AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA

AN EYE-WITNESS
IN MANCHURIA

BY
LORD , BROOKE
REUTER'S SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT IN MANCHURIA

SECOND EDITION

LONDON
EVELEIGH NASH
1905

^ALE

TO THE
OFFICERS AND MEN OF THE RUSSIAN ARMY
IN MANCHURIA
IN GRATEFUL REMEMBRANCE OF THEIR
KINDNESS AND HOSPITALITY
AND WITH THE
DEEPEST ADMIRATION FOR THEIR
COURAGE AND FORTITUDE

CONTENTS

CHAP. I. THE START FOR THE FRONT
II. KHARBIN IN WAR-TIME
III. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF MUKDEN
IV. ABOUT THE HUNHUTZES .
V. FORWARD TO LIAO-YANG .
VI. BARON STACKELBERG AT WA-FANG-HO
VII. THE DEATH OF MIDDLETON
VIII. RUSSIAN HOSPITALITY — AND OTHER MATTERS
IX. IN TOUCH WITH THE ENEMY — THE FATE OF
SPIES 
X. A CHINESE WELCOME AT ANPING
XI. THE FIGHT FOR SUNGAR HILL .
XII. HAI-CHENG EVACUATED BY THE RUSSIANS
XIII. NOTES ON THE RUSSIAN FIELD FORCE
XIV. THE RETREAT FROM AN-SHAN-CHAN .
XV. THE BATTLE OF LIAO-YANG OPENS
XVI. SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE
XVII. JAPANESE CLOSE IN ON LIAO-YANG .
XVIII. GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS
XIX. GENERAL KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG
XX. RETREAT TO THE HUN-HO — LIAO-YANG REVIEWED
XXI. PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE
XXII. STACKELBERG'S ARMY ON THE MARCH
XXIII. OPENING OF THE SHA-HO BATTLE
XXIV. THE JAPANESE PIERCE THE RUSSIAN CENTRE
XXV. THE RUSSIAN ARMY IN FULL RETREAT
XXVI. THE SHA-HO BATTLE — JAPANESE TACTICS .
vii

PAGB I
10 i6
23 28
34
40 4752 5964 73
8192
IOI IIO122128140151162171183190 197
204

vm

CONTENTS

CHAP.
XXVII. CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA — AN ADVENTURE
AT ERDAGO 
XXVIII. SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE
XXIX. ALEXEIEFF RETURNS HOME  NEWS OF THE
NORTH SEA OUTRAGE ....
XXX. SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MUKDEN .
XXXI. GETTING READY FOR ANOTHER TRIAL OF
STRENGTH 
XXXII. REORGANISING THE ARMY IN THE FIELD .
XXXIII. THE RUSSIANS IN WINTER QUARTERS
XXXIV. CHRISTMAS REJOICINGS — THE FALL OF PORT
ARTHUR 
XXXV. MISCHENKO'S RAID ON NUICHWANG .
XXXVI. THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU ....
XXXVII. THE RUSSIAN OVERTHROW AT MUKDEN
XXXVIII. THE DESIRE OF THE ARMY FOR PEACE

214 225236
244
255 261 269
276283288
301308

PREFACE
A FEW words by way of preface may possibly save
the readers from misconception regarding the
scope and nature of the following narrative. In
the first place, I would say that the book is in no
wise concerned either with the causes or with the
possible consequences of the war between the
empires of Russia and Japan. In it, so far as
was possible, political questions of every kind have
been left untouched. I have made no attempt to
write a complete history of this great and as yet
unfinished war, being of opinion that the time for
any such attempt to be made, with any reasonable
hope of success, is still distant.
What I have endeavoured to set forth here is a
simple record of personal experience gained during
nine months spent with the Russian Army in Man
churia. Having followed and studied the cam
paign as a soldier, I have striven to give here a
straightforward account of the many stirring events
which came within my own actual experience ; this
without extenuation or disguise, and, assuredly,
without malice.
Throughout my stay in Manchuria I was hos
pitably welcomed and most kindly entreated by all
ranks of the Russian Army, from general to private

PREFACE
soldier. It is with the desire to make some slight
acknowledgment of the real debt of gratitude owing
to my hosts that I have taken leave to dedicate
this outcome of my stay among them, to the Officers
and Men of the Russian Army in Manchuria.
To the authorities in St. Petersburg and else
where I also desire to express here my sense of
obligation for the unfailing courtesy they have
shown to me.
Finally, I wish to thank Mr. Frank R. Cana,
F.R.G.S., for the valuable assistance he has given
me in preparing this book for the press. BROOKE.

AN EYE-WITNESS IN
MANCHURIA CHAPTER I
THE START FOR THE FRONT
From Moscow to Mukden by the long thin thread
of iron which links Manchuria to Russia is a
distance of some 5500 miles. This single thread
is the only highway to the East which Russia
commands ; over it must pass not only the hosts
who go to battle at the bidding of the Tsar, but
also the men whose more humble duty it is to
chronicle the doings of the army in the field. On
the 2nd of May 1904, with a commission to re
present Reuters Agency, and provided with the
necessary permits from the military authorities,
which a day's delay in St. Petersburg had secured,
I started for the front. The first great blow in the
land campaign had just been struck — the Japanese
troops were already across the Yalu — but of this
there was no hint when we left Moscow. My
fellow-travellers included several Russian officers,
one or two accompanied by their wives, the Danish
I

2 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Naval Attache, and three other war correspondents
— among them Mr. Maurice Baring of the Morning-
Post, whose perfect command of Russian con
stituted him interpreter-in-chief for his English
comrades. Several officers of the Indian army,
living in Moscow for the purpose of learning
Russian, came to bid us farewell, and their God
speeds and those of Major Grove, the British
Consul, rang in our ears as we left behind the
gilded domes of the Kremlin.
It was evening when we started our long
journey. On the morrow we found ourselves
passing through a great plain still partly covered
with its winter mantle of snow — fine agricultural
land dotted with log-built houses and interspersed
with forests of birch and pine ; one of the great
wheat-producing areas of Russia, a fact to which
the many large granaries and windmills testified.
On the third day we reached the Urals, which, if
not Alpine in their grandeur, present to the eye
fatigued by the boundless plain many a picturesque
view of rugged rock and bold scarp. The moun
tains are famed for their mineral wealth, and
travellers have the opportunity, of which we took
advantage, of buying at the stations strangely
wrought figures in stone and iron, beautiful marbles,
and precious stones. Passing the pyramid placed
to mark the eastern limit of Europe we came down
the slopes of the mountains through winding valleys,
glad to know we had entered Asia and were now
well on our way. Yet there were 3500 miles still
to cover before even the frontier of Manchuria

THE START FOR THE FRONT 3
was reached — a long and tedious progress across
Siberia. Only those who have made the journey
can realise these enormous distances and the
stupendous task of maintaining an army in the
field six thousand miles from its base and dependent
for almost everything on the smooth working of
this railway.
The Siberia of one's imagination and Siberia
as seen through the windows of a railway carriage
are not one and the same. What we did see were
endless and almost treeless plains, scored with
many rivers ; Cossack posts guarding the railway ;
herds of cattle and flocks of sheep in charge of
strange-looking men with Mongol features. The
weather became colder and the snow returned. At
length to the bare steppes succeeded forest land ;
the Yenisei was crossed by a bridge over half
a mile long, and more than once we struck the
great Moscow post-road of pre-railroad days — a
true Sorrowful Way, for it is the track of the
exiles and convicts ; of whom, however, we saw
nothing. If the scenery tended to be monotonous, life on
board the train, which was very crowded, presented
many points of interest. In the fine corridor trains
of the Siberian railway the journey as far as Irkutsk,
if not rapid, is comfortable, and was so even in war
time. You have your sleeping berth as on a ship,
there is a large dining-car, and a well-found bath
room — a welcome luxury on a journey of such a
length. The chef, I trust, had the philosophic spirit,
for there seemed no regular meal times ; one ate

4 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
when one felt hungry, which, however rational it
may be, is most disturbing to people accustomed
to the orderly sequence of meals in an English
household. Except for the Danish Attache and
a Russian naval officer, the passengers seemed sus
picious of their English companions, and shunned
our company. The general conversation was on
the prospects of the far-off campaign, of the issue
of which the Russians spoke confidently. When
we had been eight or nine days travelling, news of
the victory of Kuroki on the Yalu reached us. It
was evident that the Russian officers were dis
agreeably surprised, but they never doubted that
in time the tide of war would turn in their favour.
Irkutsk at length on the tenth day from
Moscow ; a meeting point of many roads, a place
of evil reputation and of interest to us only as
marking the end of the first stage of our journey.
Here we had to leave our comfortable train — to
bid farewell to the morning tub. At Irkutsk one
is close to Lake Baikal, and nearing the goal. A
three hours' journey from the town along the banks
of the Angara brought us to the quayside. Baikal
was before us, that mysterious lake set in a huge
cleft between the mountains, whose rocky sides rise
almost perpendicularly from the water; that lake
which seems to bar further progress eastward.
Round its southern end was being built with
feverish haste the railway which has since been
opened, but for us the journey must be across the
water. It was here that we first saw manifest
signs of the great struggle. Baikal Station and

THE START FOR THE FRONT 5
pierhead were thronged with all sorts and con
ditions of people waiting for the steamer which
should take them to the opposite shore. Merchants
going to Vladivostok, Jews bound for Kharbin,
soldiers, civilians — a motley crowd, in which were
many women, kept in order by bustling policemen
in red-faced uniforms. Sitting on their baggage,
with a biting wind blowing down the lake, the
throng waited several hours for the boat to start.
This gave us an opportunity of examining and
admiring a battalion or two of Siberian Rifles
¦who were going to the front. Dressed in long
grey coats and wearing papahas (large caps made
of sheep-skin), they looked fine sturdy fellows,
capable men of their hands.
In winter the passage of the lake was made
across the ice by sledge, but as soon as the weather
permitted, passengers were taken over by steamers
specially built to force their way through loose or
rotten ice. Of these there were two, the Baikal
and the Angara, both built by Armstrongs on the
Tyne. The Baikal is made to carry over the train
bodily ; it was in the other boat that we crossed.
The ice was but half-melted ; under the rays of a
powerful sun its surface was covered with water,
but underneath it was still thick. The Angara
forced her way through without much effort, the ice
giving way with a loud crackling noise, an un
accustomed sensation for other than Polar travellers.
On our right the winter sledge track was still
plainly to be seen, with a half-way house and bufiet
built of logs, and here and there the carcase of a

6 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
horse left lying where it had died of exhaustion in
its tracks. We could also see the men at work on
the circum- Baikal railway, which now allows the
trains to run direct to Kharbin without break of
journey, though the quickest way will still be by
steamer across the lake. Arrived at the farther
end we disembark at Mysovaia Quay, and have to
rebook to Manchuria. And here began the real
discomfort of the journey. Time-tables bore no
resemblance to the times of the running of the
trains, and whatever the class of ticket bought,
travellers were thankful to be taken on in any
fashion and at any hour. Mr. Baring had an
excellent servant, Mikhail, an ex-noncom. officer of
the Guards whom he had brought from St. Peters
burg, and to him we owed much, but now his
utmost efforts only succeeded in getting us places
in a very dirty third-class carriage ; we were
perhaps fortunate in getting seats at all. There
were several Russian and Greek merchants and a
sailor or two in the carriage, but for the most part
our companions were soldiers of the Siberian
Army. Packed to its utmost capacity it needs little
imagination to realise the condition of the atmo
sphere — it could have been cut with a knife. The
journey from Mysovaia to the frontier of Man
churia, through the province of Transbaikalia, lasted
nearly four days, and from the scenic standpoint
was the most interesting part of all. We had for
one thing fairly overtaken the spring, on every
hand were signs of returning life, and the fields
were carpeted with beautiful flowers. The railway

THE START FOR THE FRONT 7
boldly climbs the Yablonnovy Mountains, fine
rugged hills covered with dense forests of pines.
Many a brawling stream and larger river was
crossed, and at one place we plunged through a
short tunnel. It is but the second since Moscow,
and bears an inscription " To the Pacific," a phrase
which in any other sense than the geographic —
if in that — is eminently misleading. Down the
eastern slopes of the hills we passed to Chita, the
seat of the Governor of the province, a town which
left a pleasant impression on the memory.
After Baikal we were continually passing troop
trains in sidings — each train packed full of men on
their way south to reinforce Kuropatkin, and all,
apparently, in excellent spirits, singing generally
to the accompaniment of several concertinas — the
favourite musical instrument of the Russian soldier.
But if the soldiers seemed happy, the Russians who
had come with us from Moscow grew more and
more suspicious of their English companions, and
one civilian in particular endeavoured to impress on
the Russian officers the supposed fact that we were
Japanese spies ! However, among the " common
people " we found friends. The soldiers in our
carriage did their best to keep it clean, got us tea
at every stopping-place, and were genuinely and
unobtrusively kind and attentive. They enter
tained us with folk-lore stories, which much re
sembled our English fairy tales. Their simple
ways and ideas won much on us. Their ignorance
of the foe against whom they were to war was
great : one soldier asked us if it were true that the

8 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Japanese fought in armour. A sailor, however,
who had been out in the East, said he knew and
liked the Japanese.
Manchuria Station was reached on the 15 th
of May, that name being given to the first station
reached in Manchuria travelling eastwards. We
had now, nominally, entered the Chinese Empire,
but of that there was no sign on the railway. We
had here once again to break our journey and take
fresh tickets for Kharbin. It was necessary, too, to
obtain a new permission to proceed, but, thanks to
our excellent credentials from St. Petersburg, in
this matter we found no difficulty. However, a
whole day had to be spent in the crowded station
waiting for the train to take us on. We had an
opportunity of speaking to several French and
German correspondents, and one from America,
who drew for us gloomy pictures of the way they
had been treated by the press censors, and were
with one consent giving up the attempt to chronicle
the progress of the war. Undeterred by such faint
hearts, we kept on our way. At night we started
for Kharbin in a carriage crammed with people.
Our friend, the suspicious civilian, had by this time
worked greatly on the fears of the officers. Neither
he nor they could understand how we got permis
sion so easily to continue our journey, and finally
two soldiers were placed in our carriage to watch
the movements of the wicked Englishmen. This
much Mr. Baring learned from listening to their
talk one to another, and, to contradict the proverb
that eavesdroppers never hear anything to their

THE START FOR THE FRONT 9
advantage, he overheard both the men express
surprise at having to guard such quiet and in
offensive individuals. But for their guard we owe
our suspicious friends many thanks, as during the
night most of the occupants of the carriage — a long
Pullman car — were robbed of money and valuables,
whilst we, being under the jealous eye of our
sentries, were unmolested. Moreover, the next
day there was even an approach to friendliness on
the part of those who had looked most askance
upon us. We learnt afterwards that they had tele
graphed to Kharbin and received assurance that we
were just what we represented ourselves to be and
not spies in disguise.
The country we passed through was mainly wide
rolling plains ; though in the distance the Khingan
mountains stand up picturesquely. Crossing the
grazing grounds of Mongol nomads the resem
blance to the South African veld was very strong.
It had not the appearance of country on which a
vast army could draw for supplies. It was a relief
to us all when, on the i8th of May, we drew up at
Kharbin Station, and could feel ourselves at last in
touch with the Field Force — within the hinterland
of the theatre of war.

CHAPTER II

KHARBIN IN WAR-TIME

Kharbin is a city of mushroom growth ; a city, too,
of immense possibilities. But a more uninviting
spot, as I saw it, would be hard to imagine. In
point of repulsiveness, and also of morals, it might
fitly be compared with Port Said. The eye of the
seer discerns its future commercial and military
importance, those less gifted behold at first a sea of
mud or a cloud of dust. It was otherwise we had
expected to behold the new capital of Manchuria,
for the advertising artist is abroad in Russia as
well as elsewhere, and from circular and pamphlet,
descriptive of the Trans-Siberian Railway, one pic
tured at least a small Birmingham with all the aids
and comfort provided by a go-ahead municipal
council. And the reality ? The railway station is
large, one might say imposing, as becomes such an
important junction ; for the rest, Kharbin is in the
brick and mortar and corrugated iron stage, where
everything, one is tempted to say, is vile. Our dis
illusionment came early, in fact before we left the
railway station. In front of us a sea of mud — and the
few cabs already engaged by more astute travellers.
My companion's surprise at this state of things was

KHARBIN IN WAR-TIME 11
somewhat amusing. " I thought there were electric
trams and streets lit by electricity," he blurted out.
Nor did Kharbin improve on acquaintance. It is
built in detachments and spreads over a very large
area. The official quarter stands on a hill, and
here there are some really fine buildings, including
the offices for the General Staff, the residence of
the Viceroy of the Far East, the post-office and
headquarters of the Manchurian Railway, and the
buildings of the Russo-Chinese Bank. Most of
these are solidly built of masonry, and do not give
one the impression of a " temporary occupation
pending the pacification of the country." In truth
the Russians, in the four or five years they have
been in possession, have acted as if the place was
their own — the advance of the railway has meant
for them the advance of their Empire. No
traveller in Manchuria could imagine that Russia,
who took advantage of the Boxer Rising of 1900
to seize the country, ever entertained the idea of
voluntarily restoring it to China.
To return, however, to Kharbin. On lower
ground and leading to the river Sungari is the
priestan or merchants' quarters. The condition of
the streets in this part of the town is but slightly in
dicated by the word filthy. In spring and summer
the horses are knee deep in thick black mud ; in
the autumn, when the mud dries, the dust-storms
are as disagreeable as a Cape south-easter or a
Johannesburg sand-storm — only more so. Here a
corrugated iron shanty and a fine stone-built house
jostle one another ; buildings spring up with amaz-

12 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ing rapidity, all is life and bustle. There are many
hotels with fine-sounding names, but each is more
uncomfortable than the others. Bad as they are,
they are all dear — dear and dirty. As an antidote
to the dirt, one can patronise houses where they
give you a bath a la Russe. But the chief note of
the town is "gaiety " ; the drowning in the pleasure
of the night all care for the morrow. A circus and
two or three theatres found hosts of patrons, but
the most notorious of the places of amusement were
two large open-air cafd chantants. Of this sort of
life the Russian officers took their full share.
Champagne flowed freely, nor was the charm of
women's society lacking. Indeed, the well-dressed,
yellow-haired ladies of Kharbin were both numerous
and notorious. Not that they had the monopoly of
doubtful reputations in this fine example of Western
" civilisation" ; many, if not most, of the Russians
in business there had spent part of their life in the
convict settlements at Saghalien. There were also
many Chinese traders in the town, bent on spoiling
their conquerors. The morality of the place was
far to seek — such at least was Kharbin as I
saw it.
We were forced to spend ten days in the town,
though at the outset it was only through the kind
ness of Colonel Potapoff, an officer of the Staff at
Kharbin, that we were able to get rooms — which
we eventually obtained at the "Oriental," an hotel
in the official quarter.
Colonel Potapoff was then Press Censor ; he
had served with the Boers in South Africa, more.

KHARBIN IN WAR-TIME 13
apparently, from the love of adventure than love
for the Boers, and was a charming and open-minded
man, whom it was a pleasure to know. His society
made the stay in Kharbin more endurable.
What will happen to Kharbin when the Russians
leave Manchuria it is difficult to tell, but it can
hardly sink back to the insignificance of the village
which it was before the advent of the railway.
The town is most advantageously situated for the
development of commerce and the control of the
country to its east. It is unattractive in itself, and
situated on a treeless plain stretching south-west
to the Gobi Desert, but as an entrepot has a
magnificent situation. The Sungari which flows
at its feet is a fine deep stream ; already the town is
provided with excellent quays and landing-stages ;
on the bosom of the river are many fine steamers.
The Sungari flows north-east to join the Amur, and
is navigable in summer, when the ice has melted,
all the way down from Kharbin to its confluence
with the larger river. Thus by the Sungari and
Amur it is possible to go by steamer from Kharbin
to Khabarovsk, and even to the trading settlements
near the mouth of the Amur, or up that river to,
and far above, Blagoveshchensk, that town whence
the Chinese residents were driven pell-mell into
the water by the Russians — to drown like rats.
Kharbin is, too, as already hinted, a great railway
centre. From it the main line from Moscow runs
east direct to Vladivostok, whilst, as all the world
knows, another line goes south through Mukden
to Yinkow and Port Arthur. From Yinkow, the

14 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
port of Nuichwang, there is another line to Tientsin
and Peking. These facts all tend to prove the
permanence of Kharbin as a commercial entrep6t
into whatever hands its destiny falls. The Rus
sians were well advised in choosing it as the new
capital of Manchuria.
As a defensible place, Kharbin has not many
advantages besides that offered by the Sungari to
a foe approaching from the south. The railway
bridge which spans the river is very carefully
guarded — or was when I knew the town — both
by infantry, and by artillery placed at either end.
Indeed, extraordinary precautions were taken to
ensure its safety, for, beside the soldiery on
guard, two large booms made of massive logs and
chains were placed across the river, one above and
one below the bridge, all river traffic beneath it
being thus prevented. Moreover, the authorities
hermetically sealed up all passengers crossing the
river, by locking the doors and fastening the
windows of each railway carriage, as it passed over.
One does not wonder that the various attempts
made by Japanese secret agents to destroy the
bridge were foiled.
Though most commendable zeal was shown by
those responsible for the safety of the bridge, the
bulk of the officers in the town treated the war as
a thing far off. Their time to fight would come,
and they would fight well, but meantime their life
was hardly the best possible preparation for the
command and control of men on the field of battle
— ^men, too, worthy of the best of leaders.

KHARBIN IN WAR-TIME 15
Living at Kharbin was bad for one's pockets
and trying to one's temper, and we were glad when
we were permitted to go forward to Mukden.
Meantime, we had been joined by Captain Eyres,
the British Naval Attach^ at St. Petersburg, who
was bound for Vladivostok.

CHAPTER III
FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF MUKDEN
A JOURNEY of some forty-eight hours took us from
Kharbin to Mukden. Colonel Potapoff once more
proved himself a friend. Through his good offices
Captain Eyres and I were invited to share the
carriage reserved for Major-General Daniloff, who
was going straight through to Liao-Yang. General
Daniloff was most courteous and considerate, a
type of the best kind of Russian gentleman as well
as soldier. He spoke a little French, and told us
he was beginning to learn English. He was en
thusiastic at the prospect of going to the front, and
was destined to prove, at Liao-Yang and the Sha-
Ho, his bravery and capacity to command. As
he bade us good-bye at Mukden we exchanged
wishes for better acquaintance.
The country between Kharbin and Mukden
afforded a delightful contrast with that of the veld
like plains of Northern Manchuria, and the great
pine forests of Siberia. We had, too, changed our
direction. Instead of facing east we had turned
south and had entered a region bounteously blessed
by Nature. The spring was more advanced, the
sky clear, the air delightful. The scene grew in
16

FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF MUKDEN 17
beauty with every passing mile. The country was
gently undulating, well watered and most carefully
cultivated. The young millet tinged the ploughed
fields a delicate green, the note of the magpie (this
bird accompanied me from the pleasant fields of
Normandy to the farthest verge of Manchuria) was
constantly in our ears, mingled with the occasional
soft cawing of rooks, busy building, or repairing,
their nests among clumps of firs which, crowning
the smaller hills, half-hid from view temples which
Chinese piety had erected for the worship of an
cestors. The singing of the birds, the rolling
downs and green fields, all reminded one of home ;
nor was much imagination needed to conceive one
self in Sussex — and yet no Sussex farmhouse would
boast such tiny, yet fierce-looking scaly dragons,
nor such odd-shaped gargoyles as peeped from the
tiled roofs of these quaint Manchurian homesteads.
The aspect of the countryside was one of great
prosperity and gave unquestionable proof of the
industry of the inhabitants. And here let me make
a confession. I am not ethnologist enough to
distinguish precisely between a Manchu and a
Chinese. They dress alike and, in general, look
alike. In tackling a " Chinee " one may, like the
historic British sailor, "catch a Tartar," but,
begging to be pardoned by the savants, I shall
rarely attempt to distinguish between Mongolian,
Manchurian, or Chinese, using, often, the last word
to designate all three peoples. The peasantry here,
whatever their nationality, were good husbandmen.
To be at Mukden Station and to be in Mukden

18 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
City is not quite the same thing. The ancient
capital of the reigning dynasty in China was not
open to the casual tourist in the days of Kuropatkin.
Nor, in fact, is the station in the city. Of set
purpose the railway line keeps clear of it. For
one thing, the intervening space gives room for
the growth of the Russian town — always grouped
near to the line — and thus avoids hurting the sus
ceptibilities of the Chinese. And close by Mukden
station dwelt the chief press censor. Colonel Pestich,
without whose fiat no correspondent could go
farther. From the colonel I obtained a pass for
the city, and found myself one of a cosmopolitan
group of Englishmen, Americans, Frenchmen,
Danes, Italians, and Germans, all note-taking
"chiels." It was here one learned of the very
severe censorship regulations, which appeared to
prohibit one doing anything. There seemed at
anyrate little chance of being permitted to go
to the front for some time. Every correspondent
was expected to produce not only a photograph of
himself to establish identity, but to furnish a guar
antee from his Government for his good behaviour.
Rivalling the Japanese, as it seems, in the obstruc
tions with which they surrounded the war corre
spondent, the Russians were as equally polite to
their victims — the politeness was absolutely painful.
However, as I was to prove, once a correspondent
did obtain permission from the Russians to go to
the front he had practically carte blanche — could go
into the firing line and get killed if he chose.
Kharbin, though in Chinese territory, was

FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF MUKDEN 19
essentially a Russian town, where the "Celestial"
merchant was treated as a foreigner. But at
Mukden things were different. The Chinese city
is about two and a half miles from the railway
station and Russian quarter, the road between being
lined with booths. At the end of the road one
reaches a high mud wall, square, and pierced on each
side by two gates. Within the walls lie the suburbs,
and a mile farther on is a second wall, high, and built
of stone, with gates corresponding to those of the
outer wall. Inside the stone wall is the city proper,
which numbers fully 250,000 inhabitants. In appear
ance, and in dirt, Mukden, a great commercial mart,
is held to resemble closely Peking. The Imperial
Palace is the residence of the Tartar Governor-
General of Manchuria, a mandarin of high rank,
who had under his command 2000 Chinese troops.
"The proper study of mankind is man," and I
now had occasion to study life in a Chinese
"hotel," fixing my abode in the Derlungdien, or
Dragon Inn. The inn consisted of a number of
separate houses built round a square, and enclosed
in a mud and millet-stalk wall. The central space
was used for the horses. As for the rooms
devoted to the two-footed guests, it cannot be said
they abounded in luxuries. Their characteristic
article of furniture, if the term be permissible, is
the kang or bed. Anything more unlike a bed,
according to Western notions, it would be hard to
discover. As the Russian peasant sleeps on his
stove for warmth, so are the kangs warmed by fire.
They are wide clay platforms, raised two feet or so

20 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
above the floor, and extending the whole length of
the room. Such inns, indeed, have kangs along
two and even three sides of the guest rooms. One
sleeps with one's feet to the wall, and from the
clayey bed, which the wise man covers well with
rugs, radiates heat conveyed through holes from
the fire which burns in an oven. There be
worse resting-places than a Manchurian kang. In
a laudable endeavour to do the correct thing the
war correspondents went one night to the sign of
the Peacock, a typical Chinese inn. We were
indifferent brave, I dare avow, but to tackle the
dinner which the chef of the Peacock produced
would have required the audacity of a Marshal
Ney combined with the appetite of a Dugald
Dalgetty. The dishes numbered full forty, and of
scarce one could we tell the composition. And to
eat with chop-sticks requires practice.
Mukden is not alone a city of the living, but of
the dead. The Imperial Tombs are the object of
pilgrimage to all visitors. On the ist of June, the
day after my arrival at Mukden, accompanied by
Captain Eyres, the Danish Attach^, and an A. D.C.
of Admiral Alexeieff, I visited the Western Tombs,
which contain the graves of the Ming Dynasty, and
are some little distance from the city. To the
A. D.C. we were indebted for the loan of horses,
mine being a particularly fine animal, resembling
almost an English thoroughbred. The Russian
officer spoke English perfectly, and to our surprise
knew the names of the best horses on the turf in
England, talked of the probable winner of the

FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF MUKDEN 21
Derby, and took in both the Sportsman and the
"Pink Un." The tombs have often been described;
worthy monuments of departed rulers as they are,
still more interesting is their setting amid firs and
pines, by an exquisite little lake, whose surface is
covered with magnificent water lilies, and whose
banks are hid in masses of blue irises. The
Eastern Tombs at Fu-ling, seven or eight miles
away, are as finely situated as the Western.
Thither went a party of war correspondents one
day, — for, if prevented from seeing the fighting, we
had the more time to " do the lions," — and slept in
the garden of an inn, the weather being delightful.
The day following, after a morning dip in the Hun-
ho,^ we walked over the fir-clad hills on which are the
tombs, the red rose and the blue iris giving a glow of
brilliant colour in the bright sunshine. It was a verit
able Garden of Peace, this wonderful burying-place
of ancient kings. To transport oneself in thought
to the not distant battlefield, to the opening scenes in
the great drama of death and victory, was almost im
possible, so strong was the feeling of calm and repose.
How changed was the spot when next I saw it !
Admiral Alexeieff, then still in the enjoyment
of Imperial favour and Viceroy of the Far East,
had his headquarters at Mukden at this time.
His Excellency did not mingle much with men of
common clay. The Viceregal headquarters were
on wheels ; the Admiral, in short, lived in a train
— magnificently appointed — placed on a siding,
around which were several stone buildings dubbed
^ Ho is Chinese for a river.

22 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
by the Foreign correspondents " Russia town."
Sentries stationed at every fifty yards round head
quarters zealously prevented the approach to the
Viceroy or his staff of any unauthorised persons —
hence its alternative name of " Forbidden City."
However, Admiral Alexeieff might occasionally be
seen driving. His outward appearance was not
undistinguished. Somewhat broad of figure, some
what advanced in years, his bearded face bore a
pleasant expression, and was lit up by the flash of
his bright eyes. Altogether he seemed fairly
typical of the Bureaucracy. Of his policy and
capacity it is not easy to form a just estimate.
Towards the Chinese he showed a consideration,
possibly born of prudence. He avoided friction
with the Tartar Governor of Mukden, and took
measures to protect the Imperial Tombs. It was
alleged by his staff — perchance they foresaw the
need for whitewash — that his voice had been raised
against war with Japan, that he had faithfully
represented to the Tsar the true state of affairs —
Japan's great military strength. Port Arthur's com
parative weakness, and the poor morale of the
navy in Pacific waters ; but that he had been over
ruled in St. Petersburg and rendered a passive
instrument of the Grand Ducal party. Be the
truth of that matter what it may, there is no doubt
that between Alexeieff's staff and that of General
Kuropatkin there existed considerable friction,
friction that extended to the two chiefs themselves.
Such a situation in the face of a united foe calls for
no comment.

CHAPTER IV

ABOUT THE HUNHUTZES

During the period of waiting at Mukden oppor
tunities were afforded for a study of that irregular
fighting force, of uncertain value, which figures
repeatedly in the English newspapers as the
" Chun-Chunses," but whose proper designation
is Hunhutzes, or Red beards, a name derived, one
may reasonably hazard, from the beard of a famous
leader. The Hunhutzes are indicative of the
extent to which Chinese rule in Manchuria fails
to maintain law and order. They belong to the
profession once adorned by Rob Roy, and which,
save in Sicily and Macedonia, seems now dead
in Europe, — the Hunhutzes, in short, are mere
brigands and leviers of blackmail. For many
years they have been the terror of the Chinese
merchants and traders in Manchuria, but until the
present war never molested Europeans. They
are now mending their manners — I have had the
honour of being fired at by these gentry. Their
usual plan of campaign is to waylay and despoil
traders going with goods or treasure to Nuichwang,
Peking, or other towns. In the level plains when
the millet is high, nothing is easier than to lie in

23

24 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ambush and pounce on traders ill-provided with
escort. For such traders it is better to pay black
mail. The Hunhutzes have a regular office at
Mukden, where intending travellers can learn the
tariff for insurance against robbery, and, on pay
ment of the requisite sum, receive from the brigand
clerk in charge of the bureau a pass which will
free them from molestation should his companions
"at the front" hold them up.
The Hunhutzes are able thus to brave it out in
Mukden because of the patronage of powerful
Mandarins, who in their turn blackmail the black
mailers. On the other hand, the Governor is
supposed to show zeal in ridding the countryside
of these pests, and his zeal is indicated by the
number of Hunhutzes decapitated ! It was said in
Mukden that the number of heads which, in the
opinion of Peking, indicated the required amount
of zeal was 2000 a year. Certainly executions of
five or six men were matters of almost daily
occurrence — taken as part of the "common round "
— and few, indeed, of the brigands captured left
their prison save for torture or the plain outside the
walls where the beheadings took place. Torture
in China, as is well known, is part of the regular
routine of judicial proceedings.^ Nor is it wise to
judge the Chinese too harshly on such a subject.
This mode of "examination" was common in
Europe a little more than a century ago, and
lingers in Russia yet. The Hunhutzes are tor-
^ It is reported (May 1905) that an Imperial Edict has been
published aboUshing the use of torture in China.

ABOUT THE HUNHUTZES 25
tured at intervals until they confess their crimes,
whereupon they are made to sign their own death
warrant. The resisting power of some of the men
is marvellous, they have been known to endure
torture for one or two years before confession.
They know that until confession is made they
cannot be killed ; — here one may see a curious
provision of Chinese justice ; — no prisoner must
suffer the extreme penalty without having acknow
ledged the justice of his doom. I was present one
day at the yamen of the Mandarin, when certain
Hunhutzes were to be tried, and was invited to
take a seat on the bench. As in France, the judge
acts the part of accuser. A prisoner, rightly or
wrongly accused of being a Hunhutze, was brought
in. (A good many of the alleged brigands never
"covered" a peaceful traveller with a rifle, but
when the real article is scarce and the authorities
feel that the deficiency must be supplied, numbers
of unfortunate people are seized and forthwith
clapped in jail as Hunhutzes.) A dialogue to the
following purport ensued : —
Mandarin. On such and such a day you held
up the honourable merchant Hi Si when on his
way to Yinkow, and robbed him of all his goods.
The Prisoner. No, your Excellency, I am
innocent. On that day I was at work in the
millet field.
Mandarin. You contradict me ! Then you say
I am a liar.
Whereupon the order is given to torture the
wretched man. His wrists were tightly bound with

26 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
cord till the flesh was cut, and then a jailer be
laboured the back of his hands — his arms being
fixed so that they could not be moved — with a
bamboo cane. At this point, sick at heart, and
fearing that this exhibition of his methods was
arranged by the Mandarin for my benefit, I excused
myself and left the court. In the calmness of after
days one may, as I have sought to, palliate the in
flicting of torture, but it is none the less revolting.
The Chinese themselves appear indifferent to all
this suffering, nay, the very prisoners are phleg
matic. Curious crowds always collected to witness
an execution. Once a prisoner confessed, his doom followed
hard. Seated in carts, their hands tied behind
them, the condemned men are taken to the place
of execution, where they are made to kneel down.
For the most part the prisoners are under the
influence of opium — when condemned their rela
tives usually find means to bribe the jailers to allow
the victims this last alleviation. Kneeling thus,
they await the sword of the executioner. This
official is preceded by a man whose duty it is to
lift the pigtails of the condemned. This done, one
straight, strong stroke — if the swordsman be skilful
— and head and body are severed. The last to die
do not appear affected by the death of those first
beheaded. As the line of living dwindles, the sur
vivors turn their opium-bemused heads curiously,
stolidly, to view the proceedings, each seeming to
say, with perfect calm, " My turn next." It is not
an elevating sight.

ABOUT THE HUNHUTZES 27
The military value of the Hunhutzes is due
largely to their intimate knowledge of the country.
Though some go on foot, they are usually mounted
on strong ponies, are armed with Mausers, and are
not deficient either in courage or daring. Both
combatants in this war have made use of these
Bashi-Bazuks of the Far East, the Japanese more,
perhaps, than the Russians. The Hunhutzes wear
no uniform, but dress like ordinary peasants, and
when hard pressed often elude their pursuers by
throwing away their rifles and posing as innocent
villagers.

CHAPTER V

FORWARD TO LIAO-YANG

In anticipation of permission to proceed south to
Liao-Yang, I had bought a couple of Chinese ponies
after much bargaining with many horse-dealers.
What subtle influence is it which weakens the
moral fibre of those who deal in horse-flesh ? The
question suggests itself as one recalls the character
of those Mukden horse-dealers. No Yorkshire
dealer could teach him any fake or trick — he knows
them all, and will patch up an old " crock " with
the utmost skill, making it show to the greatest
advantage. The Chinese pony stands from thirteen
to fourteen hands high, and is enormously strong.
It thrives on starvation diet, and needs little atten
tion. Its appearance is not prepossessing ; it
generally has a long, shaggy coat, and its head is
suggestive of that of a camel. Nor can its manners
on first acquaintance be commended. It is as full
of guile and wile as the man you buy it from. You
eye it critically — it stands as quietly as a worn-out
cab-horse in the Home of Rest at Acton. But try
and mount this simple Chinee pony. At once, from
every possible and impossible angle, he will bite at
and kick at you, and the moment your foot is in
28

FORWARD TO LIAO-YANG 29
the stirrup off he shoots like a bullet from a rifle.
The man who masters him can boast of his horse
manship. This viciousness is probably the result
of the cruelty which the Chinese so often show to
animals. Having spent over a fortnight at Mukden, the
permit to take the step forward to Liao-Yang was
most welcome. Thither, in company with two
other correspondents, I went on the i6th of June.
It was the day on which the troops sent under
General Stackelberg, to relieve Port Arthur, were
routed by the Japanese under General Oku at
Wa-fang-ho, and as we left Mukden the wounded
in the earlier stages of the fight were being brought
into the city. The sight was a sad one, but it
quickened our desire to reach the front.
Liao-Yang is built on a plain on the left or
southern bank of the Ta-tze-ho, a broad but rather
shallow eastern tributary of the Liao River, and in
appearance is a smaller edition of Mukden, and, like
it, is approached from the railway through the new
Russian settlement. It boasts a famous and very
large pagoda, built to commemorate a great victory
gained in an old-time war with Korea — when the
children of " the Morning Calm " must have been
of more virile make than their descendants of
to-day. In June 1904 the town was the headquarters
of the army in the field. Following the example
of Admiral Alexeieff, General Kuropatkin had
established himself in a train, which, as at Mukden,
was kept on a siding surrounded by buildings put

30 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
up originally for railway officials, but taken posses
sion of by the Commander-in-Chief's staff. Among
the distinguished members of this staff were the
Grand Duke Boris, Don Jaime de Bourbon, and
Prince Arsene Karageorgevitch, a brother of King
Peter of Servia. The General himself, on whom —
subject to the control of the Viceroy Alexeieff —
rested the direction of the army, was little seen,
being occupied in his railway carriage nearly all
day in perfecting plans for the great campaign.
The understudy of Skobeloff in Central Asia, the
hero of a hundred fights, Kuropatkin held in the
esteem of the Russian army a position comparable
to that of Lord Roberts in the British army. Out
side the entourage of the Viceroy there was implicit
confidence in his leadership, and he in return
believed fully in the worth of the troops under his
command. A man a little past the prime of life,
of medium height and resolute bearing, the General
was very popular with the foreigners at Liao-Yang,
who experienced kindness as well as courtesy at
his hands. On every side one saw at Liao-Yang evidence
of the conflict being waged away beyond the hills.
The place itself was getting ready for battle. As
we came down from Mukden we had noted that
roads were being made parallel with the railway
all the way to Liao-Yang, roads which were to
prove so many lines of retreat ; though it was to
facilitate the advance of the Russians during the
rains that they had been constructed. And round
Liao-Yang itself, fortification was going on apace.

FORWARD TO LIAO-YANG 31
The large iron railway bridge spanning the Ta-
tze-ho, was specially protected. There was no
mistaking the fact that Kuropatkin was preparing
for a determined stand at this spot. But "the
front " was still ahead, and the password we desired
was " Forward." So to the press censor we went
on the day after our arrival. We had established
ourselves in an hotel — the International — which
was fairly comfortable, but which boasted such
abundance of creeping things, of the species that
inspired the genius of Robert Burns, that sleep was
impossible. Moreover, three of us had to crowd
into one small room, and to complete our pleasure
a thunderstorm raged, and the inn yard was con
verted into a quagmire. What, however, were dis
comforts, to the prospect of getting to the fighting
line ? We were in high spirits ; but disappointment
awaited us, for the censor. Baron Venigen, quickly
let us know that, for the time, permission to join
any of the advanced columns would not be granted.
It was most annoying. I felt like a child prevented
by his nurse from eating a rich pudding he parti
cularly fancied, and could almost have followed the
child's example, and kicked and screamed from
vexation. One of the unmistakable evidences that a
campaign was toward, was the presence in Liao-
Yang of the ubiquitous Greek, that keenest of
traders and persistent gleaner in the wake of armies
in the field. He is to be found in every camp in
every clime. In Manchuria I met Greeks whose
figures had been familiar in the camps of the British

32 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Army during the Boer War, and who previously had
followed the misfortunes of their own countrymen
in Thessaly, when Edhem Pasha led on the vic
torious Turks. They seem always to be hunting
in packs, like hungry wolves seeking their prey.
They supply the camp with such luxuries as suit
both officers and men, and in a trade where some
times much is risked make huge profits.
The Greek was eloquent in his way of the
nearness of battle ; passing the railway station, after
my disappointing interview with the censor, I
saw again, what the day before had been seen
at Mukden, the arrival of wounded. It was
the sadder side of war, this assemblage of used-
up material in the great international struggle.
Through roads deep in mud and slush ; after the
previous night's thunderstorm, a long train of
ambulances slowly, painfully, wended its way to
wards the hospital. The ambulances contained
wounded from the army in hills away to the east,
where Count Keller and the dashing Cossack
General Rennenkampf were opposing — as best
they could with insufficient men — the advance of
Kuroki. The Japanese had captured Si-mat-ze
after a smart fight, and here was some of the
Russian wreckage. Pale, tired, sore from their
wounds, the men lay in silent pain, having been
brought day and night over rough mountain roads
down to the valley. At the station itself one met
another stream of Russian wounded, remnants
from Wa-fang-ho, brought in by a hospital train,
painted white and glistening in the sunshine.

FORWARD TO LIAO-YANG 33
Troops going to the front might be seen cluster
ing round the carriages, eagerly questioning their
wounded comrades as to the character of the foe
they, too, would speedily meet. Close by were
pitched many hospital tents fluttering the Red
Cross flag, and within were busy doctors and deft
nurses fulfilling the law of love, as those they
tended had wrought after another law. However,
for the moral aspect of the contest I had then no
thought ; looking to the distant hills my chief
desire was to be able to see what was happening
on the farther side.

CHAPTER VI
BARON STACKELBERG AT WA-FANG-HO
At this period the fight at Wa-fang-ho was the
great theme of discussion at Liao-Yang, and
General Stackelberg was subjected to much hostile
criticism. The circumstances leading up to the
battle may be recalled.
Towards the end of May the Japanese troops
co-operating with Admiral Togo against Port
Arthur had occupied Dalny and stormed Nanshan.
Port Arthur — the Russian fleet already practically
impotent — was seen to be in danger ; at the
Russian headquarters the danger was thought
more imminent than the event proved it to be.
The bulk of his army Kuropatkin kept to oppose
the advance of Kuroki from the east, and though
reinforcements were arriving at Liao-Yang daily it
was universally acknowledged that the troops in
the south were insufficient to check the Japanese
advance under General Oku. The Russian Com
mander-in-Chief exhorted officers and men to be
patient ; the campaign had but begun, and the
blow which was to smite the Japanese to the dust
could not yet be struck. And yet Kuropatkin had
sent Baron Stackelberg south in an endeavour,
34

BARON STACKELBERG AT WA-FANG-HO 35
foredoomed to failure, to relieve Port Arthur.
That this step was taken in obedience to higher
orders and against General Kuropatkin's own
judgment there is no doubt. When Stackelberg
got as far on the road to Port Arthur as Wa-
fang-ho, he was compelled to halt in face of the
Japanese force between him and his objective.
And at Wa-fang-ho he was assailed and defeated
by Oku's troops. The beaten troops consisted of
twelve battalions of the ist Siberian Division,
twelve battalions of the 9th Siberian Division,
eight battalions of the 35th Division, and two
battalions of the Tobolsk Regiment. Now, at
Liao-Yang, Stackelberg was being condemned by
the general voice of the Russian officers, those of
the headquarters staff excepted. He had been
accompanied on his march by his wife, a maid
servant, and a cow, and especially bitter were the
comments on the presence of these members of
his establishment. Moreover, he had remained in
a saloon-carriage of a special train during the
greater part of the battle, and this too was a
subject of reproach. The General is a German,
and one of the taunts levied against him was,
" No true Russian would behave as he has done."
There is, however, an explanation of the Wa-
fang-ho "episode," without reflecting on Stackel-
berg's courage or his leadership. Having carefully
studied what took place, and having heard the
explanations of the chief actors in the drama, I
think the reasons for the non-success at Wa-
fang-ho were as follows : Although the Russian

36 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
position had been carefully prepared, the trenches
were poorly made and too shallow, affording the
troops manning them insufficient protection against
the hot artillery fire concentrated on them.
Further, the Russian artillery was new to its
business, the guns were not concealed, the supply
of ammunition was defective, and such strength
as they had they did not know how to utilise.
But there was no corresponding "rawness" on
the Japanese side, and though they were not in
superior force — they had two or two and a half
divisions at most — they reaped the reward of their
thoroughness. In the words of more than one of
the vanquished " it was most galling to have been
so completely defeated by an inferior race." At
that time — June 1904 — the Russians still felt that
they were vastly superior to their enemy in the
military art. It was only after Liao-Yang that a
different tone became general among them.
Rightly or wrongly, historians will (probably)
condemn Baron Stackelberg for the defeat at
Wa-fang-ho. That he was out-generalled is un
deniable ; but for the criticisms affecting his personal
conduct there is, I am convinced, an adequate
answer. As for making his train his headquarters, he
was under necessity to keep in touch with the
telegraph wires and to protect the railway line ;
and as to the cow, he was in bad health, and fresh
milk was essential for him. The Baroness and her
maidservant were certainly no encumbrance. The
Baroness is a brave lady — a true daughter of Mars

BARON STACKELBERG AT WA-FANG-HO 37
— who has " followed the drum " all her life, and
she was most kind and untiring in her care of the
wounded. She was no more in the way than are
the hospital nurses.
The position of the Russian army in the middle
of June was stronger than on the days which
immediately followed the defeat of General Sassu-
litch on the Yalu. As I learnt from excellent
sources, the Russians, after that reverse, expected
General Kuroki to advance without pause to Liao-
Yang and Mukden, and the opinion in the Russian
army was, that had he done so both places must
have fallen into the hands of the Japanese at little
cost to them. The reasons which stayed Kuroki
at Feng-hwang-chen do not concern us here, I
have merely to record that when Sassulitch was
beaten very few troops were at Mukden, and that
the Russian authorities there were prepared to
evacuate the town hurriedly, and had made pre
parations accordingly. The Russo-Chinese Bank,
for instance, had its gold and securities packed up
ready to send to Kharbin at a minute's notice, and
the Russian Commissionaire of the town had dis
tributed all his furniture among Chinese merchants
for safe keeping. Such was the feeling in Mukden,
but as the Japanese did not come on, and as
reinforcements from Russia did, confidence revived.
Next happened the Wa-fang-ho " incident," and
when I came in touch with the Field Force
the Russian army was distributed somewhat in
this fashion — To the east, occupying the passes,
such as the Mo-tien, which led down to the Tai-

38 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
tze-ho and Liao-Yang, was Count Keller's force,
ready to dispute the advance of the Japanese from
Feng-hwang-chen. Rennenkampf and his Cossacks
were about Si-mat-ze, and Mischenko's Cossacks
were at Siu-Yen, both these forces co-operating
with Count Keller. Kuropatkin at Liao-Yang held
a central position ; Baron Stackelberg was at Ta-
shi-chao, at the northern end of the Liao-tung
peninsula, with orders to check General Oku's
advance from Wa-fang-ho. General Zarubaieff was
posted in the rear of Stackelberg's force. He
held the town of Hai-cheng, which is on the Port
Arthur railway 40 miles south of Liao-Yang and
25 north of Ta-shi-chao. Between Liao-Yang
and the Yen-tai coal mines to the north-east, and
north to Mukden were other troops. Add to these
the Pogranitchna, or Frontier Guard, and all the
men at General Kuropatkin's disposal have been
enumerated. Immediately after the battle of Wa-
fang-ho their number could not have exceeded
100,000. As fresh troops arrived every day the
army increased speedily, but the urgent need for
more artillery, demonstrated by Stackelberg's
reverse, caused guns often to take precedence of
men on the railway.
The sight of the soldiers from Russia certainly
raised the spirits of the headquarters' staff. They
expected great things from the European troops.
Staff officers with whom I talked had been apolo
getic in their references to the Siberians. " They
cannot be compared with the regulars from Russia,"
said one officer ; " these Siberians are a militia, that

BARON STACKELBERG AT WA-FANG-HO 39
is all." How mistaken they were in this opinion,
time was to show. To-day, in the Manchurian
army, the Siberian corps occupy the highest place
in the estimation of all ranks. They have borne
the brunt of the fighting and, without exception,
have shown courage and endurance unsurpass
able. A word or two may be devoted to the Frontier
Guard, already mentioned. The chief duty of this
body, some 25,000 strong, was to protect the rail
way. They were all picked men and in receipt of
good pay. They came into Manchuria as the
railway was being built, and, having remained ever
since, acquired a useful knowledge of the country.
The force was divided into infantry, cavalry, and
artillery, but the guns they had were of an old
pattern. They picketed every bridge and patrolled
the line, a work most efficiently performed. At
the beginning of the campaign some of the
mounted men were transferred to the army in the
field. But the Frontier Guards were able to give
little direct help to the fighting line.

