YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE M0RM0I1 BATTALIO IN THE Jt exican War 1846-1847. BY SERGEANT DAN 18 Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1881, by Daniel Tyler, in the Office of the Librarian of Congress, at Washington. ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. PREFACE. After a lapse of thirty -six years from the time of the enlist ment of the Mormon Battalion, no apology is required for publishing its history. Had its publication been undertaken at an earlier date, it might have been accomplished more satisfactorily to all concerned, as many important and inter esting facts and incidents have doubtless been buried with the departed veterans. However, the most sanguine expecta tions of the author have been realized in the data collected for compiling this history, consisting of diaries written dur ing service and numerous letters and statements from sur viving members of that valiant corps. Neither labor, pains nor expense has been spared in the effort to make this a just and authentic history. The author has not aimed at sensational effect, nor made any attempt at literary embellishment, but rather endeavored to offer a plain statement of facts and give due credit to all concerned. Should his efforts meet the approval of his intelligent readers, his highest ambition in the publication of this work will be attained. D. T. CONTENTS. INTRODUCTORY: Martyrdom of Joseph Smith, written by President John Taylor, page 10; The "Mormons," a discourse delivered before the Historical bociety of Pennsylvania, March 26, 1850, by Thomas L. Kane, page 64; The Mormon Battalion and First Wagon Road Over the Great American Desert, by Miss Eliza R. Snow, page 107. CHAPTER I. C auses that led to the Enlistment of the Battahon — Virtually a Requisitibn from the Government — Muster Roll — Servants to Officers — Families who Accompanied the Battahon. 110. CHAPTFR II. First Orders Issued — Condition of Families and Feeling of Soldiers — Instruc tions of Church Authorities — A Pathetic Story of a Soldier's Wife. 127. CHAPTER III. Money Subscribed by the Soldiers for their Families and Poor Friends — First Death on the Journey — Out of Flour — A Prejudiced Missourian— Regrets of Mobocrats — Hurricane — Arrival at Fort Lavenworth — Anec dote of Colonel C — Dr. Sanderson appointed Surgeon — Haste to get Muskets — Character of Missouri Volunteers — More Money Subscribed by tbe Soldiers — Superior Intelligence and Obedience. 131. CHAPTER IV Departure of Elders on Missions — Sickness — Start for Fort Leavenworth — Henry Standage Lost — News of Colonel Kane's Sickness — A Severe Storm — Feast of Honey — Ancient Ruins — Sanford Porter Healed in Answer to Prayer — Wagon Overturned in a Creek — Colenel Allen's Death — Death of Jane and John Bosco. 137. CHAPTER V. Question of a New Commander — Captain Hunt Elected — Arrival of Smith and Sanderson — Council of Officers — Smith Elected to take Command — Smith's Inhuman Treatment of the Sick — Repulsed by Sergeant Williams — The Sick Object to take Drugs — Sergeant Jones Protests Against their Being Forced to — Dykes' Perfidy — Letter from President Young — The "old Iron Spoon"— A Fiendish Doctor. 143. CHAPTER VI. A Faithful Sentinel Arrests the Colonel — The Colonel Frightened — Buffalo Meat — Military Law Read — Difficult Crossing— The Author Sick — Dread of the Doctor's Poisonous Drugs — Begs to be Left to Die — News of the Capture of Santa Fe — Dosed with Calomel — Disobey the Doctor and Recover— Doctor Claims Credit for the Cure — Camomile Tea — Who Used the Brandy — Pace's Account of Colonel Allen's Death, etc. 147. IT. CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Correspondence Between Sanderson and Smith and President Young — The True Version of How the New Commander should have been Selected, 153. CHAPTFR VIII. Novel way of Catching Fish — Wagon Upset and Man Injured — Overtake Price's Regiment — Character of Price and his Men — Higgins' Detach ment Sent to Pueblo — Dissatisfaction — Alva Phelps Drugged to Death — Curious Phenomenon — Suffer from Thirst — Forced Marches — Men Sali vated. 157. CHAPTFR IX. Rations Reduced — Bones of Mules Found — Ancient Ruins — The Officers and Healthy Men Push on for Santa Fe — Sick Left to Follow Without a Doctor — Style of Milking Spanish Goats — Arrival at Santa Fe — Par tiality shown the Battalion by General Doniphan — Glimpse at Missouri ..Persecutions. 161. CHAPTFR X . Captain Higgins' Detachment — Norman Sharp Accidentally Shot — Left to be Doctored by an Indian, and Dies — Colonel Cook Takes Command of the Battalion — His Orders. 165. CHAPTER XI. Detachment sent to Pueblo from Santa Fe — Death of Milton Smith — Death of Joseph W. Richards — Tributes from his Comrades, and Sister Hunt. 169. CHAPTER XII Colonel Cooke's Statement of the Condition of the Battalion — Paid in Cheeks that could not be Cashed— Send them to Council Bluffs — Reason for Lieutenant Gully's Resignation — Condition of Animals — Strict Discipline of Colonel Cooke— An Officer the First to be»Punished. 173. CHAPTER XIII. Mexicans too much Prejudiced to sell us Supplies — Mexican Costumes — Ser- feant Elmer Reduced to the Ranks — Navajo Raids on the Mexicans — [ardships of our Journey — Animals Devoured Wholly, Except Bones and Hair — Men Have to Pull the Wagons — A Song. 178. CHAPTER XIV Lieutenant Dykes resigns his Adjutancy — Dinner of Sheep's Lights — Mexi can Spurs — Mexican Woman Stolen by Navajoes — Hampton Reported Well by Dr. Sanderson, and Dies a Few Hours Afterwards — Another | Reduction in Rations — Rumors of Intended Revolt — Two Men Punished Through the Meanness of Dykes — Sergeant Elmer Restored to Office — Discouraging Reports of Guides — Condition of Teams. 184. CHAPTER XV. Lieutenant Willis Sent Back with the Sick — Only five Days' Rations for a Journey of 300 Miles— Ox Mired and Killed— Oxen Providentially Provided — Death of Elijah Freeman and Richard Carter— Wagons Ex changed for Pack Animals— Sickness of Men— Left on the Way— A Severe Journey— Snow Four Feet Deep— Arrival at Peublo— Condition of Men— Gilbert Hunt Sent Back for the Sick — Sad Death of Cole man. Igg. CONTENTS. CHAPTER XVI. Detachments of Brown and Higgins — Death of Milton Kelly— Houses Com pleted — Death of Two Children, also John Perkins, Brother Scott, Arnold Stephens and M. S. Blanchard— Rumors of Revolt— Visit to Soda Fountain — Description of the Place— Game Killed— Pay Received, Also Orders to March to California. 195. CHAPTER XVII. Journey Commenced — Meeting with A. M. Lyman and Others from Council Bluffs— Emotions at Meeting — A Perilous and Severe Journey by Tippets and Woolsey — Arrival of the Detachment at Fort Laramie— Follow the Pioneer Trail — Arrival in Salt Lake Valley — Disbanded. 198. CHAPTER XVIII. Travels of the Main Army — Two Wagons Left — Antics of Oxen on being Packed — Muskets Used for Tent Poles — First Indian Wigwams — Ancient Earthenware and Ghss — Leave the Rio Grande — Ancient Gold Mine — Goats Killed — Table Land — Road Turns to Mexican Settlements —Council Decides to go that Way — Prayers for the Colonel's Mind to be Changed — \. Scare — Prayer Answered — Men March Ahead of Teams to Break the Road — Charboneaux Kills his Mule. 202. CHAPTER XIX . Author's Birthday — Severe Suffering from Thirst Mirage — Reach Water —John R. Murdoek Sick — Henry G. Boyle Healed ia Answer to Prayer — Bear Killed — Crossing the Mountains — Wagons Lowered With Ropes —Dykes Almost Shot While Playing the Spy— Wild Cattle— Killing a Wild Bull— Return of John Allen— His Adventures. 208. CHAPTER XX. The Apache Indians — Jerking Beef— Loading of Guns and Firing at Game Prohibited — Order Disregarded — Author Sick — Calomel and Arsenic as Medicine- JJeath of Elisha Smith— Howling of the Wolves— A Song 214. CHAPTER XXI. Wild Horses — Game Plentiful — Wild Cattle Congregate on our Route — A Battle with them — Losses on Both Sides — One man Thrown Ten Feet in the Air — Wonderful Tenacity of Life in the Wild Bulls — Coolness and Bravery of Corporal Frost — A Song on the Bull Fight. 218. CHAPTER XXII. Decide to March Through Tucson— Guide held at Tucson as Prisoner — Mexi can Soldiers Arrested and held as Hostages until Foster is Released — Mexicans Refuse to Surrender — Prepare for an Engagement — Mexican Soldiers Desert the Town — We March Through — Kindness of Citizens — Public Wheat Taken for Mule Feed — Primitive Mills — An Alarm — An Excited Officer — Letter to the Governor of Sonora. 224. CHAPTER XXIII Long and Difficult March Without Water — Great Suffering — A Laughable Occurrence — The Pima Village — The Natives — News from Kearny — A Cruel Order — The Maricopa Indians— Their Honesty. 231. VL CONTENTS, CHAPTER XXIV. Cross a Bend of the Gila — Brackish Water — Difficult Traveling — Boat made of two Wagon-boxes — Provisions Shipped in it — Fears for its Safety — Boating a Failure — Cargo Left — Another Reduction in Rations — Feed on Mezquit Seeds — Arrival at the Colorado — Crossing the River — Suff ering of the Men sent Back for Flour — Wagon Stuck in the Middle of the River — Left there by the Colonel — His Statement Incorrect — Wagons Abandoned. 237. CHAPTER XXV. Troublesome Fires in the Brush — Discouraging Prospect— ;No Water — Alas, for Human Hopes — A Trying March — Great Suffering from Thirst — Meet fresh Mules and some Beeves — Freezing at Night and Scorching by Day — Arrival at the Cariza — -Happy Reliefs — Good Water to Drink — Novel Style of Boots. 242. CHAPTER XXVI Heavy Roads — Last Food Eaten — Messengers from San Diego— Cheerful ness of Men — News of Battles — Cutting a Road Through a Mountain Gorge — Arrival at Warner's Rancho — A Full Meal — Cheap Beef- Hot Spring— Sleeping Under Water— Flour from the Boat Disaster — March for San Diego— Beef Diet. 246. CHAPTER XXVII . . First View of the Pacific Ocean — Arrival at San Diego Mission — Compli mentary Order from Colonel Cooke — General Kearny's Entry to Cali fornia — Skirmishes with Californians. 252. CHAPTER XXVIII. Kearny's Stubborn Defense on the Hill — Providential Stratagem of the Enemy — Desperate Resolve — Timely Relief— Sufferings of Kearny's Men— The last Decisive Battle — Civil War Feared — Fremont's Men Refuse to Deliver Pubhc Property — Commodore Stockton's Report to the Secretary of the Navy — Commodore Stockton Refuses to treat with Jose Ma Flores — Colonel Freeman's Assumption — Articles of Capitu lation — Dispute Settled — Wisdom of Stockton and Kearny — Battalion and Dragoons the only Regularly Mustered Soldiers in California. 259. , CHAPTERXXIX. Men Visit San Diego — Precautionary Measure — March to San Luis Rey — Police Detailed — Men nearly Naked— Exorbitant Prices of Clothing — , Catholic Church— Public Square about four Acres — Semi-Tropical Fruit Trees— Large Reservoir — Duties of Soldiers in Garrison — Regrets at Having to Shave — Reasons assigned — Fleas and Vermin — Only Cloth ing— R. N. Allred a Non-Commissioned Staff Officer— Sunday Dress Parade— The Drill Commenced — Incident of Drill — Religious Services —Seventies' Meetings — Considered Officious. 263. CHAPTER XXX. Company B sent to San Diego— Change of Diet— Religious Services- Sentinel Court-martialed for Sleeping at his Post— Colonel, Dissatis fied with the Meagre Penalty, Remits the Sentence — Barrowman Accepts the Result as an Answer to Prayer— Detachment' Sent after Wagons— Curious Ox Yokes— Garrison Duties — Lieutenant Stone- man and Detachment sent to San Diego— Reduced to the Ranks- Unsettled Condition of Governorship— Circular from Commodore Shubrick and Proclamation from Kearny— Orders to Fremont to Dis band his Forces— His Refusal. 267 CONTENTS. TO. CHAPTER XXXI. Complaints of Short Rations — Tale-Bearing Dykes — Sergeant Jones and Corporal Lane Reduced to the Ranks — March to Los Angeles — Cooke Applies for Ordnance and Fails— Four Indians Killed — Cap tain Hunt's Explanation — Death of David Smith — San Luis Rey Abandoned— Petition for Discharge of Battalion Treated with Con tempt by Officers— Arrival of Colonel Mason— Hatred of Fremont's Men towards the Battalion — Cajon Pass Guarded. 272. CHAPTER XXXII. Efficiency of the Battalion — John Allen Excommunicated — Colonel Cooke Orders the Horses, Purchased by Soldiers, Sold at Auction — Fort Erected — War Imminent — Detachments all Called In — Dragoons our Champions — Privilege to Re-enlist Declined — Death of Captain Hunter's Wife — Colonel Stevenson Appointed to Supersede in Com mand — Letters from Families — News of a Battle — Arrival of Gen eral Kearny — He Compliments the Battalion — Skirmish with Indians — A Barbarous Practice Abolished — General Kearny's Address to the Battalion — Detachment to Accompany him to Fort Leavenworth. 277. CHAPTER XXXIII. Company B at San Diego — Building a Fort — Religious Services — Literary Club — Cheap Animals — "Herding Stallions" — Death of Albert Dunham — "Stocks" — Miserable Mobocrat — Fossil Remains — Wedding — Immor al Priest — Soldiers Seeking Work — News of General Taylor's Victory — Colonel Stevenson's Arrival and Address — Lieutenant Clift Appointed Alcalde — First Brick Made in California — Fourth of July Celebrated — Citizens of San Diego Petition to have the "Mormon" Soldiers Re main — Song — Return to Los Angeles. 283. CHAPTER XXXIV Slaughter of Dogs — "Dancing Bill" — Detachment to San Pedro — Acci dent to John Spidle — Soap Factory — John Alien Drummed out of Service — Fate of Hastings' Company — Liberty Pole — Celebration of St. John's Day — Colonel Stevenson's Speech and Invitation to Re-enlist — Other Speeches Pro and Con — Conditions for Re-enlistment Rejected by Colonel Stevenson — Liberty Pole Raised — The Glorious Fourth — Bull Fight— Battalion Discharged— Paid Off— Some Re-enlist. 290. CHAPTER XXXV Travels of General Kearny's Escort to Monterey — Kearny's Arrival — Fremont Under Arrest — Overland Journey Commenced — Incidents of Travel — Costume of Digger Indians — Losses in Fording a River — Visits from Brethren— Sacramento Valley — Remains of the Ill-fated Emigrants — A Horrible Scene — Bury the Bones — Accidental Shooting—Nude Indians — Boiling Springs — Pass Soda Springs and Bear Lake Valley — Meet Companies of the Saints — Arrival at Fort Lavenworth and Dis charge — Fremont put in Irons. 299. CHAPTER XXXVI. Discharged Soldiers at Los Angeles — Their Morality, etc. — Organize for the Return Trip — Journey Commenced — A Remarkable Dream and its Ful fillment — Difficult Mountain Trail — Animals Lost— Beef Cattle Slaught ered — A Memorial of a Mountaineer's Death — The Hottest Day — Vain Search for Walker's Pass — Ecstatic Dance of an Indian — Sacramento Valley — News of the Pioneers — Some of the Men Decide to Remain and Work in California. 305. CONTENTS. •CHAPTER XXXVII. Get Horses Shod and Procure an Outfit— Johnson's Mill — Nude Indians — Mrs. Johnson's Story— Horrible Account of Suffering — Human Beings Living on the Flesh of their Fellows— Taste Developed for such Food- Meet Samuel Brannan Returning to California — Doleful Account of Salt Lake Valley — Captain James Brown Met — Epistle from the Twelve Apostles — Letters from Firends. 311. C HAPTER XXXVIII . Many Return to California— Death of Henry Hoyt — Money Providentially Provided— Clothing Lost — Pants Worn Out — Skins Purchased for a New Pair — Arrival in Salt Lake Valley — Destitute Condition of Men —Clothing Donated for Them — Seeds Brought by Battalion — Prolific Yield of Peas — Characteristics of Peas Change. 316. CHAPTER XXXIX. Eastward Journey Resumed — No Flour to be Obtained for the Trip — Disappointments at Bridger and Laramie — Scant Fare — Episode with Indians — Diet of Rawhide Saddle Bags — Providential Freezing of the River— Reach Winter Quarters— Kindness of Friends. 320. CHAPTER XL. "Mormon Volunteers" — Quartered in San Diego — Detachment Sent to San Luis Rey— Death of Sergeant Frost and Neal Donald — Extra Work Done by the Soldiers— Serve Longer than They Enlisted for — Immor ality Among their Successors — Journey to Salt Lake Valley by the Southern Route. 326. CHAPTER XLI. Men who Returned to California for Work— Employed by Captain Sutter to Build Mills— Discovery of Gold in the Mill Race by Mr. Marshall- Other Discoveries — Effects of the Gold Fever. 332. CHAPTER XLII. Attempt to Explore a New Route to Salt Lake Valley— Forced to return on Account of Deep Snow — Three Men Grow Impatient and Make Another Attempt, and are Murdered by Indians — The Company Follow and Dis cover their Remains — Animals Alarmed — Scattered by the Firing of a Cannon. 335, CHAPTER XLI II. Make a Road to Carson Valley — Meet Emigrants — Their Joy at News of Gold— Enter the Valley by the Deep Creek Route— "Mormon" Enter prise in San Francisco — Adventurous Trip from San Francisco to CouncU Bluffs. 339. CHAPTER XLIV President Young Requested by the Military Commander of California to have Another Battalion sent'there — President Young's Address to the "Battal ion Boys" in Salt Lake Valley — Why the Call was Made for the Battalion — Opposed to their Re-enlisting. 343, CHAPTER XLV First General Festival of the Mormon Battalion in Salt Lake Valley — Speeches by Father Pettegrew, Presidents Young, Kimball and Grant, Sergeant Hyde, Captain Brown, Lieutenants Clark and Thompson and Brothers Huntington, Williams, Wilkin, King, Garner, Durphy, Hess and Hawk. 345, CHAPTER XLVI. Synopsis of a Lecture by Jamas Ferguson — Correspondence Between Fer- fuson and Cooke — Cooke's Deference to the Mormon Battalion when 'assing Through Salt Lake City in 1858— Survivors of the Mormon Battalion— Song. 364. INTRODUCTORY, Before entering upon the History of the Mormon Battalion, it seems necessary to offer; some explanation of the previous condition of the Latter-day Saints; otherwise the reader unacquainted with those facts would scarcely be able to appreciate the situation of the people at the time of the enlist ment of the Battalion. The following sketch, written by President John Taylor, many years since, gives an excellent idea of affairs previous to the exodus bf the Saints from Illinois. It is therefore republished here by the kind permission of the author. As stated in the context, it was written at a time when documen- tiary evidence was not available; it has, however, been since revised and compared with authentic data, and may be relied upon as true in every particular. The historical address of General Thomas L. Kane, also inserted in this same connection, depicts in graphic terms some s,cenes of which he was a witness when the . Saints fled from their homes in Nauvoo to journey into the wilderness. THE MARTYRDOM OF JOSEPH. SMITH. BY PRESIDENT JOHN TAYLOR. Being requested by Elders George A. Smith and "Wilford , Woodruff, Church historions, to write an account of events that transpired before, and took place at, the time of the martyrdom of Joseph Smith, in Carthage jail, in Hancock County, State of Illinois, I write the following, principally from memory, not having access at this time to any public documents relative thereto farther than a few desultory items contained in Ford's "History of Illinois." I must also acknowledge myself consider ably indebted to George A. Smith, who was with me when I wrote it, and who, although not there at the time of the bloody transaction, yet, from conversing with several persons who were in the capacity of Church historians,' and aided by an excellent memory, has rendered me considerable service/ These and the few items contained in the Tiote at- the end of this account are all the aid I have had. I would farther add that the items contained in the letter, in relation to dates especi ally, may be considered strictly correct. After having written the whole, I read it over to the Hon. J. M. Bernhisel, who with one or two slight alterations, pro nounced it strictly correct. Brother Bernhisel was present most of the time. I am afraid that, from the length of time that has transpired since the occurrence, and having to rely almost exclusively upon my memory, there may be gome slight inaccuracies, but I believe that in the general it is strictly correct. A s I figured in those transactions from the commence ment to the end, they left no slight impression on my mind. In the year 1844, a very great excitement prevailed in some parts of Hancock, Brown, and other neighboring Counties of Illinois, in relation to the "Mormons," and a spirit of vindic tive hatred and persecution was exhibited among the people, which was manifested in the most bitter and acrimonious language, as well as by acts of hostility and violence, frequently threatening the destruction of the citizens of Nauvoo and INTRODUCTORY. 11 vicinity, and utter annihilation of the "Mormons" and "Mor- monism," and in some instances breaking out in the most violent acts of ruffianly barbarity. Persons were kidnapped, whipped, persecuted, and falsely accused of various crimes; their cattle and houses injured, destroyed, or stolen; vexatious prosecutions were instituted to harass, and annoy. In some remote neighborhoods they were expelled from their homes without redress, and in others violence was threatened to their persons and property, while in others every kind of insult and indignity were heaped upon them, to induce them to aban don their homes, the County, or the State. These annoyances, prosecutions, and persecutions were instigated through different agencies and by various classes of men, actuated by different motives, but all uniting in the one ob ject — prosecution, persecution, and extermination of the Saints. There were a number of wicked and corrupt men living in Nauvoo and its vicinity, who had belonged to the Church, but whose conduct was incompatible with the gospel : they were accordingly dealt with by the Church and severed from its communion. Some of these had been prominent members, and held official stations either in the city or Church. Among these were John C. Bennett, formerly mayor; William Law, Counselor to Joseph Smith ; Wilson Law, his natural brother, and general in the Nauvoo Legion ; Dr. R. D. Foster, a man of some property, but with a very bad reputation ; Francis and Chauncey Higbee, the latter a young lawyer, and both sons of a respectable and honored man in the Church, known as Judge Elias Higbee, who died about twelve months before. 