YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

HISTORY OF THE
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA,
or THE
XAITDIJYG OP OUR FOREFATHERS,
AT PLYMOUTH,
AND OP THEIR MOST REMARKABLE
ENGAGEMENTS WITH THE INDIANS
IN NEW-ENGLAND,
#HOM THEIR FIRST tANDitiO IN 1638, UNTIL THii flNAt SUBJUGATION
OF THE NATIVES IN 1679.
TO WHICH IS ANNEXED
THE PARTICULARS OF ALMOST EVERY IMPORTANT ENGAGE
MENT WITH TH,£ SAVAGES AT THE WESTWARD TO
THE PRESENT j6aV.
INCLUDING THE DEFEAT OF GENERALS
Braddock, Harmer and St. Clair,
DT THE INDIANS AT THE 'WE^TWAitD ;
THE CREEK AND SEMINOLE WAR, &c.

#Y HENRY TRUMBULL.
-*¦ < ...

" My countrymen— Theie tiiingi ought not to be forgotten, for th* be&eflt of our children
and thou that follow them, they should be recorded in History. — Fbamiuih.

BOSTON:
PUBLISHED BY GEORGE CLARK.
1836.

DISTRICT OP CONNECTICUT, TO WIT :
Be it remembered, That on the twenty-fourth day of December,
in the forty-third year of the Independence of the United States of
America, Henry Trumbull, of the said district, hath deposited in this
office the title of a book, the right whereof he claims as author, in
the words following, to wit :
History of the Discovery of America, of the Landing of our Fore
fathers at Plymouth, and of their most remarkable engagements with the
Indians, in New-£nglandTfrom their first landing in ,1620, unlit the final
subjugation of the natives in 1679 ; to which is annexed, the defeat of
Generals Braddock, Harmer, and St. Clair, by the Indians at the West
ward, IfC
In conformity to the Act of the Congress of the United States, en
titled ' An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the
copies of maps, charts, and books, to the authors and proprietors! of
such copies during the time therein mentioned.'
H.W.EDWARDS,
Clerk of the District of Connecticut.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTER 1.
PAGE.
Discovery of America by Christopher Columbus, - -5
CHAPTER II.
Landing of our Forefathers, ------ - -- 13
CHAPTER III.
Commencement of Hostilities with the Natives, - - - 24
CHAPTER IV.
Invasion of New York and New England, and Destruction
of Schenectady by the French and Indians, - - - 75
CHAPTER V.
Massacre of the Inhabitants of Deerfield, and Captivity of
the Rev. John Williams and Family by the Savages, 80
CHAPTER VI.
Of the different tribes of Indians inhabiting the Western
Country, ... - - - -95
CHAPTER VII.
Washington's Expedition, and Defeat of Gen. Braddock
by the Indians, ------ 116
CHAPTER VIII.
Adventures of Capt. Daniel Boon, comprising an account
of the Wars with the Indians on the Ohio, from 1769
to 17.92, Written by himself, 121

CONTENTS.
iv PAGE
CHAPTER IX.
Expedition of Gen. Harmer, and his defeat by the-Indians, 134
CHAPTER X.
Defeat of Gen. St Clair by the Indians, 138
Indians defeated, - - .... - 146
Defeat of Major M'Mahon,  - 147
CHAPTER XI.
Depredations of the Indians on the frontiers, - 149
CHAPTER XII.
Defeat of the Indians by Gen. Wayne, ... 166
CHAPTER XIII,
Gov. Harrison's engagement with the savages on the Wabash, 172
CHAPTER XIV.
Engagement with the Indians during, the late War with
Great Britaip,  179
CHAPTER XV.
Creek War, Massacre at fort Mims, battle at Tallushatches,
Tallegada, &c. -,,..--- 188
CHAPTER XVI.
Creek War continued — Battle at Antosse — Attack upon
Camp Defiance, &.c. - 199
CHAPTER XVII.
Conclusion of the Creek War— Brilliant Victory at the
bend of the Tallapoosa, &c. - '< 215
CHAPTER XVIII.
Seminole War, Preliminary Observations, &c, - - 224

CHAP. 1.
DISCOVERY OF AMERICA, BY CHRIS
TOPHER COLUMBUS.

Mankind owe the discovery of the western world
to the gold, the silver, the precious stones, the spices,
silks and costly manufactures of the East ; and even
these incentives, were for a considerable time, insuf
ficient to prompt to the undertaking, although the
most skilful navigator of the age proffered to risk his
life in the attempt. „
Christopher Columbus, who was destined to the high
honour of revealing a new hemisphere to Europeans,
was by birth a Genoese, who had been early trained to
a sea-faring life, and having acquired every branch of
knowledge connected with that profession, was no less
distinguished by his skill and abilities, than for his in
trepid and persevering spirit. This man, when about
forty years of age, had formed the great idea of reach
ing the East-Indies by sailing westward ; but as his
fortune was very small, and the attempt required very
effectual patronage, desirous that his native country
should profit by his success, he laid his plan before the
senate of Genoa, but the scheme appearing chimerical,
it was rejected. He then repaired to the court of Por
tugal ; and although the Portuguese were at that time
distinguished for their commercial spirit, and John II.
who then reigned, was a discerning and enterprising
prince, yet the prepossessions of Hie great men in his
court, to whom the matter was referred, caused Co
lumbus finally to fail in his attempt there also. He'
2

& DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.
next applied to Ferdinand and Isabella, king and'
queen of Arragon and Castile, and at the same time
sent his brother Bartholomew (who followed the same
prfession ; and who was well qualified to fill the im
mediate place under such a leader) to England, to lay
the proposal before Henry VIL which likewise, verjr
fortunately for the future well being of the country,
met with no success.. Many were the years which
Christopher Columbus spent in ineffectual attendance
at the Castilian court ;; the impoverished state into
which the finances of the United Kingdoms were re
duced, the war with Granada repressing every dispo
sition to' attempt great designs ; hut the war being at
length terminated, the powerful mind of Isabella
broke through all obstacles ; she declared herself the
patroness- of Columbus,, whilst her husband Ferdi
nand,- decHning to partake as an adventurer in the'
voyager only gave it the sanction of his name. Thus
did the superior genius of a woman effect the disco
very of one half of the globe.
The ships sent on this important search were only
three in number, two of them very small.- They had?
ninety men on board; Although the expense of the
expedition had long remained- the sole obstacle to its-;,
being undertaken, yet when every thing, was provided,
the cost did not amount to more than 17,760 dollars,
and there were twelve months provisions put on board.:
Columbus set sail from port Palos, in the province
of Andalusia,on the 3d of August, 1492 ; he proceed
ed to the Canary islands, and from thence directed his
course due West in the latitude 28 North. In this-
eourse he continued for two months, without falling in
with any land, which caused such a spirit of discontent
and mutiny to arise as the superior address and man
agement of the commander became unequal to sup
press, although for*these qualities he was eminently
distinguished. He was at length redueed to the neces
sity of entering into a solemn engagement to abandon
the enterprise and return home, if land did not appear

DISCOVER^ OF AMERICA. f
in three days. Probably he would not have been able
to retain his people so k>ng from acts of violence and
outrage, in pursuing so untried and dreary a course,
had they not been sensible that their safety in return?
ing home depended very much on Ms sjriil as a navi
gator in conducting the vessel
At length the appearance of land changed their
•despondency to the roost exulting rapture, It was an
island abounding with inhabitants, both sexes of which
were quite leaked ; their manners kind, gentle, and
unsuspecting. Columbus named it San Salvador. It
is one of the clusters which bears the general name of
Bahama. It was only 3 deg. 30 njin, lat. to the South
of the island of Gomora, one of the Canaries, from
whence he took his departure. This navigator was
still so confirmed in the opinion which he had formed
before he undertook the voyage, that he believed him
self then to be on an island which was situated adjacent
to the Indies. Proceeding to the South, he saw three
other islands which he named St Mary of the Concep
A.ion, Ferdinand and Isabella. At length he arrived at
a very large island, and as he had taken seven of the
-natives of San Salvador on board,he learned frotp them
it was called Cuba, but he gave it the name of .Juanna,
He next proceeded to an island which he called Est
ipagnola, ip honour of the kingdom by which he was
employed, and it still bears the name of Hisjianiola.
Here he built a fort and formed a small settlement,
He then returned home, having on bpard some of the
jpatives, whom he had taken from the different islands.
Steering a more southern course, he fell in with some
of the Carribee islands, and arrived at the port of Pa,
los on the 15th of March, 1493 ; having been seven
.months and eleven days on .this most important voyage.
On his arrival letters patent were issued by the king
and queen confirming to Columbus, and to his heirs,
all the privileges contained in a capitulation which
jiad been executed before fys departure, &nd his fa
mily was ennobled.

8 DISCOVERT OF AMERICA.
Not only the Spaniards, but the other nations of
Europe, seem to have adopted the opinion of Colum
bus, in considering the countries which he had disco
vered as a part of India. Whence Ferdinand and
Isabella gave them the name of '-'Indies" in the ratifi
cation of their former agreement with Columbus.
Even after the error was detected the name was re
tained, and the appellation of " West Indies" is now
given by all Europe to this country, and that of In
dians to the inhabitants.
Nothing could possibly tend more effectually to
rouse every active principle of human nature, than the
discoveries which Columbus had made; no time was
therefore lost, nor expense spared, in preparing a
fleet of ships, with which this great man should revi
sit the countries he had made known. Seventeen ships
were got ready in six months, and fifteen hundred
persons embarked en board of them, among whom
where many of noble families, and who had filled hon
ourable stations. These engaged in the enterprize
from the expectation that the new discovered country
was either the Cipango of Marco Paulo, or the Ophir
from which Solomon obtained his gold and precious
merchandize. Ferdinand, now desirous of securing
what he had before been unwilling to venture for the
obtaining, applied to the Pope to be invested with a
right in these new discovered countries, as well as to
all future discoveries in that direction ; but as it was
necessary that there should be some favour of religion
in the business, he founded his plea on a desire of
converting the savage natives to the Catholic faith,
which plan had its desired effect.
Alexander VI. who then filled the papal chair, it
ought to be mentioned, was the most profligate and
abandoned of nien. Being a native of Arragon, and
desirous of conciliating the favour of Ferdinand, for
the purpose of aggrandizing his family, he readily
granted a request, which, at no expense or risk, tend-
<ed to extend the consequence and authority of the

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 9
papacy ; he therefore bestowed on Ferdinand and
Isabella, " all the countries inhabited by infidels,
which they had discovered." But as it was necessary
to prevent this grant from interfering with one not
long before made to the crown of Portugal, he ap
pointed that a line supposed to be drawn from pole to
pole, one hundred miles to the westward of Azores,
should serve as a limit between them; and in the plen-
titude of his power, conferred all to the east of this
imaginary line upon the Portuguese, and all to the
west of it upon the Spaniards,
Columbus set sail on his voyage from the port of
Cadiz, on the 25th of September, 1493. When he
arrived at Espagniola, he had the affliction to find
that all the Spaniards whom he had left there, amount
ing to thirty-six in number, had been put to death by
the natives, in revenge for the insults and outrages
which they had committed. After having traced out
the plan of a town in a large plain, near a spacious
bay, and given it the name of Isabella, in honour of his
patroness the queen of Castile, and appointed his
brother Don Diego, to preside, as Deputy Governor
in his absence, Columbus, on the 24th of April, 1494,
sailed with one ship and two small barks, to make fur
ther discoveries in those seas, In this voyage he was
employed five months, and fell in with many small
islands on the coast of Cuba, but with none of any im
portance except the island of Jamaica, Soon after his
return to Hispaniola, he resolved to make war with
the Indians, who, according to the Spanish historians,
amounted to 100,000 men. These having experien
ced every lawless act of violence from their invaders,
were rendered extremely inveterate, and thirsted for
revenge, a disposition which appears to have been for
eign from their natures. Having collected his full
force, he attacked them by night, whilst they were
assembled on a wide plain, and obtained a most deci
sive victory., without the loss of one man on his part,
Reside the effect of cannon and fire arms, the noise of

10 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.
which was appalling, and their effect against a nume
rous body of Indians, closely drawn together, in the
highest degree destructive, Columbus had brought
over with him a small body of eavalry. The Indians
who had never before seen such a creature, imagined
the Spanish horses to be rational beings, and that each
with its rider formed but one animal; they were as
tonished at their speed, and considered their impetuo
sity and strength as irresistible. In this onset they
had beside another formidable enemy to terrify and
destroy them : a great number of the largest and
fiercest species of dogs which were then bred in Eu?
rope, had been brought hither, which, set on by their
weapons, without attempting resistance, they fled with
all the speed which terror could excite. Numbers
were slain, and more made prisoners, who were imr
paediately consigned to slavery.
The character of Columbus stands very high in the
estimation of mankind ; he is venerated not only as a
man possessing superior fortitude, and such a steady
perseverance, as no impediments, dangers or suffer
ings could shake, but as equally distinguished for pie
ty and .virtue. His second son Ferdinand, who wrote
|he life of his father, apologizes for this severity -to
wards the natives, on account of the distressed state
into which the colony was brought. The change of
climate, and the indispensable labours which were
required of men unacustomed to any exertions, had
swept away great numbers of the new settlers, and the
survivors were declining daily, whilst such was the
irrecojicileable enmity of the natives, that the most
kind and circumspect conduct on the part of the
Spaniards, would not have been effectual to regain
their good will. This apology seems to have been
generally admitted, for ajl modern writers have be
stowed upon the discoverer of the new world the
warmest commendations -unmixed with censure, It
ia an unpleasant task to derogate from exalted merit,
snd to impute a deliberate plan of cruelty and ex-

DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. II
tirpation to a man revered for moral worth ; but al
though a pert affectation of novel opinions could only
originate in weak minds, and can be countenanced on
ly by such, yet a free and unreserved scrutiny of facts,.
ean alone separate truth from error, and apportion the
just and intrinsic degree of merit belonging to any
character. That Columbtis had formed the design
of waging offensive war against the Indians, and re
ducing them to slavery, before he entered upon his
seeond voyage, and consequently before he was ap
prized of the destruction of the people which he had
left upon the island of Hispaniola, may be inferred
from his proceeding himself with such a number of
fierce and powerful dogs.
Having found the natives peaceable and well dis
posed, he dad no reason to apprehend that they would
commence unprovoked hostilities: The cavalry which
he took Over, whilst it tended to impress those people
with the deepest awe and veneration, was fully suffi
cient for the security of the new colony, if the friend
ship of the natives had been sincerely meant to be cul
tivated by a kind and equitable deportment ; but to
treat them as a free people was inconsistent with the
views which fed to planting a colony ; for as the
grand incentive to undertake distant voyages was the
hope of acquiring gold, so, as Columbus had seen
some worn as ornaments by the natives, and had been
informed that the mountainous parts of the country
yielded that precious metal, he had excited expecta
tions in his employers, and in the nation at large,
which both his interest and ambition compelled him
as far as possible to realize. The Spaniards could not
obtain gold without the assistance of the natives and'
those were constitutionally so indolent that no allure
ments of presents or gratification could excite them to'
labour. To rescue himself therefore from disgrace,
and to secure further support, he seems deliberately to
have devoted a harmless race of men to slaughter and
slavery. Such as survived the massacre Of that dread-

12 DISCOVERY OF AMERICA.
ful day, and preserved their freedom, fled into the
mountains and inaccessible parts of the island, which
not yielding them sufficient means of subsistence, they
were compelled to obtain a portion of food from their
cruel pursuers, by procuring gold dust in order to
support life ! a tribute being imposed on them which
was rigorously exacted. These wretched remains of
a free people, thus driven from fruitfulness to ame
nity ; compelled to labour for the support of life ; a
prey to despondency, which the recollection of their
former happiness sharpened, and which their hopeless
situation rendered insupportable, died in great num
bers, the innocent, but unrevenged victims of Europe
an avarice. Such are the facts which have been ad
mitted ; yet, strange contradiction ! Columbus is
celebrated for his humanity and goodness ! But
should he not rather be considered as a most consum
mate dissembler ; professing moderation whilst he
meditates subversion, and like most of the heroes and
conquerors whom history records^ renouncing every
principle of justice and humanity when they stopped
the career of his ambition ; Ferdinand Columbus,
his son and biographer, has, with great address, cov
ered the shame of his father, whilst the admiring,
world has been little disposed to censure a man, the
splendor of whose actions so powerfully fanscmates-
and dazzles.

CHAP. II.
LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.

The English, conducted by John Cabot, in the year
1497, found the way to North America soon after
Columbus had successfully crossed the Atlantic ; but
as the torrents in that country brought down no gold,
and the Indians were not bedecked with any costly
ornaments, no attempts were made to explore the coun
try for near a century after its discovery. Sir Francis
Drake, who traversed the whole circumference of the
globe in one voyage, and in one ship, which had never
been achieved before, when afterwards annoying the
Spaniards in the West Indies, and on the main, gained
some knowledge of the eastern shore of the northern
continent, as he had before of the western parts about
the same parallel. Sir Walter Raleigh, however, was
the first navigator who explored the coast, bestowed
on it a name, and attempted to settle a colony.
At that time colonisation made no part of the sys
tem of government, so that there were few stimulants
to abandon a native soil for the purpose of seeking
possessions in another hemisphere. At length a pow
erful incentive arose, stronger than the influence of
kings, than the love of ease, than the dread of misery.
Religion, which had long been converted into the
most powerful engine wuch human subtlety ever
made use of to subjugate the mass of mankind, no
sooner ceased to be so perverted, than by its own
proper force it compelled large bodies of people to re
nounce every present enjoyment, the instinctive love of
3

14 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.
a native soil, rooted habits, and dearest connexions,
and to settle in the dreary wilds of a far distant con
tinent. When England, by a very singular concurrence of
circumstances, threw off the papal yoke, state policy
so predominated in the measure, that the consciences
of men were still required to bend to the discipline,
conform to the ceremonials, and assent to the doctrines
which the governing powers established. Although a
dissent from the church of Rome was considered as
meritorious, yet a dissent from the church of England
was held to be heretical, a"nd an offence to be punished
by the civil magistrate. The human mind, somewhat
awakened from a suspension of its powers by a Wick-
liffe, further enlightened by an Erasmus and Melan-
thon, and at length called forth into energy by the
collision of those two ardent and daring spirits, Luther
and Calvin, then began to bend all its attention to
wards religious inquiries ; and exercised all its pow
ers in such pursuits. Hence arose a vast diversity of
opinions, which gave rise to numerous sects and de-
denominations of Christians ; but as the Protestant es
tablishment in England held it essential to preserve a
unity of faith, those novel opinions obtained no more
quarter there than under papal power.
In the year 1610, a company of the persecuted
religionists, composing the church of a Mr. Robinson,-
having previously determined to remove to a country
where they might be enabled to worship God, agree
able to the dictate's of their consciences, emigrated to
Holland, and settled in the city of Leyden ; where
they continued to reside until the year 1620. Al
though the ecclesiastical laws of Holland did not at
this time sanction or condemn the principles of any
particular sect of Christians, yet great were the dis
advantages under which the emigrants laboured; for
notwithstanding the Dutch gave them a Welcome re
ception, and manifested a disposition to treat them with
great respect, they never could be prevailed upon by

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 15
the former to conform to their mode of worship, or to
renounce principles which the English conceived de
structive to moral society ; nor did the emigrants here
succeed in other respects agreeable to their views. So
far from increasing their little flock, they found that
in the course of ten years they had experienced a
iiminution of more than one half of their original num
ber ; many in consequence of the impoverished state
of the country, had spent their estates and returned to
England. Hence it was that the remaining few formed
the determination of attempting once more to seek a,
country better adapted to theirr pious purposes, and
such as would promise a more fruitful abode to their
offspring. To some the unexplored parts of America
was promised, and after a day set apart for solemn hu
miliation and praise to Almighty God, it was resolved
that a part of the church should first emigrate to
America, and if there meeting with a favourable re
ception, should prepare an abode for the remainder.
They easily obtained a royal grant' of a very ex*
tensive tract cf land (now called New-England)
whither they intended to repair, not to amass wealth,
or to exterminate the inhabitants, but to subsist by
industry, to purchase security by honourable inter*
course with the natives, and to acquire strength under
the auspices of freedom.
They made a purchase of two small ships, and on
the 5th August, 1620, having repaired to Plymouth
[Eng.) for the purpose, were in readiness to embark ;
previous to which, they were very affectionately ad-*
iressed by their pious pastor. Br, Robinson, who in
fervent prayer commended them all to the holy keep-
ng of Him, who rules the destinies of all men.
At 11, A. M_, with a fair wind, they set sail, and bid
idieu for ever to their native country. Nothing ma-
erial occured to obstruct their passage until the 25th,
(vhen they experienced a tremendous gale, which
threatened them with instant destruction ! For three
days successively they were tossed about at the mercy

16 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHENS.
of the waves. The ships were, however, enabled to
keep company until the storm had somewhat abated,
when those on board one of them conceived their ves
sel no longer sea-worthy, abandoned her and were
received on board the other.
On the 10th November, they, to their inexpressible
joy, discovered land, which proved to be that of Cape
Cod, where they with much difficulty the day follow
ing succeeding in landing. As soon as on shore, they
fell upon their knees and returned thanks to the Al
mighty for enabling them to reach in safety their place
of destination. But although they had thus far succed-
ed in their views, although they had been enabled to
flee from persecution, to cross a wide and boisterious
ocean, what was their situation now? Sojourners in a
foreign land ! Traversing the broken and unwrought
shores of a wild and unexplored country! They found
here no friends to welcome, or house to shelter them
from the inclemency of an approaching winter ; en one
side they beheld nought but a hideous and desolate
wilderness, the habitation of wild and voracious ani
mals, and probably the abode of a race of beings not
Jess wild and unmerciful ! On the briny ocean foam
ing, and with tremendous roar dashing against the huge
and projecting rocks, which, as far as the eye could
perceive marked the sea-beaten shores.
After succeeding, with much difficulty, in discover
ing a harbour in which their ship could ride with safe
ty, they made choice of ten of the most resolute of
their number to explore the adjacent country, and dis
cover, if possible, a more convenient place for their
future abode ; who, on the'morning of the 16th, pro->
vided with a musket each, set out for this purpose.
They had not penetrated the woods above three miles,
when they discovered five of the natives, which were
the first seen by them since their arrival. They were
cloathed with the skins of animals, and armed with
bows and arrows. The English, with signs of friend-
jpade toward them, but were no sooner discov-

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 17
ered by the savages, than they with a terrible yell
fled with the greatest precipitancy. Night approch-
ing, the English erected a small temporary encamp
ment, and after placing their sentinels, retired to rest.
Early the ensuing morning they continued their jour
ney, following for a considerable distance the tracts of
the five Indians above mentioned, in hopes thereby to
discover their habitations and obtain therefrom a fresh
supply of provisions, of which they were much in want;
but in this they did not fully succeed. At about noon
they arrived at an extensive plat of clear ground, near
which they discovered a pond of fresh water, and
several hillocks of raised earth, which they conjectur
ed to be the graves of the Indians. Proceeding a little
further west, they discovered a large quantity of stub
ble, which they imagined to be that of some kind of In
dian grain peculiar to the country ; they also discov
ered a spot where they suspected an Indian hut had re
cently stood, as they found near by some planks curi
ously wrought, and a small earthen pot. Proceeding
still further thej discovered a number more of the
little hillocks of broken ground as above described,
and which they now began to suspect to be the place of
deposit of something more than the dead. Curiosity
leading them to examine more closely one of these,
what they had before supposed to be Indian sepul
chres, they, to their great surprise, found it to con
tain a large quantity of the Indian grain (corn) above
mentioned ! It was still in the ear, and excited to no
small degree the curiosity of the English, as they had
never before seen any thing of the kind. By a few of
the company the discovery was deemed of import
ance, but by others, who had attempted to eat of the
corn in its raw state, it was pronounced indifferent
food of little value ! They, however, concluded it
best to return and make known the discovery to their
brethren. Having succeeded with some difficulty in reaching
the place from which they started, they were met by

fift LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.
those whom they had left behind with the most un
speakable joy and satisfaction, to whom they exhibit
ed a specimen of the grain which they had found, and
recommended the spot from which it was procured, as
the most convenient and suitable at which to abide
through the approaching winter. The company ac
cordingly, on the 25th, proceeded for and in safety
reached the place abovementioned, with which being
so much pleased, they termed New Plymouth, in re-
membrace of the port at which they last embarked in
Europe. Here they concluded to abide until such
time as further discoveries could be made. They
erected a few temporary huts, sufficient to shelter
them from the weather, and' soon after by mutual con
sent entered into a solemn combination, as a body
politic ; and on the 10th December, assembled to form
for themselves such a government and laws, as they
should deem most just and equitable ; previous to
which, the following instrument was drawn up, which
being first read and assented to by the company, re
ceived their signatures, to wit :
" In the name of God, amen. We, whose names
are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread sove
reign, King James, by the grace of God, King of
Great Britain, France and Ireland, and defender of
the faith, &c. having undertaking for the glory of God,
advancement of the Christian faith, and honor of our
king and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in
the north parts of America, do by these presents
solemnly and mutually, in the presence of God, and
one another, covenant and combine ourselves together
into a civil body politic, for our own convenience and
the preservation and support of the ends aforesaid ;
and by virtue hereof, do enact, constitute and frame
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions
and officers, from time to time, as shall be thought
most meet and convenient for the general good of the
colony, unto which we promise all due submission and
obedience . In witness whereof we have hereunto sub-

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHRRS.

19

scribed Our names, at New
of December, A. D. 1620
John Carver,
William Bradford,
Edward Winslow,
William Brewster,
Isaac Allerton,
Miles Standish,
Joseph Fletcher,
John Goodman,
Samuel Fuller,
Christopher Martin,
William White,
_jRicha p gL War r e n ,
John Howland,
Stephen Hopkins,
Digery Priest,
Thomas Williams,
Gilbert Winslow,
Edmund Morgeson,
Peter Brown,

Plymouth, on the 10th d ay
." John A lden,
John Turner,
Francis Eaton,
James Clinton,
John Claxton,
John Billington,
Richard Bitteridge,'
George Soule,
Edward Tilley,
JohnTilley, Thomas Rogers,
Thomas Tinker,
John Ridgdale,
Edward Fuller,
Richard Clarke,
Richard Gardiner,
John Allerton,
Thomas English,
Edward Leister.

The company next proceeded by ballot to the choice
6f a Governor, and on counting the votes it appeared
that John Carver had the greatest number, and was
declared chosen for one year.
On the 19th December, Mrs. Susannah White, the
wife of William White, was delivered of a son, which
was the first born of the English in New-England.
On the 21st of the same month it was agreed by the
company to despatch a second exploring party, by wa
ter, to make, if possible, further discoveries. The per
sons selected for this purpose were Governor Carver,
Messrs.Bradford. Winslow, Standish, Howland, War
ren, Hopkins, Allerton, Tilley, Clarke, Tinker, Turner
and Brown. They embarked at 10 A. M. with a view
of circumnavigating the deep bay of Cape Cod. On
the morning of the 23d they discovered a large party
of the natives on shore, who were employed in cutting
lip a fish resembling a grampus. By order of Governor

20 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.
Carver, the English made immediately for the shore,
but were no sooner discovered by the Indians than
they, with a yell peculiar to ravages, deserted their
fish and fled with precipitancy ! The English landed
and took possession of the fish, which, having enkin
dled afire, they cooked and found to be excellent food.
They concluded to continue encamped here through
the night, and while employed (a few rods from their
boat in which their arms were deposited) in erecting
a temporary dwelling for the purpose, they were sud
denly attacked by a large party of the natives, who
discharged a shower of arrows among them. The
English, nearly panic struck at so sudden and unex
pected an onset, were on the eve of retreating to their
boat, when they were reminded by their Governor
(a brave and experienced man) of the importance of
facing the enemy, and maintaining their ground, as a
precipitate flight might prove their total destruction
In the mean time two or three of the company were
despatched for their arms, and having obtained them,
the whole were ordered to form a close body, and
proceed with moderate pace for the boat, and if hard
pushed by the natives, to face about and give them the
contents of their muskets. The Indians perceiving
the English retiring, rushed from their strong coverts,
and were on the point of attacking them in the rear
with clubs, hatchets, stones, &c. when they received
the fire of the latter, which brought three or four of
them to the ground. The Indians halted, viewed for
a few moments, with marks of astonishment and sur
prise, their wounded brethren, and then with one gen
eral united yell, which probably might have been
heard at the distance of three miles, fled in every di
rection ! This was the first engagement between the •
English and natives in New-England, and probably
the first time that the latter had ever heard the re
port of a musket !
The English embarked and returned immediately
to New Plymouth, having been absent four days,

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 21
without making any important discoveries. The
company despairing of making any discovery of im
portance during the winter, concluded to remain at
their winter quarters until the spring ensuing. The
winter proved an uncommonly tedious one, during
which a great proportion of the company sickened
and died ! Unaccustomed to hardship, and deprived
of many of the necessaries of life, they fell victims to
the inclemency of the season, Being thus reduced to
a very small number, they would have fallen a very
easy prey to the savages, had the latter (relying on
the superiority of their strength) attacked them, but
the natives having by bitter experience learned the
effects of their fire arms, although they were daily
seen by the English at a distance, not one of them
could be prevailed upon to approach them within
gun shot, until about the 20th March, 1621, when to
their great surprize an Indian came boldly up to
them and addressed them in broken English ! He
informed them that he belonged to an eastern part
of the country, and was acquainted with a number of
their countrymen, who came frequently there to
procure fish, and of whom he learned to speak their
language. This Indian proved very serviceable to the compa
ny, in supplying them with provision, in acquainting
them with the "state of the country, the number and
strength of the natives, and the name of their chief
sachem, to whom the land which they improved belong
ed. The Indian being dismissed with many presents
and friendly assurances, the day following returned,
accompanied by the grand sachem (Massasoit) and a
number of his chief men, to whom the English gave
a welcome reception, presenting them with many
trinkets which the natives esteemed of great value.
With Massasoit a treaty was proposed and conclu
ded the day following, in which it was stipulated
that the English and natives were to live amicably
together, and that the latter were to furnish the
former with provision, and to receive in pay there-

22 LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS.
for such articles as the former were willing to part
with ; which terms both parties continued ever after
faithfully to fulfil;
In May, 1621, the English planted their first corn
in New-England. In July following their worthy Go
vernor sickened and died ! His death was greatly
lamented by those of the company who survived
him, and by whom he was interred with all possible
solemnity. His loving consort survived him but a
few weeks. In August the company made choice of
Mr. William Bradford to fill the vacancy occasioned
by the death of Gov; Carver.
New-England from this period began to be rapid
ly peopled by the Europeans. So great was the em
igration from the mother country, that in less than
six years from the time that the first adventurers
landed at New Plymouth, there were seven consid
erable towns built and settled in Massachusetts and
Plymouth Colonies.
In the summer of 1627, Mr. Endicot, one of the
original planters, was sent over to begin a plantation
at Naumkeag, (now Salem.) The June following
about 200 persons, furnished with four ministers,
came over and joined Mr Endicot's colony ; and the
next year they formed themselves into a reguler
church. This was the first church gathered in
/Massachusetts, and the second in New-England.
The church atS^ly mouth; had been gathered eight
years before. ' In 1629 a large embarkation was
projected by the company in England. At the re
quest of a number of respectable gentlemen, most of
whom afterwards came over to New-England, the
general consent of the company was obtained, that
the government should be transferred and settled in
Massachusetts. In 1630, seventeen ships from different ports in
England arrived in Massachusetts, with more than
1500 passengers, among whom were many persons
of distinction. Incredible were the hardships the}
endured. Reduced to a scanty pittance of provisions,

LANDING OF OUR FOREFATHERS. 23
and that of a kind to which they had not been accus^
tomed, and destitute of necessary accommodation^
numbers sickened and died, so that before the end
of the year they had lost 200 of their number.
About this time, settlements were made at Charles-?
town, Medford, Boston, Dorchester, Cambridge and
Roxbury. In the years 1632 and 1633 great additions were
made to the colony. Such was the rage for emigra-t
tion to New-England, that the king and council
thought fit to issue an order, February 7, 1633, to
prevent it. The order, however, was not strictly
obeyed. In 1635 the foundation of a new colony was laid
in Connecticut, adjoining the river which passes
through the state. Of this river and the country ad
jacent, Lord Say and Lord Brook, were the propri
etors ; and at the mouth of it a fort by their
direction was built, which in honour to them, was
called Saybrook fort. New-Haven was settled soon
after the building of this fort, as was a number of
other towns of considsrable note in Connecticut.
Some difficulty arrising among those who first settled
at New-Plymouth, a part of the inhabitants, to pre
vent any serious consequences, removed to a pleasant
and fertile island to the S. WT. of Cape Cod, now
called Rhode Island, while others settled at Provi
dence, Warwick, Taunton, &c Thus it was, that
in the course of a very few years a great part of
New-England, which so late was an uncultivated
forest, resounding with the yells of savages and beasts
of prey, became the place of abode of our persecuted
Forefathers. But this newly settled country was not to be=
acquired without bloodshed. The natives, although
they at first appeared harmless and well disposed
towards the new settlers, from the rapid increase and
too frequent aggression of the latter, the jealousy of
the former was excited, which they soon began more
onenlv to manifest as will aooear by what follows.

CHAP. 3.
COMMENCEMENT OP HOSTILITIES WITH THE
NATIVES.

There was a tribe of Indians which inhabited the
borders of Connecticut river from its mouth to within
a few miles of Hartford called Pequots, a fierce, cruel
and warlike tribe; and the inveterate enemies of the
English ; never failing to improve every opportunity
to exercise toward them, the most wanton acts of bar
barity. In June, 1634, they treacherously murdered
a Capt. Stone and a Capt. Norton, who had been
long in the habit of visiting them occasionally to trade.
In August, 1635, they inhumanly murdered a Mr.
Weeks and his whole family, consisting of a wife and
six children, and soon after murdered the wife and
children of a Mr. Williams, residing near Hartford.
Finding however, that by their unprovoked acts of
barbarity, they had enkindled the resentment of the
English, (who, aroused to a sense of their danger were
making preparations to exterminate this cruel tribe,)
the Pequots despatched messengers with gifts to the
governor of the colonies, the Hon. Josiah Winslow.
He being, however, inflexible in his determination to
revenge the death of his friends, dismissed these mes
sengers without an answer. The Pequots finding the
English resolute and determined, and fearing the con
sequences of their resentment; the second time des
patched messengers with a large quantity of wampum
(Indian money) as a present to the governor and
council ; with whom the latter had a considerable
conference, and at length concluded a peace on the
following terms.