CHAPTER VII
the DEATH OF MIDDLETON
The gardens of the great pagoda were the centre
of social life at Liao-Yang. Amid its fruit trees a
restaurant liad been established by some Caucasians,
and there in the evenings came officers off duty and
newspaper men from the four corners of the world,
to discuss the prospects of the war or recall " far
off things and battles long ago." The music of a
military band added a note of gaiety, whilst across
all was the shadow of the pagoda, with curiously
carved gods grinning at its portals. In this old
garden one met many a man last seen in spots
remote, and many a long yarn was spun in the
twilight. A distinguished group in the gardens
were the numerous attaches — there were repre
sentatives of England, America, France, Germany,
Italy, Austria, Sweden, Spain, Bulgaria, Roumania,
and Chili. Some of them, including two English
officers, had been with Stackelberg at Wa-fang-ho.
But the most notable Europeans in Liao-Yang
were two civilians. Dr. Westwater and Mr. Mac-
naughtan of the Medical Mission of the United
Free Church of Scotland. These men lead a life
of real self-sacrifice, devoting all their time to the
40

THE DEATH OF MIDDLETON 41
people amid whom they dwell. Dr. Westwater,
who has been in Manchuria for more than twenty
years, has witnessed many changes and encountered
many perils. It is by him and men of his stamp
that one would wish to have Christianity judged
by the Chinese. The Celestials, however, at this
time had nothing of which to complain in the
conduct of the Russians. The native constables
were helped by military police in maintaining order,
and pilfering or unseemly behaviour of any sort
was rigorously punished. If a soldier were caught
robbing he might even be shot. Besides this, ex
tensive orders for goods were placed with Chinese
merchants, and the large number of coolies engaged
were paid on a generous scale. Contrasting these
facts with the conduct of the Russians during the
Boxer troubles, the critic concludes that the change
of manners was dictated by prudent desire not to
irritate a people whose hostility would be a matter
of moment ; but the fact remains that the conduct
of the Russians was exemplary, and it had its
reward. Visiting one day at a house of a Chinese
magistrate, who was affability itself, I was amused
to see the room hung round with portraits of the
Tsar. Likely enough the magistrate was pre
pared for contingencies, and had portraits of the
Mikado hidden away for the day when the then
occupants of the town would be no longer its
masters. A day or two after my arrival at Liao-Yang,
General Kuropatkin, in consequence of the reverse
at Wa-fang-ho, had gone down the railway in the

42 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
direction of Port Arthur as far as Ta-shi-chao, a
point just north of the branch line leading to
Yinkow and Nuichwang. This represented the
most southerly point held by the Russians after
Stackelberg's defeat. Permission to accompany
the Commander-in-Chief was refused, which was
annoying, as there seemed every prospect of
renewed fighting. The position of a War Corres
pondent forcibly withheld from the front is most
trying. This time of forced inaction was marked
by an incident with a very sorrowful ending. One
of my colleagues, Mr. Henry Middleton, had been
out on the hills with the Eastern Army, and, ill
with dysentery, had been taken charge of by the
Red Cross Hospital of St. Eugene, at Lan-jan-san.
Mr. Douglas Story, who had accompanied Middle-
ton and had also been ill, had recovered and was
at Liao-Yang, where we met. Story was anxious
to return to his comrade, and I accompanied him.
Just outside the east gate of the town we were
met by Middleton's Chinese servant, Sin-Fu, who
brought a note from Middleton asking Story to
come at once to settle his affairs, as he was very
ill. Rendered anxious by a message of such grave
import, we pressed on at our utmost speed. The
condition of the road was awful. It had rained
heavily for several days, and our ponies slithered
in the mud at every step. In the quagmires to
which the roads are reduced after rain the horses
struggle along knee deep in slush ; it is impossible
to discover the specially bad spots, and suddenly
you find yourself almost engulfed in the thick black

THE DEATH OF MIDDIJETON 43
mire. Riding thus on this occasion I thought of
a story told me by one of the foreign attaches,
that near Wa-fang-ho he had seen a cavalry man
drowned in a hole in the middle of the road ! But
such thoughts did not cause us to slacken rein, and
after riding about lo versts (6 miles) we reached
the hills and a better road.
We had entered a beautiful country, the hills
were patched with fir trees and crowned with
picturesque temples ; down their sides rushed brawl
ing brooks crystal clear ; fields of white and red
poppies and stretches of long waving grass were
seen in the side valleys, which were dotted with
pretty villages. Now and again we passed a convoy
of provisions winding its way painfully through
the mud, or a small body of Cossacks going to or
from the Eastern Army, at whom the peasants,
minding their flocks on the hillside, would gaze
curiously. At length we halted for luncheon, and here my
pony, exhibiting base ingratitude, for he had been
well fed, rolled over and smashed my camera. It
was an unlucky accident, and deprived me of the
opportunity of taking many photographs.
Having crossed a steep and rugged " nek," from
which was obtained an excellent view of the country
below, we arrived at Sui-lin-tze as daylight faded,
and here we decided to spend the night. We had
finished our meal at the phanza (inn) and were
sitting quietly smoking before seeking the kang of
the rest-house. But we got no rest, for out of the
darkness rode in an Army-surgeon from Lan-jan-san,

44 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
and saluting us, addressed himself to Story, whom
he knew, saying. Pardon, M'sieu, mais votre ami —
il est mort !
Dead! And our errand bootless! The news
seemed incredible ; it was not what we had expected.
The young life gone, and with none but strangers
near ? There must be some mistake ; it might not
yet be too late, and we must on to see. Quickly we
saddled our horses and cantered on through the
darkness, stumbling over stones, crossing the Tai-
tze-ho swollen high by the rain, careful for nothing
save to assure ourselves of the truth. Lan-jan-san
reached, we went at once to the hospital, and were
taken to the bedside of our colleague. The truth
had been told us — Middleton lay dead. For the
most exacting of masters, the newspaper reader, he
had risked, and lost, his life.
It was with emotions deeply stirred that we left
the hospital to seek a shelter for the few hours
which had yet to pass ere the new day called us to
new duties. On the morrow they buried our dead,
with all the impressive ritual of the Orthodox Church
and with every token of respect and sympathy.
Too much praise cannot be given to these ministers
of humanity ; to Count Apraxin, the Director of
the Hospital, to the surgeons and to the nurses.
In driving rain and through the mud and slush all
followed the coffin of the young Englishman to the
grave. No pompous funeral rites would have been
half so impressive.
That day, at Lan-jan-san, came in from the front
an infantry regiment, part of Count Keller's army,

THE DEATH OF MIDDLETON 45
which had been forced back from the Mo-tein-ling ^
and other passes in the eastern hills by General
Kuroki. The rain persisted, the roads were as bad
as they could be ; wearily and silently the men
trudged in, drenched to the skin. They pitched
camp and began to get fires lit — no easy matter,
considering the state of the ground. In this con
nection I witnessed an incident at once amusing and
instructive. Fuel was scarce, and some five or six
soldiers came to the yard of the house in which I
was sitting out of the rain, and seized hold of a few
faggots. They did not take them away, for out of
the house flew the owner, and with indignant
objurgations insisted that they should restore to him
his property. The men, though hungry, tired, and
wet through, dropped the sticks at once and went
quietly away, — six big, strong soldiers, absolutely
routed by one old Chinaman. I do not think that
any other European soldiers in the same circum
stances would have given way. It was a striking
object-lesson of the wonderfully good behaviour of
the Russians, at that period, to the Chinese. The
Russian soldier is both kind-hearted and sympa
thetic, and gentle to a degree, except in the heat of
battle or when under the influence of alcohol.
The regiment mentioned was followed later in
the day by a large convoy of wounded, who had
been bumped and jolted in springless Chinese carts
all the way from Keller's main force. Nor could
our good friends at the hospital of St. Eugene do
more than take in the worst cases ; the hospital,
1 Ling is Chinese for pass.

46 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
which had looked after the wounded in the Yalu
fight, was already crowded. So the majority of
the wounded had to be carried on in the same
primitive conveyances to Sui-lin-tze. For our
selves, Count Apraxin gave us beds in his own
room. The next morning I was introduced to
General Kashtalinsky, the commander of the 12th
Siberian Rifles in the battle of the Yalu, in which
he fought with conspicuous gallantry, and was
badly wounded. Having at the request of Count
Apraxin drawn up a notice in English, asking the
Japanese to respect the hospital property and staff
should Lan-jan-san fall into their hands, we took
our leave of the friends who had been so kind to
our dead comrade, and with many expressions of
gratitude prepared for the road.
For the first few miles we accompanied Count
Keller, who had arrived in the night with his main
force, and was taking up, about three versts in the
rear of Lan-jan-san, a position which had already
been prepared for defence, and which commanded
the road to Liao-Yang. Roads had been cleverly
constructed up the sides of the steep hills, and the
artillery was got into position despite the great
difficulties of transport. Having seen Keller into
his new quarters, we rode back to Liao-Yang.

CHAPTER VIII
RUSSIAN HOSPITALITY — AND OTHER MATTERS
To remain idle at Liao-Yang seemed intolerable,
and, on the last day of June, Story and I again set
off on the eastern road, hoping to see the fighting
believed to be imminent in the Lan-jan-san position.
As in the former expedition, we went without
permission of the Press Censor. On the road we
passed reinforcements on the way to Count Keller,
and our spirits rose at the prospect of battle.
Soon after the hills were reached we stopped for
luncheon at a store kept by a Greek. On entering
we were surprised and disappointed to see a number
of Russian officers there already lunching — for our
object was to push on, and we feared the over-kind
attentions of our friends. Seeing the red brassards
on our arms — the badge of a war correspondent —
the officers rose, and having inquired our nationality
asked us to sit down with them. Reluctantly we
took our seats at the only table in the room. The
Russian officer is the most hospitable of men ;
unfortunately his hospitality sometimes goes a little
too far. On this occasion, after drinking a glass or
two of vodke, the Russian national drink, taken
with a Sakuskha (hors d'oeuvre), our hosts insisted

48 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
on ordering all the bottles in the store with
"London" printed on the labels. In vain we
protested. Malaga, Madeira, sherry, outrageous
port, gin, and bad brandy — liquors that probably
never knew the lands of their supposed origin —
were produced in turn, and we had to make the
best of it. There are no "heel-taps" among
Russians. " Vashe zdarovia " (Your health) is the
toast, and the glass must be emptied to the last
drop. As one vile compound after another ap
peared, each with the hateful London label (though
as likely as not neither bottle nor label was from
England), all my desires for the growth of British
trade abroad vanished. It seemed that the drinking
would never be done. But catching sight of a bottle
of Scotch whisky. Story and I decided to make
use of an heroic remedy — a veritable " Long Tom "
to oppose to field artillery. Saying that whisky
was my companion's national drink, I poured out
the best part of a tumbler, neat, for each man, and
called a toast. Loyally the Russians drank it — and
that day they troubled us no more.
After a bad night I woke early next morning,
solemnly swearing henceforth to adopt the " blue
ribbon.'] None of the, |lussian officers were awake.
Story ahd I SaddledMJur horses and rode away — he
for Sui-lin-tze, I back to Liao-Yang. For the time
being I had decided not to try and dodge the
Censor, especially as I had learned that immediate
fighting was highly unlikely.
It was late evening when the gates of Liao-
Yang were reached, and then, stupidly, I had

RUSSIAN HOSPITALITY 49
forgotten the password, and could not answer the
sentry's challenge. He seemed unpleasantly sus
picious, and advanced so as to conveniently cover
me with his rifle. To be shot was the last thing
I wished, and I racked my brain for the word, one
out of my limited Russian vocabulary. A happy
memory of dinners and theatre parties at home
solved my difficulty ; to the mind's eye rose the
vision of the Savoy Hotel as seen from the Em
bankment. At once I shouted out " Savoi (Russian
for iriend) I^arrasho Voiennie /Correspondent." This
bad Russian somewhat appeased the sentry, and he
allowed me to come up and show him my papers.
Like most of his comrades he could not read, and
so he called the sergeant of the guard. Happily
the sergeant could read, and I was allowed to enter
the town.
As the situation of the armies remained practi
cally unchanged, I decided to take a short "holi
day " and go to Mukden, making the journey with
another correspondent. On this occasion we dis
pensed with the formality of buying a ticket — it
saved both time and money. The bother of get
ting a ticket during the Russian occupation was
immense, and often took hours, whereas if you
hav'nt a ticket you simply get into the train with
out any formality. The process is simplicity itself.
The wisdom of our action, or inacjtion, was justified
by the event ; we travelled safely, and were not
asked for tickets. Walking through the fields
back to the Derlungdien Inn, one could not help
marvelling at the rapid growth of the kowliang

50 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
(millet). A few weeks ago it was just sprouting,
and now it was fully four feet high. It affords
striking evidence of the fertility of the soil. This
millet is perhaps the most characteristic of Man
churian plants, and it serves so many purposes that
one is inclined to call it the William Whiteley of
the vegetable world. It yields at once food, fuel,
and shelter ; the grain makes a nutritious dish some
what resembling oatmeal, and the stalk, when
fodder is scarce, can be eaten by horses. How
ever, the better use of the stalk, which looks some
thing like a small bamboo, is for making matting,
fences, and thatching. From the military point of
view the kowliang has advantages and disadvan
tages. Standing, when full grown, fully ten feet
high it forms a most effective screen, but is as
troublesome to one side as the other.
Whilst on this flying visit to Mukden I again
visited Colonel Pestich and enlisted his sympathy
for the war correspondents in their trying position.
He insisted on my seeing General Planson,
Admiral Alexeieff's chief diplomatic adviser, who
promised to do his best to get the correspondents
permission to accompany the troops actually in the
field. With such assurances we had to be content,
and we started back for Liao-Yang. The journey
was delayed owing to the congestion of the traffic,
and whilst we were crossing the Tai-tze-ho I saw a
sight which set me thinking — one of the pontoon
bridges placed across the river by the engineers
had been swept away. It appeared that all the
bridges originally built by the engineers were too

RUSSIAN HOSPITALITY 51
short. They had been put in position when the
water was low, and no allowance made for the rise
of the level after the spring rains. Consequently,
with the Tai-tze-ho in flood, the water surged
between the pontoons and the river banks, — an
awkward situation if the army had been suddenly
forced to retreat.
Returned to Liao-Yang I went straight to
Baron Venigen, who told me that the war cor
respondents would be allowed to go to the front,
each being attached to a particular corps. This
was something, but the permission was limited to
seeing the operations in the east. Kuropatkin,
said I to myself, expects trouble in the south.
Before, however, I had completed arrangements to
join Count Keller's force, the authorities changed
their minds, and leave was given the correspon
dents to go south, where General Kuropatkin had
for some days been with Baron Stackelberg's
force.

CHAPTER IX
IN TOUCH WITH THE ENEMY  THE FATE OF SPIES
It was with spirits exhilarated that I found myself,
on July the i6th, at Ta-shi-chao, officially attached
to General Samsonoff's Cavalry division, and in
touch with the enemy. Mr. Baring and I with all
our belongings had left Liao-Yang the previous
day. The run south had many points of interest,
and beyond Hai-cheng to the east of the railway
were large encampments of the 2nd Siberian Army
Corps, under General Sassulitch, who guarded the
Russian left flank and occupied the tops of the
hills nearest the railway. Somewhere in the same
direction were General Mischenko and his Cossacks,
who had been moved from the eastern hills. At
Ta-shi-chao, which stands at the head of the Gulf
of Liao-tung on its eastern side, the hills come
close up to the railway line. Ta-shi-chao, as
already indicated, owes its importance to the fact
that from it a railway branches off to Nuichwang,
which was then still held by the Russians. From
a rocky hill which towers above the railway station
is a lookout post, whence one can scan the sur
rounding country and view the sea — the goal of
Russia in her long march across Asia. What we
62

IN TOUCH WITH THE ENEMY 53
saw was curious and somewhat perplexing ; a
whole fleet of junks beating up towards Yinkow.
All was animation at Ta-shi-chao, inspired by
the nearness of the foe and the presence in camp
of General Kuropatkin. The Commander-in-Chief
lived as usual in a railway train — drawn up in a
siding — and near it was the improvised mess-room
of the headquarters' staff. All round the town were
camped the soldiers — with transport and infantry
lines, artillery parks and picketed horses, and here
and there a hospital. Most armies in the field
look alike, and I could not help comparing Ta-shi-
chao to Bloemfontein in 1900, just before Lord
Roberts began his advance on Pretoria. The Rus
sian soldiers, in their shirts of brown-holland and
black trousers, sitting smoking or listening to some
comrade playing the inevitable concertina, were
not very unlike our khaki-dressed men. There
was little opportunity for social life ; here none but
workers were wanted, and the only public rendez
vous was the little buffet at the railway station, that
gained for itself great notoriety on account of the
plague of flies which infested it. The weather
was bright and warm, following heavy rains ;
climatic conditions which doubtless suited the flies.
One wished that it had been otherwise, for ceiling
and whitewashed walls of the buffet were com
pletely covered by the millions, as it seemed,
of black crawling house-flies. They settled in
swarms on one's food. I shudder to think how
many found in me a living tomb!
Nor were the flies at the railway station only

54 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Mr. Baring and I with two French correspondents
had taken up quarters in the Roman Catholic
Mission Church, and at nights lay round the altar,
but even here the flies pursued us. One sighed for
a mosquito net ! In desperation we hired two
small boys, who tried their best to drive away our
tormentors with whisks. In one direction we found
consolation. At Liao-Yang Baring and I had
engaged two Montenegrins as servants, and mine,
Giorgi, proved an excellent cook. The way in
which he could dress a chicken was little short of
miraculous. The life at Ta-shi-chao was varied and inter
esting. The Russian outposts were 15 to 20
versts from the town, and one could visit nearly
all of them in a day. Beyond our outposts were
those of the enemy, who held the crest of the
hills stretching south and east of the Russian posi
tion. Of them we saw scarcely anything. Our
artillery, i.e. the Russian, fired daily at the Japan
ese posts, but with what effect it is hard to say,
probably very little, for the enemy scarcely deigned
to reply. The booming of the guns certainly did
not disturb the Chinese farmers, who continued
working in the fields between the two armies quite
unconcernedly. They took the whistling of the big
shells overhead as a matter of course, a thing they
had been accustomed to all their lives. The in
activity of the enemy greatly puzzled the Russians,
who sent out reconnoitring parties nightly to try
and find out what the Japanese were doing. In
this they never succeeded, for the Japanese proved

IN TOUCH WITH THE ENEMY 55
ever alert, and stopped these parties with superior
forces. The Intelligence Department of Kuro
patkin's army was completely at fault ; we knew no
more about the movements of the enemy's main
body than we knew of what was happening at the
South Pole. Lack of news was made up for by
most plentiful rumours. Some averred that the
greater part of the Japanese had gone away to
assault Port Arthur ; others that hundreds of the
foe died daily from dysentery — a report spread by
the doctors of certain Cossack regiments who had
visited old Japanese camping-grounds. If the
Russians were unable to penetrate the mystery of
the Japanese movements, they, on the other hand,
knew all they wanted to know concerning those of
their opponents. A large number of spies — Chinese,
or Japanese disguised — must have been in the lines
at Ta-shi-chao. One of these spies was captured
and shot. He was a staff officer dressed as a
Chinaman, with regulation pigtail, and would have
escaped detection had he not, in the presence of a
Cossack, drawn a book from his pocket and began
making notes. Such action on the part of a
supposed coolie led to his immediate arrest and
detection. He was, or seemed to be, absolutely
indifferent to his fate. With the imperturbable
smile of his race, he said simply, " It is the fortune
ofwar." During the campaign several other Japan
ese staff officers were taken as spies, and each met
his fate in the same calm spirit, extorting the
admiration of their captors, who loathed the hateful
necessity of summary execution.

56 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
On one occasion, however, a detected " spy "
was not shot. Among the Transbaikalian Cossacks
were many Buriats — Mongolians and Buddhists ;
they looked, to European eyes at least, exactly like
the Japanese, and they were of much the same
stature. The Buriat is very useful in Manchuria,
as he is generally on good terms with his Chinese
co-religionists. The "spy" who was not shot was
a Buriat officer who was mistaken for a Japanese,
and only escaped death through the timely appear
ance of a friend.
A never-failing topic of conversation — one that
always filled up gaps when the fate of a spy or the
failure of a reconnoitring party had been talked
threadbare — was "the rains." We had had a good
deal of rain already, but when one said "the rains"
it was known at once that something very un
pleasant was meant. In "the rains," some said, it
would be impossible to continue fighting, as the
roads would be impassable ; another and entirely
contradictory opinion was that the Japanese were
only waiting for "the rains" to make an advance,
when they by some unexplained means would move
easily across the flooded country, whilst the Russian
transport would stick helplessly in the mud. From
what I had seen of Manchurian roads I was
prepared to accept the most pessimistic opinion.
However, " the rains," in the sense indicated, were
a delusion. That the Japanese were a more mobile
force was evident enough. They had splendidly
organised coolie transport — which the Russians
lacked ; they had mountain guns, and knew how

IN TOUCH WITH THE ENEMY 57
to use them — the Russians had then heavy field
artillery only, and later, when they got mountain
guns, did not know how to use them ; the Japanese
kept to the hills, where, to borrow a phrase from
the turf, the going was good ; the Russians were
chiefly in the plains, where their heavy transport
floundered along roads where the going was de
cidedly heavy.
Though headquarters had manifested a certain
jealousy at the presence of correspondents, the
regimental officers at the front welcomed us and
were glad to see us at the outposts, and on such
occasions would fire an extra round or two at the
enemy in order to show the foreigners the capacity
of their guns ; or talk over the news from the east
or from Port Arthur. From the east we heard
of a fight in which General Rennenkampf was
wounded in the leg. This officer was probably the
finest of the Cossack leaders, a man of the utmost
daring and courage, who, having served in Man
churia during the Boxer troubles, was well ac
quainted with the country. He was not, however,
a great tactician, and lacked some of those intellec
tual qualities which mark the great soldier. His
popularity with his men was unbounded.
From Port Arthur we got news fairly frequently
— thus on July i8th we heard that their fortifica
tions had been completed. Officers from the
besieged garrison usually left the port by junk and
got away either to Chifu or to Nuichwang. They
ran a double danger, that of being captured by the
Japanese, or of being killed by the pirates who

58 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
infested the Yellow Sea, and particularly the Gulf
of Liao-tung. These officers' reports were all
made to Alexeieff as well as to Kuropatkin, and
it was common gossip that the Viceroy insisted,
from his quarters at Mukden, on dictating orders to
General Stossel as to how the defence of Port
Arthur was to be conducted.
I have already said that we were unable to
obtain any trustworthy information as to the move
ments of the Japanese, but the belief in camp was
that the enemy were holding the Russians at Ta-
shi-chao with a skeleton force merely, and that
Marshal Oyama, who was now personally directing
the Japanese forces, was concentrating his troops
for an attack on Kuropatkin's left flank. Whether
or not this was the case the days were dull enough
at Ta-shi-chao, and I was planning to visit Nui
chwang and taste for a brief period the sweets of
civilisation, when (on July 22nd) General Kuro
patkin suddenly left for Liao-Yang. I saw his
train steam out of the station, and, concluding that
urgent news from Count Keller was taking him to
the east, I decided to follow in his wake. Leaving
horse and kit behind I went hurrying back to the
north.

CHAPTER X
A CHINESE WELCOME AT ANPING
The news which had reached Liao-Yang as to the
situation of the eastern army at once explained
General Kuropatkin's hurried departure from Ta-
shi-chao. Count Keller, from his position at Lan-
jan-san, had made ineffectual attempts to recapture
the Mo-tien-ling, and in several engagements had
been driven back by General Kuroki, who, it was
feared, would now descend the valley of the Tai-tze-
ho towards Liao-Yang. To check this advance with
out withdrawing any of the troops from the south
was General Kuropatkin's immediate object. For
tunately he was able to utilise the first troops from
European Russia to arrive in Manchuria, namely,
the I oth and 17th Army Corps, which, immedi
ately on reaching Liao-Yang, were sent to Anping,
a town 20 miles in a direct line to the south
east. To Anping General Kuropatkin and the
whole of his Staff had also gone ; Keller, with the
3rd Siberian Army Corps, was on Kuropatkin's
right near Lan-jan-san. I borrowed a horse from
a friend, and, accompanied by an American col
league, was soon on the road to Anping, which we
drew near towards evening. Anping is a fair-sized

60 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
village situated in a fertile valley watered by a
tributary of the Tai-tze-ho and surrounded by hills.
I did not enter the village, but, with my companion,
camped in a picturesque little temple not far from
the main road, yet hidden from the eyes of the
curious by kindly trees. My reason for avoiding
observation was the fear of being sent back to
Liao-Yang, should I be discovered by any of the
staff officers. The war correspondents, it may be
explained, having once chosen the Army Corps to
which they desired to be attached were not at
liberty to leave it, as I had done. From our
temple retreat we were near enough to be able to
reach quickly any part of the field, should fighting
be toward — and though as anxious as the majority
of people for "goodwill among men," just then I
was keenly desirous of seeing a battle. For what
else had I come hither ? In the cool of the even
ing I walked through the tall kowliang and across
fields of cotton and fragrant balm to the river's
brim. The scene was one that would delight the
eye of the artist,— the calmly flowing stream, the
peaceful valley, and the flicker of many fires from
the large camp pitched on the hills beyond. As
I watched the Cossacks come down to water their
horses, I thought of the morrow and longed for the
joy of battle. When I got back to our temple
home it was to find that we were already in favour
with the villagers, who brought us forage for our
horses and some newly caught carp for ourselves.
This kindness was due to our nationality ; Ingwa
(English) and Megwa (American) were words which

A CHINESE WELCOME AT ANPING 61
acted like talismans. Heavy rain during the night
caused the river to rise, and in the morning, from
the temple where we lay perdu, we witnessed the
difficulty with which the Cossacks crossed the
swollen stream. The next day we found that
General Kuropatkin had shifted some lO versts,
and we ventured to locate headquarters. The
longed-for battle did not appear imminent, and not
wishing to run unnecessary risks of detection we
turned to ride back to our hiding-place. Detected,
however, we were, for suddenly along the road
clattered a group of staff officers with none other
than Baron Venigen, the press censor at Liao-Yang,
at their head. Our red brassards showed con
spicuously and there was no escape, so taking our
courage in both hands we rode up and saluted.
Baron Venigen was surprised to see me. "I
thought you were at Ta-shi-chao with Samsonoff ;
you ought not to be here," said he. I made such
excuses as I could, pleading my desire to see the
coming fight. The Baron was kindly disposed,
and could make allowance for the ardour of youth.
A diplomatic blindness obscured his vision. With
a laugh and a merry twinkle he rode on, saying,
" I haven't seen you, but — keep as far from head
quarters as you can." Delighted to have come so
successfully through the meeting we bade farewell
to our temple refuge, and going to the outskirts of
the camp obtained a new domicile in the house of
a rich Chinese merchant who lived in a neighbour
ing village. Our host, and all the villagers, showed
us much kindness, and again we found our nation-

62 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ality known and respected. These apparently
simple folk did not need to be told what country
men we were — they as unerringly identified my
friend as an American as they dubbed me Ingwa.
How they knew I cannot imagine, for our kits and
clothes were alike and we both had American
saddles. There was great excitement in the vil
lage that evening when a balloon section marched
through. The balloon was floating just above the
tree-tops, being kept in that position by the men
who held the leading ropes with which it was fur
nished. The Chinese gazed wonder-struck at this
new device of the "foreign devil." I noticed with
curiosity that suspended from the balloon was a
flag which looked uncommonly like the British
white ensign with an anchor in one corner. The
villagers noticed the flag, too, pointed to the balloon
and then to me, saying, Ingwa, and by their signs
seemed to assume that it was my balloon and that
I travelled in it, on which assumption I became a
hero in their eyes. Possibly the Chinese inscrip
tion on our brassards helped in forming their
opinion ; that inscription is Woofangse, literally
translated, "War look see man," or spy — the
nearest approach to war correspondent the Chinese
language admits. The merchant in whose house
we stayed brought us kowliang, baked in sugar,
forming an excellent sweetmeat, and served tea
after the Chinese fashion. The tea leaves (green)
are placed in a shallow cup or saucer, the water
poured over them and a second saucer placed over
the first. You take them up with both hands, and

A CHINESE WELCOME AT ANPING 63
slightly pushing back the top saucer, drink down
the tea, which is deliciously refreshing. Kind as
was our host, who thought our presence a safe
guard against marauding Cossacks, we found our
quarters not altogether agreeable. Part of his
merchandise consisted of dried and drying hides,
which, to speak plainly, stank, while he also pos
sessed several large jars full of the dye used in
dyeing clothes butcher's blue, the universal colour
of the dress of Chinese country folk. These draw
backs notwithstanding, we found it pleasant to be
with these honest people, with whom we lodged
for some days. The peaceful evenings passed with
them made more piquant the stir of battle by day,
for this alternation was now to take place.

CHAPTER XI
the FIGHT FOR SUNGAR HILL
The country in which Kuropatkin's force was
encamped was very hilly — not mountainous, but
yet difficult for the employment of large numbers
of horsemen. Leaving our host — and the odour of
the tannery and the dyeing vats — at daybreak, we
made for the line of outposts, which occupied a
ridge of hills overlooking the valley of the Tai-
tze-ho. Up one of these hills, held by a small
post, we climbed, and sat down by the officer in
command. To our left ran the river, winding
through the valley, a gleam of silver in the sunlight ;
to our right, a rocky pass and hills rising abruptly.
Across the river were other hills — and those were
in possession of the enemy. The distance between
the opposing outposts was in some places not
more than 700 yards. In the narrow valley
the kowliang was growing, high and green, and
villages nestled here and there amid leafy groves.
Save for the Russian outposts and the infantry
bivouacking behind the hills, there was no suggestion
of conflict, except that indicated by the little stone
" sungar " on a hill opposite that on which we were.
The day was perfect ; beautiful, swallow - tailed

THE FIGHT FOR SUNGAR HILL 65
butterflies sailed over our heads, and the air
hummed with insect life. The brawling of the
Tai-tze-ho, as it hurried over its stony bed like a
Scotch salmon stream, invited one to sleep. With
my telescope I scanned the valley, the villages, the
hills again and again ; but there was no sign of
the Japanese. Only some hawks hovered over
head, while in a farm, just below, the Chinese were
going unconcernedly about their daily work. And
so we waited. The officer to whom we had attached
ourselves spoke a little French, and told us that
the Japanese were holding, besides the farther
range of hills, the villages in the valley beneath
us. Pointing to the sungar opposite, he warned
us not to stand up. This sungar thus became a
magnetic point. Suddenly over its top something
moved. The something slowly materialised into a
head, followed by a khaki-clad pair of shoulders.
At last I had seen a real live "Jap." There he
sat gazing at us. Not that it was absolutely the
first Japanese I had seen, for at Ta-shi-chao dim
little black figures could be discerned in the dis
tance ; but they had been too far off to excite great
interest. But now the foe, typified in this one
man, was but 700 yards away. Presently a soldier
crawled up to the officer. " May I have a shot ? "
said he. The officer paused ; then, looking at us,
nodded assent. The soldier took aim, and in a
moment the ping of a bullet broke the stillness of
the valley. And the "Jap"? He sat on undis
turbed, nor could we tell where the bullet had
struck. Again and again the soldier repeated his
5

66 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
shot, but his marksmanship was at fault, for his fire
had no effect, save that the shoulders of the Jap
disappeared and we could only see his eyes and
cap above the sungar. The officer turned to me
with an invitation to have a shot. " Perhaps you
might do better," said he. As a mere matter of
hitting the mark, I should have liked to have taken
my chance; but, apart from a liking for the Japanese,
I was a non-combatant, and I refused the invitation.
And from the sungar came no reply to our few
shots ; the Japanese disdained to answer. So the
day wore on, both sides, as it seemed, anxious only
to enjoy the balmy air, the bright sunshine. To
fight was too much " fag."
We sat on the hillside, lazily disappointed.
Before the day closed, there was a flicker of
excitement. As the afternoon sun was slanting
to the horizon, a group of staff officers at the
head of a troop of Transbaikalian Cossacks crossed
the river and trotted up the valley. Would the
Japanese disclose their position? Yes, for from
the trees encircling a village came the pip-pop of a
rifle being fired. The Cossacks stopped a moment,
and then went slowly on again till there came a
chorus of " pip-pops." Then the Russians turned,
trotting first, but breaking into a gallop as the
bullets whistled more thickly around them, flicking
from the ground little puffs of dust. As the Cos
sacks came up the rocky pass to our right, they
were obliged to dismount, the bullets still following
them and humming over our heads, which made
us fire a volley or two at the sungar by way of

THE FIGHT FOR SUNGAR HILL 67
retaliation. Then, as the Cossacks got out of
sight, quiet fell once more on the valley. The
officers who had been out climbed up to see us ;
none had been hit. They had been to "look see,"
and, having seen, rode off to report their news to
the general. My companion and I also rode off,
back to our sleeping quarters. On the way, we
passed the Daghestan Regiment of Cossacks, which
had come from Liao-Yang. Their appearance was
more picturesque than business-like. Fierce-looking
men they seemed, dressed in a long, flowing cloth
coat, drawn in at the waist. They had rifles, in a
curious cloth cover, slung on their backs ; carried
curved swords with embossed silver handles, had
knives stuck in their belts, and on their heads sheep
skin caps. They were magnificently mounted on
horses not unlike English thoroughbreds, sitting
high up on regular Cossack saddles, and riding very
short, with their knees tucked up. Their standard
was proudly displayed, and at their head was a
man who played a long flute with a trumpet-like
end, drawing from it sounds resembling those of a
bagpipe. This debonnaire regiment was a volunteer
force, and in its ranks were many members of the
aristocracy. The next day saw us again at the same hill,
fearing a repetition of the inaction of yesterday.
Events were, however, ordered otherwise. Several
battalions had been brought up, and we learned
that an attempt on " Sungar Hill " was to be made.
(This hill, we ascertained, the Japanese used as
a signal station, and from it they could see the

68 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Russian forces quite plainly.) The battalions
crossed the river, deployed, and began to mount
the hill, taking advantage of the cover afforded by
depressions in the ground and the bushes which
grew thickly up the slopes. From where I sat
they could be seen perfectly through the glasses.
They were met by a fire which grew hotter and
hotter as they advanced, and they stopped occasion
ally to pour a volley into their opponents, their
bayonets glistening in the bright sunshine. I could
not help being deeply struck by one thing, and that
was the uniform worn by the officers. Each was
arrayed in a spotlessly white tunic with gold epaul
ettes and gold sword belts, thus affording the
Japanese riflemen a magnificent target. They led
their men up the hill, sword in hand. The
Russians for a while were lost to sight among the
trees near the hilltop. Then, coming into the open
again, they swept over the crest of the hill, the
Japanese giving way before the onslaught. The
hill was ours (if I may, for the time, identify my
self with the Russian army), but it had not been
won without loss. A good many poor fellows lay
dead, and more were taken to the " flying " hospital
in the valley below. The method adopted for re
moving the wounded was quick and practical, and
worthy the attention of our own army. Red Cross
orderlies with flags accompanied the troops during
their advance, and signalled back to the hospital
the position of the wounded men, and, as soon as
the hill was taken, the hospital staff came up and
collected the wounded without delay.

THE FIGHT FOR SUNGAR HILL 69
There was no pursuit of the retreating foe,
and little firing after the hill was captured. The
fight had been entirely with rifles, no artillery being
engaged on either side. Having taken the position
whence the Japanese had been spying upon them,
the Russians set about to fortify the hills, pre
viously occupied by outposts only. Three batteries
were brought up to the hill on which I was
stationed, and places for the guns dug just below
the crest, the newly dug earth and the guns being
afterwards covered by branches of trees. The
limbers also were carefully concealed. Batteries
were placed on the hills to the right and left, and
strong infantry supports supplied. Undoubtedly
the position of the Russians had been strengthened,
though in itself the capture of " Sungar HiU" was
a comparatively small affair. I had watched with
surprise the Russian officers go into battle with
conspicuous uniforms ; now, through the telescope,
I saw the difference in Japanese methods. At the
far end of the valley I could make out a column
of the enemy on the march. The men were
dressed in khaki, and were difficult to distinguish
— whereas the Russian soldiers, as well as the
officers, wore an easily seen uniform, and as
often as not disported themselves on the sky
line. In order to ascertain the strength of the
Japanese position, two companies of infantry were
sent that afternoon down into the valley. Worm
ing their way through the kowliang, they entered
two villages, but were then subjected to a hot rifle

70 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
fire from the hidden enemy. We watched the men
taking shelter behind the walls of the houses, but
they were soon forced to abandon the villages and
run back to their own lines. It was clear enough
that the Japanese were still in force, and on
the next day, from the same observatory point,
I witnessed a characteristic attempt by some
400 Daghestan and Transbaikalian Cossacks to
find out what General Kuroki was doing at the
farther end of the valley. Off went the Cossacks
at a trot, with flag flying at their head. On reach
ing the kowliang near the line of villages held by
the enemy, they were met by a heavy fire which
caused them to stop. There they halted, sitting on
their horses and gazing round for the invisible foe,
during which time several of them were hit. Then
they turned and came helter-skelter back. Their
commander collected his scattered forces and, after
resting them a little while, advanced again, but with
the same result. As a looker-on, I do not think that
there was more than a company or a company and
a half of Japanese opposing the Russians, and there
was no reason why the Cossacks should not have
penetrated the screen. But to do so they should
have dismounted and used their rifles. This it
never occurred to them to do. All through the
campaign, in fact, too much confidence was placed
by the cavalry in sword and lance, the men
never being properly trained to fight with their
rifles on foot. The lessons taught by the Mounted
Infantry in South Africa were all thrown away
on them.

THE FIGHT FOR SUNGAR HILL 71
For three days I had watched the operations,
but the prospects of a big battle still seemed re
mote, whereas news came to the camp of renewed
Japanese activity in the south. That the Com
mander-in-Chief thought the situation on that side
the more serious was evidenced by his returning to
Ta-shi-chao, and once again I determined to follow
his fortunes. So back to Anping and Liao-Yang.
On leaving the hill the Daghestan contingent was
again passed. The men were still as smartly
dressed, but they had lost some of the bravado dis
played the day before. Perhaps it was, that among
the wounded being carried along on stretchers were
some of their own comrades ; possibly the wound
which their vanity had received was still harder to
bear. As we passed by the main camp the sound
of many voices, rhythmical, magnificent, smote our
ears. Thirty thousand of the Russian soldiers were
singing the Lord's Prayer. It was a thing to be
remembered. The Russians have fine voices, and
there is something, too, in the language which lends
itself to song.
That night we rested in the temple which had
previously served as our hiding-place, and in the
morning rode quickly into Liao-Yang, passing en
route several battalions bound for Anping. At the
Russo-Chinese Bank at Liao-Yang I heard stirring
news of fighting then proceeding at Ta-shi-chao,
and at my quarters found my Montenegrin servant
Giorgi and my horse. Giorgi told me that the
Russians had been driven back and that he had
hardly time to get away. So without delay I made

72 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
for the station, and there met Colonel Potapoff.
Together we set out south, but not to Ta-shi-chao ;
that was already in the hands of the enemy, and we
could go no farther than Hai-Cheng, reached early
the next day.

CHAPTER XII
HAI-CHENG evacuated BY THE RUSSIANS
As we detrained at Hai-Cheng the boom of many
guns rang in our ears, and we learned that a rear
guard action was being fought.
Hai-Cheng itself is a small town, but it boasts a
big stone wall, and the Russians held a fortified
position here. It was, however, hardly tenable at
this time (Aug. 2), as on the east it was commanded
by high hills, and on the west was a plain which
rendered it easy for the Japanese to turn the
Russian right. It appeared that a few days pre
viously (on July 25th), General Oku had un
expectedly attacked the Russians at Ta-shi-chao
and driven them out of their positions. As at
Wa-fang-ho, artillery had played an important part
in the fight. The Russians on this occasion were
commanded by General Zarubaieff of the 4th
Siberian Army Corps, and under him Baron
Stackelberg had the ist Siberian Army Corps.
The Japanese artillery fire was very heavy, and
before it the 4th Siberian Army Corps had to
retire, as well as the ist Siberian Army Corps,
which, posted on the extreme right, did not bear
the full brunt of the battle. At the same time the
73

74 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Japanese had swept down on General Sassulitch,
driving him from his post of Simucheng in the hills
to the east, and hotly engaged General Mischenko,
whose cavalry lost heavily. Stackelberg had been
forced to retreat, and was now at Hai-Cheng with
the Japanese at his heels. All this I learned from
Mr. Baring, who had been at the Ta-shi-chao
battle. With Mr. Baring I now rode on, past the
train from which Kuropatkin was directing the
operations, to a convenient hill whence we could
watch the fight. The day was hot — hotter indeed
than the hottest day I ever experienced in South
Africa — and the troops were utterly exhausted.
They were holding the enemy at bay — mainly by
artillery fire — whilst along the road to Hai-Cheng
transport blocked the way. Some of the men had
been in the firing line sixteen hours, and the strain,
together with the hot weather, told on them heavily.
Their condition was unnecessarily aggravated by
the cumbersomeness of the uniform and kit the
Russian infantryman is compelled to bear. His
kit is too heavy, especially in view of the large
amount of ammunition it is essential to carry, his
high boots are not suitable for long marches in hot
weather, and his small forage cap gives no protec
tion against the sun. Needless to say, there were
many cases of sunstroke. It seemed to me also
that the Russian soldiers were not able to endure
long fatigue, or great heat, as well as our own men
in South Africa.
The rear-guard were fighting a very pretty
action, and there seemed no immediate prospect of

THE RUSSIANS EVACUATE HAI-CHENG 75
the Japanese turning us out of Hai-Cheng. Going
back to the town, we saw many a sad sight-
wounded men dragging themselves along the dusty
road ; others, more sorely hit, carried on stretchers
or on a large strip of canvas tenting fixed on two
rifles. At the railway station were hospital trains
in waiting, and down on the platform were placed
the blood-stained stretchers. Then the poor
shattered fellows were taken in charge by the
nurses — devoted women, whom to praise suffi
ciently seems impossible. It was with the greatest
admiration I watched them at work. With one
arm they would support some badly hit soldier, and
in the other carry his rifle and heavy kit. They
did not seem to feel fatigue or weakness, but
quietly and methodically worked on all the day,
amid the hurry and bustle incident to the prepara
tions for retreat. The confusion in the town was
great, and most men's nerves that day were
"jumpy"; at any time the Japanese might come
through the hills east of the railway and cut the
Russian line. The clerks at the telegraph office
were distraught, and though I handed in a press
message that had passed the censor, I could not get
it forwarded. To incidents like these the war
correspondent is liable, especially when with an
army in retreat. Why, after all, should the corres
pondent be favoured ? Of what moment is it to
the hurried telegraphist — or the General in com
mand — that people at the other end of the world
should discuss their misfortunes over the breakfast
egg?