'Besides these, there were a great many apostates, both in the city and county, of less notoriety, who for their' delinquencies, had been expelled from the Church. John C. Bennett and Francis and Chauncey Higbee were cut off from the Church ; the former was also cashiered from his generalship for the most flagrant acts of seduction and adultery; and the developments in their cases were so scandalous that the High Council, before whom they were tried, had to.sit with closed doors. WiUiam Law, although Counselor to Joseph, was found to be his most bitter foe and maligner, and to hold intercourse, contrary to all law, in his owniiouse, with a young lady resident with him ; and it was afterwards proven that he had conspired 12 INTRODUCTORY. with some Missourians to take Joseph Smith's life, and was only ' saved by Josiah Arnold and Daniel Garn, who, being on guard at his house, prevented the assassins from seeing him. Yet, although having murder in his heart, his manners were gener ally courteous and mild, and he was well calculated to deceive. General Wilson Law was cut off from the Church for seduc tion, falsehood, and defamation; both the above were also court-martialed by the Nauvoo Legion, and expelled. Foster was also cut off I believe, for dishonesty, fraud, and falsehood. I know he was eminently guilty of the whole, but whether these were the specific charges 01 not, I don't know, but I do know that he was a notoriously wicked and corrupt man. Besides the above characters and "Mormonic" apostates, there were other three parties. The, first of these may be called religionists, the second politicians, and the third counterfeiters, black-legs, horse-thieves, and cut-throats. The religious party were chagrined and maddened because "Mormonism" came in contact with their religion, and they could not oppose it from the scriptures. Thus like the ancient Jews, when enraged at the exhibition of their follies and hy pocrisies by Jesus and His apostles, so these were infuriated against the "Mormons" because of their discomfiture by them; and instead of owning the truth and rejoicing in it, they were ready to gnash upon them with their teeth, and to persecute the believers in principles which they could not disprove. The political party were those who were of opposite politics to us. There were always two parties, the Whigs and Demo crats, and we could not vote for one without offending the other ; and it not unfrequently happened that candidates for office would place the issue of their election upon opposition to the "Mormons," in order to gain political influence from religious prejudice, in which case the "Mormons'' were com pelled, in self-defense, to vote against them, which resulted almost invariably against our opponents. This made them angry; and although it was of their own making, and the "Mormons" could not be expected to do otherwise, yet they raged on account of their discomfiture, and sought to wreak their fury on the . "Mormons.'' As an instance of the above, when Joseph Duncan was candidate for the office of governor of Illinois, he pledged himself to his party that, if he could INTRODUCTORY. 13 be elected, he would exterminate or drive the "Mormons" from the State.* The consequence was that Governor Ford was elected. The Whigs, seeing that they had been out-generaled by the Democrats in securing the "Mormon" vote, became seriously alarmed, and sought to repair their disaster by rais ing a crusade against the people. The Whig newspapers teemed with accounts of the wonders and enormities of Nau voo, and of the awful wickedness, of a party which could con sent to receive the Support of such miscreants. Governor Dun can, who was really a brave, honest man, and who had noth ing to do with getting the "Mormon" charters passed through the Legislature, took the stump on this subject in good earnest, and expected to be elected governor ald$t on this question alone. The third party, composed of counterfeiters, black-legs, horse-thieves, and cut-throats, were a pack of scoundrels that- infested the whole of the western country at that time. In some districts their influence was so great as to control impor- ant State and County offices. On this subject Governor Ford has the following ; "Then, again, the northern part of the State was not desti tute of its organized bands of rogues, engaged in murders, robberies, horse-stealing, and in making and passing counter feit money. These rogues were scattered all over the north, but the most of them were located in the Counties of Ogle, Winnebago, Lee, and De Kalb. "In the County of Ogle they were so numerous, strong, and well organized that they could not be convicted for their crimes. By getting some of their numbers on the juries, by producing a host of witnesses to sustain their defense, by perjured evi dence, and by changing the venue of one County to another, by continuances from term to term, and by the inability of witnesses to attend from time to time at distant and foreign Counties, they most generally managed to be acquitted."f There was a combination of horse-thieves extending from Galena to Alton. There were counterfeiters engaged in mer chandising, trading, and store-keeping in most of the cities * See his remarks as contained in his History of Illinois, page 269. t Ford's History of Illinois, page 246. 14 INTRODUCTORY. and villages, and in some districts, I have been credibly informed by men to whom they have disclosed their secrets, the judges, sheriffs, constables, and jailors, as well, as profes sional men, were moire or less associated with them. These had in their employ the most reckless, abandoned wretches, who stood ready to carry into effect the most desperate enter prises, and were careless alike qf human life and property. Their object in persecuting the "Mormons" was in part to cover their own rascality, and in part to prevent them from exposing and prosecuting them ; but the principal reason was plunder, believing that if they could be removed- or driven they would. be made fat on "Mormon" spoils, besides having in the deserted city a good asylum for the prosecution of their diabolical pur suits. This conglomeration of apostate "Mormons," religious bigots, political fanatics and black-legs, all united their forces against the "Mormons," and organized themselves into a party, denom inated "anti-Mormons." Some of them, we have reason to believe, joined the Church in order to cover their nefarious practices, and when they were expelled for their unrighteous ness only raged with greater violence. They circulated every kind of falsehood that they could collect or manufacture against the "Mormons." They also had a paper to assist them in their infamous designs, called the Warsaw Signal, edited by a Mr. Thomas Sharp, a violent and unprincipled man, who shrunk not from any enormity. The "anti-Mormons" had public meetings, which were very numerously attended, where they passed resolutions of the most violent and inflammatory kind, threatening to drive, expel and exterminate the "Mor mons" from the State, at the same time accusing them of every evil in the vocabulary of crime. They appointed their meetings in various parts of Hancock, M'Donough, and other Counties, which soon resulted in the organization of armed mobs, under the direction of officers who reported to their head-quarters, and the reports of which were publishhd in the "anti-Mormon" paper, and circulated through the adjoining Counties. We also published in the Times and Seasons and the Nauvoo Neighbor (two papers pub lished and edited by me at that time) an account, not only of their proceedings, but our own. But such was the hostile feel- INTRODUCTORY. 15 ing, so well arranged their plans, and so desperate and lawless their measures, that it was with the greatest difficulty that we could get our papers circulated; they were destroyed by "post masters and others, and scarcely ever arrived at the place of their destination, so that a great many of the people, who would have been otherwise peaceable, were- excited by their misrepresentations, and instigated to ioin their hostile or predatory bands. Emboldened by the acts of those outside, the apostate "Mor mons," associated with others, commenced the publication of a libelous paper in Nauvoo, called the Nauvoo Expositor. This paper not only reprinted from the others, but put in circula tion the most libelous, false, and infamous reports concerning the citizens of Nauvoo, and especially the ladies. It was, how ever, no sooner put in circulation than the indignation of the whole community was aroused ; So much so, that they threat ened its annihilation ; and I do not believe that in any other city in the United States, if the same charges had been made against the citizens, it would have been permitted to remain one day. As it was among us, under these circumstances, it was thought best to convene the City Council to take into con sideration the adoption of some measures for its removal, as it was deemed better that this should be done legally than illeg ally. Joseph Smith, therefore, who was mayor, convened the City Council for that purpose ; the paper was introduced and read, and the subject examined. All, or nearly all present, expressed their indignation at the course taken by the Expositor, which was owned by some of the aforesaid apostates, associated with one or two others. Wilson Law, Dr. Foster, Charles Ivins and the Higbees before referred to, some lawyers, store-keepers, and others in Nauvoo who were not "Mormons," together with the "anti-Mormons" outside of the city, sustained it. The calculation was, by false statements, to unsettle the minds of many in the city, and to form enmbinations there similar to the anti-Mormon" associations outside of the city. Various attemps had heretofore been made by the party to annoy and irritate the citizens of Nauvoo; false accusations had been made, vexatious lawsuits instituted, threats made, and' various devices resorted to, to influence the public mind, and, if possi ble, to provoke us to the commission of some OYert act that 16 ITNRODUCTORY. might make us amenable to the law. With a perfect knowl edge, therefore, of the designs of these infernal scoundrels who were in our midst, as well as those who surrounded us, the City Council entered upon an investigation of the matter. They felt that they were in a critical position, and that any move made for the abating of that press would be looked upon, or at least represented, as a direct attack upon the liberty of speech, and that, so far from displeasing our enemies, it would be looked upon by them as one of the best circumstances that could transpire to assist them in their nefarious and bloody designs. Being a member of the City Council, I well remem ber the feeling of responsibility that seemed to rest upon all pres ent; nor shall I soon forget the bold, manly, independent expres sions of Joseph Smith on that occasion in relation to this mat ter. He exhibited in glowing colors the meanness, corruption,. and ultimate designs of the "anti-Mromons ;" their despicable characters and ungodly influences, especially of those who were in our midst. He told of the responsibility that rested upon us, as guardians of the public interest, to stand up in the defense of the injured and oppressed, to stem the current of corruption, and, as men and Saints, to put a stop to this flagrant outrage upon this people's rights. He stated that no man was a stonger advocate for the liberty of speech and of the press than himself; yet, when this noble gift is utterly prostituted and abused, as in the present instance, it loses all claim to our respect, and becomes as great an agent for evil as it can possibly be for good ; and notwithstanding the apparent advantage we should give our enemies by this' act, yet it behooved us, as men, to act independent of all sec ondary influences, to perform the part of men of enlarged ; minds, and boldly and fearlessly to discharge the duties devolv ing upon us by declaring as a nuisance, and removing this filthy, libelous, and seditious sheet from our midst. The subject was discussed in various forms, and after the remarks made by the mayor, every one seemed to be waiting; for some one else to speak. After a considerable pause, I arose and expressed my feel ings frankly, as Joseph had done, and numbers of others fol lowed in the same strain; and I think, but am not certain, that I made a motion for the refnoval of that press as a nuis- INTRODUCTORY. 17 ance. This motion was finally put, and carried by all but one; and he conceded that the measure was just, but abstained through fear.. Several members of the City Council were not in the Church. The following is the bill referred to : BUI for Removing of the Press of the "Nauvoo Expositor."* "Resolved hy the City Council of the City of Nauvoo, that the printing- office from whence issues the Nauvoo Expositor is a public nuisance ; and also of said Nauvoo Expositors which may be or exist in said establishment ; and the mayor is instructed to cause said establishment and papers to be removed without aelay, in such manner as he shall direct. "Passed June 10th, 1844. Geo. W. Harris, President pro tern. "W. Richards, Recorder." After the passage of the bill, the marshal, John P. Green, was ordered to abate or remove, which he forthwith proceeded to do by summoning a posse of men for that purpose. The press was removed or broken, I don't remember which, by the marshal, and the types scattered in the street. This seemed to be one of those extreme cases that require extreme measures, as the press was still proceeding in its inflammatory course. It was feared that, "as it was almost universally execrated, should it continue longer, an indignant people might commit some overt act which might lead to seri ous consequences, and that it was better to use legal than illegal means. This, as was foreseen, was the very course our enemies wished us to pursue, as it afforded them an opportunity of cir culating a very plausible story about the "Mormons" being opposed to the liberty of the press and of free speech, which they were not slow to avail themselves of. Stories were fabri cated, and facts perverted; false statements were made, and this act brought in as an example to sustain the whole of their fabrications; and, as if inspired by Satan, they labored with an energy and zeal worthy of a better cause. They had run ners to circulate their reports, not only through Hancock County, but in all the surrounding Counties. These reports were communicated to their "anti-Mormon" societies, and these societies circulated them in their several districts. The "anti- * Deseret News, No, 29, Sept. 23, 1857, p. 226. INTRODUCTORY. Mormon'' paper, the Warsaw Signal, was filled. with inflamma tory articles and misrepresentations in relation to us, and especially to this act of destroying the press. We were repre sented as a horde of lawless ruffians and brigands, anti- American and anti-republican, steeped in crime and iniquity, opposed to freedom of speech and of the press, and all the rights and immunities of a free and enlightened people; that neither person nor property were secure: that we had designs upon the citizens of Illinois and of the United States, and the people were called upon to rise en masse, and put us down, drive us away, or exterminate us as a pest to society, anil alike danger ous to our neighbors, the State, and commonwealth. These statements were extensively copied and circulated throughout the LTnited States. A true statement of the facts in question was published by us both in the Times and Seasons and the Nauvoo Neighbor; but it was found impossible to cir culate them in the immodiate Counties, as they were destroyed at the post-offices or otherwise by the agents of the "anti-Mor mons," and. in order to get the mail to go abroad, I had to send the papers a distance of thirty or forty miles from Nau voo. and sometimes to St. Louis (upward of two hundred miles), to insure their proceeding on their route, and then one half or two thirds of the papers never reached the place of destination, being intercepted or destroyed by our enemies. These false reports stirred up the community around, of whom many, on account of religious prejudice, were easily instigated to join the "anti-Mormons" and embark in any crusade that might be undertaken against us: hence their ranks swelled in numbers, and new organizations were formed, meetings were held, resolutions passed, and men and means volunteered for the extirpation of the •Mormons." On these points Governor Ford writes: "These also were the active men in blowing up the fury of the people, in hopes that a popular movement might be set on foot, which would result in the expulsion or extermination of the 'Mormon' voters. For this purpose public meetings had been called, inflammatory speeches had been made, exaggerated reports had boon extensively circulated, committees had been appointed, who rode night and day to spread the rerorts and solicit the aid of neighbor ir.sr Counties, sua. at a public meeting at War- INTRODUCTORY. 19 saw resolutions were passed to expel or exterminate the 'Mormon' population. This was not, however, a movement which was unanimously concurred in. The County contained a goodly number of inhabitants in favor of peace, or who at least desired * to be neutral in such a contest. These were stigmatized by the name of 'Jack Mormons,' and there were not a few of the more furious exciters of the people who openly expressed their intention to involve them in the com mon expulsion or extermination. "A system of excitement and agitation was artfully planned and executed with tact. It consisted in spreading reports and rumors of the most fearful character. As examples: On the morning before my arrival at Carthage, I was awakened at ah •early hour by the frightful report, which was asserted with confidence and apparent consternation, that the 'Mormons' had already commenced the work of burning, destruction? and murder, and that every man capable of bearing arms was instantly wanted at Carthage for the protection of the County. "We lost no time in starting; but when we arrived at Car thage we could hear no more concerning this story. Again, during the few days that the militia were encamped at Carthage, frequent applications were made to me to send a force here, and a force there, and a force all about the country, to prevent murders, robberies, and larcenies which, it was said, were threatened by the 'Mormons.' No such forces were sent, nor were any such offenses commited at that time, except the stealing of some provisions, and there was never the least proof that this was done bjr a 'Mormon.' Again, on my late visit to Hancock County, I was informed by some of their violent enemies that the larcenies of the 'Mormons' had become unusual^ numerous and insufferable. "They admitted that but little had been done in this way in their immediate vicinity, but they insisted that sixteen horses had been stolen by the 'Mormons' in one night near Lima, and, upon inquiry, was told that no horses had been stolen in that neighborhood, but that sixteen horses had been stolen in one night in Hancock County. This last informant being told of the Hancock story, again changed the venue, to another distant settlement in the northern edge of Adams."* -Ford's History of Illinois, page 880, 331. 20 INTRODUCTORY. In the meantime legal proceedings were instituted against the members of the City Council of Nauvoo. A writ, here subjoined, was issued upon the affidavit of the Laws, Fosters, Higbees, and Ivins, by Mr .Morrison, a justice of the peace in Carthage, the County seat of Hancock, and put into the hands of one David Bettesworth, a constable of the same place. Writ issued upon affidavit by Thomas Morrison, J. P., State of Illinois, Hancock County, ss. "The people of the State of Illinois, to all constables, sheriffs, and coroners of the said state, greeting : "Whereas complaint hath been made before me, one of the justices of the peace in and for the County of Hancock aforesaid, upon the oath of Francis M. Higbee, of the said county, that Sk)seph Smith, Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith, John P. Green, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham, Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter Rockwell, and Levi Richards, of said County, did, on the 10th day of June instant, commit a riot at and within the County aforesaid, wherein they with force and violence broke into the printing-office of the Nauvoo Expositor, and unlawfully and with force burned and destroyed the printing-press, type, and fixtures of the same, being the property of William Law, Wilson Law, Charles Ivins, Francis M. Higbee, Chauncey L. Higbee, Robert D. Foster, and Charles A. Foster. These are therefore to command you forthwith to apprehend the said Joseph Smith. Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith, John P. Green, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham, Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter Rockwell, and Levi Richards, and bring them before me, or some other justice of the peace, to answer the premises, and farther to be dealt, with according to law. "Given under my hand and seal at Carthage, in the County aforesaid, this' 11th day of June, A. D. 1844. Thomas Morrison, J. P." (Seal.)