INDIAN WARS. 25
ARTICLES.
1. The Pequots shall deliver up to the English
those of their tribe that are guilty of the deaths of
their countrymen.
II. The Pequots shall relinquish to the English
all their right and title to the lands lying within the
colony of Connecticut.
III. The English, if disposed to trade with the
Pequots, shall be treated as friends.
To these articles the Pequots readily agreed, and
promised faithfully to adhere, and at the same time
expressed a desire to make peace with the Narraganr
set Indians, with whom they were then at war.
Soon after the conclusion of peace with the Pequots,
the English, to put their fair promises to the test,
sent a small boat into the river, on the borders of
which they resided, with the pretence of trade ; but
so great was the treachery of the natives, that after
succeeding by fair promises in enticing the crew of
said boat on shore, they were by them inhumanly
murdered. The Pequots despairing of again deceiving the En
glish in the manner they had lately done, now threw
off the mask of friendship, and avowing themselves
the natural enemies of the English, commenced open
hostilities against them, barbarously murdering all
that were so unfortunate as to fall info their hands.
A few families were at this time settled at or near
Weathersfield, (Conn.) the whole of whom were car
ried away captives by them. Two girls, the daugh
ters of Mr. Gibbons, of Hartford, were in the most
brutal manner put to death. After gashing their flesh
with their knives, the Indians filled their wounds with
hot embers, in the mean time mimicking their dying
groans. The Pequots, encouraged by the trifling resistance
made by the English to their wanton acts pf barbar
ity, on the 20th June, 1636, besieged fort Saybrook,
in which there were about twenty men stationed. The
T^ri.onjj ™„».« tr, +v,o mimkoi. r\f about one hundred^

26 INDIAN WARS.
and fifty. They surrounded and furiously attacked the
fort at midnight, horribly yelling and mimicking the
dying groans of such as had fallen victims to their
barbarity ; but the English being fortunately pro^
vided with a piece of cannon or two, caused their
savage enemies to groan in reality, who, after receiv
ing two or three deadly fires from the besieged, re
treated, leaving behind them, dead or mortally wound
ed, abqut twenty of their number. The English sus
tained no loss in the attack-
The Governor and Council of Massachusetts colony
alarmed at the bold and daring conduct of the Pequots,
on the 20th of August despatched Capt. Endicot, of
Salem, with ninety men, to avenge the murders com
mitted by them, unless they should consent to deliver
up the murderers, and make reparation for the inju
ries which the English had sustained. Capt. Endi
cot was directed to proceed first to Block-Island,
£then inhabited by the Pequots) put the men to the
sword and take possession of the island. The women
and children were to be spared. Thence he was to
proceed to the Pequot country, demand the murder
ers of the English, a thousand fathom of wampum,
and a number of their children as hostages.
Capt. Endicot sailed from Boston on the morning of
the 20th. When he arrived at Block-Island, about
sixty Indians appeared on the shore and opposed his
landing. His men soon however effected a landing
and after a little skirmishing drove the Indians into
the wood, where they could not be found. The
English continued two or three days on the island
in which time they destroyed 100 wigwams, and
about 50 canoes, when they proceeded for the Pequot
country. When they arrived in Pequot harbor, Capt.
Endieot acquainted the enemy with his designs and
determination to avenge the cruelties practised upon
his countrymen. In a few moments nearly 500 of
the enemy collected on the shores ; but as soon as
they were made acquainted with the hostile views of
the English, they hastily withdrew, and secreted

INDIAN WARS. 27
themselves in swamps and ledges inaccessible to the
troops. Capt. Ertdieot landed his men on both sides
the harbour, burnt their wigwams and destroyed their
canoes* killed an Indian or two, and then returned to
Boston ! Enough indeed had been done to exasperate,
but nothing to subdue a haughty and warlike enemy.
Sasacus (chief sachem of the Pequots) and his cap
tains, were men of great and independent spirits ;
they had conquered and governed the nations around
them without controul ; they viewed, the English as
strangers and mere intruders, who had no right to the
country; nor to controul its original proprietors.- Inde
pendent princes and sovereigns, they had m&de settle
ments at Connecticut without their consent, and
brought home the Indian kings whom they had con
quered, and restored to them their authority and lands.
They had built a fort, and were making a settlement
without their approbation in their very neighborhood:
Indeed they had now proceeded to attack and ravage
the country. The Pequots in consequence breathed
nothing but war and revenge : they were determined
to extirpate or drive all the English from New- Eng
land. For this purpose they conceived the plan of
uniting the Indians generally against them ; they
spared no art nor pains to make peace with the Nar-
ragansets, and to engage them in the war against
the English, to whom they represented that they
were bad men, the natural enemies of the natives,"
and who also were foreigners, overspreading the coun
try, and depriving the original inhabitants of their
ancient rights and possessions ; that unless effectual
measures were immediately taken to prevent it, they
would soon dispossess the original proprietors, and
become the lords of the continent. They insisted that
by a general combination they could either destroy
Or drive them from the country ; that there would be
no necessity of comming to open battles ; that by killing
their cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes on
the roads, in the fields, and wherever they could sur
prise and destroy them, they might acfcomplish their

28 INDIAN WARS.
wishes ; they represented that if the English should
effect the destruction of the Pequots, they would also
soon destroy the Narragansets. So just and politic
were those reprerentations, that nothing but that
thirst for revenge, which inflames the savage heart,
could have resisted their influence. Indeed it is said
that for some time the Narragansets hesitated.
The governor of the colonies, to prevent an union
between these savage nations, and to strengthen the
peace between the Narraganset Indians and the col
onies, despatched a messenger to invite Miantinomi,
their chief sachem, to Boston. The invitation was
accepted by Miantinomi, and while at Boston, with
the Governor and Council, entered in!o a treaty, the
substance of which was as follows, viz : That there
should be a firm peace maintained between the Eng
lish and Narragansets, and their posterity. That nei
ther party should make peace with the Pequots with
out its being first mutually assented to. That the
Narragansets should not harbor the enemies of the
English , but deliver up to them such fugitives as should
resort to them for safety. The English were to give
them notice when they went out against the Pequots,
and the Narragansets were to furnish guides.
In February, 1637, the English in Connecticut col
ony, represented to the Governor their desire to
prosecute more effectually the war with the Pequots,
who yet continued to exercise toward them the most
Wanton acts of barbarity. They represented that on
the 10th January a boat, containing three of their
countrymen, was attacked by the enemy, as it was pro
ceeding down the river. That the English for some
time bravely defended themselves, but were at length
overpowered by numbers. That the Indians, when
they had succeeded in capturing the boat's crew, rip
ped them up from the bottom of their bellies to their
throats and in like manner split them down their
backs, and thus mangled, hung them upon trees by the
river side ! They represented that the affairs of Con ¦
necticut colony at this moment wore a most gloomy

INDIAN WARS. 29
aspect : That they had sustained great losses in cattle
and goods the preceding years, but were still more
unfortunate the present : That a most dreadful and
insidious enemy were now seeking an opportunity to
destroy them : That they could neither hunt, fish or
cultivate their fields, nor travel at home or abroad,
but at the peril of their lives : That they were oblig
ed to keep a constant watch by night and day, to go
armed to their daily labours and to the houses of pub
lic worship ! And although desirous ro prosecute the
war more effectually with the common enemy, they
were not in a situation to do it, and therefore humbly
prayed for assistance.
The report of the horrid and unprovoked cruelties
of the Pequots, pratised upon the defenceless inhabi
tants of Connecticut colony, roused the other colonies
to harmonious and spirited exertions against them.
Massachusetts determined to send £00 and Plymouth
40 men to assist their unfortuate brethren in prose
cuting the war. Capt. Patrick with 40 men was sent
forward before the other troops, in order that he might
be enabled seasonably to form a junction wilh the
troops in Connecticut who, notwithstanding their weak
and distressed state had engaged to furnish 90 men.
On Wednesday, the 10th of May, the Connecticut
troops proceeded for their fort at Saybrook. They
consisted of 90 Englishmen, and 70 Mohegan and riv
er Indians ; the latter commanded by Uncas, sachem
of the Mohegans, and the former by Capt. John Ma
son, who was accompanied by the Rev. Mr. Stone, of
Hartford, as chaplain. The Mohegans being detach
ed from the English, on their way to SaybrOok, fell
in with a considerable body of the enemy, whom they
attacked and defeated. They killed 22, and took IS
of them prisoners.
Among the prisoners there was one who wag recog^
nized as a perfidious villain ; he had lived in the foit
with the F^.nglish some time before, and well under
stood their language ; he remained attached to their'
interest until the commencement of hostiliei wilh
5

30 INDIAN WARS.
the Pequots, when he deserted the garrison and join
ed the enemy, whom he served as guide, and through
whose instigation many of the English had been cap
tured and put to death. Uncus and his men insisted
upon executing him according to the custom of their
ancestors, and the English in the circumstances in
which they then were, did not judge it prudent to in
terfere. The Indians enkindled a fire, near which
they confined the prisoned to a stake, in which situa
tion he remained until his skin became parched with
the heat. The Mohegans then violently tore him limb
from limb, barbarously cutting his flesh in pieces, they
handed it round from one to another, eating it while
they sung and danced round the fire in a manner pe
culiar to savages ! The bones and such parts of the
unfortunate captive as were not consumed in this
dreadful repast, were committed to the flames and
consumed to ashes.
On the 19th, Capt. Mason and his men proceeded
for Narraganset Bay, at which place they safely ar
rived on the 21st. Capt. Mason marched immediate
ly to the plantation of Canonicus, a Narraganset sa
chem, and acquainted him with his designs, and im
mediately after despatched a messenger to Miantino
mi, to inform him likewise of the expedition. The
next day Miantinomi, with his chief counsellors and
warriors, met the English. Capt. Mason informed
him that the cause of his entering his country with an
armed force was to avenge the injuries which the Pe
quots had done to the English, and desired a free pas
sage to their forts, which they intended to attack.
After a solemn consultation, in the Indian manner,
Miantinomi observed that " he highly approved of the
expedition, and would send men to assist the English,
but that they were too few in number to fight the ene
my ; that the Pequots were great warriors and rather
slighted the English."
Capt. Mason landed his men and marched to the
plantation of Miantinomi, which, by previous agree
ment,, was to be the place of general rendezvous. In

INDIAN WARS. 31
the evening an Indian runner arrived with information
that Captain Patrick, with the men under his com
mand, had arrived at the plantation of Roger Wil
liams, in Providence, and was desirous that Captain
Mason should postpone his march until such time as
he could join him. Capt. Mason, after mature delib
eration, determined however not to wait his arrival,
although a, junction was considered important. His
men had already been detained much longer than was
agreeable to their wishes, and the Mohegans appa
rently were impatient for battle. The little army
therefore,, consisting of 99 Englishmen, 60 Mohegan
and river Indians, and about 200 Narragansets, com
menced their march on the 24th, 2nd in the evening of
that day reached Nihantick, which bounded on the
country of the Pequots. Nihantick was the seat of
a Narraganset sachem, who seemed displeased with
the expedition, and would not suffer the English to
enter his fort. Capt. Mason suspecting the treache
ry of this fellow, placed a sentinel at night at the en
trance of the fort, determined that as he could not be
permitted to enter, no one should come out to advise
•the enemy of his approach.
On the"morning of the 25th, Capt. Mason was join
ed by an additional number of the Narragansets and
a few of the Nihanticks. They formed a circle, and
brandishing their scalping knives, made protestations
how gallantly they would fight, and what numbers
they would kill, &c. Captain Mason had now under
his command near 500 Indians, in addition to his for
mer force, with whom he early reassumed his march
for the head quarters of the enemy. The day proved
uncommonly warm, and the men, through excessive
heat and want of provisions, were only enabled by
night [to reach Paucatuck river; where the Narra
gansets began to manifest great fear, and to inquire
of Capt. Mason his real design. He assured them
that "it was to attack the Pequots in their fort! "
At which they appeared greatly surprised, and ex
hibited a disposition to quit the English and return
home.

32

INDIAN WARS.

Wequash, a Pequot sachem, who had revolted from
Sasacus, was the principal guide of the English, and
he proved faithful. He gave such information re
specting the distance of the forts of the enemy from
each other, and the distance they were then from that
of the chief sachem's, as induced Captain Mason to
determine to attack the latter, which his guide repre
sented as situated at the head of Mystic river. He
found his men so much fatigued in marching through
a pathless wilderness, with their provisions, arms and
ammunition, that this resolution appeared to be abso
lutely necessary. The little army accordingly, on the
morning of the 26th, proceeding directly for Mystic,
and at sun-down psij&trated a "thick swamp, where,
imagining that they could not be far distant from the
fort they pitched their little camp, between two large
rocks, now known by the name of "Porter's rocks,"
situated in Groton. The sentinels, who were con
siderably advanced in front of the main body of the
English, distinctly heard the enemy singing and danc
ing through the night at their fort.
The important day was now approaching when the
very existence of Connecticut was to be determined
by the sword in a single action ! And to be decided
by the valour of less than a hundred brave men.
About two hours before day, the men were aroused
from their slumbers by their officers, and after com
mending themselves and their cause to the Almighty,
proceeded with all possible despatch for the enemy's
fort. When within a few rods of the fort, Captain
Mason sent for Uncus and Wequash, and desired
them in their Indian mariner to harrangue and pre
pare their men for combat. They replied that "their
men were much afraid, and could, not be prevailed
upon to advance any farther!" "Go then," said
Capt. Mason, "and request them not to retire, but to
surround the fort at any distance they please, and see
what courage Englishmen can display."' The day
was now dawning, and no time to be lost. The fort
was soon in view. The soldiers pressed forward, ani-

INDIAN WARS. 33
mated with the reflection that it was not for themselves
alone they were about to fight, but for their parents,
wives, children and countrymen! As they approached
the fort within a short distance, they were discovered
by a Pequot sentinel, who roared out "Owanux!"
"Owanux!" (Englishmen! Englishmen!) The
• troops pressed on, and as the Indians were rallying,
poured in upon them the contents of their muskets, and
instantly hastening to the principal entrance of the
fort, rushed in, sword in hand! An important moment
this! For notwithstanding the blaze and thunder of
the arms of the English, the Pequots made a manly
and desperate resistance. Sheltered by their wig
wams, and rallied by their sachems and squaws, they
defended themselves, and in some instances attacked
the English with a resolution that would have done
honour to Romans. After a bloody and desperate
conflict of near two hours continuance, in which hun
dreds of the Indians were slain, and many of the En
glish killed and wounded, victory still hung in suspense.
In this critical state of the action, Capt. Mason had
recourse to a successful expedient. Rushing into a
wigwam within the fort, he seized a brand of fire, in
the mean time crying out to his men, "we must burn
them!" communicated it to the mats with which the
wigwams were covered, by which means the whole
fort was very soon enwrapt in flames ! As the fire
increased, the English retired and formed a circle
around the fort. The Mohegans and Narragansets,
who had remained idle spectators to the bloody con
flict, now mustered courage sufficient to form another
circle in the rear of them. The enemy were now in
a deplorable situation. Death inevitable was their
portion. Sallying forth from their burning cells,
they were shot or cut to pieces by the English. Many
of them, perceiving it impossible to escape the vigi
lance of the troops, threw themselves voluntarily into
the flames !
The violence of the flames, the reflection of the
light, the clashing and roar of arms, the shrieks and

34 INDIAN WARS.
yells of the savages in the fort, and the shouting of
the friendly Indians without, exhibited a grand and
awful scene ! In less than two hours from the com
mencement of the bloody action, the English com
pleted their work. Eighty wigwams were burnt, and
upwards of eight hundred Indians destroyed ! Parents
and children, the sanup and squaw, the aged and the
young, perished in promiscuous ruin ! The loss of
the English was comparatively trifling, not exceeding
25 in killed and wounded.
After the determination of this severe engagement,
as the English were proceeding to embark on board
their vessels, which fortunately for them, at this mo
ment arrived in the harbour, they were attacked in
the rear, by about 300 of the enemy, who had been
despatched from a neighbouring fort to assist their
brethren. The English gave them so warm a recep
tion, that they soon gave way, and fell back to the
field of action, where viewing for a few moments,
with apparent marks of horror and surprize the
shocking scene which it presented, they stamped,
bellowed, and with savage rage tore their hair from
their heads ! and then with a hideous yell, pursued the
English, as if with a determination to avenge the
deaths of their friends, even at the expense of their
lives. They pursued the English nearly six miles,
sometimes shooting at a distance, from behind rocks
and trees, and sometimes, pressing hard upon them,
and hazarding themselves in open field. The English
killed numbers of them, but sustained no loss on their
part. When a Pequot fell, the Mohegans would cry
out, "run and fetch his head!" The enemy finding
at length that they discharged arrows in vain, and
that the English appeared to be well stocked with
ammunition, gave over the pursuit.
In less than three weeks from the time the English
embarked at Saybrook, they returned, with the ex
ception of the few killed and wounded, in safety to
their respective habitations. Few enterprizes were
ever perhaps achieved with more personal bravery ;

INDIAN WARS. 35
in few have so great a proportion of the effective men
of a whole colony, state or nation, been put to so
great and immediate danger ; in few have a people
been so deeply and immediately interested, as were
the English inhabitants of Connecticut at this import
ant crisis. In these respects, even the great arma
ments and battles of Europe are comparatively of little
importance ; and it ought never to be forgotten, that
through the bravery and unconquerable resolution of
less than one hundred men, Connecticut was once
saved, and the most warlike and terrible tribe of In
dians in New-England completely exterminated.
The few Pequots that now remained alive conceiv
ing it unsafe to inhabit longer a country so exposed to
invasion, removed far to the westward ; among whom
was Sasacus, their principal sachem. On the 25th
June, the Conneeticut troops, under the command of
Capt. Mason, together with a company from Massa
chusetts, commanded by Capt. Stoughton, were sent
in pursuit of them. They proceeded westward, and
on the 27th, fell in with and attacked and defeated a
considerable body of them. They took about 50 of
them prisoners, among whom were two sachems whose
lives were offered them on condition of their serving
as guides to the English.
The English on their march frequently fell in with
small detached parties of the enemy, whom they cap
tured or destroyed, but could not obtain any informa
tion relative to the main body commanded by Sasacus.
Finding that the two sachem prisoners would not give
them the information required, they, on the 29th, be
headed them, at a place called Menunkatuck,( now
Guilford,) from which circumstance, the place still
bears the name of " Sachems-' head. "The English,
on the 30th, arrived at Quinnipaik, (now Newhaven)
where they were informed by a friendly Pequot, that
the enemy were encamped in a swamp, a few miles to
the westward. The troops pushed forward, and on
the succeeding day, arrived at the border of said
swamp, which they found a thicket so extremely

36 INDIAN WARS.
boggy as to render it inaccessible to any one but the
natives. The English, therefore, thought it most ad-
viseable to surround the swamp, and annoy the enemy
as opportunity presented. The Indians, after a few
skirmishes, requested a parley, which being granted
them, Thomas Stanton, interpreter to the English,
was sent to treat with them. He was authorised to
offer life to such as had not shed the blood of En
glishmen. Upon which, the sachem of the place, to
gether with about 300 of his tribe, came out, and pro
ducing satisfactory proof of their innocence, were
permitted to retire ; but the Pequots boldly declared
that " they had both shed and drank the blood of En
glishmen, and would not upon such terms accept of
life, but would fight it out!" The English, unwilling
to brook the threats and insulting language of the
Pequots, attempted now to devise means to a-ttack the
whole body of them without further delay. The offi
cers were, however, divided in opinion as to the mode
of attack. Some were for setting fire to the swamp,
others for cutting their way through with hatchets,
and others for surrounding it with a high fence or pal-
isado. Neither of which plans were, however, fully
adopted. As night approached, the English cut
through a part of the swamp, by which means its cir
cumference was considerably lessened, and they en
abled so completely to surround the enemy as to pre
vent their escaping during the night. Early the en
suing morning, the Indians perceiving themselves
completely hemmed in by the English made a violent
attempt to break through their lines; they were howev
er driven back with great loss. They next attempted
to force the line fomed by the Connecticut troops, but
here they met v/ith a much warmer reception. The
contest now became close and severe. The Indians,
who were about 600 in number, appeared determined
not to yield but at the expense of their lives. One of
the most resolute of them, walked boldy up to Capt.
Mason, with an uplifted tomahawk, and when about to
give the fatal stroke, received a blow from the latter,

INDIAN WARS. 37
who with his cutlass, severed the head of the savage
from his body. The enemy soon after made another at
tempt to break through the lines of the English; and in
which, after a violent struggle, they finally succeeded.
About 60 of their bra*vest warriors escaped, the re
mainder being either killed dr taken prisoners. The
loss of the English was 1 1 killed and 20 woundedi
The prisoners taken were divided among the troops*
some of whom were detained by them as servants, and
the remainder sent to the West Indies and sold to the
planters. The prisoners reported that the whole
tribe of Pequots was now nearly exterminated ; that
in different engagements there had been upwards of
2000 of them killed, and about 1000 captured, among
whom were 13 sachems ; and that six yet survived,
one of whom was Sasacus, who had fled with the
fragment Of his tribe to the Country bordering on the
Hudson river, inhabited by the Mohawks.-
After the swamp fight the Pequots became so weak
and scattered that the Mohegans and Narragansets
daily destroyed them, and presented their scalps to
the English. The few that fled with Sasacus to the
westward were attacked and totally destroyed by the
Mohawks. The scalp of Sasacus was in the fall of
163S presented to the Governor and Council of Mas
sachusetts. Soon after the extermination of the Pequots, the
Narragansets, the most numerous tribe in New Eng
land, being displeased with the small power with
which they were vested, and the respect which the'
English uniformly manifested for Uncus, appeared
disposed to break their treaty of friendship. Mianti
nomi, without consulting the English according to
agreement, without proclaiming war, or giving Uncus
the least information, raised an army of 1000 men and
marched against him. The spies of Uncus discovered
the army at some distance and^gave him intelligence.
He was unprepared, but rallying about 500 of his
bravest men, ho told them they must by no means suf
fer Miantinomi to enter their town, but must go and
6

38 INDIAN WARS.
give him battle on his way. The Mohegans having
m-arched three or four miles, met the enemy upon an
extensive plain. When the armies had advanced with
in fair bow-shot of each other, Uncus had recourse io
stratagem, with which he had previously acquainted
his warriors. He desired a parley, which being grant
ed, both armies- halted in the face of each other. Un
cus gallantly advancing in front of his men-, address
ed Miantinomi to this effect ; " You have a number
of stout men. with you, so have I with me. It is a
gfreat pity that so many brave warriors should be kill
ed in consequence of a misunderstanding between us
two. Come, like a brave man as you profess to be,.
and let us decide the dispute alone. If you kill me,
my men shall be yours ; but if I kill you^ your men
shall be mine.'* "No f (replied Miantinomi) my
men Cam© to fight, and they shall fight." Upon
which Uncus falling, instantly to the ground, his men
discharged a shower of arrows among the Narragan
sets, and without a moment's interval, rushing upon
them, in the most furious manner, with a hideous yell,
put them to flight. The Mohegans pursued the ene
my with the same fury and eagerness with which
they commenced the action. The Narragansets were
driven down rocks and preeipices^ and chased like a
doe by the huntsman. Many of them, to escape from
their pursuers, plunged into a river from rocks of
near sixty feet in height. Among others Miantinomi
Was hard pushed ; some of the most forward of the
Mohegans coming up with him, twirled him about
and so impeded his flight, that Uncus, their sachem,
might alone have the honour of taking him. Uncus,
who. was a man of great bodily strength, rushing for
ward like a lion greedy of his prey, seized Miantino
mi by the shoulder, and giving the Indian whoop, call
ed up his men who were behind, to his assistance . The
victory was complete. About 50 of the Narragansets;
\vere killed, and a much greater number wounded and
taken prisoners. Among the latter was a brother of
Miantinomi, and two of the sons of Canonicus, whom

INDIAN AVARS. .39
Uncus conducted in triumph to Mohegan. Some few
days after, Uncus eonducfeed Miantinomi back to the
spot where he was taken, for the purpose of putting
him to death. At the instant they arrived on the
ground, an Indian, who was ordered to march in the
rear for the purpose, sunk a hatchet.int© his head, and
dispatched him at a single stroke .- He was probably
unacquainted with his fate, and knew not by what
means he fell. Uneus cut out a large piece of his
shoulder, whieh he devoured in savage triumph, de
claring in the mean time, that "it was .the sweetest
meat he, ever ate -, it made his heart strong.-" The
Mohegans buried Miantinomi at the place of his exe
cution, and ereeted upon his grave a pillar of stones.
This memorable event gave the place the name of
" Sachem's Plains." They are situated hi aji east
ern eorner of Norwich.
The Narragansets became greatly enraged at the
death of their sachem, and sought means to destroy
Uncus, whose country they in small parties frequently
invaded, and by lying in ambush, cut off a number of
bis most valuable warriors. As Uncus was the ayow-
ed friend of the English, and had in many instances
signalized himself as such, they coneeived it their du
ty to afford him all the protection possible. They dis
patched messengers to acquaint the iSarragansets with
their determination, should they continue to molest
and disturb the repose of the Mohegans. The mes
sengers of the English met with (juite an unfavorable
reception, to whom one of the Narraganset sachems
declared, that "he would kill every Englishman and
Mohegan that came within his reach 4 that whoever
began the war, he would continue it; and that nothing
should satisfy him but the head of Uncus!"
The English, irritated at the provoking language of
the Narragansets, now determined not only to protect
Uneus, but to invade their country with an army of
3®G men ; first to propose a peace on theis own terms,
but if rejected, to attack and destroy them. For this

40 INDIAN WARS,
purpose Massachusetts was to furnish 190, and Ply
mouth and Connecticut polonies 55 men each.
The Narragansets, learning that an army was about
to enter the heart of their country, and fearful of the
issue, despatched several of their principal men to sue
for peace, on such terms as the English should be
pleased to grant. The Governor and Council de^
manded that they should restore to Uncus, all the
captives and canoes which they had taken from him,
and pledge themselves to maintain perpetual peace
with the English and their allies ; and to the former,
pay an anual tribute of 2000 fathom of white wam
pum ! These indeed were hard terms, against which
the Narragansets strongly remonstrated ; but aware
that the English had already a considerable force
collected for the express purpose of invading their
country, they at length thought it most prudent tq
acquiesce. During the war between the Narragansets and
Uncus, the former once besieged the fort of the
latter until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and
he found that his men must soon perish either by
famine or the tomahawk unless speedily relieved.
Ip this crisis he found means of communicating an
account of his situation to the English scouts, who
had been despatched from the fort in Saybrook to
reconnoitre the enemy. Uncus represented the dan-?
ger to which the English would be exposed, if the
Narragansets should succeed in destroying the Mohe
gans, It was at this critical juncture that the great
est part of the English troops in Connecticut were
employed on an expedition abroad ; a Mr. Thomas
Leffingwell, however, a bold and enterprising man,
0P learning the situation of Uncus, loaded a canoe
with provisions, and under cover of the night paddlted
from Saybrook into the river Thames, and had the
address to get the whole into the fort. The enemy
eppn after discovering that Uncus had received sup
plies, raised the siege. For this piece of service
Upcus presented said Leffingwell with a deed of a

INDIAN WARS. 41
very large tract of land now comprising the whole
town of Norwich.
The English in New-England now enjoyed a peace
until the year 1671, when they again took up arms
to revenge the death of one of their countrymen, who
had been inhumanly murdered by an Indian belonging
to the Nipnet tribe, of which the celebrated Philip,
of Mount- Hope (now Bristol, R. I.) was sachem. It
was thought the most prudent step by the Governor
and Council first to send to Philip, and acquaint him
with the cause of their resentment, and the course
which they were determined to pursue, in case he
refused to deliver into their hands the murderer, —
Philip being accordingly sent for and appearing be
fore the court, appeared much dissatisfied with thg
conduct of the accused, assuring them that no pains
should be spared to bring him to justice ; and more
fully to confirm his friendship for the English, ex,
pressed a wish that the declaration which he was about
publicly to make, might be committed to paper that
he and his council, might thereunto affix their signar
tures. The Governor and Council in compliance with
the request, drew up the following, which, after being
signed by Philip and his chief men, was presented tq
the Governor by Philip in conformation of his friends
]y assurances :
" Whereas my father, my brother, and myself,
have uniformly submitted to the good and whole
some laws of his majesty, thp king of England, and
have ever respected his faithful subjects, the English,
as our friends and brothers, and being still anxious to
brighten the chain of friendship between us, we do
now embrace this opportunity to pledge ourselves
that we will spare no pains in seeking ouf and bring
ing to justice, such of our tribe as shall hereafter
commit any outrage againt them ! And to remove
all suspicion, we voluntarily agree to deliver up to
them all the firerarms which they have heretofore
kindly presented us with, until such time as they can
safely repose confidence in us ; and for the true per-

42 indiajv wars;
formance of these sacred promises, we have hereunT
to set our hands. Chief Sachem-
Philip's X mark.
Chief men-
Porkanokets's X mark.
Uncombo's X mark.
In presence of the ) Samkama's X mark.
Governor and Council, ) Wocokom's X mark.
Notwithstanding the fair promises of Philip, it was
soon discovered by the English, that he was playing
a deep game ; that he was artfully enticing his red
brethren throughout the whole of New-England, to
rise, en masse, against them, and drive them out of
the country. The Narragansetts, for this purpose, had
engaged to raise 4000 fighting men. The spring of
1672, was the time agreed upon, on which the grand
blow was to be given. The evil intentions of Philip,
were first discovered and communicated to the English
by a friendly Indian of the Narraganset tribe. For
tunately for them, this Indian had been taken into
favor by the Rev. Mr. Elliot, by whom he had been
taught to read and write, and became much attached
to the English. The Governor, upon receiving the
important information relative to the hostile views of
Philip, ordered a military watch to be kept up in all
the English settlements within the three colonies ; by
some of whom it was soon discovered that the report
of their Indian friend was too well founded, as the
Indians of different tribes were daily seen flocking in
great numbers to the head-quarters of Philip ; previ
ously sending their wives and childred tj the Narra
ganset country, which they had ever done previous tq
the commencement of hostilities.
The inhabitants of Swanzey, a small settlement
adjoining Mount-Hope, the head-quarters of Philip,
were the first who felt the effects of this war. Philip,
encouraged by the numbers who were daily eplisting
under hjs banners, and despairing ©f discovering cause

INB1AN WARS. 48
that could justify him in the commencement Of hostil
ities against his "friends and brothers," as he had
termed them, resolved to provoke them to war by
killing their cattle, firing their barns, &c. This plan
had its desired effect, as the inhabitants, determined
to save their property or perish in the attempt,. fired
upon the Indians, which was deemed cause sufficient
by the latter to commence their bloody work. The
war whoop was immediately thereupon sounded, when
tbe Indians commenced an indiscriminate murder of
the defenceless inhabitants of Swanzey,, sparing not
the tender infant at the breast ; but three of seventy-
eight persons whieh the town contained, made their
escape. Messengers were despatched with the met
ancholy tidings of this bloody affair, to the Governor,
who by and with the advice and consent of the council,
despatched a company of militia with alt possible
speed, to the relief of the distressed inhabitants resid
ing near the head quarters of Philip. As soon as they
could be raised, three companies were despatched un
der the command of Capts. Henchman, Prentice, and
Church, who arrived in the neighbourhood of Swan>~
zey, on the 28th June,- where they were joined by-
four more companies from Plymouth colony.' It was
found that the Indians had pillaged and set, fire to'
the village, and with their booty had retired to Mount
Hope. A company of cavalry were sent under the
command of Captain Prentice, to reconnoitre them ¦„
but before they arrived at a convenient place for this
purpose, they were ambushed and fired upon by- the
enemy, who killed six of their number and wounded
ten. The report of their guns alarming the remaining
companies of the English, they hastened to the relief
of the cavalry,, who at this moment were completely
surrounded by about 600 Indians, between whom and
the English a warm contest now ensued. The sav
ages fought desperately, and more than once nearly
succeeded? in overpowering the English; but very for
tunately for the latter, when nearly despairing of vic
tory, a fresh company of militia from Boston arrived ;

44 INDIAN WARS.
which, flanking the enemy on the tight and left, and
exposing them to two fires soon overpowered them,
and caused them to seek shelter in an adjoining wood,
inaccessible to the English. The English had in this
severe engagement 42 killed, and 73 wounded, many
of them mortally. The enemy's loss was supposed
to be much greater.
On the 30th Major Savage, who by his excellency
the Governor had been appointed Commander in Chief
of the combined English forces, arrived with an ad
ditional company of cavalry, who with the remaining
companies the following day commenced their march
for Mount Hope, the head-quarters of Philip. On
their Way, the English were affected with a scene truly
distressing. The savages, not content with bathing
their tomahawks in the blood of the defenceless inha
bitants of Swanzey, had, it was discovered, in many
instances detached their limbs from their mangled
bodies, and affixed them to poles, which were extend
ed in the air! Among which were discovered
the heads of several infant children, the whole of
which, by order of Major Savage, were cellected and
buried. The English arrived at Mount Hope about sun-set;
but the enemy receiving information of their approach,
had deserted their wigwams and retired into a neigh
boring wood. Major Savage, to pursue the enemy
With success, now divided his men into separate com
panies, which he ordered to march in different direc
tions, stationing 40 at iVIount Hope. On the 4th Julv,
the men under the command of Captains Church and
Henchman fell in with a body of the enemy, to the
number of 200 whom they attacked ; the English
being but 32 in number, including officers. Victory
for a considerable length of time appeared in favour
of the savages ; but very fortunately for the former,
being commanded by bold and resolute officers, they
defended themselves in the most heroic manner, un
til relieved by a company of cavalry under the cqm-
mand of Captain Prentice. The Indians now in turn

I.NDIAN wars: 4/8
finding the fire of the English too warrii for them, fled
in every direction, leaving 30 Of their nitmber dead
and about 60 severely wounded On thefield of action.
The English in this engagement had 7 killed and 32"
wounded, five of whom survived the action but a few
hours. This action, so far from daunting tiie, bold and re
solute Capt. Church, seemed to inspire hind with ad:
ditiotial bravery. Unwilling that any of the enemy
should escape, he boldly led his men intd an almost
impenetrable forest, into which those who survived
the action had fled. The Indians perceiving the En
glish approaching, concealed themselves from their
view by laying flat on their bellies, in which situation
they remained concealed until the English had advan
ced within-a few rods of them, when each unperceived
fixing upon his rrian discharged a shower of arrows
among them. This unexpected check threw the Eng
lish into confusion, which the Indians perceiving, rush
ed furiously upon them with their knives and toma
hawks, shouting horribly ! The English, their cavalry
being unable to afford them assistance, were now iri
a very disagreeable situation, the trees being so very
large as to render it difficult to use their fire arms
with any effect, and they were very soon so encom
passed by the savages, as to render almsot every eU
fort" to defend themselves useless: Of 64 who entered
the swamp, but 17 escaped, among whom, very fortu
nately, was their valuable leader, Capt: Church.
The English finding that they could neither bring
their enemies to action in open field,- or engage them
with any success in the forest in which they were lodg
ed, returned home,- with the exception of three com
panies, who were stationed by Major Savage, near the'
borders of a swamp, into which it was strongly sus
pected that Philip with a number of his tribe had fled.
This swamp was two miles in length, and to the En
glish inaccessible. Philip, who' had been watching the
motions of his enemies, perceiving a great part march
off, conjectured that their object was to obtain a rein-
7

4G INBIAN WAR*.
forcement. Impressed with this belief, he resolved to
improve the first opportunity to escape with a few
chosen men, by water, which he with little difficulty
effected the succeeding night, taking advantage of a
low tide. The enemy were, soon after their escape,
discovered and pursued by the inhabitants of Kehoboth
accompanied by a party of the Mohegans, who had
volunteered their services against Philip.
The Rehoboth militia came up with the rear of
the enemy about sunset, and killed 12 of them, with
out sustaining any loss on their part ; night preventing
their engaging ihe whole force of Philip ; but early
the succeeding morning, they continued the pursuit.
The Indians had, however, fled with such precipitan
cy, that it was found impossible to overtake them. — -
They bent their course to the westward, exhorting the
different tribes-through which they passed to take up
arms'against the English.
The United Colonies became how greatly alarmed
at the hostile views and rapid strides of Philip. The
General Court was constantly in sitting, and endeav
oring to plan means to cut him off before he should
have an opportunity to corrupt the minds of too many
of his countrymen.
While the court was thus employed, information
was received that Philip had arrived in the neighbor
hood of Brookfleld, situated about 65 miles from
Boston, and that a number of its inhabitants had been
inhumanly butchered by hii adherents. Orders were
immediately thereupon issued for the raising of ten
companies of foot and horse, to be despatched to the
relief of the unfortunate inhabitants of Brookfleld ;
but before they could reach that place, Philip and his
party had entered the town and indiscriminately put
to death almost every inhabitant which it contained ;
the few that escaped having taken the precaution, pre
vious to the attack, to assemble together in one house,
which they strongly fortified. This house was furi
ously attacked by the savages and several times set
on fire, and the besieged were on the point of sur^

1NB1AN WARS. 47
rendering, when Major Willard happily arrived to
their nlief. Between the English and the Indians, a
despeiate engagement now ensued ; the former, by
the express command of their officers, gave no quar
ter, but in a very heroic manner rushed upon the sav
ages with clubbed muskets. The action continued
until near sun-set, when the few Indians that remain
ed alive sought shelter in the neighbouring woods. —
In this engagement the English had 22 killed and
72 wounded. The enemy's loss was 217 killed, and
between 200 and 300 wounded, who by way of retal
iation for their barbarity exercised towards the de
fenceless inhabitants of Brookfleld, were immediately
put to death. r
The Governor and Council, on learning the fate of
the unfortunate inhabitants of Brookfleld, despatched
a reinforcement of three companies of cavalry to
Major Willard, and ordered the like number to be
sent him from Hartford, in Connecticut colony, with
which he was directed to pursue Philip with fire and
sword, to whatever part of the country he should
resort. It being discovered that a part of Philip's forces
had fled to Hatfield, two companies of English, under
the command v.f Captains Lathrop and Beers, were
sent in pursuit of them, who within about three miles
of Hatfield., overtook and attacked them ; but the
force of the English being greatly inferior to that of
the enemy, the former were defeated and driven back
on the main body ; which enabled the enemy, who
had in the late engagement been detached from their
main body, to join Philip. On the 13th September,
information was received by Major Willard, that the
enemy had successfully attacked and defeated the
troops under the command of Captain Lathrop ; that
they were ambushdd and unexpectedly surrounded by
1000 of the enemy, to whom they all, except tu<ee
who escaped, fell a sacrifice ! '1 he ck-fea? of Capt.
Lathrop took place in the neighborhood of Deerfield;
for the defence of which, there was an English gar-

48 INDIAN WARS,
rispn, whiph the Indians were about to attack when
Major Willard happily arrived ; on the approach of
whom, the Indians fled.
On the 10th October following, ?. party of Philip's
Indians successfully assaulted the town of Springfield
which they pillaged and set fire to> ^UJipg aDOUt 40
pf the inhabitants. On the 14th, they assaulted the
town of Hatfield, in which two companies, under the
command of Captains Mosely and Appletpn, were
stationed. The enemy continued the attack abput
two hours, when finding the fire of the English too
warm for them, they fled, leaving a number of their
party behind them dead,
Philip now finding himself closely pursued by a large
and formidable body of the English, deemed it pru
dent to bend his course toward his old place of resi
dence, there to remain until the ensuing spring.
But the Commissioners Of the United Colonies,
duly reflecting on the deplorable situation of their
defenceless brethren throughout the country, aware
that there were then a much greater number of their
savage enemies embodied than at any former period,
who, if suffered peaceably to retire into winter quar
ters, might prove too powerful for them the spring
.ensuing, resolved to attack the whole force under
Philip in their winter encampment; for the purpose
pf which every Englishman capable of bearing arms
Was commanded, by proclamation of the Governor, to
hold himself in readiness to march at the shortest no
tice. The 10th of December was the day appointed
by the Commissioners on which the decisive blow was.
to be given. Six companies were irnmediately to be
raised in Massachusetts, consisting in the whole of
527 men, to the command of which were appointed
Captains Mosely, Gardener, Davenport, Oliver, and
Johnson. Five companies were raised in Connecti
cut, consisting of 450 men, to the command of which
were appointed Captains Siely, Mason, Gallop,
Watts, and Marshal ; two companies in Plymouth,
pf 150 men. who where commanded by Captains