76 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
That evening I spent with an American corres
pondent in a village near by, in which several
infantry battalions were bivouacking. The heavy
transport of the army had been going back all the
afternoon to An-shan-chan, and now the rattle of
wheels continued in the darkness. The night was
too warm to rest on the kang, so wrapping our
selves in our blankets we went to sleep in the
yard. But we were not destined to enjoy peaceful
slumber. I had hardly closed my eyes when I was
aroused by a terrible din, caused by men galloping
past and carts being driven rapidly, mingled with
hoarse yells and shouts, among which I thought
I could distinguish the word " Japonetzt." My
American friend — a Pole by birth — dashed into
the street, coming back quickly with the report
that the Japanese had surprised the camp and were
sweeping through it with fixed bayonets ! Mount
ing our horses we prepared for eventualities — we
certainly did not wish to be spitted in mistake
by a fiery Jap. The street presented a scene
of extraordinary uproar. Transport drivers were
wildly urging on their horses ; foot-soldiers were
running by at top speed. We stopped some of
the fugitives, but they answered our questions con
fusedly, and we could not make out the true cause
of the panic. Whilst gazing on the scene and
wondering why there was no sound of shooting, I
was made to understand the danger of impeding
a great current by being nearly knocked over by a
cart rattling by. We sent Mr. Baring's Monte
negrin to try and find out the reason for the

THE RUSSIANS EVACUATE HAI-CHENG 77
panic, but he failed to return, and, deciding to go
with the crowd, we turned our horses' heads
towards An-shan-chan. We stopped, however,
after going a few versts, at a spot where a party of
Cossacks were camping by the banks of a stream.
As they kept a guard we felt that we should
receive warning if the enemy in reality came down
upon us. They didn't, and we tried to resume our
interrupted slumbers. I lay on some sand by the
banks of the stream. Now, sand does not make a
luxurious bed, it "packs" or shifts about under
you, invariably making nasty hard places just
beneath the softest part of your anatomy. To
those contemplating sleeping on the sand, I tender
in all charity Mr. Punch's advice to those about to
get married — " Don't." Get a more stable founda
tion. Sand is as ill to sleep on as to build upon.
As nothing happened during the night, we
returned to Hai-Cheng in the morning. The
Russians were still there, and from no one could
any explanation of the night's panic be obtained.
However, though not at the point of the bayonet,
the town was being abandoned, and soon came the
order from General Kuropatkin, that the evacuation
was to be completed by four o'clock that afternoon.
The day was again excessively hot, and the
infantry straggled along the road to An-shan-chan
as best they could. They were utterly worn out,
and kept no formation on their march ; how could
they — hungry, footsore, burdened with a heavy kit,
and the pitiless sun beating down upon them ?
And so the retreat was carried out ; organisation

78 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
was lacking, and the men seemed sick at heart ;
their m,orale had been seriously tried. It appeared
to me that here was a brilliant chance for the
Japanese cavalry ; but advantage was not taken of
the opportunity. The hospital trains and rolling-
stock generally got away, and without molestation
from the enemy the Russians were allowed to
fall back, a weary 22 miles to An-shan-chan,
where the engineers had constructed defensible
works in a range of friendly hills. General
Kuropatkin was one of the last to retire ; he passed
me on horseback as I, too, was making for the
north. I stopped once at a fangtsa to feed my
horse. Numbers of Chinese were about ; they
eyed the soldiers curiously as they plodded pain
fully along. It may have been fancy, but I thought
I caught a smile of satisfaction flitting over the
faces of these "celestials." I passed within a mile
or so of the high rocky hills through which the
railway in this part of its course runs. Here, close
by An-shan-chan ("the saddle-shaped mountain"
is the English equivalent of this word), a battle
was fought during the Chino-Japanese war of 1894.
To-day there were, fortunately for the Russians, no
troops to bar their road. I stayed at a small inn
that night, and in the morning found the tail of the
Russian army marching by, the men so exhausted
that they could scarcely move. Three soldiers
looked into the inn yard ; we bade them enter, and
my friend the American correspondent, who had
plenty of provisions, gave them tea and tinned
sausages. Poor fellows, they were pathetically

THE RUSSIANS EVACUATE HAI-CHENG 79
thankful, and told us they had eaten nothing for
twenty-four hours.
General Kuropatkin halted his force at An-
shan-chan, sorely in need of a little rest. He is
said to have retired from Hai-Cheng without giving
battle, in consequence of a report brought by a
distinguished Cossack officer, that two divisions of
Japanese were already round his right flank — a
report which proved inaccurate. Of the need of
the army for rest there could be no doubt, for,
apart from the many killed and wounded, there
were, as I was informed by a member of the
Medical Corps, 2000 cases of sunstroke during
the fighting at Ta-shi-chao and Hai-Cheng,
and the retreat to An-shan-chan. Some of the
military attaches with Kuropatkin's personal staff
had a narrow escape during the retreat ; among
them Sir Montagu Gerard, the chief of the British
Mission. The attaches had ridden out to see
the expected rearguard action as Hai-Cheng was
evacuated. No action, as a matter of fact, was
fought ; but the attaches, going beyond the Russian
lines, suddenly found themselves facing the Japanese,
600 yards away. They turned and galloped back,
pursued by the bullets of the Japanese. Such are
some of the adventures of lookers-on at the war-
game. It was at Hai-Cheng that we learnt the sad
news of the death of Count Keller — killed in the
battle of Kuchitze on the eastern hills a day or
two after I had left that army. He had gone to
watch the firing of a battery. Whilst there, a

80 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Japanese shrapnel burst in front of the guns, and
the Count received in his body over thirty bullets.
His death caused general sorrow in the army,
especially in his own command, where he was
intensely popular. He was a courteous gentleman,
and as brave a soldier as ever bestrode a horse.
In the fight in which he lost his life his troops were
also defeated, and were obliged to retreat nearer
Liao-Yang. Thus in the east, as on the south,
the tide of war was forcing back the Russians.

CHAPTER XIII
notes on the RUSSIAN FIELD FORCE
One effect of the retreat of both wings of the
Russian army — that of Baron Stackelberg's and
that lately commanded by Count Keller — was to
bring General Kuropatkin's forces closer together.
It was in the early days of August disposed in
semicircular formation in positions stretching from
An-shan-chan in the south to Anping in the east.
Roughly equidistant from each was Liao-Yang,
where great efforts were made to complete and
strengthen the fortifications. Another measure
now adopted by the Russians was to cut down
the tall kowliang in front of their positions to
within some two feet of the ground. By this
means, while obtaining a clear field of fire for
themselves, the short sharp stubble left would
seriously hinder the Japanese, by preventing their
troops lying down with any ease. At An-shan-chan
also extensive defensive works were made, there
being, besides the main position and the outposts, a
third position between the other two. The lesson
taught by the shallow trenches of Wa-fang-ho had
been taken to heart, and at An-shan-chan the
trenches were all deep and narrow. There were
6

82 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
besides these trenches, closed redoubts of strong
profile and traverses with a ditch, placed some
600 yards apart, and each containing a company
of infantry. Besides all this there were plenty of
gun emplacements, and pits for eight guns each,
eight guns constituting a battery. Anping, too,
was prepared for defence. In this direction the
Japanese army under General Kuroki was menac
ing the Russian left flank, and, as the event proved,
was more dangerous to the safety of Liao-Yang
than the force under General Oku, whose advance
it was General Zarubaieff's task at An-shan-chan to
prevent. There was now a pause of some three
weeks, during which, so far as the Manchurian
army was concerned, there was little hard fighting.
Not that the times were uneventful. At Liao-
Yang, which I now made my headquarters, we
heard the news of the world — newspapers were
published which told of the desperate sortie and
dispersal of the Port Arthur fleet ; of the prepara
tions for the sailing of Admiral Rozhdestvensky,
and of the birth of an heir to the throne of Russia.
All these and many other things were known
within a day or two of their occurrence, and
according to the tenor of the tidings our spirits
rose and fell. But our preoccupation was with our
own affairs. The opportunity was now offered me
of noting several interesting points in the Russian
organisation. From the high hills overlooking the
railway near An-shan-chan a magnificent view of
the country could be obtained, extending north to
Liao-Yang and south to Hai-Cheng, whilst to the

NOTES ON THE RUSSIAN FIELD FORCE 83
west were the Liao-ho and Tai-tze-ho. These
hills were naturally selected as heliograph stations,
though curiously enough, although Manchuria is a
country eminently suitable for using the "helio,"
the Russians took comparatively little advantage of
the fact. They used the heliograph at Ta-shi-chao
and in the eastern hills, but there was nothing like
the general use made of the apparatus by the
British army in South Africa. Signalling by flag
I only saw once throughout the campaign. The
Russians make considerable use of the field tele
graph, but their favourite method of communication
is the telephone ; wherever you go, with no matter
how small a force, you will see the telephone wire
stretched snake-like along the ground, dangling
from the branches of the trees, or fixed to the walls
of houses. When, as often happened, these wires
were stretched across a road they became a great
nuisance at night-time, being at just the height as
you rode along to catch you across the chest, or
worse, the throat. In the eastern army the field
telephone was made use of in a very prompt and
practical manner. The map of the country was
divided into squares, numbered one, two, three, and
so on. The artillery were not always able to judge
on which part of the enemy's position to fire, but
every battery had its telephone communicating with
the General Officer Commanding, who, according to
the necessities of the case, transmitted orders to fire
on number such-and-such a square. Besides all
the methods mentioned, another was used at night
which was reminiscent of olden times. Posts were

84 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
stationed at all the fords and passes and along the
hillsides to watch the road, and whenever anyone
passed any of these posts a fire would be lit, and
burn brightly for a few minutes, to inform the next
guards of the approach of strangers.
Besides the Japanese, whose attack was con
stantly expected, there were now four or five other
matters which afforded much food for reflection.
One thing that impressed itself strongly was the
absence of food — in sufficient quantity — for the
body ; many were the complaints from staff officers
of the insufficiency of supplies and of transport.
On paper everything had been provided for, but in
actuality the system was most faulty — not that the
Russians have a monopoly in discrepancy between
fact and theory. Another little straw indicated a
weak point in the organisation of the field force.
When the Japanese took Ta-shi-chao, Yinkow,
and a day or two later Nuichwang, fell into their
hands, though not without a sharp little fight, in
which General Kosagovsky had been wounded.
I had visited the General in hospital at Hai-
Cheng and heard of the fight, but it appeared
that a whole week elapsed before the news
was reported to Baron Stackelberg. Tokio,
St. Petersburg, London, Paris, and New York all
knew it before the officer who was Kosagovsky's
immediate superior. Officers with whom I talked,
though still professing confidence in the ultimate
issue of the conflict, bitterly complained of this
state of affairs, and of the conduct of the war
generally. And all the while the Japanese were

NOTES ON THE RUSSIAN FLELD FORCE 85
informed of every new movement in the Russian
army by means of their spies, who must have
swarmed in the camp. It was a matter of great
difficulty to deal with the spies, for the simple
reason that they were to all appearance just
ordinary coolies, straw-hatted and blue-robed. It
is said that at night they tied dark handkerchiefs
over their hats to be able to move about with less
chance of being seen. Ugly rumours were spread
of these spies resorting to bribery, and one of
General Kuropatkin's interpreters was reported to
have tampered with the Commander-in-Chief's
correspondence, and to have been hanged or shot.
The Hunhutzes now became a real source of
trouble in the south, as they had already been
in the east. There, when General Rennenkampf
was at Si-mat-ze, they used to kill the Cossack
who carried the mail, until it was arranged for an
escort always to accompany the postman. In the
south the Japanese success at Ta-shi-chao, and the
fact that the kowliang was now high enough to
afford cover, stirred the Hunhutzes to activity.
The flat country west of An-shan-chan was chosen
as their chief "sphere of influence." Solitary men
who went along the roads in that district were
often never heard of again, or their bodies were
discovered mutilated. The brigands became so
bold as to infest the main roads between An-shan-
chan and Liao-Yang. Two or three attempts were
made to blow up bridges, and a train was fired on.
A captain of the railway guard, sent to find a suitable
place between the towns named for headquarters

86 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
for Kuropatkin, was attacked and wounded by Hun
hutzes. These brigands were in the pay of the
Japanese, and the annoyance they occasioned the
Russians may be easily imagined.
We were getting during the middle of August a
great deal of rain, if not " the rains "par excellence.
There were no carefully kept meteorological records,
but some idea of the violence of the rains may be
gathered from the fact that the Tai-tze-ho rose
eight feet in four hours. As a consequence the
roads were in an awful condition. In order to walk
more easily the Russian soldiers used to take off
their long heavy boots and carry them over their
shoulders. The vile nature of the roads led to a
little adventure, which illustrates a fact I have
pointed out already, the popularity of the English
in Manchuria. Mounted on my pony I left Liao-
Yang one day (August 13th) for An-shan-chan,
20 miles off by the main road, which distance
I thought to lessen by taking a short cut. The
start was made, but, alas ! the path was speedily lost
in the waterlogged fields. There was nothing for
it but to flounder through the kowliang in hope of
reaching firmer ground. Every step took me
deeper and deeper into the black and sticky mud,
till at length my pony stopped, the mud up to his
belly. Having dismounted, only to sink to the
waist in the mud myself, I thought it best to
retrace my steps, and the pony had reached the
same conclusion. After much wading through this
slough of despond pony and owner arrived hot,
hungry, wet, and weary at a village. Thoughts of

NOTES ON THE RUSSIAN FIELD FORCE 87
Hunhutzes and their summary methods of treating
solitary travellers came into my mind, but to get
food was essential, and after politely knocking at
the gate I entered the yard of a respectable-looking
house. Within the house I could see several
Chinese placidly gazing at the rain. They took
scarcely any notice of me, and when I asked for
fodder for the pony they replied monosyllabically,
"Mao" (Chinese for "no.") Like the lad in the
song I wasn't going to take "no" for an answer, so
tying up my pony I entered the house, and going up
to the men said, "Ingwa." Hearing this they eyed
me up and down and fell to discussing my appear
ance, which from the Bond Street standpoint must
have been deplorable. "He certainly is not a
Russian," said one, and, having so decided, in a
moment their whole demeanour changed. They
rushed forward with eager hospitality, took my
pony and gave him a feed, brought me into their
best room, and insisted on my having tea and
sham.ee (a kind of porridge made of small millet
and pleasant to the palate). They were delighted
to see an Englishman, they said, and asked me
all kinds of questions, and examined my telescope
and compass with great interest. When the time
came for me to go they all came out in the rain to
see me off, and one man volunteered to put me
on the right road. As some slight recompense
for their hospitality I pressed a rouble into my
host's hand, but he absolutely declined to take it.
This fact in itself is significant, for the Chinese
villager is, as a rule, "only too willing" — to use

88 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
appropriately, I hope, a much abused phrase — to
accept payment for the least act of kindness.
On the day following this incident. General
Kuropatkin held a parade of the troops at An-shan-
chan to celebrate the birth of the Tsarevitch, and
in honour of the two days' old baby all the foreign
attaches put on their finest uniforms. The parade
was attended by many staff officers, and by a
representative detachment of every corps in the
district. As a spectacle it was scarcely equal to
an Aldershot review. The ground chosen, of neces
sity, was a kowliang field, through which the men,
in heavy rain, waded rather than marched past.
A band did its best to make us merry, and the
Commander-in-Chief in an appropriate little speech
told the men that he hoped soon to lead them to
victory. And thus we showed our loyalty to the
Little Father, and our sympathy in the joys of the
Imperial House.
At this time the Japanese, while perfecting
arrangements for the next blow, did not, on the
southern front, indulge in any useless pin -pricks.
They had the great advantage of compelling the
Russian force to conform to their own movements,
and with this power of initiative were content.
There were, of course, occasional meetings of
hostile patrols, and one day the Russians on the
left flank discovered a Japanese notebook and
forage cap. They were found in some sulphur baths
five or six miles in advance of the Russian position.
These baths, by the way, had an unfortunate history.
They originally formed part of a sanatorium put

NOTES ON THE RUSSIAN FIELD FORCE 89
up by some enterprising company. The buildings
were burnt down by the Boxers, and were being
rebuilt when the war with Japan broke out. It is
not unlikely that some time yet must elapse before
the company owning the baths reaps any reward
from its undertaking. To return to the military
situation. The troops at An-shan-chan, on General
Kuropatkin making Liao - Yang again his head
quarters, were placed under the command of General
Zarubaieff. On the 17 th of August they were dis
tributed as follows : — On the right (west), the ist
Siberian Army Corps ; on the left (east), the 2nd
Siberian Army Corps ; and, a mile or two in the
rear, the 4th Siberian Army Corps. General Mis
chenko held an independent command.
The strength of the Russian Field Army on
that day was placed by staff officers at 147,000
men, combatants only. All told, the army was
said to number 248,000 men, the various con
stituents being given thus: — In Port Arthur
(soldiers only), 27,350. Vladivostok, 31,850. ist
Siberian Army Corps, 21,400 ; 2nd S. A. C, 30,600 ;
4th S. A. C, 21,700; 17th Army Corps (European
troops), 16,600; Eastern Detachment, 20,500;
I oth A. C, 36,370. At Mukden, 10,950; Engin
eers, 6350; Frontier Railway Guards, 25,000. To
verify these figures was impossible, and they must
be taken as official only. Reinforcements, it was
said, were arriving rapidly. A staff officer assured
me that ten military trains reached Mukden daily ;
that in four days one division (16 battalions) and
three batteries had detrained. Some 6-inch siege

90 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
guns, which now reached Liao-Yang, added con
siderably to the strength of the fortifications. It
was obvious that with the passing of every day
Kuropatkin's force, both in men and guns, in
creased. The waste from battle and sickness
had not been excessive, so far ; Port Arthur
apart, the Staff of the Commander - in - Chief
reckoned the casualties in battle on their side
at 20,000, up to August 25. As to sickness it
was very difficult to get information, as one always
met with an evasive answer to questions concern
ing the health of the troops. Probably the staff
officers never knew the correct figures ; the minute
trouble taken over every case of illness in the British
army is not imitated in that of Russia. There was
a certain amount of dysentery and a little typhoid,
the latter of a malignant character. The dysentery
was caused by the men eating uncooked vegetables,
which were growing abundantly in the gardens of
towns and villages. An order was issued forbid
ding the men to touch uncooked vegetables — it had
about as much effect as the order issued in South
Africa forbidding the troops to drink dirty water.
When men are hungry and thirsty it is impossible
to prevent them satisfying their cravings with any
thing that they can get, however conscious they
may be of the danger of so doing. As proof that
there were neither sick nor wounded in great
numbers, it was averred that of the 138 military
hospitals at the theatre of war, only 82 were in
use, and in those 5100 beds were empty.
This chapter of olla podrida may fittingly

NOTES ON THE RUSSIAN FIELD FORCE 91
conclude with a reference to the strength of the
Japanese. We have seen that Kuropatkin's Staff
put their combatants on August 17 at 147,000, with
considerable daily additions thereafter ; of their
enemy they asserted that Japan could not mass
a greater number of soldiers against them than
300,000. Though very uncertain as to the full
strength of Japan, I ventured to controvert this
estimate, and expressed the opinion that a country
with as large a population as France, and where
conscription had prevailed for twenty years, could
in a time of national crisis place in the field an
army far exceeding three hundred thousand.
Events have justified my belief.

CHAPTER XIV
the retreat from an-shan-chan
The period of comparative inactivity had lasted
about three weeks. August the 24th brought a
great change in the situation. General Kuroki's
army was again active — and this was ever the
signal for serious events. The Russian left was
compelled to give way again, and came in closer
to Liao-Yang. At the same time. General Oku
threatened An - shan - chan, and thither I went
(August 25th), to find the Japanese making a recon
naissance in force — the preliminary to a big battle,
as all supposed. General Zarubaieff was fully pre
pared for an attack, the troops had recovered their
morale ; throughout his command there was an
anxious desire to avenge previous defeats. Day
light on August 26th found our outposts engaged
all along the front. A gun boomed now and then
in the grey dawn like the prologue to some great
drama. But the firing died away, and the morning
passed with nothing more than desultory shots.
Towards the afternoon the Russian batteries
awoke. The gunners either saw or were informed
of the position of the Japanese, and opened fire,

THE RETREAT FROM AN-SHAN-CHAN 93
covering the country with bouquets of white smoke
which rose from the bursting shrapnel. To view
the fight I had betaken myself to the top of the
saddle-shaped mountain directly above the main
position of the Russians, and from that vantage
ground could locate every one of the batteries
below. (There were six or seven in action, all
carefully concealed, as at Ta-shi-chao, where gun-
pits were purposely made on the crests of hills, with
intent to deceive, the guns being in reality placed
below the hilltops. This lesson of hiding the
guns had been taught at Wa-fang-ho and earlier
battles.) The day was dark and cloudy, and the
flash from the guns and from the shells bursting in
the distance showed livid against the dull sky.
Save for the boom of the guns and the shriek of
the shells the air was perfectly still. Fascinated by
the magnificent sight I stayed on the hilltop till
nightfall. When I left, the troops were preparing them
selves for a cold rainy night in the trenches. The
day's work had been preliminary ; the Japanese,
too, had used their artillery, searching the Russian
positions. The morrow seemed destined to witness
the decisive battle. Coming down from the hill I
made my way to the railway station, hoping to find
an empty carriage in which to sleep. The previous
night had been spent on a bench with the rain
dripping down my neck, and I was determined to
enjoy something really luxurious on this occasion —
something, that is, which should be wind and water
proof. The waiting-room of the station I found

94 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
converted into a hospital, for some 300 men had
been wounded during the day. The condition of
some of the wounded was pitiable. Those who had
been brought in from the outpost lines could be dis
tinguished by the mud which covered them. The
only possible sleeping-places were some horse-
trucks in which were wounded men ; in one of
these trucks the head-doctor gave me leave to pass
the night. I lay close to an officer terribly injured
by the bursting of a shrapnel, three bullets having
entered his stomach. His groans never ceased till
death came in mercy to end his sufferings. He
had a wife and family to mourn him, and just
before his death asked one of the nurses to write
a note for him to his wife. Viewing the mangled
body, in my ears the cries of agony from other
lips, I thought bitterly of the insensate passions
which produce such misery and pain. If only the
nations could realise the horror of it, there would
surely be less fighting I
Such musings of the night season are none the
less true in the sunshine, but with the dawn come
other thoughts also — thoughts of the two armies
yonder in the hills, of the courage and fortitude of
the soldiers, their loyalty and tenacity of purpose,
and one seems to see that even war is not wholly
evil. As the shadows of night began to pass away, I
left the railway station to return to my observation
post on the hill. The outposts had fallen back,
and the artillery had come into the main position.
An air of depression was plainly observable in a

THE RETREAT FROM AN-SHAN-CHAN 95
group of three or four officers whom I questioned
as to the situation. They were silent at first. But
what was the use of keeping back news that must
shortly be common property ? so presently one of
the officers said —
" The order to retire has been given."
Then followed the explanation. During the
past two days General Kuroki had attacked the
eastern army with great vigour near Lan-jan-san,
and had captured important positions which enabled
him to threaten the left flank of the An-shan-chan
army. Thereupon General Kuropatkin thought it
expedient to lessen his front and fall back on the
very strong position prepared at Liao-Yang. At
An-shan-chan both officers and men were much
disappointed that they were not allowed to offer
battle to the Japanese. From the spectacular
point of view I shared the disappointment ; never
again in a lifetime might I find a position so
perfectly placed for witnessing a battle as was the
hill whereon I sat in relation to the two armies
below. Meanwhile day had broken, and through our
glasses masses of Japanese infantry could be made
out marching along the hills eastward. Turning
our gaze southward towards Hai-Cheng, snake-like
columns of the enemy were seen extending rapidly
over the plains. Truly the whole Japanese army
seemed in motion. Beneath us were two or three
Cossack outposts. Sweeping the valley with my
telescope, beyond these outposts I espied a body of
cavalrymen advancing cautiously in our direction.

96 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Turning to the officers near by, " I think those
men are Japanese," I ventured to remark. The
officers looked and laughed. "No," they said,
"they are our men." Convinced that I was right
I offered to bet one hundred roubles that the men
were Japanese, but found no " takers." The cavalry
men were lost to sight for a while in the kowliang,
from which they presently emerged close to a
Cossack post. The Cossacks did not detect their
presence, but it was otherwise with the Japanese,
for such in truth they were now seen to be. Dis
mounting, they left their horses in a village, went
forward on foot, and having ascertained what they
wanted to know concerning the disposition of the
Russians, walked back to their horses, mounted
and rode away. It was a little drama played out
under our eyes, and not without its lesson on the
fortunes of the war generally. I say "beneath our
eyes," but the Russian officers had this excuse —
they were for the most part either without glasses
or provided with very indifferent ones. They
were always glad when opportunity offered to
borrow the telescope of a correspondent or attachd.
All this while the retreat of the main Russian
force was going on ; everywhere was bustle and
movement. Long lines of transport were streaming
northward towards Liao-Yang ; train after train
left the railway station for the same destination ;
regiments took the route with standards flying and
bands playing, making a brave show whatever their
feelings in being compelled to execute "a strategic
movement to the rear." The sight, had the troops

THE RETREAT FROM AN-SHAN-CHAN 97
been advancing instead of retiring, would indeed
have been inspiriting — solid masses of infantry and
artillery, with thousands of bayonets glittering in
the sunshine, passed steadily along hour after hour.
The woodwork of the railway station was taken
down, and preparations made to burn any stores
that in the end it might prove impossible to trans
port. It became at length necessary to consider
my own retreat, as, having lent my horse to an
officer, I didn't wish to have to tramp through the
awful roads the twenty-two miles to Liao-Yang.
So, not waiting to see the rearguard action, obvi
ously inevitable in view of the rapid approach of
the Japanese, I left my hill and took a seat in one
of the last trains to leave An-shan-chan. We
steamed slowly away, and, entering the plains, drew
up for the night at a siding some ten miles on the
road to Liao-Yang. Looking back late in the
evening a red glare was seen to light up An-shan-
chan — abandoned (for ever ?) by the Russians.
Down the slopes of the hills came the Russian
rearguard. They had been closely pressed by the
enemy, and had lost a whole battery. This battery
had stuck in the mud, and all the efforts to move it
failed. Teams of horses and strings of men were
brought up to pull at the guns, but without effect ;
they sank lower and lower in the mire. Soon the
Japanese from behind began firing at the battery ;
every minute men and horses fell dead or wounded.
One shrapnel killed outright Colonel Von Raben
of the Imperial Guards, and General Rudkovsky,
the gallant officer who commanded the rear-
7

98 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
guard. The efforts to get the guns along were
now abandoned — the battery was left as a present
to the Japanese. The night of the retreat. General
Stackelberg passed on to Liao-Yang to report to
General Kuropatkin. By an officer of his Staff I
was told that a telegram had been received an
nouncing the fall of Port Arthur. It was a false
rumour, for the great assault on the fortress had
been gloriously repulsed, but the report found
credence among the Staff, and added to the gloom
in the army.
The next day I returned to Liao-Yang. There
needed no telling that the spirit of war was brooding
over the city. Liao-Yang was no longer simply
the advanced base of the Russian army ; it was
the central position upon which even now, from
east and south, the forces of Kuropatkin were
concentrating. For the first time the trembling
citizens could hear the noise of battle, which
rumbled from the eastern hills. In that direction
fate had been indeed unkind to the troops of the
Tsar. General Ivanoff, who had succeeded Count
Keller, had lost several guns and had had to
abandon Sui-lin-tze to General Kuroki, the loth
Army Corps having been previously forced to
retreat from Anping. Riding out along the An
ping road I met the Russians retiring. Solidly,
sullenly, unhasting, unpausing, they came back to
take their places in the positions already prepared
nearer Liao-Yang. South and west the troops
from An-shan-chan were occupying other points in
the line of defence.

THE RETREAT FROM AN-SHAN-CHAN 99
What a wonderful and never-to-be-forgotten
sight the plain presented on that 29th of August!
No watcher from the old pagoda had ever seen
its like before. There one might recognise the
familiar features — the railway running due north
and south, the Tai-tze-ho, now swift and deep,
sweeping round the northern walls and then glitter
ing away to the west, the hills to north and east
where the valley of the river narrowed, and, looking
south and west, the fertile fields dotted with many
villages. All these things might be seen, but to
day they formed but the framework of the picture.
For round the wall of the ancient city was a vast
army, collected to decide whether Tsar or Mikado
should henceforth be master. Transport trains,
ammunition columns, parks of artillery, moved
hither and thither to their allotted posts ; the
frightened villagers fled to the town, staff officers
in brilliant uniforms passed by, and everywhere in
orderly disorder the soldiers sought their proper
camping-ground. In that huge host were men
from every part of the Russian Empire — Mongol
ians from Transbaikalia, Caucasians, Daghestanis,
the brave Siberians, reservists torn from homes
in far-off Europe ; the Pole, the Finn, the Moslem,
and the Jew, all were there. Within the walls there
was agitation and fear among the Chinese popula
tion, augmented as it was by many refugees. The
streets were packed with anxious faces. None
dreaded the morrow more than these poor people
who had seen their villages seized and their crops
destroyed by the foreigners, and who now feared,

100 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
with good cause, that the shells of the enemy —
however unintentionally — might batter down their
walls and houses, and make desolate their homes.
As the watcher in the pagoda, or from the city
wall, gazed on this picture, the far-off sound of
guns and the sight of a shell bursting in the
eastern hills served to stimulate the imagination
and convince him that the great battle, so long
delayed, was about to open. It could not indeed
be otherwise. Hitherto both the Russian and
Japanese armies had been divided, now each was
concentrated and in close proximity. Now must
the carefully constructed fortifications around Liao-
Yang be put to the test ; now, in short, must the
issue be joined. No longer could the Russians use
their self-consolatory phrase, " The war has not yet
begun" — the coming issue would be a true test of
strength, a fight to a finish ; perchance a Sedan.
Thoughts such as these formed themselves as
I gazed admiringly at the magnificent spectacle.
Except for "the distant and random gun," the
fighting had ceased. There was in the air the
hush of expectation — the calm before the storm
burst. And in full fury the battle raged on the
morrow

CHAPTER XV
the battle of liao-yang opens
Just as the first streak of dawn illumined the sky,
on the morning of the 30th of August, the first gun
boomed. The battle of Liao-Yang had begun.
Before attempting to describe this memorable fight
— the biggest artillery battle of which history has
record — a few words must be given to the dis
position of the troops engaged. The Russians
occupied a line of rocky hills which, at a distance of
something over three miles south of Liao-Yang,
rise precipitously from the level plain and sweep
round in a half-circle eastward to the Tai-tze-ho.
These hills extend west only as far as the railway
line running south to An-shan-chan. Beyond the
railway the country is perfectly flat, and in August
is covered with high kowliang. In this direction
on the extreme right of the Russian position was
General Mischenko's cavalry ; next to them, more
cavalry under General Gourko (a son of the famous
field-marshal), and then, posted in a line of villages
coming right up to the railway, part of the ist
Siberian Army Corps. The duty of this right
wing was to protect the railway line. Immediately
east of the railway rises Shushan Hill, occupied by

102 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the remainder of the ist Siberian Army Corps.
This corps was under the command of Lieut. -
General Baron Stackelberg, who had his head
quarters on Shushan Hill. The hills extending
eastward of Shushan were held by the 2nd and
3rd Siberian Army Corps. On the right bank of
the Tai-tze-ho (Liao-Yang being on the left bank)
were the loth and 17th European Army Corps,
under General Baron Bilderling. They held a
very strong position, and were charged with the
duty of preventing the Japanese cutting the Russian
communications with the north. Besides the corps
named, General Kuropatkin had at his disposal
the 4th and 5th Siberian Army Corps and a large
part of the ist European Army Corps. These
were held in reserve in the plain of Liao-Yang.
It is hard to estimate the number of troops in all,
as many battalions were much under strength.
But Kuropatkin's army at Liao-Yang was about
200,000 strong.
As to the enemy. General Oku's troops opposed
the Russian right and centre ; General Nodzu
the centre and left ; while farther east was
General Kuroki, whose object it was to force the
passage of the Tai-tze-ho and get behind the
Russian main body.
Such is a brief outline of the general situation.
A few details may be added concerning that part
of the army with which I was posted and the
particular force opposing it. The ist Siberian
Army Corps numbered about 20,000 infantry,
possessed 70 or 80 guns, 8 machine guns, and

THE BATTLE OF LIAO-YANG OPENS 103
included Gourko's cavalry. It had to hold a
position extending from six and a half to seven
versts {i.e. some five miles), so that there were
about 3000 men per verst. General Oku, our
assailant, had two divisions and ten or twelve
batteries. He occupied hilly country 3000 to 4000
yards distant from the Russian positions. Shushan
Hill, the central point of Stackelberg's force, is
462 feet high, and is a very rocky eminence. On its
eastern side, in a gap separating it from the next hill,
runs the main road to An-shan-chan ; at its western
foot is the railway. From the An-shan-chan road a
path goes up the hill through a grove of magnificent
firs to the summit, crowned by a curious stone build
ing, ancient and very strongly made and in appear
ance like a truncated tower or large cairn. In this
tower, which served as Baron Stackelberg's head
quarters, had been placed the field telephone. The
position, both at Shushan and all along the front,
was a distinctly strong one. The trenches had
been laid out with great skill and afforded good
cover. One trench was dug just below the stone
tower on the side facing the Japanese, and it com
manded a capital view of the country over which
the enemy must attack. Trenches and gun em
placements for three batteries extended down the
hill towards the Japanese position. The batteries
of the Corps were in general placed in pairs in gaps
of the hills, and everything was done to protect and
conceal them. In the plain extending behind the
position to Liao-Yang were hospitals and field
ambulances, artillery parks and regimental trans-

104 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
port. It was a scene of continuous movement.
From the railway, light lines of rails had been laid
down which ran to the rear of the hills, and along
these lines trolleys loaded up from the railway were
pushed by soldiers. In this manner the ammuni
tion was supplied to the artillery parks. From the
parks it was transferred by waggon to the limbers,
and from the limbers taken to the batteries by
hand. A similar system was adopted by the
field ambulances. Stretcher-bearers carried the
wounded from the firing line to dressing-stations
placed beyond the range of the enemy's guns.
First-aid having been rendered at these stations,
the men were taken to the ambulances, and thence
to the field hospital or to the train, and so to Liao-
Yang. These details will, I trust, enable those of my
readers unversed in military technicalities to under
stand something of the mechanism of the battle.
I must now ask them to accompany me to the
firing line. It is early morning, yet the guns are
already thundering in chorus. With General
Stackelberg we climb up Shushan Hill and take
our post in the deep trench in front of the stone
tower already described. Six-fifteen a.m., and from
our post overlooking the railway right round the
eastern hills the battle is raging. Only the firing
of artillery as yet, but it is a gigantic "only."
Both sight and sound are astonishing, — terrifying.
The whole line of hills is wreathed in clouds of
white smoke. Each separate ball of snow, burst
ing in the air 20 to 30 feet above the hills,

THE BATTLE OF LIAO-YANG OPENS 105
is a shrapnel raining bullets on the foe beneath.
They come unceasingly, unerringly, — 60 to 70
shells burst on the Russian position at the same
moment. The air is torn with the continuous roar,
altogether baffling description. It is like the
multitudinous waves of ocean dashing in fiercest
fury against a rock-bound shore. Hurtling through
the air, the shells whistle and shriek in agony ; it
seems that nothing living can withstand them.
To the tremendous cannonade of the Japanese
the Russian guns made vigorous reply. On both
sides the firing was maintained without intermission
for over five hours. What damage the Russians
did the enemy we could not well make out ; on
Shushan and the neighbouring hills the terrible
fire had many a victim, but owing to the well-
constructed trenches the loss of life was not so
great as the tornado of lead seemed to portend.
At half- past eleven General Oku brought his
infantry into play. Under cover of an artillery
fire, even hotter than before, the Japanese troops
advanced, with the object of turning our right.
With eager, strained attention we watched them
advance towards the trenches lined with the
Siberians. When about 800 yards from the
Russian position the Japanese were obliged to
leave cover. This was the moment for which
the Russians had waited. They rose in their
trenches and fired a volley point blank at the foe.
The Japanese line quivered, many a man fell
never to rise, but the survivors pressed on. It
might not be that they should win; volley after

106 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
volley rang out from the Russian rifles, and the
Japanese ranks crumbled like a sand-castle before
the advancing tide. The few men left wavered,
and turned ; the first assault had been repulsed.
None but the bravest troops could have faced such
a terrific fire at all.
Meanwhile the Japanese artillery had made a
target of the tower on Shushan. They had got
the range to a nicety, a fact which it was impossible
quite to appreciate, and shell after shell, even
bouquets of shrapnel at a time, burst over our heads.
There one sat squeezed against the parapet, watch
ing shrapnel bullets plant themselves in a pattern
on the opposite side of the trench. Against the
stone tower where was the telephone the bullets
rained like hail. It was impossible to leave the
trench, save at great risk ; and, as the telephone was
not sufficient, communication down the hill was
established by a line of men who lay flat on their
stomachs and passed the notes written by the
general from hand to hand, moving their bodies
as little as possible. Under this severe bombard
ment we suffered several casualties, though fewer
than might be imagined. One soldier lying close
to me had his rifle broken in two by a fragment of
shell case ; another man got two shrapnel bullets
through his leg, because he would stick it out too
far in order to get ease. During all this trying
time Baron Stackelberg sat calm and cool, writing
his orders, and occasionally raising himself to
look over the top of the parapet, — a dangerous
proceeding, as, whenever we showed a head,

THE BATTLE OF LIAO-YANG OPENS 107
it at once became the target of some Japanese
gunner. Below us and on our right, the Russian gunners
worked and sweated, prodigal of life. They
resembled nothing so much as stokers shovelling
on the coal at the trial trip of a new torpedo boat.
No finer example of bravery and endurance than
that given by these gunners have I seen. The
Japanese had the exact range of nearly every
battery, and their shrapnel rained death on the
devoted Siberians. Where they fell, they lay,
and instantly new men stepped into their places.
The blood of the dead bespattered the guns, their
bodies jammed against the wheels ; but what was
the worth of a dead soldier? Other hands must
feed the gun, send another shell whirring towards
the enemy. Never must the battery be silenced.
And so hour after hour they worked on.
Towards five o'clock the Japanese tried another
— this time a greater — turning movement on our
right. Reserve battalions from Liao-Yang, with
General Mischenko's cavalry, opposed this move
ment, and a fierce engagement followed. It was
difficult to see clearly what was happening; but
the infantry fire was furious, it sounded like the
crackling of an angry fire.
Determined to view this fight at closer quarters,
I left the shelter of the trench and ran down the
hill. I had reached the bottom without mishap,
when a shrapnel burst just above my head. I heard
the bullets rattling all round, and saw a soldier who
had been following me fall to the ground. Calling

108 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
another man to my aid, we gently lifted the stricken
soldier and carried him to a dressing - station.
Blood covered his face, his neck, and his chest.
Our help was needless — he was dead.
Turning to cross to the right flank I passed
two or three men burying a fallen comrade, and
noted the blood - stained paths along which an
endless train of wounded were being borne — those
who could be moved whilst the fight still raged.
Presently I reached the battery of the 3rd Trans-
baikal Horse Artillery, the gunners doing their
best to silence a Japanese battery posted in a
village some 3000 yards away, and which all the
day had enfiladed some of the Russian trenches.
(Mr. Baring accompanied this battery for months,
sharing its dangers and going into action with it on
all occasions — sometimes under a very hot fire.^)
The Japanese attack was being very vigorously
met, but the tall kowliang and the numerous
villages in which the troops were placed made it
difficult to comprehend what was happening.
Determination was opposed to determination, and
as often as the Japanese showed in the open, the
crackle of infantry fire greeted them. And all
the while the gunners stuck grimly to their task,
making the earth itself vibrate with the shock of
the exploding shells. To move was to court
danger, and from out of a field or village, appar
ently deserted, would come a sudden gust of bullets
whistling around one in a most unpleasant manner.
1 Mr. Baring has told his story in a book entitled With the
Russians in Manchuria.

THE BATTLE OF LIAO-YANG OPENS 109
Had every bullet found a living billet that day,
both armies would have been annihilated. It takes
a ton of lead to each man killed— which is a very
pretty calculation, writing after the event, and
counting the numbers engaged and the casualties
suffered ; but creeping along by the trenches here
in the open plain, with bullets singing by every
second, the thought, even should it occur to one,
presents no comfort.
Darkness was now falling, and it betokened a
temporary cessation of the conflict. The great
turning movement on the right had been almost
completely repulsed — not entirely, for to the
desperate valour of the Japanese the Russians
had been forced to yield one village. With this
exception Baron Stackelberg held all his positions.
For an hour or two there would be a slight, a very
slight, relaxation of the strain on commander and
men. I turned back to the town to send off
a message to London ; was there not the great
British public to be considered, avid for news of
battle, served "hot and hot"? On the way to
Liao-Yang I passed fresh battalions of the ist
European Army Corps marching proudly to the
front to the accompaniment of a lively tune — a
different spectacle this to the melancholy train of
wounded men seen a little earlier. The sight of
these fresh troops was inspiriting, it acted like a
tonic after a very trying day.

CHAPTER XVI
SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE
Desultory firing on the Russian right continued
throughout the night. In the centre more serious
work was in hand. All the day the troops holding
that position — the 3rd Siberian Army Corps, under
General Ivanoff — had been subjected to as murder
ous a cannonade from the batteries of General
Nodzu as had those of Baron Stackelberg on
Shushan. Darkness to them brought no relief,
for during the night the Japanese infantry threw
themselves against impossible positions with a
courage unequalled by the most reckless of Dervish
warriors charging a British square. Their dead
lay in hundreds round the Russian trenches.
Furious as were their assaults, and great as were
the Russian losses, every charge was repulsed.
Morning dawned to see the gallant 3rd Siberians
holding their own. On the right, to the west of
the railway, the Japanese had also attacked the
troops in the plain and driven them back a few
hundred yards. Early in the morning the Russian
infantry drove them out, and regained their old
positions. If the night had been thus filled with tumult

SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE 111
and the clash of bayonets, the 31st of August was
but a few hours old when the great artillery duel
recommenced. Again the white clouds wreathed
the whole line of the Russian hills, again the roar
of guns continued in ceaseless fury, again the
bursting shrapnel rained down leaden death. By
six o'clock the battle had recommenced along the
whole line. To-day, however, the character of the
fight changed. Without relaxing his bombard
ment of the hills held by Baron Stackelberg,
General Oku realised that the weak spot in the
Russian position was the extreme right, that is the
flat plain west of the railway. Could this be
turned, the railway might be gained and the whole
Russian position threatened. To turn this right
was only possible by the free use of infantry, and
with such men as his, to whom death was a
glorious privilege, anything might be attempted.
So the day was to prove one of close fighting and
trench storming, when, with the lust of blood in
the eye, men surge forward eager to flesh the cruel
bayonet in the bodies of the foe. Seldom, how
ever, does the resolution of the defenders hold
before the glint of cold steel, though here and
there were cases of men standing their ground to
the last.
Far out to the west Japanese troops began
moving north, presently to close in on the trenches
and villages held by the enemy. At a quarter past
seven in the morning they attacked one of the
trenches on the Russian extreme right, and carried
it after furious resistance. The company which

112 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
had rushed the trench were without supports, and
from their trench came no sound. A hundred
yards away was another trench held by the Rus
sians. The tension was too great for one young
Russian. Raising himself he dashed across to the
Japanese trench. Then came a cry of joy. " My
comrades," he shouted back, "they have no more
ammunition." Up leapt the Russians then, and
in five minutes not a Japanese was left alive
in the trench — the bayonet had done its work.
Throughout the morning attack after attack was
made by the Japanese, and little by little they made
good their hold. The fighting was very close, and
trenches were taken and retaken more than once.
At 12.35 P-"^' General Stackelberg on Shushan
Hill received an urgent message from Major-
General Kondratovitch — one of the commanders
on the extreme right — asking for reinforcements.
But there were none to give, and Stackelberg
sent back word that Kondratovitch and his men
"must die at their post" — the last duty of a
soldier. Let us leave this hard-pressed right flank for
the time and return to the tower on Shushan.
From 6.45 a.m. the hill had been violently bom
barded by Oku's gunners. The Russians replied
with equal vigour, and forced one Japanese battery
to retire. The position on the hill became, how
ever, one of increasing danger, the enemy concen
trating a cross shrapnel fire upon it despite all the
efforts of the Russian gunners. Baron Stackelberg
was forced to leave the trench below the tower and

SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE 113
take refuge within that building, against which the
bullets were pattering like large hail-stones against
the window-pane. More troublesome than the
bombardment of the trenches was the bursting of
shrapnel among the Russian reserves. As early
as half-past six the Japanese had shelled a village
which held reserves for the trenches on our flank,
now their artillery sought out the reserves lying
among the rocks on the Liao-Yang side of the
hills. Informed doubtless of the exact position of
these reserves by Chinese spies, the guns had
located the Russian reserves exactly, and the
dreaded shrapnel poured down on them as they
lay utterly unable to reply. To lie still and be
shot at is perhaps the most trying experience of
the soldier ; the highest test of discipline, one
which the finest troops cannot always stand, as
was proved at Plevna when General Skobeloff in
one of the battles repelled a counter-attack of the
Turks by firing, not on their front line, but on
the reserves, who fled in panic, drawing the fight
ing-line after them. Suffering much from the fire
of the Japanese gunners the m,orale of these re
servists was seriously shaken, and a panic among
them might be fraught with serious consequences.
Seeing this, General Stackelberg left the tower and
went down to the men, reminding them of their
duty to their Emperor, and exhorting them to
stand firm. His words, fitly chosen, had the
desired effect.
The day was going badly for Stackelberg's
troops, and the General began to consider the
8

114 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
possibility of having to retire. He was suffering
from illness, and had received a severe contusion on
the leg, which caused him much pain. But through
out he exhibited remarkable endurance, giving his
orders calmly amid the rain of bullets. Seeing
that the outer line of trenches beyond the railway
could not be held much longer, at 4.15 p.m. an
engineer battalion, at Stackelberg's orders, began
to dig trenches about 1000 yards in their rear. In
these trenches the General placed a battalion, whose
duty it was, by their sudden and unexpected appear
ance, to delay the Japanese after the outer trenches
had been evacuated. The position of the right
flank, in view of the repeated attacks of the
Japanese, whose turning movement had now fully
developed, became extremely critical, so much so
that at a quarter to six in the evening General
Stackelberg found it necessary to issue orders that
the troops were not to retire without permission.
It was a variant on the order to Kondratovitch, to
die at his post. There was every need for resolu
tion, for every half- hour the Japanese attacks
increased in intensity, and, despite everything, the
right wing had to give way before their impetuosity.
At this period (6.40 p.m.) the shrapnel of the
enemy was bursting with such rapidity as to
resemble infantry fire. On the Russian side the
firing was not so rapid, a battery which should be
able to fire ninety-six rounds a minute {i.e. twelve
rounds each gun in the minute) was not firing more
than sixty-four, which is about the quickest gun-fire
on the Russian side that I have seen. Moreover, on

SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE 115
the Russian side, ammunition for the guns was
running short ; the loaded limbers, urgently asked
for at 5.45 p.m., did not arrive till seven o'clock.
During the hottest of the firing it took an hour to
send a note from Shushan, a distance of 400 yards,
and get a reply, a fact which emphasises the utility
of signalling with a flag.
The Russian batteries suffered terribly, despite
the fact that they had been well extended. Yet it
was not always the most exposed guns which
suffered most. At the moment when the Japanese
flankers threatened to come close to the railway,
one battery of the 9th Division sent forward two
guns right into the open. Unprepared for such a
change of position, the Japanese guns were not
able to alter their range properly, and these two
guns suffered no loss. Again, one battery in the
gun-pits of the same division had about a hundred
casualties in a very short time, whilst another
battery close to it was not hit at all. The battery
which had been so severely punished then shifted its
position a little, and thereafter suffered no loss, the
Japanese gunners continuing to fire at its former
emplacement. As the evening drew on I rode out towards the
right flank. As we have seen, it had been des
perately engaged all day long, and now had been
driven back almost flat against the railway, the
embankment of which afforded the troops cover.
Artillery parks, ambulances, hospitals, and trans
port had been obliged to retire towards Liao-Yang.
Again I passed, as on the previous day, along

116 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
strings of wounded men all dappled with blood,
some pale and wan, others tossing about on the
ambulance groaning or shrieking in their pain. And
here and there, in a dark pool of blood, lay some
form still in death.
The day was now ended, and with the setting
of the summer sun the firing ceased all along the
line. The 3rd Siberian Army Corps had had its
full share of the day's work, and had again repulsed
all the assaults of General Nodzu. Save for the
driving in of our extreme right, the whole Russian
position south of Liao-Yang was intact. Not a
battery had been silenced. The whole brunt of
the fighting had fallen on the ist and 3rd Siberian
Corps. Of the losses as a whole I need not now
speak, but a few instances of regimental loss may
bring to the minds of some readers a more vivid
idea of the intensity of the battle than any word-
pictures are able to do. In the two days fighting
the 34th East Siberian Regiment lost 1700 men
killed and wounded — several companies at the end
of the second day were without officers. I was
told by a staff officer that one battalion of this
regiment went into action, on the 30th, 600 strong,
and on the night of the 31st had only 80 men left.
The 35th East Siberian R.R. lost 35 per cent, of
its effective strength, whilst the officer commanding
the East Siberian Artillery Brigade Division (four
batteries) reported that he had lost 124 killed and
40 wounded. The disproportion between killed
and wounded illustrates the terrible nature of
shrapnel fire — the shell bursting overhead, the

SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE 117
bullets from it cause chiefly head wounds, which
are, as everybody knows, usually fatal.
The men had been fighting from 3.20 a.m. to
8.0 p.m., and were still in good heart. This day,
and the previous day, the Commander-in-Chief
directed the battle from his train on the railway
near to the town, but on each day he had mounted
his horse and gone the round of the whole line,
speaking words of encouragement to the men and
consulting with the generals. The spirit of the
Siberian troops was unbroken, and they were pre
paring to face the morrow with confidence. The
Siberians were also heartened by a message from
General Kuropatkin, that all was going well — that
the Japanese were "crushed." We had perhaps
not seen much ofthe "crushing" on our immediate
front, but we took it to mean, at least, that the
enemy had failed in his object. The message, alas,
was nothing but a "campaign lie," which the ist
Siberians bitterly realised when, just as the fighting
ceased for the day. Baron Stackelberg received an
order from General Kuropatkin to retire. It was
with chagrin and disappointment the order was
obeyed. The positions held were not immediately
evacuated, parts of the 2nd and 4th Siberian Army
Corps coming to relieve us, and the 3rd Siberian
Army Corps closing up slightly to our left. The
relief, fortunately for the Russians, passed unnoticed
by General Oku, or the moment would have been
chosen to renew the attack. General Stackelberg,
however, withdrew his troops in the most masterly
manner, and afforded the foe no inkling of what he

118 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
was doing. It was a chance missed by the usually
vigilant enemy. As it was, the Japanese just
before midnight made an assault on what had been
the extreme left of the ist Siberians. The position
was then held by the 3rd Siberians, who, encour
aged by a message from Baron Stackelberg to hold
out at all costs, gallantly repelled the enemy.
It is time now to explain the reason for Baron
Stackelberg's recall, which was the first step in a
withdrawal of the whole army from the position so
tenaciously held during the two days. Before the
battle began a council of war had been held at
Liao-Yang, at which it was unanimously decided
to fight the battle out to a finish — to conquer or
to die. That this was the intention of General
Kuropatkin himself is beyond question. What,
then, was the cause of the sudden change of plan,
seeing that both Generals Oku and Nodzu, with
the exception indicated, had failed to shake the
Russian position ? It lay in the action of General
Kuroki. The reader will remember that In the
general sketch of the position of the two armies,
at the beginning of the battle, Kuroki's troops
were on the extreme right of the Japanese army,
where the hills closed down on the valley of the
Tai-tze-ho. Kuroki naturally had not been idle,
and the success which had hitherto attended his
operations did not desert him. He was able on
the afternoon of the second day to force the
passage of the river at a ford called Benslhu,
25 miles to the east of Liao-Yang, and to
threaten the loth and 17th European Army Corps.

SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE 119
The Japanese horns were now closing round
Kuropatkin. When, together with the news that
Kuroki was across the Tai-tze-ho, General Kuro
patkin was informed by his Intelligence Officers
that he had with him four divisions, the Russian
Commander-in-Chief was staggered. He had
understood that Kuroki's force numbered no more
than two divisions, and, believing his communica
tions with the north to be in Imminent danger, he
at once decided to withdraw from the outer fortifica
tions in the hills south and east of Liao-Yang to
the inner line nearer the city, and to send his tried
Siberian troops to the aid of the two European
Corps who had to meet the attack of Kuroki on
the farther side of the river. Thus in a few hours
the whole situation was changed. Afterwards the
Russians learned to their great disgust that the
report received by Kuropatkin had exactly doubled
the strength of Kuroki, and that that General had,
in fact, only two divisions with him when he
crossed the Tai - tze - ho. General Kuropatkin
blamed his faulty Intelligence Department for
causing him to retreat ; but excuses don't win
battles. There is no doubt that the strength
generally of the Japanese at Liao-Yang was over
estimated by the Russians. The defenders (and
the losers) had the stronger position and the
greater number of men. However, at this time
(evening of 31st of August), the battle was by no
means lost, though, by abandoning the outer
fortifications, the Russians gave the enemy a
position which commanded both the inner fortifica-

120 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
tions and the town of Liao-Yang. The Inner
fortifications were nevertheless of great strength,
and could be held indefinitely, so that if the troops
across the river were able to defeat Kuroki and
cut off his retreat, the battle might yet be won by
the Russians. General Kuropatkin gained this
one advantage by retiring into the Inner position
— his front was less extended and could be the
better defended. Though superior in force to his
enemy, his troops were hardly sufficient to hold the
outer line of the 30th and 31st of August.
The transition from the sublime to the ridiculous
is one easily made. All day long I had witnessed
the tragedy of men " made in the image of God "
bringing their utmost skill and science to the
hateful task of mutual murder ; at night I was
witness of the " tragedy " of a dog's death. I
had made my way past several large hospitals,
where the surgeons were working untiringly, to
the telegraph office at Liao-Yang. There I met
a young Russian, the war correspondent of the
Russ, who had been shot right through the chest,
but true to his calling was sending off his "wire"
to St. Petersburg. Then, thinking the time had
come to leave the city, I went to collect my
worldly goods, which were in a tent In a garden
Inside the walls. In the same garden lived another
correspondent — a German who had as pet a small
Chinese puppy, of which he was very fond. He
was in distress about this pet. " I can't find the
kleine hund," said he. I helped him to search for
the missing dog, but all our efforts to find it proved

SECOND DAY OF THE BATTLE 121
futile. At last our suspicions were aroused on
seeing a group of Chinese sitting round a fire
over which hung a flesh-pot. Their attitude, the
greedy glisten in their eyes, awoke our worst fears.
We hurried up only to find our premonitions over-
true — the kleine hund was inside the pot.
The town was comparatively quiet, the sound
of the guns having almost ceased ; I lay down to
rest — to be once more awakened by the angry
crackling of rifles.

CHAPTER XVII
JAPANESE CLOSE IN ON LIAO-YANG
During the night the entire outer position south of
Liao-Yang had been evacuated by order of General
Kuropatkin. As already told, the General wished
to strengthen the force on the other side of the
Tai-tze-ho operating against General Kuroki, and,
with that object, had hurried over the ist Siberian
Army Corps, whilst the 3rd Siberian Army Corps
was kept in reserve. No praise too lavish could
be bestowed upon these men. Some idea of the
character of their forty-eight hours' fighting has been
given In the last two chapters, It should also be
realised that during that period they had scarcely
tasted food or enjoyed rest, and, after having been
assured that the foe had been beaten, were suddenly
ordered to retreat, to march through the darkness
of night to take up a position where more hard
fighting awaited them on the morrow. The men
in these trying circumstances were wonderfully
patient and enduring. Needless for them the ex
hortations, commonly addressed to the troops by
their generals, to strain every nerve for the fight,
" for to-day the Russians must attack and conquer."
Certainly on this occasion the opinion among the

JAPANESE CLOSE IN ON LIAO-YANG 123
Russian officers was that Kuroki's attempt to cut
their communications would fail ; rather they
believed that the Japanese General would find
himself cut off by General Kuropatkin and forced
either to surrender or to witness the annihilation
of his men. The troops which had not been sent
across the Tai-tze-ho now occupied the inner line
of fortification carefully constructed around Liao-
Yang on all sides, save that where the river came
close to its walls. On either end these fortifications
rested on the river, and, though built on the open
plain, presented a most formidable barrier to the
advance of the Japanese. In front of the redoubts
and trenches the ground was honeycombed with
trous-de-loups and covered with wire entanglements.
On what, during the two previous days' fighting,
had been the Russian extreme right the enemy was
closer in to the railway line and the city than In the
direction of the hills, and chiefly from this side
came the heavy infantry fire which awoke all Liao-
Yang that morning of the ist of September — the
day when sportsmen at home are early astir after
quarry of another kind. Knowing that It could
not be long before the Japanese discovered that
Shushan and the other hills had been abandoned
to them, I listened for the sound of shells coming
into Liao-Yang itself, and especially in " Russia
town," the European settlement round the railway
station. However, the artillery fire seemed distant,
as If directed against the empty outer positions.
Taking advantage of the interval afforded before
the situation developed, I got my kit together,

124 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
placed it all on a cart hired for me by my good
friend Colonel Potapoff, and joined the exodus
across the Tai-tze-ho. Beside the railway bridge
(available also for foot and horse passengers), the
river was spanned higher up by two pontoons.
The Tai-tze-ho was now past the season of full
flood, and the pontoons afforded an easy means of
crossing. All the bridges were carefully guarded.
The roads were crowded — military transport of all
kinds, ambulances full of wounded men, Chinese
and other merchants with hastily packed goods, all
sought safety beyond the river. Having seen my
belongings across, I left the cart In a convenient
place in charge of the driver, a Chinaman, and
made my way back to Liao-Yang anxious to see
what happened. The rifle fire was still very hot,
but the guns were silent — the Japanese, although
they had by this time occupied the hills, did not
seem in a hurry to bombard the town.
The restaurant at the railway station was open
and was packed with people scrambling for food.
With difficulty I managed to get something to eat,
and having satisfied my hunger fell to watching the
motley crowd. There were officers from the firing-
line whose faces had seen neither soap nor water
for days, and whose canvas shirts were begrimed
with mud and powder. Others there were still
spick and span, bearded men In strange uniforms,
hospital folk snatching a moment from their un
ending labours, and merchants anxious to get by
train to Mukden. The keeper of the restaurant
and his assistants, all Greeks, beamed with satis-

JAPANESE CLOSE IN ON LIAO-YANG 125
faction at the rich harvest of roubles this crowd
represented. As far as the bustle and confusion
permitted, the platform had been transformed into
a hospital. Doctors and nurses attended to the
wounded as they were brought in ; the patients
were then placed in the hospital trains In waiting,
which one after another steamed away north.
Suddenly there came a familiar but unwelcome
sound — a deep boom and then the whistling of a
shell as it passed over the railway station and
burst a hundred paces away in " Russia town."
The Japanese artillery had awoken, and its first
object was to destroy the railway station ! Boom
— a second shot followed the first and rapidly
emptied the buffet. Proprietor and waiters stood
open-mouthed and aghast, for not only were the
shells whistling around, but their patrons had fled
without waiting to settle accounts. The latter was
probably their most serious grievance. With the
rest I left the buffet, and, taking my horse from the
terrified man who held It, rode off to the town wall,
thence to watch the fray. On my way I met a
party of Greek store-keepers hastening towards
the bridge. The bombardment had got on their
nerves, and when a shell was heard approaching
they threw themselves in panic on the ground.
The shell burst twenty paces from them, and they
rose uninjured. They ran on, leaving their cart
behind. But to abandon property went sore against
the grain, and, gradually regaining confidence, the
Greeks dashed back for their cart, and having secured
it continued their journey towards Mukden.

126 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Ascending the city wall I basked in the sun
whilst watching the Japanese shot fall on " Russia
town." The enemy had got guns on Shushan Hill,
and, from a comfortable distance of 5000 yards or so,
were shelling the Russian line of communication.
(The Chinese city they did their best to avoid,
though during the two following days some shells
did burst within the walls, causing considerable loss
of life.) The infantry fight also continued, signal
ised by occasional bursts of rifle fire in the plain,
but the high kowliang effectively prevented the
looker-on from seeing much of either combatant.
Towards evening the Japanese began to use
6-inch guns ; weapons, I believe, captured from
the Russians at Kinchau in the previous May.
The shells from these guns fell with a great " flump,"
and sent up a volume of thick black smoke on
bursting. Unfortunately one 6-inch shell fell on
the railway platform among the wounded men,
several of whom it killed or further injured. The
shot also struck two nurses, one dying of her
wounds. Notwithstanding the bombardment,
doctors and nurses had gone on with their duties
regardless of the risk they ran, and even after this
tragic interlude they continued their labour of love
calmly and coolly. It did not need this example to
show that women, when danger threatens, can
exhibit as brave and serene a spirit as any member
of the other sex, but to my mind the incident
demonstrates the inadvisability of allowing women
nurses to enter the danger zone. It should, of
course, be understood that the Japanese were not

JAPANESE CLOSE IN ON LIAO-YANG 127
firing Intentionally on hospital or hospital train,
they were only doing what they were in duty
bound to do — endeavouring to destroy the Russian
communications. The fault lies perhaps In the
Russians turning a railway platform Into a hospital
station. Nevertheless, in the last resort, wounded
men cannot be allowed to interfere with military
exigencies ; a hard saying, illustrated by an order
issued this day by the Russians, namely, that no
man should leave the ranks to help a wounded
comrade. The wounded too sorely hit to go alone
to the dressing stations were to lie where they fell.
Part of the reason for this order is to be found In
the inclination of some of the fighting-line men
(stretcher-bearers not being always available for
the purpose) to make a very long job of helping
a wounded man — they themselves being out of
danger whilst the job lasted.
The bombardment went on till dark, and even
after nightfall, with little intermission. I deter
mined to rejoin Baron Stackelberg's Corps and see
the fight with Kuroki. Leaving Liao-Yang for
good, I crossed the river, but could nowhere find
my cart and driver. Fortunately I had some food
in my wallet, otherwise I must have gone supperless
to bed. " Bed " was provided by the river bank.
The night was far from still. The boom of the
guns continued, and bursting shell illuminated the
heavens. Trains rumbled across the bridge and
away to the north, cart after cart filled with stores
rattled by. So many noises made sleep almost
impossible, and one longed for daylight again.

CHAPTER XVIII
general kuroki proves VICTORIOUS
Early the next morning (September 2nd) General
Kuropatkin and his Staff crossed the railway bridge
at Liao-Yang and rode out eastward to the hills
where the loth and 17th European Army Corps
were posted to oppose General Kuroki. The
Japanese were now attempting to capture Liao-
Yang by direct attack, and at the same time to
cut the communications between Kuropatkin and
Mukden. Success in the second undertaking would
render the fall of the city certain ; should Kuroki's
effort fail, however, the Russian Commander would
be able to hurl his whole force against the foe
outside Liao-Yang, with consequences probably
disastrous to the Japanese.
The utmost importance attached, therefore, to
the operations north of the river. The field of
battle on this side extended parallel to the railway
as far as Yentai Station (14 miles in a direct line),
and thence eastward to the Yentai coal mines.
The Russian force faced east with its back to the
railway. Between the line and the hills which
rose eastward was a plain three or four miles wide
covered with tall kowliang, now ripe for harvest.
128

GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS 129
The nearest hills were held by the Russians ;
beyond, threatening the whole front, was the army
of General Kuroki.
General Kuropatkin had ordered the ist Siberian
Army Corps (Stackelberg's) to march to Yentai,
which became the extreme left of the Russian
position. It was surely asking too much of these
brave fellows, after their two days of Incessant
fighting south of Liao-Yang and the night march
across the Tai-tze-ho, to make another tiring march
— and under a blazing sun — at the end of which
they were expected to meet and beat the enemy.
The task entrusted to General Stackelberg was to
attack Kuroki's right flank, while the European
Army Corps attacked the left flank, the combined
movement being intended to cut off the Japanese
from the Benslhu ford of the Tai-tze-ho, and there
after to fall upon Kuroki and defeat him in detail.
The idea was a sound one, and perfectly feasible in
favourable conditions. The reason why it failed
will be apparent when the end of this chapter Is
reached. It was with Stackelberg's Corps, as the
reader remembers, that I had been on Shushan
Hill, and I now wished to rejoin It. This proving
impracticable, I determined to keep nearer the
river, as by that means I could not only watch the
fight between the loth and 17th Army Corps and
Kuroki's left, but also get some Idea of how the
battle round the city was progressing. The shelling
of the Russian positions outside Liao-Yang had gone
on intermittently all night, at dawn the attack was
renewed with full vigour. From the railway bridge
9

130 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
I watched for a while the conflict. The Japanese
infantry in the plain were pouring a hot fire on the
trenches ; the field artillery kept up an incessant
roar, while above the tumult could be distinguished
the deep boom of the 6-inch guns. Turning from
the bridge I mounted my horse and followed the
direction taken by General Kuropatkin, intending
to join the 17th Army Corps. To reach the hill
they held it was necessary to cross the kowliang-
covered plain mentioned. It was a distance of
some four miles ; the millet stood three or four feet
above the head of a man on horseback, and the
whole plain was covered with a network of small
paths, and dotted with villages all of one pattern.
To find one's way in such conditions was a task of
the utmost difficulty — a fact which later in the day
was to have an important bearing on the result of
the battle. At length I gained a village on rising
ground round which a brisk fire was being main
tained. On the right were the hills overlooking
the Tai-tze-ho, occupied by the loth and 17th
Army Corps. A little In advance of these hills
were two mamelons. These mamelons were the
scene of the opening phase of the battle of Yentai.
General Kuroki having crossed the Tai-tze-ho in
the afternoon of the 31st of August, had spent the
ISt of September In making secure his positions,
and, this done, at dawn on the 2nd his troops
attacked and captured the two mamelons. Just
before I reached the scene the Russians had
recaptured the positions, and were then holding
them, in face of a very severe artillery fire.

GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS 131
Standing about 800 yards in the rear of the
mamelons, I could see admirably everything that
went on, and in especial the effect of the Japanese
fire. On the mamelon just above me two battalions
were posted. One battalion had been able to throw
up cover sufficient to protect it from the shell fire,
but the other occupied rocky ground, and the efforts
of the men to get shelter proved vain. All the
while the Japanese shells were bursting over them.
The guns had got the range perfectly, and the
battalion suffered terribly. No troops could stand
such punishment long, and, unable to endure it, the
battalion began to retire up the hill on their main
body. To reach the cover they so sorely needed
the men had to climb some 1000 yards in the open.
It was not crossing a fire zone merely, but a death
zone. The moment the Russians rose from the
mamelon, the Japanese gunners (some three bat
teries) opened a terrific fire upon them, and followed
them with shrapnel the whole way. As an exhibi
tion of scientific slaughter the firing was lacking
In nothing. The range of the guns was exact, the
shooting perfect. The shrapnel burst over the
heads of the retreating troops, as It were In large
patterns. There was no cover, no escape for the
unhappy Russians. Under this awful hail of
bullets the men dropped like wheat beneath the
sickle of the reaper. Death most truly was
gathering a rich harvest. All the way up the
slope was carpeted with little dark forms — few
indeed of the battalion gained cover In safety.
Incidents like these bring home with terrible

132 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
reality the frightful curse of war, but in the battle
It was simply what I have called it — an incident.
The Japanese fire continued all the morning, and
to it the Russians replied from batteries placed in
the kowliang. These, firing at a considerable range
and over the mamelons, tried to silence the hostile
guns. The range of the Russian guns is superior
to that of the Japanese by several hundred yards.
But while the Russian field and horse artillery was
provided with shrapnel only, the Japanese had
both shrapnel and percussion shells. The enemy
tried hard with percussion shells to find the where
abouts of the Russian batteries. In this they were
not successful, though now and again a chance
shell would burst near the Russian guns.
In the afternoon I ascended the big hill on
which was the main body of the 17th Corps. The
situation in our Immediate front was practically un
changed. General Kuropatkin had gone back to
Liao-Yang, in which direction the fight raged as
fiercely — more fiercely, in fact — than before. From
the commanding position of the hill some general
idea of the battle could be obtained. Away to the
east one could see across the Japanese positions, as
far as Benslhu, 25 miles away, where Kuroki had
crossed. Behind was the city, surrounded by a
ring of smoke and flame ; the smoke hiding from
sight scenes of slaughter almost unparalleled, as
Oku's men threw themselves again and again
against the Russian trenches. Turning one's gaze
northward towards Yentai it was obvious that the
fighting In that direction, where were Stackelberg's

GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS 133
brave Siberians, was very severe. One could see
the flashes of the guns showing clear against the
dark hills. However, It was but partial attention
one could give to the distant fight, so absorbing
was the contest waged immediately below us and
with us. The Infantry on the hill were lying flat
on the ground, as Japanese shells occasionally came
plump among them. These shells must have been
fired at a great distance and more or less haphazard.
They were percussion shells, and loaded with the
high explosive shimosa, which Is of the same char
acter as lyddite and melinite, but more combustible
than either the British or French explosive. The
shells on bursting give off a suffocating black
smoke, and split into many small fragments, which
cause ugly wounds.
Towards evening the Russians got together
nearly two hundred guns, and, massing the batteries
in threes [i.e. 24 guns), endeavoured by an over
whelming cannonade to demoralise the enemy. All
the guns began firing at the same moment, covering
the Japanese position in a canopy of white smoke
from the bursting shrapnel. A more magnificent
spectacle than this display of artillery I have never
seen. The position here was that of the Japanese
bombardment of the outer position at Liao-Yang
reversed — only with more of artistic effect. (I
am writing of it now simply as a spectacle, which
those on the Russian side could regard at ease and
in comparative safety.) The guns were ranged in a
long line and fired sometimes together, sometimes
in sequence. Three massed batteries fired a salvo,

134 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
and as the shells rushed through the riven air, with
the sound as of a great screw being turned, the
next in the line of threes thundered forth, and all
down the line the other batteries took up the tale.
Then again the massed batteries at the right of the
line bellowed and belched, and all the others
followed In order. Words entirely fail to depict
the scene ; some faint Idea of the intensity of the
fire may be gathered from the fact that the Japanese
guns did not attempt to reply. Not a single gun
broke the silence from that side, indeed It seemed
impossible that anything could live within the range
of the Russian artillery. It was not that the
Japanese, who are quick at finding out a range,
could not locate the hostile batteries, but that
under such a tempest of lead no gun could be
worked. The Japanese gunners on this occasion
did, probably, what they generally did when sub
jected to a fire such as this — left their guns and
sought cover to right or left some distance away.
These tactics can only be adopted when the guns
temporarily deserted are in a safe position, as they
were on this occasion. The bombardment while it
lasted was as severe as that by the Japanese on the
Siberians on the 30th and 31st of August. There
the guns were not left, and the havoc wrought was
terrible. Combining the double experience, the
concentrated fire of Oku's batteries on Shushan
and this of the Russians on Kuroki, it might almost
be said that no greater display of the power of
artillery Is possible. Doubts as to the value of
artillery have been expressed by officers who went

GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS 135
through the Boer War; after Liao-Yang there Is
no room for doubt either as to Its moral or material
effect. The bombardment of the Japanese position
continued till darkness set in. Just before the sun
went down large reinforcements marched in from
Liao-Yang, the men singing and bands playing.
It was a little theatrical effect, meant to inspire the
corps who had been fighting all day with fresh
courage. It was also designed, perhaps, to obscure
the fact that the Russian plans had all miscarried.
Though in numbers greatly superior to the Japanese,
the I oth and 1 7th Army Corps had barely succeeded
in holding their own, and towards Yentai defeat
had overtaken the Russians. Notwithstanding that
in the morning the position of the Japanese had
been a most precarious one, the attempt to cut off
General Kuroki had ended in dismal failure. The
reasons for this result may well be combined with
an account of the day's fighting north of the posi
tion in which I had been stationed.
We have seen that apart from their artillery
"show off" the loth and 17th Army Corps had
remained practically supine. This was due to the
lack of any controlling mind. On the hill on which
I was, there were towards evening, in addition to
General Bilderling, three or four commanders of
corps, but each refused the responsibility of command
ing the whole of the troops, and no orders came from
General Kuropatkin as to what should be done.
Nothing therefore was done, and in this fashion the
Russian chances of success on the right flank were

136 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
thrown away. For the left flank the day had been
most trying. The ist Siberian Army Corps, after Its
long march under a hot sun, came Into action about
half-past three in the afternoon, when they were
fiercely shelled by the enemy and thrown into con
siderable confusion. The gallant heroes of the
Liao-Yang fight rallied later on, and at half-past
six attacked the Japanese right wing, but were
driven back with heavy loss. The coal mines at
Yentai fell into the hands of the Japanese, who
pressed on almost to Yentai Station on the main
line. They were, however, prevented from taking
it by the Siberians, who at the close of the day still
protected the railway.
But the worst feature of the battle for the
Russians was the dispersal of the force commanded
by Major-General Orioff. This force (8000 to
10,000 strong), consisting of a division of the 5th
Siberian Army Corps and one regiment, had
been lent to General Stackelberg, to whom it
would have been Invaluable. It was composed of
troops newly arrived from Siberia and mostly re
servists. Sent down from Mukden for the purpose
of helping Baron Stackelberg, General Orioff was,
however, more anxious to help the 17th Corps, and
on his own responsibility marched off In the direc
tion of that body. His division lost its way in the
tall kowliang which, as already noted, covered
the plain. Various regiments got separated, mis
took each other for enemies, and attacked one
another. The whole of Orloffs force was thus
thrown into confusion. All chance of its recovering

GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS 137
cohesion vanished when the Japanese (who had
been watching the fratricidal strife from the neigh
bouring hills) swept down and poured volley after
volley into the unhappy Russians. A panic at once
ensued, all organization was broken up, and a great
part of the division annihilated. General Orioff
himself escaped with a slight wound. The disaster
was afterwards attributed In part to the non-delivery
of a message sent by Orioff to the 1 7th Corps ; the
messenger (it was said), trusting to a bad map, lost
his way, while no duplicate message had been sent.
The bald facts herein set forth tell their own tale,
and render it needless to seek excuses for the
disaster. It has been pointed out that under proper con
ditions the Russian plan for cutting off Kuroki
should have succeeded, and Kuropatkin's staff
officers certainly believed that It would succeed.
They did not consider the condition of mind of the
men. Had they done so they might have realised
that the ist Siberian Corps at least went into action
that day a beaten force. How else could It be ?
After being assured that "the Japanese were
crushed " they had been suddenly ordered to retire,
had been marched about incessantly and given no
time for proper meals or for sleep. The reader
may perhaps think I labour this point overmuch,
but it Is of the essence of the case. From the moment
the Siberians were withdrawn from the outer posi
tions at Liao-Yang they concluded that the enemy
had won, and fought on September 2nd with that
impression still strong upon them. Unfortunately

138 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the action, or inaction, of the staff and the com
manders of other corps all helped to make this
impression come true. The want of a man with
resolution enough to take command on the Russian
right led to impotence in that direction ; Orloffs
action stands self-condemned ; add to all these
causes a great want of care in sending orders and
the absence of maps (these were unprovided because
the Russian plans did not contemplate the possibility
of the Japanese getting north of Liao-Yang !), and
sufficient reason has been shown why the Russians,
though in superior numbers to their enemy and
holding quite as strong a position, gave way before
them. If we turn to consider for a moment the
other side, we cannot but marvel at the extraordinary
activity and inexhaustible energy of the Japanese.
Night and day, since the 27th of August, they had
given the Russians no rest. They displayed no
great inventive genius, perhaps, but, finding the
results satisfactory, they carried out the precepts of
the military text-books to the letter. Had they
been in greater numbers they would have achieved
greater success, but what they did accomplish was
sufficiently remarkable.
As the battle died down with the dying day we
learned that on the Liao-Yang side the successive
attacks on the Russian positions had all failed.
General Kuropatkin still made the town his head
quarters. The chance of defeating the Japanese
had gone, but the Russian position was not hope
less. I did not return to the town, but found
quarters In the village not far from the hills. About

GENERAL KUROKI PROVES VICTORIOUS 139
midnight I was awakened by the sound of heavy
Infantry fire In the kowliang near the mamelons.
The Japanese, I supposed, were Indulging in a
favourite pastime, that of creeping up through the
tall millet during the night, close to the Russians,
who were ill at ease beneath its cover. On . such
occasions the Russians were usually driven back.
The firing continued intermittently throughout the
night, and I was early astir in the morning, when
the main battle was renewed.

CHAPTER XIX
general KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG
It was now (September 3rd) the fifth day since the
great Japanese attack on Liao-Yang had begun.
The previous day had been really decisive of the
Issue, and the task left to the Russians was reduced,
practically, to warding off the attack of General
Kuroki whilst opportunity was given for the evacua
tion of Liao-Yang, to be followed by a general
retreat to Mukden. It was not without a final
effort to win the battle that General Kuropatkin
was compelled to accept this view of the situation,
for the firing I had heard during the night was
caused by a night attack on Kuroki's left by the
loth and 17th Corps. The attack failed, as was
inevitable. The only matter for surprise is that
it should have been made. The men had had a
most trying day. They had been kept almost
entirely on the defensive, had suffered severely
from artillery fire, and were tired out. To expect
such men at the end of such a day to turn the
Japanese, elated with victory, out of their positions,
was unwarrantable. When daylight came the
fight was fierce near the village in which I was,
and the Japanese were evidently attacking. Soon
140

KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG 141
afterwards Major-General Kastallnsky and a body
of men passed through to reinforce the troops In
action. They had not gone more than 600 yards
when they were assailed by a hail of shrapnel
and forced to retrace their steps. Shortly after
wards a force of Cossacks went by. It was
extremely difficult, without getting on the hills, to
find out how the fight progressed. All one could
tell was that the Russians still kept possession of
the roads leading north.
The childlike curiosity of the Chinese In the
village received an amusing illustration. The
owners of the house in which I had slept thought
they would like to have a " look-see " at what
was going on, so they climbed to the roof. I
tried to explain that by doing so they were likely
to attract the attention of the Japanese gunners, to
their own manifest danger, but they failed to
understand me. For a while they perched on the
roof in contentment, till a shell whizzed by rather
near, when they tumbled down helter-skelter, quite
satisfied that they had seen enough. A shrapnel
shell Is an efficient educator !
Soon the Russian wounded In the night attack
began to come through the village. It was a
ghastly procession. The hospital organisation had
broken down, and these men were In most pitiable
condition. There were no stretchers, no ambul
ances, no dressing-station near, nor anyone in the
village who knew where to direct the men to get
aid. All were covered with mud, and many with
blood. They had put rough bandages round their

142 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
wounds, but stood sorely in need of proper treat
ment. Some could walk fairly well, others were
only able to crawl, and some too weak to stand
were carried by their comrades on bits of canvas
fixed on poles or rifles. The blazing sun added to
their sufferings. The less badly hit surrounded
the wells, clamouring for water. A Russian cor
respondent and I did what we could for the poor
fellows, and the brandy we had was given to the
worst sufferers. The case of these men was very
hard, but that of other of the wounded was worse.
Hundreds of casualties occurred in the thick kow
liang, and the stricken men lay hid In it undis
covered by their comrades, and unable to move.
In a retreat there was no time to search the fields,
and these men left behind had a lingering and
terrible death. That there were many such cases
is, I fear, unhappily true.
Having passed the morning in the village, I
started about midday for Yentai Railway Station,
which I reached after some misadventures in the
kowliang. It was already obvious that the retreat
of the army had begun. Hospital trains bearing
wounded from Liao-Yang were going north ; the
roads round the station were filled with troops and
transport. I entered the station hoping to find the
restaurant open, but in this was disappointed.
However, I met a Russian doctor of my acquaint
ance, and he invited me to have a cup of tea and a
slice of black bread In his hospital, which was the
station waiting-room. I thankfully accepted his
hospitality, and accompanied him to the room, in

KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG 143
which were many wounded men. One of the
nurses spoke English, and told me she had lived In
England a considerable time. Near us, as we sat
talking, lay a poor artillerist with a big piece of
shell in his stomach. His life was fast ebbing
away. The doctor asked him If he had a fancy for
anything, and at his request a bottle of beer was
brought, but he was unable to drink the contents.
An officer, noting his condition, inquired if he
would like to send a last message home, and one
was written to his wife at his dictation. A minute or
two afterwards he died. His was a more fortunate
lot than that of most of those who died for the Tsar
in Manchuria. As a rule, the death of husband
or son is unknown to the waiting wife or mother
till the regiment finally comes home. Then may
hap a comrade tells of " the unreturning brave,"
how Ivan Ivanoff died in such and such a battle,
and how Alexis Petrovitch fell In a night attack.
That is all ; no casualty lists are published, con
sequently there are no anxious crowds besieging
officials for news of their dear ones. The men
have fallen. Let the dead bury the dead.
One object I had in coming to Yentai was to
send news of the battle to England, and I got a
telegram passed by the censor, who happened to
be at the station. As on a previous occasion,
the telegraph officials refused to forward it — no
doubt the wire was busy with messages from Kuro
patkin and Alexeieff; but one of my colleagiaes
was going to Mukden and promised to send my
message from that town. This left me free to

144 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
watch the operations In the neighbourhood of
Yentai. Part of the ist Siberian Corps had
moved farther north along the railway line. They
formed the extreme left wing of the army. A
few miles east. In the direction of the coal mines.
Baron Stackelberg with a considerable force was
still opposing Kuroki's right. It was all important
that railway and roads leading to Mukden should
remain in Russian hands, and some batteries
shelled the Japanese positions, which, it was
rumoured, were to be assaulted. The assault, it
is almost unnecessary to state, was not made.
However, the Russian movements went on with
comparatively little Interference from the enemy.
The Japanese (who were not nearly so numerous
as the Russians supposed) were doubtless obliged
to take some rest. So that this day the fury of
Kuroki's attack somewhat abated. On the right
wing of the Russian force the 3rd Siberian Corps
— one of the corps which had so gallantly held
the outer fortifications at Liao-Yang — replaced
the 17th Corps, which took the road for Mukden.
The 3rd Siberians had had on the ist and 2nd
of September a respite from fighting, and were
therefore fresher than their comrades of the ist
Siberian Corps, whose trials I have already enlarged
upon. The position they — the 3rd Siberians — now
took up was one of great danger, their duty being
to protect the flank of the retreating army.
That night I and a colleague slept In a village
near Yentai Station. Impelled by the pangs of
hunger we ate all our provisions — a rather serious

KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG 145
thing, as we found in the morning, when there
was no food to be bought nor black bread or
tea to be begged from my friend the doctor, for
doctor and hospital had moved north. We learnt
that a great deal of transport and many regiments
had gone along the road towards Mukden during
the night, and presently news came that Liao-
Yang had been abandoned. The great army
which six days previously was confident of deliver
ing a smashing blow on the Japanese was now
in full retreat before those same foes. Not,
however, the whole of the army — for there were
many mounds of newly turned graves and many
a corpse which remained unburied. The Russians
had lost thousands of their bravest In those days
of blood. Liao-Yang was evacuated early in the morning
(September 4th), and the same day Tokio received
with rejoicing Marshal Oyama's despatch announc
ing his triumphant entry into the city. Both the
defence of and the attack upon the inner position
round Liao-Yang had been most determined. Of
the utter recklessness which the troops of Generals
Oku and Nodzu showed in attacking I have
already spoken. I saw little of this part of the
far-flung fighting line, but eye-witnesses assure
me that it is impossible to exaggerate the utter
disregard of death exhibited by the Japanese.
They perished in thousands under rifle fire while
clearing the trous-de-loups and wire entanglements
and In attacking the trenches. The Japanese
commanders acted as if the whole burden of the

146 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
battle was on them, and that victory would be
lost If the defenders were not hurled across the
Tai-tze-ho. The Japanese got their chance of
mauling the Russians when the latter commenced
the evacuation. Once more troops who had
successfully held their own were called upon to
give way. It was none the less disheartening
because inevitable, and it affected the morale of
the troops, to whom it must have seemed that
they were struggling against an irresistible fate.
As soon as the evacuation began, the Japanese
guns opened fire on the Russians, who had for
line of retreat only the railway bridge and the
two pontoons across the Tai-tze-ho. Nevertheless
the retirement was carried out with great cool
ness, and the loss sustained in crossing the river
was comparatively small In view of the difficult
position from which the Russians had to extricate
themselves. All the artillery was got away. But
If the evacuation of Liao-Yang was cleverly
effected the army of Kuropatkin was still In
great danger, and the Commander-in-Chief seemed
really afraid that a large part of his force would
be cut off. It was a reasonable apprehension,
for General Kuroki's army began the day with
renewed vigour, and drove back the 3rd Siberian
Corps, who only just managed to keep the line of
communication open. In view of the gravity of the
situation, the corps and transport north of Yentai
received orders to march on Mukden at once —
they at least could be saved.
In melancholy frame of mind the whole army

KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG 147
marched northward, with Kuroki continually press
ing its flank and the fear that Oku would ere
long be on its heels. On the right of Yentai
artillery fire continued, and I rode out and watched
the shells bursting. The fight was Indecisive,
or rather the Russians fulfilled their object, for
evening came and the Japanese had failed to
capture Yentai Station or to bar the line of retreat.
A forage on my part for food had resulted in
getting nothing save a bottle of green Chartreuse ;
and with a ration of this liqueur I had to be content
for supper. After all it was better than nothing.
The night proved rainy, and I sought shelter in
a deserted house — from several of the villages
round which the fight had raged the inhabitants
had fled. The smell of the dye in the manufacture
of the cotton clothes so dear to the Chinese heart
was, however, so strong that I was driven from
the house. Having seen that my pony and saddle
were safe, I built for myself a wigwam of kowliang,
into which I crawled. Alas, my architectural skill
was at fault — the wigwam was not water-tight !
Perhaps it mattered the less, for I was again
disturbed by heavy rifle fire, the Japanese making
another night attack. The position was full of
awkward possibilities. Though I saddled my
pony I dared not leave the shelter of the wall
surrounding the house in which I had stabled
the horse, for to do so was to make myself a
target for the Russian troops in the village, who
would most likely have taken me for an enemy.
When daylight at length arrived I set out to

148 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
get food for man and beast, and fortunately met
one of my Liao-Yang friends. Colonel Panoff of
General Kosagovsky's staff. The Colonel had
tinned provisions, and gave me an excellent break
fast, of which, after a supper of Chartreuse seul,
I stood in some need. Whilst we sat smoking,
an orderly rode up to say that Yentai had been
evacuated and that the rear-guard was moving
off. It was clearly time to be gone, so I
saddled up and turned the pony's head towards
Mukden. All day and all night of the 4th of September
the retreat from Liao-Yang had been going on, and
by this morning, the 5th of September, the Russian
troops had been brought as far north as Yentai.
General Kuropatkin had strong parties of cavalry
and infantry protecting either flank, while the 17th
Army Corps was acting as rear-guard. Though
harassing the flanks, the pursuing troops were still
some way behind the rear of the Russian army.
The situation was for all that full of danger, the
retreat being hampered by the execrable state of
the roads. (The railway was employed in remov
ing the wounded and heavy guns, the troops and
regimental transport had to go by road.) The
retreat was conducted along two main roads, one
that ran alongside the railway and the Great Man
darin Road farther east. Throughout the whole
distance from Yentai to Mukden both roads were
packed with men and carts. The transport drivers
were exhausted with their labour, and in a condition
of nervous dread ; the troops were in little better

KUROPATKIN ABANDONS LIAO-YANG 149
case. Shortly after Yentai was left behind,
Kuroki's guns began firing on the Russian right
flank, but the shells fell several hundred yards short
of the road. The sound of the shells — the whiz
through the air, the sharp explosion following —
terrified the drivers, who in panic and confusion
began whipping up their horses. If the Japanese
shells had come a little farther and fallen on the
road, there would without doubt have been a
dibacle. As it was, the protecting force suffered
heavily, and the ist Regiment East Siberian Rifles,
attacked by the enemy with infantry fire and
machine guns, lost 400 men whilst holding a rail
way siding. It seemed to me that there was still
a chance of the Russians being cut off, and not
wishing to fall into the Japanese lines I rode on
somewhat rapidly. I passed the ist Siberian Army
Corps on the way. Baron Stackelberg riding among
his men and encouraging them to persevere. I was
struck by the scanty number of dead horses along
the road — In fact, considering the great strain put
upon them, most of the horses looked well
favoured. No day Is without its humorous incident ; that
of to-day was provided by the officer told off to
keep up communications between the ist Siberians
and the 17th Corps. He scales about 22 stone, and,
mounted on a stout nag, he went backwards and
forwards, lolling in his saddle and presenting a
ludicrous appearance. Despite everyone's fatigue,
his was the only case of lolling I saw on that
march. Another thing which arrested attention

150 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
was the admirable service of the Field Soup-
Kitchens, without whose help the men would not
have been able to get on, for most truly an army
marches on its stomach.^
Travelling much more quickly than the troops,
I was at last rewarded with the sight of the towers
which at each point of the compass stand sentinels
round Mukden. I crossed the Hun-ho and rode
into the city and to the little house which, with
several colleagues, I had rented. After many days
of toil and stress I was glad to get a good dinner
and a peaceful night.
1 In the Manchurian army, travehing soup-kitchens were attached
one to each company or battery. Their capacity was from 51 to 82
gallons, according to model, and they required fuel to the amount of
27 kilogrammes of wood to attain their highest capacity. The soup
was cooked on the march, about two and a half hours being taken
from the time of lighting fires to the distribution of the soup. Each
kitchen has two men to look after it, one being detailed to drive and
engineer the concern, whilst the duty of the other included keeping a
sharp lookout for gardens on the route whence fresh vegetables
could be begged, bought, borrowed, or stolen ! Meat rations were
provided, and the resultant soup was strong and nourishing.

CHAPTER XX
retreat to the HUN-HO — LIAO-YANG REVIEWED
Early the next morning (September 6th) I rode
back along the road to Yentai. Part of the army
had already crossed the Hun-ho, a tributary of
the Liao-ho which passes about a mile south of
Mukden ; but the bulk of it was still south of that
stream, the rearguard being perhaps ten miles off.
A detachment of cavalry under Major-General
Samsonoff was in touch with the Japanese, and
between 5.0 and 6.0 a.m. firing was heard. After
this the enemy was quiet and gave up the pursuit.
This was, without doubt, due to physical ex
haustion. The troops of the Mikado had had a
test of endurance even greater than that imposed
on the Russians, and now perforce they were
obliged to let their prey escape. General Kuro
patkin had been out-generalled and out-fought ;
but, favoured by fortune as fully as by his own
dispositions, he had brought his army away to a
place of temporary safety.
The Japanese might well be content with what
they had achieved ; for the first time in history an
Oriental army had routed a great European force
equipped with every device of destructive science.

152 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
It was now possible to watch the retreating
troops with a degree of detachment hitherto
impossible, with no fear of a Japanese shell inter
rupting one's observation, or the disturbing thought
of having neither food nor shelter. There was little
of comfort in the sight of that army trudging
wearily onward, knee high in mud, travel-stained
and spiritless. One could mark now the sad
gaps in many a regiment ; some companies barely
numbered fifty men, and had lost all their officers.
Guns stuck In the mud and were extricated with
difficulty ; men threw away part of their heavy kit,
and frequent halts were necessary. In contrast
to the example of Baron Stackelberg and some
other commanders who shared the fatigues and
privations of their men, was that of several senior
officers who made the retreat in comfortable
barouches surrounded by a large staff and escort.
This mode of travel was too often indulged in by
officers in high position in critical periods of the
campaign. Their numerous carriages and escorts
were always given precedence, thus hampering the
progress of both troops and transport. On the
moral effect of this method of commanding troops
It Is unnecessary to enlarge ; the soldiers, had they
been acquainted with the subtle humour of Mr.
W. S. Gilbert, might have thought of the Duke of
Plaza-Toro, who
"... Led his regiment from behind
(He found it less exciting).
But when away his regiment ran.
His place was at the fore, O 1"

RETREAT TO THE HUN-HO 153
Not that these officers lacked courage, but they
loved ease.
The troops passed the Hun-ho by a wooden
trestle bridge, which, despite appearances, stood the
strain. All day long the march continued, and it
was not until the following day that the weary
tramp ceased, by which time trenches were being
dug along the northern bank of the river, and
a new defensive position planned. For a time
there had been question of an immediate retreat to
Tieling, and a great part of the transport was
actually sent thither. For political rather than
military reasons It was, however, decided not to
move the army farther north. The Viceroy
Alexeieff, who had betaken himself to Kharbin,
probably insisted on General Kuropatkin remain
ing at Mukden. As the capital of Manchuria, and
the ancestral home of the reigning dynasty in
China, its continued occupation was judged essen
tial for maintaining the prestige of Russia at
Peking. To give it up would be virtually to con
fess failure in the eyes of the millions of China ; by
still holding it they could "save-face," and explain
Liao-Yang away. So at Mukden the Russian
army rested, though the position was not
considered a strong one. The construction of
fortifications and trenches was rendered difficult by
a scarcity of entrenching tools ; many tools had
been lost or thrown away during the retreat.
During the series of battles round Liao-Yang
and the subsequent retreat, it had not been possible
to get tidings from every part of the field ; as the

154 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
army settled down at Mukden, it was possible to
piece together the various incidents and gain a
clearer idea of the operations as a whole. The
reader has had already the advantage of Informa
tion only obtained by me at Mukden, and no
essential picture of the great battle — as seen from
the side of the defence — has been omitted. But
advantage may be taken of the pause, whilst the
troops are trench-digging along the Hun-ho, to
add some further details and set down some general
Impressions. In the seven days' fighting (August 30th to
September 5th) the Russians had lost In killed and
wounded over 20,000 men, and a few score taken
prisoners. Definite figures are practically Impos
sible to obtain ; the Russians are at the same time
indifferent as to their losses and reticent as to mak
ing them known, but the number quoted is within
the mark. One particular Illustration may be given.
Major-General Kondratovitch, commanding the 9th
Division of the ist Siberian Army Corps, at the
end of the fighting had only 93 officers left in the
division, which consisted of 12 battalions and 4
batteries. Considering the nature of the fighting
the percentage of casualties in the army as a
whole was not high. The Japanese must also have
suffered very severely ; the sacrifice of life in the
attacks on the inner position at Liao-Yang was
awful. The fighting there had been so terrible that
it drove several officers and men mad. They lay
In hospital now at Mukden completely demented,
recalling in their ravings the scenes of horror in

RETREAT TO THE HUN-HO 155
the inferno of the trenches. Although the wounded
were many, the sick were few, a tribute to the
healthiness of campaign life. The ist Siberian
Corps, for instance, with whose hardships the
reader is familiar, had only 400 sick, a small num
ber when the conditions in which they had fought
and marched are considered.
One thing which the fight had clearly demon
strated was the Ignorance of the Russian Staff of
the topography of the country north of Liao-Yang.
If good maps exist, they were not consulted. That
used was on the scale of 4 versts (2.65 miles) to an
inch, which was at least four times too small. On
these maps few of the villages were marked, and
the natural consequence was endless and needless
marching and counter-marching of the troops
throughout the critical days of ist to 3rd September.
A regiment would march to one village, to be told
that they had come to the wrong place, would then
be marched off somewhere else, only to find them
selves marched back again. With the mud and
the sun to help in exhausting them, this was no
proper preparation for fighting the enemy. The
reason why only these bad maps were available
was owing to the belief, already Indicated, of the
Russians that the Japanese would never cross the
Tai-tze-ho. Why then bother about maps ? Con
nected with the bad mapping was the defective
supply. Unless with a railway line at their backs
the Russians proved unable to run either transport
or supplies smoothly. They constantly got into
great difficulties. Considering the lack of organ-

156 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
isation (and the bad roads), it was more by hit
than wit that the transport came safely through
from Liao-Yang.^ Rumour had it that two baggage
columns had been lost, but this report proved un
true. In this case the rumour was more credible
than the fact.
Reviewing all the incidents, one can confidently
affirm that Liao-Yang was not lost through any
fault of the rank and file. As Sir Redvers Buller
said of the troops at Spion Kop, "the men were
splendid." Excepting Major-General Orloffs 5th
Division, which became panic-stricken on the 2nd
of September, the infantry never lost their discipline,
and never gave up a position without strenuous
resistance. In most cases positions were only
evacuated by superior orders. Nor was it in the
fighting only that the troops showed their fine
qualities, for discipline was maintained also during
the retreat, even when, as in the case of the ist
Siberian Corps, they had been for thirteen days
consecutively either fighting or marching.
To what then was the disaster attributable ? At
first the Russians had believed that they were
fighting a force considerably stronger than theirs,
but as papers from China and news from St. Peters
burg reached Mukden it was realised that this
belief was Incorrect, and that the Japanese were
Inferior In number. Russian officers were inclined
to throw a great deal of the blame on Major-
General Orioff and the 5th Division, to whose
' A great quantity of the stores in that city had been burned when
the place was evacuated.

