ; and thus natural and revealed religion worked into each other, as well as separately, in preparing the way for the appearance of Christ.* Thus it happened that a few sages in Arabia (or in some part ot the Parthian kingdom), who inquired for the course of human events in that of the stars, became Convinced that a certain constellation or start which they beheld was a tokenf of the birth of the great King who was expected to arise in the East. It is not necessary to suppose that an actual miracle was wrought in this case ; the course of natural events, under Divine guidance, was made to lead to Christ, just as the general moral culture of the heathen, though under natural forms, was made to lead to the knowledge of the Saviour. The Magi studied astrology, and in their study found a sign of Christ. If it offends us to find that God has used the errors of man to lead him to a knowledge ofthe great truths of salvation, as if 'thereby He had lent himself to sustain the False, then must we break in pieces the chain of human events, in which the True and the False, the Good and the Evil, are so inseparably linked, that the latter often serves for the point of transition to the former. Especially do we see this in the history of the spread of Christianity, where superstition often paves the way for faith. GoD condescends to the platforms of men in train ing them for belief in the Redeemer, and meets the aspirations of the truth-seeking soul even in its error !§ In the case of the wise men, a real truth, perhaps, lay at the bottom of the error ; the truth, namely, that the greatest of all events, which was to produce the greatest rev olution in humanity, is actually connected with the epochs ofthe mate- * We do not insist upon Tacit., Hist., 5, 13, and Sueton., Vespasian, 4, who speak of a rumour spread over the whole East, of the approaching appearance of the great King, as it is yet doubtful whether these passages are not imitated from Josephus. t It is necessary to distinguish what is objectively real in the narrative from what arises from the subjective stand-point of the author of our Matthew's Gospel, who certainly did not receive the account from an eye-witness. Not merely philological exegesis, but also historical criticism, are required for this ; and if the result of such an inquiry be pronounced arbitrary, because it does not either affirm or reject the objective reality of every thing in the account, then must all historical criticism be pronounced arbitrary also, for it has no other mode of procedure in testing the accuracy of a narrative. % Conf. Bishop Munter's tseatise on the " Star of the Wise Men," and Ideler' s Chronol ogy, ii., 399. It is immaterial whether the sages were led to seek for the sign by a theory of their own, or by a traditional one. § Hamann strikingly says, " How often has God condescended, not merely to the feel ings and thoughts of men, but even to their failings and their prejudices! But this very condescension (one of the highest marks of his love to man), which is exhibited every where in the Bible, affords subjects of derision to those weaklings who look into the word of God for displays of human wisdom, for the gratification of their pert and idle curiosity, or for the spirit of their own times or their own sect." — Works, i., 58. THE MASSACRE OF THE INNOCENTS. 27 rial universe, although the links of the chain may be hidden from our view. In the narrative before us, we need not attach the same indisputable certainty to the details as to the general substance. That the Magians should be led, by their astrological researches, to a presentiment of the birth of the Saviour in Judea — that their own longings should impel them to journey to Jerusalem and do homage to the infant in whom lay veiled the mighty King — this is the lofty, the Divine element in the transaction, which no one who believes in a guiding, eternal love — no one who is conscious of the real import of a Redeemer — can fail to recognize. We cannot vouch with equal positiveness for the accuracy of Mat thew's statement of the means by which the sages learned, after their arrival in Jerusalem, that the chosen child was to be born in Beth lehem ; but it matters little whether they were directed thither by Herod, or in some other way. At any rate, in so small a place as Bethlehem, they might easily have been guided to the exact place by providential means not out ofthe common way; for instance, by meet ing with some of the shepherds, or other devout persons, who had taken part in the great event ; and they, perhaps, described the whole as it appeared to them subjectively, when, after reaching the abode, •hey looked up at the starry heavens. § 20. The Massacre ofthe Innocents and the Flight into Egypt. The account of the massacre of the infants at Bethlehem cannot appear incredible when we consider the character of the man to whom this act of blind and senseless cruelty, worthy of an insane tyrant, is ascribed. It was that Herod, whose crimes, committed in violation of every natural feeling, ever urged him on to new deeds of cruelty ; whose path to the throne, and whose throne itself, were stained with human blood,; whose vengeance against conspirators, not satiated with their own destruction, demanded that of their whole families ;* whose rage was hot, up to the very hour of his death, against his nearest kindred ; whose wife, Mariamne, and three sons, Alexander, Aristobulus, and Antipater, fell victims to his suspicions, the last just before his death ; who, in a word, certainly deserved that the Emperor Augustus should have said of him, " Herodis mallem porcus esse, quam filius. ."t It was that Herod, who, at the close of a blood-stained life of seventy years goaded by the furies of an evil conscience, racked by a painful and incurable disease, waiting for death, but desiring life, raging against * Joseph., Archaeol., xv., viii., § 4. t These words were applied, in the fifth century, by an anachronism of the pagan writer Macrobius, to the massacre of the infants at Bethlehem. — Saturnal., ii., 4. 