INDIAN WARS, 49
Rice and Goram, Three Majors of the threp respec
tive divisions, were also appointed, to wit : — Major
Appleton, of Massachusetts, Major Treat, of Con
necticut, and Major Bradford, of Plymouth. The
Whole force, consisting of 1127 men, were commanded
by Major General Winslow, late Governor of the
Cplonies. Op the 7th December,the combined forces
commenced their march for the head-quarters of the
pnemy. At this inclement season, it was with the
utmost difficulty that the troops were enabled to pen
etrate through a wild and pathless wood. On the
morning of the 9th, having travelled all the preceding
night, they arrived at the border of an extensive
swamp, in which they were informed by their guides
the enemy were encamped to the number of 4000,
The English, after partaking of a little refreshment,
formed for battle. Captain Mosely, and Captain
Davenport, led the van, and Major Appleton and
Captain Oliver brought up the rear of the Massa
chusetts forces, General Winslow, with the Ply^
'piouth troops, formed the centre ; the Connecticut
troops, under the command of their respective cap
tains, together with abont 200 of the Mohegans,
commanded by Oneco, the son of Uncus, brought up
the rear.
It was discovered by an Indian sent for that pur-t
pose, that ip the centre of the swamp they had built
a very strong fort, of so wise a construction, that it
was with difficulty that more than one person could
pnter it at one time. About 10 o'clock, A. M., the
Epglish, with the sound of the trupipet, entered the
swamp, and when within about fifty rods of their
fort, were met and attacked by the enemy. The
Indians, in their usual manner, shouting and howling
like beasts of prey, commenced thp attack with sav
age fury ; but with a hideous noise the English were
pot to be intimidated ; charging them with unequalled
bravery, the enemy were soon glad to seek shelter
¦Vvithin the walls of their fort. The English having
closely pressed upon the enemy, as they retreated,

50 INDIAN WARS.
now in turn found themselves in a very disagreeable
situation, exposed to the fire of the Indians, who were
covered by a high breastwork, they were not even
enabled to act on the defensive. At this critical junc
ture the lion-hearted Oneco, with the assent of Gen
eral Winslow, offered with the men under his com
mand to scale the walls of the fort, which being
approved of by the English commanders, Oneco, with
about sixty picked men, in an instant ascended to the
top of the fort ; where having a fair chance at the
enemy they hurled their tomahawks, and discharged
their arrows with such success among them, as in a
very short time to throw them into the utmost con
fusion. Those who attempted to escape from the
fort, were instantly cut in pieces by the troops with
out. The enemy finding themselves thus hemmed in
and attacked on all sides, in the most abject terms,
begged for quarters, which was denied them by the
English. A great proportion of the troops being
now mounted on the walls of the fort, they had no
thing to do but load and fire, the enemy being penned
up and huddled together in such a manner, that there
was scarcely a shot lost. This bloody contest was
of near six hours continuance, when the English, per
ceiving the fort filled with nought but dead, or such
as were mortally wounded of the enemy, closed the
bloodv conflict.
The scene of action at this instant was indeed such
as could not fail to shock the stoutest heart. The
huge logs, of which the fort was constructed, were
completely crimsoned with the blood of the enemy,
while the surrounding woods resounded with the dy
ing groans of the wounded. The number of slain of
the enemy in this severe engagement could not be as
certained ; it was however immense. Of 4000, which
the fort was supposed to contain at the commence
ment of the action, not 209 escaped ! Among whom,
unfortunately, was the treacherous Philip.
After the close of this desperate action, the troops,
having destroyed all in their power, left the enemy's

INDIAN WARS. 51
ground, and carrying about 300 wounded men, march
ed back to the distance of sixteen miles to head-quar
ters. The night proved cold and stormy, the snow
fell deep, and it was not until midnight or after that
the troops were enabled to reach their place of desti
nation. Many of the wounded, who probably other
wise might have recovered, perished with the cold and
inconvenience of a march so fatiguing.
Although the destruction of so great a number of
the enemy was considered of the greatest importance
to the English, yet it proved a conquest dearly
bought. It was obtained at. the expense of the lives
of a great number of privates, and a great proportion
of their most valuable officers ; among whom were
Captains Davenport, Gardener, Johnson, Seily, and
Marshall. The courage displayed during the action by every
-part of the army ; the invincible heroism of the offi
cers ; the firmness and resolution of the soldiers, wheh
they saw their captains falling before them ; and the
hardships endured before and after the engagement,
are hardly credible, and. rarely find a parallel in an
cicnt or modern ages. The cold, the day preceding
the action, was extreme, and in the night of which
the snow fell so deep, as to render it extremely diffi
cult for the army to move the day succeeding. Four
hundred of the soldiers' were so completely frozen as
to be unfit for di ty ! The Connecticut troops were
the most disabled, having endured a tedious march
without halting, from Stonington to the place of pub
lic rendezvous. They sustained too a much greater
loss in the action, in proportion to their numbers, than
the troops of the other colonies. The bold and in
trepid Captain Mason, who received a fatal wound
in the action, of which he died in about three months
after, was the first after the Mohegans to mount the
walls of the fort, nor did the troops under his com
mand fail to follow the noble example. On enume
rating the number of slain and wounded, it was found
as follows :

5£ INDIAN WAR^
Of the Companies commanded by
Captains Mosely,- 10 killed, 40 wounded,-
Oliver, 20 48
Gardener, 11 32
Johnson, IS 38
Davenport, 15 191
Gallop, 28 43
Siely, 32 50
Watts, 19 33
Mason, 40 50
Marshall, 25 37
Goram, 30 41
Sachem Oneco, 51 82

Total, 299 513
The loss of the troops from Connecticut Was so'
great, that Major Treat considered it absolutely ne
cessary to return immediately home. Such of the'
wounded as were not able to travel, were put on
board a vessel, and conveyed to Stonington. The
troops on their return killed and captured about 30
of the enemy.
The Massachusetts and Plymouth forces kept the
field the greater part of the winter. They ranged
the country, took a number of prisoners, destroyed
about 300 wigwams, but achieved nothing brilliant or
decisive. The Nipnet and Narraganset tribes being by the
late aetion nearly exterminated, the few who surviv
ed, by the direction of Philip, fled in small parties
to different parts of the country, improving every op
portunity that presented to revenge the untimely fate
of their brethren. On the 10th February, 1678, about
100 of them surprised the inhabitants of Lancaster,'
(Mass.), a part of whom, as a place of greater safe
ty, had the day previous resorted to the dwelling
of the Rev. Mr. Rowland ; this however being con
structed by dry logs, was set on fire by the Indians,-
which the unfortunate English within being unable

indIan wars. 53
, to extinguish, they fell victims to the devouring flames.
On the 21st, the ehemy attacked the inhabitants of
Medfield ; 12 of Whom they killed, and the remainder
taade captives.
On the 3d March the Indians still continuing their
depredations* two companies of cavalry, under the
command of Captain Pierce and Captain Watkinsj
Vvere ordered out for the purpose of affording protec
tion to the defenceless inhabitants of towns most ex
posed to their incursions. On the 5th, they marched
to Pautuxet, near where there was a considerable
body of Indians encamped, whom on the niorning of
the 6th, they fell irt with and attacked. The enemy
at first appeared but few in number ; but these were'
dnly employed to decoy the English, who on a sud
den found themselves surrounded by near 500 In
dians, who, with their tomahawks and scalping knives*
rushing furiously upon them, threatened them with in
stant destruction ! The English, now acting on the
defensive, although surrounded by five times their
number, fought with their usual spirit, and were re
solved to sell their lives at as dear a rate as possible;
They were vecy soon, however, compelled to yield td
the superior force of their savage enemies; Only five'
escaped ! This victory, though of considerable im
portance to the savages, cost them a number of their
bravest warriors, 98 of whom were the succeeding
day found dead upon the field of action; There were
in this engagement about 20 friendly Indians with the
English, who fought like desperadoes. One of them
observing Captain Pierce unable to standj in conse
quence of the many wounds he had received, for
nearly two hours bravely defended him. Wheri per
ceiving his own imminent danger, and that he could
afford the Gaptain no farther assistance, by blacking
his face as the enemy had done, he escaped unno
ticed. On the 25th March, a party of Indians attacked
and burnt the towns of Weymouth and Warwick,-
killing a great number of the inhabitants^ On the
8

54 INDIAN WARS?.
10th April following, they pillaged and burnt Reho*
both and Providence.
On the 1st May, a company of English and 150
Mohegans, under command of Capt. George Denni-
son, were sent in pursuit of a body of the enemy,
commanded by a son of Miantinomi. On the 8th
May, they met with and attacked them near Groton.
The Indians, apparently determined on victory or
death, displayed an unusual degree of courage ; but
the English and Mohegans proved too strong for
them ; who, after destroying a greater part with their
muskets and tomahawks, drove the remainder into a
neighbouring river, where they soon perished.
On the 23d, Cononchet, sachem of the few scatter
ed remains of the Narragansets, proposed to his coun
cil that the lands bordering on Connecticut river, not
inhabited by the English, should be by them planted
with corn, for their future subsistence ; which being,
approved of by the latter, 200 of the Narragansets
were despatched for this purpose. The Governor
being apprized of their intentions, despatched three
companies of cavalry to intercept them. About 100
of the Mohegans, under the command of Oneco, ac
companied the English. The enemy were command
ed by Cononchet in person, who first proceeded to
Seekonk, to procure seed corn. It was in the neigh
bourhood of this place that they were first met with
and engaged by the English and Mohegans. The en
emy, with becoming bravery, for a long time with
stood the attack ; but being but poorly provided with
weapons, they were at length overpowered and com
pelled to yield to the superior power of their enemies,
In tbe midst of the action, Cononchet, fearful of the
issue, deserted his men, and attempted to seek shel
ter in a neighbouring wood ; but being recognized, by
the Mohegans, they pursued him. Cononchet, per
ceiving himself nearly overtaken by his pursuers,
to facilitate his flight, first threw away his blanket,
then his silver laced coat, with which he bad been
presented by the English a few weeks previous ; but

INDIAN WAR?. 55
finding that he could not escape from his pursuers by
flight, he plunged into a river, where he was even fol
lowed by half a dozen resolute Mohegans, who laid
hold of him, forced him under water, and there held
him until drowned. The loss of the English and
Mohegans in this engagement was 12 killed and 21
wounded ; that of the enemy was 43 killed and about
80 wounded.
The inhabitants of New London, Norwich, and
Stonington, having frequently discovered a number of
the enemy lurking about in small bodies in the adja
cent woods, by joint agreement voluntarily enlisted
themselves, to the number of 300, under the command
of Major Palmer, and Captains Dennison and Avery,
who, with the assistance of the Mohegans and a few
friendly Narragansets, in three expeditions destroyed
nearly 1000 of the enemy.
On the 8th June, the Indians assaulted and burnt
Bridgewater, a small settlement in the colony of Mas
sachusetts. Forty of its . inhabitants fell victims to
savage barbarity.
The Governor and Council of Massachusetts colo
ny, aware of the danger to which many of the inland
settlements were exposed, by frequent incursions of
the enemy, and finding it extremely difficult to raise a
sufficient force to oppose them in the many parts to
which the fragments of the broken tribes had resort
ed, adopted the policy of sending among them, as
spies, such Indians as were friendly and could be de
pended on ; which plan had its desired effect. These
Indians representing the force of the English much
greater than it really was, and waining the enemy of
danger wich did not exist, deterred them from acting
in many instances on the offensive. One of the friend
ly Indians, returning to Boston on the 10th of July,
reported as follows : " That a large number of In
dians were embodied in a wood near Lancaster, which
village they intended to attack and burn in a few
days ; that they had been incouraged to continue the
war with the English by Frenchmen from the great

56 INDIAN WARS.
lake, who had suppfied them with fire-arms and am'
munition." On the receipt of this important information, the
Governor pespatched three compapies of cavalry, unr
der the ponimand of Major Savage for the defence of
Lancaster, who unfortunately, by mistaking the road,
fell isto an ambush of about ^50 Indians, by whom
they were instantly surrounded. The English exhib-^
ited great presence of mind, and repelled the attack
pf the enemy in a very heroic manner. The savages
being however well provided with fire-anns, soon
gained a complete victory over the English, whose
loss in this unfortunate engagemement was 54 ! The
nmpher °f killed and wounded of the enemy could
not be ascertained, as they remained masters of the
field of action.
On the 15th, a severe engagement took place be-;
tweep a company of English cavalry, and about 300
pf thp enemy, near Groton. The latter were not per-r
peived by the former until they were within a few pa
ces of them, the Indians haying concealed themselves
in the bushes, when suddenly issuing forth with a
hideous yell, the cavalry were thrown into confusion,
bnt instantly forming and charging the enemy with
great spirit, they fled in every direction. The caval
ry, in attempting to pursue them, were once more am,
bushed. The contest now became close and severe;
the Indians having succeeded in decoying the English
into a thick wood, attacked them with great fury and
success. The commander of the English being kill
ed, every man sought his own safety. Of 95, of
which the company was composed, but 12 es&aped.
The loss of the enemy was however supposed to be
much greater.
On the 12th of August, a party of Indians entered
the town of Westfield, killed and took several of the
inhabitants prisoners, and burnt several houses,
Three of them soon after made their appearance at
a house near said town, and fired at the man at his
door, who fell. They ran towards him, and one of

INDIAN WARS. 57
them stooping to scalp him, he was saluted by the
man's wife with a stroke from a large hatchet, which
went so completely into his body that at three dif
ferent efforts she could not disengage it, and the In
dian made off with it sticking in him. A second
Indian also made an attempt, when she by a well di'
repted stroke with a stick she had got, laid him on
the ground. The third then run, and the other, as
soon as he had recovered his feet, followed the ex
ample ; on which the woman took her husband in her
arms and carried him into the house, where he soon
after recovered,
On the 17th, a party of Indians commenced an
attack on Northampton, but there being a number of
English soldiers therein stationed, the enemy were
repulsed. On the gOth, a number of the inhabitants of Sprin-
field were attacked by a party of Indians as they
were returning from divine service, and although
the former were provided with fire-arms, the enemy
succeeded in making prisoners of two women and
several children, whom they soon after tomahawked
and scalped; in which situation they were the suc
ceeding day found by a party of English sent out in
pursuit of the ememy. One of the unfortunate women,
althongh shockingly mangled, was found still alive,
and when so far recovered as to be enabled to speak,
gave the following account of the fate of her unfor
tunate cqmpanions, to wit ; That they were first se,
verally bound with cords ; that the Indians soon after
built a fire, and regaled themselves with what they
had* previous stolen from the Engljsh ; that soon
after, a warm disgute arose between them relative
to the prisoners, each claiming the women for their
squaws (or wives ;) that they at length proceeded
to blows, and after beating each other for some time
with clubs, it was agreed by both parties, to pre
vent further altercation, that the women should be
put to death, which they, as she supposed, carried
immediately into execution. The unfortunate narj

58 INDIAN WARS.
rator received a severe blow on the head, which
brought her senseless to the ground, and while in this
situation, was scalped and left for dead by her savage
enemies !
The inhabitants of Sudbury, with a company of
soldiers under the command of" Lt. Jacobs, of Marl
borough, alarmed at the near approach of the enemy,
who, to the number of about 200, were encamped
near that place, resolved to attack them at night ;
accordingly, on the 6th September, they marched
within view of them, and at night, as they lay extend
ed around a large fire, approached them unperceived
vvithin a gun-shot, when they gave them the contents
of their muskets. Many of those that remained un
hurt, being suddenly aroused from their slumbers, by
the yells of their wounded brethren, and imagining that
they were completely surrounded by the English,
whom the darkness of the night prevented their see
ing, threw themselves into the fire which they had en
kindled, and there perished. But few if any escaped,
In this attack the English sustained no loss.
On the 25th, a considerable body of the enemy
attacked the inhabitants of Marlborough ; many of
whom they killed and set fire to their houses. A
company of the English, who had been ordered from
Concord for the defence of this place, were cut off
by the savages, and totally destroyed, Two other
companies, despatched from Boston for the like pur
pose, met with the same fate. It appeared that the
Governor, on learning the situation of the unfortunate
inhabitants of Marlborough, despatched to their relief
two companies under the command of Capts. Wads
worth and Smith, who, before they arrived at their
place of destination, were informed that the savages
had quit Marlborough and proceeded for Sudbury,
12 miles distant, which induced the English to alter
their course and proceed immediately for the latter
place. Of this it appeared that the enemy had been
apprised by their runners, and had laid a plan to cut
them off ere they should reach Sudbury, which they

Indian Wars. 59
in the following manner completely effected. Learn
ing the course which the English would take, they,
within a few rods thereof, stationed 50 or 60 of their
number in an open field, who were ordered to retreat
into a neighbouring thicket as soon as discovered and
pursued by the English. In this thicket, the remain
der of the Indians, to the number of about 300, con
cealed themselves by lying prostrate on their bellies.
The Englioh on their arrival, espying the Indians in
the field, and presuming them to be but few in num
ber, pursued and attacked them, who very soon re
treated to the fatal spot where their treacherous
brethren lay concealed, and prepared to give their
pursuers a warm, if not a fatal reception. Here they
were closely pursued by the English, who too late
discovered the fatal snare which had been laid for
them. In an instant they were completely surrounded
and attacked on all sides by the savages. The
English for several hours bravely defended themselves
but at length were borne down by numbers far supe^
- rior to their own. Thus fell the brave Captain
Wadsworth, and Captain Smith, as well as most of
the troops under their command.
The Indians bordering on the river Merrimack*
feeling themselves injured by the encroachments of
the English, once more rusumed the bloody toma^
hawk, which had been buried for a number of years.
On the 1st November they, in a considerable body,
entered the village of Chelmsford and Woburn, and
taking advantage of their weak state, indiscriminately
pat to death every inhabitant they contained, sparing
not the infant at the breast. On the 9lh they burnt
the house of a Mr. Ezra Eames, near Concord, killed
his wife, threw her body into the flames, and made
captives of his children. On the 15th they took
prisoner a young woman, sixteen years of age, who by
the family with whom she resided, had been placed
on a hill in the neighbourhood _d*f their dwelling, to
watch the motions of the enemy. The account which
the young woman gave of her capture and escape was

60 INDIAN WARS.
bs follows : That "on the morning of her capture,
the family having been informed that a party of In
dians had the day previous been discovered in a
neighbouring wood, she, by their request, ascended a
hill near the house, to watch their motions, and alarm
the family, if seeh approaching the house : That about
noon she discovered a number of them ascending the
hill, in great haste :' That she immediately thereupon
attempted to evade them by retiring into a thicket :
but that the Indians, who it appeared had before ob-.
served her, found her after a few moments seareh,-
and compelled her to accompany them to their settle
ment, about 40 miles distant. It was here they gave
her to understand she must remain and become their
squaw, and dress and cook their victuals. That she
remained with them about three weeks ; during which
time, they made several expeditions against the En
glish, and returned with a great number of human
scalps : That on the night of the 6th December, they
returned with six horses, which they had stolen from
the English, which having turned into a small enclo
sure, they set out on a new expedition^ That she
viewed this as a favourable opportunity to escape-^
to effect which, she caught and mounted one of the
horses, and making use of a strip of bark as a bridle,
she penetrated a wild and pathless wood, and arrived
at Concord, at seven o'clock the morning succeeding,
havi»g travelled all the preceding night, to evade the
pursuit of the enemy !" In like manner, did one of
the children of Mr; Eames (of whose capture mention
is made in the preceding page) escape from the In
dians, although but ten years of age, he travelled six
ty miles through an uninhabited wood, subsisting on
acorns !
On the 12th t)ecember, a party of Indians attack
ed and killed several of the inhabitants of Bradford.
The Governor of Massachusetts colony, for the pro
tection of the defenceless inhabitants bordering on
the Merrimack, ordered the raising and equipping of
four companies of cavalry, to the command of which

kkDIAft WARS. 6J
Wete appointed Captains Sill, Holyoke, Cutler and
Prentice; On the 23d the above troops proceeded for the
borders of the Merrimack, and on the 26th fell ih
with a considerable body of the enemy whom they
engaged and completely defeated. On the 4th Jan
uary, 1679-, Capt. Prentice, detafched from the main
body, fell in with and ehgaged about 100 of the ene^
my in the neighbourhood of Amherst, Whom he fike^
wise defeated, but with considerable loss on his part.
On the 6th a son of the brave Capt. Holyoke, of
Springfield, receiving'information that a number of the
enemy in small bodies were skulking about ih the
woods bordering on that town-, with twenty resolute
young men marched out to attack them. Falling in
with a considerable body of them, an engagement
ensued, which though severe, terminated at length in
favor of the English. The Indians being furnished
With muskets, were unwilling to give grouhd; and
would probably have remained masters of the field of
action had not the English received a Reinforcement
which put them to flight. The loss of the English in
the engagement was 5 killed and nine wounded, and
that of the enemy 23 killed* and between 30 and 40
wounded. _ * .
The savages were no longer confined to any par
ticular tribe or place, but in parties from 50 to 100
were scattered all over the thinly inhabited parts of
New-England. A considerable body of them were
yet in the neighbourhood of Hadley, Deerfield and
Northampton, where they were continually commit
ting their wanton acts of barbarity. Several of the
towns above mentioned, duly reflecting on the danger
to which they and their families were exposed, formed
themselves into several companies and made choice of
their commanders; On the 4th February, receiving
information that there were near 200 Indians embodi
ed in a swamp in the neighborhood of Deerfield, the
above mentioned force marched to attack them. Ar-<
riving within View of them about day-break they dis-
9

6$ INDIAN wins,
covered them in a profound sleep, stretched out upon
the ground around the fire. The cavalry immediate
ly thereupon dismounted, and after forming them
selves, approached them within pistol shot before they
were discovered by the enemy ; who being suddenly
aroused from their slumber, and astonished at the un
expected appearance of so many of their enemies, fell
an easy prey to the English, who without the loss of
a man killed 120 of them ; the remainder as the only
means of escape, having plunged into the river where
probably many of them perished.
Although the English achieved this action without
any loss on their part, they were on their return un
happily ambushed by about 400 of the enemy. The
English having expended all their ammunition in the
late engagement, and being much fatigued, were now
in turn likely to fall an easy prey to their enemies,
who, with their bloody knives and tomahawks, for the
space of an hour attacked them with the greatest
success. Not one of the English it is probable would
have survived this bold and unexpected attack of the
enemy, had it not been for the presence of mind of
their brave commander, Capt. Holyoke,. who by a
stratagem, succeeded in saving a party of them. Capt.
Holyoke had his horse killed under him, and at one
time was attacked by five of the the enemy, whom he
heat off with his cutlass. The loss of the English in
this unfortunate action was 51 killed, and 84 wound
ed, many of the latter survived the action but a few
days. The defeat and destruction of the English in
this engagement was much to be lamented, as among
the slain were the heads of several families, who had
volunteered their services in defence of their infant
settlements. On the 10th several hundreds of the enemy, en
couraged by their late success, appeared before Hat
field, and fired several dwelling houses without the
fortification of the town. The inhabitants of Hadley,
being seasonably appraised of the situation of their
'brethren at Hatfield, a number of ..them volunteered

INDIAN WARS.

63

their services and marched to their relief. The In
dians, as they were accustomed to do on the approach
of the English, lay flat on their bellies until the latter
had advanced within bow-shot, when partly rising,
they discharged a shower of arrows among them,
which wounded several of the English ; but they hav
ing wisely reserved their fire, now in turn levelled
their pieces with the best effect, before the savages
had time to recover their legs, about 30 of whom
were instantly dispatched and the remainder dispersed.
On the 15th February the Governor of Massachu
setts- colony received information that the Indians
were collecting in great numbers under the immediate
guidance of Philip, near Brookfleld, despatched Capt.
Henchman, with 50 men, to dislodge them ; who pro
ceeding first to Iladley, was joined by a company of
cavalry from Hartford. On the 20th they discovered
and attacked a party of Indians near Lancaster. They
killed 50 of them, and took between 50. and 60 of
their squaws and children prisoners. CapL Hench
man, on his way to Brookfleld, discovered the dead
dodies of several of his countrymen half consumed by
fire, who it appeared had a few days previously fallen
victims to the wanton barbarity of the savages.
The scattered remains of the enemy being now so
completely harrassed and driven from place to place
by the English, a number, of them resorted to the
western country, then inhabited by the Mohawks ; but
the latter being on friendly terms with the English
and Dutch, who were settling among them, were un
willing to harbour their enemies, and consequently at
tacked a considerable body of them on the 5th March.
The engagement was a revere one ; the fugitive In
dians being furnished with fire arms, repelled the at
tack of the Mohawks with a becoming spirit, but were
at length overpowered and completely defeated. The
loss on both sides was vary great.
On the 20th the Indians took a Mr. Willet pris
oner, near Swanzey, and after cutting off his nose and
ears, set him at liberty! On the 22d a negro, man

64 INDIAN WARS
who had been for several months a prisoner among
the savages, escaped from them and returned to the
English, to whom he gave the following information,
to wit : that the enemy were concerting a plan to at-:
tack Taunton, and the villages adjacent : That for
this purpose there were then embodied near Worces
ter 1000 of them at the head of whom was Philip ;
and near one hundred of them were furnished with
fire arms : That a few days previous to his escape, a
scouting party arrived and brought in with them two
prisoners of war and three human scalps! To frus
trate the intention of the enemy, the Governor of
Massachusetts colony despatched three companies of
pavalry for- the defence of Taunton.
The English of Connecticut colony, although but
little troubled with the enemy since the destruction of
the Pequots, were not unwilling to afford their breth*
ren all the assistance possible in a protracted and
bloody war with the common enemy, Tbey accord
ingly furnished three companies of cavalry, who under
the command of the experienced Major Talcott, op
the 5th April proceeded to the westward in search of
the enemy. On the 11th they fell in with, attacked
and defeated a considerable body of them. Apparent
ly by the special direction of Divine Providence, Ma?
jor Talcott arrived in the neighbourhood of Hadley i^
time to preserve the town, and save its inhabitants
from total destruction ' The savages to the number
of 500, were on the eve of commencing an attack when
they were met by the Major, with the troops under
his comtnand. This unexpected relief animated the
few inhabitants which the town contained, they hast?
ened to the assistance of the cavalry, who at this mo
ment were seriously engaged wit;h the whole body pf
the enemy. The savages having gaiped some signal
advantages, victory for a considerable length of time
appeared likely to decide in their favour. Fortunately,
the inhabitants of Hadley having for their defence a
few week previous procured from lioston an eight
jpounder, it was at fhis critical period loaded by the

INDIAN WAR?, 65
women, and being mounted, was by them conveyed to
the English, which, being charged with small shot,
nails, &e. was by the latter discharged with the best
pffect upon the enemy, who immediately thereupon
fled in every direction. Thus it was that the English
ip a great measure owed the preservation of their lives
to the unexampled heroism of a few women.
The Governor and Counpil of the United Colonies,
taking under serious consideration the miraculous es
cape of tbe inhabitants of Hadley from total destruc
tion, and the recent success of the arms of the English
in various parts of the country,- appointed the 27th
day of August, 1679, to be observed throughout the
Colonies as a day of public Thanksgiving and Praise.
to Almighty God. This, it may be well to observe,
was the commencement of an annual custom of our
forefathers, which to the present day is so religiously-
observed by their descendants throughout the New-
England States,
On the 3d September, the Connecticut troops under
command of Major Talcott, and Captains Dennison
apd Newbury, proceeded to Narraganset in qUest of
the enemy, whq to the number of about 300 had been
discovered in a piece of woods, The English were
accompanied by their faithful friend Oneco, with 10Q
Mohegans under his command. In the evening of the
5th they discovered the savages encamped at the
foot of a steep hill, on which Major- Talcott made
arrangements for an attack- The Mohegans were
ordered by a circuitous route to gain the summit of
the hill to prevent the flight of the enemy. Two com
panies of cavalry were ordered to flank them on the
right and left, while Major Talcott, with a company
of foot stationed himself ip their rear, Having thus
disposed of his forces, a signal was given by the Major
for the Mohegans to commence the attack, which they
did, and with such spirit, accompanied by their savage
yells, that had the enemy been renowned for their
Valour, they must have been to tbe highest degree ap-.

66 indiaj\ wars.
palled at so unexpected an onset ! After contending
a few moments with the Mohegans, the enemy were
attacked on the right and left by the cavalry, who
with their cutlasses made great havoc among them ;
they were however, unwilling to give ground until
they had lost nearly one half their number, when
they attempted a flight to a swamp in their rear ; but
hpre they were met by Major Talcott, with the com
pany of foot, who gave them so warm a reception
that they once more fell back upon the Mohegans,
by whom they were very soon overpowered and would
have been totally destroyed had not Major Talcott
humanely interfered in their behalf, and made prison
ers of the few that remained alive. Among the lat
ter was their leader, a squaw, commonly termedthe
queen of Narraganset ; and among them an active
young fellow who begged to be delivered into the
hands of the Mohegans, that they might put him to
death in their own way, and sacrifice him to their
cruel genius of revenge, in which they so much de
lighted ! The English, although naturally averse to
acts of savage barbarity, were not in this instance
unwilling to comply with the unnatural request of
the prisoner, as it appeared that he had in the presence
of the Mohegans exultingly boasted of having killed
19 English wilh his gun, since the commencement of
the war, and after loading it for the 20th (there being
no more of the latter within reach) he levelled at
a Mohegan, whom he killed, which completing his
number, he was willing to die by their hands. The
Mohegans accordingly began to prepare for the trag
ical event. Forming themselves into a circle, admit
ting as many of the English as were disposed to witness
their savage proceedings, the prisoner was placed in
the centre ; when one of the Mohegans, who in the
late engagement had lost a son, with a knife cut
off the prisoner's ears ! then his nose \ and then the
fingers of each hand ! and after the relapse of a few
moments, dug out his eyes and filled their sockets with
hot embers ! Although the few English present were

INDIAN WARS. 67
overcome with a view of a scene so shocking to huj
inanity, yet the prisoner, so far from bewailing his
fate, seemed to surpass his tormentors in expressions
of joy! When nearly exhausted with the loss of
blood, and unable to stand, his executioner closed
the tragic scene by beating out his brains with a toma
hawk !
The few Indians that now remained in the neigh
borhood of Plymouth colony, being in a state of star
vation, they surrendered themselves prisoners to the
English ; one of whom being recognized as the per
son who had a few days previous inhumanly murdered
the daughter of a Mr. Clarke, was by order of the
Governor publicly executed. The remainder were
retained and treated as prisoners of war, By the
assistance of one of the prisoners who served as a
guide, twenty more of the enemy were on the suc-
ceednig day surprized and taken prisoners by the
English. The troops under the command of Major Bradford^
and Captains Mosely and Brattle, on the 15th Sep
tember, surprized and took 150 of the enemy prison
ers near Pautuxet, among whom was the squaw of the
. celebrated Philip ; and on the day succeeding, learn
ing that the enemy in considerable bodies were rov
ing about in the woods near Dedham, Major Brad
ford despatched Captain Brattle with 50 men to at
tack them ; who, the day following, fell in with and
engaged about 100 of them. As hatchets were the
only weapons with which they were provided, they
made but a feeble defence, and were soon overpow-:
ered by the English, who took 74 of them prisoners,
the remainder having fallen in the action. The above
party was commanded by a blood-thirsty sachem*
called Pornham, renowned for his bodily strength
which exceeded that of any of his countrymen ever
met with. He bravely defended himself to the last j
being wounded in the breast, and unable to stand, he
seized one of the soldiers while in the act of despatch'
ing him with the butt of his gun, and by whom hr

68 iNDIAN WARS.
would have been strangled, had he noi been fortunately
Rescued by one of his comrades.
Ageneral famine now prevailed among the enemy,
in consequence of being deprived of an opportunity to
plant their lands ; numbers were daily compelled by
hanger to surrender themselves prisoners to the Engi
lish; among whom was a Nipnet sachem, accompanied
by 180 of his tribe.
On the 12th October Captain Church, with fifty
soldiers and a few friendly Indians under his command,
attacked and defeated a party of the enemy near
Providence ; and on the day following, conducted
by Indian guides, discovered a Considerable body of
the enemy encamped in a swamp near Pomfret. A
friendly Indian at first espying them, commanded
them to surrender ; but the enemy did not appear dis
posed to obey. Being sheltered by large trees^ they
first discharged their arrows among the English, and
then with a terrible yell attacked them with their
long knives and tomahawks. The English meeting
with a much warmer reception than what they ex
pected, gave ground, but being rallied by their old
and experienced commander, Captain Church, they
rushed upon them with sUch impetuosity that the ene
my were thrown into confusion and dislodged front
their coverts. The English had 7 men killed and 14
wounded ; among the latter was their brave comman
der, who received an arrow through his left arm;—
The loss of the enemy was 32 killed, and between 60
&nd 70 wounded.
On the 20th information was forwarded to the Go*
Vernor and Council, that the famous Philip, who had
been for a long time skulking about the woods
hear Mount Hopej much disheartened by the ill suc
cess of his countrymen, was the morning preceding
discovered ih a swamp near that place, attended by'
sbout 90 Seconet Indians ; on which the brave Cap
tain Church with his little band of invincibles, were
immediately despatched in pursuit of him. Captain
Church was accompanied as usual by a number of

K

ING PHILIP

INDIAN WARS. 69
Mohegans, and a fevv friendly Seaconet Indians. On
the 27th they arrived in the neighbourhood of the
swamp, near the border of which he stationed several
of the Mohegans. and a few friendly Seaconet In
dians to intercept Philip in case he should attempt an
escape therefrom: Capt. Church at the head ot*
his little band, now with unconquerable resolution
plunged into the swamp, and wading nearly to his
waist in water, discovered and attacked the enemy.
The Indians were nearly 100 strong, but being unex
pectedly attacked they made no resistance but fled
in every direction. The inaccessible state of the
swamp* however, prevented the English from pursu
ing them with success. Their dependance was now
upon their friends stationed without. Nor did it
appear that those faithful fellows suffered so good
an opportunity to pass unimproved. The reports of
their muskets convinced Capt. Church they were
doing their duty j in confirmation of which, he was
very soon after presented with the head of King
Philip. Philip, it appeared^ in attempting to fly from his
pursuers, was recognized by one of the English, who
had been stationed with the Mohegans to intercept
him, and at whom he levelled his piece, but the
priming being unfortunately wet and preventing the
discharge thereof, the cunning sachem would yet
have escaped had not one of the brave sons of Uncus,
at this instant, given him the contents of his musket I
The ball went directly through his heart ! Thus
fell by the hands of a faithful Mohegan, the famous
-Philip ; who was the projector and instigator of a
war, which not only proved the cause of his own
destruction, but Jhat of nearly all his tribe, once the
most numerous of any inhabiting New-England.
It was at this important instant that the English
wpre made witnesses of a remarkable instance of
savage custom. Oneco, on learning that Philip had
fallen by v,he hand of one of bis tribe, urged that
agreeably to their custom, he had an undoubted
10

tO INDIAi, WARS.
fight to the body, and a right to feast himself with a
piece thereof! Which the English not objecting to,
he deliberately drew his long knife from bis girdle,
and with it detached a piece of flesh from the bleed
ing body of Philip, "of about one pound weight, which
he broiled and ate ; in the mean time declaring that
"he had not for many moons eaten any thing with so
good an appetite !" The head of Philip was sev
ered from his body, and sent, by Capt. Church, to
Boston, to be presented to the Governor and Council,
as a valuaable trophy.
The few hostile Indians that now remained with
in the United Colonies, conscious that if so fortunate
as to evade the vigilance of the English, they must
soon fall victims to the prevailing famine, fled with
their families far to the westward. The English
were disposed rather to facilitate than prevent their
flight. Having been for a number of years engaged
in a destructive and bloody war with them, they
were willing that the few that remained alive should
escape to a country so far distant that there was no
probability of their returning to reassume the bloody
tomahawk. Impressed with these ideas, and that
the enemy was completely exterminated, they were
about to bufy the hatchet, and turn their attention to
agricultural pursuits ; when, by an express, they
were informed that the natives in the eastern part
of the country (Province of Maine) had unprovokedly
attacked and killed a considerable number of the
English in that quarter.
To quench the flame which appeared to be enkin
dling in the east, the Governor despatched four com
panies of cavalry to the relief of the unfortunate
inhabitants. The enemy, who were of the Kenne-
beck and Amoscoggin tribes, first attacked with
unprecedented fury the defenceless inhabitants settled
on Kennebeck river, the most of whom were de
stroyed or dispersed by them.
On the 2d November about 700 of the. enemy
attacked, with their accustomed fury, (accompanied

INDIAN WARS. 71
by their savage yells) the inhabitants of Newche-
wannick,. an English settlement situated a few miles
from the mouth of the river Kennebeck Before they
had fully accomplished their hellish purpose, they
were surprised by the troops sent from Boston, be
tween whom a most bloody engagement now ensued.
The Indians encouraged by their numbers, repelled
the attack of the English in so heroic a manner, that
the latter were very soon thrown into disorder and
driven out of town, where they again formed, faced
about, and in turn charged the enemy with uncon
querable resolution! The contest now became close
and severe. The savages with their terrific yells
dexterously hurled their tomahawks among the
English, while the latter, with as much dexterity,
attacked and mowed them down with their cutlasses!
Each were apparently determined on victory or
death ! The English, at one moment, unable to with
stand the impetuosity of the savages, would give
ground ; at the next, the latter, hard pushed by the
cavalry, would fall back. Thus, for the space of two
hours, did victory appear balancing between the two
contending parties. The field of action was covered
with the slain, while the adjacent woods resounded
with the shrieks and groans of the wounded. At
this critical juncture the English, when on the very
point of surrendering, were providentially preserved
by a stratagem. In the heat of the action Major
Bradford despatched a company of cavalry by a cir
cuitous route to attack the enemy in the rear, which
had the most happy effect. The enemy suspecting
this company a reinforcement of the English, fled in
every direction, leaving the English masters of the
field. Thus, after two hours hard fighting, did the
English obtain a victory at the expense of the lives
of more than half their uumber ! Their killed and
wounded amounted to 99 ! The loss of the enemy was
not ascertained ; it was however probably three times
greater than that of the English.