RETREAT TO THE HUN-HO 157
behaviour all the ill-luck at the battle of Yentai
was attributed. But most officers were ignorant of
what had been General Kuropatkin's Intentions at
Yentai. While the opinion most widely expressed
was that if Orioff had not disobeyed orders, Kuroki
and his army would have been cut off and beaten,
another view was that the attempted flank attack
on Kuroki on the 2nd of September was merely
intended to gain time for the troops in Liao-Yang
to cross the Tai-tze-ho and get away north. But
on the subject of the Siberian troops there was no
division of feeling — It was unanimously acknow
ledged that the ist and 3rd Siberian Corps had
covered themselves with honour, and were fully
the equals of the best regiments from Europe.
Even Baron Stackelberg's enemies had to confess
that, alike in defending the Shushan position and in
his retreat therefrom on the night of August 31st,
he had shown consummate skill.
A factor not generally taken into account in
discussing Liao-Yang (an unending theme of con
versation at Mukden) was that, though reliant and
defiant when the battle began, the spirit of the
Russian troops had been sufficiently shaken by the
events which preceded it, that, when the first sign
of doubt as to the issue was manifested by General
Kuropatkin's change of plans, the memory of the
numerous previous retreats surged up and rendered
victory almost impossible. The vacillation of
General Kuropatkin did the rest. This vacillation,
however unwarrantable, was due, no doubt, to the
erroneous information he received as to the

158 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
strength and disposition of the Japanese, who
thoroughly earned their victory by their audacity,
tenacity, and fortitude. On their side was no
hesitation, no change of plan. They saw their
goal straight before them and worked to attain it
to the very utmost of their ability.
Attention has been called in a previous chapter
to the demonstration of the effectiveness of artillery
afforded by Liao-Yang. Never since the Franco-
Prussian war have so many guns been brought into
action at the same time. Indeed, this was the
first campaign since 1870-71 in which both sides
had plenty of artillery. In four days the Russians,
with something over 400 guns, expended 120,000
shells ; the Japanese, who fired rather more quickly
than their enemies and who had fully as many
guns, must have fired a considerably larger number
of shells. As to the effect of this half-million
shells, the Russian General Staff computed that
60 per cent, of the losses at Liao-Yang were due
to artillery. Had the Japanese shrapnel burst per
sistently lower than it usually did, the Russian
losses would have been still heavier. The fact that
throughout the fighting not a single Russian
battery was silenced, shows that to put out of action
guns provided with proper cover is extremely diffi
cult. Although the flash of the guns can be seen
distinctly, it Is gone In a moment and leaves no trail
of smoke, so that to locate a battery exactly is a
very hard task. It is, of course, otherwise with
guns in the open ; but batteries are rarely so placed
when within the reach of the enemy's fire. That

RETREAT TO THE HUN-HO 159
there Is a great future for powerful mobile artillery
does not admit of question. It is, in fact, scarcely
possible to attach too much Importance to the use
of artillery on a big scale.
It Is high time that we returned to consider the
condition of the erstwhile draggled-tailed army
encamped around Mukden. By the nth of Sep
tember the troops had settled down in their new
quarters. Thankful for the opportunity, men
washed their clothes and bathed their bodies in
the waters of the Hun-ho, and, once more getting
proper rations, began to look life more cheerfully in
the face. The recuperative power of the Russian
and Siberian peasant is great ; one would scarcely
have recognised in the bright, even gay soldiers the
weary and seemingly heart-broken troops who had
plodded in from Liao-Yang. The Japanese gave
scarcely a sign — they too were busy repairing waste
and making good their hold on the country as far
as Yentai ; and the quiescence of the enemy also
tended to restore confidence among Kuropatkin's
men. General Kuroki was reported to be some
where to the south-east about 20 miles away, but
as usual the Japanese movements were shrouded
in mystery, and, however shrewdly one might guess
at what they were doing, little positive could be
found out about them. On the 1 3th of September,
a big cavalry screen was formed under General
Rennenkampf, some of the Frontier Guard being
also organised as cavalry. The cavalry, spreading
semiclrcularly around the Russian position, acted
as the eyes and ears of the army, and did some

160 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
good work. Reinforcements came down from
Kharbin, but traffic on the line was very con
gested. Winter was now approaching, the nights
were already cold, and the troops felt the lack
of warm greatcoats. Considerable quantities of
clothing had been left behind at Liao-Yang, and
it was a long while before the deficiency was
replaced from Russia.
The advent of the army completely transformed
Mukden. It was no longer the quiet Chinese city I
had known a few months previously. Now soldiers
were to be seen everywhere, long lines of transport
carts blocked the streets, sorely trying the temper of
the Cossack orderlies, who rode to and fro between
headquarters (Kuropatkin's train occupied the siding
vacated by the Viceroy) and the Corps Staffs
established in some of the best Chinese houses.
Greeks opened stores, restaurants sprang up like
mushrooms in a meadow, all was animation and
noise. Soldiers chaffered with the store-keepers,
officers sought for curios and furs (the fur trade
is one of the staple industries of Mukden), going
hither and thither in the handy rickshaw drawn by
perspiring coolies. Wherever three or four officers
were gathered together at some caf6, the topic of
conversation was the same — the fortunes of the
campaign past and future. Nor were they averse
from discussing the faults committed by the army,
or resentful of criticism. By much talking, the
Russian officers reached, by successive stages, a
very comforting conclusion as to Liao-Yang. First,
there came the stage of excuses, such as that there

RETREAT TO THE HUN-HO 161
never had been any Intention of holding Liao-Yang,
that the retreat was "an advance northward" to
cut off Kuroki, which was certain to have succeeded
but for that "stupid" Orioff and his "rotten"
reservists. And, anyway, It was a poor sort of
Japanese success. Then came the next stage, when
the officers began to question whether after all the
Japanese had been successful ; had not they (the
Russians) beaten back Kuroki ? Properly con
sidered, Liao-Yang was a Russian victory. All
that was needed. In the opinion of some enthusiasts,
was an immediate advance, as the Japanese after
their recent enormous losses would fall an easy
prey to the prowess of Russia. Whole volumes
of fiction were reeled off in the glare and glitter
of the restaurants. Truly a little rest and a
little vodke make a wonderful difference in one's
feelings 1

It

CHAPTER XXI
PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE
The Russian army, as the event proved, was
destined to spend about a month in the positions
on the Hun-ho. The entrenchments made ex
tended for many miles along the north bank of
that river. Westward of Mukden the country was
flat, a few miles eastward of the city rose the fir-
clad hills surrounding the Imperial Tombs. The
Japanese had their advanced position at Yentai
coal mines. In the country between, the outposts
of either army were stationed. Despite glorious
weather and the constant coming and going of
motley crowds, life in the Russian camp tended to
be dull : after the recent exciting experiences there
was nothing more stirring in the fighting line than
occasional skirmishes between parties of Cossacks
and Japanese cavalry. The ist Siberian Army
Corps took up their position at Fuling in the hills
by the Tombs. The peaceful resting-place of the
founders of the Manchu dynasty underwent a strange
and ungracious transformation on the arrival of the
soldiers. Not that the tombs were desecrated or
the trees within the cemetery enclosure touched.
The Chinese were naturally very sensitive on this

PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE 163
point, and the Manchu Viceroy at Mukden made
urgent appeals to General Kuropatkin to preserve
the sanctity of the graves. Moreover, representa
tions were made from Peking to St. Petersburg on
the same subject. On his part General Kuropatkin
gave a solemn promise that the inviolability of the
Tombs should be respected and that the trees
should be uninjured. From the Russian point of
view the promise was kept, and to ensure the graves
from any act of vandalism a guard was placed over
them. Nevertheless the amenities of the place
were completely destroyed. From the crests of the
hills the Russians built trenches all the way down
to the banks of the Hun-ho, all trees and bushes in
front of the position being cut down to give the
troops a clear field of fire. The beautiful Irises and
the rose bushes which had gladdened our hearts a
short time previously were now either eaten or
trampled under foot by the transport animals, and
instead of the quiet little phanza was all the bustle
and unslghtliness of a camp.
Farther east and on the left of the ist Siberian
Corps was posted the 3rd Siberian Army Corps.
Their line stretched as far as Fushun, near which
place are rich coal mines, whose possession was
then a matter of considerable importance to the
Russians, especially as the Yentai mines had been
wrested from them. Fushun marked the extreme
left of the Russian position. On the farther or
southern side of the Hun-ho a railway was being
built from Mukden to the coal mines, which were
specially guarded as being beyond the protecting

164 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
line of the river. Along the centre and right of
the Russian position were our friends of the other
corps mentioned as present at Liao-Yang or Yentai
battles, as also the 6th Siberian Army Corps.
All through September reinforcements were
reaching Kuropatkin in large numbers. They
were entirely composed of Siberian reservists, sent
to make good the gaps caused by the desperate
battles in which the corps had been engaged.
Such gaps could be the more easily filled, for two
reasons : the men came, as stated, from Siberia, and
had therefore a less distance to traverse than if
they had been drawn from Europe, and being
reservists they travelled with nothing but their
rifles and personal kit. Had they been parts of a
new corps their progress would have been impeded
by the necessity of bringing with them all their
regimental transport. Special efforts were also
made to hasten the arrival of fresh ammunition and
provisions, whilst the warm clothing lost at Liao-
Yang was replaced by other clothing sent on from
Kharbin. This great activity betokened something more
than preparation to meet the next attack by the
Japanese ; the army had not been more than a
fortnight before Mukden, when the talk of the
caf^s — and that of the common soldier too — began
to be of an advance against the foe. Every day
assertions of the coming advance were made with
greater and greater conviction. It might be all
"gyp," but the talk was curiously persistent.
Meanwhile stirring appeals were made to the esprit

PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE 165
de corps ofthe men. On 21st September General
Kuropatkin, from his headquarters on the railway,
rode over to the camp of Baron Stackelberg at
Fuling. The occasion was the consecration of
colours for the Siberian Rifles, and, after the bless
ing of the banners by Orthodox popes, Stackelberg
addressed the men. He bade them remember that
their conduct was being watched by all Russia and
by the foreign officers attached to the army, and,
after this incentive to increased effort, the General
made a telling reference to the defeat of Major-
General Orioff and the 5th Division Siberian Army
Corps at Yentai. He spoke of the shame of twelve
Russian battalions having yielded to five Japanese
battalions. Such a thing had never previously
happened in the history of the Russian army.
And Baron Stackelberg ended with the words, sting
ing like a whip, "Die like men, not as cowards !"
A striking and impressive speech, addressed for
the most part to troops of proved courage and
endurance, but intended to stiffen the weak-kneed
among them, and to render a second disaster like
that of Orloff's impossible.
Speeches of the character of Baron Stackel
berg's are often a prelude to battle, and so It
seemed In this instance, for preparations were now
made at the hospitals for the reception of many
patients — not sick, but wounded from the next
battle. Such preparation does not, curiously
enough, have any depressing effect upon the
soldiers — on the contrary, it rather inspirits them,
for nothing so quickly dispels the ennui of the

166 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
camp as the scent of battle. Towards the end of
September members of General Kuropatkin's Staff
expressed their opinion that the advance would be
ordered Immediately, and they proved to be well
informed. Russia, it was argued, was badly in need
of a victory ; she must gain one battle before the
winter, otherwise the morale of the troops would
suffer. It must be remembered that Kuropatkin's
army had not, up to that time, obtained a single
success, and the desire to score a point may well
have been strong with the Commander-in-Chief.
Certainly the excitement and enthusiasm among
the men grew in proportion as they saw that an
advance was coming. Everybody talked of what
would be done, of reticence there was none. " We
have hitherto been on the defensive," an officer
would explain, leaning over one of the little tables
at a favourite restaurant, " now we are going to
take the offensive. The Russian soldier fights
best in an attack, our troops are now seasoned,
they know their enemy and do not fear him,
victory must be ours." Whatever was known or
guessed at as to the army's doings was public
gossip, and by the Japanese spies, who were
numerous in Mukden, Marshal Oyama was kept
well Informed of what was happening. The
Japanese had ample time and warning to prepare
for the coming attack.
I found it hard, nevertheless, to believe that
an advance was really intended, and thought that
the authorities might simply be engaged in a
great game of bluff. It was most unusual for the

PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE 167
Russians to speak openly of what they meant to
do. However, when on 2nd October General
Kuropatkin's address to the army appeared. It was
no longer possible to doubt that the hazardous step
of attacking the foe was to be undertaken. That
address, the real authorship of which Is one of the
unsolved mysteries of the campaign, contained the
following remarkable passages : —
" More than seven months ago, the enemy treacherously
fell upon us at Port Arthur, before war had been declared.
The enemy ... in his arrogance continues to dream of
complete victory. The troops of the Manchurian army, in
unvarying good spirits, have hitherto not been numerically
strong enough to defeat the Japanese army. ... It is for
this reason that in spite of the repeated repulse of the
attacks upon our positions at Ta-shi-chao, Lan-san-jan, and
Liao-Yang, I did not consider the time to have arrived to
take advantage of our successes to begin a forward move
ment, and therefore gave the order to retreat. You with
drew under most difficult conditions. . . . Attacked by
General Kuroki's army you marched through almost im
passable mud, fighting throughout the day and extricating
the guns and carts with your hands at night, and returned
to Mukden without abandoning a single gun, prisoner, or
wounded man, and with the baggage train intact. . . . The
Emperor has assigned for the conflict forces sufficient to
assure us victory. ... If the regiments already sent out
prove insufficient, fresh troops will arrive, for the inflexible
will of the Emperor that we should vanquish the foe will
be inflexibly fulfilled. . . . Now the moment to go and
meet the enemy, for which the whole army has been long
ing, has come, and the time has arrived for us to compel
the Japanese to do our will. . . ."
There was much speculation in the camps along
the Hun-ho as to whether the advance was under-

168 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
taken for purely military reasons and on General
Kuropatkin's own initiative. The Viceroy has
emphatically denied that the advance was made at
his request or suggestion, and Admiral Alexeieff's
story has not, so far as I am aware, been contra
dicted by General Kuropatkin. Yet at the time, at
Mukden, the belief was common that Kuropatkin
was playing a hand not of his own choosing. It
should be stated, however, that the Commander-in-
Chief did not consider the Hun-ho position good,
and was desirous of getting a better line farther
south. And as to the tone of the now famous
proclamation, it must be remembered that reading
it in Europe after the Sha-ho and Mukden battles
is a very different thing to reading It on the eve of
advance with the Issue undecided. Moreover, it is
quite the usual course for Russian generals to make
high-flown appeals to the patriotism of their men.
The sobriety of language habitual to British com
manders must not be looked for among a race of
soldiers both " old fashioned " and half- Oriental.
On the day following the appearance of General
Kuropatkin's proclamation, I received an intimation
to join the corps at Fuling, and thither I rode on
the morning of the 4th, ready and eager for the
fray. Baron Stackelberg, instead of one corps only,
had been given the command of an army, and at
the request of Colonel Waters, the British military
attach^, I was allowed to join the Baron's Staff — an
honour which I highly appreciated.
It may be of Interest at this point — the eve of
the next great movement — to give the estimate

PREPARING FOR THE BATTLE 169
made at the beginning of October by the Russian
Intelligence Department of the strength of the
opposing army. For the accuracy of this estimate
I cannot vouch. Its value lies in this, that, right or
wrong, it was that on which General Kuropatkin
had to depend. Here Is the Russian estimate of
the force and disposition of their foe : —
Four divisions posted close to the railway, and
not far north of Liao-Yang, but with outposts
reaching almost to Yentai. Two divisions at the
Yentai coal mines, and one, with considerable en
trenchments, at Beaneapudze on the Sha-ho. These
three divisions formed the Japanese right, and
were south-east of the Russian position on the
Hun-ho. Then one division was said to be west
of the railway line, forming the Japanese left, and
another further advanced towards the Russians at
Sandepu. The outer line of the Japanese entrench
ments was along the Sha-ho, a small tributary of
the Tai-tze-ho, which, at a distance of 15 to 20
miles south of Mukden, flowed in an east to
west direction across the railway line, thereafter
turning south to join the Tai-tze-ho. In all, the
Japanese were credited with nine divisions. These
they divided into armies of the following strength :
Kuroki's army — 76 battalions, 18 squadrons of
cavalry, and 276 guns. Oku's army — 60 battalions,
26 squadrons, and 252 guns. Nodzu's army — 44
battalions, 9 squadrons, and 120 guns. In the case
of the armies of Kuroki and Oku, the guns included,
besides those attached to the battalions, a separate
artillery force of 108 guns, which could be used as

170 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
an independent unit and sent from one army to
another at need. Altogether Marshal Oyama's
army was estimated at 144,000 infantry, 6380
cavalry, and 648 guns.
Against this force the Russians could bring the
ISt, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, and 6th Siberian Army
Corps and the ist, loth, and 17th European Army
Corps ; a total of nine corps. A Russian corps
and a Japanese division contain about the same
number of men, but this is only a rough approxima
tion, for the strength of a Russian corps might
vary from 10,000 to 30,000. Taking an average
of 20,000 for a corps, the force at General Kuro
patkin's disposal would be 180,000. His army,
however, exceeded that number ; indeed, it was
well over 200,000 strong. A more definite figure
cannot be given, the greatest reticence being ob
served by the staff as to the strength of the
different corps.
Baron Stackelberg's army, from Its position in
the Russian line known as the Eastern Army,
consisted of the ist, 2nd, and 3rd Siberian Army
Corps, with Rennenkampf's and Samsonoffs cavalry.
It was the very flower of the force at General
Kuropatkin's command. Occupying a central
position and acting independently was the 4th
Siberian Army Corps under General Zarubaieff.
On the west were the European Army Corps and
the 6th Siberian Army Corps under General
Bilderling. The 5th Siberian Army Corps was
held In reserve. Such was the disposition of the
Russian army when the advance was decided upon.

CHAPTER XXII
stackelberg's army on the MARCH
Great animation prevailed in the camp of Baron
Stackelberg on that night of the 4th of October.
No thought of the danger attending the movement
to which the army was committed troubled the
minds of the soldiers — nor, apparently, of the
officers either ; all seemed delighted by the orders
for a general advance. At the mess of the head
quarters staff we drank enthusiastically to the
success of the new venture, whilst an Engineer's
band enlivened us with martial music. Glasses
clinked, champagne flowed, toasts were exchanged.
After dinner I lit my pipe and took my way
through the camp. It was a beautiful autumn
night, the air cool but not chilly, above us the stars
shone brilliantly In a clear sky. I passed into the
big fir trees which lined the upper slopes and the
crest of the hill. All around, fitfully lit up by the
flames from the camp fires, were seated the Siberian
infantry, their evening meal ended. Many among
them trolled songs — some wild and inspiriting
songs of war, others with the softer note of home.
Regimental bands vied with one another in play
ing stirring marches and popular tunes. Martial
in

172 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ardour filled each breast ; the men joyed in the
very uncertainty of the morrow. From these sights
and sounds I turned to look down the slope of the
trench-lined hills to the silvery river and the plain
beyond — and to the dark mysterious mountains in
the distance. What awaited the Russian host in
the unknown beyond ? Would the tide of war
turn in their favour, or was I to witness another
disastrous retreat? These were unspoken ques
tions to which there came no answer. Certainly
the Russians — despite their Intelligence Officers —
knew little of what the Japanese were doing.
Oyama, I suspected, was probably preparing some
new trap for his unwary assailants. The situation
was sufficiently striking to give much food for
thought. It was scarcely a month since I had seen
these same men extricate themselves from a perilous
position — exhausted, heart-broken, crushed. And
now they were buoyant, singing and rejoicing at
the prospect of another encounter with the foe who
had so badly mauled them. Their m.orale was
certainly excellent, and their generals must have
felt a thrill of pride in having such troops to
command. The foreigners In the camp — attaches
and newspaper men — all felt great admiration for
men who could recover so quickly from experiences
such as the Siberians had passed through. This
capacity of the men for rapid recovery of morale
Is one of the striking characteristics of the Russian
army. To whatever cause due — a dulness of
imagination, maybe, or a simple child-like nature —
it is a factor to which weight must be given in

STACKELBERG'S ARMY ON THE MARCH 173
estimating the fighting capacity of the legions of the
Tsar. The men may know when they are beaten,
but the memory of a reverse is soon blurred, and
the soldier becomes again his usual careless self.
The dawn of morning found the army ready to
advance. Along the slopes overlooking the Hun-ho
stood great blocks of grey-coated Siberian riflemen
waiting for the order to march — looking east or
looking west the eye fell on mass after mass of
men. And now from their quarters the command
ing officers rode down to where their battalions
were stationed, and gave them the customary morn
ing greeting, " How are you, my children ? " As
with one voice — deep and thunderous — the men
reply in the accepted formula, " Long life and good
health. Your Excellency." This little ceremony
ended — It Is one which appeals to the imagination
— the order to march was given, and with bands
playing and standards flying the great army moved
forward, the ist Siberian Army Corps on the right,
the 2nd in the centre, and the 3rd on the left. It
was In truth an army worth commanding, the three
finest corps In all Siberia : veterans who had fought
shoulder to shoulder at the Yalu, at the Mo-tien-ling,
at Wa-fung-ho, at Ta-shi-chao, at Liao-Yang, and
at Yentai. One's blood tingled at the sight of this
host of tried warriors stepping proudly along, like
hounds on the leash, with all the pomp and circum
stance of war. Band, banners, priests, all helped
the illusion that one had gone back a century or so,
and that what we saw was a Marlborough at the
head of his troops or a Napoleon at Jena. It was

174 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
all so different from the utilitarian and unspectacular
ways of the British army in South Africa — or of
modern armies generally. But if these Siberian
troops were going to battle In the spirit of days long
since dead In Western Europe, they were provided
with the very latest weapons of destruction. As I
rode behind Baron Stackelberg, who was seated on
a white charger, I imagined that I discerned a smile
of pleasure, of quiet confidence and satisfaction, on
his thoughtful and deeply bronzed face.
Baron Stackelberg, the commander who had
been (Orioff apart) the most severely criticised of
all the corps leaders, the man whom Intriguers had
sought to overthrow, rode to-day at the head of the
Eastern Army, the only lieutenant-general to whom
such a great trust had been given. General Kuro
patkin, despite all the efforts of the Baron's enemies,
had recognised his sterling merit, and had chosen him
to share the responsibility in the fate of the army.
At the head of their brigades and divisions rode
Stackelberg's trusty lieutenants — a brave and
gallant band. There was little Major-General
Kondratovitch of the 9th Division, ist Siberian
Army Corps, the hero of a hundred fights in this
campaign and In the Boxer Rising, always cheery,
always with a kind word alike for officer and
private soldier. There was the stolid figure of
Major-General Krause ^ at the head of his new
1 It should be explained that on the promotion of Baron Stackel
berg to the command of the Eastern Army, his post as Chief of the
1st Siberian Army Corps was given to Lieutenant-General Gem-
gross, while Major-General Krause, formerly a brigade commander,
was placed at the head ofthe ist Division.

STACKELBERG'S ARMY ON THE MARCH 175
command, and, leading the ist Siberian Army
Corps, the tall form of the fearless Gerngross,^ with
his handsome face and red beard. In the centre
was Lieutenant-General Sassulitch, who had com
manded at the Yalu, leading the 2nd Siberian
Army Corps. On his breast was the ribbon of
St. George, won under Skobeloff in the Turkish
War. Away to the east rode Lieutenant-General
Ivanoff, Count Keller's successor in the command
of the 3rd Siberian Army Corps. Ivanoff was an
artillery officer, and had left a post in Central Asia
to join the forces in Manchuria. Behind him was
Major-General Daniloff, one of the heroes of the
defence of the inner position at Liao-Yang, whose
conspicuous gallantry had earned the coveted dis
tinction of the St. George's Cross. Next to Dani
loff was Major-General Kastallnsky, a jovial man
with bright sparkling eyes. He had been wounded
at the Yalu while extricating the 12th Siberian Rifles
from a very warm corner. In front of us, many
versts distant, were the dashing cavalry leaders
Rennenkampf and Samsonoff with their Cossacks,
working their way towards the Japanese position.
Could any commander have wished for braver or
better officers to help him in a perilous enterprise ?
I felt It a privilege to be allowed to accompany
such men on such an errand as they had under
taken. Nor must it be forgotten that Stackelberg's
troops were the dlite of the whole Russian army,
and the consciousness of this fact added to the
satisfaction with which we marched along. In all,
^ See footnote opposite.

176 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Stackelberg had from 50,000 to 60,000 men under
him. Had it been possible that day to have seen, not
only the Eastern Army, but the centre and right of
the Russian force advancing to seek their foe, what
an impressive picture It would have been — some
170,000 men in serried ranks crossing the wide
plain beyond the Hun-ho ; not one soldier sick or
sorry, each and all with —
" Nae thought but how to kiU
Twa at a blow."
General Bilderling's army went south and a little
west, following somewhat the line of the railway ;
Stackelberg's army had taken a south-east direction,
towards the Japanese right ; Zarubaieff's corps, in
the centre, inclined more towards the Eastern than
the Western Army. It Is only the movements of
the army with which I was, that I can chronicle in
detail. As we crossed the river valley, with its
willow-tree swamps, flocks of wild geese got up
and whirled about overhead, noisily protesting
against this rude invasion of their special domain,
and causing me considerable regret that I had no
gun. We marched 21 versts (14 miles) that day,
traversing the plain in the morning, and getting
into hilly country in the late afternoon. For one
mercy we were all duly grateful — nearly all of the
terrible kowliang had been harvested, and It was
possible to see where one was going. For all that
It was, with the badly drawn and Inaccurate maps
supplied, a difficult matter to find the route. The
plain was a criss-cross of countless small roads,

STACKELBERG'S ARMY ON THE MARCH 177
with nothing to indicate which were of most
importance, and on the maps at the disposal
of Major-General Baron Brinken, the chief of
Stackelberg's staff, only one road would be shown.
The wonder Is that there was not much more use
less marching and counter-marching than was
actually the case. The sun had shone brightly all
day; as night fell it became much colder. Head
quarters halted for the night at the village of
Badiavolse. Here Captain Reichman, of the
17th U.S.A. Infantry, who had served in the
Philippines and had been with the Boers in
South Africa, shared a house with Colonel Waters
and me.
Early the next morning, while strolling up and
down the road through the village, I met Baron
Stackelberg, who was polite enough to ask my
opinion of the army and the advance. " Have you
a servant ? " he then inquired ; and on being told
that I had none, " You must have an orderly
placed at your disposal at once," he exclaimed,
smiling ; and he promised to speak to his Chief of
Staff for me. This kindness from the Commander
of a great army, to one who had no claim on his
consideration, was more highly appreciated by me
than even the excellent service of the orderly proved
— Private Masquisovitch of the Siberian Rifles — a
man who had been wounded in one of the early
fights of the campaign, and who wore the
St. George's Cross and Chinese War medal. That
day (October 6th) the march of the army was con
tinued, with all the full-dress parade appearance of

178 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the previous day. The country through which we
passed was very beautiful. On either side rose
lofty hills, some grass clad, some clothed with the
sombre fir trees ; others, again, bare. Between the
hills were verdant valleys watered by running
streams — a land certainly worth possessing, as is
all Southern Manchuria, though scarcely fertile
enough to support a large army, unless careful
attention be paid to the gathering of food-stuffs and
the establishment of dep6ts.
After a short march of 15 versts (10 miles),
camp was pitched early, and the men gave them
selves up to feasting and to song. Who knew
when the next chance for such an indulgence would
come ? Already the advanced guard was In con
tact with the enemy, and the morrow or the next
day might see the army engaged. So to-night the
bands played, tales were told, and songs sung, till
the men were too sleepy to do aught but roll
themselves in their blankets and dream of avenging
Liao-Yang. As it turned out, the main body
remained in their camp the two following days
awaiting developments. As the Japanese positions
were neared. It was necessary to act with more
caution. Both morning and evening of the 7th of
October gun fire was heard, and a report was
spread that General Rennenkampf had got a
brigade across the Tai-tze-ho (a false report ; but of
that we could only guess). Idling the time away.
Captain Reichman and I both proved our capabili
ties as foragers — the captain caught a chicken, and
I a small pig. That night we had a royal feast.

STACKELBERG'S ARMY ON THE MARCH 179
A little incident on the following day brought
out forcibly the Russian deficiency in maps. I
have already commented on their small scale and
on their Incompleteness. It now appeared that
even of the maps they had, there were but few
copies. A request was received from General
Kastallnsky, who commanded the left wing of the
3rd Siberian Army Corps, for three copies of the
revised edition of the map of the country.^ The
General, it appeared, hadn't a map at all ! The
commander of the corps. General Ivanoff, had
had but eight maps supplied to him. Baron
Stackelberg's headquarters were even worse off,
for General Brinken and his second In command
had between them only one map of the district in
which the army was about to operate. Another
fact which came to my knowledge helps to make
clear — taken in conjunction with the scandal of the
maps — why it was that though the men were of
dauntless courage, and the great majority of the
officers earnest and capable men, the Russians were
so uniformly unsuccessful. An important army order
issued that morning was not forwarded to General
Kastallnsky. Hearing of it the General sent to
headquarters for a copy, and finally obtained the
order at half-past one in the afternoon. This method
of working adopted by the headquarters staff was
distinctly prejudicial to the well-being of the army.
On Sunday, the 9th of October, the forward
movement of the army was resumed, a distance
1 This revised edition had been hastily brought out, and was a
"light improvement on the maps first issued.

180 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
of 14 versts being covered. The south-easterly
direction had been changed for one south-westerly,
and the afternoon brought us to the banks of the
Sha-ho, at a spot some 15 miles N. N.-E. of the
Benslhu ford of the Tai-tze-ho (the place where,
as the reader will remember. General Kuroki had
crossed that river during the battle of Liao-Yang).
All day long our advanced guard had been heavily
engaged, and the artillery fire lasted till nightfall.
When we reached the Sha-ho it was to find that
the Japanese had given way before our advance,
and had abandoned their line of fortifications along
that river. We crossed the stream by two pretty
little trestle bridges obligingly left by our opponents
and camped at Beaneapudze — a place with which we
were destined to become painfully familiar. In our
front rose rocky, rugged mountains, and against that
dark background the flashes from the Russian guns
could be seen. The two armies were once again
in conflict. Our casualties that day were few, as
were those of our enemy, though we boasted some
twenty Japanese brought in prisoners. The advance
guard was in permanent touch with the enemy, but
another day was to elapse ere the real battle began,
for on the loth there was nothing more than heavy
gun firing on our left, that is in the direction of
Yentai. Colonel Polteratski, of Baron Stackelberg's staff.
Captain Reichman, and I took advantage of the
opportunity afforded by the pause before the
Eastern Army struck home at the Japanese, to
visit the position of which we had become some-

STACKELBERG'S ARMY ON THE MARCH 181
what easy masters. This was the first chance the
Russians had had during the war to view the
enemy's entrenchments. The Japanese, I imagine,
had scarcely completed the fortifications. The
trenches and gun - pits were, however, carefully
arranged. As we saw no signs of wheels we con
cluded that the guns had never been placed in
position. The camp gave evidence of having been
evacuated hurriedly, though nothing of material
importance had been left behind. Matting, rice-
bags, postcards, and letters were scattered about,
and there were hundreds of empty cardboard cases,
amply demonstrating the appreciation in which the
Japanese held Mural Bros. Peacock Brand of
cigarettes. Shelters of kowliang had been built to
protect the troops during the nights, which were
now quite cold. I was struck, too, by another
Instance of the care shown by the Japanese for
the health of their men. Within what had been
their line a small stream ran down a sloping bank
to the level ground. To get the water the Japanese
had split open the long firm stalks of the millet,
and had fixed them into the hillside in such a
manner as to catch the water as It came down.
Passing Into the millet conduits the water had a
clear fall away from the earth, and could thus be
collected perfectly pure and sweet. A great con
trast this to the way in which the Russian soldiers
invariably polluted the water in the village wells,
until at length it was found necessary to station
guards to regulate the water supply and keep It
clean.

182 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Baron Stackelberg received a telegram that day
from General Kuropatkin, congratulating him on
his successful march and on the occupation of the
Beaneapudze position. The Baron had now his
army in the following order : On the left, slightly
forward and facing south-west, the 3rd Siberian
Army Corps ; in the centre, the ist Siberian Army
Corps ; and close up to it on the right the 2nd
Siberian Army Corps. These two corps faced due
south. Zarubaieff's 4th Siberian Army Corps had
converged somewhat on our right, and was also
attacking in hilly country. Bilderling's army was
away west in the plains.
In the Eastern Army that night all was activity.
The headquarters' staff sat up till daylight getting
out the orders made by Baron Stackelberg for the
battle on the morrow. That this time the issue
would favour Russia seemed the universal feeling
— among the Russians.

CHAPTER XXIII
OPENING OF THE SHA-HO BATTLE
The fight — the commencement of the great series
of engagements known collectively as the Battle
of the Sha-ho ^ — began early in the morning of the
nth of October. The task entrusted to Baron
Stackelberg was to drive the Japanese from the
lofty hills immediately facing the Russian lines.
To accomplish this object the 3rd Siberian Army
Corps endeavoured to turn the Japanese right by
securing the passage of the Tai-tze-ho at Benslhu.
By so doing they would threaten Liao-Yang.
Meantime the ist Siberian Army Corps made a
frontal attack on the Japanese position, the 2nd
Siberian Army Corps being held In reserve. The
4th Siberian Army Corps under General Zaru
baieff, who were on the right of the Eastern Army
but acting in conjunction with it, also made a
frontal attack on the enemy. The operations could
be seen perfectly from a high hill in rear of the
Russian camp, and to this hill General Stackelberg
rode early in the morning, directing thence the
movements of his troops. The hills on which the
1 Sha-ho means the Red River, a strikingly appropriate name for
the bloody contest fought in sight of its banks.
183

184 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Japanese were entrenched swelled gradually from
the plain, and the lower slopes had been carefully
cultivated by the Manchu farmers. Above these
slopes the sides of the hills were scarred by many
water-courses and their surface covered with short
brown grass, affording but a precarious foothold.
Towards the summit the hills became rugged and
precipitous. Through them ran three passes, of
which the chief and central one was the Tu-min-
ling. To capture these passes, which formed the
key of the Japanese position, was the immediate
object of the ist Siberian Army Corps. It was
no easy task, as the position was one of great
natural strength, even if held by a compara
tively weak force. I could not help comparing
it to that of the Boers at Vaal Krantz and Spion
Kop — the formation of the hills was exactly
similar. Soon after daybreak there had been sharp fight
ing In front of and along the lower slopes of the
hills, the Japanese being driven back to their main
positions, though not before great anxiety had been
caused to the Russians by the flank of the 4th
East Siberian Rifles being turned. This turning
movement left two batteries of the Russian guns
exposed and in imminent danger of capture. Re
inforcements were hurried up and the guns saved,
the Russians bringing several machine guns Into
action. By ten minutes to seven, when, from the
direction of the 4th Siberian Army Corps came the
subdued roar of heavy artillery fire, the Japanese
had been cleared off the lower slopes. The real

OPENING OF THE SHA-HO BATTLE 185
battle was now beginning. The Russian batteries
massed in the plain opened a terrific fire on the
enemy's trenches, under cover of which the Infantry
commenced to climb the slippery heights. To this
bombardment the Japanese artillery replied, not,
however, paying much attention to the Russian
guns, but directing a severe shrapnel fire on the
long lines of advancing infantry. From the spot
where I was posted the ist Siberians could be
plainly observed as they crossed the foothills and
began the ascent towards the trenches held by the
enemy. They advanced in extended order, often
slipping over the dry and treacherous grass, taking
advantage of every scrap of cover afforded by
mound or bush, following generally the line of a
dry nullah, and ever and again halting to pour in
two or three volleys at their opponents, or crouch
ing low to avoid the bursting shrapnel. From a
distance they looked like tiny specks dotted along
the hill-sides, now advancing in a swift rush, now
swept back by a particularly heavy fire from the
Japanese above. The progress of the Siberians
was very slow, but by a little before noon the
attack had developed along the whole line, and an
effort was being made to take all three passes by
simultaneous assault. News came in that the 3rd
Siberians were also heavily engaged, and a battery
from the reserve was sent to their aid. The action
had evidently become general, as firing could be
distinctly heard all along the line towards Yentai.
How the fight was going, on the extreme right,
with BilderUng's troops, it was however impos-

186 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
sible to tell, and if Baron Stackelberg received
reports, they were not made generally known.
All the morning the Russian guns had kept up
a brisk fire on the Japanese, numbers of whom
could be distinctly seen lining their positions along
the upper slopes of the hills. The Russian artillery
was superior to that of the enemy — both In number
and weight ; the Japanese, Indeed, had only moun
tain guns, whilst General Stackelberg had his field
artillery and a 6-in. howitzer battery, which, how
ever, was not used on the nth. The Japanese
gun fire slackened as the morning wore on, and
their batteries had some difficulty In locating the
Russian positions. This appeared, therefore, a pro
pitious moment for the ist Siberians, and at 12.50
p.m. orders were sent verbally from Stackelberg to
the artillery on the left to press home the attack, the
infantry of the centre left wing making at the same
time a bold advance in three lines. It looked as if
the ebb and flow which had hitherto marked the
Russian attack was to end in the surging of the
Siberians right up the hills ; but the Japanese
batteries woke up, and, by concentrating their fire
on the advancing riflemen, checked the rising tide.
The batteries were, however, soon silenced by the
Russian guns, which, completely out of range of
the enemy, were able to pound them without inter
ruption or danger. Helped by this heavy fire the
1st Division ofthe ist Siberian Army Corps, under
General Kondratovitch, made considerable progress
up the hill, but lacked sufficient strength to go on,
the firing line seeming to me to be too weak to

OPENING OF THE SHA-HO BATTLE 187
accomplish the task set it. The ground over which
the advance had to be made was very rough as
well as slippery, and the riflemen were encumbered
with a heavy kit and handicapped by their clumsy
boots, ill adapted for hill climbing. It was now
past two o'clock, and nothing substantial had been
gained. The battle was not going as the Russians
had hoped and expected, and Baron Stackelberg
was obviously dissatisfied.
However, fresh efforts were to be made, and
two new Japanese batteries, which came into action
shortly before three o'clock, having been silenced, a
fresh regiment was sent forward on the left to aid
the firing line. Advancing in face of a severe rifle
fire, Kondratovitch's men succeeded In gaining the
foot of the highest slopes. But at the top of the
escarpment were the Japanese, as determined as
ever. Try as they would, the ist Siberians could
make no further advance, though from our left
flank General Ivanoff (3rd Siberian Corps) sent In
word that his infantry were so close to the crest of
the hills they were attacking, that his artillery had
had to cease fire in order not to hit their own men.
The Infantry failed nevertheless to reach the top,
and the same misfortune attended the ist Siberians.
They, however, maintained the position they had
gained, and throughout the long afternoon made
rush after rush In vain attempts to scale the heights.
No wonder that Baron Stackelberg looked more
and more thoughtful and displeased with the day's
work. It seemed to me that a mistake was made
in the manner in which the firing line was rein-

188 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
forced. All day long Baron Stackelberg told off
driblets to this work, a battalion or two at a time —
numbers insufficient. In my judgment, to make any
effective difference, whereas what was needed was
the sending forward of a really large force. No
doubt the task of the Russians was one of great
difficulty, but It was not Impossible to accomplish
had the firing line been more powerful, especially
as the Japanese were not numerically strong.
Towards the end of the day further reports
were received as to the progress of the battle In
other parts of the field. We learnt to our dis
appointment, if not to our surprise, that the 4th
Siberians, under General Zarubaieff, had made no
headway ; the hills in front of them were, as In our
case, still held by the enemy. From the extreme
left the news was more cheering. General Rennen
kampf sent in word that his men were holding a
position within fifty paces of the crest, which he
hoped to capture.
Darkness did not put an end to the fighting.
General Kondratovitch's men, who had got a foot
hold within a hundred feet of the top of the hills by
the Tu-min-ling, crept up under cover of the night
towards the enemy's trenches, hoping to get close
enough to charge with the bayonet. The Japanese
were not caught napping, and, on each occasion
that an attempt was made to rush the heights, the
assailants were swept back by point-blank rifle-fire.
It had been an extremely interesting fight to
watch, the battlefield being set out before one like
a panorama. But with darkness I gave up watch-

OPENING OF THE SHA-HO BATTLE 189
ing the contest, and sought shelter in the house
which I shared with Colonel Waters and Captain
Reichman. The night being cold we lit the fire
beneath our kang, but with most distressing results,
for the genial warmth of the fire had the effect of
restoring to full activity myriads of small denizens
of the matting, which rendered sleep an impos
sibility, and against whose attacks we had no means
of coping. The Japanese, I have learned, were
wiser in their generation, and every soldier carried
in his kit a " ration " of insect powder.

CHAPTER XXIV
THE JAPANESE PIERCE THE RUSSIAN CENTRE
For the troops on the hills there had been no
interval for rest during the night, and even If the
"small deer" of the kang had not kept us from
sleep, the firing at the trenches would have effectu
ally aroused us. Throughout the hours of dark the
firing continued, and in the early morning (October
1 2th) It was terrific in Its intensity. The whole
efforts of Kondratovitch's men were concentrated
on traversing the short space — not more than lOO
yards — which divided them from the enemy. If
only they could close with the foe ! To carry the
pass at the point of the bayonet and let the rising
sun greet the Imperial Eagle, that was the ambition
of commander and of men ; but it proved a task
beyond the compass of the gallant division. The
Japanese, who were probably reinforced during the
night, held a superior position on the very crest of
the hills, and with untiring vigilance repelled every
attack, firing straight Into the Russians as again
and again they endeavoured to bridge the narrow
gap. A few men indeed reached the Japanese
lines, but only to perish. The first to do so was
the chief of staff to General Kondratovitch. This

JAPANESE PIERCE THE RUSSIAN CENTRE 191
officer, sword In hand, led some men of the 9th
Division up the slope. The men were swept back,
all save those who lay still in death. The officer
returned not. He was seen to gain the height, but
no one of the Russian force witnessed his end.
At half-past six In the morning, reinforcements
were sent on by Baron Stackelberg to the sorely
tried firing line, with orders to do everything pos
sible to push home the attack. At eight o'clock
Baron Brinken stated that the hill directly In our
front had been occupied by the Russians. One
short hour sufficed, however, to show us that the
report was not true ; try as they could, the i st
Siberian Corps could not dislodge the Japanese
from the Tu-min-ling. But with a stubbornness
not to be daunted by Ill-success the men held on to
their task.
Meantime news had reached Stackelberg's
headquarters concerning the fight of the previous
day between the Japanese left and the Western
Army under General Bilderling. The hoped-for
success had not been obtained, and on the night
of the nth Bilderling's men were no more than
holding their own. At half-past ten further and
serious news was received. It came from General
Zarubaieff, who with the 4th Siberian Army Corps
was in the centre of the Russian lines, and who,
as already stated, had had no success on the nth.
On receipt of this message Baron Stackelberg
was visibly perturbed; he became restless, and
anxiety was obvious in every line of his face. A
few minutes of consideration and then Stackelberg

192 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
and his staff mounted and rode westward. I went
in his train. Instead of the walk or slow trot
at which the Baron generally marched, he put
his horse to the gallop, making for a ridge of
high hills on the extreme right of his army.
These hills jutted into the plain towards Beanea
pudze at a sharp angle from the main range, and
separated the Eastern Army from the 4th Siberian
Army Corps. They were in advance of the
Japanese positions, but were unoccupied by the
Russians. They rose abruptly and shut from our
view the operations in progress beyond. Arrived
at the foot of these hills we dismounted and
climbed to the top of the nearest peak. On
gaining the summit a wonderful sight met our
eyes — wonderful, and for Stackelberg and his staff
most painful. The Russian centre had been
broken and beaten — driven completely back, It
was in full retreat In the direction of the Sha-ho.
Nor was this all, for, while the centre had been
pierced, Bilderling's army far out on the plains to
the west had also been forced back. The grand
advance begun with such pomp and ceremony
had reached a sorry end. Looking over the hills
nothing could be seen for mile beyond mile but
the balls of white smoke from the Japanese
shrapnel as it burst over the retreating Russians.
The 4th Siberian Army Corps, some nine or ten
miles distant from our vantage point, were hotly
pressed ; and it appeared quite possible, from the
rapid progress the Japanese were making, that
the enemy might cut the Russian forces In two

JAPANESE PIERCE THE RUSSIAN CENTRE 193
and defeat them in detail, or press on to Mukden
before Kuropatkin could get his army together
again to defend it. Thoughts like these flashed
through our minds as we stood gazing at the great
drama being enacted in the plains.
General Stackelberg did not take long to make
up his mind what to do. A battalion was ordered
to occupy at once the hill on which we stood, whilst
four regiments from the reserve (2nd Siberian
Army Corps) were sent to attack the Japanese
force pushing forward through our shattered centre.
There was still the chance that these regiments,
by joining hands with the 4th Siberian Army
Corps, would close the gap through which other
wise the Japanese would pour. Of the difficulty
of preserving the battle-line intact, some idea may
be formed when It is realised that from east to
west the front of the Russian forces must have
stretched fully 50 miles.
Meanwhile the ist and 3rd Siberian Army
Corps were continuing their attack on the Tu-
min-ling and other passes away on the east.
Could the hills be carried the Japanese position
would be in turn threatened, and in any case it
kept part of the enemy on the defensive. All
day long the battle continued, regiment after
regiment of Stackelberg's reserve being drained
off on a long march to the west, where Zarubaieff's
men were still struggling to escape from the toils
of the foe ; and not long after four o'clock in the
afternoon it could be seen that the 2nd Siberian
Army Corps had filled part of the big gap between
13

194 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ourselves and the centre. By this time nearly
all the reserves of the Eastern Army seemed to
have been used up, and the forces assaulting the
passes were left without further reinforcements.
They were still struggling to capture the positions,
but were barely able to maintain the advantage
gained during the night. Stackelberg must have
been aware that the chance of saving the day
was gone, for the order was given that the
baggage of his army should be sent back along the
road to Beaneapudze. This town by the Sha-ho
seemed to be the objective of the entire army.
By concentrating on it, the wedge which the
Japanese had driven Into the Russian forces would
be flattened out. To convey an adequate idea
of the whole battle-front is impossible, nor could
its full extent be seen by one man, although from
various points of vantage a very great area could
be seen. While the Eastern Army was still on
the offensive, the Centre and the Western Armies,
though In retreat, were not In flight. Bilderling's
Corps were giving way as slowly as possible ; his
guns replied to those of the Japanese, and the
roar of cannon was continuous. It diminished, but
did not cease as evening came on.
Late in the day I met Mr. Charles Hands,
who had been with the 3rd Siberian Army Corps
on our extreme left, and learned from him that
there, as at the Tu-min-ling, the Russians had
made no substantial progress. Rennenkampf had
not succeeded in crossing the Tai-tze-ho, although
he had secured a position overlooking Benslhu.