88 THE CHILDHOOD OF CHRIST. God and man, and maddened by the thought that the Jews, instead of bewailing his death, would rejoice over it as the greatest of bless ings, commanded the worthies of the nation to be assembled in the circus, and issued a secret order* that, after his death, they should all be slain together, so that their kindred, at least, might have cause to weep for his death !f Can we deem the crime of sacrificing a few children to his rage and blind suspicion too atrocious for such a monster 1 As we have no reason to question the narrative of the tyrant s attempts upon the life of the wonderful child whose birth had come to his ears, we can readily connect therewith the flight into Egypt. On the supposition that this flight actually took place, it was natural enough, especially with a view to obviate any objections which the issuing of the Messiah from a profane land might suggest to Jewish minds, for men to seek analogies between this occurrence and the history of Moses and the theocratic people ; while, on the other hand, it would be absurd to suppose that a legend of the flight, without any historical basis, should have had its origin solely in the desire to find such analogies. Thus, in the very beginning of the life of Him who was to save the world, we see a foreshadowing of what it was afterward to be. The believing souls, to whom the lofty import of that life was shown by Divine signs, saw in it the fulfilment of their longings ; the power of the world, ever subservient to evil, raged against it, but, amid all dangers, the hand of God guided and brought it forth victorious.! § 21. The Return to Nazareth. Joseph and Mary remained but a short time with the child in Egypt. The death of Herod soon recalled them to Palestine, and they returned to their old place of abode, the little town of Nazareth,§ in Galilee. * It was never executed. t Josephus (Archseol., xvii., 6, 5) says of him : " MtAaiva xo^V avr'ov fiptl or! naoiv l\aypia- Ivovaa." Even Schlosser admits (View of Ancient History and Civilization, iii., 1, p. 261 that the account of the massacre of the infants, viewed in this connexion, offers no im probabihty. X Instead of seeing the expression of the idea in the facts, we might, with the idealistic ghost-seers, invert the order of things, and say that " the idea wrought itself into history in the popular traditions" (whose origin, by-the-way, it would be hard to explain after what has been said) " of the Christians." In that case we must consider every thin=- remarkable every scintillation of Divinity in the lives of individual men, as absolutely fabulous. This were, indeed, to degrade and atheize all nistory and all life ; and such is the necessary tendency of that criticism which rejects all immediate Divine influence. § It was formerly thought that Matthew and Luke contradicted each other here. Luke states that Nazareth was the home of Joseph and Mary, and that, having gone to Bethle hem for a special purpose (the taxing), they remained long enough to perform the necessaiy BROTHERS AND SISTERS QF JESUS. 29 J 22. Brothers and Sisters of Jesus ; the Mention of them in the Gospel Narrative, Proof of its historical Character. Various scattered statements in the Evangelists lead us to conclude that Christ had younger brothers and sisters.* The religious princi ples of Joseph and Mary offered no hindrance to this ; it harmonizes well with the Christian view of the sanctity of wedlock ; nor is there any thing at variance with it in the authentic traditions of the apostol ic age. But had the miraculous conception been mythical, the idea of later- born children would have been abhorrent to the spirit which originated such a myth. In later times, indeed, this idea did appear abhorrent to some minds ; but it still 'remains a mystery why the mythical spirit did not exercise its power in remodelling the historical elements. It is worthy of note that Mark and John agree in stating that these brothers of the Saviour remained unbelievers during his stay on earth, a fact which illustrates the truthfulness of the history, since it by no means tended to glorify either Christ or his brothers, one of whom, at least (James), was in high repute among the Jewish Christians. It is not to be wondered at that the prophet was without honour among those who dwelt under the same roof, and saw him grow up under the same laws of ordinary human nature with themselves. True, this daily con- ceremonies after the birth of the child, and then returned home. According to Matthew, Bethlehem appears to have been their settled place of abode, and Jjbey were only induced, by special considerations, to betake themselves to Nazareth after their return from Egypt. The apparent contradiction vanishes -when we consider that the memoirs were collected and written independently of each other. Luke may have received the account of the journey of Christ's parents to Bethlehem, without learning either their intention to remain there with the child, or the cause that led them to change that intention ; while the author of the Greek text of Majjthew may have adhered to the separate statements that were given to him, in ignorance of the special cause of the journey to Bethlehem. Both accounts may be equally true, and harmonize well with each other, although those who put them imperfectly together may not perceive the argument. "Moreover, even in Matthew (xiii., 54) we find Nazareth named as Christ's " own country." There is no improbability in supposing that Joseph and Mary were in duced, by the remarkable events which marked the birth of the child at Bethlehem, and by the revelation of his destiny that was vouchsafed to them, to fix their residence at the seat ofthe tribe of David, in the vicinity of the Holy City; but that fear of Archelaus, who emu lated his father's cruelty and contempt of holy things, led them to change this purpose. This much is certain, that Matthew's statement of the apprehension which grew out of Archelaus's accession to the government agrees precisely with the testimony of history in regard to that prince, who, in the tenth year of his reign, was accnsed before Augustus of various crimes, and exiled to Vienna. — Joseph., xvii., xiii., 2. * The word ms, in Matt., i., 25, in connexion with the statement that Jesus was Mary's first-born, leads us to infer Matthew's knowledge of children subsequently born to her (conf. De Wette on the passage), which we the more certainly conclude, as the same Evangelist mentions brothers and sisters of Jesus especially, together with his mother. — See Matt., xiii., 55. This view is the most natural in such passages as name them together, e. g., Luke, viii., 21 ; Mark, iii., 31 ; John, ii., 12 ; vii., 3. It would be forced work indeed to sup pose that in all these passages iic\