* The council did not refuse to attend to the legal proceedings in the case, but as the law of Illinois made it the privilege of the persons accused to go "or appear before the issuer of the writ, or any other justice of peace," they requested to be taken before another magistrate, either in the city of Nauvoo or at any reasonable distance out of it. This the constable, who was a mobocrat, refused to do ; and as this was our legal privilege, we refused to be dragged, con- * Deseret News, No 30, Sep. 30, 1857, page 233. INTRODUCTORY. 21 trary to law, a distance of eighteen miles, when at the same time we had reason to believe that an organized band of mobocrats were assembled for the purpose of extermination or murder-, and among whom it would not be safe to go with out a superior force of armed men. A writ .of habeas corpus was called for, and issued by the municpial court of Nauvoo, taking us out of the hands of Bettesworth, and placing us in the charge of the city marshal.- We went before the municipal court and were dismissed. Our refusal to obey this illegal proceeding was by them construed into a refusal to submit to law, and circulated as such, and the people either did believe, or professed to believe, that we were in open rebellion against the laws and the authorities of the State. Hence mobs began to assemble, among which all through the country inflamma tory speeches were made, exciting them to mobocracy and vio lence. Soon they commenced their depredations in our outside settlements, kidnapping some, and whipping and otherwise abusing others. The persons thus abused fled to Nauvoo as soon as practi cable, and related their injuries to Joseph Smith, then mayor of the city, and lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Leigon. They also went before magistrates, and made affidavits of what they had suffered, seen, and heard. These affidavits, in con nection with a copy of all our proceedings wef e forwarded by Joseph Smith to Mr. Ford, then governor of Illinois, with an expression of our desire to abide law, and a request that the governor would instruct him how to proceed in the case of arrival of an armed mob against the city. The governor sent back instructions to Joseph Smith that, as he was lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion, it was his duty to protect the city and surrounding country, and issued orders to that effect. Upon the reception of these orders Joseph Smith assembled the people of the city, and laid before them the governor's instructions; he also convened the officers of the Nauvoo Legion for the purpose of conferring in relation to the best mode of defense. He also issued orders to the men to hold themselves in readiness in case of being called upon. On the following day General Joseph Smith, with his staff, the lead ing officers of the Legion, and some prominent strangers who were in our midst, made a survey of the outside boundaries of 22 INTRODUCTORY. the city, which was very extensive, being about five miles up and down the river, and about two and a half back in the center, for the purpose of ascertaining the position of the ground, and the feasibility of defense, and to make all necessary arrangements in case of an attack. It may be well here to remark that numbers of gentlemen, strangers to us, either came on purpose or were passing through Nauvoo, and upon learning the position of things, expressed their indignation against our enemies, and avowed their read iness to assist us by their counsel or otherwise. It was some of these who assisted us in reconnoitering the city, and finding out its adaptability for defense, and how to protect it best against an armed force. The Legion was called together and drilled, and every means made use of for defense. At the call of the officers old and young men came forward, both from the city and the country, and mustered to the number of about five thousand. In the meantime our enemies were not idle in mustering: their forces and committing depredations, nor had they been; it was, in fact, their gathering that called ours into existence' their forces continued to accumulate; they assumed a threaten ing attitude, and assembled in large bodies, armed and equipped for war, and threatened -the destruction and extermi nation of the "Mormons." An account of their outrages and assemblages was forwarded to Governor Ford almost daily; accompanied by affidavits- furnished by eye-witnesses of their proceedings. Persons- were also sent out to the Counties around with pacific inten tions, to give them an account of the true state of affairs, and to notify them of the feelings and dispositions of the people of Nauvoo, and thus, if possible, quell the excitement, In some of the more distant Counties these men were very successful and produced a salutary influence upon the minds of many intelligent and well-disposed men- In neighboring Counties however, where "anti-Mormon" influence prevailed, they pro duced little effect. At the same time gaurds were stationed around Nauvoo, and picket-gaurds in the distance; At length opposing forces gathered so near that more active measures were taken ; reconnoitering parties were sent out, and the city proclaimed under martial law. Things now assumed a bellig erent attitude, and persons passing through the city were INTRODUCTORY. 23 questioned as to what they knew of the enemj', while passes were in some instances given to avoid difficulty with the guards. Joseph Smith continued to send on messengers to the governor (Philip B. Lewis and other messengers were sent). Samuel James, then residing at La Harpe, carried a message and dispatches to him, and in a day or two after Bishop Edward Hunter and others went again with fresh dispatches, representations, affidavits, and instructions; but as the weather was excessively wet, the rivers swollen, and the bridges washed away in many places, it was with great difficulty that they proceeded on their journeys. As the mobocracy had at last attracted the governor's attention, he started in company with some others from Springfield to the scene of trouble, and -missed, I believe, both Brothers James and Hunter on the road, and, of course, did not see their documents. He came to Carthage, and made that place, which was a regular mobo- cratic den, his head-quarters ; as it was the County-seat, how ever, of Hancock County, that circumstance might, in a measure, justify his staying there. To avoid the appearance of all hostility on our part, and to fulfill the law in every particular, at the suggestion of Judge Thomas, judge of that judicial district, who had come to Nau voo at the time, and who stated that we had fulfilled the law but, in order to satisfy all he would counsel us to go before Esquire Wells, who was not in our church, and have a hear ing, we did so, and after a full hearing we were again dismissed. The governor on the road collected forces, some of whom were respectable, but on his arrival in the neighborhood of the difficulties he received as militia all the companies of the mob forces who united with him. After his arrival at Carthage he sent two gentlemen from there to Nauvoo as a committee to wait upon General Joseph Smith, informing him of the arrival of his excellency, with a request that General Smith would send out a committee to wait upon the governor and represent to him the state of affairs in relation to the difficulties that then existed in the County. We met this committee while we were reconnoitering the city, to find out the best mode of defense as aforesaid. Dr. J. M. Bernhisel and myself were appoitned as a committee by General Smith to wait upon the governor. Previous to going, however, we 24 INTRODUCTORY. were furnished with affidavits and documents in relation both to our proceedings and those of the mob ; in addition to the general history of the transaction, we took with us a duplicate of those documents which had been forwarded by Bishop Hunter, Brother James, and others. We started from Car thage in company with the aforesaid gentlemen at about 7 o'clock on the evening of the 21st of June, and arrived at Carthage about 11 p. m. We put up at the same hotel with the governor, kept by a Mr. Hamilton. On our arrival we found the governor in bed, but not so with the other inhabitants. The town was filled with a perfect set of rabble and rowdies, who, under the influence of Bacchus, seemed to be holding a grand saturnalia, whoop ing, yelling and vociferating as if Bedlam had broken loose On our arrival at the hotel, and while supper was prepar ing, a man came to me, dressed as a soldier, and told me that a man named Daniel Gam had just been taken prisoner, and was about to be committed to jail, and wanted ine to go bail for him. Believing this to be a ruse to get me out alone, and that some violence was intended, after consulting with Dr. Bernhisel, I told the man that I was well acquainted with Mr. Garn, that I knew him to be a gentleman, and did not believe that he had transgressed law, and, moreover, that I considered it a very singular time to be holding courts and calling for security, particularly as the town was full of rowdyism. I informed him that Dr. Bernhisel and myself would, if necessary, go bail for him in the morning, but that we did not feel ourselves safe among such a set at that late hour of the night. After supper, on retiring to our room, we had to pass through another, which was separated from ours only by a board partition, the beds in each room being placed side by side, with the exception of this fragile partition. On the bed that was in the room which we passed through I discovered a man by the name of Jackson, a desperate character, and a reputed, notorious cut-throat and murderer. I hinted to the doctor that things looked rather suspicious, and looked to see that my arms were in order. The doctor and I occupied one bed. We had scarcely laid down when a knock at the door, accompanied by a voice anounced the INTRODUCTORY. 25 approach of Chauncey Higbee, the young lawyer and apostate before referred to. He addressed himself to the doctor, and stated that the object of his visit was to obtain the release of Daniel Garn; that GariVhe believed to be an honest man ; that if he had clone anything wrong, it was through improper counsel, and that it was a pity that he should be incarcerated, particularly when he could be so easily released ; he urged the doctor, as a friend, not to leave so good a man in such an unpleasant situation; he finally prevailed upon the doctor to go and give bail, assuring him that on his giving bail Garn would bo immediately dis missed. During this conversation I did not say a word. Higbee left the doctor to dress, with the intention of return ing and taking him to the court. As soon as Higbee had left, I told the doctor that he had better not go; that I believed this affair was all a ruse to get us separated ; that they knew we had documents with us from General Smith to show to the governor ; that I believed their Object was to get possession of those papers, and, perhaps, when they had .separated us, to murder one or both. The doctor, who was actuated by the best of motives in yielding to the assumed solicitude of Higbee, coincided with my views; he then went to Higbee, and told him that he had concluded not to go that night, but that he and I would both wait upon the justice and Mr. Garn in the morning. That night I lay awake with my pistols under my pillow, waiting for any emergency. Nothing more occurred during the night. ' Iii the morning we arose early, and after break fast sought an interview with the governor, and were told that we could have an audience, I think, at 10 o'clock. In the meantime we called upon Mr. Smith, a justice of the peace, who had Mr. Garn in charge. We represented that we had been called upon the night before by two different parties to go bail for a Mr. Daniel Gam, whom we were informed he had in custody, and that, believing Mr. Garn to be an honest man, we had now come for that purpose, and were prepared to enter into recognizances for his appearance, whereupon Mr. Smith, the magistrate, remarked that, under the present excited state of affairs, he did not think he would be justified in receiving bail from Nauvoo, as it was a matter of doubt 26 INTRODUCTORY. whether property would not be rendered valueless there in a few days. Knowing the party we had to deal with, we were not much surprised at this singular proceeding; we then remarked that both of us possessed property in farms out of Nauvoo in the country, and referred him to the county records. He then stated that such was the nature of the charge against Mr. Garn that he believed he would not be justified in receiving any bail. We were thus confirmed in our opinion that the night's pro ceedings before, in relation to their desire to have us give bail, was a mere ruse to separate us. We were not permitted to speak with Garn, the real charge against whom was that he was traveling in Carthage or its neighborhood : what the fictitious one was, if I knew, I have since forgotten, as things of this kind were of daily occurrence. After waiting the governor's pleasure for some time we had an audience; but such an audience! He was surrounded by some of the vilest and most unprin cipled men in creation ; some of them had an appearance of respectability, and many of them lacked even that. Wilson, and, I believe, William Law, were there, Foster, Frank and Chauncey Higbee, Mr. Mar, a lawyer from Nauvoo, a mobocratic merchant from Warsaw, the aforesaid Jackson, a number of his associates, among whom was the governor's secretary, in all, some fifteen or twenty persons, most of whom were recreant to virtue, honor, integrity, and every thing that is considered honorable among men. I can well remember the feelings of disgust that I had in seeing the governor surrounded by such an infamous group, and on being introduced to men of so questionable a character ; and had I been on private business, I should have turned to depart, and told the governor that if he thought proper to assoicate with such questionable charac ters, I should beg leave to be excused; but coming as we did on public business, we could not, of course, consult our pri vate feelings. * We then stated to the governor that, in accordance with his request, General Smith had, in response to his call, sent us to him as a committee of conference; that we Were acquainted with most of the circumstances that had transpired in and about .Nauvoo lately, and were prepared to giye him all ihfor- INTRODUCTORY. 27 mation ; that, moreover, we had in our possession testimony and affidavits confirmatory of what we should say, which had been forwarded to him by General Joseph Smith; that com munications had been forwarded to his excellency by Messrs. Hunter, James, and others, some of which had not reached their destination, but of which we had duplicates with us. We then, in brief, related an outline of the difficulties, and the course we had pursued from the commencement of the troubles up to the present, and handing him the documents, respect fully submitted the whole. During our conversation and explanations with the governor we were frequently rudely and impudently contradicted by the fellows he had around him, and of whom he seemed to take no notice. He opened and read a number of the documents himself, and as he proceeded he was frequently interrupted by "that's a lie!" "that's a God damned lie!" "that's an infernal falsehood!"^ "that's a blasted lie!" etc. These men evidently winced at an exposure of their acts, and thus vulgarly, impudently, and falsely repudiated them. One of their number, Mr. Mar, addressed himself several times to me while in conversation with the governor. I did not notice him until after a frequent repetition of his insolence, when I informed him that "my business at that time was with Governor Ford," whereupon I continued my conversation with his excellency. During the conversation, the governor expressed a desire that Joseph Smith, and all parties concerned in passing or exeputing the city law in relation to the press, had better come to Carthage; that, however repugnant it might be to our feelings, he thought it would have a tendency to allay public excitement, and prove to the people what we professed, that we wished to be governed by law. We repre sented to him the course we had taken in relation to this matter, and our willingness to go before another magistrate other than the municipal court; the illegal refusal of our request by the constable; our dismissal by the municipal court, a legally constituted tribunal; our subsequent trial before 'Sqire Wells at the instance of Judge Thomas, the circuit judge, and our di smissal by him ; that we had fulfilled the law in every particular ; that it was our enemies who were 28 INTRODUCTORY. \ breaking the law, and, having murderous designs, were only making use of this as a pretext to get us into their power. The governor stated that the people viewed it differently, and that, notwithstanding our opinions, he would recommend that the people should be satisfied. We then remarked to him that, should Joseph Smith comply with his request, it would be extremely unsafe, in the present excited state of the country, to come without an armed force; that we had a sufficiency of men, and were competent to defend ourselves, but there might be danger of collision should our forces and those of our enemies be brought into, such close proximity. He strenuoiislv advised us not to bring our arms, and pledged his faith as governor, and the faith of the State, that we should be protected, and that he would guarantee our perfect safety. We had at that time about five thousand men under arms, one thousand of whom would have been amply sufficient for our protection. At the termination of our interview, and previous to our withdrawal, after a long conversation and the perusal . of the documents which we had brought, the governor informed us that he would prepare a written communication for General Joseph Smith, which he desired us to wait for. We were kept waiting for this instrument some five or six hours. About five o'clock in the afternoon we took our departure with not the most pleasant"feelings. The associations of the gover nor, the spirit he manifested to compromise with these scoun drels, the length of time that he had kept us waiting, and his general deportment, together with the infernal spirit that we saw exhibited by those whom he had admitted to his counsels, made the prospect anything but promising. We returned on horseback, and arrived at Nauvoo, I think, at about eight or nine o'clock at night accompanied by Captain Yates in command of a company of mounted men, who came for the purpose of escorting Joseph Smith and the accused in case of their complying with the governor's request, and going to Carthage. We went directly to Brother Joseph's, when Captain Yates delivered to him the governor's communication. A council was called, consisting of Joseph's brother, Hyrum, Dr. Richards, Dr. Bernhisel, myself, and one or two others. INTRODUCTORY. 29 We then gave a detail of our interview with the governor. Brother Joseph was very much dissatisfied with the gover nor's letter and with his general deportment, and so were the council, and it became a serious question as to the course we should pursue. Various projects were discussed, but nothing definitely decided upon for some time. In the interim two gentlemen arrived ; one of them, if not both, sons of John C. Calhoun. They had come to Nauvoo, and were very anxious for an interview with Brother Joseph. These gentlemen detained him for some time; and, as our council was held in Dr. Bernhisel's room in the Mansion House, the doctor lay down ; and as it was now between 2 and 3 o'clock in the morning, and I had had no rest on the previous night, I was fatigued, and thinking that Brother Joseph might not return,I left for home and rest. Being very much fatigued, I slept soundly, and was some what surprised in the morning by Mrs. Thompson entering my room about 7 o'clock, and exclaiming in surprise, "What, you here! the brethren have" crossed the river some time since." "What brethren?" I asked. "Brother Joseph, and Hyrum, and Brother Richards," she answered. I immediately arose , upon learning that they had crossed the river, and did not intend to go to Carth age. I called together a number of persons in whom I had confidence, and had the type, stereotype plates, and most of the valuable things removed from the printing-office, believ ing that, should the governor and his force come to Nauvoo, the first thing they would do would be to burn the printing- office, for I know that they would be exasperated if Brother Joseph went away. We had talked over these matters the night before, but nothing was decided upon. It was Brother Joseph's opinion that, should we leave for a time, public excite ment, which was then so intense, would be allayed; that it would throw on the governor the responsibility of keeping the peace; that in the event of an outrage, the onus would rest upon the governor, who was amply prepared with troops, and could command all the forces of the State to preserve order; 30 INTRODUCTORY. and that the act of his own men would be an overwhelming proof of their seditious designs, not only to the governor, "but to the world. He moreover thought that, in the east, where he intended to go, public opinion would be set right in rela tion to these matters, and its expression would partially influ ence the west, and that, after the first ebullition, things would assume a shape that would justify his return. I made arrangements for crossing the river, and Brother Elias Smith and Joseph Cain, who were both .employed in the printing-office with me, assisted all that lay in their power together, with Brother Brower and several hands in the print ing-office. As we could not find out the exact whereabouts of Joseph and the brethren, I crossed the river in a boat furnished by Brother Cyrus H. Wheelock and Alfred Bell; and after the removal of the things out of the printing-office, Joseph Cain brought the -account-books to me, that we might make arrangements for their adjustment; and Brother Elias Smith, cousin to Brother Joseph, went to obtain money for the journey, and also to find out and report to me the location of thcbrethren. . As Cyrus H. Wheelock was an active, enterprising man, and in the event of not finding Brother Joseph I calculated to go to Upper Canada for the time being, and should need a com panion, I said to Brother Cyrus H. Wheelock, "Can you go with me ten or fifteen hundred miles?" He answered, "Yes." "Can you start in half an hour ?" "Yes." ' However, I told him that he had better, see his family, who lived over the river, and prepare a couple of horses and the necessary equippage for the journey, and that, if we did not find Brother Joseph before, we would start at nightfall. A laughable incident occurred on the eve of my departure. After making all the preperations I could, previous to leaving Nauvoo, and having bid adieu to my family, I went to a house adjoining the river, owned by Brother Eddy. There I disguised myself so as not to be known, and so effectually was the trans formation that those who had come after me with a boat did not know me. I went down to the boat and sat in it. Brother Bell, thinking it was a stranger, watched my moves for some INTRODUCTORY. 