JAPANESE PIERCE THE RUSSIAN CENTRE 195
The casualties among the 3rd Siberian Army
Corps had been heavy. Among the wounded was
that fine soldier General Daniloff, of whom the
reader has already heard, who commanded a divi
sion of the corps. Though severely wounded in
the thigh and unable to walk, he insisted, as soon
as his wounds had been dressed, on his men carrying
him back to the firing line, whither he was taken
on a litter, and where he remained for the rest of
the day calmly giving his orders. General Daniloff
had already won the St. George's Cross for his
brilliant defence of Liao-Yang, and for his heroic
conduct on this occasion — for the gallant fellow
made an excellent recovery ; he was afterwards
given the Sabre dor, a coveted distinction in the
Russian army.
That night I spent with General Stackelberg's
staff at Beaneapudze. One could now sum up the
position and contrast it with that of the previous
night. What a vast difference the twenty-four
hours had made in most parts of the field. The
position of the ist Siberian Army Corps attacking
the Tu-min-ling was unchanged, but their reserve
corps, the 2nd Siberian Army Corps, had gone
west to occupy the hills which jutted out so awk
wardly into the plain, and the 3rd Siberian Army
Corps was "no forrarder" than before. Thus the
Japanese had held the three corps comprising
the Eastern Army for two whole days, and the
Eastern Army was the least unsuccessful of the
Russian forces engaged! Elsewhere, as we have
seen, the Russians were in retreat, whilst the

196 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Japanese had pushed a wedge Into the centre of
their position, assailing them on their most sensi
tive point. The situation of Kuropatkin's vast
force was critical, and Stackelberg and his staff
spent a most anxious night, and only brief snatches
of sleep could be obtained. Similar anxiety and
activity were of course experienced by the staffs
of the Centre and of the Western Army and at
General Kuropatkin's headquarters. Messages
were being sent and received all the night through.
Until and unless the gap caused by the piercing
of the Centre was closed, the danger of over
whelming disaster to the whole army was real
and imminent ; and although Stackelberg's Staff
expressed confidence that the gap would be closed,
they were manifestly depressed at the turn events
had taken.

CHAPTER XXV
THE RUSSIAN ARMY IN FULL RETREAT
A NIGHT of anxiety was succeeded by another day
of fierce conflict. All along the extended front
the battle was resumed. Resumed is scarcely the
correct word, for the fight had not ceased during
the night ; in fact, since the morning of the n th
the strife had gone on without a break of more
than an hour or two, and then in parts of the field
only. Bilderling's army had had the bulk of the
fighting during the night of the 12th, but at the
same time the pressure on the Russian centre was
maintained. Early in the morning ofthe 13th, Baron Stack
elberg rode over from his headquarters to the new
position which the 2nd Siberian Army Corps had
taken up. The troops were busy entrenching
themselves on the range of hills which ran out Into
the plain and which overlooked the positions held by
General Zarubaieff. Several batteries had been
placed In position, and so far the Japanese had
made no attempt to interfere with their operations,
a somewhat remarkable fact, as the possession of
these hills was of considerable Importance. With
Stackelberg and his staff I climbed a high peak,
197

198 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
destined to be the scene of sharp fighting later on ;
it was the rugged eminence which became known
as Temple Hill. The temple after which the hill
was named, and from which we obtained a magnifi
cent view of the surrounding country, contained
frescoes depicting the punishments awarded the
wicked in the world to come. Curious as were
these mural decorations, we did not stay to gratify
our aesthetic tastes by any minute Inspection nor
to moralise on the imaginative powers of the
painter, for attention was soon riveted on the
doings In the plain. Below us we could see three
Japanese batteries hotly shelling the retreating
Russians, while Japanese infantry was also being
pushed forward, the men showing in the distance
in large dark masses. The Japanese were advanc
ing in a line parallel with the hills on which we
and the 2nd Siberian Army Corps were, and to
me and the other foreigners privileged to accom
pany the staff of the Eastern Army it seemed that
here was an excellent chance of severely harassing
the Japanese force attacking the Russian centre.
Nothing, however, was done ; we simply stood still
and watched the fight. We did not even occupy
the most westerly of the hills between us and
Zarubaieff's men. The hills ran in a sort of double
chain, with a narrow valley between, and the 2nd
Siberian Army Corps had taken the line of hills
nearest Beaneapudze. The opposite range was left
for the enemy to seize, if he chose, and naturally
he did choose. As far as could be told, the battle
was continuing on this the third day in much the

THE RUSSIAN ARMY IN FULL RETREAT 199
same fashion as on the second: the ist and 3rd
Siberian Army Corps were still assaulting the
passes ; Bilderling was still in retreat, and the
Japanese still had their wedge right In the Russian
centre. It was two o'clock In the afternoon ; the
staff had left Temple Hill and were eating a hasty
lunch, when news came of an attempt to drive
the wedge home. A squadron of the Primorsky
Dragoons galloped up to say that the enemy were
even then occupying the crests of the hills opposite
those held by the 2nd Siberian Army Corps, and
were threatening our line of retreat. This an
nouncement appeared to be unexpected, for it
threw the staff Into manifest confusion, which lasted
some minutes. It was, however, no time for hesita
tion, and presently Baron Stackelberg ordered the
5th Siberian Rifle Division to drive the Japanese
off the hills. The order was at once obeyed, the
Siberians going into action at the double, the
artillery thundering past at the gallop. It was an
Inspiriting sight, and one could but wish success
to these fine fellows as they set off to redeem the
advantage lost. Baron Stackelberg, seated motion
less on his charger, called out words of encourage
ment as the troops ran past, and the men shouted
back their acknowledgments in the familiar phrase,
"Good health and long life, Your Excellency."
The Rifles had to round the base of Temple Hill,
cross the intervening plain, and scale the farther
hills, on the crests of which the Japanese could
now be seen hurriedly digging cover. Regaining
our post of advantage, we could follow every move-

200 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ment in the attack and defence. It was not long
before the Russian batteries opened fire, and then
the infantry could be made out scrambling through
the tangled brushwood and over the big boulders
which strewed the hillsides. The Japanese were
ready for them. They had already got their guns
In position, and as the Russians came on the
batteries opened fire. And now Stackelberg had
the mortification of witnessing a repetition of what
had been going on at the Tu-min-ling for near
three days. The riflemen came on in extended
order, seized every opportunity to get cover, ad
vanced by rushes, fought with conspicuous bravery,
but could never gain the summit. The Japanese
rifle fire was heavy and accurate, and though the
Russian batteries posted below worked hard all
the afternoon they failed to silence the enemy's
guns or to shake their infantry. Once and again
the Russians got within a hundred yards or so of
the foe, but withered away under the hot fire.
The failure of his force in every direction must
have weighed heavily on the General, and the staff
were most anxious as to the safety of the Eastern
Army. Leaving Temple Hill as night began to
fall. Baron Stackelberg turned his horse's head
towards Beaneapudze. On the way back we saw a
battery posted on a hill commanding the road, and
such was the tension and uncertainty among the
staff that for a considerable time no one could
determine whether the guns were Russian or
Japanese ! In the end they proved to be Russian.
It was now evening of the third day of the

THE RUSSIAN ARMY IN FULL RETREAT 201
great fight, and the only matter In doubt was the
extent of the Japanese victory, and whether the
Eastern Army would be able to join hands with
the Centre and Western Army. The attack on the
Tu-min-ling had been abandoned during the day,
and orders were now Issued for a general retreat of
Stackelberg's force. The transport had all gone
back north on the road to Mukden, and the ques
tion now was whether the various corps would be
able to follow, or whether the Japanese would pour
In on the retreating troops. How different was the
scene that night at Beaneapudze from that of four
nights ago, when the staff sat up, confidently
planning the attack which was to reverse Liao-
Yang. Now all the planning and the scheming
was how to save the army from the terrible foe.
The night was spent In a Chinese pawn-shop, and
such sleep as we got was obtained by lying down
booted and spurred on the cold flags and with the
keen air of an October night to chill the bones.
We were short of food, and had to be content with
a scanty ration from half-empty wallets. All night
our horses remained saddled ready for emergencies.
At midnight arrived Lieut. -General Gerngross, the
commander of the ist Siberian Army Corps, who
had brought back his men safely from the Tu-min-
ling. The 3rd Siberian Army Corps were also
falling back, and urgent orders were sent out to
accelerate the retirement. When morning broke
on the 14th the bulk of the army had crossed the
Sha-ho. The staff were still at Beaneapudze, and
Baron Stackelberg was going with the rear-guard.

202 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
now the post of danger. With their faces turned
northward the right and left of the army was
reversed. The ist Siberian Army Corps were in
the centre, the 2nd on the left, still endeavouring
to keep back the Japanese wedge which threatened
to isolate us, and the 3rd Siberian Army Corps
away on the right. What was the position of
Zarubaieff's corps and Bilderling's army we did
not know, beyond that they were still struggling
back to a place of safety. As for Stackelberg's
army, its retreat was conducted in orderly fashion,
and the Japanese (losing a good chance as it
seemed) did not seriously molest it.
With the whole Russian army now in full
retreat the time had come when some account of the
titanic conflict should be sent home, so at half-past
ten I started for Mukden, not without some fear of
falling into the hands of the Japanese, as I intended
taking a short cut which led across the line of
retreat of the 4th Siberian Army Corps, where the
enemy's troops were most advanced. Though I
escaped the attentions of the enemy, the ride was
a very unpleasant one. The rain came down in
torrents and drenched me to the skin. I met dis
organised bands of tired soldiers, trudging wearily
along the roads, all their spirit gone, and careless
apparently as to what became of them. Halting In
the afternoon at a Chinese farmhouse I asked for a
feed for my horse, offering ample payment. But the
owner of the house absolutely refused my offer. I
have on two or three previous occasions given par
ticulars of the kindness and hospitality I experienced

THE RUSSIAN ARMY IN FULL RETREAT 203
from the Chinese In Manchuria, but they are not all
and not always celestial in their behaviour. They can
be exasperating beyond words, and on this occasion
this man tried my patience almost beyond endur
ance. His churlish refusal to give bite or sup to
my poor pony wrought me to a frenzy. Mad with
rage I drew my revolver, and for some seconds the
Chinaman's life hung In the balance. No one was
there to witness what I did, and to shoot was easy.
But conscience came to my rescue, and I put my
revolver away. I was at the same time determined
not to be baulked, and, turning my horse into the
yard, I ransacked for forage, and found all that I
wanted. Taking the saddle again I continued my
journey and reached Mukden late at night, after a
45 miles' ride over terrible roads. The sound of
heavy firing had been continuous all day, especially
from the westward where was Bilderling's army ;
but the state of the roads convinced me that if it
rendered the Russian retirement slow. It equally
hindered the pursuit of the Japanese.
I sat up all that night writing out a despatch
for Reuter — with the fear of the censor before my
eyes — informing that agency of the progress of this
great battle, the greatest of the campaign, as far as
it had gone, and, up to then, the biggest fight,
probably, of which history has record.

CHAPTER XXVI
THE SHA-HO BATTLE — JAPANESE TACTICS
Having written a long despatch, describing the
fighting I had witnessed, very early in the morning
I rode over to the press censor's office and handed
in my telegram for his visa. It was a faithful
record of what had happened — too faithful, it
appeared, for the censor, after reading it through
most carefully, took up first a blue and then a red
pencil, and covered the paper with obliterating
marks. Still, thought I, something will be left.
A vain imagination, for the censor changed his
mind and, to my utmost mortification, deliberately
tore up my despatch. What I felt may be more
easily Imagined than described — but to protest was
useless, and equally useless would it have been to
write such a despatch as the censor would have
passed. It was one of the disagreeable incidents
in the life of a war correspondent — a life full of
strange and stirring experiences, a life which, on
the whole, has more of the agreeable than the
disagreeable in It. I speak as I have found it, and
am not now considering the position of a war
correspondent from the standpoint of the soldier
or of the newspaper proprietor.
201

SHA-HO BATTLE— JAPANESE TACTICS 205
If I was not permitted to send news home there
was no restraint on my movements. I was free to
see what happened. If not free to describe what I had
seen. It was the 15th of October, that is, the fifth
day of the battle of the Sha-ho. I have already
stated that the Eastern Army under Baron Stackel
berg had recrossed the Sha-ho on the night of the
I3th-i4th. It was permitted to retire from a most
trying and dangerous position with little molesta
tion. This slackness in pursuit enabled it to close
up with the centre under Zarubaieff, and the fear
of the Russian army being cut In two was over.
In all likelihood the force opposing Stackelberg in
the Tu-min-ling was not strong enough for effective
pursuit. It Is certain the Japanese had placed in
the hills a comparatively weak force, being con
fident of their ability in mountainous country to
oppose successfully a force much superior to them
in numbers. The bulk of Marshal Oyama's troops
were massed in the plains south-west and south of
Mukden to meet the attack of General Bilderling,
and it was principally in this direction that the fight
raged on the 1 5th. Bilderling's troops were being
steadily driven back, but were still on the farther
side of the Sha-ho. General Kuropatkin, from his
temporary headquarters at Hoanchantze, a village
east of the railway and some five or six miles on
the Mukden side of the Sha-ho, had sent a message
to Baron Stackelberg commanding him to despatch
reinforcements to the aid of General Bilderling.
The choice of Stackelberg fell on his own old
corps, the brave ist Siberian Army Corps, and

206 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Kondratovitch with his 9th Division was at once
sent off to the help of the Western Army, the rest
of the corps following.
While all this was happening in the field the
excitement in Mukden became very great, and
increased as the roaring of the artillery grew near
and more near. From the town walls, on which
were crowds of Chinese watching with anxious
faces, the shells could be seen bursting in the
distance, and other evidence of the nearness of the
fight were abundant. Empty ammunition waggons
rattled along the road to the magazine, there to
refill their cases with death - dealing shells, and
officers from headquarters came dashing in with
messages. But the most painful evidence of the
battle was the long convoy of wounded being taken
to the hospitals. I have said little so far as to the
casualties in the Sha-ho fight, but when about a
quarter of a million men engage In combat for
several days, the number of wounded must be great.
Now, on the fourth day of battle, they were coming
Into the city in an almost continuous stream, and
never shall I forget the heart-rending groans of
some of these poor fellows. It is impossible to
contemplate such suffering without wishing for
some other solution of national quarrels than the
dread arbitrament of war. As had been the
case at Liao-Yang there were now not enough
ambulances, and Insufficient hospital accommoda
tion, despite all the preparations made before the
battle. All the hospitals were full, and still the
long train of wounded poured into the city. The

SHA-HO BATTLE— JAPANESE TACTICS 207
doctors and nurses, as always, worked nobly, but
for all that many a poor fellow was unattended, and,
as far as could be judged, at any moment it might
be necessary to evacuate the town ; and Mukden
be added to Ta-shi-chao, Hai-Cheng, and Liao-
Yang In the list of places from which the Russian
troops had " advanced northward." The Russo-
Chinese Bank packed its money and other valuables
to be ready for any emergency, and even despatched
consignments of silver to Kharbin. Despite all
appearances the Manchurian Arm-y Gazette came
out with a glowingly worded article, announcing
that the Russians had gained a glorious victory at
the Tu-min-ling and that Rennenkampf was over
the Tai-tze-ho and close to Liao-Yang. This was
news indeed, news which would even please the
censor. It was no incomplete account, moreover,
but something calculated to bring the blush of
shame to the cheek of the mere chronicler of the
plain unvarnished truth. Precise details of the
fight were given, all as plain as a pikestaff and
as clear as crystal ; the author's imagination must
have been splendidly vivid. Although, save for
one or two correspondents who, like myself, had
ridden in from Beaneapudze, no one outside the
highest military officials knew exactly what had
happened to the Eastern Army, the Mukden public
were not deceived by the yarn of the gazetteer —
the roar of the approaching guns was even more
eloquent than the pen of the romancist.
I made up my mind to see something of the
fight in Bilderling's army, and mounted my pony

208 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
with that Intention. However, before I could get
away, a little incident happened which for the
second day in succession caused me to lose my
temper with a Chinaman. My landlord, fearing
(apparently) that I was going to bolt without pay
ing my shot, closed the gate of the yard in my face
and insisted that before I left I should pay an ex
orbitant rent. (The Chinese number among them,
let me parenthetically remark, the most avaricious
people I have ever met.) Having given my host
no reason for his insolent behaviour I resolved on
strong measures. I had been told, and indeed
believe, that the worst thing a European can do,
in a dispute with a Chinaman, is to strike him — it
is the assailant, not the assailer, who loses "face,"
but this notwithstanding, I now seized hold of my
landlord's pigtail and twisted It until he yelled for
mercy. This "new way "with troublesome land
lords is not recommended for general adoption,
but it had the merit of being effective, and a few
minutes later I was on the Great Mandarin Road
riding south to the nearest point of the field of
battle. The plain around and beyond me was
thickly populated, being valuable agricultural land.
The unfortunate villagers were great sufferers by
the battle, and I met hundreds of refugees whose
houses had been either destroyed or seized by the
Russian troops In their retreat. The refugees were
making their way to Mukden with the few chattels
they were able to carry.
In an hour or two I had reached the battlefield,
a flat expanse (if an occasional hillock be excepted)

SHA-HO BATTLE— JAPANESE TACTICS 209
dotted with villages and groves of trees. In
convenient situations were placed dressing stations,
to which blood-stained men could be seen slowly
hobbling. The Russians were being heavily shelled
by the enemy's shrapnel, whilst now and again.
Instead of the white balls of smoke made by the
shrapnel, a shim.osa (high explosive) shell would
hurtle through the air, burst with a terrific bang
as it struck the ground, and emit dense clouds of
black smoke. Though the firing line was main
tained intact, the Russians were still losing ground,
and might even be forced back to the Hun-ho
entrenchments. There was In Bilderling's army
an amount of demoralisation, there was little co
hesion, the corps had got mixed, and each com
mander seemed to be fighting on his own account.
So the day wore on and night fell with the two
armies still engaged. Bivouacking on the plain I
regaled myself on a ration of some of those won
derful tinned foods which give you a choice of
dishes and of meats, in accordance with the way
they are prepared. Thus, on the label one reads
this — or something like it — "For boiled rabbit
simmer over fire one hour : for rabbit soup boil for
an hour and a half: for hashed partridge add water
and boil rapidly for half an hour." By whatever
name you choose to call It, the ration is grateful and
comforting to the hungry man.
The situation on the i6th of October was much
the same as on the 15th; the fight went on, and
Bilderling was forced back to the Sha-ho. General
Kuropatkin was still at Hoanchantze, though at
14

210 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
one period of the battle the Commander-in-Chief,
eager to see for himself the progress of the fight,
had joined Bilderling's army, and whilst at the
front had come under an extremely hot shell fire.
It was not yet certain If the Japanese pursuit had
spent Its force, or whether the Russian army, its
various units now closer together, could compel the
enemy to stop. The headquarters' staff appeared
to think that Marshal Oyama had received from
the army besieging Port Arthur a reinforcement
of a division and a half, but this proved not to be
the case. It was now possible to obtain particulars
of the fighting of the Western Army in the first two
critical days, and to ascertain the tactics followed
by the Japanese. As has been already stated, the
Japanese had concentrated their strength in the
plain, primarily with the object of getting the great
est force to meet the Russians on a field of battle
more liked by the soldiers of the Tsar than broken
or mountainous country. The Russian prefers to
fight on the flat, and therefore might there be con
sidered more dangerous.
On the opening day of the great fight the
Russian Western Army made a furious assault on
the Japanese positions. For this the enemy was
prepared, and every attack made was repulsed, the
loss of life being great, especially on the Russian
side. The Japanese, whose strategy and tactics
always savoured of the text-books, followed the
method advocated by German tacticians for an
army on the defensive, and adopted the " Active-
Passive " system. Having successfully withstood

SHA-HO BATTLE— JAPANESE TACTICS 211
the onslaught of Bilderling's troops on the nth,
they did not wait for a renewal of the attack, but
on the 1 2 th themselves took the offensive, and
falling upon the Russians with almost incredible
fury pressed home their attack and drove the Rus
sians back pell-mell. What happened to Bilder
ling also befell Zarubaieff, as has been described.
It was the victorious advance of the Japanese
which I had witnessed afar off from Temple Hill.
Now, from the lips of those who had been in
the fight, I heard many stories of heroism and
death. When the Japanese turned the tables on
their foes the Russians lost 24 guns. These
batteries were out in the open, waiting for orders
which never came, whilst, unknown to them, their
infantry escort had withdrawn ; and without a pro
tecting force a battery is practically helpless, when
it comes to close quarters. Seeing their oppor
tunity a body of Japanese infantry carefully stalked
the batteries, and having got near unperceived, or
else been taken by the Russians for their own
escort, the Japanese opened a heavy fire on the un
fortunate gunners. Most of them perished whilst
endeavouring to save the guns, which were secured
by the enemy. One incident brought to my notice
reveals clearly the terrible nature of the fighting
during the first three days. During the retreat, a
general commanding a division noticed an officer
and some forty men returning through the lines.
It appeared as if this was a small party which had
been charged with some outpost duty and had
shown the white feather. Incensed at their appar-

212 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ent cowardice the general rode up to the officer and
asked him what he meant by deserting his post.
With a somewhat grim smile the officer, saluting,
said, " Sir, this is all that is left of my regiment."
That regiment had gone into action over 2000
strong. Could any word-painting be more eloquent
of the nature of the struggle than this simple recital
of fact ? Among the killed, it may be worth noting,
was a man who had previously needlessly Intruded
himself into a quarrel with which he had no con
cern, namely. Colonel Maximoff. This officer was
one of the Boer mercenaries in the war of 1899-
1902, and had been with Commandant Kolbd in
numerous engagements with the British, notably
the battle of Sand River.
Some of the camp stories of the battle were
decidedly amusing. There was a yarn about the
balloon section which may bear repeating. Two
officers who intended to ascend to ascertain the
Japanese position had taken their place in the car
and given the signal to let go. The ascent had
hardly begun when a sudden gust of wind caught
the balloon and carried it towards the Japanese
lines, but minus the car, which snapped its con
necting ropes. The astonished aeronauts were left
up In the air staring into space, but not for long, as
down came the car with a very decided bump.
The Russians, It may be added here, did not find
balloons generally as useful as was expected. They
must always be held captive, and they afford a
target for the enemy's artillery, as had been shown
at Liao-Yang, when the Japanese by the use of

SHA-HO BATTLE— JAPANESE TACTICS 213
shrapnel disabled a balloon — the bag being pierced
in several places. Then from any considerable
height it is difficult to ascertain the formation of
the ground, folds and depressions big enough to
conceal troops appearing perfectly level. On the
other hand, a captive balloon over one's own camp
is invaluable for signalling purposes — as is indeed
obvious.

CHAPTER XXVII
CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA — ADVENTURE AT
ERDAGO
The troops of Generals Bilderling and Zarubaieff
were finally forced to retreat behind the Sha-ho,
but the Japanese, who must have been almost
as exhausted as their foes by the week of fighting,
now relaxed their efforts. The pursuit ceased, and
the Russians set about to make a new position for
themselves. Mukden was safe for the time being,
nor was it necessary to go back to the Hun-ho
lines. The position taken up was In general
parallel with the Sha-ho and along the ridge of
hills which overlooked Its valley. These positions
were not taken without Interference, for the Japanese
main position was the other side of the river,
the two armies being within range of gun fire.
Each army, too, had an outpost, as it were, within
the enemy's camp. Temple Hill, beyond the Sha-
ho, was still held by Stackelberg's army, two
battalions being posted upon It. On the other
hand, a small hill on the farther side of the river,
considerably to the west of Temple Hill and some
three or four miles east of the railway, had been
seized by the Japanese during the pursuit, and was

CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA 215
still held. On the summit of this hill was a solitary
tree, and when events rendered the hill famous it
was promptly and appropriately named in England,
Lonely Tree Hill. Its native name Is of no im
portance, and what the Japanese call it I do not
remember, but to the Russians it will for ever be
known as Putiloff's Sopka ; ^ Its capture was the
only real success of the Russians throughout the
war. Of all the incidents in the Sha-ho fighting, the
capture of this hill stands out as the most striking.
Not only was it a victory for the Russians, the
most decisive they gained, it was the only occasion
on which Japanese field-guns fell into the hands of
the enemy. Decisive as was the victory, it was
only purchased at enormous cost. I learned the
particulars of the fight from a staff officer. A few
hours before dark, on the i6th of October, General
Kuropatkin made up his mind that it was necessary
to dislodge the Japanese from the hill, and gave the
order that it was to be done, despite the fact that
the general commanding at that part of the field
declared it to be an impossible task. General
Putiloff was told off to accomplish this "impossi
bility," and he succeeded. However, it was only
by bringing a force of fully twenty to one against
the foe that he achieved his purpose ; the Japanese
were simply overcome by weight of numbers.
They held the hill with about two battalions sup
ported by two batteries. After a severe artillery
preparation. General Putiloff gave the order to
^ Sopka. This word is Russian for Hill.

216 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
storm the hill. From almost every side the
battalions advanced to the attack. There could
be no going back of the leading battalions, save
on to the bayonets of their comrades pressing
behind. (One of the leading battalions was said
to have been purposely given this post of danger,
so that it should be compelled to redeem the
character It had lost in the previous fighting by
too easily concluding itself defeated.) Up the hill
swarmed the Russians, the foremost files continu
ally falling before the withering rifle fire of the
defenders, while every shrapnel found many victims.
They had too good a target to miss, firing straight
into the brown of the foe. Little by little the
Russians advanced, the defenders never flinching;
indeed, they had no thought of giving way, and so
at last the Muscovite and the Jap came to the final
hand-grip, the fierce bayonet thrust. Fighting to
the last gasp, the defenders were nearly all killed or
wounded. Friend and foe lay dead in hundreds
all over the little hill. And the guns? With a
fierce shout of joy the two batteries were seized by
the victors ; here was something whereof to boast,
something to fill an official despatch. It was night
when the summit was won, and hardly had the
guns been seized when from the farther side surged
up more Japanese in an endeavour to recapture
the post. At this juncture occurred one of those
dramatic scenes which live in memory when vastly
more Important events are forgotten. A young
officer of Kondratovitch's Division had been sent
to General Putiloff with a message, and reached

CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA 217
the hero of the fight in his moment of victory.
Looking round, the youngster saw the lonely little
tree right on the summit, and a longing to touch it
seized him. Impulsively he turned to the General,
his heart beating high with patriotic fever, and
besought his permission to just touch the tree.
Permission was granted, the officer darted forward,
put out his hand and accomplished his desire. At
that moment the Japanese counter-attack swept up
the hill and caught the officer In Its tide. Hemmed
round by the foe, he defended himself bravely with
his sword, but presently a Japanese bayonet crashed
through his chest, and pierced to the heart the
young hero fell. The victor had no time to rejoice,
for as he tried to withdraw his bayonet he was
himself struck dead by a Russian bullet. In the
end Putiloff remained master of the hill. Costly
as had been its capture, its possession was worth
the price paid.
By Wednesday, the 19th of October, the battle
had ended, but there was intermittent firing along
the line of the Sha-ho, the proximity of the armies
keeping each on the alert. By this time the various
Russian corps had taken up the positions which,
as the event proved, they were destined to occupy
for months. Stackelberg's, or the Eastern, army
formed the left wing. The 3rd Siberian Army
Corps was posted on the extreme east, the 2nd
Siberian Army Corps in the centre, and the ist
Siberian Army Corps on the right. The main
position was along the chain of hills already men
tioned as overlooking the Sha-ho, which was

218 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
perhaps two miles distant. In front of the 3rd
Siberian Army Corps was the village of Beanea
pudze, which Instead of being Stackelberg's head
quarters was now only held by an outpost. It was
a dangerous place to be in, being within range of the
Japanese entrenchments on the farther side of the
river. Opposite the position of the 2nd Siberian
Army Corps was Temple Hill, the post beyond the
river being held by the Russians. Baron Stackel
berg's new headquarters were at a village called
Kandolesan, which was, roughly, midway between
the camps of the 2nd and ist Siberian Army Corps,
but some distance in the rear. From it ran in a
N.W. direction roads to Mukden and Fushun. A
second line of hills ran behind those on which
Stackelberg had his main positions. Just beyond
his right these hills retreated from the river, making
a bend north at a fairly sharp angle and forming
consequently a weak point in the Russian line.
Farther to the right and near the Sha-ho was the
village of Erdago, which became famous later on
during the battle of Mukden. Thence the Russian
line extended west past Putiloff Sopka and the rail
way for several miles. The Japanese faced us all
along our front, and kept outposts or reconnoitring
parties at places on our side of the river.
It was now my desire to rejoin the ist Siberian
Army Corps, and on the 19th I left Mukden for
Kandolesan. I had promised to take provisions
for Colonel Waters and Captain Reichman, and had
a pack pony to carry them and a Chinaman to guide
the pony. A procession of two we left the city.

CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA 219
Crossing the bridge over the Hun-ho I heard
shouts, and was horrified on looking round to see
pony and provisions disappear into the river. A
passing cart had collided with my pony, and sent
him against the frail wooden rail at the side of the
bridge. The rail gave way, with the result stated.
Happily the water was shallow, and I recovered
most of the bottles and tins of meat as well as the
pony. As usual the byroads were very difficult to
find, and more difficult to follow, owing to the quag
mires which marked their course, a consequence of
recent heavy rains. Meeting one of Stackelberg's
staff officers escorting two waggons containing stores
for the mess at Kandolesan, I was invited to put
my things in one of the waggons. This done, the
Chinaman and pony were sent back to Mukden,
and I went on with the provision waggons. That
night was spent at Hoanchantze, where General
Kuropatkin maintained his headquarters, and where
we were entertained by three doctors and a priest
with true Russian hospitality. In the morning a
visit was paid to the Commander-in-Chiefs head
quarters. Drawn up in a line In front of General
Kuropatkin's house were the Japanese guns cap
tured at Putiloff Sopka. They were objects of
great interest, crowds of soldiers minutely Inspect
ing them. There were mountain guns and field
guns, some thirteen or fourteen In all. There were
also a good many Japanese prisoners at Hoan
chantze, and what with having captured, besides
Lonely Tree Hill, the guns, and quite a number of
prisoners, Kuropatkin's staff were a little elated.

220 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
It was a time with them to be thankful for small
mercies. Among the prisoners were a good many
wounded, and I gladly testify to the great care and
even tenderness shown to them by the Russians.
It seemed to me that more was done for these
men than for the Russian wounded. The guards
showered presents of cigarettes and eatables upon
their charges, and even tried to carry on a friendly
conversation with them.
Leaving headquarters, my companion and I
continued our way to Kandolesan, but the waggons
made very slow progress through the heavy roads.
We had not gone far when we found General
Mischenko In action, busily shelling the Japanese
lines, and lingered a while to watch the fight.
Later In the day we had been overtaken by a
non-commissioned officer and four infantrymen of
the 1st Siberian Army Corps on their way to rejoin
the corps, and they augmented our little party.
Shortly before reaching Erdago we were riding
slowly along when a bullet whistled by our ears,
immediately followed by another. Looking round,
we saw in a grove of trees about 150 yards away
four or five Chinamen with rifles in their hands.
We at once gave chase, but the men ran like hares,
and succeeded In dodging us among the rocks which
dotted the hills. Our assailants were, beyond a
doubt, Hunhutzes who had come down to the road
to take pot shots at passers-by.
We had got rid of the Hunhutzes, but our
misadventures that day were not ended. My
officer-companion informed me that there was a

CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA 221
large Russian post at Erdago, and there we con
templated spending the night. Entering the
village In the afternoon, the sound of rifle-shots
from the direction of the Sha-ho, which was close
at hand on our right, greeted our ears. Instead of
finding a large post in the place, we could see no
one ; the village was deserted, and we began to
feel in an unpleasant predicament. However, in
the yard of a house at the farther end of the main
street we found a few Cossacks saddled up and
ready, in accordance with their instructions, to re
tire at the first appearance of the Japanese. There
was obviously no safety in staying at this spot, nor
could the Cossacks give us much information con
cerning the road we should take. I had my own
opinion as to the proper route, and so had the
captain in charge of the mess waggons. He trusted
implicitly to his map (a strange thing, considering
how defective the maps had proved), and chose a
road which kept fairly close to the river. I felt
very doubtful about this being the right road, but
was overruled by the confidence of my companion.
There was for some time not a sign of life any
where save In our little caravan, and the villages
we passed had all been deserted. At length one
of the Cossacks accompanying us rode up and
pointed to the hills directly to our right, and there,
sure enough, were the Japanese. It was impossible
to take them for Russian outposts. Upon seeing
this the captain lost confidence in his map and the
road we were taking and turned to me for advice.
I told him that in my opinion we were either within

222 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the Japanese outposts, or else between the lines of
the two armies. The situation was a little awkward,
as night was now falling and our waggons could
not cover more than three or four miles an hour.
Left to settle our course, I decided on a road going
more northerly than that by the river, and following
it we reached a Russian outpost In safety. Here
the captain wished to pass the night, but I advised
going still farther back, as. If the outpost was
attacked during the night, the waggons would
seriously hinder our movements and might get
captured. I did not forget that the stores to re
plenish my own and friends' mess at Kandolesan
were In the waggons. At that moment the non
commissioned officer in charge of the Cossacks rode
up and said that he was short of ammunition, and
that his orders were to fall back at once should the
Japanese attack. This decided the captain, and
continuing our journey we reached in about an
hour a village occupied by a sotnia of Cossacks.
Here we spent the night, becoming the guests of
two Cossack officers, as excellent men as one would
wish to know. We learnt from them that we had
really been within the Japanese outposts, and to
illustrate the dangerous nature of the road we had
traversed they told us the fate of an orderly sent
that morning to Erdago. As he did not return, a
search party was organised, and they found him by
the road, dead, his body stripped naked and slashed
all over In the manner a salmon is crimped, and his
horse shot dead by his side. There Is little doubt
that this was the work of the Hunhutzes whose

CAPTURE OF PUTILOFF SOPKA 223
acquaintance we had made in the morning, and who
had unfortunately escaped us. The next day we
reached Baron Stackelberg's headquarters, and
were most heartily welcomed, as the mess stores
were almost empty. The captain and I said little
about our adventures on the road, and how nearly
the mess provisions had gone as a present to
General Kuroki.
There was a good deal of activity at Kandolesan
at that time, the Eastern Army being engaged In
occupying and fortifying the position overlooking
the Sha-ho. The men were very fatigued and
somewhat depressed, but for two or three days
there had been, skirmishes apart, no fighting, and
with a chance of regular food and sleep the men
were recovering their condition. During the battle
the commissariat arrangements had broken down,
and for two days the ist Siberian Army Corps,
attacking the Tu-min-ling, had had no rations issued
to them. It was wonderful to see how patiently
these men, and the Russian soldiers generally,
endured hardships and privations. As a rule the
common soldier is content with little food, and will
even bear an empty stomach without much grum
bling. And I may here set down a fact I often
remarked, namely, that the men preferred their
black (rye) bread to any other ration, even soup or
meat. On the march this bread is baked hard,
broken up Into fragments and called biscuit, being
carried about in sacks.
After staying a day or two at Kandolesan I
gathered that there would be no more heavy

224 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
fighting immediately, and with Colonel Waters I
returned to Mukden.
Though in the Eastern Army all was quiet.
General Mischenko was still harassing the Japanese
in the centre, while the enemy was continually
shelling Putiloff Sopka. These were the last
echoes of the great battle of the Sha-ho.

CHAPTER XXVIII
SOME REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE
The battle of the Sha-ho was ended, but it was
weeks before Mukden regained its normal appear
ance, or before the Russian army recovered from
the effects of that terrible contest. It was, how
ever, now possible to form an estimate of the battle
as a whole. The Russian losses had been far
greater than at Liao-Yang, but it was not the loss
of life which was the most serious effect of the
battle. That lay in the fact that, at last, the
Russians began to understand that they were
inferior to their opponents. Of the rapidity with
which the Russians recover their spirit after a crush
ing reverse I have already written, and the men and
the majority of the officers, at first much cast down
by their non-success, regained their tone in a week
or two. They were not, it is true, as confident as
they had been after previous reverses, for they had
marched from the Hun-ho gaily in full expectation
of victory, and had come back shattered, their
ranks depleted, and with many a gun lost. Still
to a large extent both officers and men had re
covered their self-reliance, and were ready once
more to meet the foe. Though this was generally
15

226 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the case, the more thoughtful among the officers,
including many of those in high positions who were
forced to look facts in the face, took another view.
It dawned on them at length that the Russian
army had been given a task beyond its power to
accomplish, and a feeling akin to hopelessness beset
them. The Commander-in-Chief suffered a little
from this moral malaise ; a nervousness as to the
future rendered him uneasy, and from officers who
enjoyed his close companionship I learned that
General Kuropatkin was a "smaller man" than
before the battle. It was natural, nay inevitable,
that it should be so. Practically a third of the
mighty army he had launched against the forces of
Marshal Oyama had fallen in the battle. The
losses were stated at first to be 45,000 killed and
wounded, but as the full tale of disaster was dis
closed the estimate had to be revised, and It was
found that the total casualties were fully 75,000.
This was an enormous weakening of the army, and
it proved more difficult than it had done after
Liao-Yang to fill up the gaps in the regiments.
Over 1000 officers had been killed or wounded.
The brunt of the battle fell on the Russian right
and centre (i.e. Bilderling's army and Zarubaleffs
corps) ; in the ist European Army Corps alone the
losses were put at 273 officers and 7109 men. The
Eastern Army had lost thousands in the attack
on the Tu-min-ling, and at Benslhu ; but once
Stackelberg had been forced tb retire his losses
were light, save in the ist Siberian Army Corps
which had been lent to Bilderling, and which

REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE 227
again lost heavily, especially Kondratovitch's 9th
Division. The number of men killed outright was
far above the average in big battles, and the
number of dead bodies that one saw was appalling.
It is said that nearly 15,000 Russian dead were left
on the field. As at Liao-Yang, artillery fire played
a most important part in the fight, and although
the Russians took the offensive, 50 per cent, of
their casualties were caused by gun fire. The
Japanese made the very best use of their artillery,
and the execution they did reflects the highest
credit on their gunners, for the Russian guns were
undoubtedly superior in range to theirs and pro
bably there were more of them. Whilst they had
weapons inferior In calibre, the Japanese guns were
more mobile than those of the Russians, and they
approached boldly close to the Russian batteries.^
While the Japanese artillery was excellent, their
infantry was superb, and showed extraordinary
dash and mobility, especially on the 12th, 13th, and
14th of October. They had by then considerably
worn themselves out, and although the battle did
not really end until the 19th, the Russians, from
1 The Russian guns were firom 35 to 37 cwts. draught weight. To
compensate for this heaviness the batteries were magnificently
horsed. Indeed, the Russian artillery and transport horses were
excellent, and there was little sickness or death among them. This
was not attributable to the men in charge, for the transport drivers
were both bad and careless horsemasters, usually driving at top speed
over all sorts of rough ground. The health of the horses was due
rather to their own good qualities, to the short marches they had,
and the long rests they enjoyed, and also to the excellence of the
dimate, the freedom from poisonous grasses, and the absence of
horse diseases usually so prevalent amongst armies in the field.

228 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the 15th onward, found that they were better able
to hold their ground. The Russian infantry had
had an enormous strain put upon them in this nine
days' fight, and, apart from the moral effect of being
in retreat, the suffering then endured from want of
food and want of sleep can hardly be appreciated.
They were kept in the firing line for very long
periods, and suffered in efficiency thereby, a point
which emphasises the importance of replenishing
the firing line from the reserves at comparatively
short intervals. The supply of ammunition for the
men was also a matter of great difficulty, and
to obviate this the soldiers went into action with
over 300 rounds of cartridges per man. (As it was,
practically all the ammunition accumulated prior to
the battle was expended during the fighting.) The
heavy kit in which the men had been accustomed
to march during the summer was now largely cast
aside, being either left on the ground when they
went into the firing line, or placed among the
regimental transport.
During the battle the Russians had used every
available man and gun, and, disastrous as had been
the result, there was this one tangible advantage
gained — the new position was a better one than that
formerly held on the Hun-ho. The Sha-ho position
certainly acted as a better buffer than that on the
other river against an attack on Mukden, and for
political reasons the Russians were most anxious
to avoid a battle under the walls of the Manchu
capital. The officers as they discussed the incidents
of the battle had that comfort wherewith to solace

REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE 229
themselves, and It was almost the only comfort they
could extract from it, except the assertion that the
Japanese had lost so heavily that the victory was
not worth purchasing. This, however, was not the
case, for the Japanese losses, though very severe,
were by no means as great as those of the Russians.
Reviewing the situation, the events preceding,
during, and after the battle, I gradually formed the
conclusion that the war had failed to produce a
single Russian General equal to handling success
fully such large bodies of men as were now in the
field. The Russian character appears to me un
methodical, a lack of forethought is manifest, and
the sort of feeling that somehow or other things
will look after themselves and "we will put it off
till to-morrow" — the manana of the Spaniards.
This state of mind leads in a battle — as It did on
this occasion — to many orders and counter-orders.
Inevitably causing much confusion. In these cir
cumstances the Russians had experienced great
luck in extricating themselves from the perilous
position in which they were throughout the 13th
and 14th of October. Once their centre had been
broken there seemed nothing to prevent the Japanese
dividing the Russian armies in two, and, as stated
in a previous passage, defeating either wing in
detail or occupying Mukden. On the 13th Baron
Stackelberg had expressed the opinion that either
of these things might happen. Most of my col
leagues and the foreign attaches with Stackelberg
seemed to think that the Eastern Army would be
cut off from the rest of the Russian force and from

230 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Mukden, and compelled to retire on Fushun and
thence to Tieling. But, as the reader knows, this
did not happen ; the Japanese pursuit of the Eastern
Army unaccountably slackening, due perhaps (as
was the general belief in the Russian camp) to the
exhaustion of the Japanese troops.
The general inclination in the army was, as
usual, to blame Baron Stackelberg for the non-
success at the Sha-ho. In the first place, it was
frequently said, Stackelberg ought to have broken
through at the Tu-min-ling, or crossed the Tai-tze-
ho at Benslhu and threatened Liao-Yang. The
reader can judge for himself how hard Stackelberg
had striven to gain the passes, and how unjust it
was to reproach him for not doing so. Then again,
it was urged, and with great insistence, that when
the 4th Siberian Army Corps under Zarubaieff had
been driven back and the Japanese wedge forced
into the centre of the Russian army, Stackelberg
should have at once abandoned his attack on the
passes and the attempt to outflank the enemy, and
concentrated his entire strength against the left
wing of the Japanese centre {i.e. the force which
had wedged Itself past Zarubaieffs men). To have
done so would have been excellent policy, and — as
the account of the battle already given shows —
Stackelberg, as soon as he knew of the disaster
to the Russian centre, did send the 2nd Siberian
Army Corps to threaten the Japanese wedge.
Whether or not he could have done more than he
did is a matter of opinion, but the 2nd Siberian
Army Corps was the only corps he had in reserve.

REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE 231
and to get the 3rd and ist Corps away from their
positions (where they had lost heavily) and hurl the
tired men on the Japanese wedge would have taken
much time. And time meant everything, for had
the (supposititious) flank attack on the enemy proved
a failure, it would have meant absolute disaster to
the entire Russian army, as in that case there would
have been nothing to prevent the Japanese from
surrounding the Russians and cutting them off from
their base. What Stackelberg did lack was a
reserve of cavalry or mounted Infantry. If when
the centre was first broken he could have poured
10,000 good horsemen on to the Japanese wedge,
it would either have been broken or forced to retire,
and the Russian line thus re-established. As it
was, the cavalry that the Russians had was not
where it was wanted in the hour of trial. In short,
in my opinion Stackelberg did everything that was
possible with the force he had at his command.
Moreover, I think it extremely probable that
General Kuropatkin, never anxious to risk too
much, ordered him to retire when he did and not
hazard everything in an attack on the Japanese
centre. And with this apologia for the Eastern
Army, to which I was attached, I will end my
reflections on the tactical aspects of the battle.
One of the saddest consequences of the battle
was the misery it entailed on the Manchurian
peasantry, at which I have briefly hinted in a
former chapter. The country between Liao-Yang
and Mukden Is thickly Inhabited by a race of
Industrious farmers. Nearly all of them suffered

232 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
greatly during the retreat of the Russians. Living
In Mukden, one had on every hand too patent
evidence of the trials these innocent people had
had to endure. Long trains of unfortunates,
mostly women and children, toiled painfully into
the city, where In a short while many thousands
of refugees had collected. Many of these women
and children were wounded, and piteous were the
tales they told of husbands and fathers killed, of
whole villages turned out of their homes, the wood
work and the furniture of their houses used for
firewood, their provisions seized by the famished
soldiers. It was only too apparent that large
numbers of Chinese men had perished at the hands
of the Cossacks. Their inability or Indifference to
distinguish between a peaceful farmer and a bandit
had caused the death of many an innocent man ;
sabre cuts and bayonet wounds told plainly that
many of these refugees had been the victims of
the soldiers. The conduct of the troops to the
inhabitants had indeed undergone a startling
change since the days in the eastern hills with
Count Keller, when a Cossack dare not take the
smallest liberty with a Chinese except at the risk
of condign punishment. Well was it now for the
unfortunate refugees that they could look elsewhere
for help than to the Russians, who did absolutely
nothing to relieve the distress caused by the war.
The Chinese in Mukden, however, showed them
selves keenly alive to the calls of humanity. A
Relief Committee, which received the support of
the Manchu Governor of the city, was formed, and

REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE 233
many substantial subscriptions to this fund came
from wealthy mandarins and merchants. The
Chinese, according to my observation, are gener
ous in their dealings with the unfortunate, and
certainly the mandarins most widely respected
were those conspicuous for good deeds. The
Chinese Relief Committee worked hand in hand
with the British missionaries, who proved the
truest helpers of the refugees, as they could care
for the sick and wounded as well as for the
destitute. Dr. Christie, Dr. Ross, Dr. Young,
Mr. Ingles, Mr. Pullar, and Mr. Fulton, all mem
bers of the Scotch or Irish Protestant missions in
the city, were untiring in their care of these poor
people, giving them food and lodging, clothes
and money to the utmost extent of their ability.
Besides this. Dr. Christie and Dr. Young, assisted
by Chinese medical students they had themselves
trained, relieved hundreds of the Chinese wounded
in their magnificent hospital. From the lips of
the patients one heard distressing accounts of the
hardships they had endured. I remember the
story told by one unfortunate girl who lay in bed
riddled with bullets. She narrated how she and
her family decided to leave their home and seek
safety in the city. Confused by the movements of
the troops and frightened by the noise of battle,
they lost their way and found themselves between
the two armies. Hardly knowing what to do, they
ran first towards the Japanese lines. The Japanese
did not cease their fire, and most of the party were
hit. The remainder then turned round and ran

234 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
straight for the Russian lines. It was equally
impossible for the Russians to avoid hitting them,
and the girl in hospital was the only survivor of
her family. From her condition it seemed to me
that before long she too would have joined the
majority. Still, she, with hundreds more, had the
greatest attention from the hands of the noble-
hearted men who had devoted their lives to the
physical as well as the spiritual well-being of those
with whom they had chosen to dwell. It is largely
owing to the life work of Dr. Christie and such as
he that the name of England Is so honoured in
Manchuria to-day. Well may we be proud of them,
and help forward their great mission.
A pendant to the battle of the Sha-ho was the
capture of Temple Hill by the Japanese. After
the battle this position was the only one on the
farther side of the Sha-ho held by the Russians,
and for a time the two battalions placed on it were
not seriously molested by the enemy. Both armies
were, in fact, busy strengthening their new positions,
the Russian soldiers being kept at work trench-
digging day and night. The artillery of either
army would indulge In desultory firing, and this
firing was occasionally heavy. However, the
Russian position was made day by day stronger,
and Temple Hill served them as a very useful
outpost, standing, as it were, within the Japanese
line, and from its height affording those on It a
magnificent view of the country towards Liao-
Yang. Then came a day when the foe determined

REFLECTIONS ON THE SHA-HO BATTLE 235
that the Russians should no longer enjoy this
advantage. Placing artillery in a position secure
from reply by the Russians, they subjected the hill
to a severe bombardment. To send guns to aid
the defenders was an impossibility for Stackelberg,
as the river would have to be crossed under a
terrific fire from the Japanese main position. On
the hill itself there were nothing but machine guns,
and the battalions holding it were thus In an almost
hopeless situation, unable to reply to the enemy's
fire and cut off from succour from their own side.
The Japanese shrapnel wrought terrible havoc
among them, and under cover of this fire the
Japanese infantry climbed the hill and carried It
by assault. The Russians fought desperately, and
lost about 800 men killed and wounded, the re
mainder effecting their retreat across the Sha-ho,
a stream easily waded. The Japanese had taken
the hill, captured several machine guns, and In
flicted a heavy loss on the defenders, — it was in its
way their revenge for the loss of Putiloff's Sopka.
After this incident the two armies kept each to
their own side; of the river, and Temple Hill was
the last serious engagement for many weeks. On
the Russian side the authorities employed the time
in hurrying out fresh troops to make good the
losses sustained at the Sha-ho and in replenishing
the ammunition of the army.