72 INDIAN AVARS.
The day succeeding this bloody engagement, a
lieutenant, with 12 men, wTas sent by the commander to
the place of action to bury their dead When they
were a few rods therefrom they were suddenly attack
ed by about 100 of the enemy who had lain in am
bush. The lieutenant ordered his men to reserve
their fire until they could discharge with the best
effect upon the enemy, by whom they were soon
surrounded and furiously attacked on aii sides. The
savages yelling horribly, brandishing their long knives
in the air, yet crimsoned with the blood of their
countrymen. The brave little band, however, re
mained firm and undaunted, and as the savages ap
proached them, each taking proper aim, discharged
with so good^ effect upon them, that the Indians,
amazed at the instantaneous destruction of so many of
their comrades, fled in every direction. The English
sustained no loss.
On the 5th the enemy successfully attacked the
inhabitants of the villages of Casco ; ,30 of whom
they killed, and made prisoners the family of a Mr.
Bracket, who on the 7th made their escape in the
following manner: The Indians, on their return to
their wigwams, learning that a detached party of their
brethren had attacked „ with success and plundered
the village of Arowsick, to enjoy a share of the spoil
hastened to join them, leaving the prisoners in the
Care of two old men and three squaws. Mr. Brack
et, whose family consisted of himself, wife, three
small children and a negro lad, viewed this a favour
able opportunity to escape ; to effect which he re
quested the lad to attempt and escape by flight, who
being uncommonly active he easily effected. The
plan of Mr. Bracket had now its desired effect • as
the old men, pursuing the negro, left him and his
family guarded only by three squaws, whom (hern* in
toxicated) he soon despatched, and returned the dav fol
lowing with his family to Casco, where the negro lad had
arrived some hours before

INDIAN WARS. 73
On the 15th the Indians attacked the dwelling
houses of a Captain Bonithon and Major Phillips,
situated on the east side of Casco river. Having
seasonable notice of the hostile views of the enemy,
the family of the former, as a place of greater safety,
had resorted to the house of the latter a few moments
previous to the attack. The savages first communi
cated fire to the house of Captain Bonithon; next
proceeded furiously to attack the dwelling of Major
Phillips, in which there were about twenty persons,
by whom it was most gallantly defended. The ene
my had their leader and a number of their party killed
by the fire of the English- Despairing of taking the
house by assault, they adopted a new plan of com
municating fire thereto. They procured a carriage
on which they erected a stage, in front of wheh was
a barricade rendered bullet proof, to which long poles
were attached nearly twenty feet in length, and to the
ends were fixed every kind of combustible, such as
birch rinds, straw, pitch pine, &c. The Indians
were sheltered by the barricade from the fire of the
English, while they approached the walls of the
house with their carriage. The English were now
on the eve of despairing, when fortunately one of
the wheels of the carriage, being brought in contact
with a rock, was turned completely round, whieh
exposed the whole body of Indians to their fire !
This unexpected opportunity was improved with the
greatest advantage by the English, who with a few
rounds soon dispersed the enemy with no inconsid
erable loss.
The day following the Indians set fire to the house
of a Mr. Wakely, whom with his whole family they
murdered. A company of English, apprized of their
dangerous situation, inarched to their relief, but ar
rived too late to afford them assistance. They found
the house reduced to ashes ; among which they found
the mangled bodies of the unfortunate family half con
sumed by fire.

74 INDIAN WARS.
The savages, emboldened by their late success, on
the 20th attacked a small settlement on the Piscata-
qua river, and succeeded in murdering a part, and
carrying away the remainder of the inhabitants into
captivity. As an instance of their wanton barbarity,
it should be here mentioned, that after tomahawking
and scalping one of the unfortunate women of the
above place, they bound to the dead body her little
infant ; in which situation it was the succeeding day
discovered by the English, attempting to draw nour^
ishment from its mother's breast.
The Governor and council of the United Colonies,
conceiving it their duty if possible to put a final stop
to the ravages of the enemy in the east, and to pre
vent the further effusion of innocent blood, despatch
ed Major Wallis and Major Bradford, with six com
panies under their command, to destroy, "root and
branch," the common enemy. On the 1st December
they arrived in the neighbourhood of Kennebeck,
near where they were informed the main body of the
enemy were encamped. On the morning of the 3d,
about the break of day, they fell in with and attack
ed them. The enemy, who were about 800 strong,
appeared disposed to maintain their ground. They
fought with all the fury of savages, and even assailed
the English from the tops of lofty trees, which they
ascended for the purpose. They were possessed of
but few fire-arms, but hurled their tomahawks with
inconceiveable exactness, and checked the progress of
the cavalry with long spears. Victory for a long time
remained doubtful. The ground being covered with
snow, greatly retarded the progress of the troops,
who probably would have met with defeat had not
a fresh company of infantry arrived in time to change
the fortune of the day. These, having remained in
active as a body of reserve, the commander found
himself under the necessity of calling to his aid. The
enemy, disheartened at the unexpected arrival of the
English, fled with precipitancy to the woods ; but
very few of them, however escaped ; more than 200

INDIAN WARS. 75
of whom remained dead on the field of action, and
double that number were mortally wounded ! The
loss of the English was 55 killed and 97 wounded !
This engagement, which proved a decisive one, was
of the greatest importance to the English. The great
and arduous work was now completed. The few re
maining Indians that inhabited the eastern country
now expressed a desire to bury the bloody hatchet and
to make peace with the English. Their request was
cheerfully complied with, and they continued ever
after the faithful friend of the English.

CHAPTER IV.
INVASION OF NEW-YORK AND NEW-ENGLAND, AND
THE DESTRUCTION OF SCHENECTADY BY THE FRENCH
AND INDIANS.
In the year 1690 the Mohawks, having made sev
eral successful expeditions against the Canadians, the
Count Frontenac, to raise the depressed spirits of the
latter, despatched several parties of French and In
dians to attack the frontier settlements of New-York
and New-England. A detachment of nearly 50O
French and Indians under the command of Monsieurs
P. Aillebout, De Waulet and Le Wayne, were des
patched from Montreal for this purpose. They were
furnished with every thing necessary for a winter's
campaign. After a march of twenty-two days, they,
on the 8th February, reached Schenectady. They
had on their march been so reduced, as to harbor
thoughts of surrendering themselves prisoners of war
to the English; but their spies (who had been for
several days in the village, entirely unsuspected) rep
resenting in so strong terms the defenceless state^ of
the inhabitants, as determined them to make an im-

76 INDIAN WARS.
mediate attack. They found the gates open and un
guarded. They entered them about eleven o'clock
at night, and the better to effect their hellish pur
pose, divided their main body into several distinct
parties of six or seven men each ! The inhabitants
were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed until the
enemy had broken open their doors and with uplift
ed tomahawks were surrounding their beds ! Before
they had time to rise, the savages began the perpetra
tion of the most inhuman barbarities ! No language
can express the cruelties which were committed ! In
less than one hour, two hundred of the unfortunate
inhabitants were slain and the whole village enwrapt
in flames ! A detail of the cruelties committed by the
barbarians, cannot be read without horror. They
ravished, rifled, murdered and mutilated the inhabi
tants, without distinction of age or sex, without any
other provocation or excitement than brutal lust and
wantonness of barbarity ! Pregnant women were rip
ped open and their infants cast into the flames or
dashed against the posts of the doors ! ! Such mon
sters of barbarity ought certainly to be excluded
from all the privileges of human nature, and hunted
down as wild beasts, without pity or cessation. A
very few of the inhabitants escaped, who in their
shirts (in a severe and stormy night) fled to Albany.
Twenty-five of the fugitives in their flight perished
with cold. The enemy, after destroying the inhabi
tants, killed all the horses and cattle which they could
find, with the exception of about thirty of the for
mer, which they loaded with their plunder and drove
off. When the news of the horrid massacre reached
Albany, an universal fear and consternation seized the
inhabitants. The country became panic struck ; and
many entertained thoughts of destroying the town
and abandoning that part of the country to the en
emy. A second party of the enemy which Count Fron-
tenac had detached from the main body at the

INDIAN WARS. 77
three rivers, under the command of Sieur Hartel,
an ofiicer of distinguished character in Canada, on
the eighteenth February fell upon Salmon Falls (a plan
tation on the river which divides New-Hampshire
from the province of Maine.) This party consisted
of about senventy men ; more than half of whom Wfere In
dians. They commenced the attack at break of day,
in three different places; and although the inhabi
tants were surprised, yet they fled to their arms
and defended themselves with bravery which even
their enemies applauded ; but they were finally over
powered by numbers, and forty-three of them, men,
women and children, fell victims to savage barbari
ty. The depredations of the French and Indians fiL'-
ed the inhabitants of the western country with fear
and alarm. The Assembly of New-York conceived
it necessary to make every exertion to prevent the
settlement of the French at Albany. It was resolved
that two companies of one hundred men each should be
raised and sent forward for that purpose. For the de
fence of the frontier towns in New-England, it was
ordered that a constant watch should be kept in the
several towns, and that all males, above eighteen and
under sixty years of age, should be held in readines to
march at the shortest notice. On the twentieth March,
at a proposed meeting of Commissioners from New-
York and New-England, a plan was proposed and
adopted for invading Canada. Eight hundred men
were ordered to be raised for the purpose ; the quo
tas of several colonies were fixed, and general rules adopt
ed for the management of the army.
A small vessel was sent express to England the
beginning of April, carrying a representation of the
exposed state of the colonies and the necessity of
the reduction of Canada. A petition was also for
warded to his majesty for a supply of arms and am
munition, and a number of frigates to attack the en
emy by water, while the colonial troops made an in
vasion by land. John Winthrop, Esq. was appointed
major-general and commander in chief of the land
11

7$ Indian Wars.
army, and arrived with the troops under his command
fiear the falls at the head of Wood Creek, early in the
month of August.
When the army arrived at the place appointed
for the rendezvous of the Indians from the Five Na
tions, (who had engaged to assist the English ;) in
stead of meeting with that powerful body which
they expected, and which the Indians had promis
ed, there were no more than seventy warriors from the
Mohawks and Oneidas ! When the General had ad
vanced about one hundred miles, he found that there
were not canoes sufficient to transport one half the En
glish across the lake. Upon representing to the In
dians the impossibility of the army's crossing into
Canada without a much greater number of canoes,
they replied that it was then too late in the season
to make canoes, as the bark would not peel. In short,
they artfully evaded every proposal, and finally told
the general and his officers that they looked too high
and advised them only to attack Chambly, and the
out settlements on this side the St. Lawrence. Thus
did these Indians, who a few years before, had so
harrassed all the French and Indians in Canada,
exhibit the greatest proofs of cowardice ! The Eng
lish finding it impossible to cross the lake with ad
vantage, returned to Albany. Thus the expedition
unfortunately failed.
In the year 1693, Count Frontenac, finding that he
could not accomplish a peace with the Mohawks,
who of all the Indians had been by far the most de
structive to the settlements in Canada, determined
on their destruction. He collected an army of about
seven hundred French and Indians, and having supplied
them witfi every thing necessary for a winter campaign,
sent them against the Mohawk castles. They com
menced their march from Montreal on the fifteenth of
January, 1693. After enduring incredible hardships
they fell in with the first castle about the tenth of Feb
ruary. The Mohawks, unprepared for an attack, had
not any idea of the approach of the Canadians.

INDIAN WAllS. 79
The enemy killed and captured about fifty of the Mo
hawks at this castle and then proceeded for the sec
ond, at which they were equally successful. A great
part of the Mohawks were at Schenectady, and the
remainder perfectly secure. When they arrived at
the third castle they found about eighty warriors col
lected at a war-dance, as they designed the next day
to go upon an enterprise against their enemies. A
conflict ensued, in which the Canadians, after losing
about thirty men, were victorious, and the third castle
was taken. The Canadians in their descent took near
threee hundred prisoners, principally women aud chil
dren. The brave Colonel Schuyler of Albany, (re
ceived information of the approach of the enemy,)
at the head of a party of the volunteers of about 400
English and Dutch, pursued them. On the 25th Feb
ruary he was joined by about three hundred Indians,
whom he found lodged in a fortified camp. The Ca
nadians made three successive sallies upon the Colonel,
and were as often repulsed ; he kept his ground, waiting
for provisions and a reinforcement from Albany. The
enemy at length taking the advantage of a violent
snow-storm, escaped and marched to Canada. The
day following Captain Sims, with a reinforcement and
a supply of provisions, arrived from Albany, and the
day succeeding the colonel reassumed the pursuit ; but
the Canadians luckily finding a cake of ice across the
north branch of Hudson river, made their escape,
they were, however, so closely pursued by the English
and Dutch, that they could not prevent the escape of
most of their prisoners, who all, with the exception pf
nine or ten, returned in safety to their country. Colonel
Schuyler lost twelve of his party, and had nineteen woiiri*
ded. According to the report of the captives, the ene»
my lost fifty men, five of whom were French officers.
and two Indian guides, and had about seventy wounded.
The Mohawks on their return found about forty dead
bodies of the ene.ny, which they scalped and devoured >
indeed so great was their hunger.

CHAPTER V.
Massacre of the inhabitants of Deerfield, and
captivity of the rev. john williams and
family by the savages.
On the 29th February, 1703. a large body of In
dians from the frontiers assaulted the town of Deer
field. They entered the town about midnight, and
commenced an indiscriminate butchery of the defence
less inhabitants. Among others, they attacked the house
of Rev. Mr. Williams, pastor af the parish. The follow
ing are the particulars of the melancholy transaction, as
related by Mr. Williams.
"They came to my house in the beginning of the
onset, and by their violent endeavours to break open
doors and windows, with axes and hatchets, awaked
me out of sleep ; on which I leaped out of bed, and
running toward the door, perceived the enemy mak
ing their entrance into the house. I called to awakeu
two soldiers, in the chamber ; and returned towards
my bed-side, for my arms. The enemy immediately
broke into the room, I judge to the number of twenty,
with painted faces, and hideous acclamations. I
reached up my hands to the bed-tester, for my pistol,
uttering a short petition to God for everlasting mer
cies for me and mine, on account of tbe merits of our
. glorified Redeemer. Taking down my pistol, I cock
ed it, and put it to the breast of the first Indian who
came up : but my pistol missing fire, I was seized by
three Indians, who disarmed me, and bound me naked,
as I was in my shirt, and -so I stood for the space of
an hour. Binding me, they told me that I was to be

INDIAN WARS. 81
carried to Quebec. My pistol missing fire was the
occasion of my life's being preserved; since which I
have also found it profitable to be crossed in my own
will. The judgment of God did not long slumber
against one of the three which took me, who was a
captain, for by sun-rise, he received a mortal shot
from my next neighbour's house ; who opposed so
great a number of French and Indians as three hun
dred, and yet were no more than seven men in an ungar-
risoned house.
"I cannot relate the distressing care I had for my
dear wife, who had lain in but a few weeks before;
and for my poor children, family and Christian neigh
bours. The enemy fell to rifling the house, and en
tered in great numbers into every room of the house.
I begged of God to remember mercy in the midst o-f
judgment ; that he would so far restrain their wrath,
as to prevent their murdering us ; that we might
have grace to glorify his name, whether in life or
death ; and, as I was able, committed our state to
God. The enemies who entered the house were all of
them Indians and Macquas. insulted over me a while;
holding up hatchets over my head, threatening to
burn all I had ; but yet God, beyond expectation,
made us in a great measure to be pitied ; for though
some were so cruel and barbarous as to take and car
ry to the door two of my children, and murder them,
as also a negro woman, yet they gave me liberty to
put on my clothes, keeping me bound with a cord on
one arm, till I put on my clothes to the other ; and
then changing my cord, they let me dress myself, and
then pinioned me again : Gave liberty to my dear
wife- to dress herself, and our children. About an
hour after sun-rise, we were all carried out of the
house, for a march, and saw many of my neighbour's
houses in flames, perceiving the whole fort, one house
excepted, to be taken. Who can tell what sorrows
pierced our souls when we saw ourselves carried from
God's sanctuary, to go into a strange land, exposed
to so many trials ? The journey being at least three

82 INDIAN WARS.
hundred miles we were to travel ; the snow up to the
knees, and we never inured to such hardships and fa
tigues ; the place we were to be carried to, a popish
country. Upon my parting from the town, they fired
my house and barn. We were carried over the river,
to the foot of the mountain, about a mile from my
house, where we found a great number of our Chris
tian neighbours, men, women and children, to the num
ber of an hundred, nineteen of whom were afterwards
murdered by the way, and to starve to death, near
Coos, in a time of great scarcity or famine which the
savages underwent there. When we came to the
foot of the mountain, they took away our shoes and
gave us, in the room of them, Indian shoes, to prepare
us for our travel. Whilst we were there, the English
beat out a company, that remained in the town, and
pursued them to the river, killing and wounding many
of them ; but the body of the army being alarmed,
they repulsed those few English that pursued them.
" After this, we went up the mountain, and saw the
smoke of the fires in the town, and beheld the awful des
olation of "Deerfield : and before we marched any
farther, they killed a sucking child of the English.
There were slain by the enemy, of the inhabitants of
our town, to the number of thirty- eight, besides nine
of the neighbouring towns.
"When we came to our lodging place, the first night
they dug away the snow, and made some wigwams,
cut down some of the small branches of spruce trees
to lie down on, and gave the prisoners somewhat to
eat ; but we had but little appetite. I was pinioned
and bound down that night, and so I was every night
whilst I was with the army. Some of the enemy who
brought drink from the town, fell to drinking, and in
their drunken fit they killed my negro man, the only
dead person I either saw at the town, or in the way.
In. the night an Englishman made his escape. In the
morning I was called for, and ordered by the general
to tell the English, that if any more made their es
cape, they would burn the rest of the prisoners. He

INDIAN WARS. 83
that took me was unwilling to let me speak with any
of the prisoners as we marched ; but, early on the
second day, he being appointed to the guard rear,
I was put into the hands of my other master, wild
!")ermitted me to speak to my wife, when I overtook
ier, and to walk with her, to help her in her journey."
After a fatiguing journey of ten or twelve days, the
Indians reached their village with their prisoners to
the number of thirty or forty, by whom they were held
in captivity, enduring almost incredible hardships^
until the 25th October following, when an ambassa
dor from Boston, Samuel Appleton, Esq. was des
patched to redeem such as has survived. They took
passage at Quebec, and to the number of fifty- seven,
arrived in safety at Boston on the 21st November.
The Indians contined their depredations upon the
defenceless inhabitants on the frontiers, until the year
1725, when a treaty of peace was signed between com
missioners appointed by the General Court at Boston,
and the Chiefs of the hostile Indian tribes. A long
peace followed, and the Indians generally manifested
a disposition to remain on friendly terms with the-
English, and it was supposed that they never would
again be disposed to hostilities, had they not been unj
der the immediate influence of the French interest.
War was declared between France and England in
March, 1744. The first year of war no Indians
made their appearance in this part of the country.
They had found by experience, that to maintain an
open trade with the English was greatly to their in
terest, and consequently at first entered into the war with
reluctance. The first mischief done by the enemy, in this part
of the country, in the course of this war, was in July,
1745 ; when a few Indians came to a place called the
Great Meadow, about 16 miles above fort Drummer,
on Connecticut river ; two of whom captivated Wil
liam Phipps, as he was hoeing his corn.
October 11. The fort at the Great Meadow was
attacked by a large party of French and Indians.

84 INDIAN WARS.
The attack was bold and furious, but without success.
No lives were lost. Nehemiah Howe was taken cap
tive and carried to Quebec, where he soon died. —
The enemy, on their return met one David Rugg,
with another person, passing down Connecticut river
in a canoe. Rugg they killed and scalped, but the
other with some difficulty made his escape.
On the 22d of the same month a large party of the
enemy came to the upper Ashwolot, with a design to
have taken the fort by surprise, but being discovered
by a person who was providentially at that time at a
little distance from the garrison, they were discon
certed. An action however ensued, which continued
for some time. The enemy finally withdrew. In
this action John Bullard was killed, Nathan Blake
was captivated, and the wife of Daniel M'Kinne, be
ing out of the fort, was overtaken and stabbed. Be
fore the enemy retired they burnt several buildings,
which was supposed to have been done not so much
for the sake of mischief as to conceal their dead,
their being many human bones afterwards found among
the ashes.
August 3. A body of the enemy appeared at No. 4.
Suspicions of their approach were excited by the
yelling of dogs. A scout was sent out from the fort,
and had proceeded but a few rods before they were
fired upon. Ebenezer Phillips was killed ; the re
mainder made their escape to the fort. The enemy
surrounded the garrison, and endeavoured for three
days to take it ; but finding the efforts ineffectual they
withdrew, after having burnt several buildings, and
killed all their cattle, horses, #-c. they, could find.
Aug. 11. Benjamin Wright, of Northfield, riding
in the woods, was fired on and mortally wounded.
He died in a fevv hours after.
_ Aug. 20. An army of about 9000 French and In
dians, under the command of Gen. De Vandreuil, made
an attack on fort Massachusetts. The fort was com
manded by Col. Hawks, who, unfortunately, was not
in a situation to defend it against such a force, having

INDIAN WARS. 86
but 37 persons, men, women and children, in the fort ;
and being miserably provided with ammunition. With
great fortitude he defended it for 28 hours, and had
not his ammunition failed, it is probable he never
would have given up the fort. He was finally neces
sitated to capitulate; and he offered such articles as
were accepted by De Vandrueil. One special article
in this capitulation was, that none of the prisoners
should be delivered into the hands cf the Indians.
The next day, however, Vandrueil divided the pris
oners, and delivered them one half, in open violation
and contempt of the article. The Indians immedi
ately killed one, who, by reason of sickness, was un
able to travel. The prisoners, were in general, treated
with civility ; most of whom were afterwards redeemed.
Col. Hawks lost but one man in the siege. Gen. De
Vandrueil, according to the best accounts the prisoners
could obtain, lost 45, who were either killed outright,
or died of their wounds.
Immediately after the capture of the fort a party
of about 50 Indians eame on for the purpose of com
mitting depredations upon Deerfield. They came
first upon a hill, at the south-west corner of the south
meadow, where they discovered ten or twelve men
and children to work, in a situation in which they
might all with ease be made prisoners. Had they
succeeded in their design, which was to obtain pris
oners rather than scalps, it is probable that events
would not have been so disastrous as they proved.
They were disconcerted by the following circum
stance. Mr. Eleazer Hawks Was out that morning a
fowling, and was providentially at the foot of the hill
when the enemy came down ; who seeing him, sup
posed they were discovered, and immediately fired
upon him, killed and scalped him. This gave an
alarm to the people in the meadow, some of whom
were but a few rods distant. The enemy were now
sensible that what they did must be done with des
patch. Accordingly they rushed into the meadow,
12

86 INDIAN WARS.
fired on Simeon Amsden, a lad, beheaded and scalp
ed him. Messrs. Samuel Allen, John Saddler, and Ado-
nijah Gillet, ran a few rods and made a stand under
the bank of the river, where they were attacked
with fury, and fought a little time with great brav
ery.; they were, however, soon overpowed with
numbers. Allen and Gillet fell. Sadler, finding
himself alone, ran across the river and made his es
cape, amidst a shower of balls. While this was pass
ing, Oliver Amsden was pursued a few rods, overta
ken and stabbed, after having his hands and fingers
cut in pieces by endeavouring to defend himself ag
ainst the knives of the enemy. At the same time
three children, by the name of Allen, were pursued.
Eunice, one of the three, was struck down with a toma
hawk, which was sunk into her head ; but by reason
of the haste in which the enemy retreated, she was
left unscalped, and afterwards recovered. Caleb Allen
of Deerfield, made his escape ; and Samuel was taken
captive, who was the only prisoner taken at this
time. This lad, after a year and nine months, was re
deemed. Col. Hawks, who was sent to Canada for
the purpose of redeeming captives, inquiring for the
lad, was informed, that he was unwilling to be seen,
and that he expressed great dissatisfaction on hearing
of his arrival. When he was brought into the pres
ence of Col. Hawks he was unwilling to know him,
although he was his uncle, and had always been ac
quainted with him in Deerfield ! Neither would he
speak in the English Tongue, not that he had forgot
ten it, but to express his unwillingness to return. He
made use of various arts that he might not be ex
changed; and finally could not be obtained but by
threats, and was brought off by force. In this we see
the surprising power of habit. This youth had lost his
affection for his country and his friends in the course
of one year a:;d nine months; and had become so at
tached to the Indians, and their mode of living, as to

INDIAN WARS. 87
consider it the happiest life. This appears the more
surprising when we consider, that he fared extremely
hard, and was reduced almost to a skeleton.
Aug. 26. Capt. Hobbs, passing through the woods
from No. 4 to fort Shirley, with 40 men, and being
about 12 miles north-west of fort Dummer, was at
tacked by a large body of the enemy, who had pur
sued him. It being in the middle of the day he made
a stand, that his men might receive some refresh
ment. While they were dining, the scout, which were
sent upon the back tract, were fired on. Upon this
Capt. Hobbs put his men in as much readiness for an
action as. two or three minutes would admit of. The
enemy came on with great fury, expecting, no doubt,
an immediate surrender ; but Capt. Hobbs gave them
a warm reception, and fought for three hours with
such boldnesss and fortitude, that had he and his men
been Romans, they would have received a laurel and
their names handed down with honour to. the latest
posterity. The enemy finally fled in haste, and with
great loss. Capt. Hobbs, in this action lost but three
men, and had but three wounded. Those killed were
Ebenezer Mitchel, Eli Scott and Samuel Gunn.
Aug. 2. About 200 of the enemy made their ap
pearance at fort Massachuetts, which was the n un
der the command of Capt. Ephraim Williams. A
scout was first fired upon, which drew out Capt. Wil
liams, with about 30 men. An attack begun which
continued for some time ; but finding the enemy nu
merous, Capt. Williams fought upon the retreat till he
had again recovered the fort. The enemy soon with
drew, and with what loss was unknown. In this
action one Abbot was killed, and Lieut. Hawley and
Ezekiel Wells were wounded, but recovered.
This is the last instance of mischief done by the
enemy in the western frontiers, in what is called the.
first French war. Peace, however, was not finally
settled with the Indians until October, 3 749, when a
treaty was held at Falmouth, by commissioners from

88 INDIAN WARS,
the General Court and the Chiefs of the Indian
tribes, by whom a former treaty, with some addi
tions, were renewed.
From this important period, vvhich being the 15th
day of October, 1749, ought the peace and prosperi
ty of the now flourishing States of New-England to
receive their date. It was at this period that her
hardy sons quit the sanguinary field, and exchanged
their implements of death for such as were better
calculated for the cultivation and tillage of their
farms. The forests, with which they were encom
passed, no longer abounded with fierce and untutored
savages ; the Indian death song and war-whoop was
no longer heard ; the greater part of the Indians that
survived the many bloody engagements had sought
peace and retirement far westward ; the prisoners
which the English had captured were liberated, on
condition of resorting to, and remaining with them.
They proved faithful to their promise. They took
possession of the country . bounding on the great
lakes, and in possession of which their descendants
remain to the present day. A description of whose
manners and customs will be found in the succeeding
chapter. We shall close this chapter with a few remarks
relative to the state, customs and ludicrous opinions
of the Indians, in New-England, when first visited by
our forefathers, and of their rapid depopulation since
that period.
We cannot even hazard a conjecture respecting
the Indian population of New-England, at the time
of its first settlement by the English. Capt. Smith,
in a voyage to this coast, in 1614, supposed that on
the Massachusetts islands there are about 3000 In
dians. All accounts agree that the sea coast and
neighbouring islands were thickly inhabited.
Three years before the arrival of the Plymouth
colony, a very mortal sickness, supposed to have been
the plague or yellow fever, raged with great violence

INDIAN WARS. 89
among the Indians in the eastern parts of New-Eng
land. Whole towns were depopulated. The living
were not able to bury the dead ; and their bones
were found lying above ground many years after.
The Massachusetts Indians arc said to have been
reduced from 30,000 to 300 fighting men. In 1633
the small pox swept off great numbers of the Indians
in Massachusetts.
In 1763, on the Island of Nantucket, in the space
of four months, the Indians were reduced by a mor
tal sickness from 320 to 85 souls. The hand of Prov
idence is notable in those surprising instances of mor
tality among the Indians to make room for the whites.
Comparatively few have perished by wars ; and the
descendants of the few that were not driven to the
westward by the English, waste and moulder away,
and in a manner unaccountably disappear.
The number of Indians in the state of Connecti
cut, in 1774, was 1363 ; but their number is doubt
less much lessened. The principal part of their pop
ulation in this state is at Mohegan, in the county of
New-London. These are the descendants of the Mo
hegans, of whom frequent mention is made in the
foregoing pages, as being very serviceable (under the
command of Uncus) to the English, in their many en
gagements with the natives. The Mohegans have
ever exhibited great reverence for the descendants of
their royal sachem. After the death of Uncus, his
body, by his request, was conveyed to Norwich, and
there interred in the neighbourhood of one of his forts.
This spot was selected by him previous to his death,
and it was his dying request that the whole family of
Uncus should there be buried ; a request which has
been strictly complied with by the Mohegans, who,
although the distance is seven miles from their own
burying ground, have and continue to deposit there
the descendants of their revered sachem.
The number of Indians in Rhode-Island, in 1783,
was only 525. More than half these live in Charles-

5)0 INDIAN WARS.
town, in the county of Washington. In 1774 their
number was 1482 ; so that in nine years the decrease
was 957. We have not been able to ascertain the
exact state of the Indian population in Massachusetts
and New-Hampshire. In 1784 there was a tribe of
about forty Indians at Norridgewalk, in the province
of Maine, with some few other scattering remains of
tribes in other parts, and a number of towns thinly
inhabited round Cape Cod.
When the English first, arrived in America, the In
dians had no times or places set apart for religious
worship. The first settlers in New-England, were
at great pains to introduce among them the habits of
civilized life, and to instruct them in the Christian
religion. A few years intercourse with the Indians
induced them to establish several good and natural
regulations. The Rev. Mr. Elliot, of Roxbury, near Boston,
who has been styled the great Indian Apostle, with
much labour learned the Natic dialect of the Indian
languages. He published an Indian grammar, and
preached in Indian to several tribes, and in 1664
translated the Bible and seveVal religious books into
the Indian language. He relates several pertinent
queries of the Indians respecting the Christian re
ligion. Among others, whether Jesus Christ, the
mediator or interpreter, could understand prayer in
the Indian language? If the father be bad and the
child good, why should God in the second command
ment be offended with the child ? How the- Indians
came to differ so much from the English in the knowl
edge of God and Jesus Christ, since they all
sprung from one father? Mr. Elliot was indefatiga
ble in his labours, and travelled through all parts of
Massachusetts and Plymouth colonies, as far as Cape
Cod. The colony had such a veneration for him, that
in an act of the General Assembly relating to In
dians, they express themselves thus, "By the advice
of the said magistrates and of Mr. Elliot."

INDIAN WARS. 91
Concerning the religion of the untaught natives of
New-England, who once held a plurality of Deities,
after the arrival of the English supported there were
only three, because they saw people of three kinds of
complexions, viz. English, negroes, and themselves.
It was a notion pretty generally prevailing among
them, that it was not the same god who made them
who made us ; but that they were created after the
white people ; and it is probable they supposed their
god gained some special skill, by seeing the white peo
ple made, and so made them better ; for it is certain
they looked upon themselves, and. their methods of liv
ing, which they say their god expressly prescribed for
them, vastly preferable to the white people and their
methods. With regard to a future state of existence, many of
them imagined that the chichung, i. e. the shadow, or
what survived the body, would at death go south
ward, and in an unknown but curious place would
enjoy some kind of happiness, such as hunting, feast
ing, dancing, and the like. And what they supposed
would contribute much to their happiness, was, that
they should there never be weary of those entertain
ments. The natives of New-England believed not only plu
rality of gods, who made and governed the several
nations of the world, but they made deities of every
thing they imagined to be great, powerful, benefi
cial, or hurtful to mankind ; yet they conceived an al
mighty being, whom they called Kichtau, who at
first, according to their tradition, made a man and
woman out of stone, but upon some dislike destroyed
them again, and then made another couple out of a tree.
from whom descended all the nations of the earth ; but
how they came to be scattered and dispersed into coun
tries so remote from o~e another they could not tell.
They believed their supreme god to be a good being,
and paid a sort of acknowledgement to him for plenty.*
victory, and other benefits.

92 INDIAN WARS.

\

The immortality of the soul was universally believed
among them. When good men died, they said, their
souls went to Kichtau, where they met with their friends,
and enjoyed all manner of pleasures ; when the wicked
died, they went to Kicht.au also, but were commanded to
walk away ; and so wander about in restless discontent
and darkness forever.
The natives of Newr-England in general were quick
of apprehension, ingenious, and when pleased nothing
could exceed their courtesy and friendship. Gravity
and eloquence distinguished them in council, address
and bravery in war. They were not more easily pro
voked than the English, but when once they have re
ceived an injury, it is never forgotten. In anger, they
were not like the English, talkative and boisterous,
but. sullen and revengeful. The men declined all la
bour, and spent their time in hunting, fishing, shooting,
and warlike exercises. They imposed all the drudg
ery upon their women, who gathered and brought home
their wood, planted dressed and gathered their corn.
When they travelled the women carried their children,
packs and provisions. The women submitted pa
tiently to such treatment. This ungenerous usage of
their husbands they repaid with smiles and good hu
mour. The clothing of the natives was the skins of wild
beasts. The men threw the mantle of skins over them,
and wore a small flap which was termed Indian
breeches. The women were much more modest.
They wore a coat of skins girt about their loins, which
reached down to their hams, which they never put off
in company. If the husband chose to dispose of his
wife's beaver petticoat, she could not be persuad
ed to part with it until he had provided another of
some sort. In the winter their blankets of skins,
which hang loose in summer, was tied or wrapped
more closely about them. The old men in the se
vere seasons also wore a sort of trowsers made of
skins and fastened to their girdles, and on their leet

INDIAN WARS. 93
they wore moccasons, made of moose leather, and
their chiefs or sachems wore on their heads a cap
decorated with feathers.
Their houses or wigwams were at best but miser
able cells ; they were constructed generally like ar
bours, or small young trees bent and twisted together,
and so curiously covered with mats or bark that they
were tolerably dry and warm. They made their fires
in the centre of the houses, and there was an opening
at the top which emitted the smoke. For the con
venience of wood and water, these huts were common
ly erected in groves, near some river, brook or living
spring. When either failed, the family removed to
another place.
They lived in a poor low manner. Their food was
coarse and simple, without any kind of seasoning,
having neither spice, salt or hread. Their food was
principally the entrails of moose, deer, bears, and all
kinds of wild beast and fowls. Of fish and snakes
they were extremely fond. They had strong stom
achs, and nothing came amiss. They had no set
meals, but like other wild creatures ate when they
were hungry and could find any thing to satisfy the
eravings of nature. They had but little food from the
earth except what is spontaneously produced. Indian
corn, beani and squashes were the only eatables for
which the natives of New-England laboured.
Their household furniture was of but small value.
Their beds were composed of mats or skins. They
had neither chairs or stools, but commonly sat upon
the ground with their elbows upon their knees. A
few wooden and stone vessels and instruments served
all the puposes of domestic life. Their knife was a
sharp stone, shell or kind of reed, which they sharp
ened in such a manner as to cut their hair, make their
bows and arrows, &c. They made their axes of stone,
which they shaped somewhat similar to our axes, but
with the difference of their being made with a neck
instead of an eye. and fastened with a withe like a
blacksmith's chissel. 13

94 INDIAN WARS.
The manner of the courtship and marriage of the
natives manifested the impurity of their morals.
When a young Indian wished for marriage he pre
sented the girl with whom he was enamoured, with
bracelets, belts and chains of wampum. If she re
ceived his presents, they cohabited together for a time
upon trial. If they pleased each other they joined in
marriage ; but if after a few weeks, they were not
suited, the man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl
and sought another mistress, and she another lover.
In this manner they courted until two met who were
agreeable to each other.
The natives of New-England although they consist
ed of a great number of different nations and clans,
appear to have spoken the same language. From
Piscataqua to Connecticut it was so nearly the same
that the different tribes could converse tolerably to
gether. The Mehegan or Pequot language was es
sentially that of all the Indians in New-England.—
The word Mohegan, is a corruption of Muhheka-
neew, in the singular, or of Muhhekaneck in the plural
number. The Penobscots, bordering on Nova Scotia ;
the Indians of St. Francis, in Canada; the Dela-
wares, in Pennsylvania ; the Shawnese, on the Ohio,
and the Chippewas, at the westward of lake Huron?
all now speak the same radical language.