31 time very impatiently, and then said to Brother Wheelock, "I wish that old gentleman would go away ; he has been potter ing around the boat for some time, and I am afraid Elder Taylor will be coming." When he discovered his mistake, he was not a little amused. I was conducted by Brother Bell to a house that was sur rounded by timber on the opposite side of the river. There I spent several hours in a chamber with Brother Joseph Cain, adjusting my accounts ; and I made arrangements for the stereo type plates of the Book of Mormon and Doctrine and Covenants, to be forwarded east, thinking to supply the company with subsistence money through the sale of these books in the east. My horses were reported ready by Brother Wheelock, and funds on hand by. Brother Elias Smith. In about half an hour I should have started, when Brother Elias Smith came to me with word that he had found the brethren ; that they had concluded to go to Carthage, and wished me to return to Nau voo and accompany them. I must confess that I felt a good deal disappointed at this news, but I immediately made prepar ations to go. Escorted by Brother Elias Smith, I and my party went to the neighborhood of Montrose, where we met Brother Joseph, Hyrum, Brother Richards and others. Dr. Bernhisel thinks that W. W. Phelps was not with Joseph and Hyrum in the morning, but that he met him, myself, Joseph and Hyrum, W. Richards and Brother Cahoon, in the after noon, near Montrose, returning to Nauvoo. On meeting the brethren I learned that it was not Brother- Joseph's desire to return, but that he came back by request of some of the brethren, and that it coincided more with Brother Hyrum's feelings than those of Brother Joseph. In fact, after his return, Brother Hyrum expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with the course taken, and said he felt much more at ease in his mind than he did before. On our return the calculation was to throw oursebve under the immediate protection of the governor, and to trust to his word and faith for our preservation. A message was, I believe, sent to the governor that night, stating that we should come to Carthage in the morning, the party that came along with us to escort us back, in case we returned to Carthage, having returned. 32 INTRODUCTORY. It would seem from the following remarks of General Ford that there was a design on foot, which was, that if we refused to go to Carthage at the governor's request, there should be .'an increased force called for by the governor, and that we should be destroyed by them. In .accordance with this project, captain Yates returned with his posse, accompanied by the constable who held the writ. The following is the governor's remark in relation to this affair : "The constable and his escort . returned. The constable made no effort to arrest any of them, nor would he or the guard delay their departure one minute beyond the time, to see whether an arrest could be made. Upon their return they reported that they had been informed that the accused had fled, and could not be found I immediately proposed to a council of officers to march into Nauvoo with the small force then under my command, but the officers were of the opinion that it was too small, and many of them insisted upon a further call of the militia. Upon reflection I was of the opinion that the officers were right in the estimate of our force, and the project for immediate action was abandoned. "I was soon informed, however, of the conduct of the constable and guard, and then I was perfectly satisfied that a most base fraud had been attempted ; that, in fact, it was feared that the 'Mormons' would submit, and thereby entitle themselves to the protection of the law. It was very apparent that many of the bustling, active spirits were afraid that there would be no occasion for calling out an overwhelming miltia force, for marching it into Nauvoo, for probable mutiny when there, and for the extermination of the 'Mormon' race. It appeared that the constable and the escort were fully in the secret, and acted well their part to promote the conspiracy."* In the morning Brother Joseph had an interview with the officers of the Legion, with the leading members of the city council, and with ,the principal men of the city. The officers were instructed to dismiss their men, but to have them in a state of readiness to be called upon in any emergency that might' occur. -Ford's History of Illinois, page 333. INTRODUCTORY. 33 About half past 6 o'clock the members of the city council, the marshal, Brothers Joseph and Hyrum, and a number of others, started for Carthage, on horseback. We were instructed by Brother Joseph Smith hot to take any arms, and we con sequently left them behind. We called at the house of Brother Fellows on our way out. Brother Fellows lived about four miles from Carthage. While at Brother Fellow's house, Captain Dunn, accompanied by Mr. Coolie, one of the governor's aid-de-carnps, came up from Carthage en route for Nauvoo with a requisition from the governor for the State arms. We all returned to 'Nauvoo with them; the governor's request was complied with, and after taking some refreshments, we all returned to proceed to Carthage. We arrived there late in the night. A great deal of excitement prevailed on and after our arrival. The gov ernor had received into his company all of the companies that had been in the mob; these fellows were riotous and disorderly, hallooing, yelling, and whooping about the streets like Indians, many of them intoxicated ; tho whole presented a scene of rowdyism and low-bred ruffianism only found among mobocrats and desperadoes, and entirely revolting to the best feelings of humanity. The governor made a speech to them to the effect that he would show Joseph and Hyrum Smith to them in the morning. About here the companies with the governor were drawn up in line, and General Demming, I think, took Joseph by the arm and Hyrum (Arnold says that Joseph took the gov ernor's arm), and as he passed through between the ranks, the governor leading in front, very politely introduced them as General Joseph Smith and General Hyrum Smith.* * The Deseret News gives the following account of Joseph and Hyrum Smith's passing through the troops in Carthage: "Carthage, June 25th, 1844. "Quarter past 9. The governor came and invited Joseph to walk with him through the troops. Joseph solicited a few moment's private conversation with him, which the governor refused. "While refusing, the governor looked down at his shoes, as though he was ashamed. They then walked through the crowd, with Brigadier General Miner, K. Demming, and Dr. Richards, to General Demming's quarters. The people appeared quiet until a company of Carthage Grays flocked round ths doors of General Demming in an uproarious manner, of whiph notice was sent to tho governor. In the meantime the governor had ordered the McDonough troops 34 INTRODUCTORY. All were orderly' and courteous except one company of mobocrats— the Carthage Grays— who seemed to find fault on account of too much honor being paid to the "Mormons." There was afterward a row between the companies, and they came pretty near haviiig a fight; the more orderly not feeling disposed to endorse or submit to the rowdyism of the mobo crats. The result was that General Demming, who was very much of a gentleman, ordered the Carthage Grays, a company under the command of Captain Smith, a magistrate in Carth age, and a most violent mobocrat, under arrest. This matter, however, was shortly afterward adjusted, and the difficulty settled between them. The mayor, aldermen, councilors, as well as the marshal of the city of Nauvoo, together with some persons who had assisted the marshal in removing the press in Nauvoo, appeared before Justice Smith, the foresaid captain and mobocrat, to again answer the charge of destroying the press ; but as there was so much excitement, and as the man was an unprincipaled villain before whom we were to have our hearing, we thought it most prudent to give bail, and consequently became security for each other in $500 bonds each, to appear before the County Court at its next session. We had engaged as counsel a lawyer to be drawn up in line, for Joseph and Hyrum to pass in front of them, they having requested that they might have a clear view of the General Smiths. Joseph had a conversation with the qovemor for about ten -minutes, when he again pledged the faith of the State that he and his friends should be protected from violence. "Robinson, the post-master, said, on report of martial law being proclaimed in Nauvoo? he had stopped the mail, and notified the post-master general of the state of things in Hancock County. "Prom the general's quarters Joseph and Hyrum went in front of the lines, in a hollow square of a company of Carthage Grays. At seven minutes before ten they arrived in front of the lines, and passed before the whole, Joseph being on the Tight of General Demming and Hyrum on his left, .Elders Richards, Taylor and Phelps following. Joseph and Hyrum were introduced by Gover nor Ford about twenty times along tho line as General Joseph Smith and General Hyrum Smith, the governor walking in front on the left. The Carth age Grays refused to receive them by that introduction, and some of the ofiicers threw up their hats, drew their swords, and said they would introduce them selves to the damned 'Mormons' in a different style. The governor mildly entreated them not to act so rudely, but their excitement increased; the governor, however, . succeeded in pacifying them by jnaking a speech, and promising them that they should have 'full satisfaction.' General Smith and party returned to their loggings at fiye minutes past ten." Deseret News, No. 35, Nov. 4, 1857, page 274. INTRODUCTORY. 35 by the name of Wood, of Burlington, Iowa; and Reed, I think, of Madison, Iowa. After some little discussion the bonds were signed, and we were all dismissed. Almost immediately after our dismissal, two men — Augustine Spencer and Norton — two worthless fellows, whose words would not have been taken for five cents, and the first of whom had a short time previously been before the mayor in Nauvoo for maltreating a lame brother, made affidavits that Joseph and Hyrum Smith were guilty of treason, and a wirt was accordingly issued for, their arrest, and the constable Bettes worth, a rough, unprincipled man, wished immediately to hurry them away to prison without any hearing. His rude, uncouth manner in the administration of what he considered the duties of his office made him exceedingly repulsive to us all. But, indepen dent of these acts, the proceedings in this case were altogether illegal. Providing the court was sincere, which it was not, and providing these men's oaths were true, and that Joseph and Hyrum were guilty of treason, still the whole course was illegal. The magistrate made out a mittimus, and committed them to prison without a hearing, which he had no right legally to do. ' The statute of Illinois expressly provides that "all men shall have a hearing before a magistrate before they shall be committed to prison;" and Mr. Robert H. Smith, the magis trate, had made out a mittimus committing them to prison 'contrary to law without such hearing. As I was informed of this illegal proceeding, I went immediately to the governor and informed him of it. Whether he was apprised of it before or not, I do not know ; but my opinion is that he was. I represented to him the characters of the parties who had made oath, the outrageous nature of the charge, the indignity offered [to men in the position which they occupied; and declared to him that he knew very well it was a vexatious proceeding, and that the accused were not guilty of any such crime. The governor replied, he was very sorry that the thing had occurred; that he did not believe the charges, but that he thought the best thing to be done was to let the law take its course. I then reminded him that we had come out there at his instance, not to satisfy the law, which we had done beforejbut the prejudices of the people, in relation to the 36 INTRODUCTORY. affair of the press; that at his instance we had given bonds, which we could not by law be required to do to satisfy the • people, and that it was asking too much to require gentlemen in their position in life to suffer the degradation of being immured in a jail at the instance of such worthless scoundrels as those who had made this affidavit. The governor replied that it was an unpleasant affair, and looked hard; but that it was a matter over which he had no control, as it belonged to the judiciary; that he, as the executive, could not interfere writh their proceedings, and that he had no doubt* but that they would immediately be dismissed. I told him that we , had looked to him for protection from such insults, and that I thought we had a right to do so from the solemn promises which he had made to me and to Dr. Bernhisel in relation to our coming without guard or arms; that we had relied upon his faith, and had a right to expect him -to fulfill his engagements after we had placed ourselves implicitly under his care, and complied with all his requests, although extra judicial. He replied that he would detail a guard, if we required it; and see us protected, but that he could not interfere with the judiciary. I expressed my dissatisfaction at the course taken, and told him that, if we were to be subject to mob rule, and to be dragged, contrary to law, into prison at the instance , of every infernal scoundrel whose oaths could be bought for a dram of whisky, his protection availed very little, and we had miscalculated his promises. Seeing there wac no prospect of redress from the governor, I returned to the room, and found the constable Bettesworth very urgent to hurry Brothers Joseph and Hyrum to prison, while the brethren were remonstrating with him. At the same time a great rabble was gathered in the streets and around the door, and from the rowdyism manifested I was afraid there was a design to murder the prisoners on the way to jail. Without conferring with any person, my next feelings were to procure a guard, and, seeing a man habited as a soldier in the room, I went to him and said, "I am afraid there is a design against the lives of the Messrs. Smith; will you] go immediately and bring your captain; and, if not convenient,;- INTRODUCTORY. 37 any other captain of a company, and I will pay you well for your trouble?" He said he would, and departed forthwith, and soon returned with his captain, whose name I have forgotten, and introduced him to me. I told him of my fears, and requested him immediately to fetch his com pany. He departed forthwith, and arrived at the door with them just at the time when the constable was hurrying the brethren down stairs. A number of the brethren ,went along, together with one or two strangers ; and all of us, safely lodged in prison, remained there during the night. At the request of Joseph Smith for an interview with the governor, he came the next morning, Thursday, June 26th, at half past 9 o'clock, accompained by Colonel Geddes, when a lengthy conversation was entered into in relation to the exist ing difficulties; and after some preliminary remarks, at the governor's request, Brother Joseph gave him a general outline of the state of affairs in relation to our difficulties, the excited state of the country, the tumultuous mobocratic movements of our enemies, the precautionary measures used by himself (Joseph Smith), the acts of the city council, the destruction of the press, and the moves of the mob and ourselves up to that time. The following report is, I believe, substantially correct: Governor — "General Smith, I believe you have given me a general outline of the difficulties that have existed in the country in the documents forwarded to me by Dr. Bernhisel and Mr. Taylor; but, unfortunately, there seems to be a great dis crepancy between your statements and those of your enemies. It is true that you are substantiated by evidence and affidavit, but for such an extraordinary excitement as that which is now in the country there must be some cause, and I attribute the last outbreak to the destruction of the Expositor, and to your refusal to comply with the writ issued by Esquire Morrison. The press in the United States is looked upon as the great bulwark of American freedom, and its destruction in Nauvoo was represented and looked upon as a high-handed measure, and manifests to the people a disposition on your part to suppress the liberty of speech and of the press. This, with your refusal to comply with the requisition of a writ, I conceive to be the 3& INTRODUCTORY. principal cause of this difficulty; and you are moreover repre sented to me as turbulent, and defiant of the laws and institu tions of your country." General Smith— "Goyemov Ford, you, sir, as governor of this State, are aware of the persecutions that I have endured. You know well that our course has been peaceable and law-abiding for I have furnished this State ever since our settlement here with sufficient evidence of my pacific intentions, and those of the people with wh»m I am associated, by the endurance of every conceivable indignity and lawless outrage perpetrated upon me and upon this people since our settlement here; and you yourself know that I have kept you well posted in relation to all matters associated with the late difficulties. If you have not got some of my communications, it has not been my fault. "Agreeably to your orders, I assembled the Nauvoo Legion for the protection of Nauvoo and the surrounding country against an armed band of marauders ; and ever since they have been mustered I have almost daily communicated with you in regard to all the leading events that have transpired; and whether in the capacity of mayor of the city, or lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion, I have striven, according to the best of my judgement, to preserve the peace and to ad minister even-handed justice; but my motives are impugned, my acts are misconstructed, and I am grossly and wickedly misrepresented. I suppose I am indepted for my incarceration to the oath of a worthless man, who was arraigned before me and fined for abusing and maltreating his lame, helpless brother. That I should be charged by you, sir, who know better, of acting contrary to law, is to me a matter of surpirse. Was it the 'Mormons' or our enemies who first commenced these difficulties? You know well it was not us; and when this turbulent, outrageous people commenced their insurrec tionary movements I made you accquainted with fhem offi cially, and asked your advice, and have followed strictly your counsel in every particular. Who ordered out the Nauvoo Legion? I did, under your direction. For what purpose? To suppress the insurrectionary movements. It was at your instance, sir, that I issued a proclamation calling upon the Nauvoo Legion to be in readiness at a moment's warning to INTRODUCTORY. 