CHAPTER XXIX
ALEXEIEFF RETURNS HOME — NEWS OF THE NORTH
SEA OUTRAGE
Except for occasional heavy rain, the weather for
some time had been agreeable and the temperature
high. As October drew to an end the night air
grew cold, even frosty ; one could no longer sleep
with no roof save the canopy of heaven, and it
became necessary to get shelter of some sort.
The soldiers by the Sha-ho made for themselves
burrows, — zemliankis, as they called them, — real
underground chambers, which in the winter gave
excellent protection against the cold, as well as
the fire of the enemy. The troops cantoned in
villages sent in to Mukden for matting and paper
windows. The windows in Manchuria are filled,
not with glass, but with white parchment paper,
which, though it admits light, obscures the vision.
These paper windows had suffered severely during
the fighting and the wholesale destruction of vil
lages, and the demand for them in the Mukden
market was great. On the 5th of November we
had our first fall of snow, which caused those who
could afford it to pay visits to the houses of the fur
merchants, where most comfortable (and expensive)
236

ALEXEIEFF RETURNS HOME 237
goods were to be had. It was about this time that
two or three trains arrived from Moscow laden with
warm clothing and all sorts of luxuries in the way of
wines and provisions. The trains were drawn up
on a siding under the care of officers who superin
tended the disposal of the goods. The sale was
conducted on the same lines as in the Field Force
canteen In South Africa, and, besides officers, all
attaches and war correspondents were allowed to
buy. At Mukden and In the camp at the Sha-ho
there was a good deal of speculation as to the fate
of General Kuropatkin, In consequence of the last
defeat. According to some authorities, his recall
was imminent ; but whether they thought this
probable or not, most of the officers hoped that he
would remain. Confidence in him had been lost to
a surprisingly little extent, and with the rank and
file Kuropatkin's popularity remained. The army
did not blame its chief for the reverses it had met ;
apart from criticism of this or that commander, the
feeling was that the non-success of their arms was
due to the interference of the politicians, to the
Government in St. Petersburg, and more particularly
to His Excellency the Viceroy Alexeieff. The truth
of the matter can be known to very few people,
but, judging by events, the Viceroy rather than the
General was held responsible in Russia, for while
Kuropatkin remained, Alexeieff went. The an
nouncement, within a fortnight of the battle of the
Sha-ho, that Admiral Alexeieff had been ordered
to start at once for home " in order to confer with

238 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the Emperor," was hailed by the army with delight,
and every one joined in ascribing the disasters of
the past to the man who had lost the favour of his
master. The Viceroy was allowed to depart with
out any sign of public sorrow. After a final
manifesto to all and sundry he left Kharbin
showering decorations on the members of his staff.
At last General Kuropatkin was free and in
supreme command in the East. Sanguine spirits
foretold all sorts of good things as likely to result
from this change.
The army In Manchuria was not much behind
the times in the receipt of the news of the world,
and from telegrams and Chinese newspapers,
printed in English In Tientsin and Shanghai, we
were informed of the North Sea outrage. To us
at Mukden, as to the rest of the world, war
between England and Russia seemed likely to
result from this killing of British seamen, and on
the whole the majority of the Russians (or the
majority of those whose opinions carry weight)
would have welcomed a war. Such was certainly
the view taken by Kuropatkin's officers, with some
exceptions. They looked upon the conflict with
Japan In which they were engaged as caused by
the Machiavellian diplomacy of England. Nothing
could convince the ordinary regimental officer that
Japan was other than a tool used by England in
order to injure Russia. That Japan on her own
initiative should have dared to defy Russia was to
them unthinkable. So when what had happened
off the Dogger Bank on the anniversary of Trafal-

ALEXEIEFF RETURNS HOME 239
gar Day came to be known, the conviction in the
army that torpedo-boats had been sent out by
England to destroy the Baltic Fleet was unshak
able. I was told so again and again by the closest
of my Russian friends. The torpedo-boats, they
would argue, might not have been English, but
Scandinavian, and hired for the purpose, and,
of course, the Hull fishermen were In league with
the Japanese agents ; and so on, and so on. The
chances of war led to the discussion of the
probable scene of operations, which, all agreed,
would be on the north-west frontier of India. An
infantry colonel, with whom I had a long con
versation on the subject, expressed the opinion
that It would be quite easy for Russia to drive
England out of India. His view was the one held
by most officers to whom I talked on the subject,
and I had many a friendly argument upon it.
They were quite prepared to talk about what they
would do, and how they would do It, and In return
showed no resentment of adverse criticism on their
own army.
At the same time that we received the news
about the firing on the fishing-boats, we learned
that Port Arthur was in a very bad way. Accord
ing to our Information nearly all the houses in the
fortress had been demolished by shell fire, and
attacks were constantly being made by General
Nogi's troops on the weary garrison. Many
officers stated that the arrival of the Baltic Fleet
and the defeat of Admiral Togo was now the
only chance left of finishing the campaign satis-

240 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
factorily. "We shall, of course, beat the Japs in
several battles yet, but without the help of the
fleet it will be hard to drive them back to their
own country." At the same time there was a
good deal of unfriendly comment on the personnel
of Admiral Rozhdestvensky's command. In illus
tration of the spirit that animated some of the
younger officers I may mention that I was told
by two or three of them that they had ordered new
tents and outfits for the summer campaign in
Korea. The summer of 1905 has come (one
may hope more certainly in Manchuria than in
England), but those young officers are not in
Korea. If not killed they are somewhere north
of Tieling. On the 6th of November we got Chinese papers,
which, to the relief of some of us and to the dis
appointment of more, told us that the danger of
an Anglo-Russian war had passed. The news
was more true than some of the stories which
appeared in these papers — stories which. If lacking
veracity, were curious and entertaining. Soon after
the battle of Liao-Yang, one of these journals
printed a detailed account of the capture of
Mukden ("Intelligent anticipation" this), and of
the battle which raged beneath its walls. There
was nothing skimpy or mean about the account ;
the things which hadn't happened were told to
the last circumstance, with names of generals and
corps engaged. It may have been this splendid
piece of enterprise which led astray the Man
churian Army Gazette, which, as the reader knows,

ALEXEIEFF RETURNS HOME 241
described Stackelberg's great "victory" at the
Tu-min-ling. By the middle of November the thousands of
wounded who had been brought into Mukden from
the Sha-ho had been removed to the large base
hospitals at Tieling, Kaljuan, and Kharbin. The
work cast upon the hospital staff at Mukden had
been enormous, and the way in which it was got
through was worthy of all praise. The great
majority of the wounded recovered, especially
among those who suffered from rifle wounds. In
the care of the sick and wounded the Red Cross
hospitals took a conspicuous part. Rumour had it
that the Red Cross authorities were short of cash,
although ample funds had been subscribed for their
use at the commencement of the war. It was said
that a considerable proportion of the money sent in
by the charitable public could not be accounted for.
There was little fighting at this period ; every
morning and evening the big guns would boom
forth, and occasionally a lively skirmish took place.
There was, too, a good deal of firing at night, and
the concussion caused by the discharge of the big
guns shook the houses at Mukden and at first
rendered sleep difficult. But one got accustomed
to the noise and the shaking after a while and
slept on undisturbed. Old residents In Manchuria
now began to assure us that the cold In the winter
would be so intense that active operations would
have to cease. Terrible stories were told as to
the effect of the cold, stories that forcibly reminded
one of the prognostications in the summer about
i6

242 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
"the rains." I was inclined to be sceptical as to
the cold, seeing that the prophecies concerning
the rains had come to naught. Reservists from
Siberia and fresh troops from Europe came
through in large numbers, so that in two months
or so the waste of the Sha-ho was more than
made good. It was In these November days that
I determined to take a little holiday and go
sight-seeing at Tieling, being accompanied on
this expedition by Major Schonmeyer, the Chilian
military attach^. A journey of a few hours
brought us to our destination, and here we found
quarters at the Hotel Poltava, which rivalled the
Carlton in its tariff if not in its comfort. Tieling
at that time was the headquarters of many Greeks,
Circassians, and other " robbers," who had estab
lished large stores, containing provisions imported
from Tientsin vid Sinmintlng. These they sold
at prices varying from lOO to 500 per cent, above
the purchase money, and did a thriving trade.
Your Russian spends money freely, and is careless
as to the cost so long as he has any roubles in
his purse. The fair sex at Tieling was well
represented, by ladies whose virtue, it is to be
feared, was not over rigid. The town, in short,
was a smaller edition of Kharbin, and boasted
of a theatre, which Major Schonmeyer and I
patronised. Tieling is Chinese for "the Place of
Iron," and the town takes its name from two
large stones, fallen meteors, which lie by the
door of the principal temple. As at Mukden and
Liao-Yang, the inner town is enclosed by a wall

ALEXEIEFF RETURNS HOME 243
with a gate at each of its four sides. All round
the town are steep hills which rise directly from
the plain, and on these hills the Russians had
constructed fortifications. One day sufficed to
view the sights of the place, and so we returned
to Mukden. On the way back we passed many
troop trains, and were Interested to note that to
relieve the congestion of the railway at Mukden
many of the trains were stopped at stations up
the line, and troops with their transport and
artillery detrained, to march thence by road to the
front. The main roads were in good condition,
so that this plan was perfectly feasible. The new
troops which arrived about this time included the
8th European Army Corps.
Baron Stackelberg now went on sick leave.
He had never completely recovered from the
contusion to his leg sustained at the battle of
Liao-Yang, and the work and anxiety of the
battle of the Sha-ho had broken down his health.
He was placed in the hospital at Gun-zuh-ling.
In his absence General Sassulitch took over the
command of the Eastern Army. Gossip had it
that Stackelberg would not return, but the report
had no foundation, save in the wishes of those
unfriendly to the General.

CHAPTER XXX
SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MUKDEN
By the middle of November winter had set in.
Snow covered the ground, and the rivers were
frozen over, though for some time yet the ice was
not thick enough to afford transport or guns a
secure crossing. As day by day passed without
any development of the military situation, one had
leisure to study the city, and I found Mukden and
its peoples Intensely interesting. Most of the war
correspondents went home during the next six
weeks, and among the first to leave was Colonel
Gaeke, the German military critic who had been
sending accounts and criticisms of the campaign to
a Berlin paper. His comrades entertained him at
a farewell banquet on the 15th of November.
This was but one of several entertainments given
by the war correspondents, who welcomed their
guests at a Chinese hotel which they had appro
priated. For my part, though spending part of my
time at the hotel, I set up housekeeping in a small
private house, being attended by an excellent
Chinese servant.
While it is impossible to give a complete
account of the various phases of life in Mukden,

SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MUKDEN 245
some of the more striking aspects of the city may
be indicated. The Manchu name for the town
means " the Prosperous," and probably never in
its long history was it more prosperous than during
the winter of 1904-5. Although the war had
wrought indescribable misery In the surrounding
country, it had greatly benefited Mukden and its
industries. The Russians placed with the mer
chants enormous orders for the quilted goods which
the Chinese use In cold weather (instead of woollen
clothes, which they do not manufacture), for fur
caps, for grain and other foodstuffs, for timber and
for all the necessities of transport. Thus some
millions sterling were disbursed In the town. At
times there was considerable difficulty over the
currency. After the occupation of Manchuria at
the time of the Boxer Rising, the Russians had,
with considerable trouble, accustomed the Manchu
merchants to accept paper money, and, when the
war with Japan began, both sides at first paid for
their requisitions in notes. But, with the successes
of the Japanese, the Chinese became alarmed, and
the merchants began to look with suspicion on
paper money.^ Russia, they argued, would be
beaten, and her notes be worthless. So there arose
a demand for payment In coin, and to satisfy this
demand the Russian bankers Imported large quan
tities of bar silver. By so doing the value of the
^ The Japanese, with their wonderful power of imitation, put into
circulation many thousands of false rouble notes, but this had little
to do with the disinclination of the Chinese to accept paper in pay
ment. It was merely a little irritating device ofthe enemy.

246 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
paper rouble was fairly maintained. The currency
question was further complicated by the great
variety of coins in circulation. There was the
rouble, the Mexican dollar, the Hong-Kong dollar,
the Chinese dollar, and the Japanese yen, besides
brass " cash," of which for a shilling you bought a
long string. The fluctuations in the value of silver
led to a good deal of gambling on the Exchange at
Mukden. The Chinese are born financiers, and
some of the operators on the Mukden market could
give points to the most astute member of the
London, Paris, or Johannesburg Exchanges.
The freedom with which the Russians spent
their money made them popular in Mukden, nor
was their expenditure confined to that incurred
by the Government. The Russian officers were
generous buyers of the " curios," jewellery, and furs
with which the town was abundantly furnished.
Rents went up, and landlords reaped golden harvests
from the heavy charges they were able to obtain.
Many besides the Chinese sought to share in the
profit to be made out of the Russian custom, and in
addition to the inevitable Greeks and Caucasians,
other white traders, some of them French, sought
for vacant houses in which to open shops. Any
afternoon one could see in the streets crowds of
officers and soldiers, and many well-dressed China
men, and occasionally the pretty uniform of the
hospital sisters. There were always convoys
marching to and from the town and the position
on the Sha-ho, or to supply dep6ts placed outside
the town. The streets were efficiently policed by

SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MUKDEN 247
both Russian and Chinese gendarmes, who were
under separate control. At night the thoroughfares
were well lighted up, but it was the custom of the
Chinese to bolt and bar themselves in their houses
when evening came, and then the streets would be
left almost entirely to the Russians and the Euro
pean hangers-on of the great army. At dark the
big city gates were closed, after which time no one
could gain admittance to the city unless in uniform
or in possession of a pass issued by the Russian
commissionaire. Despite the motley collection of nationalities in
the town — people from every part of the world
seemed to gather there — perfect order was main
tained, and, in striking contrast to the bad conduct
too often exhibited in the country districts, no
Russian soldier dared to misbehave in Mukden.
During all the months I spent in the city, I never
saw an instance of ill-treatment of the Chinese by
the Russians within the walls.
Unacquainted with Chinese civilisation, and
with but hazy ideas of their manners and customs
before going among them, the thing which, perhaps,
impressed me most in visiting at their houses was
the wonderful artistic sense they showed. The
houses of the mandarins and rich merchants were
beautifully and luxuriously furnished, of course after
Oriental fashion. I was privileged to visit many
of these houses, and the owners, who always re
ceived me with great hospitality, were delighted
to show their treasures when they found that one
took a pleasure in such things. Of china and

248 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
curious paintings I saw many marvellous collections.
Especially interesting were the carved figures of
men, trees, monkeys, and all kinds of odd crea
tures, jade being a favourite material for these
statues. No connoisseur in Europe could be more
proud of his collection or more appreciative of all
that was antique and artistic than these educated
Chinese. One of the mandarins with whom I
made acquaintance was called " Chop Dollar," a
nickname he acquired in consequence of smallpox
marks all over his face. This official looked after
the Imperial Palace, now uninhabited, and I spent
many delightful hours examining the treasures of
the Manchu Emperors stored in it, restraining with
difficulty a desire to loot. This would have been
a very easy proceeding, as the guards on duty were
not sufficient to look after the building properly.
No less Interesting in their way were the street
sights In the Chinese city. There were opium dens
and Chinese caf^s, always well patronised, and busy
bazaars which were the resort of the professional
story-tellers — born orators they seemed. These
raconteurs were seated by little tables, round which
collected large crowds to whom they wove romances,
histories, love stories, poetry — whatever might be
the mood of the moment. I listened with great
interest. Not that I understood a word of what
was said, but their gestures and the faces of the
crowd afforded much amusement. Then there were
the native doctors, and, as they conducted their
consultations and operations in little shops without
fronts, one could study their methods at leisure.

SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MUKDEN 249
To me they appeared to be, one and all, charlatans
practising on the credulity of their patients — faith-
healers. If you will. Their surgical treatment was
barbarous. A man would come with a sore, or a
bullet lodged In his body. Into the wound the
doctor would pour quicksilver, and then seal It
with some sort of wax or other material. In
a day or two the patient would return, the seal
be removed, and as the quicksilver ran out the
doctor declared that that was the bad matter causing
the trouble ! Another favourite device was to run
hot needles into the eye.-^ No wonder the hospitals
and surgeries of the missionaries were patronised
by many who lost faith in these methods. From
the doctors', one would stroll to the quarters of the
fur traders or the blacksmiths, for each trade had
Its separate location. The blacksmiths' work was
excellent, and native-made iron goods were pre
ferred to those of European manufacture.^
Though in respect of public order Mukden was
a model city, it was sadly lacking in the matter
of sanitation, and the most awful odours I have
^ The reader may be interested in the following prescription,
which is guaranteed to cure any disease of the eye : — Caterpillar
skins, 4 oz. ; vegetable oil, 4 oz. ; petrified snake-spittle, 200 cash
worth ; spiders, 50 cash worth. Place all in a new pot, cover
with a piece of new cloth, and bury in a damp place for 100
days. The mixture will then be in solution and ready for
application. ^ Iron and coal abound in Manchuria, but the mining industry
is not developed, save in a few places by foreigners. In some cases
where the coal seams are near the surface, the natives dig it out ;
and a fair amount of iron ore is extracted. Gold is also found in
Manchuria. It is not mined, but alluvial gold is obtained from the
rivers. In Mukden the gold is sold in bars.

250 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ever endured were wafted about the streets, especi
ally after a slight thaw. Among the denizens of
the city the dogs were very noticeable. They
abounded in every direction, and, as In Turkey
and other cities of the East, acted the part of
scavengers. Hundreds of hideous fat black pigs
also perambulated the streets, and pork was the
chief meat eaten by the inhabitants. The pork
market, where enormous quantities of frozen pork
was kept, was also largely patronised by the
Russians. Frozen fish of curious shape were
another common article of merchandise, and phea
sants and sand-grouse were plentiful and cheap.
As good pheasant as can be got in England one
could buy for fifty kopecks a brace, and that was
an abnormally high price for game. Fowls were
cheap too, but they were of great muscular develop
ment. On the other hand all grain foods were
dear, and one had sometimes to pay as much as
a shilling for a small loaf of bread.
As in ancient Athens, there were altars to nearly
all the gods in Mukden. Of its many temples
some were in good condition, others were very
dilapidated. Those of the Buddhists were the
best kept. The Buddhists were a numerous body,
and the lamas were well looked after by their
people. Then there were Taoists and many
Mohammedans and Christians. The United Free
Church of Scotland had a large mission with hos
pitals for men and women, and seven or eight
churches, some In charge of native pastors. The
Irish Protestants had a mission also, and the

SOME ASPECTS OF LIFE IN MUKDEN 251
Roman Catholics another. The Romanists have a
cathedral presided over by a French bishop.
The pitiable state of the thousands of refugees
has already been dwelt upon. Their distress was
somewhat alleviated by the brisk demand for labour
in the city, and all the able-bodied refugees were
enabled to get work. The outlook for these people
on their return to their ruined villages was, how
ever, very gloomy. In many cases the men had
been killed, so that farms could not be tilled, while
the last harvest had not been gathered owing to
the ravages of the war. Although there was plenty
of grain In the country north of Mukden, the
prospects for the coming year in the southern
districts were very black, and famine began to be
feared. The Chinese did what they could to pro
vide against such a contingency, and a sum of
money to relieve distress was put aside by the
Peking Treasury, and several societies were formed
in China to alleviate the lot of the innocent victims
of the war. In this connection I may mention that
one day the Jang-Jung (Chinese Viceroy of Muk
den) invited me and several other correspondents
to luncheon. We entered his yamen — a building
conspicuous for cleanliness and comfort — through
lines of well-dressed (Chinese) soldiers and officials,
and were shown into a room where a meal was
served in European fashion. The Jang-Jung did
not receive us personally, but sent a very important
mandarin to do the honours. The only drawback
to the luncheon was the persistence with which the
waiters refilled our glasses with sweet champagne

252 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
bought for the occasion. The repast over, the
mandarin, who presided, stated that It was his
Excellency the Jang-Jung's desire to approach the
foreign correspondents to seek their aid in raising
subscriptions In Europe for the benefit of the
refugees. Having had some experience of Chinese
methods in handling money we gave an evasive
answer, stating that the difficulties in the way
would be almost Insurmountable In consequence
of the attitude of the Russians. This mandarin
and all the high Chinese officials with whom I
talked struck me as well educated and exceedingly
'cute men.
It was an interesting study to watch the attitude
assumed towards the Russians by the Chinese. I
found that the Chinese were exceedingly good
judges of character, and those who came into con
stant contact with the Russians never allowed
themselves to be bullied, assuming and enforcing
an equality of condition with the invaders of their
land. Many Chinese hawkers went in and out
among the troops with carts laden with all sorts of
useful things, and as far as I know they were never
robbed, — indeed, I have seen a single Chinaman
rout a dozen soldiers who tried to steal his wares.
In one respect the Chinese suffered at the hands of
their own countrymen. The Russians employed
numbers of Chinese interpreters and guides,
attached to the various staffs or to Cossack regi
ments. These men often behaved In a most dis
graceful fashion. For instance, if a sotnia of
Cossacks were out foraging and came across a

SOME ASPECTS OF LIF^E IN MUKDEN 253
herd of cattle the Chinese guides would ride up
and demand money from the herdsman, and If the
blackmail were not at once forthcoming the guides
would tell the Russian commander that the cattle
were stolen, whereupon the commander would at
once appropriate the herd. As all cattle were paid
for by the Stores Department at Mukden, the offi
cers were sometimes not very particular to sift the
statements made by the guides. Another method
of extracting blackmail, used by the Interpreters and
guides, was to inform villages that unless they met
their demands they (the villagers) would be de
nounced as Hunhutzes. No wonder that these
interpreters became hated by all the country side.
This chapter may end with a version of the
cause of the Boxer Rising, which was told me at
Mukden by a Scottish missionary who had been
thirty years resident in Manchuria. According to
my Informant, while hatred of Europeans was the
underlying motive, the immediate cause of the
rising was the Boer War. The Dowager Empress
of China apparently had feared England more than
any other Power, and reasoned that as the Boers, a
small nation, had so easily embarrassed the English,
a great nation like China would be able to fight a
combination of the European Powers with a chance
of success. Hence the Boxer outburst. Russia
has been credited with having made a secret treaty
with the Chinese, whereby in return for Manchuria
being given to her she would help China against
all comers elsewhere. If that be so, the Russians
during their occupation of Manchuria have hardly

254 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
acted in a way to enlist Chinese sympathy. And
whatever may have been the attitude of Peking,
the original occupation of Manchuria by the troops
of the Tsar was most unpopular. The Russian
soldiers in Manchuria during the Boxer troubles
were called by the Chinese " the rebels," and that
period Is always referred to by the Chinese as " the
year of the Russian Rebellion." The Chinese
memory of Blagoveshchensk is tenacious ; they do
not forget that thousands of their fellow-men,
women, and children, were driven into the Amur,
to drown, by terror-stricken Cossacks.

CHAPTER XXXI
getting READY FOR ANOTHER TRIAL OF STRENGTH
Among the visitors to Mukden during November
were several from Vladivostok, and, judging by the
tales they told, life in that seaport was no more
serious than at Kharbin. The arrivals included
Captain Eyres, the British naval attachd, who had
been to Vladivostok in the hope of witnessing a
naval engagement, but had waited in vain. He
had, however, seen the damage done to Admiral
Jessen's squadron In August by the ships of Admiral
Kamlmura. The attachd expressed astonishment
at the small loss of life on board the Russian ships,
when one saw how the cruisers had been hit all
over. Kamimura's squadron kept up the fight at a
long range, never closing in, and thus two of the
Russian boats escaped. The Japanese Admiral, as
we know now, was obliged to act as he did owing
to insufficiency of coal. It was on this occasion
that the Rurik was lost. Her steering-gear was
smashed, and the ship could only go round in a
circle. Surrounded by Kamimura's small and slow
vessels she blew herself up. While the news from
Vladivostok was of this nature, the reports received
from Port Arthur became worse and worse, and to

256 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
many in the Manchurian army the fate of the
fortress appeared to be sealed.
The Japanese were at this time (November)
believed to be concentrating in force at Lin-shin-pu.
This was a village directly south of Mukden, near
to the railway line, and at this point the two armies
were closest to each other. The Russians held one
part of the village and the Japanese the other. Large
tunnels and deep trenches were constructed by the
Russians right Into the village. They were lined with
sand-bags, and afforded excellent protection from the
enemy's fire. The Japanese also had made trenches,
and I was assured that so close were the two parties
that the Russians could hear the Japanese talking.
By tacit agreement the men from either army drew
water from the well in the middle of the village
without being shot at. Nor was this the only
place where such courtesies were exchanged. At
Kandolesan both Russian and Japanese soldiers
went down to the river for water unarmed. Still it
was not safe to place absolute reliance on being
unmolested, for during the nights little raids and
surprises were frequently organised by one party
or the other, and if either combatant considered
that the other side had played a mean trick, they
"got even" with them when they came to draw
water. Free-fights with fists occurred on the river
bank more than once.
The accuracy of the Japanese fire on Putiloff's
Sopka, which was maintained daily, was extra
ordinary. Their guns covered the whole hill
with shimosa shells. The marks of where the

ANOTHER TRIAL OF STRENGTH 257
shells fell could be seen distinctly. They made
a perfect honeycomb pattern on the ground, layer
after layer being systematically worked out. Being
very strongly entrenched, the Russian loss from
this continuous firing was not great. Similarly
at Kandolesan the Japanese shelled the camp with
shimosa. When the bombardment began there
was much confusion at first, then everyone ran
into their zemliankes, like rabbits bolting into
their holes, and in those shelters waited till the
storm of shot and shell ceased. The fact was,
each army was so well entrenched that any
offensive movement in strength was certain to
entail enormous loss of life, and with the terrible
results of the last battle deeply impressed on their
minds, neither army seemed anxious to take a
decisive step. The Russians massed their men
closely in the firing line, while the Japanese were
posted in more extended order. A well-known
foreign military attach^ informed me that, in his
opinion, neither army could risk an attack without
a preponderance of force. Owing to the more
extended formation of the Japanese, that pre
ponderance, if on their side, would give them
greater strength on the flanks than the Russians,
with their close formation, were likely to obtain.
As far as it was possible to ascertain, reinforce
ments were arriving for the Japanese in about
the same time and numbers as for the Russians,
though, as usual, accurate information of what the
foe was doing could not be obtained, despite the
attempts of the Cossack to penetrate within the
enemy's lines. So for the present the two armies
17

258 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
sat waiting and watching each other. Still every
one knew that sooner or later another big battle
must be fought, and General Kuropatkin was
untiring in his efforts to prepare for the coming
blow. An important addition to the Russian
resources was made available by the completion on
the 1 7th of November of the railway from Mukden
to the Fushun coal mines, whence it was now easy
to draw large supplies for the railway services.
Heavy firing at nightfall on the i8th November
startled me. Such firing during this period did
not usually denote an infantry attack, but on this
occasion the artillery fire was a prelude to an
assault on Putiloff's Sopka. A battalion of
Japanese attacked the hill in force and succeeded
in getting within 30 yards of the Russian trenches,
where they were stopped by the enemy's fire, and
retreated, leaving, according to the Russians,
100 dead behind. The attack was obviously
made, not with an intention of capturing the
position, but to ascertain the strength and dis
position of the Russians on the hill. The firing
by the defenders lasted but six minutes, and was
at such close range that the bodies of the Japanese
slain were riddled with bullets. Most of the rifles
picked up were smashed. Many fights of this
nature occurred along the extensive front, and
were thought of little account ; the army generally
only learned of them through the official gazette.
General Putiloff, who remained in command of
the height he had captured, was an extremely
energetic man, and was very proud of what he
called "my hill," and ever ready to show round

ANOTHER TRIAL OF STRENGTH 259
any visitors and recount the story of the Russian
victory. It is said that when Admiral Skrydloff
visited him on his way home from Vladivostok,
Putiloff had arranged to have a small fight for
the Admiral's benefit, but that General Kuropat
kin, anxious for the safety of his guests, had
given strict Injunctions to his aide-de-camp, who
accompanied Skrydloff, not to run any risks. So,
much to Putiloffs chagrin, the fight had to be
abandoned. In pursuance of his plan to have everything
ready for the next trial of strength. General
Kuropatkin ordered branch lines of railway to be
constructed between Mukden and the front of the
army, and these lines were put in hand at the end
of November. They proved of very great advantage
in the supply of food and ammunition to the army,
and facilitated the movements of the staff and of
all those having to go between the various posts.
The Commander-in-Chief removed his headquarters
to Shansamutung, a station on the Fushun line
a little south of the Hun-ho. One could now
take the train from Mukden to Fushun or the
front, just as a city man leaves London after a
hard day's work for his home in the suburbs.
Officers would come into the town in the morning,
do some shopping, dine at a restaurant, and return
to their posts at night. At the attaches dining-
car, which was drawn up at the principal railway
station, it was said that one could meet half St.
Petersburg society. The whole plain between
Mukden and the main position of the army came
to resemble the suburbs of a city. The roads

260 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
were thoroughly relaid and much widened, lamps
were placed along them, as well as big white
posts to guide travellers, and by the sides of the
roads were many store depots, artillery parks, and
hospitals — a strange transformation of the country
side. One might forget, in going about these
roads, that a war was In progress, so orderly and
calm was the life, until the booming of the big
guns by the Sha-ho brought back to one's mind
the grim reality.
On the 24th of November the foreign corres
pondents and the American attaches at Mukden
celebrated Thanksgiving Day right royally. Our
Chinese cooks combined to give us an excellent
meal, and the dining-room was made gay with
American and British flags. Soon afterwards the
ranks of both correspondents and attaches became
much thinned. On the ist of December, to my
great regret, my good friends Colonel Waters, the
British military attachd, and Mr. Maurice Baring
of the Morning Post, left for England. Colonel
Waters had seen practically all the fighting up to
the time of his departure, and few men know the
Russian army better. Mr. Baring had also always
been where fighting was to be seen, and he won
the affectionate regard alike of his fellow-corres
pondents and of the Russian officers. We bade
the Colonel and Mr. Baring farewell with sorrow.
Two American attaches also returned at this time,
together with M. de la Salle of the Agence Havas,
an experienced campaigner and a good comrade.
Truly the happy party of " war-look-see-men " was
breaking up.

CHAPTER XXXII
reorganising THE ARMY IN THE FIELD
On the ist of December General Rennenkampf, at
the head of a considerable body of Cossacks, started
from the east on a reconnaisance in force, to ascer
tain the exact extent and position of the Japanese
right flank. Rennenkampfs movement was at
first successful, but, elated by the defeat of a mixed
body of the enemy's cavalry and Infantry, the Rus
sian general pressed too far forward, and finding
himself in the presence of a much superior force
was compelled to retire hurriedly. However, he
brought back as trophies of his prowess close on
lOO prisoners. These prisoners were well and
warmly clad, and their appearance was in direct
contradiction to the reports which had gained cre
dence among the Russians, that the Japanese were
very badly off for winter clothing. It had been
constantly stated by the Russians that their foes
would be unable to withstand the excessive cold of
the Manchurian winter as well as they (the Russians)
could, but the wish was evidently father to the
thought. I could not help pointing out to the
officers who talked so assuredly on this matter, that
during the Chino-Japanese War of 1894 the Islanders
261

262 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
had fought with ease In the Liao-tung peninsula
right through the bitterly cold winter. And, as the
event proved, the Japanese found the winter now
no more trying than their opponents. Thus an
other of the many theories put forward by the
Russians during the campaign broke down.
At this period a reorganisation of the Russian
army in Manchuria was in progress. Admiral
Alexeieff having been recalled to Russia, the entire
direction of affairs cast on General Kuropatkin was
held to necessitate a rearrangement of the other
commands. At the Sha-ho, as we have seen, there
had been an eastern army and a western army
and a central force of one corps. These designa
tions were now to be altered into the ist, 2nd, and
3rd Manchurian armies, and as reinforcements
came in these armies became more powerful, both
in men and guns, than the three commands at the
Sha-ho. To the reorganised armies new com
manders were appointed. General Linlevitch, one
of the three new commanders, had however already
been engaged In the war. As commander of the
forces in the Vladivostok district he had done
creditably all that could be done with the troops at
his disposal, and had more than once annoyed the
Japanese by raids into North-east Korea. He was
now transferred to Manchuria, and had journeyed
to the front vid Kharbin. Pending the putting of
the new system into force Linlevitch established
himself at Hoanchantze, Kuropatkin's old head
quarters. The First Army, of which he was to
assume the chieftainship, was Stackelberg's old

REORGANISING THE ARMY IN THE FIELD 263
command, the Eastern Army, temporarily in charge
of General Sassulitch. The centre had been
assigned to K aul bars and was to be known as the
Third Manchurian Army. Bilderling's old com
mand, transferred into the Second Manchurian
Army, still formed the Russian right ; the com
mand of it was assigned to General Grippenberg.
Kaulbars and Grippenberg had to come from
Russia to take up their posts, and did not arrive
till some time after Linlevitch had joined General
Kuropatkin. Very shortly after his arrival I
chanced to be the guest of General Linlevitch.
Capt. Eyres, R.N., desiring a post where he would
have better chances of seeing things than at
Vladivostok, had been attached to the staff of the
3rd Siberian Army Corps, and I had volunteered
to pilot him to his destination. We stayed on our
way at Hoanchantze, where General Linlevitch
entertained us with cordial hospitality. Linlevitch,
who has since obtained the supreme command of
the Russian forces in Manchuria, is a man of about
seventy, strong and vigorous for his age, an open,
frank-spoken man, loved and respected by his men,
whom he treats in a kind fatherly fashion, cracking
jokes with them, and generally making them feel
that their interests are his. He had been In
command of the Russian forces in Manchuria
during the Boxer troubles, and was well acquainted
with the country.
On the day (December 2nd) that Capt. Eyres
and I rode to Hoanchantze the guns were steadily
firing in the direction of Putiloff's Sopka. We

264 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
ascended a big hill which overlooked the camp, and
from which the captain obtained a good view of the
Japanese position. At Hoanchantze I met several
old friends. Including General Harkevitch, who had
been Quartermaster-General to General Kuro
patkin, and who had now become chief of the staff
to General Linlevitch. From him I learned that
the consumption of food and forage of the troops
assigned to the ist Manchurian Army was
220,000 poods per day. As a Russian pood equals
36 lbs. English weight. It will be seen that the task
of supplying the whole army, and not Linlevltch's
command alone, must have been one of enormous
difficulty and demanding the most careful manage
ment. The next morning Capt. Eyres and I con
tinued our journey to Kandolesan, where General
Sassulitch was still in command. Many members
of the staff were away on short leave at Mukden
or elsewhere, and General Sassulitch expressed the
opinion that there would be no serious fighting for
some time yet. This was, however, the period
when several adventurous young officers distin
guished themselves by crossing the Sha-ho at
night with a few men and, entering the Japanese
lines, annoying the enemy by blowing up stores or
even houses in which soldiers were billeted. The
Japanese were supposed to dislike greatly these
little plaisanteries, but they retaliated in kind, and
usually managed, I believe, to "get their own
back." Save for little entertainments of this
nature, the life at Kandolesan and Its neighbour
hood was uneventful ; at Putiloff's Sopka, and

REORGANISING THE ARMY IN THE FIELD 265
away towards the west, the conditions were cer
tainly more exciting.
Life at Kandolesan tended indeed to be dull,
at least it must have been so for the majority of
officers and men. The weather was too cold for
parades, and military routine was relaxed. The
men had occasional rifle practice, and they were
more or less busy fortifying the position ; but after
a time this was made cis strong as it could possibly
be. The soldiers who could read did so, but they
were a very small minority. Unfortunately for the
foreigners attached to the staff, the literature was
nearly all Russian, and few of the correspondents
could master that, the most difficult of European
languages. However, as I was the only foreigner
on the staff of the ist Siberian Army Corps, the
complaint is perhaps a selfish one. The arrival
of the mail, the receipt of letters or papers from
home, was hailed by all with great rejoicing, and
made the camp happy for a whole day. In the
lack of other occupation card-playing was in
dulged in, and in some regiments very large
sums of money changed hands. The staff of the
1st Siberian Army Corps, throughout the period
I was associated with it, was however never idle ;
Baron Stackelberg always impressed on his officers
the necessity of working hard and attending to
their duties to the last minutiae, and with them
cards were only played as a relaxation after the
toils of the day.
In describing the daily round at Kandolesan
I have neglected Captain Eyres, whose journey

266 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
did not end there, but at the headquarters of the
3rd Siberian Army Corps, which were six miles
away. Thither we went on the 4th of December,
arriving at the very instant when a large party
was sitting down to a luncheon given in honour
of the conferment of the St. George's Cross on
Lieutenant-General Ivanoff, who commanded the
corps. Among the party were all the recipients
of the same Cross stationed in the neighbourhood,
and many officers of high rank. We two English
men were invited to join the party, and we did
so, sitting down to table at eleven o'clock in the
morning. But what a luncheon! Surely never
has a function of this sort lasted longer, for it
was nine o'clock at night before we could leave
the hall. Many were the healths drunk and the
speeches made ; indeed, before it was all over,
nearly every one of the 150 guests seemed to have
made a speech. Many of the officers present spoke
perfect English, and It may here be noted that, in
my experience, when a Russian speaks our lan
guage he does so better than other foreigners,
and with scarce a trace of accent. Although the
North Sea "incident," and its consequences, were
still fresh in the minds of every Russian, great
hospitality was shown to the representative of the
naval might of Britain and to myself. Cordial
good fellowship was expressed, distinguished
officers like Generals Ivanoff and Kastallnsky
doing all they could to make us feel at home.
The toast of " The British Navy " was received
with acclamation, Captain Eyres making a graceful

REORGANISING THE ARMY IN THE FIELD 267
reply in Russian. The speech of the day was
that made by General Ivanoff, In which he referred
to the courage, endurance, and magnificent dis
cipline of his troops, without which discipline, he
pointed out, they could have achieved nothing.
Ivanoff had indeed a corps of which to be proud.
The 3rd Siberian Army Corps had ever fought
with the utmost gallantry, and numbered among
its regiments the famous 12th Siberian Rifles, who
were present in almost every battle from that of
the Yalu onward. In compliment to their fine
record the infant Tsarevitch had been nominated
Colonel-In-Chlef of this regiment — an honour well
bestowed. All the while the speech-making continued the
champagne had been flowing freely, mingled with
vodke and the wines of France, and misgivings as
to reaching the blankets on my kang in the neigh
bouring village assailed me. However, the inn
was reached safely, though I turned in very un
certain as to what my head would feel like next
day. My fears were groundless. I awoke in the
morning as fresh as a lark. The corps staff and
Captain Eyres started to make a tour of the outpost
line and to take part in another Gargantuan meal,
this second luncheon being given to commemorate
the promotion to the rank of Major-General of
Colonel Schwerin, commandant of the artillery of
the corps. Fearing a repetition of the over-generous
hospitality of the previous day, I declined the in
vitation to accompany the party, and rode back to
Mukden, a distance of some 50 miles. I had,

268 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
moreover, previously visited the outpost line of the
3rd Siberian Army Corps. Among the places held
was Beaneapudze. The village stood but 300 to
400 yards from the Japanese lines. It was occupied
by a few men posted in the houses, and sheltered
by thick walls from the Japanese "snipers," who
kept a sharp watch on every movement in the
village, rendering it a most dangerous place to visit
in the daytime. On the farther side of the river
one could see the Japanese, who again held the
trenches which they had hastily evacuated at the
beginning of the battle of the Sha-ho. On the
hills which I had visited six weeks before, and
where there were then only gun emplacements,
guns were now mounted, and these occasionally
shelled our position on this side of the stream. At
one point the Russians had massed forty guns.
When I reached Mukden late that night It was
to find that most of the other newspaper men had
gone home during my absence. At the " corres
pondents' phanza " as the Russians called it, only
two were left besides myself — one a Frenchman and
one a German. A few other correspondents were
scattered in various parts of the city. The follow
ing day (December 6th) heavy firing was again
heard in Mukden ; it was not the big battle un
expectedly precipitated, but was occasioned by the
17th Army Corps making a demonstration.

CHAPTER XXXIII
THE RUSSIANS IN WINTER QUARTERS
By the end of the first week in December the cold
had become intense. The ground was frost-bound
to a depth of several feet, while the ice on the rivers
was sufficiently strong to bear the very heaviest
guns or transport. The common costume of the
soldiers now, a costume which I and other foreigners
with the army adopted, included fur-lined breeches,
high boots lined with felt, thick cloth overcoats
lined with sheepskin, and a fur or sheepskin hat
called a papaha, as well as a hood of sheepskin,
termed in Russian barshlick. In this dress I could
not be distinguished from a Russian soldier, save
for the red brassard, the badge of the war corres
pondent, on my arm. Winter in Manchuria is,
however, a deceptive season, as I found on my next
visit to the front, on which occasion I was accom
panied by Mr. M'Cormick, an American gentleman,
who also represented Renter's Agency. (Mr. M'Cor
mick had lived in Peking a considerable time, and
spoke Chinese well.) The sun was shining brightly
and the day was so fine that I did not bother to get
myself a sufficiently thick pair of gloves. Half an
hour afterwards I had good reason to regret bitterly

270 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
my carelessness, for my hands became perfectly life
less, and I could no longer hold my pony's reins.
It was with difficulty that I managed to get my
fingers warm again. The fact is that people un
accustomed to the climate are usually deceived by
brilliant sunshine, and forget at the start the bitter
cutting wind which neutralises the effect of the sun.
Nothing but the thickest furs suffice to protect one
on a long march. The Chinese cart drivers, har
dened as they may be to the severities of the winter,
find it necessary to wear ear-flaps, made with one
side much longer than the other, and adjusted so
that the longer side affords protection against the
prevailing wind.
On the ride with Mr. M'Cormick we passed
near Erdago. From its geographical position this
place was naturally, as the reader will remember, a
weak spot in the defences of the Eastern Army,
but by hard work the Russians had done much to
remedy this defect. In front of the position many
thousands of yards of barbed wire had been spread,
and the ground was honeycombed with trous-de-
loups. From Erdago we passed on to Kandolesan,
whence Mr. M'Cormick continued his journey to
General Rennenkampf's position far away in the
hills to the east. I remained at Kandolesan with the
staff of the Eastern Army, which was to be broken
up very shortly on the arrival of General Linlevitch.
This was an excellent opportunity to observe
the army in its winter quarters. Not only was the
ground frozen hard, It was covered in a mantle of
snow. In general the aspect of the country was

THE RUSSLAJSfS IN WINTER QUARTERS 271
bleak and barren, affording few signs of life. As a
matter of fact, the army had gone to earth ; the
majority of the troops had become troglodytes.
Here and there in the hills and plains behind the
entrenched positions were whole villages of under
ground dwellings. They were not absolutely
beneath the surface, for the gabled roofs of the
zemliankes, as these dug-outs were called, projected
above the level, and gave them a means of ventila
tion. These roofs, made of timber and sods, stood
some few feet above the surface, were provided
with windows, and from them rose miniature
chimneys. The appearance of these villages or
camps are singular and interesting. Viewed from
a distance they looked like so many mounds of
earth, from which wreaths of blue smoke curled up
to heaven. The zemlianke villages differed from
each other as stars differ in magnitude. One could
always tell the encampment of a smart regiment by
a glance at the dug-outs. These would be made
in perfectly regular lines, and by the side of each
zemlianke a whitewashed stone placed, and little fir
trees planted in between. These avenues of firs
and stones gave a very effective appearance to the
camps. Besides the large camps, other zemliankes
were built just behind the trenches for the use of
the soldiers not actually on outpost duty. This was
a great boon, enabling the men to warm themselves
and cook their meals In comfort.
The zemliankes generally held from 8 to i6
men. Their earthen floor and sides were covered
with matting, and whatever the cold outside, it was

272 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
always beautifully warm in the dug-outs. Some of
them were luxuriously furnished, and all had stoves.
When the stoves were alight, as they generally
were, they caused the hard ground to thaw, and the
atmosphere was consequently very damp as well as
close. I asked a doctor If these dug-outs were
healthy, and his reply was, "Faut de mieux!'
Besides their underground dwellings, each regi
ment was provided with baths (the Russian baths
are similar in construction to Turkish baths) ; but
these lacked cooling rooms, and the bather sat
outside In the snow to get cool. It was a suffici
ently ludicrous sight, but no one, so far as I know,
ever felt the worse for sitting in the snow "mid
nodlngs on." Besides this careful attention for the
comfort of the men, underground stables were built
for the horses. This seemed almost superfluous,
as both Cossack and Chinese ponies can be kept In
the open without covering and without catching
cold. Their coats become very long, and this
affords them protection. Forage being scarce, the
horses were often on short commons. The Trans-
Siberian Railway was wanted for so many purposes
that little forage was received from the north, and
the resources of the country were well-nigh ex
hausted. Foraging parties were out daily to get
what they could, but often the horses were reduced
to living on kowliang stalks. The stalks seemed
hard and unappetising, but the ponies got accus
tomed — they had no choice — to their meagre dlet.^
^ Not only forage but fuel was very scarce at this time. Fuel was
a more expensive item than either provisions or lodgings.