CHAPTER VI.
OF THE DIFFERENT TRIBES OF INDIANS INHABITINQ
THE WESTERN COUNTRY.
As we are now about to speak of the wars with the
savages in the western country, we shall commence
with a description of their prevailing customs and
habits. They are the descendants of those who once in
habited the sea-coasts, and who were driven by the
English, as mentioned in the preceeding chapter, far
to the westward; so that but few of their descend
ants are now to be found within less than two or three
hundred miles of the sea ; for though many of them
have been instructed in the knowledge of Christiani
ty, and districts of land have been allotted them in
several of the British Colonies, where they have been
formed into societies ; yet it has been found that in
proportion as they lay by their ancient customs and
conform to the manners of civilized life, they dwindle
away, either because the change is prejudicial to their
constitutions, or because when settled among the
English they have great opportunities of procuring
spiritous liquors, of which both sexes are in general
inordinately fond ; very little care being ever taken to
prevent those who are inclined to take advantage of
them in trade from basely intoxicating them for that
purpose. This has a powerful effect on their consti
tutions, and soon proves fatal, producing diseases to
which they were formerly strangers. Thus, where
a few years ago there were considerable settlements
of them, their name is almost forgotten; and those

96 INDIAN WARS.
who still remain have, for the most part, joined them
selves to other nations in the interior part of the country
on the banks of the lakes and rivers.
The Indians in Canada, and to the south of it, are
tall and straight beyond the proportion of most other
nations. Their bodies are strong, but, as has been
before observed, this is a strength rather suited, to en
dure the exercise of the chase than much hard labour,
by which they are soon consumed. They have gene
rally supple limbs, and the smallest degree of defor
mity is very rarely seen among them. Their features
are regular, their complexion somewhat of a copper
colour or reddish brown. Their hair, which is long,
black and lank, is as strong as that of a horse. They
carefully eradicate the hair from every part of the
body except the head, and they confine that to a turft at
the top ; whence an erroneous idea has much prevailed
that the men of this country are naturally destitute of
beards; but it is unquestionable that it is only an artifi
cial deprivation.
They generally wear only a blanket wrapped about
them, or a shirt, both of which they purchase of the
English traders. When the Europeans first came
among them tbey found some nations entirely naked,
and others with a coarse cotton cloth, wove by them
selves, round their waiste ; but in the northern parts
their whole bodies were in winter covered with
skins. The Huron Indians possess a very pleasant and
fertile country on the eastern side of the lake which
bears the same name. Half a century ago they were
very numerous, and could raise six or seven hundred
warriors, but they have suffered greatly from the at
tacks of neighbouring tribes. They differ in their
manners from any of the Indian tribes with which
they are surrounded. They build regular houses
which they cover with bark ; and are considered as
the most wealthy Indians on the continent, having not
only many horses, but some black cattle and swine.
They likewise raise much corn, so that after provid-

INDIAN WARS. 97
ing for their own wants, they are enabled to barter
the remainder with other tribes. Their country ex
tends 150 miles eastward of the lake, but is nar
rower in the contrary direction. The soil is not ex
ceeded by any in this part of the world. The timber*
is tall and beautiful ; the woods abound with game
and abundance of fish may be obtained from the riv
ers and lakes ; so that if it was weir cultivated, the
land would equal that on any part of the sea-coast of
North-America. A missionary of the order of Car
thusian friars, by permission of the bishop of Canada,
resides among them, and is by them amply rewarded for
his services.
Those tribes of Indians who inhabit the banks of
lakes Champlain, George and Ontario, were formerly
called Iroquots, but have since been known by the
name of "the five Mohawk nations," and "the Mo
hawks of Canada." The former are called Ononda-
goes, Oneides, Senecas, Tuscarovies, and Troondock ;
these fought on the side of the English in the contest
for territory with France. The Cchhawahgans and St.
Francis Indians joined the French.
The knowledge which we have of the Indians fur
ther to the S. W. as far beyond 42° N. latitude, is
chiefly obtained from the very worthy provincial offi
cer, Major Carver, who travelled into those parts in
the year 1776, and whose placid manners and artless
sincerity could not fail of recommending him to men
whom nature alone had instructed. He visited twelve
nations of Indians : among which the following ap
pear to be the most considerable : The Chipeway,
who dwell to the southward of lake Superior, and the
Ottawas : the Winnebags to the W. of lake Michigan,
who with the Saukies, and Oitiganmies occupy the
whole extent of country from the lake to the Missi-
sippi, below 42° N. latitude, where the Ousconsin
river discharges itself. The Nandowesse, the most nu
merous and extended Indian nation, inhabit the coun
try on the W. of the Miesisippi, on the borders of
Louisiana.

98 INDIAN WARS.
The Indians in general are stranger! to the passions
of jealousy ; and the most profligate of their young
men very rarely attempt the virtue of married wo
men, nor do such often put themselves in the wav of
solicitation, although the Indian women, in general,
are amorous, and before marriage, not less esteemed
for gratifying their passions. It appears to have been
a very prevalent custom with the Indians of this
country, before they became acquainted with the Eu
ropeans, to compliment strangers with their wives ; and
the custom still prevails; not only among the lower rank,
but even among the chiefs themselves, who consider such
an offer as the greatest proof of courtesy they can give a
stranger. The men are remarkable for their indolence, on
which they even seem to value themselves ; saying
that labour would degrade them, and belongs solely to
the women, while they are formed only for war, hunt
ing and fishing ; to form their canoes, and build their
houses. But they frequently make the women assist
them in these, besides attending to all domestic af
fairs, and cultivating the land. They have a method
of lighting up their huts with their torches made of
the splinters cut from the pine or birch tree.
The Indians have generally astonishing patience
and equanimity of mind, with the command of every
passion except revenge. They bear the most sudden
and unexpected misfortune with calmness and compo
sure, without uttering a word, or the least change of
countenance. Even a prisoner who knows not wheth
er he may not in a few hours be put to the most cruel
death, seems entirely unconcerned, and eats and drinks
with as much cheerfulness as those into whose hands
they had fallen. Their resolution and courage under
sickness and pain is really astonishing. Even when
under the shocking torture to which prisoners are fre
quently exposed, they will not only make 'hemselves
cheerful, bnt provoke and irritate their tormentors by
most severe reproaches.

INDIAN WARS. 99
They are graceful in their deportment upon serious
occasions,, observant to those in company, respectful
to the old, of a temper cool and deliberate, by which
they are never in haste to speak before they have
well thought of the matter, and sure that the person
who spoke before them has finished all that he had
to say. In their public councils, every man is heard
in his turn according to his years, his wisdom, or his
services to his country have ranked him. Not a whis
per nor a murmur is heard from the rest while he
speaks ; no indecent commendations, no ill-timed ap
plause. The young attend for their instruction ; for
here they learn the history of their nation, are ani
mated by those who celebrate the warlike actions of
their ancestors ; are taught what is the interest of
their country, and how to cultivate and pursue it.
Hospitality is exercised among them with the utmost
generosity and good will. Their houses, their pro
visions, and even their young women are presented to
a guest. To those of their own nation they are like
wise very humane and beneficent. If any of them
succeed ill in hunting, if the harvest fails, or his house
is burnt, he feels no other effect of his misfortune
than its giving him an opportunity of experiencing the
benevolence and regard of his countrymen, who for
that purpose, have almost every thing in common. —
But to the enemies of his country, or to those who
have privately offended him, the native American is
implacable. He never indeed makes use of oaths, or
indecent expressions, but cruelly conceals his senti
ments, till by treachery or surprise he can gratify his
revenge. No length of time is sufficient to allay his
resentment ; no distance of place is great enough to
protect the object ; he crosses the steepest moun
tains, pierces impervious forest, and traverses the
most hideous deserts; bearing the inclemency of the
season, the fatigue of the expedition, the extremes of
hunger and thirst, with patience and cheerfulness in
hopes of surprising his enemy, and exercising upon him
the most shocking barbarities. When these cannot

!00 INDIAN WARS.
be effected, the revenge is left as a legacy transferred
from generation to generation, from father to son, till
an opportunity offers of taking what they think ample
satisfaction. To such extremes do the Indians push
their friendship, or their enmity ; and such indeed is
in general, the character of all uncivilized nations. —
They, however, esteem nothing so unworthy a man
of sense, as a peevish temper, and a proneness to a
sudden and rash anger.
On the other hand, they are highly sensible of the
utility and pleasures of friendship ; for each of them,
at a certain age, makes choice of some one nearly of
the same standing in life to be their most intimate and
bosom friend. These two enter into mutual engage
ments, by which they oblige themselves to brave any
danger aud run any risk, to assist and support each
other. This attachment is even carried so far as .to
overcome the fear of death, which they consider as
only a temporary separation, being persuaded that
they shall meet and be united in friendship in the
other world> never to be separated more ; and that
there they shall need one another's assistance as well
as here.
It does not appear that there is any Indian nation
that has not some sense of a Deity, and a kind of su
perstitious religion. Their ideas of the nature and
attributes of God are very obscure, and some of them
absurd, though they conceive of him as the Great
Spirit, but imagine that his more immediate residence
is on the Island of the great lakes. They seem to
have some idea that there are spirits of a higher or
der than man ; and, supposing them to be every where
present, frequently invoke them, and endeavour to
act agreeable to their desires. They likewise imagine
that there is an evil spirit, who they say is always in
clined to mischief, and bears great sway in the crea
tion. This indeed is the principal object of their
devotions. They generally address him most hearti
ly, beseeching him to do them no harm. But sup
posing the others to be propitious, and ever inclined

INDIAN war!. 101
to do good, they intreat those spirits to bestow bless
ings upon them and prevent the evil spirit from hurt
ing them. Major Carver relates, that one of the
most considerable chiefs among the Ottawas, with
whom he remained a night, on attending him to his
canoe the next morning, with great solemnity and in
an audible voice offered up a fervent prayer, as he
entered his canoe, " that the Great Spirit would fa
vour him with a prosperous voyage; that he would
give him an unclouded sky and smooth waters by day,
and that he might lie down by night on a beaver
blanket, enjoying uninterrupted sleep and pleasant
dreams ; and also that he might find continual secu
rity under the great pipe of peace." To procure the
protection of the good spirit, they imagine it necessary
to distinguish themselves, and that they must, above all
other attainments, become good warriors, expert hunters
and steady marksmen.
Their priests often persuade the people that they
have revelations of future events, and are authorized
to command them to pursue such and such measures.
They also undertake to unfold the mysteries of relig
ion, and to solve and interpret all their dreams. They
represent the other world as a place abounding with
an inexhaustable plenty of every thing desirable, where
they shall enjoy the most full and exquisite gratifica
tion of all their senses. This is doubtless the motive
that induces the Indian to meet death with such indif
ference and composure ; none of them being in the
least dismayed at the news that he has but a few
hours or minutes to live, but with the greatest intre
pidity sees himself upon the brink of being separated
from all terrestrial things, and with great serenity
talks to all around him. Thus a father leaves his dying
advice to his children, and takes a formal leave of all his
friends. They testify great indifference for the productions
of art : u It is pretty, I like to look at it," but express
no curiosity about its construction. Such, however,
is not their behaviour when they are told of a person
14

102 INDIAN WARS.
who distinguishes himself by agility in running; is
well skilled in hunting ; can take a most exact aim ;
work a canoe along a rapid with great dexterity ; is
skilled in all the arts which their stealthy mode of
carrying on a war is capable of; or is acute in discov
ering the situation of a country, and can, without a
guide, pursue his proper course through a vast forest,
and support hunger, thirst and fatigue with invinci
ble firmness; at such a relation their attention is arous
ed. They listen to the interesting tale with delight,
and express in the strongest terms their esteem for so
great and so wonderful a man.
They generally bury their dead with great decen
cy, and deposit in the grave such articles as the de
ceased had made the greatest use of, and been most
attached to ; as his bow and arr.ws, pipes, tobacco,
&c. that he may not be in want of any thing when
he comes to the other country. The mothers mourn
for their children a long time, and the neighbors make
presents to the father, and he in return gives them a
feast. Every band has a leader, who bears the name of
Sachem or chief warrior, and is chosen for his tried
valour and skill in conducting the war. To him is
entrusted all military operations, but his authority
docs not extend to civil affairs, that pre-eminence be
ing given to another, who possesses it by a kind of
hereditary claim, and whose assent is necessary to
render valid all conveyances of land, or treaties of
whatever kind, to which he affixes the mark of the
tribe or nation. Though these military and civil
chiefs are considered the heads of the band, and the
latter is usually styled king, yet the American Indians
consider themselves as controlled by neither civil or
military authority. Every individual regards himself
as free and independent, and would never renounce
the idea of liberty ; therefore injunctions, conveyed
in the style of a positive command, would be disre
garded and treated with contempt. Nor do their
leaders assume an ascendancy repugnant to these

INDIAN WARS. 103
sentiments, but merely advise what is necessary to be
done, which is sufficient to produce the most prompt and
effectual execution, never producing a murmur.
Their great council is composed of the heads of
tribes and families, and of those whose capacity has
raised them to the same degree of consideration.
They meet in a house built in each of their towns for
that purpose, and also to receive ambassadors, to de
liver them an answer, to sing their traditionary songs,
or to commemorate the dead. In these councils they
propose all such matters as concern the state, and
which have been already digested in the secret coun
cil, at which none but the head men assist. The
chiefs seldom speak much themselves at these gene
ral meetings, but entrust their sentiments with a per
son who is called their speaker or orator, there being
one of this profession in every tribe or town ; and
their manner of speaking is natural and easy, their words
strong and expressive, their style bold, figurative and
laconic, whatever is told tending either to form the judg
ment or rouse the passions.
When any business of consequence is transacted they
appoint a feast upon the occasion, of which almost the
whole nation partakes. Before the entertainment is
ready, the principal person begins with a song on the re
markable events of their history, and whatever may
tend to their honour or instruction. The others ting
in their turn. They also have dances, chiefly of a mar
tial kind ; and no solemnity or public business is carried
on without songs and dances.
As the Indians are high spirited and soon irritated,
the most trifling provocations frequently rouse them
to arms, and prove the occasion of bloodshed and
murder. Their petty private quarrels are often decided
this way, and expeditions undertaken without the knowl
edge or consent of the general council. These private
expeditions are winked at and excused, as a means of
keeping their young men in action, and inuring them to
the exertions of war.

104 INDIAN WARS.
But when war becomes a national affair, it is enter
ed upon with great deliberation. They first call an
assembly of sachems or chief warriors, to deliberate
upon the affair, and every thing relating to it. In this
general congress among the northern Indians and Five
Nations, the women have a voice as well as the men.
When they are assembled the chief sachem or presi
dent proposes the affair they have met to consult up
on, and taking up the tomahawk, which lies by him,
says, " Who among you will go and fight against such
a nation ? Who among you will bring captives from
thence to replace our deceased friends, that our
wrongs may be revenged and our name and honour
maintained as long as the rivers flow, the grass grows,
or the sun and moon shall endure ?" Then one of the
principal warriors rising, harrangues the whole assembly,
and afterward, addressing himself to the young men,
inquires who will go with him, and fight their enemies ?
When they generally rise, one after another, and fall in
behind him, while he walks round the circle till he is
joined by a sufficient number.
On such occasions they usually have a deer, or
some other beast, roasted whole ; and each of them,
as they consent to go to war, cuts off a piece and eats,
saying, "Thus will I devour our enemies;" mention
ing the nation they are going to attack. The cere
mony being performed, the dance commences, and
they sing their war-song, which has relation to their
intended expedition and conquest, or to their own
skill, courage and dexterity in fighting, and the manner
in which they will vanquish their enemies. Their ex
pressions are strong and pathetic, accompanied with a
tone that inspires terror.
Such is the influence of their women in <hese con
sultations that the issue depends much upon them.
If anv one of them, in conjunction with the chiefs, has
a mind to excite one who does not immediately de
pend upon them to take an active part in the war,
she presents, by the hand of some trusty young war
rior, a string of wampum to the person whose help

INDIAN WARS. 105
she solicits, which seldom fails of producing the ef
fect. But when they solicit an offensive or defensive
alliance with a whole nation, they send an embassy
with a large belt of wampum and a bloody hatchet,
inviting them to come and drink the blood of their
enemies. The wampum used on these and other occasions,
before their acquaintance with Europeans, was only
small shells, which they picked up by the sea-coasts
and on the banks of the lakes. It now consists prin
cipally of a kind of cylindrical beads, made of white
and black shells, which are esteemed among them as
silver and gold are among us. The black they think
the most valuable. Both of them are their greatest
riches and ornaments, answering all the ends of mo
ney among us. They have the art of stringing, twist
ing and interweaving them into their belts, collars,
blankets, die. in ten thousand different sizes, forms,
and figures, so as not only to be ornaments for every
part of dress, but expressive of all their important
transactions. They dye the wampum of various col
ours and shades ; and so they are made significant of
almost every thing they please. By these their re
cords are kept and their thoughts communicated to
one another, as ours are by writing. Thus the belts
that pass from one nation to another, in all important
transactions, are carefully preserved in the cabin of
their chiefs, and serve both as a kind of record or history,
and as a public treasure. Hence they are never used
on trifling occasions.
The calmut, or pipe of peace, is of no less impor
tance, nor is it less revered among them. The bowl
of this pipe is made of a kind of soft red stone, easily
wrought, and hollowed out ; the stem is of cane, or a
kind of light wood, painted with different colours,
and adorned with the heads, tails and feathers of the
most beautiful birds, #c. The use of the calmut is
to smoke either tobacco, or some other herb used in
stead of it, when they enter into an alliance or any
solemn engagement ; this being esteemed the most

106 INDIAN WARS,
sacred oath that can be taken, the violation of which
is thought to be the most infamous, and deserving severe
punishment in the other life. When they treat of
war, the whole pipe and all its ornaments are red ;
sometimes it is red only on one side, and by the dis
position of the feathers, $-c. a person acquainted with
their customs knows at first sight the intentions or
desires of the nation which presents it. Smoking the
calmut is also upon some occasions, and in all trea
ties, considered as a sacred oath, as a seal of their
decrees, and a pledge of their performance of them.
The size and decorations of their cahnuts are com
monly proportioned to the importance of the occasion,
to the quality cf the persons to whom they are pre
sented, and to the esteem and regard they have for
them. Another instrument of great importance among
them is the tomahawk. This is an ancient weapon
used by them in war, before they were taught 1:he
use of iron or steel ; since which hatchets have been
substituted in the room of them ; but it retains its use
and importance in public transactions, and, like the
pipe, is very significant. This instrument is formed
in some respects like a hatchet, having a long handle ;
the head, which is a round knob of solid wood, calcu
lated to knock a man down, has on the other side a
point bending a little toward the handle, and near the
centre where the handle pierces the head, another
point projects forward, of a considerable length, which
serves to thrust with like a spear. The tomahawk is
also ornamented with painting and feathers, disposed
and variegated in many significant forms, according
to the occasion and end for which they are used ; and
on it are kept a kind of journal of their marches and
most important occurrences in a kind of hieroglyph
ics. When the council is called to deliberate on war
the tomahawk is coloured red ; and when the council
sits, it is laid down by the chief, and if war be con
cluded upon, the captain of the young warriors takes
it up, and, holding it in his hand, dances and sings

INDIAN WARS, 107
the war-song. When the council is over, this, or some
other of the same kind, is sent by the hands of the
same warrior to every tribe concerned ; who with it
presents a belt of wampum and delivers his message,
throwing a tomahawk on the ground, which is taken
up by one of the most expert warriors, if they chose
to join ; if not, it is returned with a belt of their wam
pum suited to the occasion.
Each nation or tribe has its distinct ensigns, gen
erally consisting of some beast, bird or fish. Thus
the Five Nations have the bear, otter, wolf, tortoise
and eagle ; by these names the tribes are generally
distinguished, and the shapes of these animals are
pricked and painted on several parts of their bodies.
Generally, when ''.hey march through the woods,
they, at every encampment, cut the figure of their
arms on the trees, especially when they have had
a successful campaign, that travellers may know that
they have been there; recording also in their way
the number of prisoners and scalps they have
taken. Their military appearance is very odd and terrible.
They cut off all their hair, except a spot on the crown
of their head, and pluck out their eye-brows. The
lock left upon the head is divided into several parcels,
each of which is stiffened, and intermixed with beads
and feathers of various shapes and colours, the
whole twisted and connected together. They paint
themselves with a red pigment down to the eye
brows, which they sprinkle over with white down.
The gristle of their ears are slit almost quite round,
and hung with ornaments that have generally the
figure of some bird or beast drawn upon them. Their
noses are likewise bored and hung with beads, and
their faces painted with various colours. On their
breasts are a gorget or medal of brass, copper, or
some other metal; and by a string which goes round
their necks is suspended that horrid weapon called the
scalping Lnife.

108 INDIAN WARS.
Thus equipped, they march forth, singing their war-
song, till they lose sight of their village ; and are gen
erally followed by their women, who assist them in car
rying their baggage, whether by land or water, but
commonly return before they proceed to action.
They have generally one commander for ten men ;
and if the number amounts to one hundred, a general
is appointed over the others, not properly to com
mand, but to give his opinion. They have no stated
rules of discipline, or fixed methods of carrying on a
war, but make their attacks in as many different ways as
there are occasions, but generally in flying parties, equip
ped for that purpose.
The weapons used by those who trade with the En
glish and French are commonly a firelock, a hatchet and
a scalping knife ; but the others use bows, tomahawks
and pikes. As the commander iu chief governs only by
advice, and can neither reward nor punish, every pri
vate may return home when he pleases without assigning
any reason for it ; or any number may leave the main
body and carry on a private expedition, in whatever
manner they please, without being called to an account
for their conduct.
When the Indians return from a successful cam
paign, they contrive their inarch so as not to ap
proach their village till toward the evening. They
then send two or three forward to acquaint their
chief and the whole village with the most material
circumstances of the campaign. At day-light next
morning they give their prisoners new clothes, paint
their faces with various colours, and put into their
hands a white staff, tasselled round with the tails of
deer. This being done, the war captain sets up a
cry; and gives as many yells as he has taken prison
ers and scalps, and the whole village assemble at the
water side. As soon as the warriors appear, four or
five of their young men, well clothed, get into a
canoe, if they come by water, or otherwise march
by land ; the two first carrying each a calmut, go
out singing to search the prisoners; whom they lead

INDIAN WARS. 103
in triumph to the cabin where they are to receive
their doom. The owner of this cabin has the power
of determining their fate, though it is often left to some
woman who has lost her husband, brother, or son, in
the war; and when this is the case, she generally
adopts him in place of the deceased. The pris
oner has victuals immediately given him, and while he
is at his repast, a consultation is held ; and if it be re
solved to save his life, two young men untie him, and
taking him by the hands, lead him to the cabin of the
person into whose family he is to be adopted, and
there he is received with all imaginable marks of
kindness. He is treated as a friend, as a brother, or as
a husband, and they soon love him with the same ten
derness as if he stood in the place of one of their
friends. In short he has no other marks of captivity,
but his not being suffered to return to his own nation ;
for his attempting this, would be punished with cer
tain death. But if the sentence be death, how different
their conduct! These people, who behave with such
disinterested affection to each other ; with such tender
ness to those whom they adopt; here show that they
are truly savages. The dreadful sentence is no sooner
passed, than the whole village set up the death-cry ;
and, as if there was no medium between the most
generous friendship and the most inhuman cruelty ;
for the execution of him whom they had just before
deliberated upon admitting into their tribe, is no
longer deferred than whilst they can make the neces
sary preparations for rioting in the most diabolical
cruelty. They first strip him, and fixing two posts
in the ground, fasten to them two pieces from one to
the other; one about two feet from the ground, the
other about five or six feet higher ; then obliging the
unhappy victim to mount upon the lower cross-piece,
they tie his legs to it a little assunder. His hands are
extended and tied to the angles formed by the upper
piece. In this posture, they burn him all over the
body, sometimes first daubing him with pitch. The
whole village, men, women, and children, assem-
15

110 INDIAN WARS.
ble round him, every one torturing him in what man
ner they please ; each striving to exceed the other in
cruelty, as long as he has life. But if none of the by
standers are inclined to lengthen out his torments, he
is either shot to death, or enclosed with dry bark, to
which they set fire ; they then leave him on the frame,
and in the evening run from cabin to cabin, supersti-
tiously striking with small twigs, the furniture, walls,
and roofs, to prevent his spirit from remaining there
to take vengeance for the evils committed on his body.
The remainder of the day and night following, is spent
in rejoicing.
This is the most usual method of murdering their
prisoners. But sometimes they fasten them to a sin
gle stake, and build a fire around them. At other
times, they cruelly mangle their limbs, cut off their
fingers and toes, joint by joint; and sometimes, scald
them to death.
What is the most extraordinary, if the sufferer be an
Indian, there seems, during the whole time of his ex
ecution, a contest between him and his tormentors,
which shall outdo the other, they in inflicting the most
horrid pains, or he in enduring them. Not a groan,
nor a sigh, nor a distortion of countenance, escapes
him in the midst of his torments. It is even said,
that he recounts his own exploits, informs them what
cruelties he has inflicted upon their countrymen, and
threatens with revenge that will attend his death.
That he even reproaches them for their ignorance of
the art of tormenting; points out methods of more ex
quisite torture, and more sensible parts of the body to
be afflicted.
The scalps, those dreadful proofs of the barbarity
of these Indians, are valued, and hung up in their
houses as the trophies of their bravery ; and they
have certain days when- the young men gain a new
name or title of honour, according to the qualities of
the persons to whom these scalps belonged. This
name they think a sufficient reward for the dangers
and fatigues of many campaigns, as it renders them

INDIAN WARS. Ill
respected by their countrymen, and terrible to their
enemies. In the late American revolution, Britain had the
inhumanity to reward these sons of barbarity for de
predations committed upon those who were struggling
in the cause of liberty. It was through their insti
gation that the hatchets of the Indians were made
drunk with American blood ! The widow's wail, the
virgin's shriek, and infant's trembling cry, was music
in their ears. In cold blood they sunk their cruel
tomahawks into the defenceless head of a Miss
M'Kray, a beautiful girl, who was that very day to
have been married. The particulars of the inhuman
transaction follow : Previous to the late war between
America and Great Britain, a British officer by the
name of Jones, an accomplished young man, resided
near Fort Edward. His visits thither became more
frequent, when he found himself irresistibly drawn
by charms of native worth and beauty, Miss M'
Kray, whose memory is dear to humanity and true
affection, was the object of his peregrinations. Mr.
Jones had not taken the precaution necessary in ha
zardous love, but had manifested to the lady by his
constant attention, undissembled and ingenuous de
meanour, that ardent affection which a susceptible
heart compelled her implicitly to return. In this mu
tual interchange of passions, they suffered themselves
to be transported on the ocean of imagination, till the
unwelcome necessity of a separation cut off every
springing hope. The war between Great Britain and
America commenced. A removal from this happy
spot was in consequence suggested to Mr. Jones, as
indispensable. Nothing could alleviate their mutual
horror, but duty ; nothing could allay their recipro
cal grief, so as to render a separate corporeal exist
ence tolerable, but solemn vows, with the ideas of a
future meeting. Mr. Jones repaired to Canada, where
all intercourse with the provincials was prohibited.
Despair, which presented itself in aggravated colours,
when General Burgoyne's expedition through the

112 INDIAN AVARS.
States was fixed, succeeded to his former hopes. The
British army being encamped about three miles from
the fort, a descent was daily projected. Here Mr.
Jones could not but recognize the spot on which
rested all his joys. He figured to his mind the dread
which his hostile approach must raise in the breast
of her, whom of all others, he thought it his highest
interest to protect. In spite of arrests and commands
to the contrary, he found means secretly to convey a
letter, entreating her not to leave the town with the
family, assuring her that as soon as the fort should
surrender, he would convey her to an asylum where
they might peaceably consummate the nuptial cere
mony. Far from discrediting the sincerity of him
who could not deceive her, she heroically refused to
follow the flying villagers. The remonstrances of a
father, or the tearful entreaties of a mother and nu
merous friends, could not avail ! It was enough that
her lover was her friend. She considered herself
protected by the love and voluntary assurances of her
youthful hero. With the society of a servant maid,
she impatiently waited the desired conveyance. Mr.
Jones, finding the difficulty into which he was
brought, at length, for want of better convoy, hired
a party of twelve Indians to carry a letter to Miss
M'Kray, with his own horse, for the purpose of car
rying her to the place appointed. They set off, fired
with the anticipation of their promised premium*
which was to consist of a quantity of spirits, on con
dition that they brought her off in safety, which to
an Indian was the most cogent stimulus the young
lover could have named. Having arrived in view
of her window, they sagaciously held up the letter,
to prevent the fears and apprehensions which a sav
age knows he must excite in the sight of tender
ness and sensibilty. Her faith and expectation en
abled her to divine the business of these ferocious
missionaries, while her frightened maid uttered nought
but shrieks and cries. They arrived, and by their
signs, convinced her from whom they had their in»

INDIAN WARS. 113
structions. If a doubt could remain, it was removed
by the letter ; it was from her lover. A lock of his
hair, which it contained, paesented his manly figure to
her gloomy fancy.
Here, reader, guess what must have been her ec
stasy. She indeed resolved to brave even the most
horrid aspect which might appear between her and
him, whom she considered already hers, without a
sigh. She did not for a moment hesitate to follow
the wishes of her lover ; and took her journey with
these bloody messengers, expecting very soon to be
shielded in the arms of legitimate affection. A short
distance only then seemed to separate two of the
happiest of mortals. Alas ! how soon are the most
brilliant pictures of felicity defaced by the burning
hand of affliction and wo ! How swiftly are the
halcyon dreams which lull the supine indolence of
thought, succeeded by the real pangs which are in
flicted by punishing Providence, or a persecuting
foe! Having risen the hill, at about equal distance from
the camp and her former home, a second party cf In
dians, having heard of the captivating offer made by
Mr. Jones, determined to avail themselves of the op
portunity. The reward was the great object. A
clashing of real and assumed rights was soon follow
ed by 4a furious and bloody engagement, in which se
veral were killed on each side. The commander of
the first party, perceiving that nought but the lady's
death could appease the fury of either, with a toma
hawk deliberately knocked her from her horse, man
gled her scalp from her beautiful temples, which he
exultingly bore as a trophy of zeal to the expectant
and anxious lover ! ! Here, 0 disappointment, was
thy sting ! It was with the utmost difficulty that Mr.
Jones could be kept from total delirium. His horror
and indignation could not be appeased ; his remorse
for having risked his most valuable treasure in the
hands of savages, drove him almost to madness.
When the particulars of this melancholy event reach-

114 INDIAN WARS.
ed Gen. Burgoyne, he ordered the survivors of both
these parties to immediate execution.
Many persons suppose that the idea that the Ame
rican Indians are descended from the ancient Jews, is
a novel one. This is not the fact. Many writers
have suggested this opinion. Among others, James
Adair, Esq., who had resided among the North Ame
rican Indians forty years, and paid particular at
tention to their language, laws, customs, manners,
dress, ceremonies, fyc, , and whose account of them
was published in London in 1775, seems to have been
fully convinced of the fact himself ; and if his argu
ments do not convince others, they will at least stag
ger their incredulity. The following extract from the
contents of his work will show the course he takes to
establish his opinion :
-"Observations and arguments in proof of the Ame
rican Indians being decended from the Jews.
1. Their division into tribes.
2. Their worship of Jehovah,
3. Their notion or a theocracy. '
4. Their belief in the ministration of angels.
5. Their language and dialects.
6. Their manner of counting time.
7. Their prophets and high priests.
8. Their festivals, feasts, religious rites.
9. Their daily sacrifice.
10. Their ablutions and anointings.
11. Their laws of uncleanness.
12. Their abstinence from unclean things.
13. Their marriages, divorces, and punishment of
adultery. 14. Their several punishments.
15. Their cities of refuge.
16. Their purifications and ceremonies prepara
tory to war.
17 Their ornaments.
18 Their manner of curing the sick.
19. Their burial of the dead.
20. Their mourning for their dead.

INDIAN WARS. 115
21. Their raising seed to a departed brother.
22. Their choice of name adapted to their circum
stances and the times.
23. Their own traditions, the accounts of our En
glish writers, and the testimonies which the Spanish and
other authors have given concerning the primitive in
habitants of Peru and Mexico."
Under each of these heads the author gives us such
facts as a forty years residence among them, at a time
when their manners, customs, fyc. had not been great
ly corrupted or changed by intercourse with Europeans,
had enabled him to collect ; and he assures us they
are "neither disfigured by fable nor prejudice." — ¦
The rest of his work is taken up with accounts of the
different nations among whom he had been, with oc
casional reflections on the laws, due.
The following list of names of the various Indian
nations in North America, in 1794, with the number
of their fighting men, was obtained by a gentlemen,
Mr. Benjamin Hawkins, employed in a treaty then
made with them.
The Choctaws or Flat Heads, 4500 ; Natches, 150 ;
Chickasaws, 750 ; Cherokees, 2500 ; Catabas, 150 y
Piantas, a wandering tribe, 800 ; Kisquororas, 600 ;
Hankashaws, 250 ; Oughtenons, 400 ; Kikapous, 500 ;
Delawares, 300 ; Shawanese, 300 ; Miamies, 300 ;
Upper Creeks, Middle Creeks and Lower Creeks,
4000 ; Cowitas, 700 ; Alabamas, 600 ; Akinsaws,
200 ; Ansaus, 1000 ; Padomas, 600 ; white and
freckled Pianis, 4000 ; Causes, 1600; Osages, 600;
Grand Saux, 1000 ; Missouri, 3000 ; Saux of the
wood, 1800 ; Blances, or white Indians with beard,
1500 ; Asinboils, 1500 ; Christian Cauzes, 3000 ;
Ouiscousas, 500 ; Mascotins, 500 ; Lakes, 400 ;
Muherouakes, 230 ; Folle Avoines or Wildoats, 350 ;
Puans, 700 ; Powatamig, 550 ; Missasagues, wan
dering tribe, 2000 ; Otabas, 900 ; Chipewas, 5000 ;
Wiandots, 300 ; Six Nations, 1500 ; Round Heads,
2500 ; Algoquins, 3000 ; Nepisians, 400 ; Chalsas,
130 ; Amitestes, 550 ; Muckniacks, 700 ; Abina-
guis, 350; Consway Hnring, 200. Total, 58,780.