39 guard against the incursions of mobs, and gave an order to Jonathan Dunham, acting major-general, to that effect. "Am I, then, to be charged with the acts of others? and because lawlessness and mobocracy abound, am I, when carry ing out your instructions, to be charged with not abiding law? Why is it that I must be made accountable for other men's acts? If there is trouble in the country, neither I nor my people made it ; and all that we have ever done, after much endurance on our part, is to maintain and uphold the Consti tution and institutions of our country, and to protect an injured, innocent, and persecuted people against misrule and mob violence. "Concerning the destruction of the press to which you refer, men may differ somewhat in their opinions about it; but can .it be supposed that after all the indignities to which they have been subjected outside, that people could suffer a set of worth less vagabonds to come into their city, and, right under their own eyes and protection, vilify and calumniate not only themselves, but the charecter of their wives and daughters, as was impudently and unblushingly done in that infamous and filthy sheet? "There is not a city in the United States that would have suffered such an indignity for twenty-four hours. Our whole people were indignant, and loudly called upon our city author ities for a redress of their grievances, which, if not attended to, they themselves would have taken into their own hands,. and have summarly punished the audacious wretches as they deserved. The principle of equal rights that has been instilled into our bosoms from our cradles as American citizens forbids us submitting to every foul indignity, and succumbing- and pandering to wretches so infamous as these. But, inde pendent of this, the course that we pursued we consider to be strictly legal; for, notwithstanding the result,, we were anxious to be governed strictly by law, and therefore we convened the- city council; and being desirous in our deliberations to abide by law, we summoned legal counsel to be present on the occa sion. Upon investigating the matter, we found that our city charter gave us power to remove all nuisances. Furthermore,. after consulting Blackstone upon what might be considered a nuisance, it appeared that that distinguished lawyer, who is 40 INTRODUCTORY. considered authority, I believe,' in all our courts, states among other things that 'a libelous and filthy press may be considered a nuisance, and abated as such.' Here, then, one qf the most eminent English barristers, whose works are considered stand ard with us, declares that a libelous and filthy press may be considered a nuisance; and our own charter, given us by the Legislature of this State, gives us the power -to remove nuis ances; and by ordering that press to be abated as a nuisance, we conceived that we were acting strictly in accordance with law. We made that order in our corporate capacity, and the city marshal carried it out. It is possible there may have been some better way, but I must confess that I could not see it. "In relation to the writ served upon us, we were willing to abide the consequences of our own acts, but were unwilling, in answering a writ of that kind; to submit to illegal exac- ' tions, sought to be imposed upon us under the pretense of law, when we knew they were in open violation of it. When that document was presented to me by Mr. Bettesworth, I offered, in the presence of more than twenty persons, to go to any other magistrate, either in our city, in Appanoose, or any other place where we should be safe, but we all refused to put ourselves into the power of a mob. What right had that constable to refuse our request? He had none according to law; for you know, Governor Ford, that the statute law in Illinois is, that the parties served with the writ 'shall go before him, who issued it, or some other justice of the peace.' Why, then, should we be dragged to Carthage, where the law does not compel us to go? Does not this look like many others of our persecutions with which you are acquainted? and have we not a right to expect foul play? This very act was a breach of law on his part, an assumption of power that did not belong to him, and an attempt, at least, to deprive us of our legal and constitutional rights and privileges. What could we do, under the circumstances, different from what we did do? We sued for, and obtained a writ of habeas corpus from the municipal court, by which we were delivered from the hands of Constable Bettesworth, and brought before and acquitted by the municipal court. After our acquittal, in a conversation with Judge Thomas, although he considered the INTRODUCTORY. 41 acts of the party illegal, he advised that, to satisfy the people, we had better go before another magistrate who was not in our Church. In accordance with his advice, we went before Esquire Wells, with whom you are well acquainted; both parties were present, witnesses were called on both sides, the case was fully investigated, and we were again dismissed. And what is this pretended desire to enforce law, and where fore are these lying, base rumors put into circulation but to seek, through mob influence, under pretense of law, to make us submit to requisitons which are contrary to law and sub versive of every principle of justice? And when you, sir, required us to come out here, we came, not because it was legal, but because you required it of us, and we were desirous of showing to you, and to all men, that we shrunk not from the most rigid investigation of our acts. We certainly did expect other treatment than to be immured in a jail at the instance of these men, and I think, from your plighted faith, we had a right so to expect, after disbanding our own forces, and putting ourselves entirely in your hands. And now, after having ful filled my part, sir, as a man and an American citizen, I call upon you, Governor Ford, to deliver us from this place, and rescue us from this outrage that is sought to be practiced upon us by a set of infamous scoundrels." Governor Ford. — "But you have placed men under arrest, detained men as prisoners, and given passes to others, some of which I have seen." John P. Green, City Marshal. — "Perhaps I can explain. Since these difficulties have commenced, you are aware that we have been placed under very peculiar circumstances ; our city has been'placed under a very rigid police guard; in addition to this, frequent guards have been placed outside the city to pre vent any sudden surprise, and those guards have questioned suspected or suspicious persons as to their business. To strangers, in some instances, passes have been given to prevent difficulty in passing those guards ; it is some of these passes that you have seen. No person, sir, has been imprisoned without a legal cause in our city." Governor. — "Why did you not give a more speedy answer to the posse that I sent out ?" 42 INTRODUCTORY. General Smith. — "We had matters of importance to consult upon; your letter showed anything but an amiable spirit. We have suffered immensely in Missouri from mobs, in loss of property, imprisonment, and otherwise. It took some time for us to weigh duly these matters ; we could not decide upon matters of such importance immediately, and your posse were too hasty in returning; we were consulting for a large people and vast interests were at stake. We had been outrageously imposed upon, and knew not how far we could trust any one besides, a question necessarily arose, How shall we come? Your lequest was that we should come unarmed. It became a matter of serious importance to decide how far promises could be trusted, and how far we were safe from mob violence.'"' Colonel Geddes. — "It certainly did look, from all I have heard from the general spirit of violence and mobocracy that here prevails, that it was not safe for you to come unprotected." Governor Ford. — "I think that sufficient time was not allowed by the posse for you to consult and get ready. They were too hasty ; but I suppose they found themselves bound by their orders. I think, too, there is a great deal of truth in what you say, and your reasoning is plausible, but I must beg leave to differ from you in relation to the acts of the City Council. That Council, in my opinion, had no right to act in a legisla tive capacity and in that of the judiciary. They should have passed a law iii relation to the matter, and then the Municipal Court, upon complaint, could have removed it; but for the City Council to take upon themselves the law-making and the execution of the law, is, in my opinion, wrong ; besides, these men ought to have had a hearing before their property was destroyed ; to destroy it without was an infringement on their rights; besides, it is so contrary to the feelings of American. people to interfere with the press. And, furthermore, I cannot but think that it would have been more judicious for you to have gone with Mr. Bettesworth to Carthage, notwithstanding. the law did not require it. Concerning your being in jail, I am sorry for that; I wish it had been otherwise. I hope you will ^oon be released, but I can not interfere." Joseph Smith. — "Governor Ford, allow me, sir, to bring one thing to your mind that you seem to have overlooked. You state that you think it would have been better for us to have INTRODUCTORY. 43 submitted to the requisition of Constable Bettesworth, and to have gone to Carthage. Do you not know, sir, that that writ was served at the instance of an 'anti-Mormon' mob, who had passed resolutions, and published them, to the effect that they would extirminate the 'Mormon' leaders? And are you not informed that Captain Anderson was not only threatened but had a gun fired at his boat by this said mob in War saw when coming up to Nauvoo, and that this very thing was made use of as a means to get us into their hands; and we could not, without taking an armed force with us, go there without, according to their published declarations, going into the jaws of death? To have taken a force with us would only have fanned the excitement, and they would have stated that we wanted to use intimidation; therefore, we thought it" 'the most judicious to avail ourselves of the protection of law." Governor Ford. — "I see, I see." Joseph Smith. — "Furthermore, in relation to the press, you say that you differ from me in opinion. Be it so ; the thing, after all, is only a legal difficulty, and the courts, I should judge, are competent to decide on that matter. If our act was illegal, we are willing to meet it; and although I can not see the distinc tion that you draw about the acts of the City Council, and what difference it could have made in point of fact, law, or justice between the City Councils acting together or separate, or how much more legal it would have been for the Municipal Court, who were a part of the City Council, to act separately instead of with the councilors, yet, if it is deemed that we did a wrong in destroying that press, we refuse not to pay for it ; , we are desirous to fulfill the law in every particular, and are. responsible for our acts. You say that the parties ought to have had a hearing. Had it been a civil suit, this of course,. would have been proper; but there was a flagrant violation of every principle of right — a nuisance; and it was abated on the same principle that any nuisance, stench, or putrefied car cass would have been removed. Our first step, therefore, was to stop the foul, noisome, filthy sheet, and then the next in our ODinion would have been to have prosscuted the man for a breach of public decency. And, furthermore, again let me say, Governor Ford, I shall look to you for our protection. I 44 INTRODUCTORY. believe you are talking of going to Nauvoo ; if you go, sir, I wish to go along. I refuse not to answer .any law, but I do not consider myself safejiere." Governor. — "I am in hopes that you will be acquitted, and if I go I will certainly take you along. I do not, however, appre hend danger. I think you are perfectly safe either here or anywhere else. I can not, however, interfere with the law. I am placed in peculiar circumstances, and seem to be blamed by all parties." Joseph Smith. — "Governor Ford, I ask nothing but what is legal ; I have a right to expect protection, at least, from you ¦ for, independent of law, you have pledged your faith and that of the State for my protection, and I wish to go to Nauvoo." Governor. — "And you shall have protection, General Smith. I did not make this promise without consulting my officers, who all pledged their honor to its fulfillment. I do not know that I shall go to-morrow to Nauvoo, but if I do I will take you along." At a quarter past ten o'clock the governor left. At about half past twelve o'clock, Mr. Reed, one of Joseph's counsel, came in, apparently, much elated; he stated that, upon an examination of the law, he found that the magistrate had transcended his jurisdiction, and that, having" committed them without an examination, his jurisdiction ended; that he had him upon a pinhook ; that he ought to have examined them before he committed them, and that, having violated the law in this particular, he had no farther power over them; for, once committed, they were out of his jurisdiction, as the power of the magistrate extended no farther than their com mittal, and that now they could not be brought out except at the regular session of the Circuit Court, or by a writ of habeas corpus; but that if Justice Smith would consent to go to Nauvoo for trial, he would compromise matters with him,, and overlook this matter. Mr. Reed farther stated that the "anti-Mormons," or mob, had concocted a scheme to get out a writ from Missouri, with a demand upon Governor Ford for the arrest of Joseph Smith, and his conveyance to Missouri, and that a man by the name of Wilson had returned from Missouri the night before the burning of the press for this purpose. INTRODUCTORY. 45 At half past two o'clock Constable Bettesworth came to the jail with a man named Simpson, professing to have some order, but he would not send up his name, and the guard would not let him pass. Dr. Bernhisel and Brother Wasson went to inform the governor and council of this. At about twenty minutes to three Dr. Bernhisel returned, and stated that he thought the governor was doing all he could. At about ten minutes to three Hyrum Kimball appeared with news from Nauvoo. Soon after Constable Bettesworth came with an order from Esquire Smith to convey the prisoners to the court-house for trial. He was informed that the process was illegal, that they had been placed there contrary to law, and that they refused to come unless by legal process. I was informed that Justice Smith (who was also captain of the Casrthage Grays) went to the governor and informed him of the matter, and that the governor replied, "You have your forces, and of course can use them." The constable certainly did return, accom panied by a guard of armed men, and by force,, and under protest, hurried the prisoners to the court. About four o'clock the case was called by Captain Robert F. Smith, J. P. The counsel for the prisoners called for subpoenas to bring witnesses. At twenty-five minutes past four he took a copy of the order to bring the prisoners from jail to trial, and afterwards he took names of witnesses. Counsel present for the- State; Higbee, Skinner, Sharp Emmons, and Morrison. Twenty-five minutes to five the writ was returned as served, June 25th. Many remarks were made at the court that I paid but little attention to, as I considered the whole thing illegal and a com plete burlesque. Wood objected to the proceedings in toto, in consequence of its illegality, showing that the prisoners were not only illegally committed, but that, being once committed, the magistrate had no farther power over them ; but as it was the same magistrate before whom he was pleading who impris oned them' contrary to law, and the same who, as captain, forced them from jail, his arguments availed but little. He then urged that the prisoners be remanded until witnesses could be hac}, and applied for a continuance for that purpose. Skinner suggested until twelve o'clock next day. Wood again 46 INTRODUCTORY. demanded until witnesses could be obtained ; that the court meet at a specified time, and that, if witnesses were not present, again adjourn, without calling the prisoners. After various remarks from Reed, Skinner, and others, the court stated that the writ was served yesterday, and that it will give until to-morrow at twelve m. to get witnesses. We then returned to jail. Immediately after our return Dr. Bernhisel went to the governor, and obtained from him an order for us to occupy a large open room containing a bed stead. I rather think that the same room had been appropri ated to the' use of debtors ; at any rate, there was free access to the jailer's house, and no bars or locks except such as might be on the outside door of the jail. The jailer, Mr. George W. Steghall, and his wife, manifested a disposition to make us as comfortable as they could ; we ate at their table, which was well provided, and, of course, paid for it. I do not remember the names of all who were with us that night and the next morning in jail, for several went and came; among those that we considered stationary were Stephen Markham, John S. Fullmer, Captain Dan Jones, Dr. Willard Richards, and myself. Dr. Bernhisel says that he was there from Wednesday in the afternoon until eleven o'clock next day. We were, however, visited by numerous friends, among whom were Uncle John Smith, Hyrum Kimball, Cyrus H. Wheelock, besides lawyers, as counsel. There was also a great variety of conversation, which was rather desultory than other wise, and referred to circumstances that had transpired, our former and present grievances, the spirit of the troops around us, and the disposition of the governor;- the devising for legal and other plans for deliverance, the nature of testimony required ; the gathering of proper witnesses, and a variety of other topics, including our religious hopes, etc. During one of these conversations Dr. Richards remarked: "Brother Joseph, if it is necessary that you die in this matter, and if they will take me in your stead, I will suffer for you." At another time, when conversing about deliverance, I said, "Brother Joseph, if you will permit it, and say the word, I will have you out of this prison in five hours, if the jail has to come down to do it." My idea was to go to Nauvoo, and col lect a force sufficient, as I considered the whole affair a legal INTRODUCTORY. 47 farce, and a flagrant outrage upon our liberty and rights. Brother Joseph refused. Elder Cyrus H. Wheelock came in to see us, and when he was about leaving drew a small pistol, a six-shooter, from his pocket, remarking at the same time, "Would any of you like to have this?" Brother Joseph immediatly replied, "Yes, give it to me;" whereupon he took the pistol, and put it in his pantaloons pocket. The pistol was a six-shooting revolver, of Allen's patent ; it belonged to me, and was one that I furnished to Brother Wheelock when he talked of going with me to the East, previous to our coming to Carthage. I have it now in my possession. Brother Wheelock went out on some errand, and was not suffered to return. The report of the governor having gone to Nauvoo without taking the prisoners along with him caused very unpleasent feelings, as we were apprised that we were left to the tender mercies of the Carthage Grays, a company strictly mobocratic, and whom we knew to be our most deadly enemies ; and their captain, Esquire Smith, was a most unprincipled villain. Besides this, all the mob forces, comprising the governor's troops, were dismissed, with the exception of one or two companies, which the governor took with him to Nauvoo. The great part of the mob was liber ated, the remainder was our guard. We looked upon it not only as a breach of faith on the part of the governor, but also as an indication of a desire to insult us, if nothing more, by leaving us in the proximity of such men. The prevention of Wheelock's return was among the first of their hostile movements. Colonel Markham then went out, and he was also prevented from returning. He was very angry at this, but the mob paid no attention to him ; they drove him out of town at the point of the bayonet, and threatened • to shoot him if he returned. He went, I am informed, to Nauvoo for the purpose of raising a company of men for our protection. Brother Fullmer went to Nauvoo after witnesses: it is my opinion that Brother Wheelock did also. Some time after dinner we sent for some wine. It has been reported by some that this was taken as a sacrament. It was no such thing; our spirits were generally dull and heavy, and it was sent for to revive us, I think it was Captain Jones wb,o 48 INTRODUCTORY. went after it, but they would not suffer him to return. believe we all drank of the wine, and gave some to one or two of the prison guards. We all of us felt unusually dull and languid, with a remarkable depression of spirits. In conso nance with those feelings I sang a song, that had lately been introduced into Nauvoo, entitled, "A poor wayfaring man of grief," etc. The song is pathetic, and the tune quite plaintive, and was very much in accordance with our feelings at the time, for our spirits were all depressed, dull and gloomy, and surcharged with indefinite ominous forebodings. After a lapse of some time, Brother Hyrum requested me again to sing that song. I replied, "Brother Hyrum, I do not feel like singing;" when he remarked, "Oh, never mind ; commence singing, and you will get the spirit of it." At his request I did so. Soon after wards I was sitting at one of the front windows of the jail, when I saw a number of men, with painted faces, coming around the corner of the jail, and aiming towards the stairs. The other brethren had seen the same, for, as I went to the door, I found Brother Hyrum Smith and Dr. Richards already leaning against it. They both pressed against the door with their shoul ders to prevent its being opened, as the lock and latch were comparatively useless. While in this position, the mob, who had come up stairs, and tried to open the door, probably thought it was locked, and fired a ball through the keyhole ; at this Dr. Richards and Brother Hyrum leaped back from the door, with their faces towards it ; almost instantly another ball passed through the panel of the door, and struck Brother Hyrum on the left side of the nose, entering his face andhead. At the same instant, another ball from the outside entered his back, passing through his body and striking his watch. The ball came from the back, through the jail window, opposite the door, and must, from its range, have been fired from the Carthage Grays, who were placed there ostensibly for our pro tection, as the balls from the fire-arms, shot close by the jail>- would have entered the ceiling, we being in the second story,. and there never was a time after that when Hyrum could have received the latter wound. Immediately, when the balls struck him, he fell flat on his back, crying as he fell, "I am a dead man !" He never moved afterwards. INTRODUCTORY. 