THE RUSSIANS IN WINTER QUARTERS 273
The trenches of the Eastern Army had been
very well designed, and were now completed, as
well as the emplacements for the guns, which were
carefully hidden and protected. Roads had been
made in every direction to facilitate the moving of
the artillery, and, as has been already pointed out,
the whole position was one of vast strength, very
much stronger, indeed, than the lines held by the
Russians at Liao-Yang. I could not help being
struck with this fact as I visited point after point In
company with my good friend Colonel Polteratski
of the 1 2th Regiment, an officer who was In the
Peking Relief Expedition of 1900, when he won
the St. George's Cross for conspicuous bravery.
Looking across the Sha-ho one could see the
Japanese, not more than 1500 yards away, calmly
walking about smoking cigarettes. Their appear
ance did not create the impression of an eager wish
to resume hostilities. The enemy had their dug
outs too, and In them they also passed much time.
It was curious to reflect that thousands of troops
had suddenly disappeared underground, where
they passed their days comfortably. The winter
seemed to have dropped its mantle of pure snow
over the earth, in order to cover up the signs of
the blood and misery which both hill and plain
had witnessed. Its Iron grip imposed at least a
temporary peace on the combatants. If either
army had advanced, the ground was so solidly
frozen that new positions could not be entrenched,
and the troops would have been without cover. So
there was this period of rest for the weary, of
18

274 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
strengthening for the weak, and of restoration of
spirits to the depressed. It was a welcome relief,
and. Instead of thinking of fighting, one wondered
whether the cook would do his best for dinner.
The cook of the staff at Kandolesan was a very
disappointing fellow, and gave us the same pre
paration of beef day after day ; it really was too
bad, considering the trouble the staff had taken to
bring him from Warsaw.
An amusing incident happened one morning
when I was making the rounds with Colonel
Polteratski. We had gone close to Beaneapudze,
wishing to examine a new type of zem,lianke, and
the officer commanding the battalion came up to
greet us. However, on learning that I was an
Englishman he nearly fainted. He spoke earnestly
to the colonel for some minutes, evidently objecting
to my presence, but allowed himself to be persuaded
that I was not a dangerous person. Afterwards
the colonel told me that the officer in question
thought it a very risky proceeding to let me see the
position, considering my nationality. The English
man might, said this officer, inform the enemy of
what he had seen ; " at any rate," he added, " I
wash my hands of the responsibility of letting him
walk through my lines." Colonel Polteratski was
good enough to say to his suspicious comrade that
I was a fairly respectable person, and attached to
General Stackelberg's staff. What information of
value the battalion officer thought I should gain
by looking at a row of dug-outs it is difficult to
imagine.

THE RUSSIANS IN WINTER QUARTERS 275
The headquarters staff of the Eastern Army
broke up on the 14th of December, when General
Linievltch took over the command, and the army
was renamed the First Manchurian. General Sas
sulitch and Baron Brinken, the former Chief-of-
Staff, returned to their respective corps, as did also
the other officers. I parted from them with great
regret. They had shown me much kindness and
hospitality, and I had never been allowed to pay
for anything at their mess. The orderly whom
General Stackelberg had placed at my disposal.
Private Masquisovitch, had also to return to his
regiment. The good fellow kissed my hand and
cried bitterly when we parted, and I was deeply
touched. He had been an excellent servant. Indeed
a friend. The old staff being broken up, I deter
mined to return to Mukden for the time being. I
found the roads dreadfully slippery, and my pony
made slow progress. He collected balls of snow in
his hoofs, and these speedily froze. My efforts to
remove these frozen masses of snow were quite
unavailing, and their presence caused the pony to
fall down repeatedly. At length I had to give up
all idea of riding him, and I reached Mukden on
foot.

CHAPTER XXXIV
CHRISTMAS REJOICING!? — THE FALL OF PORT
ARTHUR
It was about this period, the middle of December,
that I rode out to Kuchlatze, a village in the plain
between Mukden and the Sha-ho, to visit my
friend Count Apraxin, who, as the reader may re
member, was In charge of the hospital of St. Eugene
in which Middleton had been so tenderly cared for
during his fatal Illness. The hospital had shifted
Its quarters as occasion required, and had proved
extremely useful. It was a model of cleanliness
and comfort. The wounded were in tents re
sembling those used in the field-hospitals in the
South African campaign, but they were superior
to the British tents, being provided with double
flies and lined with felt. The tents had, more
over, windows fitted with glass, across which neat
curtains were drawn. There was no difference in
the accommodation for officers and men ; all the
tents had a warm and snug appearance. The
hospital had also excellent baths and a church —
cleanliness and godliness went together here,
though among the Russian popes are some whose
sanctity could not be gauged by any hygienic
276

CHRISTMAS REJOICINGS 277
standard. It happened to be Sunday when my
visit was paid to St. Eugene's, and the popes (or
priests) were busy going from patient to patient
who sought spiritual consolation and who were too
ill to attend the service In church. I was kindly
greeted by the priests who had buried Middleton,
and whose goodness on that occasion I well re
membered. Chatting with one of them, he told me
that during the bombardment of Liao-Yang a shell
from a Japanese big gun had fallen between him
and a nurse not ten yards away. Fortunately the
shell did not explode but buried itself in the
earth, so that instead of being killed they were
only covered with mud. During that bombard
ment both doctors and nursing sisters had worked
on under fire, and several of them were now wear
ing the St. George's medal, bestowed upon them
by General Kuropatkin in recognition of their
services in the cause of humanity. The noble
and unselfish manner in which the hospital sisters
worked evoked my deepest admiration. They
devoted themselves heart and soul to their patients,
and seemed unmindful of the dangers and privations
they were often called upon to endure. There
were, it is true, a few unworthy women among
them, but these were an Insignificant minority.
The stories current In many Russian and foreign
newspapers concerning the conduct of the sisters
were nearly all vile fabrications.
On this occasion I was taken round the hospital
by Count Apraxin, who drew my attention to the
interesting cases. Several patients were suffering

278 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
from anthrax, or what is known in Russia as
Siberian plague. These men were believed to
have contracted their illness through wearing
shubas (greatcoats) made of sheep skins Infected
with the germs of the disease. These patients
were carefully isolated. Sufferers from Siberian
plague, I was told, rarely recovered. There were
in the hospital a number of cases of a malignant
form of typhoid. The doctors stated that there
were far more serious cases of typhoid in the winter
than in the summer. I saw many hospitals besides
this of St. Eugene, and though the cases of sickness
were numerous the proportion of Illness was far
less than in the British army during the Boer
War. Considering the privations endured and the
alternation between torrid and arctic weather ex
perienced, the health of the Russian army was
remarkably good.
The efforts made to fill up the depleted ranks
of the army since the Sha-ho battle were very
successful. By the 19th of December, exactly two
months since the battle ended, 85,000 reservists
without regimental impedimenta had been received,
and fresh troops were coming from Europe. The
army on this date was announced to be over
250,000 strong. The officers looked at this great
host and felt more confident as to the Issue of the
next battle; the very elaborate preparations that
Kuropatkin made all indicated a determination to
leave nothing undone which might help toward
success when the next great contest came. At the
front the Japanese remained quiescent, while the

CHRISTMAS REJOICINGS 279
Russians now showed an inclination to bombard
the Japanese at every chance afforded them. The
inaction of the Japanese was attributed In part to
the alleged withdrawal of a large proportion of their
army to press the attack on Port Arthur. Stories
turning on the siege and blockade of that fortress
were numerous ; I relate one which demonstrates
the suspicion with which the Russian officers re
garded the action of England. Reports were
constantly circulated that the Japanese battleship
Yashima had been sunk by a mine off Port Arthur,
but no one could ascertain her true fate.^ The
Russians believed the ship was at the bottom of
the sea, but were not sure about it. However, said
they, it will make no difference. The "they "In
this case means the more unreasoning and ignorant
of the Russian officers, those whose ideas of the
rules of neutrality and foreign politics were slight.
In a knowing voice men of this stamp would avow
that the Ocean, a British battleship on the China
station, was a sister ship to the Yashima, that the
Ocean had been sold to the Japanese, and that she
would take part in the next naval engagement as
the Yashima. It was as Impossible to persuade
these people that such a thing could not happen, as
it was to convince them that the torpedo boats in
the North Sea were merely phantoms of the Ima
gination of over-excited officers. It was with
1 On the 31st of May 1905 — after the destruction of Rozhdest
vensky's fleet by Admiral Togo — the Navy Department at Tokio
admitted that the Yashima had been sunk by a mine on the 14th of
May 1904 while blockading Port Arthur.

280 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
these people another instance of the perfidy of
England. This distrust of England contrasts
strongly with the cordiality shown to individual
Englishmen ; the Russians and the English when
thrown together get on remarkably well, and one
cannot help regretting that the two nations are not
better acquainted.
The time passed pleasantly enough, and Christ
mas came and we kept It with good cheer, killing
and eating the fatted goose. The old adage that
" Christmas comes but once a year," if strictly true,
did not appear to be so with us, for we celebrated
two Chrlstmases within a fortnight, the Russian
festival falling thirteen days later than ours. It
was at this time that a stroke of luck enabled me
to borrow a shot-gun and a few cartridges, and
with one of the Austrian attaches for companion
I made frequent excursions into the surrounding
country, going close up to the Sha-ho position.
We organised a band of beaters among the Chinese
boys, whom we armed with sticks ; the biggest boy
became head-keeper. These lads possessed great
Intelligence, and took genuine pleasure In the sport,
rivalling any of their western confreres in the know
ledge of how to beat a cover properly. It seemed
strange to bag a brace of partridges or quail, and
to hear at the same time the loud boom of the
cannon close at hand. Hares, quail, partridges,
pheasants, sand-grouse, and bustard fell to our
guns, and once we shot a fox behind the head
quarters of the 17 th Corps. Many a general's
menu was agreeably diversified by our sporting

CHRISTMAS REJOICINGS 281
expeditions, which proved most enjoyable. General
Sir Montague Gerard, chief of the British Mission
with the Russian army, took great interest in these
trips. Sir Montague Is a prince among sportsmen,
and has killed more tigers than any man living.
He has had a most distinguished career in the
army, and the Russian officers were proud to have
him among them. With them, with the numerous
military attaches, and with all who came In contact
with him, he was deservedly popular. To him I
owe my happiest days in Manchuria.
The Russian Christmas was celebrated with
great festivities ; many dinner parties were given
and many healths drunk. The soldiers gave them
selves up to carousings, to dance, and to song ; but
at the same time a watchful eye was kept on the
Japanese, it being thought that the enemy would
signalise the occasion by making an attack. No
attack, however, was delivered, and the army was
left to enjoy itself and to revel in letters and news
papers from home. The ist Siberian Army Corps
had special cause for rejoicing in the return to the
command of General Stackelberg, now restored to
health and as energetic as ever. The Baron found
the corps in a state of high efficiency, and Its ranks
filled up by reservists. Its condition was mainly
due to the efforts of Major-General Kondratovitch,
who Insisted on there being rifle practice on a
large scale, an Important point which seemed to
be neglected by many corps. Baron Stackel
berg was beloved by his men, and his return gave
an added zest to their festivities.

282 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
It was at this season of Noel that the army in
Manchuria heard of the final act In the great drama
at Port Arthur. It cannot be said that the news
was unexpected, for we had learned of the succes
sive capture of important positions by the Japanese
under General NogI, how High Metre Hill had
been wrested from the Russians at the end of
November, and the ships in the harbour sunk, and
how about a month later Erhlingshan Fort had been
captured. The Arm^y Gazette had told us of these
disasters, and that the fall of the Port was inevit
able, yet when, hard on the news about Erhling
shan, came the tidings that the city had been sur
rendered, many and bitter were the comments on
the conduct of General Stossel. The army was
hoping, or at least trying to make itself believe,
that it was still possible through its efforts to relieve
Port Arthur, and they had credited General Stossel's
statements that he would resist to the death. Hence
arose the feeling of deep mortification. General
Kuropatkin was greatly perturbed by the news,
which would naturally have a considerable effect
on the future conduct of the war. He cancelled
all his engagements for the next four or five days,
and would see no one save his chief military sub
ordinates.

CHAPTER XXXV
mischenko's RAID ON NUICHWANG
If one may judge by events, the fall of Port
Arthur decided General Kuropatkin to adopt an
active policy. There was an obvious advantage
in striking a blow before Marshal Oyama could
be reinforced by the troops under General NogI
(of which more In the next chapter), and a success
for the Russian arms would do something to
counteract the effect of the surrender of Stossel
with his garrison of over 40,000 and 546 guns.
It is also possible that the fact that the Berlin
bankers were hesitating about the issue of the
loan of ^25,000,000, desired by Russia, may have
had its Influence ; it was constantly rumoured that
political considerations had much to do with
military decisions. Be these things as they may,
something daring and picturesque was arranged,
namely, the great Cossack raid on Nuichwang and
Yinkow by General Mischenko. It was organised
in the early days of January. Mischenko was
posted on the extreme right of the Russian army,
and when he organised his raid to harass the
enemy's line of communications he determined to
take his force right to the Liao River, which was

284 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
nominally the limit of the theatre of war, and
which was considerably to the west of the left
flank of the Japanese. By following the course
of the Liao-ho south, Nuichwang Is reached in
about 1 20 miles from Mukden. Both Nuichwang
and Yinkow (the port of Nuichwang — the places
are a few miles distant from each other) were
supposed to be held by a weak force, and If they
could be captured, and the railway from Nuichwang
destroyed, serious annoyance would be caused to
Marshal Oyama. It will be seen that the idea of
the raid was excellent. From Nuichwang, it must
be remembered, the Japanese were drawing sup
plies from China, just as at that period the Russians
got supplies from the same country, and largely
over the same rails, vid Sinmintlng, a town just
west of the Liao-ho, and less than forty miles from
Mukden. Before Mischenko's raid there had been
attempts to destroy the railway south of Liao-
Yang, but only by small parties of Cossacks — never
more than a couple of sotnias — and these attempts
had all ended in failure.
Mischenko now took the field (January loth)
with from 7000 to 10,000 cavalry and several
batteries of horse artillery, marching parallel with
and close to the Liao, so as to avoid a collision
with the Japanese left flank. After the first day's
march he divided his force into three columns,
sending one party east to cut the railway south
of Liao-Yang, and a second to destroy the line
lower down at Hai-Cheng. With the major
portion of his command he continued his march

MISCHENKO'S RAID ON NUICHWANG 285
on Nuichwang. That night he camped about
four or five miles outside the town and made no
attempt to enter it, although he had received
Information from Chinese sources that the place
was held by a very weak Japanese garrison. The
Japanese, however, had not been Idle. The officer
in command at Nuichwang, as soon as he learned
of the approach of the Cossacks, had telegraphed
for aid to Dalny and other places where strong
garrisons were stationed ; and, while Mischenko
slept outside the town, Japanese reinforcements,
which had not more than a hundred miles or so
to come, and with the railway at their disposal,
poured in.
At daylight General Mischenko attacked
Nuichwang, but the opportunity to seize it had
been let slip, and the Cossack leader found both
it and Yinkow strongly held. There was nothing
left for him but to retire as rapidly as possible, and
this he did, without effecting any more damage to
the Japanese than the burning of some forage
stores. The forces sent to Liao-Yang and Hai-
Cheng met with no more success than did the
main party ; a few rails, easily replaced, were
removed, and that is all. Not a single bridge
was blown up, and it Is by the destruction of
bridges alone that a railway line can be seriously
damaged. The removal of rails is only effective
in so far that the next train passing along may
be wrecked, supposing the driver does not detect
the injury done and pull up in time.
While Mischenko was retiring on the Russian

286 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
position a combined force of Japanese and Hun
hutzes lay in wait and ambushed the Cossacks,
who lost a considerable number of men, and who
were obliged to hasten their retreat. The whole
raid had been mismanaged, and although I am
told that it was considered in Europe to have
been a very fine and successful achievement, it
was in reality an utter failure. This failure was
attributable to a variety of causes. To start with,
General Mischenko was cumbered with far too
many pack-horses, carrying a quite unnecessary
amount of transport, for the country they traversed
(untouched as yet by the war) would have pro
vided plenty of food for the troops for the few
days the raid was to last. Again, the time taken
to reach Nuichwang was longer than necessary,
and then came the unaccountable halt which gave
the Japanese time to bring up reinforcements. In
short, the Cossacks again gave an exhibition of
their general uselessness as scouts and raiders.
In mass formation, and for the shock tactics for
which they are trained, the Cossacks are no doubt
magnificent, and they are certainly wonderful
horsemen ; but in the present war they have had no
opportunity of showing their capabilities in this
respect. They felt that they had a distinct griev
ance against the Japanese on this ground. As one
cavalry officer put it to me, "Our cavalry is no
good out here, because the Japanese have none."
The Japanese were certainly not strong in cavalry,
and their generals were too wise to draw them up
in the open for the Cossacks to charge, but what

MISCHENKO'S RAID ON NUICHWANG 287
cavalry the foe had appears to have fulfilled its
object. This is more than can be said of the
Cossack regiments.
For ten or twelve days after the return of
Mischenko nothing of importance happened.
Generals Grippenberg and Kaulbars had arrived
from Europe, as well as a number of 6-Inch guns.
The guns were sent to the positions at the Sha-ho,
the majority being massed together, so that when
the time came they could pour a terrific fire on the
Japanese centre at ShI-li-ho, where a large propor
tion of the Japanese reserves were supposed to be,
besides much stores. With the guns came more
and more troops, and these were assigned to the
various armies, now definitely constituted.

CHAPTER XXXVI

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU

The Russian position in the third week of January
this year presented a very long front. On the
east It extended for many miles along the Sha-ho,
so as to protect Fushun from flank attack. Going
west It followed practically the river as far as the
railway, which cut the centre of the Russian lines.
A little west of the railway, at Lin-shin-pu, the
Sha-ho, which is a small stream, takes a decided
bend south-west, eventually joining the Tai-tze-ho.
Leaving the Sha-ho at this bend the Russian lines
struck across country to the Hun-ho, the large
affluent of the Liao-ho, which after passing Mukden
flows south and west. Crossing the Hun-ho the
Russians had a position at ZifontI, their outposts
extending north and west to the Liao-ho at
Sinmintlng. Thus the Russian lines were In the
shape of a bow, with Mukden behind and equi
distant from the two ends. On the right or
western flank were Mischenko and Kosagovsky
with their cavalry. Between them and the railway
was Grippenberg's Second Manchurian Army, with
its headquarters at ZifontI ; Kaulbars held the centre,
and Linlevitch the east. From Linlevltch's or the

288

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU 289
First Manchurian Army the well-tried ist Siberian
Army Corps under Baron Stackelberg had been sent
to strengthen Grippenberg's army, which consisted
largely of European corps. At this period the
force under General Kuropatkin's command was
some 400,000 strong, and had about 2000 guns.
All stores had been amply replenished, and the
branch railway lines from Mukden to the Sha-ho
were finished. In short, the Russian preparations
for battle were complete, and the only deterrent to
fighting was the hard weather. On the other hand,
the position of the Japanese was extremely strong.
They held no fewer than three fortified lines — the
first along the Sha-ho, and, on the west, the left bank
of the Hun-ho ; the second at Yentai (this position
had been made very strong) ; and the third at Liao-
Yang. West of the railway the Japanese first line
stretched, as has been said, to the Hun-ho, and
here the village of Sandepu formed the key of
their position. This left wing was under the
command of General Oku. Strong as was the
Japanese army. It was known to the Russians that
it would soon be strengthened by the addition of
General Nogi's veterans from Port Arthur. Nogi's
force was reckoned by the Russians at 65,000 men
and many big guns, and, as I have already hinted.
General Kuropatkin seemed anxious to take the
offensive before Marshal Oyama was reinforced
by this force of Nogi's.
I had ridden out one day to Shansamutung,
General Kuropatkin's headquarters, to be received
by the Commander-in-Chief. Unfortunately, when
19

290 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
I arrived it was to find that His Excellency had
been obliged to leave. My errand was nevertheless
far from fruitless, as I learned from members of the
staff that on the following day an advance was to
be made. This was Indeed news, of which not
the slightest hint had been allowed to be known in
the army generally. According to the information
now given me, the battle was to be begun by the
Second Manchurian Army (Grippenberg's) crossing
the Hun-ho and endeavouring to turn the Japanese
left flank. When this turning movement had been
carried out, the centre under Kaulbars and the
left under Linlevitch were also to attack the
Japanese. Such was the story told me. Since
the fight then Impending, and which is now known
to the Japanese as the battle of Hei-kau-tai and
to the Russians as the battle of Sandepu, other
versions of General Kuropatkin's intentions have
been circulated. To this point we shall return
later on. I considered myself very fortunate to
have heard of the impending movement In time,
and was pleased when one of General Kuropatkin's
aides-de-camp told me that if I cared to return
to headquarters at 6 a.m. he would conduct me to
my corps. I packed my kit that night, taking
nothing that I could not carry on my saddle, and
by six in the morning was back at headquarters.
The aide-de-camp was as good as his word, and
we were soon on the road to ZifontI. It may be
explained that whenever a big battle was expected
General Kuropatkin sent to each corps a staff
officer, who drew up a report on the work of the

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU 291
corps for the benefit of the Commander-in-Chief.
As we went on, we passed General Kaulbars'
headquarters, and saw a large quantity of transport
going westward. I ventured to ask my companion
whether he really thought that a battle was to be
fought, or whether the impending operations were
intended merely as a reconnaissance in force to
ascertain the strength of the Japanese left flank.
To this the aide-de-camp replied that General
Kuropatkin had made up his mind to fight a
decisive engagement and to drive the Japanese
out of their position on the Sha-ho. From Kaul
bars' headquarters we rode on westward, the day
being bitterly cold, to those of General Grippen
berg. Branch lines of railway ran to the head
quarters of both generals, who were provided with
special trains, in which they lived as a rule. We
reached General Grippenberg's train as the general
was about to leave for the front on horseback.
The commander of the Second Army was a grey-
bearded man of medium height, and a face full of
seriousness, as, with map before them, he discussed
matters with his chief of staff. His staff had just
arrived from Europe, and I never saw soldiers who
had so heavily encumbered themselves with bag
gage as had these men. Having ascertained the
exact position occupied by the ist Siberian Army
Corps, the corps we were seeking, w^e rode on, but
it was dark ere we reached ZifontI ; and then,
instead of finding Stackelberg's men, as we had
anticipated, we learned that the corps had marched
off, with the intention of attacking the enemy at

292 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
daylight. We decided to stay in the village till
2 a.m., and then continue our march. We were
very tired after our 80 versts (55 miles) ride.
Before turning In that evening, I discussed the
situation with several Russian officers round a
roaring fire, which was much needed to keep out
the cold. The officers seemed highly pleased at
the prospects of the fight, and, getting down the
map, pointed out, with significant looks, that we
were not so far from Liao-Yang.
The voice of a Cossack orderly roused us in
good time, and we rode on. The sky was, fortun
ately, clear, and we found without much difficulty
the village in which Baron Stackelberg had his
headquarters. One could not help noting that
in this district the villages, which were very large,
bore a prosperous look, and were full of grain and
forage. The war had hitherto not affected them,
and they were still tenanted by the Chinese. A
broad ditch and high mud walls surrounded every
village — as a protection against the Hunhutzes,
presumably, for the neighbourhood abounded in
those gentry. The country here was a wide, flat
plain, with many villages and a good deal of
timber, while low sand-hills diversified the land
scape, still in its white mantle of snow.
Stackelberg was within a mile of the outer line
of villages held by the Japanese, and at dawn the
ISt Siberian Army Corps advanced to the attack of
the enemy's position. I joined the ist Division
under Lieut. -General Gerngross ; on our left was
General Kondratovitch with his 9th Division ; on

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU 293
his left were the 8th and i6th Army Corps — corps
which now fought their first action in this war.
With these corps was General Grippenberg. On our
right, that is to the west, were Generals Mischenko
and Kosagovsky and their Cossacks. It was a
grey morning and snow was falling heavily, making
it extremely difficult to see far in front of one. In
these conditions the battle began.
After a brisk fight we drove back the Japanese
outposts and captured two villages. Directly after
wards I rode into one of these villages. On the
ground, their still warm blood dyeing the snow
crimson, lay the dead — both Russian and Japanese.
One Russian infantryman, with a dark hole In his
chest, lay side by side with a Japanese, whose head
had been completely shattered. The dead, the
blood-stained snow, the quaint houses, the dark
mass of infantry sheltering behind the mud walls —
for the enemy had begun to shell us — combined to
make a picture of war rarely seen ; one worthy the
brush of a Verestchagan or a Detaille, and which
words of mine are able but feebly to depict.
Two batteries of Russian artillery came into
action and the Japanese gunners were soon silenced.
All the day the fight went on, with snow underfoot
and snow still falling. The ist Siberian Army
Corps continued to make progress, and several
more villages fell into their hands. Away to the
right, large masses of Cossacks could be made out
moving forward, and on the left one could tell from
the firing that the Sth Army Corps was also engag
ing the enemy. From the direction of the railway

294 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
line I thought I detected the boom of big guns, and
concluded that Kaulbars was shelling the Japanese
centre. Towards evening I rode over to where
General Kondratovitch was posted and watched
the 9th Division "at work." Night fell, and I had
to spend it in the open wrapped in my greatcoat,
a poor protection against the biting cold of a Man
churian winter. Besides the intense cold, I suffered
from hunger, being unable to get anything to eat
save some kowliang, which I secured from some
Chinese. My experience was that of many of the
Russian soldiers. Many were unable to obtain a
roof to shelter under.
On the following day the battle was renewed
with great fury. The ist Siberian Army Corps
were now close to the Japanese position, but they
were unable to make further progress. For some
unknown reason the artillery did not come into
action till late in the afternoon, and by that time
the corps was in a most precarious position. The
9th Division had advanced on a line of villages held
by the enemy in great force. The snow was falling
fast and the troops were in close formation, when
suddenly the Russians were assailed by a terrific
rifle and machine gun fire. The 33rd and 34th
Siberian Rifle Regiments bravely struggled against
the hail of lead, but were cut to pieces and forced
to retire. General Kondratovitch was severely
wounded in the chest, and had to be borne from
the field, while his chief of staff was shot in the
head. Thereupon the 9th Division fell Into a state
of chaos, and it was only through the efforts of the

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU 295
1st Division and of the artillery that it was rescued
from its desperate position. The corps made a
fatal mistake in not using its artillery to better
purpose ; but no words can praise too highly the
gallantry and persistency shown by the Infantry In
their advance. Caught as the 9th Division was
in close formation, and having to stand such an
appalling fire, its losses in a very short time were
enormous. An officer afterwards told me, as illus
trative of the fierceness of the fire, that one of his
men had his head almost cut off by the rain of
bullets from a machine gun. The fact is, I believe,
that the ist Siberian Army Corps, elated by their
success during the previous day's fighting, imagined
that they had already turned the Japanese left, or
that it was weakly held, and on the second day
advanced without due caution. The ist Siberian
Army Corps had sustained heavy loss in every
battle since Wa-fang-ho, and such a brave corps
deserved a better fate than that which befel it.
As with Stackelberg's corps, so it was with
the Cossacks. On the right, Mischenko and
Kosagovsky pushed some troops up to and
across the Hun-ho ; but General Mischenko was
wounded in the foot, and eventually both divisions
were driven back. But, on our left, greater success
had attended the Russian advance. General
Grippenberg, crossing the Hun-ho at a place
called Changtan, on the first day (January 25th)
succeeded in capturing the village of Hei-kau-tai,
a little west of Sandepu. Here Grippenberg
mounted thirty guns, and did his best to make his

296 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
position secure. At the same time his troops
threatened and almost surrounded Sandepu. On
the 26th the Japanese were engaged all day in
endeavouring to retake Hei-kau-tai and save
Sandepu. The 8th and loth Army Corps, like
the ISt Siberian Army Corps, had suffered severely
in attacking the villages held by the enemy. The
high walls and deep trenches of these villages
afforded magnificent defensive positions, and al
though the Russian batteries kept up a heavy
shrapnel fire on them, it was without the effect
desired. On their part the Japanese gunners
knocked to pieces with their shimosa shells the
villages held by the Russians, who had no high
explosive shells wherewith to reply. A sad feature
of the fighting was the frightful suffering of the
wounded. For hours they lay on the field
unattended, the ambulance arrangements having
broken down through faulty orders. The ambul
ance waggons were sent to villages where they were
not needed, and, when they did reach the field,
no one knew whither the wounded were to be
taken. Meantime the frost and snow to which the
men were exposed increased the agony caused by
their wounds. Indeed, the tortures endured by
these men is beyond description — many a soldier,
who would have recovered in the summer, now
died of frost-bite. How serious might be the
consequences of exposure to the cold I was myself
to experience. As on the night before, I could get
no shelter this night, and had to pass It in the
open with the thermometer about 10° below freez-

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU 297
ing. I became ill ; my temperature indicated high
fever, and although the battle was not ended I was
obliged to return forthwith to Mukden.
On the third day of the battle General
Grippenberg improved his position, and almost
surrounded the Japanese at Sandepu. It looked
as if the Russians had a chance of winning. On
January 28th there was further desperate fighting,
and on the night of that day the Japanese again
assaulted Hei-kau-tai. They lost very heavily, but
pressed home the attack, and at nine o'clock on the
morning of January 29th re-occupied the village.
That virtually ended the fight, and by the evening
of the same day the Russians were everywhere in
retreat, and hotly pursued by their foe. For several
days afterwards there was more or less severe
fighting of an indefinite character, but it did not
materially alter the situation. The Russians had
suffered another heavy reverse. Grippenberg's army
was very sore over its defeat, every man in it felt
that they had been badly "left" by the rest of the
Russian forces. Neither Kaulbars nor Linlevitch
had moved a man or fired a gun to relieve the
pressure on the Second Army, if we except a slight
and ineffectual artillery demonstration by Kaulbars
on the opening day of the battle. Grippenberg
had been allowed to fight a lone hand, and this
fact struck everyone of us as most extraordinary.
Fully 20,000 men out of a force of about 85,000
had been killed or wounded ; and when it was
known throughout the army that these casualties
had been incurred in a battle fought and lost by

298 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
the right wing, absolutely unsupported, a very
painful feeling was created. For Stackelberg's
corps much commiseration was expressed; "that
unfortunate ist Siberian Army Corps" was the
universal remark. General Kuropatkin left his
quarters at Shansamutung and returned to Mukden,
where he visited the hospitals and spoke words of
encouragement to the wounded. His looks were
even more eloquent than words, for his face at this
time bore an expression of sadness and sympathy
which required no translation into speech.
For the next few days the nature and cause of
the disaster at Sandepu formed the universal topic
of conversation. A complete mystery seemed to
envelope it, and though many startling stories were
told, no credence could be placed in any of them.
One theory was that the Commander-in-Chief had
never intended to fight a general action, and that
Grippenberg had risked more than he should have
done. Another opinion was that the Second Army's
failure was entirely due to want of support. A
third statement was that, when Grippenberg was
on the point of victory, Kuropatkin, having learned
how the ISt Siberian Army Corps had been cut up,
ordered a retreat of the whole of the Second Army.
All that was patent was that a gigantic mistake
had been made by some one. The intention to
fight had been kept so secret that not one of the
military attaches had any inkling of it, and none
were with Grippenberg. Nor — excepting myself
and one other correspondent, who was staying with
General Mischenko — were there any onlookers

THE BATTLE OF SANDEPU 299
present at all. Many officers were at Mukden
on leave, and knew nothing of what was hap
pening until the sound of heavy firing told
that a battle was in progress. A more extra
ordinary situation it is impossible to conceive.
Suddenly the news came that General Grippen
berg had sent in his resignation, and followed it up
by immediately starting on his return to Russia.
Such behaviour at such a critical period evoked a
good deal of unfriendly comment. One thing
everybody confidently affirmed, namely, that there
had been " an awful row " over Sandepu between
General Kuropatkin and the chiefs of the three
armies. What actually happened it is impossible to
say, but Grippenberg's abrupt departure is evidence
sufficient of the gravest differences between officers
whose cordial co-operation was essential for the
welfare of the army.
The battle of Sandepu had a most deplorable
effect on the whole Russian army. The work of
three months and more of reorganising the forces
since the battle of the Sha-ho was almost entirely
thrown away. Prior to the defeat of Grippenberg
the army had recovered its tone. There were
officers, more thoughtful and better informed than
the majority, who still had misgivings as to the
ability of the Russian army to reverse Liao-Yang
and the Sha-ho, but they did not affect the general
spirit. The men, well clothed and well fed,
cheered by the presence of new comrades, had en
joyed a long rest, and were full of courage. Guns,
ammunition, and supplies had arrived in plenty,

300 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
and confidence in the future was almost universal.
Then came Sandepu, with its disastrous ending :
over 20,000 casualtleSj the morale of the men
greatly weakened, and, worst of all, acute dis
sension caused in the ranks of the superior officers.
All this had a most depressing effect, and it Is
beyond question that the defeat of Sandepu was
one of the chief causes of the subsequent rout of
the Russians at Mukden. For it Is not only the
effect of the battle on the beaten that must be con
sidered ; Sandepu had an equally important effect
on the victors. Besides giving the Japanese an
opportunity of ascertaining (and strengthening) the
weak spots In their western position, it filled them
with elation, increasing their self-confidence and
the belief in their power of defeating the foe on
any and every occasion. The Russians had
certainly played into the hands of their enemy ; it
may be doubted whether the Japanese could have
wished for anything better, even if the formation
of the Russian plan of attack had been left to
them.

CHAPTER XXXVII
THE RUSSIAN OVERTHROW AT MUKDEN
My little establishment at Mukden was broken up
on the 3rd of February, and I had to refuse the
repeated requests of my Chinese servant that he
might accompany me home.
Obliged to return to England, for private
reasons, I left the Manchu capital within three
weeks of the opening of the battle of Mukden. At
the beginning of February, however, no one knew
when the next blow would be struck, though it was
almost certain the Japanese would take the initi
ative before long. The journey of some 200 miles
from Mukden to Kharbin occupied five days,
which is eloquent testimony to the congestion of
the line. Between the two towns were then the
great base hospitals for the Russians, notably those
at Kalyuan and Guntzuling. I passed during
those five days many hospital trains, bearing west
ward thousands of the wounded from Sandepu.
They had to be constantly shunted to make way
for the densely packed troop trains coming east
ward from Russia. The country, especially north
of Kalyuan, was very barren and exceptionally
cold, even for a Manchurian winter. On reaching
301

302 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Kharbin (where I had to remain some ten days
owing to Illness) we learned that the railway line
had been broken the day before near Guntzuling
by a mixed body of Japanese cavalry and Hun
hutzes, while, on the day following, a strong force
of Japanese cavalry surrounded a party of 300
Russians engaged In protecting the line, and killed
or captured almost every man. The enemy also
captured a gun, and succeeded in partly destroying
a railway bridge. Both the bridge and the line
were repaired In a few hours, but these sudden and
successful raids perturbed the Russians. Up to
that period the line had hardly been damaged, the
attempts made having been almost invariably frus
trated by the vigilance of the Frontier Guards.
But now the Japanese seemed bent on emulating the
achievements of General Mischenko in his raid on
Nuichwang and Yinkow, and on making a better
job of their business than did the Cossack leader of
his. As the Russians themselves put it, " they are
going to give us yet another lesson of how things
ought to be done successfully." At this time also
two regiments of Japanese cavalry were reported to
be but eight miles east of Kharbin. The strength
of the garrison — nine battalions with sufficient artil
lery — rendered it improbable that any serious
attempt would be made by a raiding party on the
Sungari bridge or on the town. The presence of
these scouts so far behind the Russian right flank
was, however, indicative of the strength of the
Japanese on the west, and of the great turning
movement which the armies of Generals Nogi and

THE RUSSIAN OVERTHROW AT MUKDEN 303
Oku were preparing. There was considerable
excitement at Kharbin in those mid-February days.
Reinforcements were streaming in and being sent
forward, and great stores of ammunition were ac
cumulating, Kharbin possessing an arsenal in which
shells were manufactured. Meantime at the front
General Kuropatkin was endeavouring to repair the
bad impression created by the fiasco at Sandepu ;
while the plans of the Japanese for a smashing blow
at their foe were well-nigh completed.
The battle of Mukden began on February 23rd,
while I was on my way west across Siberia.
Details of the fighting were hard to obtain, eager
as everyone was for information. At Moscow and
at St. Petersburg the news given out was more
scanty than that which the public in England
obtained. Intimately acquainted with the scene of
the battle, and knowing well the force engaged on
the Russian side, the accounts of the struggle con
veyed a more vivid impression, perhaps, to me than
to those who had not been privileged to pass nine
months as the guest of the Russian army in the
field. The battle in its broad outlines was a
repetition of the fight at Liao-Yang. Everything,
however, was on a more gigantic scale — there
was a vastly more extended front, and probably
double the number of combatants. The force at
Kuropatkin's disposal was well over 350,000,
reckoning only the troops at the front or at Muk
den in reserve, while Marshal Oyama had as
many, if not more, soldiers under him. So that
some three-quarters of a million men were engaged

304 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
in this battle, or series of battles, for the fighting,
reckoning only to the date on which the Japanese
entered Mukden, lasted fifteen days. The first
movement was made by Kawamura against the
Russian left, and on February 24th General
Kuroki — considered by the Russians the most
redoubtable of their opponents — began his attack
on the entrenchments in which the First Manchur
ian Army, under General Linlevitch, was posted.
A day or two later Nodzu opened a fierce bom
bardment of the Russian centre, while on February
28th Oku's army began to advance across the
Hun-ho. This was the weak spot In the Russian
defence. The m.orale of the Second Manchurian
Army had been badly shaken by its repulse at
Sandepu, and when it was assailed by General
Oku's troops, with a fierceness and intensity which
could not be exceeded, it gave way, being com
pelled to retreat on to the railway and the defences
round Mukden. The Japanese had been well
advised in striking the Russian right with all their
might, for they knew that this part of their enemy's
force could not have recovered from the severe
mauling it had received when Grippenberg made
his disastrous attack.
At the same time that Oku's army delivered Its
blow. General Nogi and his veterans from Port
Arthur were sweeping north-west across the plains
of the Liao-ho, and on the following day (March
1st) the Japanese entered Sinmintlng. Besides
cutting off from the Russians a very important
source of supply for contraband from China,

THE RUSSIAN OVERTHROW AT MUKDEN 305
General Nogi by this move obtained a position
from which the Russian line of communication
behind Mukden could be threatened. The next
five days the great fight raged in every part of the
field. The stubbornness with which the Russians
defended their positions was equalled by the per
sistency with which the Japanese pressed their
attack. Marshal Oyama was clearly endeavouring
to surround the Russian host, a task of immense
difficulty. The reader will have learned from
previous chapters how immensely strong were the
positions held by the Russians, and soldiers who
could force them are surely unsurpassable in
courage and tenacity. The issue was In doubt
until the 5th of March, on which day General
Kuroki forced the left of the Russian entrench
ments on the Sha-ho. Meanwhile Nogi had
advanced northward from Sinmintlng, and was
almost up to the railway. To General Kuropatkin
it now seemed that, if he were not to be caught In
the Japanese vice, Mukden must be abandoned,
and on the 7th of March the order for a general
retreat was given. The day following, Nogi cut
the railway north of Mukden, and the only question
remaining was the extent of the Japanese victory.
The Russian left, under Linlevitch, had fallen back
on Fushun, where it was being followed by Kawa-
mura's army, the new force which Japan had
organised since the battle of the Sha-ho, and which
gave them the necessary preponderance on their
right flank. Kuroki's troops were now between
Linlevitch and Mukden, and when on March loth
20

306 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
Kawamura carried the Fushun position, Linlevitch
was obliged to retreat direct to Tieling. On the
same day Mukden was entered by the victorious
Japanese ; as the troops of the Mikado marched
in, the prestige of Russia in China vanished.
For another week the pursuit continued, the
Japanese pressing the enemy hard. Russians and
Japanese were at one time marching in parallel
lines, and Kuroki's artillery poured shrapnel upon
the columns of the enemy with terrible effect. But,
with all their efforts, the Japanese generals failed
to " round-up " Kuropatkin, and though Tieling
was occupied on the i6th of March, the bulk of
the Russian army had succeeded In escaping north.
The casualties, however, had been enormous, and
on the Russian side alone reached something like
140,000, or more than a third of their entire force.
Mukden may well claim to be the greatest battle
ever fought. That Kuropatkin realised the enor
mous loss a battle would entail, is shown by the
fact that, in anticipation of the attack which he
was contemplating when the Japanese took the
offensive, he ordered the hospitals to prepare to
receive 70,000 wounded. The sufferings caused
by the retreat cannot be exaggerated. It must
be remembered that the weather remained intensely
cold, and that the arrangements for collecting the
wounded were all disorganised. Hundreds of
poor fellows must have perished from frost-bite.
Defeat, it may be added, was wholly unexpected
by the Manchurian Army. And that view was
shared by the foreign attaches and the war cor-

THE RUSSIAN OVERTHROW AT MUKDEN 307
respondents. Whatever their opinions might be
as to the possibility of General Kuropatkin march
ing on Liao-Yang, they felt confident that the
Japanese would be unable to turn the Russians
out of the positions so long and so carefully
prepared. The Japanese accomplished this seem
ingly Impossible task, and the occasion may be
seized for an expression of my profound admiration
for the marvellous qualities constantly displayed
by the forces of Britain's ally in the Far East.
Following on the disaster of Mukden, General
Kuropatkin was relieved of his command, ex
changing places with General Linlevitch. The
new Commander-in-Chief fixed his headquarters at
Guntzuling, where the shattered army was re
formed. It was constantly added to. For instance,
while on my way back, I passed, at Irkutsk, part
of the 4th European Army Corps on its way to
Kharbin. The rate of Increase of the Russian
troops in Manchuria since February may be taken
at an army corps a month. But of the trials of
the army under Linlevitch it is not my purpose to
write. These pages are a record of personal
experiences, and the slight and imperfect sketch of
the battle of Mukden which this chapter contains
Is the only Important battle mentioned at which I
was not present. It must therefore be regarded
as a digression, for which I crave the indulgence
of my readers. Those who retain any interest in
the writer are now asked to bring back their minds
to Siberia In winter - time, and to accompany his
train across its snow-covered, wind-swept plains.

CHAPTER XXXVIII AND LAST
THE DESIRE OF THE ARMY FOR PEACE
Of the journey from Manchuria homeward little
need be said ; the country has already been de
scribed, and I saw It at much the same season as on
my way out to the front, only now there was no
sign whatever of spring. It struck me, too, that the
arrangements made for the defence of the railway
did not compare favourably with the system adopted
by the British In South Africa. The Russians had
erected no blockhouses, placed no barbed wire
entanglements, nor dug any trenches even In that
part of the line which lay in Chinese territory.
The Frontier Guards had sand-bagged the windows
of their little stone houses, two or more guns were
stationed In redoubts on or near large bridges, and
mounted patrols traversed their sections of the line
daily. This was the extent of the Russian pre
cautions, and with one or two exceptions they have
proved sufficient. From Kharbin to Irkutsk my
companions on the train included about 200
Japanese prisoners, among them four officers who
were being sent to the prisoners' camp near Nijni
Novgorod. They seemed reconciled to their lot,
though evidently they did not relish their rations of
808

THE DESIRE OF THE ARMY FOR PEACE 309
black bread and meat. None of the party spoke
Russian, but one officer knew English, and I acted
as interpreter between them and the Russian com
mandant, who was anxious to do all he could to
render the journey of his charges agreeable. The
Japanese officers had provided themselves with
Russo-Chinese grammars and dictionaries, and were
constantly busy studying Russian. I bade them
good-bye at Irkutsk, where one changes trains, and
has a choice of the express to Moscow or the
ordinary train. The latter takes twenty days to
accomplish the journey, but the express managed to
cover the distance in seven. I arrived In Moscow
penniless and travel-stained ; in a costume, In short,
which would at once have gained me admittance to
the casual ward ; but these minor inconveniences a
little time suffices to remedy. I became at once
painfully conscious of the atmosphere of suspicion
which surrounds everyone in Russia, and could but
contrast it with the freedom and liberty I had
enjoyed in Manchuria. This, however, is a matter
on which I have no desire to enlarge.
My story is ended, for it Is no part of my
purpose to discuss the political situation or to make
forecasts which time may falsify even before the
indulgent reader has read thus far. A few words
as to the feeling of the army in Manchuria and of
Russian society towards the great question of peace
or war, I permit myself nevertheless to write. As
long ago as last February the majority of the
officers of the Russian army in the field were in
favour of peace. In view of the plain facts of the

310 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
case. They had no belief in the prospects of
recovering the ground lost. The view of these
officers Is not likely to have been modified by what
has happened since. As to the men, constant defeat
has killed enthusiasm ; besides, with them the war
has been unpopular from the first, and the commonest
question put to one by the soldiers was, " You are a
stranger, and can take an unbiassed view. When do
you think the war will be over ? " Nor must it be
forgotten that in several corps, notably among
the Siberian corps, the ranks have lost all their
original complement, and the places have been
filled by reservists, mostly married men, who
resent being taken away from home and family.
One and all of these men pray for the day when
the order shall be given for the army to return
home. Another factor to be taken into account
is, that many men In the ranks have adopted the
Ideas of the revolutionary parties In Russia. These
men, like everyone else In the army, are aware of
the discontent and rioting in Russia. The news
of what happened was told them freely. The
official newspaper published on the field described
fully, for instance, the shooting of the workmen
In the streets of St. Petersburg on Sunday the
22nd of January. The private soldier In Man
churia, I repeat, desires peace. He bears no
enmity against the Japanese, nor does he under
stand for what the war is being waged. The
opposition to peace has come not from the army,
but from the governing class In St. Petersburg,
and the Bureaucracy in Russia generally. The

THE DESIRE OF THE ARMY FOR PEACE 311
contrast between the feeling in Russia and that In
Manchuria I found very marked. The official
element in the capital refused to recognise that,
as far as it Is possible to foresee, the Japanese
will always be able to maintain In the field a force
fully equal to that which the Russians can keep
in Manchuria. They have realised the danger of
bringing a discontented army back to Russia, and
have hoped, fervently hoped, that by a superhuman
effort the army would win one great victory, and
thus enable them to escape from the situation
" with honour." Such Is official Russia — ^prepared to
gamble away men's lives in an endeavour to save Its
own face. But among the middle classes, notably
the merchants, the general voice is in favour of
peace. It is urged by this class that millions of
roubles have been expended on building the Trans-
Siberian Railway, in developing Port Arthur, and
in creating Dalny, without any compensating ad
vantage. " Even if Russia should prove victorious
and regain those places," argue many merchants,
"of what avail will that be? It can only be done
by the sacrifice of thousands of valuable lives, and
It would be followed by the spending of more
millions in rebuilding and developing the ports,
for which there will be no commercial return."
As an indication of what the Russian peasants
think, one may point out that it is chiefly from
the peasant class that the army is recruited, and
the views of the army are probably its views.
It is of the army that my last words shall be.
I have written that It desires peace, that it thinks

312 AN EYE-WITNESS IN MANCHURIA
victory well-nigh impossible, that its reverses have
killed the enthusiasm and spirit which are so essen
tial to the soldier. Moreover, I have had occasion
to criticise both the tactics and strategy displayed
by the generals in command. All this Is true, but
it in no wise detracts from the magnificent courage
which the army has ever shown, the fortitude It
has always exhibited, and the loyalty reposed in
its leaders. What other troops in the world would
have again and again met the enemy unflinchingly
after such terrible reverses? Success has been
denied to their arms, but none the less I am glad
to have lived among them for nearly a year, to
have seen them at work and at play, in circum
stances of joy and of sorrow, and under the most
trying conditions to have proved the worth of their
comradeship. May we never meet again save in
the beaten path of friendship I

THE END.

Triiitetl hy MonmsoN & GiBB Limited, Edmhir^h

YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

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