CHAP. VII.
WASHINGTON'S EXPEDITION,
AND
DEFEAT OF GEN. BRADDOCK fiY THE INDIANS,
In 1753 the French and Indians began to make in
roads on our western frontiers along the Ohio. Gov
ernor Dinwiddie, of Virginia, was very desirous to get
a letter of remonstrance to their commander in chief.
He had applied to several voung gentlemen of his ac
quaintance, but they were all so deficient in courage
that they could not be prevailed on, for love or mo
ney, to venture out among the savages. Our beloved
Washington happening to hear of it, instantly wait
ed on his excellency, and offered his services, but not
without being terribly afraid lest his want of a beard
should go against him. However, the Governor was
so charmed with his modesty and manly air, that he
never asked him a syllable about his age, but after
thanking him for his offer, calling him "a noble youth'?
and insisting on his taking a glass of wine with him,
slipped a commission into his hand. The next day
he set out on his expedition, which was, from start to
pole, as disagreeable and dangerous as any thing Her
cules himself could have wished. Soaking rains, chil
ling blast, roaring floods, pathless woods, and mouu-
tains clad in snows, opposed his course, but opposed
in vain. The glorious ambition to serve his country
imparted an animation to his nerves, which rendered
him superior to all difficulties.
Returning homeward, he was way-laid and shot at
by a French Indian, and though the copper-coloured
ruffian was not 15 steps distant when he fired at him,
yet not even so much as the smell of lead passed on
the clothes of our young hero. On his return to Vir
ginia, it was found that he had executed his negocia-
tions, both with the French and Indians, with such

INDIAN WARS. 117
fidelity and judgment, that he received the heartiest
thanks of the governor and council for the very impor
tant services he had done his country.
He was now (in the 20th year of his age,) appointed
major and adjutant general of the Virginia forces. Soon
after this, the Indians continuing their encroachments,
orders were given by the English government, for the
colonies to arm and unite in one confederacy. Virgin
ia took the lead, and raised a regiment of four hundred
men, at the head of which she placed her darling
Washington. With this handful of brave fellows, Col. Washing
ton, not yet 23 years of age, boldly pushed out into
the Indian country, and there for a considerable time,
Hannibal like maintained the war against three times
the number of French and Indians. At the " Red
Stones he came up with a strong part of the enemy,
whom he engaged and effectually defeated, after having
killed and taken thirty-one men. From his prisoners
he obtained undoubted intelligence, that the French
forces on the Ohio consisted of upwards of a thousand
regulars and many hundreds of Indians. But, not
withstanding this disheartening advice, he still pressed
on undauntedly against the enemy, and at a place
called Little Meadows, built a fort which he called
Fort Necessity. Here he waited, hourly and anx
iously looking for succours from New- York and Penn
sylvania ; but he looked in vain. Nobody came to
his assistance. Not long after this, his small force,
now reduced to three hundred men, were attacked by
an army of 1100 French and Indians. Never did the
true Virginian valor shine more gloriously than on this
trying occasion.
To see three hundred young fellows, commanded
by a smooth faced boy, all unaccustomed to the ter
rors o( war, far from home, and from all hopes of help,
shut up in a dreary wilderness, and surrounded by
four times their number of savage foes ; and yet, with
out sign of fear, without thought of surrender, prepar
ing for mortal combat. Oh ! it was a noble sight!
16

118 INDIAN WARS.
Scarcely since the days of Leonidas and his three
hundred deathless Spartans, had the sun beheld its
equal. With hideous whoops and yells the enemy
came on like a host of tigers. The woods and rocks
and tall tree tops (as the Indians climbing to the tops
of the irees, poured down their bullets into the fort,)
were in one continued blaze and crash of fire-arms*
Nor were our young warriors idle, but animated by
their gallant chief, plied their rifles with such spirit
that their little fort resembled a volcano in full blast,
roaring and discharging thick sheets of liquid fire and
of leaden deaths among their foes. For three glorious
hours, salamander like, enveloped in smoke and flame,
they sustained the attack of the enemy's whole force,
and laid two hundred of them dead on the spot ! Dis
couraged by such desperate resistance, the French gen
eral, ihe Count de Villieres, sent in a flag to Wash
ington, extolling his gallantry to the skies, and offering
him the most honourable terms. It was stipulated that
Col. Washington and his little band of heroes, should
march away with all the honours of war, and carry with
them their military stores and haggage.
In the spring of 1755 Washington, while busied ia
the highest military operations, was summoned to
attend General Braddock, who in the month of Febru
ary, had arrived at Alexandria with 2000 British troops.
The assembly of Virginia appointed 800 provincials
to join him. The object of this army was to march
through the country, by Way of Will's Creek, to
fort Duquesne, (now Pittsburgh, or fort Pitt.) As
no person was so well acquainted with the frontier
country as Washington, and none stood so high in
military fame, it was thought he would be infinitely
serviceable to General Braddock. At the request of
the governor and council he cheerfully quitted his own
command, to act as volunteer aid-de-camp to that
very imprudent and unfortunate general. The army,
near 3000 strong, marched from Alexandria and
proceeded unmolested within a few miles of fort Pitt.
On the morning of the 9th of July, when they had
arrived within seven miles of fort Duquesne, the pro-

INDIAN WARS. 11$
vincial scouts discovered a large party of French and
Indians lying in ambush. Washington, with his usual
modesty observed to Gen. Braddock what sort of ene
my he had now to deal with. An enemy who would
not, like the Europeans, come forward to a fair contest
in the field, but, concealed behind rocks and trees, carry
on a deadly warfare with their rifles. He concluded
with begging that Gen. Braddock would grant him the
honor to let him place himself at the head of the Vir
ginia riflemen, and fight them in their own way, And
it was generally thought that our young hero and his 800
hearts of hickory, would very easily have beaten them
too, for they were not superior to the force, which with
300, he had handled so roughly a twelve month before.
But tien. Braddock, who had all along treated the
American officers and soldiers with infinite contempt, in
stead of following this truly salutary advice, swelled
and reddened with most unmanly rage. " High times,
by G— d !" he exclaimed, strutting to and fro, with
arms akimbo, "High times! when a young buckskin
can teach a British General how to fight!'' Washing
ton withdrew, biting his lips with grief and indignation,
to think what numbers of brave fellows would draw
short breath that day, through the pride and obstinacy
of one epau letted fool. The troops were ordered to
form and and advance in columns through the woods ! !
In a little time the ruin which Washington had predic
ted ensued. This poor devoted army, pushed on by
their mad-cap general, fell into the fatal snare which
was laid for them. All at once a thousand rifles began
the work of death. The ground was instantly covered
with the dying and the dead. The British troops, thus
slaughtered by hundreds, and by an enemy whom they
could not see, were thrown irrecoverably into panic and
confusion, and in a few minutes their haughty general,
with 1200 of his brave but unfortunate countrymen, bit
the ground. Poor Braddock closed the tragedy with
great decency. He was mortally wounded in the be
ginning of the action, and Washington had him placed in

120 INDIAN WARS.
a cart ready for retreat. Close on the left, where the
weight of the French and Indian fire principally fell,
Washington and his Virginia riflemen dressed in blue,
sustained the shock. At every discharge of their rifles
the wounded general cried out, " O, my brave Virginia
blues ! Would to God I could live to reward you for
such gallantry." But he died. Washington buried him
in the road, and to save him from discovery and the
scalping knife, ordered the waggons on their retreat to
drive over his grave ! 0 God ! what is man ? Even a
thing of nought ! !
Amidst all this fearful consternation and carnage,
amidst all the uproar and horrors of a rout, lendered
still more dreadful by the groans of the dying, tbe
screams of the wounded, the piercing shrieks of the
women, and the yells of the furious assaulting savages,
Washington, calm and self-collected rallied his faithful
riflemen, led them on to the, charge, killed numbers of
tbe enemy who were rushing on with tomahawks,
checked their pursuit and brought off the shattered re
mains of the British army.
With respect to our beloved Washington, we cannot
but mention here two extraordinary speeches that were
uttered about him at this time, and which, as things
have turned out, look a great deal like prophecies. A
famous Indian warrior who assisted in the defeat of
Braddock, was often heard to swear, that " Washington
was uot born to be killed by a bullet, for;" continued he
" I had 17 fair fires at him with my rifle, and after all I
could not bring him to the ground." And, indeed, who
ever considers that a good rifle levelled by a proper
marksman, hardly ever misses its aim, will readily
enough conclude with this unlettered savage, that some
invisible hand must have turned aside his bullets.
The Rev. Mr. Davis, in a sermon occasioned by Gen.
Braddock's defeat, has these remarkable words : " I beg
leave to point the attention of the public to that heroic
youth, Col. George Washington, whom I cannot but
hope Providence has preserved for some great service to
his country."

CHAPTER VIII.

ADVENTURES OF CAPT. DANIEL BOON, COMPRISING AN
ACCOUNT OF THE WARS WITH THE INDIANS ON
THE OHIO, FROM 1769 TO 1782.
WRITTEN BY HIMSELF.
" It was on the first of May, 1769, that I resigned my
domestic happiness, and left my family and peaceable
habitation on tho Yadkin river in lNorth Carolina, in
quest of the country of Kentucky, in company with John
Finley, John Stuart, Joseph Holden, James Monay and
William Cool.
" On the 7th June, after travelling in a western direc
tion, we found ourselves on Red river, where John Fin
ley had formerly been trading with the Indians, and
from the top of an eminence saw with pleasure the
beautiful level of Kentucky. For some time we had
experienced the most uncomfortable weather. We now
encamped, made a shelter to defend us from the inclem
ent season, and began to hunt and reconnoitre the coun
try. We found abundance of wild beasts in this vast
forest. The buffaloes were more nemerous than cattle
on their settlements, browsing on the leaves of the cane,
or crossing the herbage on these extensive plains. We
saw hundreds in a drove, and the numbers about the
salt springs were amazing. In this forest, the habitation
of beasts of every American kind, we hunted with great
success until December.
" On the 22d December John Stuart and I had a
pleasing ramble ; but fortune changed the day at the

122 INDIAN WARS.
close of it. We passed through a great forest, in which
stood myriads of trees, some gay with blossom, others
rich with fruits. Nature was here a series of wonders
and a fund of delight. Here she displayed her ingenu
ity and industry in a variety of flowers and fruits, beau
tifully coloured" ; elegantly shaped, and charmingly fla
voured ; and we were favoured with numberless
animals presenting themselves perpetually to our
view. In the decline of the day, near Kentucky river,
as we ascended the brow of a hill, a number of
Indians rushed out of a cane brake and took us pris
oners. The Indians plundered us and kept us in con
finement seven days. During this time we discover
ed no uneasiness or desire to escape, which made them
less suspicious ; but in the, dead of night, as we lay by
a large fire in a thick cane break, when sleep had lock
ed up their senses, my situation not disposing me to
rest, I gently awoke my companion. We seized this fa
vourable opportunity and departed, directing our course
toward the old camp, but found it plundered and our
company destroyed or dispersed.
" About this time as my brother with another adven
turer who came to explore the country shortly af
ter us, was wandering through the forest, they acci
dentally found our camp. Notwithstanding our un
fortunate circumstances, and our dangerous situation,
surrounded with hostile savages, our meeting fortunate
ly in the wilderness gave us the most sensible satisfac
tion. " Soon after this my companion in captivity, John
Stuart, was killed by the savages, and the man who
came with my brother, while on a private excursion,
was soon after attacked and killed by the wolves.
We were now in a dangerous and helpless situation,
exposed daily to perils and deaths, among savages and
wild beasts, not a white man in the country but our
selves. Although many hundred miles from our families,
in the howling wilderness, we did not continue in a
state of indolence, but hunted every day, and pre-

Indian Wars. 123
pared a little cottage to defend us from the winter.
On the 1st of May, 1770, my brother returned home,
for a new recruit of horses and ammunition, leaving me
alone, without bread, salt or sugar, or even a horse or
a dog. I passed a few days uncomfortably. The
idea of a beloved wife and family, and their anxiety
on my account, would have disposed me to melan
choly if I had further indulged the thought.
" One day 1 undertook a tour through the country,
when the diversity and beauties of nature I met with in
this charming season expelled every gloomy thought.
Just at the close of the day the gentle gales ceased ;
a profound calm ensued ; not a breath shook the
tremulous leaf. I had gained the summit "of a com
manding ridge, and looking around wilh astonishing
delight beheld the ample plains and beauteous tracts
below. On one hand I surveyed the famous Ohio
rolling in silent dignity, and marking the western boun
dary of Kentucky with inconceivable grandeur. At a
vast distance I beheld the mountains lift their venera
ble brows and penetrate the clouds. All things were
still. I kindled a fire near a fountain of sweet water,
and feasted on the line of a buck which I had killed
a few hours before. The shades of night soon
overspread the hemisphere, and the earth seemed to
gasp after the hovering moisture. At a distance I
frequently heard the hideous yells of savages. My
excursion had fatigued my body and amused my mind.
I laid me down to sleep, and awoke not until the sun
had chased away the night. I continued this tour,
and in a few days explored a considerable part of the
country, each day equally pleasing as the first. After
which I returned to my old camp, which had not been
disturbed in my absence. I did not confine my lodg
ing to it, but often reposed in thick cane brakes to
avoid the savages, who 1 believe frequently visited my
camp, but fortunately for me in my absence. - No
populous city, with all its varieties of commerce and
stately structures, could afford so much pleasure to
my mind as the beauties of nature I fonnd in this
country.

124 INDIAN WARS.
" Until the 27th July I spent my time in an unin
terrupted scene of sylvan pleasures, when my brother,
to my great felicity, met me according to appoint
ment, at our old camp. Soon after we left the place
and proceeded to Cumberland river, reconnoitring
that part of the country, and giving names to the dif
ferent rivers.
" In March, 1771, I returned home to my family,
being determined to bring them as soon as possible, at
the risk of my life and fortune, to reside in Kentucky
which I esteemed a second paradise,
" On my return 1 found my family in happy circum
stances. 1 sold my farm on the Yadkin, and what
goods we could not carry with us, and on the 25th of
September, 1773, we took leave of our freinds and
proceeded on our journey to Kentucky, in company
with five more families, and forty men that joined us
in Powell's Valley, which is 150 miles from the new
settled part of Kentucky. But this promising be
ginning was soon overcast with a cloud of adver
sity. " On the 10th of October the rear of our company
was attacked by a party of Indians ; who killed six,
and wounded one man. Of these my oldest son was
one that fell in the action. Though we repulsed the
enemy, yet this unhappy affair scattered our cattle
and brought us into extreme difficulty. We returned
forty miles to the settlement on Clench river. We
had passed over two mountains, Powel and Wal-
den's, and were approachiug Cumberland mountain,
when this adverse fortune overtook us. These moun
tains are in the wilderness, in passing from the old
settlement in Virginia to Kentucky ; are ranged in a
south-west and north-east direction ; arc of great
length and breadth, and not far distant from each
other. Over them nature hath formed passes less
difficult than might be expected from the view of
such huge piles. The aspect of these cliffs are so
wild and horrid, that it is impossible to behold them
without horror.

INDIAN WARS. 125
"Until the 6th June, 1774, I remained with my
family on the Clench, when I and another person
were solicited by Governor Dunmore, of Virginia, to
conduct a number of surveyors to the falls of Ohio.
This was a tour of eight hundred miles, and took us
sixty-two days.
"On my return, Governor Dunmore gave me the
command of three garrisons during the campaign against
the Shawanese. In March, 1775, at the solicitation
of a number of gentlemen of North Carolina, I , t-
tended their treaty at Wataga, with the Cherokee In
dians, to purchase the lands on the south side of Ken
tucky river. After this, I undertook to mark out a road
in the best passage from the settlements through the
wilderness to Kentucky.
" Having collected a number of enterprising men
well armed, I soon began this work. We proceeded
until we came within fifteen miles of where Boonsbor-
ou^h now stands where the Indians attacked us, and
killed two and wounded two more of our party. This
was on the 22d of March, 1775. Two days after, we
were again attacked by them, when We had two more
killed and three wounded. After this we proceeded
on to Kentucky river without opposition.
" On the 1st of April we began to erect the fort of
Boonsborough, at a salt lick, sixty yards from the
river on the south side. On the 4th the Indians
killed one of our men. On the 14th of June, having
completed the fort, I returned to my family on the
Clench, and whom I soon after removed to the fort.
My wife and daughter were supposed to be the first
white women that ever stood upon the banks of Ken
tucky river.
" On the 24th of December the Indians killed one of
our men and wounded another ; and on the 15th of
July, 1776, they took my daughter prisoner. I im
mediately pursued them with eight m<ni, and on the
16th overtook and engaged them. I killed two of them
and rccov&ttfctniy daughtef.
17

126 ifiiftAN WaAs.
" 'ftie Indians, having divided themselves into several
parties, attacked in one day all our infant settlements
and forts, doing a great deal of damage. The husband
men were ambushed and unexpectedly attacked while
foiling in the field. They continued this kind of war
fare until the 15th of April, 1777, when nearly one
Hundred of them attacked the vilhge of BoOnsborough,
and1 killed a number of its inhabitants. On the 19th,
Colonel Logan's fort iyaS attacked by two hundred
Indians. There were only thirteen men in the fort, of
wfiom jthe enemy killed tWo ahd wounded dhe.
On the 2dth of August, Colonel Bowman arrived with
one hundred men from Virginia, with which additional
force we had almost daily skirmishes With the Indians,
who began now to learn the superiority of the "long
knife," as they termed the Virginians; being outgener
aled 1 in 'almost every action. Our affairs begari now tb
wear a better aspect, the Indians no longer daring to
face us in the open field, but sought private Opportunities
to destioy us.
On the 7ih of February, \1i0l, While on a hunting
excursion alone, I met a party bf one hundred and two
Indians arid two Frenchmen, marching to attack BoOns
borough. They pursued and took nie prisoner, and con
veyed^ me to Old Chilicothe, the principal Indian town
on little Miami, where we arrived on the 18th of Februa
ry, alter an uncomfortable journey. On the 10th of
March I was conducted to Detroit, and Whi'le there was
treated with great humanity by Governor Hamilton, the
Bjfitish commander at ihat port, and intendant for Indian
affairs. " The Indians had such ah affection for nie that they
refused 100/ sterling offered them by the Governor,
if they would consent to leave me with him, that he
might be enabled to liberate me on my parole. Sev
eral English gentlemen then at Detroit, sensible of
my adverse fortune, arid touched with sympathy, geiier-*"
biisly offered to supply my wants Vvhieh I declined
wilh flaany thanks, adding that I never expected it

INRW WARS. |2J
would be in my power to recompense such unmerite^
generosity. " On the 10th April the Indians returned with me
to Old Chilicpthe, where we arrived on the twenty-
fifth. This was a long and fatiguing march, although
through an exceeding fertile country, remarkable for
springs and streams of water. At Chiiicothe 1 spent
jny time as comfortable as I could expect ; was adopt
ed, according to their custom, ii^to a family where
1 became a son, and had a great share in the affection
of my new parents, brothers, sisters and friends. I
was exceedingly familiar and friendly with thtivft,,
always appearing as cheerful and contented as possi
ble, and they put great confidence in me. I often
went a hunting with them, and frequently gained
their applause for my activity at our shooting match
es. I was eyeful not to exceed many of them in
shooting, for no people are more envious than they in
this sport- I could pbserve in their countenances
and gestures the greatest expressions of joy when
they exceeded me, and when the reverse happened,
of envy. The Shawanese king took great \nptice of
me, and treated me with profound respect and entire
friendship, often entrusting nie to hunt at my liberty.
I frequently returned with the spoils of the woqds,
and as often presented some of what I had ta^en to
him, expressive of duty to my sovereign. My fopd
and lodging was in common with them, not so good in
deed. as 1 could desiie, but* necessity made every thing
acceptable. {1 1 now began to meditate an escape, and carefully
avoided giving suspicion. I continued at Chilicothe
until the. first day of June, when I was taken to the
salt springs on Sciotha, and there employed ten days
in the manufacturing of salt. During this (time I hunt
ed with my Indian masters, and found the land tor
a great extent about this river to exceed the soil pt
^On my return rto ChUicothe ,150 of the choicest
Indian warriors were ready to march against Boons-

128 INDIAN WARS.
borough. They were painted and armed in a fright
ful manner. This alarmed me and 1 determined to
escape. "Un the 16th June, before sun-rise, I went off se
emly, and reached Boonsborough on the 20th, a
journey of 160 miles, during which I had only one
meal. I found our fortress in a bad state, but we
immediately repaired our flanks, gates, posterns, and
formed double bastions, which we completed in ten
days. One of my fellow prisoners escaped after
me, and brought advice that on account of my flight,
the Indians had put off their expedition for three
weeks. " About the first of August 1 set out with 19 men to
surprise I'oint Creek-town on Sciotha, within four miles
of which we fell in with forty Indians going against
Boonsborough. We attacked them, and they soon gave
way without any loss on our part.
"The enemy had one killed and two wounded. We
took three horses and all their baggage. The Indians
having evacuated their town, and gone altogether
against Boonsborough, we returned, passed them on the
6th, and on the 7th arrived safe at Boonsborough.
" On the 8th the Indian army, consisting of 444 men,
under the command of Capt. Duquesne, and 11 other
Frenchmen and their own chiefs, arrived and summon
ed the fort to surrender. I requested two days consid
eration, which was granted. During this we brought
in through the posterns all the horses and other cattle
we could collect,
" On the ninth, in the evening, I informed their
commander that we were determined to defend the
fort while a man was living. They then proposed
a treaty, and said if we sent out nine men to con
clude it, they would withdraw. The treaty was
held within sixty yards of the fort, as we suspected
the savages. The articles were agreed to and signed ;
when the Indians told us it was their custom for
two Indians to shake hands with every white

INDIAN WARS. 129
man in the treaty, as an evidence of friendship. We
agreed to this also. They immediately grappled us to
take us prisoners, but we cleared ourselves of them,
though surrounded by hundieds, and gained the fort
safe, except one man who was wounded by a heavy fire
from the enemy.
" The savages now began to undermine the fort,
begining at the water mark of Kentucky river,
which is sixty yards from the fort ; this we discovered
by the water being made muddy by the clay. We
countermined them by cutting a trench across their
subterraneous passage. The enemy discovering this
by the clay we threw out of the fort, desisted. On
the 20th August they raised the seige, during which we
had two men killed and four wounded. We lost a num
ber of cattle. The loss of the enemy was 67 killed,
and a much larger number wounded. We picked up
125 pounds of their bullets, besides what stuck in the
logs of the fort.
" In July, 1779, during my absence, Col. Bowman,
with 160 men, went against the Shawanese of Old
Chilicothe. He arrived undiscovered. A battle en
sued which lasted until ten in the morning, when Col.
Bowman retreated 30 miles. The Indians collected
all their strength and pursued him, when another en
gagement ensued for two hours, not to Col. Bowman's
advantage. Col. Harrod proposed to mount a num
ber of horses and break the enemy's line, who at this
time fought with remarkable fury. .This desperate
measure had a happy effect, and the savages fled on all
sides. In these two engagements we had nine men
killed and one wounded. Enemy's loss uncertain.
Only two scalps were taken.
"June 23d, 1780, 500 Indians and Canadians un
der Col. Bird attacked Riddle and Martin's station, and
the forks of Licking river with six pieces of aitillery.
They took all the inhabitants captives, and killed one
man and two women, loading the others with the heavy-
baggage, and such as failed in the journey were toma
hawked.

130 INDIAN WARS.
The hostile disposition of the savagps caused Gen
eral Clark, the commandant at the falls of Ohio, to
march with his regiment and the armed force .of the
country against Peccaway, the principal town of the
Shawanese, on a branch of the great Miami, which
he attacked with great success, took seventy scalps,,
and reduced the town to ashes, with the loss of 17
men. " About this time I returned to Kentucky with my
family; for during my captivity, .my wile thinking
me killed by the Indians, had transported my family
and goods on horses through the wilderness, amidst
many dangers, to her father's house in North Caro
lina. "On the 6th October, 1780, soon after my set
tling again at Boonsborough, I went with my brother
to the Blue Licks, and on our return he was shot by
a party of Indians, who followed me by the scent of
a dog, which I shot and escaped. The severity of
the winter caused great distress in Kentucky, the
enemy during the summer having destroyed most of
the corn. The inhabitants lived chiefly on buffaloe's
flesh. "In the spring of 1782 the Indians harrassed us.
In May they ravished, killed and scalped a woman
and her two daughters near Ashton's station, and
took a negro prisoner. Captain Ashton pursued them
with 25 men, and in an engagement which lasted two
hours, his party were obliged to retreat, having eight
killed and four mortally wounded. Their brave, com
mander fell in the action.
"August 18th, two boys were carried off from
Major Hoy's station. Captain Holder pursued the en
emy with 17 men, who were also .defeated, with the
loss of seven killed and two wounded. Our affairs
became more and more alarming. The savages in
fested the country and destroyed the whites as op
portunity presented. In a held near Lexington an
Indian shot a man, and running to scalp him, was
himself shot from the fort, and fell dead upon the

iMMAfc WA&S. 1SI
ground. Alt the Indian nations were now united
against Us.
" August 15th, 500 Indians and Canadians came
against Bjxat*s station, five miles from LexingtonJ
They assaulted the fort and killed all the cattle
round it ; but being repulsed, .they retired the third
day, having about 80 killed; their Wounded uncer
tain. The garrison had four killed and nine woun
ded. "August 18th, Colonels Todd and Trigg, Major
Harland and myself, speedily collected 176 men, well
armed, and pursued the savages. They had march
ed beyond the Blue Licks, to a remarkable bend of
the main fork of Licking River, about 43 miles from
Lexington, where we overtook them on the 19th.
The savages observing us, gave way, and we ignorant
of their numbers, passed the river. When they saw
our proceedings, having greatly the advantage in sit
uation, they formed their line of battle from one end
of the Licking to the other, about a mile from the
Blue Licks. The engagement was close and warm
for about fifteen minuets, when we, being overpow
ered by numbers, were obliged to retreat, with the
loss of 67 men, 7 of whom were taken prisoners.
The brave and much lamented Colonels Todd and
Trigg, Major Harland and my second son, were
among the dead. We were afterwards informed
that the Indians on numbering their dead finding
that they had four more killed than we, four of our
people they had taken were given up to their young
Warriors, to be put to death after their barbarous
manner. "On our retreat we were met by Col. Logan, who
was hastening to join us with a number of well
armed men. This powerful assistance we wanted
on the day of battle. The enemy said one more fire
from us would have made them give way.
" I cannot reflect upon this dreadful scene, without
gteat sorrow. A zeal for the defence of their coun-
ipy led #tljepe herpes 'to the scene pf aetipn, though

132 INDIAN WARS.
S
with a few men, to attack a powerful army of experi
enced warriors. When we gave way, they pursued us
with the utmost eagerness, and in every quarter spread
destruction. The river was difficult to cress, and
many were killed in the flight, some just entering the
river, some in the water, others after crossing in as
cending the cliffs. Some escaped on horseback, a few
on foot ; and being dispersed every where, in a few
hours, brought the melancholy news of this unfortu
nate battle to Lexington. Many widows were now
made. The -reader may guess what sorrow filled the
hearts of the inhabitants, exceeding any thing that I
am able to describe. Being reinforced, we returned
to bury the dead, and foil 'id their bodies strewed every
where, cut and mangled in a dreadful manner.
This mournful scene exhibited a horror almost un
paralleled : some torn and eaten by wild beasts ;
those in the liver eaten by fishes; all in such a pu
trid condition that no one could be distinguished from
another. " When General Clark at the falls of Ohio, heard of
our disaster, he ordered an expedition to pursue the
savages. We overtook them within two miles of their
town ; and we should have obtained a great victory had
not some of them met us when about two hundred poles
from their camp. The savages fled in the utmost disor
der, and evacuated all their towns. We burned to ashes
Old Chilicothe, Peccaway, New Chilicothe, and Wills
Town ; entirely destroyed their corn and other fruits ;
and spread desolation through their country. We took
seven prisoners and fifteen scalps, and lost only four men,
two of whom were accidentally killed by ourselves.
This campaign damped the enemy, yet they made secret
incursions. " In October a party attacked Crab Orchard, and
one of them being a good way before the other, bold
ly entered a house in which were only a woman and
her children, and a negro man. The savage used no
violence, but attempted to carry off the ^egjto, who,
happily pfoVfed too strong for hint, atfd threW him di)

INDIAN WARS. 133
the ground, and in the struggle the woman cut off his
head with an axe, whilst her little daughter shut the
door. The savages instantly came up and applied their
tomahawks to the door, when the mother putting an old
rusty gun barrel through the crevices the savages imme
diately went off.
" From that time till the happy return of peace be
tween the United States and Great Britain, the Indians
did us no mischief. Soon after this the Indians desired
peace. "Two darling sons and a brother I have lost by sav
age hands, which have also taken from me 40 valuable
horses and abundance of cattle. Many dark and sleep
less nights have I spent, separated from the cheerful so
ciety of men, scorched by the summer's sun, and pinch
ed by the winter's cold, an instrument ordained to settle
the wilderness.
"DANIEL BOON.
" Fayette County, Kentucky."
18

CHAPTER IX.
EXPEDITION OF GEN. HARMER AND HIS DEFEAT BY
THE INDIANS.
Although a peace was at length happily effected be
tween the two contending parties, Great Britain and
America, in 1785, yet the savages who' had been per
suaded to take part with the former, were unwilling to
bury the bloody hatchet. They had not sufficiently
bathed that destructive weapon in the blood of Ameri
cans, Without any pretext whatever, they continued to
exercise toward them the most wanton acts of barbarity.
It appeared from respectable evidence that, from the year
1783, until the month of October 1790, the time the
United States commenced offensive operations against
the said Indians, that on the Ohio, and the frontiers on
the south side thereof, they killed, wounded and took
prisoners 1500 men, women and children, besides carry
ing off upwards of 2000 horses, and other property to
the amount of #50,000.
The particulars of many of the instances of barbarity
exercised upon the prisoners, of different ages and sexes,
although supported by indisputable evidence, are of too
shocking a nature to be presented to the public. It is
sufficient here to observe that the scalping knife and
tomahawk were the mildest instruments of death. That
in some cases torture by fire, and other execrable means
were used.
But the outrages which were committed upon the fron
tier inhabitants were not the only injuries that were sus
tained. Repeated attacks upon detachments of the troops
of the United States were at different times made. The
following from its peculiar enormity deserves recital. In
April, 1790, Major Doughty, in service of the United
States was ordered to the friendly Chicasaws on public
business. He performed this duty in a boat, having

INDIAN WARS. 135
with him a party of fifteen men. While ascending the
Tennessee river he was met by a party of Indians, in
four canoes, consisting principally of Shawanese and
out-cast Cherokees. They approached under a white
flag, the well known emblem of peace. They came on
board the Major's boat, received his presents, continued
with him nearly an hour, and then departed in the most
friendly manner. But they had scarcely cleared his
oars, before they poured in a fire upon his crew, which
was returned as soon as circumstances would permit,
and a most unequal combat was sustained for several
hours, when they abandoned their design, but not until
they had killed and wounded eleven out of fifteeen of
the boat's crew.
All overtures of peace failing, and the depredations
still continuing, an attempt at coercion became; indispens
able. Accordingly, on the 30th September, 1790, the
President, by and with the consent and advice of the
Congress of the United States, despatched Gen. Har
mer, with 320 federal troops and 1133 militia under his
command, to attack and destroy their principal villages.
The troops, after seventeen days march from Miami,
reached the great Miami village, without any other mo
lestation than that of having a number of their pack-
horses stolen. On their arrival they found the village
deserted, and all the valuable buildings in flames, set on
fire by the Indians. After a short tarry they proceeded
to the neighbouring villages, without molestation, and
destroyed five of them, and a large quantity of com
which they found buried in different places ; and very
large quantities of vegetables of every kind.
The first opposition that was met wilh, a party of
about 150 Kentucky militia, and 80 regular troops, all
under the command of Col. Harding, of Kentucky, Avere
detached from the main body lying in the great Miami
village, to pursue the trail of a party of Indians which
had the day before been discovered. After a pursuit of
about six miles they came up with, and were attacked
on surprise by a body of Indians who were concealed in
the thickets on every side of a large plain ; and on the

136 INDIAN WARS.
first onset the militia without exchanging a single shot,
made a most precipitate retreat and left the regular
troops to stand the whole charge of the Indians. The
conflict was short and bloody. The troops were soon
overpowered by numbers, and all fell except two or
three officers, and two or throe privates, after defending
themselves at their bayonet points with the greatest
possible obstinacy. Ensign Hartshorn was one of the
officers who providentially escaped, and his escape ap
peared to depend more on a lucky circumstance of fal
tering over a log, in his retreat, and by that means
screening himself from the eye of his pursuers, than
from any other circumstance. Capt. Armstrong, who
commanded the party, likewise made his escape, by
plunging himself into a pond or swamp up to his neck,
within 2'i0 yards of the field of action, where he re
mained the whole night a spectator to the horrid scene
of the war dance, performed over the dead and wounded
bodies of the poor soldiers that had fallen the preceding
day ; where their shrieks, mixed with the horrid yells of
the savages, rendered his situation shocking.
After this son e few skirmishes succeeded, but nothing
material, until the second capital action, which happen
ed two days after the army left the Pvliami village. At
ten miles distance from the town, the general ordered a
h;ilt, and detached from four to five hundred militia, and
about sixty regular soldiers, under the command of Ma
jor Wylleys and Col. Harding, who were ordered to
march back to the town. On their first entrance there
appeared a small body of Indians, who immediately fled
at the first onset, and by that means decoyed the whole
body of the militia, by making their flight in different
directions, and encouraging the militia to pursue. By
this stratagem the few regular troops were left alone,
and the Indians had effected their design, for the mo
ment they found the small handful of regular troops de
tached from the main body of the militia, they commen
ced the attack with their whole force, excepting their
flying parties that had divided the militia ; and although
they soon found some part of the militia returning on

INDIAN WARS. 137
their backs, pursued their object of routing and destroy
ing the troops, as the only sure plan of success ; which
after a most bloody conflict on each side, they effected.
Nothing could exceed the intrepidity of the savages
on this occasion. The militia they appeared to despise,
and with all the undauntedness conceivable, threw down
their guns and rushed upon the bayonets of the regular
soldiers, A number of them fell, but being so far supe
rior in numbers, the regulars were soon overpowered, for
while the' poor soldier had his bayonet in one Indian, two
more would sink their tomahawks in his head. The de
feat of the troops was complete. The dead and wound
ed were left on the field of action in possession of the
savages. The following is a copy of the official return of the
killi'd and wounded in the expedition :
Killed of the federal troops, 1 Major, 1 Lieutenant, 73
rank and file ; total, 75. Wounded, 3 rank and file.
Killed of the militia, t Major, 3 Captains, 2 Lieuten
ants, 4 Ensigns, 93 rank and file ; total, 108. Wound
ed, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign, 22 rank and file ; total, 28.
The regular troops all to nine, including two comriiis1-
sioned officers, were killed. AmOng the slain was" M'ajor
Wylleys, and a number of brave and valuable soldiers.
The Indians, it appeared, from some cause, did not think
it prudent to pursue their successes from the field of ac
tion, as most of the troops that were not killed or badly
wounded made their escape, which they could not have
effected had the enemy pursued with their usual fury.

CHAPTER X.

DEFEAT OF GEN- ST. CLAIR BT THE INDIANS.

GEN. ST. CLAIR TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.
Fort Washington, Nov. 9, 1791.
" Sir, " Yfsterday afternoon the remains of the army un
der my command got back to this place, and I have now
the painful task to give an account of a warm, and as
unfortunate an action as almost any that has been fought,
in which every corps was engaged and worsted, except
the first regiment, that had been detached upon a service
that I had the honour to inform you of in my last des
patch, and had not joined me.
' On the third inst. the army had reached a creek
about twelve yards wide running to the southward of
west, which I believe to have been the river St. Mary,
that empties into the Miami of the lake, arrived at the
village about 4 o'clock in the afternoon, having marched
near nine miles, and were immediately encamped upon
a very commanding piece of ground in two lines, having
the above mentioned creek in front. The right wing,
composed of Butler, Claik and Patterson's battalions,
commanded by Major General Butler, formed the first
line ; and the left wing, consisting of Bedinger and Gai-
ther's battalions, and the second regiment commanded
by Col. Drake, formed the second line, with an interval
between them of about seventy yards, which was all the
ground would allow.