49 I shall never forget the deep feeling of sympathy and regard manifested in the countenance of Brother Joseph as he drew nigh to Hyrum, and, leaning over him, exclaimed, "Oh! my poor, dear brother Hyrum !" He, however, instantly arose, and with a firm, quick step, and a determined expression of countenance, approached the door, and pulling the six-shooter left by Brother Wheelock from his pocket, opened the door slightly, and snapped the pistol six successive times; only three of the barrels, however, were discharged. I afterwards understood that two or three were wounded by these dis- "" charges, two of whom, I am informed, died. I had in my hands a large, strong hickory stick, brought there by Brother Markham, and left by him, which I had seized as soon as I saw the mob approach ; and while Brother Joseph was firing the pistol, I stood close behind him. As soon as he had dis charged it he stepped back, and I immediately took his place next to the door, while he occupied the one I had done while he was shooting. Brother Richards, at this time, had a knotty walking-stick in his hands belonging to me, and stood next to Brother Joseph, a little farther from the door, in an oblique direction, apparently to avoid the rake of the fire from the door. The firing of Brotpfer Joseph made our assailants pause for a moment; very soblpMifter, however, they pushed the door some distance open, and protruded and discharged their guns into the room, when I parried them off- with my stick, giving another direction to the balls. It certainly was a terrible scene : streams of fire as thick as my arm passed by me as these men fired, and, unarmed as we were, it looked like certain death. I remember feeling as though my time had come, but I do not know when, in any critical position, I was more calm, unruffled, energetic, and acted with more promptness and decision. It certainly was far from pleasant to be so near the muzzles of these fire-arms as they belched forth their liquid flames and deadly balls. While I was engaged in parrying the guns, Brother Joseph said, "That's right, Brother Taylor, parry them off as well as you can." These were the last words I ever heard him speak on earth. Every moment the crowd at the door became more dense, as they were unquestionably pressed on by those in the rear ascen- 50 INTRODUCTORY. ding the stairs, until the whole entrance at the door was literally crowded with muskets and rifles, which, with the swearing, shouting, and demoniacal expressions of those outside the door and on the stairs, and the firing of the guns, mingled with their horrid oaths and excrations, made it look like Pandem onium let loose, and was, indeed, a fit representation of the horrid deed in which they were engaged. After parrying the guns for some time, which now protruded thicker and farther into the room, and seeing no hope of escape or protection there, as we were now unarmed, it occurred to me that we might have some friends outside, and that there might be some chance fo escape in that direction, but here there seemed to be none. As I expected them every moment to rush into the room — nothing but extreme cowardice having thus far kept them out — as the tumult and pressure increased, without any other hope, I made a spring for the win dow which was right in front of the jail door, where the mob was standing, and also exposed to the fire of the Carthage Grays, who were stationed some ten or twelve rods off. The weather was hot, we all of us had our coats off, and the window was raised to admit air. As I reached the window, and was on the point of leaping out, I wasAuck by a ball from the door about midway of my thigh,lipfeh struck the bone, and flat tened out almost to the size OTa quarter of a dollar, and then passed on through the fleshy part to within about half an inch of the outside. I think some prominent nerve must have been severed or injured, for, as soon as the ball struck me, I fell like a bird when shot, or an ox when struck by a butcher, and lost entirely and instantaneously all power of action or locomo tion. I fell upon the window-sill, and cried out, "I am shot!" Not possessing any power to move, I felt myself falling outside of the window, but immediately I fell inside, from some, at that time, unknown cause. When I struck the floor my ani mation seemed restored, as I have seen it sometimes in squirrels and birds after being shot. As soon as I felt the power of motion I crawled under the bed, which was in a corner of the room, not far from the window where I received my wound. While on my way and under the bed I was wounded in three other places; one ball entered a little below the left knee, and never was extracted ; another entered the forepart of my left arm, INTRODUCTORY. 51 a little above the wrist, and, passing down by the joint, lodged in the fleshy part of my hand, about midway, a little above the upper joint of my little finger; another struck me on the fleshy part of my left hip, and tore away the flesh as large as my hand, dashing the mangled fragments of flesh and blood against the wall. My wounds were painful, and the sensation produced was as though a ball had passed through and down the whole length of my leg. I very well remember my reflections at the time. I had a very painful idea of becoming lame and decrepid, and being an object of pity, and I felt as though I would rather die than be placed in such circumstances. It would seem that immediately after my attempt to leap out of the window, Joseph also did the same thing, of which circumstance I have no knowledge only from information. The first thing that I noticed was a cry that he had leaped out of the window, A cessation of firing followed, the mop rushed down stairs, and Dr. Richards went to the window. Imme diately afterwards I saw the doctor going towards the jail door, and as there was an iron door at the head of the stairs adjoning our door which led into the cells for criminals, it struck me that the doctor was going in there, and I said to him, "Stop, doctor, and take me along." He proceeded to the door and opened it, and then returned and dragged me along to a small cell prepared for criminals. Brother Richards was very much troubled, and exclaimed, "Oh ! Brother Taylor, is it possible that they have killed both Brother Hyrum and Joseph? it cannot surely be, and yet I saw them shoot them;" and, elevating his hands two or three times, he exclaimed, "Oh Lord, my God, spare Thy servants!" He then said, "Brother Taylor, this is a terrible event;' and he dragged me farther into the cell, saying, "I am sorry I can not do better for you;" and, taking an old, filthy mattress, he covered me with it, and said, "That may hide you, and you may yet live to tell the tale, but I expect they will kill me in a few moments." While lying in this position I suffered the most excruciating pain. Soon afterwards Dr. Richards came to me, informed me that the mob had precipitately fled, and at the same time confirm ed my worst fears that Joseph was assuredly dead. I felt a 52 INTRODUCTORY. dull, lonely, sickening sensation at the news. When I reflected that our noble chieftain, the prophet of the living God, had fallen, and that I had seen his brother in the cold embrace of death, it seemed as though there was a void or vacuum in the great field of human existence to me, and a dark gloomy chasm in the kingdom, and that we were left alone. Oh, how lonely was that feeling! How cold, barren and desolate ! In the midst of difficulties he was always the first in motion ; in critical positions his counsel was always sought. As our prophet he approached our God, and .obtained for us His will;' but now our prophet, our counselor, our general, our leader was gone, and amid the fiery ordeal that we then had to pass through, we were left alone without his aid, and as our future guide for things spiritual or temporal, and for all things pertaining to this world or the next, he had spoken for the last time on earth ! These reflections and a thousand others flashed upon my mind. I thought, Why must the good perish, and the virtuous be destroyed ? Why must God's nobility, the salt bf the earth, the most exalted of the human family, and the most perfect types of all excellence, fall victims to the cruel, fiendish hate of incarnate devils ? The poignancy of my grief, I presume, however, was some what allayed by the extreme suffering that I endured from my wounds. Soon afterwards I was taken to the head of the stairs and laid there, where I had a full view of our beloved and now murdered brother Hyrum. There he lay as I had left him; he had not moved a limb ; he lay placid and calm, a mon ument of greatness even in death ; but his noble spirit had left its tenement, and was gone to dwell in regions more con genial to its exalted nature. Poor Hyrum ! he was a great and good man, and my soul was cemented to his.. If ever there was an exemplary, honest, and virtuous man, an embodi ment of all that is noble in the human form, Hyrum Smith was its representative. While I lay there a number of persons came around, among whom was a physician. The doctor, on seeing a ball lodged in my left hand, took a penknife from his pocket and made an incision in it for the purpose of extracting the ball therefrom, and having obtained a pair of carpenter's compasses, made- INTRODUCTORY. 53 use of them to draw or pry out the ball, alternately using the penknife and compasses. After sawing for some time with a dull penknife, and prying and pulling with the compasses, he ultimately succeeded in extracting the ball, which weighed about half an ounce. Some time afterwards he remarked to a friend of mine that I had "nerves like the devil," to stand what I did in its extraction. I really thought I had need of nerves to stand such surgical butchery, and that, whatever my nerves may be, his practice was devilish. This company wished to remove me to Mr. Hamilton's hotel, the place where we had staid previous to our incarceration in jail. I told them, however, that I did not wish to go ; I did not consider it safe. They protested that it was, and that I was safe with them; that it was a perfect outrage for men to be used as we had been ; that they were my friends ; that it was for my good they were counseling me, and that I could be better taken care of there than here/* I replied, "I don't know you. Who am I among? I am surrounded by assassins and murderers ; witness your deeds ! Don't talk to me of kindness or comfort; look at your mur dered victims. Look at me ! I want none of your counsel nor comfort. There may be some safety here; I can be assured of none anywhere," etc. They G — d their souls to hell, made the most solemn asseverations, and swore by God and the devil, and everything else that they could think of, that they would stand by me to death and protect me. In half an hour every one of them had fled from the town. Soon after a coroner's jury were assembled in the room over the body of Hyrum. Among the jurors was Captain Smith, of the "Carthage Grays," who had assisted in the murder, and the same justice before whom we had been tried. I learned of Francis Higbee as being in the neighborhood. On hearing his name mentioned, I immediately arose and said, "Captain Smith, you area justice of the peace; I have heard his name mentioned; I want to swear my life against him.'' I was informed that word was immediately sent to him to leave the place, which he did. Brother Richards was busy during this time attending to "the coroner's inquest, and to the removal of the bodies, and 54 INTRODUCTORY. making arrangements for their removal from Carthage to Nauvoo. When he had a little leisure, he again came to me, and at his suggestion I was removed to Hamilton's tavern. I felt that he was the only friend, the only person, that I could rely upon in that town. It was with difficulty that sufficient persons could be found to carry me to the tavern; for imme diately after the murder a great fear fell upon all the people, and men, women, and children fled with great precipitation, leaving nothing nor anybody in the town but two or three women and children and one or two sick persons. It was with great difficulty that Brother Richards prevailed upon Mr. Hamilton, hotel-keeper, and his family, to stay; they would not until Brother Richards had given a solemn promise that he would see them protected, and hence I was looked upon as a hostas^ Under these circumstances, not withstanding, I believe trrey were hostile to the "Mormons,'' and were glad that the murder had taken place, though they did not actually participate in it; and, feeling that I should be a protection to them, they staid. The whole community knew that a dreadful outrage had bean perpetrated by those villains, and fearing lest the citizens. of Nauvoo, as they possessed the power, mighMiave a disposi tion to visit them with a terrible vengeance, they fled in the wildest confusion. And, indeed, it was with very great diffi culty that the citizens of Nauvoo could be restrained. A horrid barbarous murder had been committed, the most solemn pledge violated, and that, too, while the victims were, contrary to the requirements of the law, putting themselves into the hands of the governor to pacify a popular excitement. This outrage was enhanced by the reflection that our people were able to pro tect themselves against not only all the mob, but against three times their number and that of the governor's troops put together. They were also exasperated by the speech of the governor in town. The whole events were s® faithless, so dastardly, so mean,, cowardly, and contemptible, without oj^ extenuating circum stance, that it would not have been surprising if ^he citizens of Nauvoo had arisen en masse, and blotted the wretches out of existence. The citizens of Carthage knew they would- have INTRODUCTORY. 55 done so under such circumstances, and, judging us by them selves, they were all panic-stricken, and fled. Colonel Mark ham, too, after his expulsion from Carthage, had gone home, related the circumstances of his ejectment, and was using his influence to get a company to go out. Fearing that when the people heard that their prophet and patriarch had been murdered under the above circumstances they might act rashly, and knowing that, if they onc^^oLjMjiised, .like a mighty avalanche they would lay the country*"waste before them and take a terrible vengeance — as none of the Twelve were in Nauvoo, and no one, perhaps, with sufficient influence to contaol the people, Dr. Richards, after consulting me, wrote the folhiwing note, fearing that, my family might be seriously affected by the news. I told him to insert that I was slightly wounded. Willard Richards' Note from Carthage Jail to Nauvoo* "Carthage jail, 8 o'clock 5 ruin. p. m., June 27th, 1844. "Joseph and Hyrum are dead. Taylor wounded, not very badly. I am well. Our guard was forced, as we believe, by a band of Missourians from 100 to 200. The job was done in an instant, and the party fled towards Nauvoo instantly. This is as I believe it. The citizens here are afraid of the 'Mormons' p attacking them ; I promise them ho. W. Richards. "N. B. — The citizens promise us protection; alarm guns have been fired. "John Taylor." I remember signing my name as quickly as possible, lest the tremor of my hand should be noticed, and the fears of my family excited. A messenger was dispatched immediately with the note, but he was intercepted by the governor, who, on hearing a cannon fired at Carthage, which was to be the signal for the murder, immediately fled with his company, and fearing that the citi zens of Nauvoo, when apprised of the horrible outrage, would immediately rise and pursue, he turned back the messenger, who was George D. Grant. A second one was sent, who was treated similarly ; and not until a third attempjt could news be got to Nauvoo. * "Deseret News," No. 38, Nov. 25, 1857, p. 297. 56 introductory. Samuel H. Smith, brother to Joseph and Hyrum, was the first brother I saw after the outrage ; I am not sure whether he took the news or not; he lived at the time in Plymouth, Hancock County, and was on his way to Carthage to see his brothers, when he was met by some of the troops, or rather mob, that had been dismissed by the governor, and who were on their way home. OnJearning that he- was Joseph Smith's brother they spugMto kill him, but he escaped, and fled into the woods, where IrHvas chased for a length of time by them; but, after severe fatigue, and much danger and excitement, he succeeded in escaping, and came to Carthage. He was on horseback when he arrived, and' was not only very. much tired with the fatigue and excitement of the chase, but was also very much distressed in feelings on account of the death of his brothers. These things produced a fever, which laid the foundation for his death, which took place on the 30 th of July. Thus another of the brothers fell a victim, although not directly, but indirectly to this infernal mob. I lay from about five o'clock until two next morning with out having my wounds dressed, as there was scarcely any help of any kind in Carthage, and Brother Richards was busy with the dead bodies, preparing them for removal. My wife Leo nora started early the next day, having had some little trouble in getting a company or a physician to come with her; after considerable difficulty she suceeded in getting an escort, and Dr. Samuel Bennet came along with her. Soon after my father and mother arrived from Oquakie, near which place they had a farm at that time, and hearing of the trouble, hastened along. General Demming, Brigadier General of .the Hancock County Militia, was very much of a gentleman, and showed me every courtesy, and Colonel Jones also was very solicitous about my welfare. I was called upon by several gentlemen of Quincy and other places, among whom was Judge Ralston, as well as by our own people, and a medical man extracted a ball from my left thigh that was giving me much pain ; it lay about half an inch deep, and my thigh was considerably swollen. The doc tor asked me if I would be tied during the operation ; I told him no; that I could endure the cutting associated with the INTRODUCTORY. 57 operation as well without, and I did so ; indeed, so great was the pain I endured that the cutting was rather a relief than otherwise. Avery laughable incident occured at the time; my wife Leonora went into an adjoining room to pray for me, that I might be sustained during the operation. While on her knees at prayer, a Mrs. Bedell, an old lady of the Methodist associa tion, entered, and, patting Mrs. Taylor on her back with her hand, said, "There's a good lady, pray for God to forgive your sins; pray that you may be converted, and the Lord may have mercy on your soul." The scene was so ludicrous that Mrs. Taylor knew not wether to laugh or be angry. Mrs. Taylor informed me that Mr. Hamilton, the father of the Hamilton who kept the house, rejoiced at the murder, and said in company that "it was done up in the best possible style, and showed good generalship;" and she farther believed that the other branches of the family sanctioned it. These were the associates of the old lady referred to, and yet she could talk of conversion and saving souls in the midst of blood and murder : such is man and such consistency. The ball being extracted was the one that first struck me, which I before referred to ; it entered on the outside of my left thigh, about five inches from my knee, and, passing rather obliquely towards my body, had, it would seem, struck the bone, for it was flattened out nearly as thin and large as a quarter of a dollar. The governor passed on, staying at Carthage only a few minutes, and he did not stop until he got fifty miles from Nauvoo. There had been various opinions about the com plicity of the governor in the murder, some supposing that he knew all about it, and assisted or winked at its execution. It is somewhat difficult to form a correct opinion; from the facts presented it is very certain that things looked more than sus picious against him. < In the first place, he positively knew that we had broken no law. Secondly. He knew that the mob had not only passed inflammatory resolutions, threatening extermination to the 58 INTRODUCTORY. "Mormons." but that they had acutually assembled armed mobs and commenced hostilities against us. Thirdly. He took those very mobs that had been arrayed against us, and enrolled them as his troops, thus legalizing their acts. Fourthly. He disbanded the Nauvoo Legion, which had never violated law, and disarmed them, and had about his person in the shape of militia known mobocrats and violators of the law. Fifthly! He requested us to come to Carthage without arms, promising protection, and then refused to interfere in delivering us from prison, although Joseph and Hyrum were put there contrary to law. Sixthly. Although he refused to interfere in our behalf, yet, when Captain Smith went to him and informed him that the persons refused to come out, he told ^him that he had a command and knew what to do, thus sanctioning the use of force in the violation of law when opposed to us, whereas he would not for us interpose his executive authority to free us from being incarcerated contrary to law, although he was fully informed of all the facts of the case, as we kept him posted in the affairs all the time. Seventhly. He left the prisoners in Carthage jail contrary to his plighted faith. Eighthly. Before he went he dismissed all the troops that could be relied upon, as well as many of the mob, and left us in charge of the "Carthage Grays," a company that he knew were mobocratic, our most bitter enemies, and who had passed resolutions to exterminate us, and who had been placed under guard by General Demming only the day before. Ninthly. He was informed of the intended murder, both before he left and while on the road, by several different parties. Tenthly. When the cannon was tiered in Carthage, signify ing that the deed was done, he immediately took up his line of march and fled. How did he know that this signal por tended their death if he was not in the secret? It may be said some of the party told him. How could he believe what the party said about the gun signal if he could not believe INTRODUCTORY. 59 the testimony of several individuals who told him in positive terms about the contemplated murder? He has, I believe, stated that he left the "Carthage Grays" there because he considered that, as their town was contigous to ours, and as the responsibility of our safety rested solely upon them, they would not dare suffer any indignity to befall us. This very admission shows that he did really expect danger ; and then he knew that these people had published to the world that they would exterminate us, and his leaving us in their hands and taking of their responsibilities was like leaving a lamb in charge of a wolf, and trusting to its humanity and honor for its safe-keeping. It is said, again that he would not have gone to Nauvoo, and thus placed himself in the hands of the "Mormons," if he had anticipated any such event, as he would be exposed to their wrath. To this it may be answered that the "Mormons" did not know their signals, while he did; and they were also known in Warsaw, as well as in other places ; and as soon as the gun was fired, a merchant of Warsaw jumped upon his horse and rode directly to Quincy, and reported "Joseph and Hyrum killed, and those who were with them in jail." He reported farther that "they were attempting tD break jail, and were all killed by the guard." This was their story; it was anticipated to kill all, and the gun was to be the signal that the deed was accomplished. This was known in Warsaw. The governor also knew it and fled; and he could really be in no danger in Nauvoo, for the "Mormons", did not know it, and he had plenty of time to escape, which he did. It is said that he made all his officers promise solemnly that they would help him to protect the Smiths; this may or may not be. At any rate, some of these same officers helped to murder them. The strongest argument in the governor's favor, and one that would bear more weight with us than all the rest put together, would be that he could not believe them capable of such atrocity; and, thinking that their talk and threatenings were a mere ebullition of feeling, a kind of braggadocio, and' that there was enough of good moral feeling to control the more violent passions, he trusted to their faith. There is, indeed, a degree of plausibility about this, but when we put 60 INTRODUCTORY. it in juxtaposition to the amount of evidence that he was in possession of it weighs very little. He had nothing to inspire confidence in them, and everything to make him mistrust them. Besides, why his broken faith? why his disregard of what was told him by several parties? Again, if he knew not the plan, how did he understand the signal? Why so oblivious to everything pertaining to the "Mormon" interest, and so alive and interested about the mobocrats? At any rate, be this as it may, he stands responsible for their blood, and it is dripping on his garments. If it had not been for his promises of protection, they would have protected themselves; it was plighted faith that led them to the slaugh ter; and, to make the best of it, it was a breach of that faith and a non-fulfillment of that promise, after repeated warning, that led to their death. Having said so much, I must leave the governor with my readers and with his God. Justice, I conceive, demanded this much, and truth could not be told with less; as I have said before, my opinion is that the governor would not have planned this murder, but he had not sufficient energy to resist' popular opinion, even if that opinion led to blood and death. It was rumored that a strong political party, numbering in its ranks many of the prominent men of the nation, were engaged in a plot for the overthrow of Joseph Smith, and that the governor was of this party, and Sharp, Williams, Captain Smith, and others, were his accomplices, but whether this was the case or not I do not know. It is very certain that a strong political feeling existed against Joseph Smith, and I have reason to believe that his letters to Henry Clay were made use of by political parties opposed to Mr. Clay, and were the means of that statesman's defeat. Yet, if such a combina tion as the one referred to existed, I am not apprised of it. While I lay at Carthage, previous to Mrs. Taylor's arrival, a pretty good sort of a man, who was lame of a leg, waited upon me, and sat up at night with me; afterwards Mrs. Taylor, mother and others waited upon me. Many friends called upon me, among whom were Richard Ballantyne, Elizabeth Taylor, several of the Perkins family and a number of the brethren from Macedonia and La Harpe. Besides these, many strangers from Quincy, some of whom INTRODUCTORY. 61 expressed indignant feelings against the mpb . and sympathy for myself. Brother Alexander Williams called upon me, who suspected that they had some designs in keeping me there, and stated that he had, at a given point in some woods, fifty men, and that if I would say the word he would raise other fifty, and fetch me out of there. I thanked him, but told him I thought there was no need. However, it would seem that I was in some danger; for Colonel Jones, before referred to, when absent from me, left two loaded pistols on the table in case of an attack, and some time afterwards, when I had recovered and was publishing the affair, a lawyer, Mr. Backman, stated that he had prevented a man by the name of Jackson, before referred to, from ascending the stairs, who was coining with a design to murder me, and that now he was sorry he had not let him do the deed. There wore others also, of whom I heard, that said I ought to be killed, and they would do it, but that it was too damned cowardly to shoot a wounded man ; and thus, by the chivalry of murderers, I was prevented from being a second time muti lated or killed. Many of the mob, came around and treated me with apparent respect, and the officers and people generally looked upon me as a hostage, and feared that ray removal would be the signal for the rising of the "Mormons." I do not remember the time that I staid at Carthage, but I think three or four days after the murder, when Brother Marks with a carriage, Brother James Allred with a wagon, Dr. Ells, and a number of others on horseback, came for the purpose of taking me to Nauvoo. I was very weak at the time, occa sioned by the loss of blood and the great discharge of my wounds, so when my wife asked me if I could talk I could barely whisper no. Quite a discussion arose as to the pro priety of my removal, the physicians and people of Carthage protesting that it would be my death, while my friends were anxious for my removal if possible. I suppose the former were actuated by the above-named desire to keep me. Colonel Jones was, I believe, sincere ; he had acted as a friend all the time, and he told Mrs. Taylor she ought to persuade me not to go, for he did not believe I had strength enough to reach Nauvoo^ It was finally agreed, how ever, that I should go ; but as it was thought that I 'could not 62 INTRODUCTORY. stand riding in a wagon or carriage, they prepared a litter for me ; I was carried down stairs and put upon it. A number of men assisted to carry me, some of whom had been engaged in the mob. As soon as I got down stairs, I felt much better and strengthened, so that I could talk ; I suppose the effect of the fresh air. When we had got near the outside of the town I remembered some woods that we had to go through, and telling a person near to call for Dr. Ells, who was riding a very good horse, I said, "Doctor, I perceive that the people are getting fatigued with carrying me ; a number of "Mormons" live about two or three miles from here, near our route; will you ride to their settlement as quick as possible, and have them come and meet us?" He started off on a gallop immediately. My object in this was to obtain protection in case of an attack, rather than to obtain help to carry me. Very soon after the men from Carthage made one excuse after another, until they had all left, and I felt glad to get rid of them. I found that the tramping of those carrying me pro duced violent pain, and a sleigh was produced and attached to the hind end of Brother James Allred's wagon, a bed placed upon it, and I propped up on the bed. Mrs. Taylor rode with me, applying ice and ice-water to my wounds. As the sleigh was dragged over the grass on the prairie, which was quite tall, it moved very easily and gave me very little pain. When I got within five or six miles of Nauvoo the brethren commenced to meet me from the city, and they increased in number as we drew nearer, until there was a very large com pany of people of all ages and both sexes, principally, however, men. For some time there had been almost incessant .rain, so that in many low places on the prairie it was from one to three feet deep in water, and at such places the brethren whom we met took hold of the sleigh, lifted it, and carried it over the water ; and when we arrived in the neighborhood of the city, where the roads were excessively muddy and bad, the brethren tore down the fences, and we passed through the fields. Never shall I forget the difference of feeling that I experi enced between the place that I had left and the one that I had now arrived at. I had left a lot of reckless, bloodthirsty INTRODUCTORY. 63 murderers," and had come to the City of the Saints, the people of the living God; friends of truth and righteous ness, thousands of whom stood there with warm, true hearts to offer their friendship and services, and to welcome my return. It is true it was a painful scene, and brought sorrowful remem- berance to mind, but to me it caused a thrill of joy to find myself once more in the bosom of my friends, and to meet with the cordial welcome of true, honest hearts. What was very remarkable, I found myself very much better after my arrival at Nauvoo than I was when I started on my journey, although I had traveled eighteen miles. The next day, as some change was wanting, I told Mrs. Taylor that if she could send to Dr. Richards, he had my purse and watch, and they would find money in my purse. Previous to the doctor leaving Carthage, I told him that he had better take my purse and watch, foi I was afraid the people would steal them. The doctor had taken my panta loons' pocket, and put the watch in it with the purse, cut .off the pocket, and tied a string around the top; it was in this position when brought home. My family, however, were not a little startled to find that my watch had been struck with a ball. I sent for my vest, and, upon examination, it was found that there was a cut as if with a knife, in the vest pocket which had contained my watch. In the pocket the fragments of the glass were found literally ground to powder. It then occurred to me that a ball had stuck me at the time I felt myself falling out of the window, and that it was this force that threw me in side. I had often remarked to Mrs. Taylor the singular fact of finding myself inside the room, when I felt a moment before after being shot, that I was falling out, and I never could account for it until then ; but here the thing was fully eluci dated, and was rendered plain to my mind. I was indeed fall ing out, when some villain aimed at my heart. The ball struck my watch, and forced me back ; if I had fallen out I should assuredly have been killed, if not by the fall, by those around, and this ball, intended to dispatch me, was turned by an over ruling Providence into a messenger of mercy, and saved my life. I shall never forget the feelings of gratitude that I then experienced towards my heavenly Father; the whole scene was vividly portrayed before me, and my heart melted before 64 INTRODUCTORY. the Lord. I felt that the Lord had preserved me by a special act of mercy ; that my time had not yet come, and that I had still a work to perform upon the earth. (Signed), John Taylor. ? ¦ **- THE MORMONS A DISCOURSE DELIVERED BEFORE THE HISTORICAL SOCIETY OP PENNSYLVANIA, MARCH 26, 1850. BY THOMAS L. KANE. A few years ago, ascending the Upper Mississippi in the autumn, when its waters were low, I was compelled to travel by land past the regions of the rapids. My road lay through the half-breed track, a fine section of Iowa, which the unset tled state of its land titles had appropriated as a sanctuary for coiners, horse-thieves, and other outlaws. I had left my steamer at Keokuk, at the foot of the Lower Fall, to hire a carriage, and to contend for some fragments of a dirty meal with the swarming flies, the only scavengers of the locality. From this place to where the deep water of the river returns, my eye wearied to see everywhere sordid, vagabond and idle settlers; and a country marred, without being improved, by their carelss hands. I was descending the last hill-side upon my journey, when a landscape in delightful contrast broke upon my view. Half encircled by a bend of the river, a beautiful city lay glittering in the fresh morning sun; M bright new dwellings, set in cool, green gardens, ranging up around a stately dome-shaped hill, which was crowned by a noble marble edifice, whose high tapering spire was radiant with white and gold. The city appeared to cover several miles; and beyond it, in the, back-ground, there rolled off a fair country, chequered by the careful lines of fruitful hus bandry. The unmistakable marks of industry, enterprise, and educated wealth everywhere, made the scene one of singu- INTRODUCTORY. 65 lar and most striking beauty. It was a natural impulse to visit this inviting region. I procured a skiff, and, rowing across the river, landed at the chief wharf of the city. No one met me there. I looked and saw no one. I could hear no one move; though the quiet everywhere was such that I heard the flies buzz, and the watter-ripples break against the shadows of the beach. I walked through the solitary streets. The town lay as in a dream, under some deadening spell of loneliness,- from which I almost feared to wake it; for plainly it had not slept long. There was no grass growing up in the paved ways; rains had not entirely washed away the prints of dusty footsteps. Yet I went about unchecked. I went into empty work shops, rope-walks and smithies. The spinner's wheel was idle, the carpenter had gone from his work -bench and shav ings, his unfinished sash and casing. Fresh bark was in the tanner's vat, and the fresh-chopped lightwood stood piled against the baker's oven. The blacksmith's shop was cold, but his coal heap and ladling pool and crooked water-horn were all there, as if he had just gone off for a holiday. No work-people anywhere looked to know my errand. If I went into the gardens, clinking the wicket-latch loudly after me, to pull the marigolds, heartsease, and lady-slippers, and draw a drink with the water-sodden well-bucket and its noisy chain : or, knocking off with my stick the tall, heavy- headed dahlias and sun-flowers, hunted over the beds for cucumbers and love-apples — no one called out to me from any opened window, or dog sprang forward to bark an alarm. I could have supposed the people hidden in the houses, but the doors were unfastened ; and when, at last, I timidly entered them, I found dead ashes white upon the hearths, and had to tread a-tiptoe, as if walking down the aisle of a country church, to avoid arousing irreverent echoes from the naked floors. On the outskirts of the town was the city grave-yard but there was no record of < plague there, nor did it anywise differ much , from other Protestant American cemeteries- Some of the mounds were not long sodded; some of the. stones were newly set, their dates recent, and their black inscriptions glossy in the mason's hardly-dried lettering ink. Beyond the grave-yard, out in the fields, I saw, in one spot hard by where 66 INTRODUCTORY. the fruited boughs of a young orchard had been roughly torn down, the still smouldering embers of a barbecue fire, that had been constructed of rails from the fencing around it. It was the latest sign of life there. Fields upon fields of heavy- headed yellow grain lay rotting ungathered upon the ground No one was at hand to take in their rich harvest. As far as the eye could reach, they stretched away — they, sleeping too, in the hazy air of autumn. Only two --portions of the city seemed to suggest the import of this mysterious solitude. On the eastern suburb, the houses looking out upon the country showed, by their splintered wood-work and walls battered to the foundation, that they had lately been the marks of a destructive cannonade. And in and around the splendid Temple, which had been the chief object of my admiration, armed men were barracked, surrounded by their stacks of musketry, and pieces of heavy ordnance. These challenged me to render an account of myself, and why I had the temerity to cross the water without a written permit from a leader of their band. Though these men were generally more or less under the influence of ardent spirits, after I had explained myself as a pass ing stranger, they seemed anxious to gain my good opinion. They told the story of the dead city; that had been a notable manufacturing and commercial mart, sheltering over 20,000 persons; that they had waged war with its inhabitants' for several years, and had finally been successful only a few days before my visit, in an action fought in front of the ruined suburb ; after which, they had driven them forth at the point of the sword. The defense, they said, had been obstinate, but gave way on the third day's bombardment. They boasted greatly of their prowess, especially in this battle, as they called it; but I discovered they were not of one mind as to certain of the exploits that had distinguished it, one of which, as I remember, was, that they had slain a father and his son, a boy of fifteen, not long residents of the fated city, whom they admitted to have borne a character without reproach. They also conducted me inside the massive sculptured walls of the curious temple, in which they said the banished inhab itants were accustomed to celebrate the mystic rites of an unhallowed worship. They particularly pointed out to me INTRODUCTORY. 67 certain features of the building, which, having been the pecu liar objects of a former superstitious regard, they had, as a matter of duty, sedulously defiled and defaced. The reputed sites of certain shrines they had thus particularly noticed; and. various sheltered chambers, in one of which was a deep well, constructed, they believed, with a dreadful design. Beside these they led me to see a large and deep-chiselled marble vase or basin, supported upon twelve oxen, also of marble, and of the size of life, of which they told some romantic stories. They said the deluded persons, most of whom were emigrants from a great distance, believed their Deity countenanced their reception here of a baptism of regeneration, as proxies for whomsoever they held in warm affection in the countries from which they had come. That here parents "went into the water" for their lost children, children for their parents, wid ows for their spouses, and young persons for their lovers ; that thus the great vase came to be for them associated with all dear and distant memories, and was therefore the object, of all others in the building, to which they attached the greatest degree of idolatrous affection. On this account, the victors had so diligently desecrated it, as to render the apartment in which it was contained too noisome to abide in. They permitted me also to ascend into the steeple, to see where it had been lightning-struck the Sabbath before ; and to look out, east and south, "on wasted farms like those I had seen near the city, extending till they were lost in the distance- Here, in the face of pure day, close to the scar of the divine wrath left by the thunderbolt, were fragments of food, cruses of liquor, and broken drinking vessels, with a bass drum and a steamboat signal bell, of which I afterwards learned the use with pain. It was after nightfall, when I was ready to cross the river on my return. The wind had. freshened since the sunset, and, the water beating roughly into my little boat, I headed higher up the stream than the point I had left in the morning, and landed where a faint glimmering light invited me to steer. Here, among the dock and rushes, sheltered only by the darkness, without roof beween them and the sky, I came upon a crowd of several hundred human creatures, whom my movements roused from uneasy slumber upon the ground. 68 INTRODUCTORY. Passing these on my way to the light, I found it came from a tallow candle, in a paper funnel shade, such as is used by street venders of apples and peanuts, and which, flaring and guttering away in the bleak air of the water, shone flicker- ingly on the' emaciated features of a man in the last stage of a bilious, remittent fever. They had done their best for him. Over his head was something like a tent, made of a sheet or two, and he rested on a but partially ripped open old straw mattress, with a hair sofa cushion under his head for a pillow. His gaping jaw and glazing eye told how short a time he would monopolize these luxuries; though a seemingly bewildered and excited person, who might have been his wife seemed to find hope in occasionally forcing him to swallow awkwardly measured sips of the tepid river water, from a burned and battered bitter-smelling tin coffee-pot.