INDIAN WARS. ]39
The right flank was pretty well secured by the
creek, a steep bank, and Faulkner's corps. Some of
the cavalry and their piquets covered the left flank.
The militia were sent over the creek and advanced
about one quarter of a mile, and encamped in the
same order. There were a few Indians who appeared
on the opposite side of the creek, but fled with the ut
most precipitation on the advance of the militia. At
this place, which I judged to be about 15 miles from
the Miami village, I had determined to throw up a
slight work, the plan of which was concerted that
evening with Major Ferguson, wherein to have de
posited the men's knapsacks, and every thing else
that was not of absolute necessity, and to have
moved on to attack the enemy as soon as the first
regiment was come up, but they did not permit me
to execute either ; for on the 4th, about half an hour
before sun-rise, and when the men had been just
dismissed from the parade, (for it was a con
stant practice to have them all under arms a consid
erable time before day-light,) an attack was made
upon the militia, who gave way in a very little time,
and rushed into camp through Major Butler's battal
ion, which, together with part of Clara's, they threw
into considerable disorder, and which, notwithstand
ing the exertions of both these officers, was never al
together remidied. The Indians followed close at
their heels ; the fire however of the front line checked
them, but almost instantaneously a very heavy attack
began upon that line, and in a few minutes it was ex
tended to the second likewise. The great weight of
it was directed against the centre of each, where the
artillery was placed, and from which the men were
repeatedly driven with great slaughter. Finding no
great effect from the fire, and confusio 1 beginning to
spread from the great number of men who were fall
en in all quarters, it became necessary to try what
could be done with the bayonet.
"Lt. Col. Drake was accordingly ordered to make
a charge with a part of the second line, and to turn

140 iNDtAN WARS,
the left flank of the enemy. This was executed with
great spirit, and at first promised much success. The
Indians instantly gave way, and were driven back
three or four hundred yards ; but for want of a suffi
cient number of riflemen to pursue this advantage,
they socn returned, and the troops were obliged to
give back in their turn. At this moment they had
entered pur camp by the left flank, having pursued
pack the troops that were posted there.
", Another charge was made here by the second
regiment, Butler and Clark's battalions, with equal
effect, and it was repeated several times, and always
with success ; but in all of them many men were lost,
and particularly the officers, which, with some raw
troops, was a loss altogether irremediable. In that
I just spoke of made by the second regiment, and
Butler's battalion, Major Butler was dangerously
wounded, and every officer of the second regiment
fell except three, one of which, Capt. Greaton, was
shot through the body.
" Our artillery being now silenced, and all the offi
cers killed except Capt. Ford, who was badly wound
ed, more than half of the army fallen, being cut off
from the road, it became necessary to attempt the re
gaining it, and to make a retreat if possible. To this
purpose the remains of the army was formed as well
as circumstances would admit, towards the right of
the encampment ; from which, by the way of the sec
ond line, another charge was made upon the enemy,
as if with the design to turn their right flank, but it
was in fact to gain the road. This was effected ; and
as soon as it was open the militia entered it, followed
by the troops ; Major Clark with his battalion cov
ering the rear.
" The retreat in those circumstances was, you may
be sure, a precipitate one. It was in fact a flight.
The camp and the artillery were abandoned ; but that
was unavoidable, for not a horse was left alive to have
drawn it off had it otherwise been practicable. But
the most disgraceful part of the business is, that the

INDIAN WAR'S. 141
greatest part of the men threw away their arms and ac
coutrements, even after the pursuit (which continued
about four miles,) had ceased.
" I found the road strewed with them for many miles,
but was not able to remedy it ; for having had all my
horses killed, and being mounted upon one that could
not be pricked out of a walk, I could not get forward
myself; and the orders I sent forward either to halt the
front or prevent the men from parting with their arms,
were unattended to.
" The route continued quite to fort Jefferson, 29 miles,
which was reached a little after sun-set. The action
began about half an hour before sunrrise, and the retreat
was attempted at half past nine o'clock.
" I have not yet been able to get the returns of the
killed and wounded ; but Major General Butler, Lieut.
Col. Oldham, of the militia, Majors Ferguson, Hart and
Clark,, are among the former.
"I have now, Sir, finished my melancholy tale ; a
tale that will be felt, sensibly felt, by every one that
has sympathy for private distress, or for public mis
fortune. I have nothing, Sir, to lay to the charge of
the troops but their want of discipline, which, from
the short time they had been in service, it was impos
sible they should have acquired, and which rendered
it very difficult, when they were thrown into confusion,
to reduce them again to order, and is one reason why
the loss has fallen so heavy upon the officers, who did
every thing in their power to effect it. Neither were
my own exertions wanting, but worn down with illness
and suffering under a painful disease, unable either to
mount or dismount a horse without assistance, they
were not so great as they otherwise would, or perhaps
ought to have been.
" We were overpowered by numbers ; but it is
no more than justice to observe, that though composed
of so many different species of troops, the utmost
harmony prevailed through the whole army during the
campaign. 19

142 INDIAN WARS.
" At fort Jefferson I found the first regiment,
which had returned from the service they had been
sent upon, without either overtaking the deserters
or meeting the convoy of provisions. I am not cer
tain, Sir, whether I ought to consider the absence of
this regiment from the field of action as fortunate or
otherwise. I incline to think it was fortunate ; for I
very much doubt, whether, had it been in the action the
fortune of the day had been turned ; and if it had not,
the triumph of the enemy would have been more com
plete, and the country would have been destitute of
means of defence.
" Taking a view of the situation of our broken
troops at fort Jefferson, and that there was no provis
ions in the fort, I called on the field officers fortheir
advice what would be proper further to be done ; and
it was their unanimous opinion, that the addition of
the first regiment, unbroken as it was, did not put
the army on so respectable a footing as it was in the
morning, because a great part of it was now unarmed ;
that it had been found unequal to the enemy, and
should they come on, which was probable, would be
found so again ; that the troops could not be thrown
into the fort ; because it was too small, and there was
no provision in it ; that provisions were known to be
upon the road at the distance of one or at most
two marches ; that therefore it would be proper to
move without loss of time to meet the provisions,
when the men might have the sooner an opportunity of
some refreshment, and that a proper detachment might
be sent back with it, to have it safely deposited in the
fort. " This advice was accepted, and the army was put
in motion again at ten o'clock, and marched all night,
and the succeeding day met with a quantity of flour ;
part of it was distributed immediately, part taken back
to supply the army on the march to fort Hamilton, and
the remainder about fifty horse loads, sent forward to
fort Jefferson,

INDIAN WARS. 143
" I have said, Sir, in the former part of my commu
nication, that we were overpowered by numbers ; of
that, however, 1 have no other evidence but the weight
of the fire, which was always a most deadly one, and
generally delivered from the ground, few of the en
emy showing themselves on foot, except when they
were charged, and that in a few minutes our whole camp,
which extended above three hundred and fifty yards in
length, was entirely surrounded and attacked on all
quarters. " The loss, Sir, the public has sustained by the fall
of so many officers, particularly General Butler, and
Major Ferguson, cannot be too much regretted ; but it
is a circumstance that will alleviate the misfortune in
some measure, that all of them fell most-gallantly doing
their duty. I have the honour to be, Sir, your most
obedient servant.
"ARTHUR ST. CLAIR.
*' Hon. Secretary of War,"
The defeat of General St. Clair took place within '
three miles of the Miami village. The loss on this oc
casion was about 600 killed and wounded, (said to be
nearly equal to Braddock's defeat,) with seven pieces
of artillery, and all the stores. General St. Clair had
about 1200 men ; had reason to expect an attack, and
kept his men under arms all night, drawn up in a square.
The attack commenced about dawn of day, on all the
lines, but principally on the rear lines, which was com
posed of the militia. The Indians gave one fire and
rushed on tomahawk in hand. The militia gave way
to the centre ; and before the artillery could be brought
into action the matrosses were all killed and it fell into
the hands of the enemy.
It was retaken, but was useless, for want of men to
manage the pieces. The action was continued obsti
nately until nine o'clock, when the troops gave way.
St. Clair rallied his men, and brought them off in toi-

144 INDIAN WARS.
erable order, with most of the wounded, to fort Jeffer
son, thirty miles in the rear of the action. The enemy
pursued five miles.
The following is a return of the officers killed and
wounded in the engagement :
Killed, 1 Major General, 1 Lieut. Colonel, 5 Majors^
II Captains* 10 Lieutenants* 9 Ensigns, 1 Surgeon^
Total 38.
Wounded, 2 Lieut. Colonels, 1 Major, 1 1 Captains,
6 Lieutenants, 6 Ensigns, 1 Surgeon. Total, 27.
Besides the above, there was about 550 privates
killed and. many more wounded. Few officers of dis
tinction escaped, except Gen. St. Clair, who had many
narrow escapes. Eight balls passed through his clothes.
The attack was conducted with astonishing intrepid
ity on the part of the Indians. In a few moments
the General's tent was surrounded. However, he was
rescued by a party of regular soldiers, who repelled
the enemy with fixed bayonets. There was a party
of the Chickasaw nation on their way to join General
St. Clair, but did not arrive in season. There was but
one fellow only of that nation in the action, who killed.
and scalped eleven of the enemy with his own hands.
and engaging with the twelfth, he fell, greatly lamented
by the Americans.
Major General Butler was wounded and carried to a
convenient place to have his wounds dressed, but an In
dian having discovered the place to which he was con
veyed, broke through the troops who attended him, and
tomahawked and scalped the former, before he was
killed by the troops.
Agreeable to the statement of the. Indians, they
killed 650 of the American troops, and took seven
pieces of cannon, 200 oxen and a great number of
horses, but no prisoners } and that their loss was only
56 warriors killed. They stated that they were 4000
strong, and were commanded by one of the Mis.^asago
Indians, who had been in the British service in the
late war; that he planned and conducted the attack,

INDIAN WARS. 145
which was even contrary to the opinions of a majority
of the chiefs ; and that, after the Americans began
to retreat, he told the Indians they had killed enough,
and that it was proper to give over the pursuit, and re
turn and enjoy the booty they had taken. He was six
feet in height, about 45 years of age, of a very sour and
morose countenance, and apparently very crafty and
subtle. His dress was Indian hose and moccasons,
a blue petticoat that came half way down his thighs,
and European waistcoat and surtout. His head was
bound with an Indian cap that came half way down
his back, and almost entirely filled with plain silver
broaches to the number of more than 200, He had
two ear-rings to each ear ; the upper part of each
was formed of three silver medals about the size of
a dollar ; the lower part was formed of quarters of
dollars, and fell more than 12 inches from the ears ;
one from each ear over his breast ; the other over his
back. He had three very large nose jewels of silver
that were curiously painted-
The party of friendly Chickasaws, who were on their
way to join the American troops arrived at fort Jefferson
two days after the bloody action. They were com
manded by Piomingo, or the mountain leader. On their
way they discovered that the troops had been defeated,
and saw one of the enemy, who, mistaking Piomingo's
party for some of his own comrades, made up to them.
He perceived his mistake, but too late to retreat. He
was accosted by Piomingo with " Rascal, you have been
killing white men." He endeavoured to excuse himself,
but Piomingo ordered two of his warriors to expand his
arms, and a third, an old man (for says Piomingo,
" none of my young men shall disgrace themselves so
much as to kill a wretch like thee") to shoot him through
the heart ; which was accordingly executed. They
afterwards took off his scalp.
During St. Clair's bloody engagement, Adjutant
Buigess received two wounds, the second of which
proved mortal. After the receipt of the first he contin-

146 INDIAN WARS.
tied to fight with distinguished gallantry ; ihe second
unfortunately stopped his progress. Faint with the loss
of blood, he fell. A woman who attended him, and was
particularly attached to him, raised him up, while 'sup
porting him in her arms received a ball in her breast
which put an immediate end to her existence !
Soon after Ensign Wilson (a much lamented youth)
fell, one of the savages attempted to take off his
scalp, which Colonel Drake perceiving, he hastened to
the spot, and with his sword stabbed the miscreant
through the body. INDIANS DEFEATED.

A few weeks after the defeat of the troops under
General St. Clair, General Scott despatched from the
men under his command two spies to reconnoitre the
enemy, who, when they arrived at the distance of a few
miles from the fatal spot where the bloody action was
fought, they discovered a large party of Indians divert
ing and enjoying themselves with the plunder they had
taken, riding the bullocks, &c. and appeared to be
mostly drunk. The men returned and communicated
the important information to General Scott, who there
upon immediately divided his troops into three divisions,
advanced and fell on the enemy by surprise. The con
test was short but victorious on the part of the Ameri
can troops. Two hundred of the enemy were killed
on the spot, all the cannon and stores in their possession
retaken, and the remainder of the savage body put to
flight. General Scott losing but six men, returned
to head quarters in triumph, with most of the cattle,
stores, &c.
General Scott gave the following affecting account
of the appearance of the field on which the bloody ac
tion between the American troops under General St.
Clair and the savages was fought : " The place had a
very melancholy appearance. Nearly in the space of

INDIAN WARS. 147
350 yards lay three hundred skull bones, which were
buried by my men while on the ground ; from thence
for five miles on, and the roads through the woods, was
strewed with skeletons, muskets, &c."
DEFEAT OF MAJOR M'MAHON.
On the 29th of July 1794, Major M'Mahon marched
with eighty riflemen, under the command of Captain
Hartshorn, and fifty dragoons under the command of
Captain Taylor, for fort Recovery, as an escort to three
hundred pack horses loaded with flour for that garrison ;
on the morning, following, after they had deposited their
loading, and were preparing to set out on their return,
they were attacked by an army of twelve hundred In
dians. Captain Hartshorn, who had advanced with the
riflemen about a quarter of a mile into the woods, im
mediately took post on a very strong commanding piece
of ground near the garrison, and with unparalleled
bravery, maintained the unequal fight till Major M'Ma
hon, who had put himself at the head of the cavalry
was killed as was Captain Taylor, and Cornet Terry,
and many of the men wounded. The enemy now put
their force against Capt. Hartshorn, and in the moment
when they were pushing to cut off his communication
with the garrison, Lieutenant Drake and Ensign Dodd
sallied out at the head of twenty brave fellows, who turn
ed out voluntarily on the occasion, and joined him, after
beating the enemy at. the point of the bayonet. At this
instant the brave Captain Hartshorn received a shot
which broke his thigh. Lieutenant Craig was killed,
and Lieutenant Marks taken prisoner. Lieutenant
Drake now ordered a retreat, and on endeavouring to
hold the enemy in check so as to give the men time to
save Captain Hartshorn, he received a shot in the groin.
The enemy now pressed so hard as to compel the merj to
leave their Captain.
Great numbers of the Indians must have been killed,
as they came forward in solid columns up to the muzzle
of the guns. Lieutenant Michael, who was with Capt.

148 INDIAN WARS.
Hartshorn, but whom he had detatched with a few ac
tive men to the flank of the enemy, was now missing ;
and while their companions in the fort were deploring
their fate, and had given them up as lost, they saw him
and Lieutenant Marks rushing through the thick of the
enemy at opposite directions, and although numbers of
guns were fired at them, they got in safe. Lieutenant
Michael lost every man of his party except three,
and Lieutenant Marks got off by knocking down the
Indian who took him.
The Indians were observed to carry off great numbers
of killed and wounded on pack-horses. The loss of
the Americans was twenty-three killed, -and about forty
wounded. The party commanded by Captain Harts
horn brought in ten scalps of the enemy.

CHAPTER XI.

DEPREDATIONS OF THE INDIANS ON THE FRONTIERS.
On the 19th December, 1791, as two men and thfee
boys were fishing on Floyd's fork of Salt River, they
were suddenly attacked by a party of Indians, who kill
ed the two men and made prisoners of the boys. Soon
after they liberated one of the lads, first presenting him
with a tomahawk, which they desired him to carry to
his friends and inform them what had become of his
companions. About the 20th a party of Indians attacked the
house of a Mr. Chenoweth, situated near the mouth
of the Wabash. They killed ^ind scalped two of his
children and tomahawked and scalped his Wife, whom
they left for dead. Mr. C. (who had his arm broken
by the fire of the savages,) with the remainder of
the family made their escape. A sick daughter
who was confined to her chamber, and who, during the
bloody affray, had been forgotten by her father, remain
ed ignorant of the horrid massacre until the succeeding
day ; when no one of the family coming to her assist
ance, she succeeded in crawling down stairs, where she
was inexpressibly shocked at the sight of a beloved pa
rent stretched upon the floor, almost, lifeless, and at the
side of whom lay the mangled bodies of her dear broth
ers- Fortunately, her unhappy father returned the suc
ceeding day to the house, and conveyed the two surviv
ing members of his family to the house of a friend,
where they finally recovered.
On the 24th a party of Indians attacked the dwell
ing house of a Mr. John Merril in Nelson county,
Kentucky. Mr. Merril, who was first alarmed by the
harking of his dog, hastened to the door to dis-
20

150 INDIAN WARS.
cover the cause ; on opening of which he received
the fire of the Indians which broke his right leg and
arm. The Indians now attempted to enter the
house, but were prevented by the door being imme
diately closed and secured by Mrs. Merril and her
daughter. The Indians succeeded in hewing away
a part of the door, through which passage one of
them attempted to enter, hut the heroic mother, in
the midst of her screaming children and groaning
husband, seized an axe and gave the ruffian a fatal
blow ; after which she hauled' him through the pas
sage into the house ! The others unconscious of the
fate of their companion, supposing that they had
now nearly succeeded in their object, rushed forward ;
four of which Mrs. Merril in like manner despatched
before the others discovered their mistake. The
remaining Indians, after retiring for a few moments,
returned and renewed their efforts to enter the
house. Despairing of succeeding at the door they
got on the top of the house and attempted to descend
the chimney ; to prevent which Mr. Merril, directed
his little son to empty upon the fire the contents of
a feather-bed, which had the desired effect, as the
smoke and heat caused thereby soon brought down
rather unexpectedly, two of the enemy. Mr. Merril,
exerting every faculty at this critical moment, seized
a billet of wood with which he soon despatched the
two h;ilf smothered Indians, while in the mean time his
heroic, wife was busily engaged in defending the door
against the efforts of the only remaining one, whom she
so severely wounded with an ax^ that he was soon glad
to retire
A prisoner who escaped from the enemy soon after
the transaction, informed th it the wounded savage
above mentioned was the. only one that escaped of the
p;ut\. which consisted of eight; that on his return be-
i.'ij- asked by the prisoner " wh:it news," he answered
'• bad news for poor Indian, me lose a son, me lose a
brother; the squaws hnve taken the bre sen, clout and
fight worse than the ' long knives !' "

INDIAN WARS. 151
COPT OP A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN RESIUINfi AT THE WESTWARD,
TO A FRIEND IN NEW-YORK, DATED
" Marietta, Feb. 1, 1792.
"Our prospects are much changed. Instead of
peace and friendship with our Indian neighbours, a
horrid savage war stares us in the face. The Indians
instead of being humbled by the destruction of the
Shawanese towns, and brought to beg for peace, ap
pear determined on a general war, in which our set
tlements are already involved. On the evening of
the 2d instant they fell on a settlement about forty
miles up the Muskingum, surprised a block-house,
killed fourteen persons and carried off three others.
The persons killed are, John and Philip Stacy, sons
to Colonel Wm. Stacy from New-Salem ; Ezra Put
nam, son to Major Ezra Putnam, from Middletown,
in Massachusetts ; John Camp, from the same place ;
Jonathan Farewell, James Cash, and William Patton,
from New-Hampshire ; Zebulon Throop, from Barre ;
William James, from Connecticut; Joseph Clark,
from Rhode-Island ; a man by the name of Meeks
with his wife and children, from Virginia. These
were all killed in and at the block-house. Francis
and Isaac Choat from Lancaster, and one Shaw, who
kept a hut about fifty rods from the block-house,
was not found by the party that went out, and it is
hoped that they are prisoners. What number of In
dians were concerned in this mischief, or from what
tribe, we know not ; but from those Indians who
till lately used to visit our settlements every day
withdrawing themselves entirely from our sight ever
since the expedition against the Shawanese, there is
little reason to doubt but the Delawares and the Wyan-
dots, as well as others, have had a hand in this nefarious
business. " It is impossible for me to give a just idea of the
distress into which this event has thrown the inhabi
tants, especially those of the out settlements. ^ For
my own part I have for some time been of opinion,

152 INDIAN WARS.
that the spring would open with a general attack on
the frontiers, in which event I did not expect we
should escape, unless government should timely send
troops for our protection, which we were in hopes
would be the case. But it seems the enemy are de
termined to take advantage of our defenceless situa
tion. I consider this event as the forerunner of
other attacks of a more serious nature, and which
may involve us in complete ruin, unless prevented
by government immediately taking measuses for our
protection. To their protection I conceive we al
ways had an indisputable claim, which claim, if pos
sible, is increased by the circumstances that have
brought us under the resentment of the Indians, and at
least, in some measure produced the mischief that we
are fallen into."
COPY- OF- A LETTER FROM A GENTLEftLAN IN KENTUCKY TO HIS FRIEND
IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED "March 3, 1792.
" As to the Indians, they have been troublesome
all winter. Since October last 60 persons have been
killed within the limits of this district, beside a num
ber destroyed on the Ohio ; among whom is our old
acquaintance, Mr. John May, late of Botetoute, whose
exit deserves notice, because he was actuated by mo
tives of humanity. The affair is thus: related by a
captive that has lately made his eseapefiom the Indians,
who was a spectator, and an unwilling instrument in the
Tragedy. "Mr May, in descending the Great Kanhawa and
Ohio, about the 20th of February last, discovered
on the western shore of the fatter, near the mouth
of Sciota, a white man, who with a plaintive voice,
was calling, for God's sake, to come an take a poor
prisoner on board, that was endeavouring to escape
from the savages. This had the desired effect. Mr
May ordered the boat towards the Shore, and
did not discover bis mistake untH the Indrans rose

INDIAN WARS. 153
up from their ambush, fired, shot him dead, and
wounded some others of the passengers on board,
who immediately endeavoured to make off; but being
told in the English tongue, they should have good
quarters, surrendered without resistance. The Indians,
however, on boarding the boat massacreed all without
discrimination. Two days after, the same party at
tempted to decoy three large boats ashore that were
coming dovvn from foit Pitt, but luckily they discovered
in time, and our people sheered off. The enemy, being
prepared, manned one of their boats with about thirty
warriors, and gave chase. The crew of two of the
boats, fearing they might be overtaken, quitted them
and went on board the best sailer, where they
threw overboard all their horses, and some heavy
articles, and plied all their oars to effect their
escape. The Indians also exerted themselves in the
pursuit, keeping on a steady course for about twenty
miles, notwithstanding twenty-four well armed white
men were on board the American boat, with one of
our Colonels of militia.
*' Thus, for want of a little resolution and skill a
favourable opportunity was lost, to destroy a number
of the vile enemies of the human race. The Indians,
on their return, took possession of the two boats that
were abandoned, and found in them 17 horses, 5000
dollars worth of merchandize, and considerable prop
erty, belonging to the emigrants.
" Fort M'Intosh, on the Ohio, was a short time since
attacked by a party of the Indians. Tbey secreted
themselves near the fort and succeeded in killing the
sentinel on duty. They then rushed into the fort and
discharged their pieces on those within. One man only
was wounded who, in endeavouring to escape, was
tomahawked by an Indian. One ball just grazed the
temple of Capt. Forbes, who commanded the guard,
and four others struck the log above his head, the splin
ters and bits of which cut his face, and left it as if scar~
ified. The garrison consisted of twenty men. and there
were about forty of the enemy.

154 INDIAN WARS.
" Thus, Sir, we find that Indian treaties do not se
cure our country from the depredations of the savages.
Ourlasthope now -is that the President of the United
States will, ere long, adopt such measures as will prove
the efficiency of the Federal Government, to protect the
citizens of the United States, however remotely situated
from the seat of government."

COPY OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN SOUTH CAROLINA
TO A FRIEND IN NEW-YORK, DATED
Charleston, August fl, 1792.
" An express arrived from General Pickens and Col.
Anderson, which brings advices to the Governor, stating,
that a general Indian War on the western frontiers
of the Southern States seems inevitable ; that by intel
ligence from the country of the Creeks, all the tribes
except the Custawas are determined for war, urged by
Galphin, the successor of M'Gillivray ; and that they
have already commenced hostilities within the Carolina
line, a party of them having killed and scalped a man on
Tugaloo. We hear His Excellency has ordered one
third of the militia in the upper districts to be drafted and
held in readiness for immediate service, should the sav
ages make further depredations on the frontiers.
" Yesterday evening a gentleman arrived here from
Augusta, who informed us that six of the Creek towns
with a number of Cherokees, had declared war against
the United States, and were actually marching under
the command of Bowles and Galphin to attack the
frontiers. " On the 22d ult., the Indians, thirty-seven in num
ber, came to the house of a Mr Richard Thresher
in Augusta, and fired upon and killed Mr Thresher, two
children and a negro woman. Mrs. Thresher to avoid
if possible the fate with which she was threatened
fled with an infant of about five or six weeks old in
her arms, and leaped into the river. The Indians
pursued, shot her through each thigh and right

INDIAN WARS. 155
breast, stabbed her in the left breast with a knife,
cut her left arm nearly off, and then scalped her.
In this horrid situation she remained until the neigh
bours could assemble in sufficient numbers to cross
the river and pursue the Indians. As the first canoe
was crossing she had strength enough to call for
assistance. They went, found her hanging by a bush
in water nearly up to her chin, her infant at the bot
tom of the river, a few yards from her. She lived
24 hours, and when informed by her physician that it
was impossible for her to survive much longer, she,
with a fortitude that is rarely to be met with, called
her friends around her, and in a calm but pathetic
manner, gave her hand to each one, wishing them a
better fate than had "befallen herself and family ; and
when, after her speech failed, as neighbours were
constantly coming in, she continued to give her hand
until about five minutes before she resigned her
breath, which was without a groan.
" Mrs Thresher was about 25 years of age, of a
respectable family and elegant person, and possessed
an uncommon education.
" On Thursday the 24th, two men were killed in
Franklin and 40 horses carried off; and since the
accounts above received, all the inhabitants on the
frontiers have retreated into forts, without arms or
ammunition. At one meeting of near 40 persons,
they could only muster five old muskets ; and to
heighten the horror of their condition, the Indians
were momentarily expected.
" As similar murders were daily committed, it call
ed up the spirit of 800 gallant fellows, who marched
last week against the savages, determined to revenge
the cruelties perpetrated upon the infant, the mother
and the defenceless.
" To see the country all in forts breaking up,
leaving their farms, their corn and their houses burnt
up, is truly distressing. At this time nearly half the
country are in forts.

156 INDIAN WARS.
" Capt. Kenton with about 35 men, went up
the Ohio in order to intercept the Indians who took
Morgan's station, fell in with a trail of a party of In
dians on the waters of point Creek, coming into the
settlement. He followed them, and at night ob
serving he was near them, sent forward some spies
to discover their fires. Unluckily the spies fell in
with their camp, and before they discovered it the
Indians were alarmed by a dog which flew out at the
spies ; upon which the Indians fired on them. The
spies returned the fire. Upon hearing the firing the
whole of the party came up, and the Indians retreat
ed, leaving their baggage ; among which was a quan
tity of powder, lead and blankets. Kenton had one
man killed. It is supposed two Indians were killed
and carried off, from some discoveries that were made
next morning." COPY of A LETTER FROM FORT WASHINGTON DATF.D.
"April 20 1792.
" On Tuesday morning the 6th hist. Major Adair,
with 120 volunteers from Kentucky, having charge
of a large number of pack-horses laden with provi
sions, destined for the advanced posts, was most dar
ingly attacked by nearly and equal party of Indians,
although under cover of fort St. Clair ; notwithstand
ing which, and that our people fought desperately,
the Indians drove them into the fort and carried off
all their provisions and horses, both pack and cavalry,
save about twenty killed and four wounded, and
stripped the camp of every thing, carrying the whole
off with most audacious insult and triumph. But
as soon as tbe party were resupplied with ammu
nition from the garrison, they sallied forth near a
quarter of a mile from the enemy ; but too late to
recover the booty which the Indians had made. The
courage and daring spirit of the people were par
ticularly conspicuous on this occasion, as they fought
almost under the, guns of the fort. Our loss was one

INDIAN WARS. 157
captain and ten private* killed, and some wounded,
besides horses and provisions, estimated at 15,000
dollars. Two of the. enemy were found de.id a short
distance from the field of action. If these Indians had
writers among them, what honorable testimony and
eulogy might they not give of the noble spirit and
heroic bravery, of the native American character, rather
than depreciate it as the Europeans do. Two of our
men have lately made their escape from the Miami vil
lages and arrived here, who give an account of a mock
fight lately exhibited by the Indians assembled there,
and to divert their squaws and children. It was in rid
icule of General St. Clair's disposition of his troops on
the 4th of November last, and of his flight before the
Indians, who pursued him and his army whilst the other
plundered his camp. They have given out that they
mean to celebrate this event annually by a like sham
fight and a great dance, to be called General St. Clair's
fight and dance. It is to be hoped we yet shall have an
opportunity to retaliate and to teach our enemy to
amuse themselves at our expense in a less ludicrous
manner. It seems that General St. Clair's field of ac
tion was on a branch of the Wabash, 24 leagues from
the Miami towns, which are now inhabited by the hos
tile Indians.
" A letter from a correspondent, on whose veracity
we can rely, in the territory of the United States
south of the river Ohio, dated the 17th ult., states,
that every thing wears a gloomy aspect on the west
ern frontiers ; that about the last of December the
Cherokees sent in peace talkers to Governor Blount,
which were only intended to facilitate, the commis
sion of further depredations by them, when the
guards from out posts were withdrawn ; that from
the 16th to the 26th of January, the Indians killed
and wounded nineteen persons in Cumberland, among
whom was Edwin Shelby, brother to the Governor cf
Kentucky ; that four of the Chickamogga towns, and
the upper Creeks have declared war ; that th
Creeks have killed a family in the county of Georgia

158 INDIAN WARS.
that the barbarity exercised by them in this massacre
was enough to make human nature shudder at the
bare recital. They butchered them like so many
dogs, caught their blood and bowels, exposed them to
view, and then gave the whole to a tame bear to
devour; that the Cherokees had killed two Creeks,
wounded several, and taken two prisoners ; that the
Creeks threaten to retaliate, and cut them all off;
that the inhabitants of the territory are waiting with
impatience for the general government to afford them
succour and protection ; that treaties with the savages
will avail nothing, as what promises they make to-day
they will not hesitate to break to-morrow."
COPY OF A LETTER FROM MR. JOHN CORBZY, A BAPTIST MINISTER,
TO HIS FRIEND IN PHILADELPHIA, DATED
"Muddy Cseek, Penn. Sept. 1, 1792.
" Dear Sir,. " The following are the particulars of the
destruction of my unfortunate family by the savages.
On the 10th of May last, being my appointment to
preach at one of my meeting houses, about a mile
from my dwelling house, I sat out with my loving
wife and five children, for public worship. Not sus
pecting any danger, I walked behind a few rods with
my Bible in my hand, meditating. As I was thus
employed, on a sudden I was greatly alasmed by
the frightful shrieks of my dear family before me,
1 immediately ran to their relief with all possible
speed, vainly hunting a club as I ran. When within
a few yards of them, my poor wile observing me,
cried out to me to make my escape. At this instant
an Indian ran up to shoot me. 1 had to strip, and by
so doing out-ran him. My wife had an infant in her
arms, which the Indians killed and scalped. After
which they struck my wife several times, but not
bringing her to the ground, the Indian who attempted
to shoot me approached her and shot her through
the body. After which they scalped her 1 My

INDIAN WARS. 1-V
little son, about six years old, they despatched by sink
ing their hatchets into his brains ! My little daugh
ter, four years old, they in like manner tomahawked
and scalped ! My eldest daughter attempted an
escape by concealing herself in a hollow tree, about
six rods from the fatal scene of action. Observing
the Indians retiring, as she supposed, she deliberately
crept from the place of her conoealment, when one
of the Indians who yet remained on the ground,
espying her, ran up to her, and with his tomahawk
knocked her down and scalped her. But, blessed
be God, she yet survives, as does her little sister
whom the savages in like manner tomahawked and
scalped. They are mangled to a shocking degree,
but the doctors think there are some hopes of their
recovery. " When I supposed the Indians gone, I returned to
see what had become of my unfortunate family, whom,
alas, I found in the situation above described. No one,
my dear friend, can form a true conception of my
feelings at this moment. A view of a scene so shock
ing to humanity quite overcome me. I fainted, and
was unconsciously borne off by a friend who at that
instant arrived to my relief.
" Thus, dear sir, have I given you a faithful though
a sbort narrative of the fatal catastrophe ; amidst which
my life is spared, but for what purpose the Great
Jehovah best knows. Oh, may I spend it to the praise
and glory of his grace, who worketh all things after
the counsel of his own will. The government of the
world and the church is in his hands. I conclude
with wishing you every blessing, and subscribe myself
your affectionate though afflicted friend, and unworthy
brother in the gospel ministry. "JOHN CORBLY."

On the 27th September, 1702, as five gentlemen
(Messrs. Jacobus Taller, Isaac Arnold, James Stew
art, Daniel Barclay, and Isaac Van Alstyne,) were

160 INDIAN WARS.
on their way to Detroit, at a place called the Burdle,
on Lake Erie, they were suddenly attacked by four
Mahagon or Delaware Indians, armed with muskets
and tomahawks, who fired on them and killed Mr.
Taller and Mr. Barclay dead on the spot, and wound
ed Mr. Arnold. They then rushed on with their
tomahawks. One attacked Mr. Arnold, who, after
a smart struggle, in which he received several wounds
in his head, disengaged himself, and having a musket
at the instant presented him by Mr. Stewart, snapped
it at the Indian, who immediately thereupon with the
three others fled to the woods. As soon as they
had disappeared, Mr. Arnold and his companions hast
ened to the shore of the lake, in which they launched
their batteau, but when about thirty rods from the
shore, they were hailed by Mr. Van Alstyne, who dur
ing the bloody contest had secreted himself in the
bushes. He begged of his companions to return and
take him on board, on which Mr. Arnold requested him
to proceed a few rods down the lake to a point of
land, where he could more conveniently take him
in. Mr. Van Alstyne, it was supposed, misunder
standing his friend, proceeded directly up the lake,
to the very spot where the Indians were then assem
bled, who with their tomahawks instantly despatched
him ; alter which they followed the two survivors,
in an old canoe, two or three miles down the lake,
but being unable to overtake them they discontinued
the pursuit.
COPY OF A LETTER FROM A GENTLEMAN IN MARIETTA TO HIS FRIEND
I.V WASHINGTON, DATED
" Marietta, March 4, 1793.
" About two weeks since two brothers by the name
of Johnson, one twelve the other nine years of age,
were playing on the western bank of Short Creek,
about twelve miles from this, skipping stones in the
water. At a distance they discovered two men, who
appeared to be settlers, being dressed with coats and

INDIAN WARS. 161
hats. These men, to amuse and deceive the children,
engaged in the same sport, advancing toward the boys
till by degrees they got so near that the children dis
covered them to be Indians ; but it was then too late
to make their escape. The Indians seized and carried
them six miles into the woods, where they made a fire,
and took up their lodgings for the night. Their
rifles and tomahawks they rested against a tree, and
then laid down, each Indian with a boy on his arm.
The children as may be supposed kept awake. The
eldest began to move, and finding his Indian sound
asleep, by degrees disengaged himself and went to
the fire, which had then got low, and stirred it up ;
the Indian not waking, he whispered to his brother,
who likewise crept away, and both of them went to the
fire. " The eldest boy then observed to his brother,
" I think we can kill these Indians, and get rid of
them." The youngest agreed in the proposal of
attempting it. The oldest then took one of the
rifles, and placed the muzzle, which he rested on a
small stick, that he found for the puipose, close to
the head of one of the Indians, and committing the
execution of this part of the business to his brother,
ordered him to pull the trigger at the moment he saw
him strike the other Indian with one of the tom
ahawks. The oldest gave the signal ! The young
est pulled the trigger. The rifle shot away the
lower part of the .Indian's face, and left him senseless;
he then told his brother to lay on, for he had done
the deed for his ; after which he snatched up the
gun and ran. The boy with the tomahawk gave the
stroke with the wrong end. The Indian started on
his seat. The boy found the mistake, and turning
the tomahawk in his hand, gave him another blow
which brought him to the ground. He repeated his
strokes until he had despatched him, and then made
the best of his way after his brother. When the
boys had found the path which they recollected to
have travelled before, the eldest fixed his hat on a

162 INDIAN WARS.
bush, as a directory to find the scene of action the
next day. The tomahawked Indian was found near
the place where the boys had left him. The other
was not there ; but was tracked by his blood, and
although so weakened by his wounds that he could
not raise his rifle to fire at the pursuers, they suffer
ed him to escape ; but it is supposed he must have
died of his wounds. These two Indians were sent
out to reconnoitre the best place for an attack, which
was to have been made by a body of warriors, waiting
in the neighborhood."

COPV OP A LETTER FROM COL. ROBERTSON, TO GENERAL WASH
INGTON, DATED "Nashville, February 1, 1798.
" Sir — By accounts received from the Chickasaw
nation of Indians, we are informed that at a grand
council of their warriors, it was unanimously deter
mined i o commence active operations against the whites.
The Cherokees they expect will join them. The
white inhabitants in this quarter are drawing together,
and are doing every thing possible for their defence,
but I fear without some timely assistance we shall all
fall a sacrifice to the wanton barbarity of our savage
foes, who we expect are now on their way to this
place to the number of 1000. Major Hall and his
eldest son fell a sacrifice to their fury two days ago,
near Bedloe's Lick. They have killed about 24 per
sons in the course of a few months in this settlement,
besides a great number more near it.
" From Burke county we learn, that on the eleventh
instant two men, a woman and her infant daughter,
were scalped at Williams's Swamp, on the Ogeche
river, by a party of Indians. The little girl, to deter
them from their cruel design, held out a bottle of honey,
telling them it was rum, begging them in the mean
time to spare her life. They told her they did not
want rum, but her hair ! They knocked her down and

INDIAN WARS. 163.
scalped her, hut we are happy to learn she is in a fair
way of recovery.
" By a letter from Kentucky I am informed that the
Indians have done more mischief in that state the
present year than for at least four years past. Scarce
a boat can pass below Limestone but what is attacked
by them. Six or seven have been captured, some with
very valuable lading. By a prisoner who escaped from
them a short time since, we are informed that the In
dians have procured a boat, or rather a kind of float
ing battery, with the sides built high and rendered
bullet proof. This boat is stationed near the mouth of
the Great Miami. They a few days since captured a
boat in which were a Captain Ashley and his family.
A son of the Captain having been very spirited in the
opposition, the savages immediately put him lo death,
cut out his heart, and broiled it, which they afterwards
devoured in the presence of the unhappy father, who has
since made his escape."
COPY OP A LETTER FROM GEN. CLARKE TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE
GOVERNOR OF THE STATE OP GEORGIA, DATED
" Long Creek, Sept. 24, 1793.
" Sir — I had certain information that a man was
killed on the fourteenth near Greensborough, by a party
of six or seven Indians ; and that on the sixteenth Col.
Barber, with a small party, was way-laid by fifty or
sixty Indians, by whom three of his party were kill
ed. This, together with a variety of other accounts
equally alarming, determined me to raise what men I
could in the course of twenty-four hours, and march
with them to protect the frontiers; in which space of
time I collected 164 men, chiefly volunteers, and pro
ceeded to the place where Col. Barber had been attack
ed, where I found the bodiesof ihe three men mention
ed above, mangled in a shocking manner, and aftei I had
buried them, proceeding on the trail of the murder
ers as far as the south fork of the Oakmulgee, where,
finding I had no chance of overtaking them, I left it

164 INDIAN WARS.
and went up said river, until I met a fresh trail of
Indians coming in towards our frontier settlements, I
immediately turned and followed this trail until the
morning of the twenty-first, between eleven and twelve
o'clock, when I come up with them. They had just
crossed a branch, called Jack's Creek, through a thick
cane brake, and were encamped and cooking »n an
eminence. My force then consisted of 130 men, thirty
having been sent back on account of their horses hav
ing been tired and lost I drew up my men in three
divisions, the right commanded by Colonel Free
man and Major Clark, who were ordered to sur
round and charge the Indians, which they did with
such dexterity and spirit that they immediately drove
them from their encampment back into the cane
brake, where, finding it impossible for them to escape,
they obstinately returned our fire until half past four
o'clock, when they ceased except now and then a
shot. " During the latter part of the action they seized
every opportunity of escaping by small parties, leav
ing the rest to shift for themselves. About sun-set
I thought it most advisable to draw off, as the men
had suffered for want of provisions nearly two days,
and for want of water during the action, but more
particularly to take care of the wounded, which amount
ed to eleven ; and six killed. From every circum
stance I am certain there were not less than twenty-five
Indians killed, and probably double that number wounded.
In short they were totally defeated, with the loss of
their provisions, clothing, &c, consisting of the follow
ing articles : four muskets, thirty-two brass kettles, and
one hundred large packs, containing blankets, match-
coats, boots, moccasons, tomahawks, pipes, upwards of
one hundred halters and bridles, &c. from all of which I
judge their number was fully equal to ours. Colonel
Freeman and Major Clark distinguished themselves,
and from the spirit and bravery with which the whole of
my little party acted during the action, I do not believe
that had we met them in the open woods we should

INDIAN WARS. 165
have been more than five minutes in destroying
them all.
" While I was on this excursion, two skirmishes,
happened near Greensborough, in one. of which, one
man was wounded, and in the other six stand of
arms were lost, being guarded by only two men, while
the rest of the party were gathering fodder.
" I am, Sir, with the utmost respect, your Excellen
cy's most obedient, and very humble servant,
'.' B. CLARKE, Brig. Gen.
" His Ex. George Mathews, Governor of Georgia."
Copy of a letter from an officer in the service of the
United States, to his friend in New- York, dated
" Buffaloe Creek, Sept. 27, 1793.
" I left fort Franklin the third instant, and arrived
here the eleventh in the evening, at the house of
Mr. Winney, who informs me that upwards of four
thousand hostile Indians were now assembled at the
Miami villages, and that their number was daily
increasing. Captain Powel and several other gen
tlemen of the British army dined with me yesterday,
and from their conversation I am perfectly con
vinced that the Indians are supported by the Brit
ish in the war against us. Indeed, Captain Powel
told me, that all the • intentions of the Indians was
well known to them, and the Indians were their al
lies, and of course they must support them. He
also informed me that ten scouts of hostile Indians
were then out to strike on the frontiers, and that
they would soon strike the Six Nations. — Some of
the chiefs of the hostile Indians passed here about
five days ago on their way to Canada, but what their
business is I cannot learn."
22

CHAPTER XII.