- Those who knew better had furnished the apothecary he needed ; a tooth less old bald-head, whose manner had the repulsive dullness of a man familiar with death scenes. He, so long as I remained, mumbled in his patient's ear a monotonous and melancholy prayer, between the pauses of which I heard the hiccup and sobbing of two little girls who were sitting upon a piece of drift-wood outside. Dreadful, indeed, was the suffering of these forsaken beings j bowed and cramped by cold and sunburn, alternating as each weary day and night dragged on, they were, almost all of them, the crippled victims of disease. They were there.1 because they had no homes, nor hospital, nor poor-house, nor friends to offer them any. They could not satisfy the feeble cravings of their sick ; they had not bread to quiet the frac tious hunger-cries of their children. Mothers and babes, daughters and grand-parents, all of them alike, were bivouacked in tatters, wanting even covering to comfort those whom the sick shivers of fever were searching to the marrow. These were Mormons, famishing in Lee County, Iowa, in the fourth week of the month of September, in the year of our Lord 1846. The city — it was Nauvoo, Illinois. The Mormons were the owners of that city, and the .smiling country around. And those who had stopped their plough?) who had silenced their hammers, their axes, their shuttles' and their workshop wheels ; those who had put out their fires' INTRODUCTORY. 69 who had eaten their food, spoiled their orchards, and trampled under foot their thousands of acres of unharvested bread; these were the keepers of their dwellings, the carousers in their temple, whose drunken riot insulted the ears of their dying. I think it was as I turned from the wretched night watch, of which I have spoken, tbat I first listened to the sounds of revel of a party of the guard" within the city. Above the distant hum of the voices of many, occasionally rose distinct the loud oath-tainted exclamation, and the falsely intonated scrap of vulgar song; but lest this requiem should go unheeded, every now and then, when their boisterous orgies strove to attain a sort of ecstatic climax, a cruel spirit of insulting frolic carried some of them up into a high belfry of the temple steeple, and there, with the wicked childishness of inebriates, they whooped and shrieked, and beat the drum that I had seen, and rang in charivaric unison their loud- tongued steam-boat bell. They were, all told, not more than six hundred and forty persons'who were thus lying on the river flats. But the Mor mons in Nauvoo and its dependencies had been numbered the year, before at over twenty thousand. -Where were they? They had last been seen, carrying in mournful trains, their sick ' and wounded, halt and blind, to disappear behind the western horizon, pursuing the phantom of another home. Hardly anything else was known of them: and people asked with curiosity, "What had been their fate — what' their fortunes?" I purpose making these questions the subject of my Lecture. Since the expulsion of the Mormons, to the present date, I have been intimately conversant with the details of their history. But I shall invite your attention most particulary to an account of what happened to them during their first year in the wilderness ; because at this time more than any other, being lost to public view, they were the subjects of fable and miscon ception. Happily it was during this period I myself moved with them ; and earned at a dear price, as some among, you are aware, my right to speak with authority of them and their character, their trials, achievements, and intentions. The party encountered by me at the river shore were the last of the Mormons that left the city. They had all of them 70 INTRODUCTORY. engaged the year before, that they would vacate their homes, and seek some other place of refuge. It had been the condition of a truce between them and their assailants ; and as an earnest of their 'good faith, the chief elders, and some others of obnoxious standing, with their families, were to set out for the west in the spring of 1846. It had been stipulated in return that the rest of the Mormons might remain behind in the peaceful enjoyment of their Illinois abode, until their leaders, with their exploring party, could with all dili gence select for them a new place of settlement beyond the Rocky Mountains, in California, or elsewhere, and until they had opportunity to dispose, to the best advantage, of the property which they were then to leave. Some renewed symptoms of hostile feeling had, however, determined the pioneer party to begin their work before spring. It was, of course, anticipated that this would be a perilous service; but it was regarded as a matter of self-denying duty. The ardor and emulation of many, particularly the young and the devout, were stimulated by the difficulties it involved ; and the ranks of the party were therefore filled up with volun teers from among the most effective and responsible members of the sect. They began their march in mid winter ; and by the beginning of February, nearly all of them were on the road, many of their wagons having crossed the Mississippi on the ice. Under the most favoring circumstances, an expedition of this sort, undertaken at such a season of the year, could scarcely fail to be disastous.* But the pioneer company had to set out in haste, and were very imperfectly supplied with necessaries. The cold was intense. They moved in the teeth of keen-edged north-west winds, such as sweep down the Iowa peninsula •from the ice-bound regions of the timber- shaded Slave Lake and Lake of the Woods : on the bald prai rie there, nothing above the dead grass breaks their free course over the hard rolled hills. Even along the the scattered water courses, where they broke the thick ice to give their cattle drink, the annual autumn fires had left little wood of value. The party, therefore, often wanted for good camp fires, the first * Nine children were born the first night the women camped out. "Sugar Creek," February 5. INTRODUCTORY. 71 luxury of all travelers; but to men insufficiently furnished with tents, and other appliances of shelter, almost an essential to life. After days of fatigue, their nights were often passed in restless efforts to save themselves from freezing. Their stock of food also proved inadequate; and as their systems, became impoverished, their suffering from cold increased. Sickened with catarrhal affections, manacled by the dread fully acute fetters of rheumatisms, some contrived for awhile, to get over the shortening day's march, and drag along some- others. But the sign of an impaired circulation soon began to show itself in the liability of all to be dreadfully frost-bitten. The hardiest and strongest became helplessly crippled. About. the same time the strength of their beasts of draught began to. fail. The small supply of provender they could carry with them had given out. The winter-bleached prairie straw proved devoid of nourishment; and they could only keep them from starving by seeking for the browse, as it is called, or green bark and tender buds and branches of the cotton- wood, and other stinted growths of the hollows. To return to Nauvoo was apparently the only escape ; but this would have been to give occasion for fresh mistrust, and so to bring new trouble to those they had left there behind them. They resolved at least to hold their ground, and to advance as they might, were it only limping through the deep snows a few small miles a day. They found a sort of comfort in comparing themselves to the exiles of Siberia;* and sought cheerfulness in earnest prayings for the spring — longed for as morning by the tossing sick. The spring came at last. It overtook them in the Sac and Fox country, still on the naked prairie, not yet half way over- the trail they were following between the Mississippi and Missouri rivers. But it brought its own share of troubles with it. The months with which it opened proved nearly as trying as the worst of winter. The snow, and sleet, and rain which fell, as it appeared to them, without intermission, made the road over the rich prai- * "One of the company having a copy of Mdme Cottin's "Elizabeth," it, was so sought after that some read it from the wagons by moonlight. They were materially sustained, too, by the practice of psalmody, "keeping up tho- songs of Zion, and passing along DoxoWioa froir front to rear when the breath froze on their eyelashes. "' 72 INTRODUCTORY. rie soil as impassable as one vast bog of heavy black mud. Sometimes they would fasten the horses and oxen of four or five wagons to one, and attempt' to get ahead in this way, taking turns; but at the close of a hard day of toil for them selves and their cattle, they would find themselves a quarter or half a mile from the place they left in the morning. The heavy rains raised all the water courses: the most trifling streams were impassible. Wood fit for bridging was often not to be had, and in such cases the only resource was to halt for the freshets to subside ; a matter, in the case of the headwaters of the Chariton for instance, of over three weeks' delay. These were dreary waitings upon Providence. The most spirited and steady murmured most at their forced inactivity. And even the women, whose heroic spirits had been proof against the lowest thermometric fall, confessed their tempers fluctuated with the ceaseless variations of the barometer. They complained, too, that the health of their children suffered more. It was the fact, that the open winds of March and April brought with them more mortal sickness than the sharpest freezing weather. The frequent burials made the hardiest sicken. On the soldier's march it is matter of dicipline, that after the rattle of musketry over his comrade's grave he shall tramp it to the music of some careless tune in a lively quick step. But, in the Mormon camp, the companion who lay ill and gave up the ghost in view of all, all saw he lay stretched a corpse, and all attend to his last resting-place. It was a sorrow then, too, of itself, to simple-hearted people, the deficient pomps of their imperfect style of funeral. The general hopefulness of human — including Mormon — nature, was well illustrated by the fact, that the most provident were found unfurnished with under taker's articles; so that bereaved affection was driven to melancholy makeshifts. The best expedient generally was to cut down a log of some eight or nine feet long, and slitting it longitudinally, strip off its dark bark in two half cylinders. These, placed around the body of the deceased, and bound firmly together with withes made of the alburnum, formed a rough sort of tubular cofm, which surviving relatives and friends, with a little show of black crape, could follow with its enclosure to the INTRODUCTORY. 73 hole, or bit of ditch dug to receive it in the wet ground of the prairie. They grieved to lower it down so poorly clad, and in such an unheeded grave. It was hard— was it right?— thus hurriedly to plunge it in one of the undistinguishable " waves of the great land sea, and leave it behind them there, under the cold north rain, abandoned, to be forgotten. They had no tombstones, nor could they find a rock to pile the monu mental cairn. So when they had filled up the grave, and over it prayed a miserere prayer, and tried to sing a hopeful psalm, their last office was to seek out landmarks, or call in the surveyor to help them determine the bearings of valley bends, headlands, or forks and angles of constant streams, by which its position should in the future be remembered and recognized. The name of the beloved person, his age, the date of his death, and these marks were all registered with care. His party was then ready to move on. Such graves mark all the line of the first years of Mormon travel — dispiriting milestones to failing stragglers in the rear. It is an error to estimate largely the number of Mormons dead of starvation, strictly speaking. Want developed dis ease, and made them sink under fatigue, and maladies that would otherwise have proved trifling. But only those died of it outright who fell in out-of-the-way places that the hand of brotherhood could not reach. Among the rest no such thing as plenty was known, while any went an hungered. If but a part of a group was supplied with provision, the only result was that the whole went on the half or quarter ration, accord ing to the sufficiency that there was among them ; and this so ungrudgingly and contentedly, that, till some crisis of trial to their strength, they were themselves unaware that their health was sinking, and their vital force impaired. Hale young men gave up their own provided food and shelter to the old and helpless, and walked their way back to parts of the frontier States, chiefly Missouri and Iowa, where they were not recognized, and hired themselves out for wages, to purchase more. Others were sent there to exchange for meal and flour, or wheat and corn, the table and bed furni ture, and other last resources of personal property which a few had still retained. 74 INTRODUCTORY. In a kindred spirit of fraternal, forecast, others laid out great farms in the wilds, and planted in them the grain saved for their own bread, that there might be harvests for those who should follow them. Two of these in the Sac and Fox country, and beyond it, (Garden Grove and Mount Pisgah), included within their fences about two miles of land apiece, carefully planted in grain, with a hamlet of comfortable log - cabins in the neighborhood of each. Through all this the pioneers found redeeming comfort in the thought that their own suffering was the price of immu nity to their friends at home. But the arrival of spring proved this a delusion. Before the warm weather had made the earth dry enough for easy travel, messengers came in from Nauvoo to overtake the party, with fear, exaggerated tales of outrage, and to urge the chief men to hurry back to the city, that they might give counsel and assistance there. The enemy had only wafted till the emigrants were supposed to be gone on their road too far to return to interfere with them, and then renewed their aggressions. The Mormons outside Nauvoo were indeed hard pressed; but inside the city they maintained themselves very well for two or three months longer. ,. Strange to say, the chief part of this respite was devoted to completing the structure of their quaintly-devised but beauti ful temple. Since the dispersion of Jewry, probably, history affords us no parallel to the attachment of the Mormons for this edifice. Every architectural element, every most fantastic emblem it embodied, was associated, for them, with some cherished feature of their religion. Its erection had been enjoined upon them as a most sacred duty. They were proud of the honor it conferred upon their city, when it grew up in its splendor to besome the chief object of the admiration'of strangers upon the Upper Mississippi. Besides they had built it as a labor of love; they could count up to half a million the value of their tithings and free-will offerings laid upon it. Hardly a Mormon woman had not given up to it some trinket or pin-money ; the poorest Mormon man had at least served the tenth part of his year on its walls ; and the coarsest artizan could turn to it with something of the ennobling attachment of an artist for his fair creation. Therefore, though their INTRODUCTORY. 75 enemies drove on them ruthlessly, they succeeded in parrying the last sword-thrust, till they had completed even the gilding of the angel and trumpet on the summit of its lofty spire.. As a closing work, they placed on the entablature of the front, like a baptismal mark on the forehead, THE HOUSE OP THE LORD. Bwilt by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. HOLINESS TO THE LORD ! Then at high noon, under the bright sunshine of May, the next only after its completion, they consecrated it to divine service. There was a carefully studied ceremonial for the occasion. It was said the high Elders of the sect traveled furtively from the camp of Israel in the wilderness, and, throwing off ingenious disguises, appeared in their own robes of holy office, to give it splendor. For that one day the temple stood resplendent in all its typical glories of sun, moon, and stars, and other abounding figured and lettered signs, hieroglyphs, and symbols: but that day only! The sacred rites of consecration ended, the work of removing the sacro sancta proceeded with the rapidity of magic. It went on through the night ; and when the morn ing of the next day dawned, all the ornaments and furniture, everything that could provoke a sneer had been carried off; and except some fixtures that would not bear removal, the building was dismantled to the bear walls. It was this day saw the departure of the last Elders, and the largest band that moved in one company together. The people of Iowa have told me, that from morning to night they passed westward like an endless procession. They did not seem greatly out of heart, they said, but at the top of every hill, before they disappeared, were to be seen looking back, like banished Moors, on their abandoned homes, and the far-seen temple and its glittering spire. After this consecration, which was construed to indicate an insincerity on the part of the Mormons as to their stipu lated departure, or at least a hope of return, their foes set upon them with renewed bitterness. As many fled as were at all prepared; but by the very fact of their so decreasing the already diminished forces of the city's defenders, they encour- 76 INTRODUCTORY. aged the enemy to greater boldness. It soon became apparent that nothing short of an immediate emigration could save the remnant. From this time onward the energies of those already on the road were engrossed by the duty of providing for the fugitives who came crowding in after them. At a last general meeting of the sect in Nauvoo, there had been passed an unanimous resolve that they would sustain one another, whatever their circumstances, upon the march; and this, though made in view of no such appalling exigency, they now with one accord set themselves together to carry out. Here begins the touching period of Mormon history; on which, but that it is for me a hackneyed subject, I should be glad to dwell, were it only for the proof it has afforded of the strictly material value to communities of an active common faith, and its happy illustrations of the power of the spirit of Christian fraternity to relieve the deepest of human suffering. I may assume that it has already fully claimed the public sympathy. Delayed thus by their own wants, and by their exertions to provide for the wants of others, it was not till the month of June that the advance of the emigrant companies arrived at the Missouri. This body, I remember, I had to join there, ascending the river for the purpose from Fort Leavenworth, which was at that time our frontier post. The Fort was the interesting rendezvous of the Army of the West, and the head quarters of its gallant' chief, Stephen F. Kearney, whose guest and friend I account it my honor to have been. Many as were the reports daily received at the garrison from all portions of the Indian Territory, it was a significant fact, how little authentic intelligence was to be obtained concerning the Mormons. Even the regions in which they were to be sought after, was a question not attempted to be designated with accuracy, except by what are very well called in the West "Mormon sto ries," none of which bore any sifting. One of these averred, that a party of Mormons, in spangled crimson robes of office, headed by one in black velvet and silver, had been teaching a Jewish pow-wow to the medicine men of the Sauks and Foxes. "Another averred that they were going about in INTRODUCTORY. 77 buffalo robe short frocks, imitative of the costume of Saint John, preaching baptism and the instance of the kingdom of heaven among the Iowas. To believe one report, ammuni tion and whisky had been received by Indian braves at the hands of an Elder with a flowing white beard, who spoke Indian, he alleged, because he had the gift of tongues — this, as far north as the country of the Yankton Sioux. Accord ing to another yet, which professed to be derived officially from at least one Indian sub-agent, the Mormons had distrib uted the scarlet uniforms of H. B. M's servants among the Pottawatamies, and had carried into their country twelve pieces of brass cannon, which were counted by a traveler as they were rafted across the East Fork of Grand river, one of the northern tributaries of the Missouri. The narrators of these pleasant stories were at variance as to the position of the Mormons by a couple of hundred leagues; but they harmo nized in the warning, that to seek certain of the leading camps, would be to meet the treatment of a spy. Almost at the outset of my journey from Fort Leavenworth, while yet upon the edge of the Indian border, I had the good fortune to fall in with a couple of thin-necked sallow persons, in patchwork pantaloons, conducting northward wagon loads of Indian corn, which they had obtained, according to their own account, in barter from a squatter for some silver spoons^ and a feather bed. Their character was disclosed by then- eager request of a bite from my wallet; in default of which, after a somewhat superfluous scriptural grace, they made an imperfect lunch before me off the softer of their corn ears eating the grains as horses do from the cob. I took their advice to follow up the Missouri; somewhere not far from which, in the Pottowatamie country, they were sure I would encounter one of their advancing companies. I had bad weather on the road. Excessive heats, varied