DEFEAT OF THE INDIANS BY GEN. WAYNE

GEN- WATNE TO THE SECRETARY OF WAR.

" Sjr— It is with infinite pleasure that I announce
to you the brilliant success of the federal army un
der my command, in a general action with the com
bined force of the hostile Indians, and a considera^
ble number of volunteers and militia of Detroit, on
the 20th of August, 1794, on the banks of the Mi-
amis, in the vicinity of the British post and garri
son at the foot of the rapids.
" The army advanced from fort Washington on
the fifteenth and arrrived at Roach de Bout on the
eighteenth, and on the nineteenth we were employed
in making a temporary post for the reception of our
stores and baggage, and in reconnoitering the position
of the enemy who were encamped behind a thick
bushy wood and the British fort
" At eight o'clock on the morning of the 20th,
the army again advanced in columns agreeably to
the standing order of the march ; the legion on the
right, its right flank covered by the Miamis ; one
brigade of mounted volunteers on the left, Under
Brig. Gen. Todd, and the other in the rear under
Brig. Gen. Barbee. A select battalion of mounted vol
unteers moved in front of the legation commanded by
Major Price, who was directed to keep sufficiently ad
vanced and to give timely notice for the troops to form in
case of action, it being yet undetermined whether the
Indians would decide for peace or war.
" After advancing about five miles, Major Price's

INDIAN WARS. 167
corps received so severe a fire from the enemy, who
were secreted in the woods and high grass as to
compel them to retreat.
" The legion was immediately formed in two
lines, principally in a close thick wood which ex
tended for miles on the left, and for a very con
siderable distance in front, the ground being cov
ered with old fallen timber, probably occasioned
by a tornado, which rendered it impracticable for
the cavalry to act with effect, and afforded the en
emy the most favourable covert for their mode of
warfare. The savages were formed in three lines
within supporting distance of each other, and ex
tending for near two miles at right angles with
the river. I soon discovered from the weight of
the fire and extent of their lines that the enemy
were in full force in front in possession of their
favourite ground, and endeavouring to turn our left
flank. I therefore gave orders for the second line
to advance to support the first, and directed Major
General Scott to gain and turn the right flank of
the savages, with the whole of the mounted vol
unteers by a circuitous route. At the same time
I ordered the front line to advance and charge
with trailed arms, and rouse the Indians from their
coverts at the point of the bayonet, and when up
to deliver a close and well directed fire on their
backs, followed by a brisk charge so as not to give
them time to load again, or to form their lines. —
I also ordered Captuki M. Campbell, who command
ed the legionary cavalry, to turn the left flank of
the enemy next the river, and which afforded a fa
vourable field for that corps to act in. All these
orders were obeyed with spirit and promptitude;
but such was the impetuosity of the charge by the
first line of infantry, that the Indians and Cana
dian militia and volunteers were drove from all their
eo verts in so short a time that although every pos
sible exertion was used by the officers of the se-

168 INDIAN WARS.
cond line of the legion, and by Gens. Scott, Wood
and Barbee, of the mounted volunteers, to gain
their proper positions but part of each could get up
in season to participate in the action, the enemy be
ing drove in the course of one hour more than two
miles through the thick woods already mentioned, by
less than one half their number.
" From every account the enemy amounted to two
thousand combatants. The troops actually engaged
against them were short of nine hundred. This horde
of savages, with their allies, abandoned themselves
to flight and dispersed with terror and dismay,
leaving our victorious army in full and quiet pos
session of the field of battle, which terminated un
der the influence of the guns of the British gar
rison, *' The bravery and conduct of every officer belong
ing to the army, from the Generals down to the En
signs, merit my approbation.
" Lieutenant Covington, upon whom the command
of the cavalry devolved, (Captain Campbell being
killed,) cut down two savages with his own hand,
and Lieutenant Webb one, in turning the enemy's left
flank. " The wounds received by Captains Slough,
Prior, Van Rensajaer and Rawlins, and Lieutenants
M'Kenny aud Smith, bear honourable testimony of
their bravery and conduct. In fact every officer and
soldier who had an opportunity to come into action,
displayed that true bravery which always ensure suc
cess. And here permit me to declare that I have nev
er discovered more true spirit and anxiety for action
than appeared to pervade the whole of the mounted
volunteers ; and I am well persuaded, that, had the en
emy maintained their favourite ground for one half hour
longer, they would have most severely felt the- prowess
of that corps.
" But whilst I pay this just tribute to the living,
I must not neglect tho gallant dead, among whom we

INDIAN WARS.

169

have to lament the early death of those worthy and
brave officers, Captain Campbell and Lieutenant
Towles, who fell in the first charge.
" The loss of the enemy was more than double
to that of the federal army. The , woods were
strewed for a considerable distance with dead bo
dies of Indians and their white auxiliaries, the lat
ter armed with British muskets and bayonets. We
remained three days and nights on the banks of
the Miami, in front of the field of battle, during
which time all the houses and cornfields were con
sumed and destroyed for a considerable distance a-
bove and below the garrison, among which were
the houses, stores and property of Col. M'Kee, the
British Indian agent and principal stimulator of the
war now existing between the United States and
the savages.
" The army returned to head-quarters on the twenty-
seventh, by easy marches, laying waste the villages
and cornfields for about fifty miles on each of the
Miamis. It is not improbable but that the enemy
may make one desperate effort against the army, as
it is said a reinforcement was hourly expected at
fort Miamis from JNiagara, as well as numerous
tribes of Indians living on the margins and islands
of the lakes. This is an event rather to be wished
for than dreaded, whilst the army remains in force,
their numbers will only tend to confuse the savages,
and the victory will be the more complete and decisive,
and which may eventually insure a permanent and hap
py peace.
" The following is a return of the killed, wound
ed and missing of the federal army, in the late ac
tion, to wit :
" Killed, 1 Captain, 1 Lieutenant, 3 Sergeants, 28
privates. Total 33.
" Wounded, 4 Captains, 2 Lieutenants, 1 Ensign,
4 Sergeants, 8 Corporals, 2 Musicans, 84 privates.
Total 100.

170 INDIAN WARS.
" I have the honour to be, your most obedient and
very humble servant. "ANTHONY WAYNE.
" To the Secretary of War."
The following circumstances which took place pre
vious to, and during General Wayne's engagement, are
worthy of" record.
At the instant Captain Campbell was attempting
to turn the left flank of the enemy, three of them
plunged into the river. Two friendly negroes be
ing on the opposite side, and observing the In
dians making if'or the shore, they placed themselves
on the bank behind a log, and as soon as the In
dians approached within shot, one of the negroes
fired and killed one of the Indians ; the other two
got hold of him to drag him out, when the other
negro fired and killed anothei ; the remaining Indian
got hold of both the dead to pull them ashore when the
negro who killed the first having again re-loaded, fired
and killed the third, and they all floated down the
river. Another circumstance is also related, viz. A sol
dier, soon after the conclusion of the action, pro
ceeding some distance from the camp, met an In
dian ; they attacked each other, the soldier with his
bayonet, and the Indian with his tomahawk. Some
of the soldiers passing by that way two days after,
found them both dead, the soldier with his bayonet in
the body of the Indian, and the Indian with his toma
hawk in the soldier's head.
The following circumstances took place previous
to the action : A Mr. Wells, who, when very young,
was taken prisoner by the Indians, and had resid
ed several years among them, had made his es
cape and was employed by General Wayne as a
spy. The day before the action he was taken by the
Indians, who determined to put him to death. Find
ing it impossible to escape, he informed them that
General Wayne had not five hundred men under

INDIAN WARS. 171
his command, and did not expect an attack. On
hearing this, the Indians attacked General Wayne with
a confidence inspired by their supposed superiority of
numbers, and were repulsed as before mentioned. Af
ter the action, Major Campbell, in whose custody the
Indians had left Wells, inquired his motives for deceiv
ing them ; he answered, " for the good of my country."
For this heroic action he was unfeelingly delivered to
the Indians, in whose hands it supposed he experienced
every torture that savage barbarity could invent or in
flict. The circumstances respecting Mr. Wells were
related by a British drummer, who deserted from the
fort to Generril Wayne.
A council of Indians was held a few days after their
defeat by General Wayne, in which British agents en
deavoured to persuade them to risk another action ; but
this they refused to do, expressing a willingness to bury
the bloody hatchet and return to their homes. Their
loss they declared to be two hundred, and that their
whole force at the commencement of the action
amounted to one thousand and five hundred Indians,, and
eighty Canadians. The body of the collector of Niaga
ra was found among the slain.
But so long as the savages are furnished with all the
necessary warlike stores, by foreign emmissaries and
traders at Detroit, we have no reason to suppose that
they Will be much disposed to maintain a long peace
with the Americans.
The latter ought certainly to take immediate pos
session of posts that were ceded to thein more than
eight years since. Until this is done, the frontiers of
the Western States cannot rest in security, although
formidable armies may be sent against the Indians ; in
deed so long as these garrisons afford them an assylum
and succour on all occasions.

CHAPTER XIII.
Governor Harrison's engagement with TH* savages on
THE WABASH.
We should have been extremely happy to have closed
the list of savage barbarities with the last chapter ;
but, after a cessation of hostilities on their part of
more than sixteen years, we find them once more col
lecting in a formidable body on our frontiers, and (in
stigated by a blood-thirsty savage of the Shawanoe
tribe, termed " the Prophet," commencing an unpro
voked attack on the American troops stationed thereon.
The conduct of the Wabash Indians becoming sus
picious to our government, in consequence of their
many thievish excursions and hasty preparations for an
offensive attack, Governor Harrison, with two thousand
men, (three hundred and fifty regulars and the remain
der militia) were ordered to proceed from the neighbour
hood of Vincennes to the line, and demand of the
Prophet the object of his real intentions. The troops
commenced their march on the 26th September, and
nothing important occurred until their arrival on the
line, where they remained near a month, and built a
strong fort, which in honour to the Commander-in-
Chief, was called Fort Harrison. The Indians in a
friendly manner almost every day visited the camp, and
held councils with the Governor, but would not ac
cede to his terms, which were, that their leader [the
Prophet] should give up the property stolen from the
Americans ; and send all their warriors to their differ
ent tribes ; the Governor < therefore determined on
attacking them. On the 29th of October, 1811, the
troops left fort Harrison and took up their line of
march for the Prophet's town, where they arrived on
the 6th of November. When within about half a mile

INDIAN WARS. 173
©f the town, the troops formed the line of battle,
which the Indians perceiving, sent three of their
chiefs with a flag of truce, begging that their lives
might be spared, pledging themselves that they would
not take up the tomahawk against the troops, and that
if they would encamp near the. town, in the morn
ing they would come to such terms as the Gover
nor should propose. This lulled the troops into secur
ity, and they encamped about half a mile back of the
town. Fifteen minutes before five o'clock the next
morning, the savages commenced a furious attack on
the left flank of the troops, but not a single gun was
fired by the sentinels on the guard in that direction,
nor did they make the least resistance, but abandoned
their officer and fled into camp ; and the first notice
which the t roops of that flank had of the danger, was
from the yells of the savages within a short distance
of the line ; but even under those circumstances, the
men were not wanting to themselves or to the occa
sion. Such of them as were awake, or were easily
awakened, seized their arms and took their stations ;
others which were more tardy, had to contend with
the enemy in the doors of their tents. The storm first
fell upon Captain Barton's company of the fourth U. S.
regiment, and Captain Geiger's company of mounted
riflemen, which formed the left angle of the rear line.
The fire upon these was excessively severe, and they
suffered considerably before relief could be brought
to them. Some few Indians passed into the encamp
ment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to some
distance before they were killed.
Under all these discouraging circumstances, the
troops, (nineteen twentieths of whom had never been
in action before,) behaved in a manner that can never
be too much applauded. They took their places
without noise and with less confusion than could have
been expected from veterans placed in a similar situa
tion. As soon as the Governor could mount his horse
he rode to the angle that was attacked. He found
23

174 INDIAN WARS.
that Barton's company had suffered severely, and the
left of Geiger's entirely broken. He immediately or
dered Cook's company and the late Captain Went-
worth's, under Lieutenant Peters, to be brought up
from the centre of the rear line, where the ground was
much more defensible, and formed across the angle
in support of Barton and Geiger's. His attention
was there engaged by a heavy firing upon the left of
the front line, where were stationed the small compa
ny of the United States riflemen (then however arm
ed with muskets,) and the companies of Baen, Snell-
ing and Prescott, of the fourth regiment. He found
Major Daveiss forming the dragoons in the rear of those
companies, and understanding that the heaviest part
of the enemy's fire proceeded from some trees about
fifteen or twenty paces in front of those companies, he
directed the Major to dislodge them with a part of the
dragoons. Unfortunately the Major's gallantry de
termined him to execute the order with a smaller
force than was sufficient, which enabled the enemy to
avoid him in front and attack his flanks. The Major
was mortally wounded, and his party driven back.
The Indians were however immediately and gallantly
dislodged from their advantageous position, by Captain
Snelling at the head of his company. In the course
of a few minutes after the commencement of the at
tack, the fire extended along the left flank, and part
of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted riflemen,
and the right of Warwick's company, which was
posted on the right of the. rear line, it was excessively
severe. Captain Spencer and his first and second lieu
tenants were killed, and Captain Warwick was mortal
ly wounded. Those companies, however, still bravely
maintained their posts, but Spencer had suffered so
severely, and having originally too much ground to
occupy, the commander reinforced him with Robb's
company of riflemen, which had been driven, or by
mistake ordered from their position on the left flank
towards the centre of the camp, and filled the va
cancy that had been* occupied by Robb, with Pres-

INDIAN WARS. 175
cott's company of the fourth United States regiment.
His great object was to keep the lines entire, to pre-"
vent the enemy from breaking into the camp until
day-light, which should enable them to make a gen
eral and effectual charge. With this view he had
reinforced every part of the line that had suffered
much ; and as soon as the approach of morning dis
covered itself, he withdrew from the front line, Snell-
ing, Poesy (under Lieutenant Albright,) and Scott's
companies, and from the rear line Wilson and Norris's
companies, and drew them up upon the left flank ; at
the same time ordered Cook and Baen's companies, the
former from the rear and the latter from the front line,
to reinforce the right flank ; foreseeing that at these
points the enemy would make their last efforts. Major
Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing
his intentions precisely, had taken the command of
these companies, had charged the enemy before he had
formed the body of dragoons, with which he meant
to support the infantry ; a small detachment of these
were ready, and proved amply sufficient for the pur
pose. The Indians were thrown into coufusion and
driven by the infantry at the point of the bayonet, and
the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh,
where they could not be followed. Captain Cook and
Lieutenant Larabee had marched their companies to
the right flank, had formed them under the fire of the
enemy, and being then joined by the riflemen of that
flank, they charged the Indians, killed a number, and
put the rest to a precipitate flight.
The action was maintained with the greatest obsti
nacy and perseverance by both parties. The Indians
manifested a ferocity quite uncommon even with them.To
their savage fury our troops opposed that cool and deliber
ate valor which is characteristic of the Christian soldier.
Captain Spencer was wounded in the head. He ex
horted his men to fight valiantly. He was shot
through both thighs, and fell, still continuing to en
courage them. He was raised up, and received a
ball through his body, which put an immediate end to

176 INDIAN WARS.
his existence. Captain Warwick was shot immediately
through the body. Being taken to the surgery to be
dressed, as soon as it was over (being man of great bod
ily vigour and still able to walk,) he insisted upon going
back to head his company, although it was evident that
he had but a few hours to live.
There were about 179 of the troops killed and
wounded. It was supposed the enemy were about
700 strong, and what they lost about 400 in the en
gagement. The day succeeding the action, the troops
set fire to their town and destroyed every thing valua
ble, and the morning ensuing struck their tents and com
menced their march for Vincennes, where they arrived
in safety after a most fatiguing campaign of 55 days,
and marching the distance of 320 miles.
The following is a list of the killed and wounded of the
army, in the engagement.
Killed, 1 Aid-de-camp, 1 Captain, 2 Subalterns, 1
^Sergeant, 2 Corporals, 30 privates.
Wounded, since dead, 1 Major, 2 Captains, 22 pri
vates. Wounded, 2 Lieutenant Colonels, 1 Surgeon's mate,
2 Captains, 3 Subalterns, 9 Sergeants, 5 Corporals, 1
Musician, 102 privates.
Total killed and wounded, 188.
Names of Officers killed and wounded, as per general
return.
General Staff: Killed, Col. Abraham Owens, Aid-
de-camp to the Commander in Chief.
Field and Staff: Wounded, Lieut. Col. Joseph Bar
tholomews, commanding Indiana militia; Lieut. Colo
nel Luke Decker, of do. ; Major Joseph H. Daviess,
since dead, commanding a squadron of dragoons ; Dr.
Edward Scull, of the Indiana militia ; Adjutant James
Hunter, of mounted riflemen.
United States Infantry, including the late Captain
Whitney's rifle company : Wounded, Captain W. C.
Baen, acting Major, since dead ; Lieutenant George P.
Peters, Lieutenant George Gooding, Ensign Henry
Burchstead.

INDIAN WARS. 177
Colonel Decker's detachment of Indiana militia ;
Wounded, Captain Jacob Warwick, since dead.
Major Redman's detachment of Indiana militia ;
Wounded, Captain John Norris.
Major Wells's detachment of mounted riflemen;
Wounded, Captain Frederick Geiger.
Captain Spencer's company, including Lieut. Ber
ry's detachment of mounted riflemen ; Killed, Captain
Spier Spencer ; First Lieut. Richard M'Mahan, Lieut.
Thomas Berry.
Copy of a letter from Gov. Harrison to the Honourable
Secretary of War, dated
" Vincennes, Dec. 4, 1811.
" Sir — I have the honor to inform you that two
principal Chiefs of the Kickapoo of the praire arriv
ed here bearing a flag, on the evening before last. They
informed that they came in consequence of a message
from the Chief of that part of the Kickapoos which
had joined the Prophet, requiring them to do so, and
that the said chief is to be here in a day or two. The
account which they give of the late confederacy under
the Prophet is as follows : —
"The Prophet with his Shawanoes is at a small
Huron village, about twelve miles from his former resi
dence, on this side the Wabash, where also are twelve or
fifteen Hurons. The Kickapoos are encamped near
the Tippicanoe. The Potawatomies have scattered
and gone to different villages of that tribe. The
Winnebagoes had all set out on their return to their
own country, excepting one chief and nine men who
remained at their former village. The latter had at
tended Tecumseh in his tour to the southward, and
had only returned to the Prophet's town the day be
fore the action. The Prophet had sent a message to
the Kickapoos of the praire, to request that he might
be permitted to retire to their town. This was posi
tively refused, and a warning sent to him not to come

178 INDIAN WARS.
there. He then sent to request that four of his men
might attend the Kickapoo chief here. This was also
refused. " These chiefs say on the whole, that all the tribes
who lost warriors in the late action attribute their misfor
tune to the Prophet alone ; that they constantly reproach
him with their misfortunes, and threaten him with death;
that they are all desirous of making their peace with the
United States ; that the Prophet's followers were fully
impressed with a belief, that they could defeat us with
ease ; that it was their intention to have attacked us at
fort Harrison if we had gone higher; that the attack
made on our sentinels at fort Harrison was intended to
shut the door against the accommodation ; that the
Winnebagoes had 40 warriors killed in the action, and
the Kickapoos 11, and 10 wounded; that they have
never heard how many Pottawatomies and other tribes
were killed ; that the Pottawatomie chief, left by me on
the battle ground, is since dead of his wounds, but that
he faithfully delivered my speech to the different tribes,
and warmly urged them to abandon the Prophet and sub
mit to my terms,
" I cannot say, Sir, how much of the above may be
depended on. I believe, however, that the statement
made by the chief is generally correct, particularly with
regard to the present disposition of the Indians. It is
certain that our frontiers have never enjoyed more pro
found tranquility than at this time. Before the expe
dition, not a fortnight passed over without some vexa
tious depredation being committed. The Kickapoo
chiefs certainly tell an untruth, when they say that there
were but 11 of this tribe killed and 10 wounded. It is
impossible to believe that fewer were wounded than
killed. They acknowledge, however, that the Indians
have never sustained so severe a defeat since their ac
quaintance with the white people.
I have the honor to be, &c.
« WM. HENRY HARRISON.
" Hon. Wm, Etjstis, Secretary of War."

CHAPTER XIV.
ENGAGEMENT WITH THE INDIANS, DURING THE LATE WAR
WITH GREAT BRITAIN.
In the course of the late war which prevailed be
tween America and Great Britain, the latter having en
gaged many of the savages in her cause, Gen. Harrison
(who was appointed to the command of the volunteers
and drafted militia of Ohio, &c.) held a council with a
number of Indian Chiefs who had professed neutral sen
timents, to whom he made three propositions : " to take
up arms in behalf of the United States — to remove
within the lines and remain neutral — or, to go to the en
emy and seek their protection." After a short consul
tation, many of them accepted the first, and made prep
arations to accompany him in the invasion to Canada.
The hostile Indians, however, continued to make inroads
into the settlements, and committed frequent barbari
ties. The first of September, 1812, a considerable body of
British and Indians proceeded from fort Maiden, to lay
waste the frontiers of Ohio. A principal object appears
to have been the capture of fort Wayne. They burnt
several valuable buildings, and killed many of the inhab
itants : among whom was a brother of Gov. Meigs.
On the 8th of November, a detachment of 700 men,
commanded by Col. Campbell left Franklinton on an
expedition against the Miami Indians, residing at the
head of the Wabash. On the 17th December, they
reached one of their villages, killed 8 warriors, and
took 36 prisoners. They set fire to the village, and
encamped a few miles therefrom. A little before the
break of day, they were attacked by the exasperated
savages in their camp, shouting and yelling horribly.

180 INDIAN WARS.
The Americans sustained the attack until day-Iighty
when the Indians were charged and dispersed with the
loss of thirty-five killed. The loss of the American
troops was eight killed and twenty-nine wounded.
On ihe 14th of January, 1812, Colonel Lewis was
despatched to attack a large body of Indians encamped
near the river Baisin. On the 18th the attack com
menced ; on the first onset the savages raised their ac
customed yell, but the noise was drowned in the return
ing shouts of their dauntless assailants. They advanc
ed boldly to the charge and drove them in all directions.
On the first fire sixteen of the Indians fell. About
forty were killed. Colonel Lewis's party lost twelve
killed and fifty-two wounded.
On the 18th, General Winchester proceeded with a
reinforcement of eight hundred men to the village of
Frenchtown. On the 22d, they were attacked by a
combined force of the enemy under the command of
Tecumseh and Proctor. The American troops were
in a moment ready for the reception of the enemy.
The right wing sustained the attack for about thirty
minutes, when, overpowered by numbers, they retreat
ed over the river, and were met by a large body
of Indians. The troops finding their retreat cut off,
resolved to sell their lives as dear as possible, and fought
with desperation ; but few of these brave fellows,
however, escaped the tomahawk. The left wing with
equal bravery maintained their ground within their
pickets. The Indians and regulars made three different
charges upon them, but the troops, with the most de
termined bravery and presence of mind, reserved their
fire until the enemy advanced within point blank shot ;
they then opened a most galling fire upon them, and
mowed down their ranks until they were compelled to
retreat in confusion. The Americans lost nearly four
hundred men in killed and wounded, and missing, The
courage of brave men was never more severely tested.
The party that sought a retreat at the commencement
of the action, were closely pursued, surrounded and liter
ally cut to pieces by the savages. Not one escaped
the scalping knife !

INDIAN WARS. 181
On the thirtieth of January, Gen. Harrison despatch
ed Captain Lamor, Doctor M'Keenhan and a French
man with a flag of truce to Maiden. They encamp
ed the first night near the rapids, and hoisted the
white flag ; but this was not respected. The Indians
fired upon them while asleep, killed Lamor, wounded
Doctor M'Keenhan and took him and the Frenchman
prisoners. General Harrison received information that a large
body of Indians were collected on Presque Isle, near
the Miami, on the ninth of February proceeded with a
detachment to attack them. The enemy fled on
the approach of the troops, which pursued them al
most to the river Raisin, but without being enabled
to overtake them. Such was their desire to come up
with the foe that they marched 60 miles in 24 hours.
The hostile Indians continued to make inroads in
to the settlements, and committed many murders.
An event took place, however, that served in some
measure to check the audacity of the Indians. As
Colonel Ball, with a small squadron, was descending the
Sandusky, the foremost of his party were fired upon
by a band of eighteen or twenty Indians, who had placed
themselves in ambush for the purpose of intercepting
the mail carrier. The Colonel instantly charged upon
them, and drove them from their hiding place. The
ground was favourable for cavalry, and the savages
finding neither mercy nor the possibility of escape,
whooped and shouted horribly, and fought desperate
ly till they were all to a man cut to pieces. Colonel
Ball was twice dismounted, and opposed in personal
contest to an Indian of gigantic stature. It was a
desperate and doubtful struggle ; life was at stake ;
both exerted to the utmost. An officer rode up and res
cued the Colonel, by shooting the Indian through the
head. Not an Indian after this ventured to cross the
Sandusky in quest of plunder.
On the first day of August, General Proctor appeared
with 500 regulars and about 800 Indians of the
most ferocious kind, before fort Stephenson, 20 miles
24

182 INDIAN WARS.
above the mouth of the river Sandusky. There were
not more than one hundred and thirty-three effective men
iii the garrison, and the works covered one acre of
ground. The object of the enemy was to make such a
disposition of his forces as to prevent the escape of the
garrison, provided they should attempt it. A messen
ger was then sent to demand the surrender of the
fort. He was met by Ensign Shipp, to whom the
messenger observed that General Proctor had a con
siderable body of regular troops, and a great many
Indians, whom it was impossible to controul, and if
the fort was taken by force, he must expect that the
mildest instruments made use of would be the toma
hawk and scalping knife ! Shipp replied, that it was
the commander's intention to defend the garrison or
be buried in it, and that they might do their worst.
The messenger, startled at the reply of Shipp, again
addressed him : " You are a fine young man, I pity
your situation, for God's sake surrender, and prevent
the dreadful slaughter which must inevitably follow
resistance !" The gallant Shipp turned from him
with indignation, and was immediately seized by a
frightful looking savage, who attempted to wrest his
sword from him, but the Ensign was fortunately too
quick for him, and buried the blade to the hilt in his
body, and succeeded in reaching the fort in safety.
The attack now commenced. About four P. M. all the
enemy's guns were concentrated against the north
western angle of the fort, for the purpose of making
a breach. To counteract the effect of their fire, the
commander caused that point to be strengthened by
means of bags of flour, sand and other materials, in
such a manner that the balls of the enemy did but
little injury. But the enemy supposed that their fire
had sufficiently shattered the pickets, advanced to the
number of six hundred to storm the place, the Indians
shouting in their usual manner. As soon as the ditch
was pretty well filled with the copper-coloured assail
ants, the commander of the fort ordered a six pound
er, which had been masked in the block-house, to be

INDIAN WARS. 183
discharged. It had been loaded with a double
charge of musket balls and slugs. The piece com
pletely raked the ditch from end to end. The yell
of the savages was at this instant horrible. The
first fire levelled the one half in death ; the second
and third either killed or wounded all except eleven,
who were covered by the dead bodies. The Amercans
had but one killed and seven slightly wounded. Early
the ensuing morning the few regulars and Indians that
survived, retreated down the river, abandoning all their
baggage. While Proctor was investing fort Stephenson, Tecum-
seh, with a band of 2000 warriors and British troops,
approached fort Meigs, but was soon driven therefrom.
It was the general opinion of the inhabitants that there
were 1500 Indian warriors under Marpot and Split-log,
(Indian Chiefs,) lurking in the woods between the riv
ers Rouge and Huron of Lake St. Clair.
On the 2nd October arrangements were made for pur
suing the retreating enemy up the Thames. The army
was put in motion on the morning of the 4th. General
Harrison accompanied Col. Johnson, and was followed
by Gov. Shelby with the infantry. Having passed the
ground where the enemy had encamped the night before,
the General directed the advance of Col. Johnson's reg
iment to accelerate their march, for the purpose of as
certaining the distance of the enemy.
The troops had now advanced within three miles of
the Moravian town, and within one mile of the enemy.
Across a narrow strip of land near an Indian village, the
enemy were drawn up in a line of battle, to prevent the
advance of the American troops. The British troops
amounted to 600 ; the Indians to more than 1200.
About 150 regulars, under Col. Ball, were ordered to
advance and amuse the enemy, and should a favourable
opportunity present to seize his cannon. A small party
of friendly Indians were directed to move under the
bank. The regiment of Col. Johnson was drawn up in
close column, with its right a few yards distant from the
road. Gen. Desha's division covered the left of John-

184 ^NDIAN WARS.
son's regiment. Gen. Cass and Commodore Perry vol
unteered as aids to Gen. Harrison.
The army advanced till the mounted men received the
fire of the enemy, at the distance of about 200 yards.
The charge was now beat, and in an instant 1000 caval
ry were put in motion ; the right, led on by Col. John
son, broke through the enemy's line and formed in the
rear. The Indians and British were appalled at so un
expected an onset. The whole Was the work of a mo
ment. Indeed, had the enemy shown the least disposi
tion to resist, the greater part would have been put to the
sword. Never was terror more strongly depicted in the
countenances of men than in those of the affrighted sav
ages !
On the left the contest was much more serious. Col.
Johnson, whose regiment was there stationed, receiving
a galling fire from the Indians, who seemed not disposed
to give ground. The brave Colonel gallantly led his men
into the midst of them, and was personally attacked by
a chief, whom he despatched with his cutlass at the mo
ment the former was aiming a blow at him with his tom
ahawk. The savages, finding the fire of the troops too
warm for them, fled across the hills and attempted to
seek shelter in a piece of woods on the left, where they
were closely pursued by the cavalry. It was at the mar
gin of the wood that Tecumseh stationed himself, armed
with a spear, tomahawk, &c. endeavouring to rally and
persuade his men to return to the attack. At this point
a considerable body of Indians had collected ; yet, re
gardless of danger, the heroic Johnson rushed into the
midst of them ; indeed so thick were they at this mo
ment that they could have 'easily reached him with their
arrows. He rode a white horse, and was pointed out by
Tecumseh as an officer of rank. His horse was shot
under him, and his clothes, saddle and person pierced
with bullets. At the moment his horse fell, Tecumseh
rushed towards him with an uplifted tomahawk, to give
the fatal blow ; but in this perilous predicament his pres
ence of mind did not forsake him. He drew a pistol
from his holster and laid this distinguished warrior dead

INDIAN WARS. 185
at his feet. He could do no more. The many wounds
that he had received, and the loss of blood deprived him
of strength to stand. He received five shots, three in
the right thigh, and two in the left arm. Fortunately
for him, at the moment of Tecumseh's fall, the savages
gave way, which saved him from their tomahawks. No
less than 6 of Col. Johnson's men and 22 Indians fell
within 25 yards of the spot where Tecumseh was
killed. [See Frontispiece.]
.The Indians continued a brisk fire from the margin of
the wood until a fresh regiment was called into action
to oppose them. A company of cavalry having crossed
the hills and gained the rear of the savages, the route
became general. The enemy fought bravely, and sus
tained a heavy loss in killed and wounded. The death
of their leader, Tecumseh, was an irreparable loss to
them. Tecumseh was the most extraordinary Indian that has
ever appeared in history. He was by birth a Shawa-
noese, and would have been a great man in any age or
nation. Independent of the most consummate courage
and skill as a warrior, and all the characteristic acute-
ness of his race, he was endowed by nature with the
attributes of mind necessary for great political com
binations. His acute understanding, very early in life,
informed him that his countrymen had lost their import
ance ; that they were gradually yielding to the whites,
who were acquiring an imposing influence over them.
Instigated by these considerations, and, perhaps, by his
natural ferocity and attachment to war, he became a de
cided enemy to the whites, and imbibed an invincible
determination (he surrendered it with his life,) to regain
for his country the proud independence he supposed she
had lost. For a number of years he was foremost in
every act of hostility committed against those he con
ceived the oppressors of his countrymen, and was equal
ly remarkable for intrepidity as skill, in many combats
that took place under his banner. Aware, at length, of
the extent, number and power of the United States, he
became fully convinced of the futility of any single na-

186 INDIAN WARS.
tion of red men attempting to cope with them. He
formed, therefore, the grand scheme of uniting all the
tribes east of the Mississippi into hostility against the
United States. This was a field worthy of his great
and enterprizing genius. He commenced in the year
1809 ; and in the execution of his project he displayed
an unequalled adroitness, eloquence and courage. He
insinuated himself into every tribe from Michilimackiu-
ack to Georgia, and was invariably successful in his at
tempts to bring them over to his views. He played up
on all their feelings, but principally upon their superstion,
and sometimes assumed the character of a prophet, and
carried with him a red stick, to which he attached cer
tain mystical properties, and the acceptance of which
was considered as the joining of his party ; hence the
name of Red Sticks applied to all Indians hostile to
the United States. Unfortunately for Tecumseh, but
happily for the United States, was it, that before his
plan had become matured, before his arrangements for
general hostility were perfected, before in fact he had
brought into the field any of his forces, his brother made
a premature attack upon the forces of the United States
under the command of Gen. Harrison, in the summer of
1811, at Tippecanoe, in which he suffered a signal de
feat. This disaster marred the prospects of the gallant Te
cumseh ; his own soul was unshaken ; but it damped
the ardour of his associates ; and although many con
tinued firm in their warlike attitude, nor shrunk from a
contest that had commenced with defeat, all the efforts
of Tecumseh were unavailing to supply the links thus
broken in his chain of operations. The war against
England, declared soon after this event by the United
States, opened new views to the talents of Tecumseh.
His merits were duly appreciated by the British govern
ment, and they made him a brigadier general in their
service. At the head of his formidable warriors he
more than once turned the scale of victory againstjthe
Americans, and laid down his life for the cause he had
espoused.

INDIAN WARS. 187
The day after the battle, the American troops took
possession of the Moravian towns, where they found
great quantities of such provisions as were very accepta
ble to the troops. Among the trophies of the day, cap
tured from the British, were six brass field pieces that
had been surrendered by Hull, on two of which was
the motto — " Surrendered by Burgoyne at Saratoga !"
The town was found deserted and so panic-struck were
some of the squaws in their flight, that they are said to
have thrown their papooses into the river, to prevent
their being butchered by the Americans ! The Indians
who inhabited this town had been very active in com
mitting depredations upon the frontiers, massacreing
the inhabitants, &c, for which reason the town was de
stroyed by the troops previous to their leaving it.
Soon after the return of Gen. Harrison to Detroit,
the Ottawas, Chippcwas, Pottawatomies, Miamies and
Kickapoos, proposed a suspension of hostilities, and
agreed to " take hold of the same tomahawk with the
Americans, and to strike all who were or might be ene
mies of the Uuited States." They offered their women
and children as hostages. Walk-in-the-water, a distin
guished Chief who had taken an active part in the late
engagement, waited upon the General in person to im
plore peace. The white flag which he bore in his hand
attracted a great crowd, who were struck with admira
tion at the firmness with which this distinguished warrior
passed through the ranks of the American troops, whom
he so gallantly opposed but a few days before ; yet his
adverse fortune was calculated to depress his spirits and
produce humility. Almost all the other chiefs had been
killed or had surrendered themselves prisoners, and he
was without the means of living or resisting.

CHAPTER XV.
CREEK WAR, MASSACRE AT FORT MIMS, BATTLE Al
TALLUSHATCHES, TALLEGADA, &C.

The enemy, apparently disposed to enlist the savages
in the war, at its commencement despatched messen
gers to several of the Indian tribes in the Mississippi
Territory, distinguished by the names of Creeks, Choc-
taws and Chickasaws, to persuade them to take a part
with them in their contest wilh the United States. The
most friendly relations had subsisted between these
tribes and the United States for many years : and the
latter, dictated by a generous policy, had been successful
in their endeavours to introduce among them the im
provement of civilized society. But so ardent is the
propensity of the Indian character for war, that many
were induced to commit the most wanton and unprovok
ed acts of barbarity upon the Americans.
The most experienced and well disposed Chiefs,
aware of the evils a War with the United States must
produce upon the tribes, made use of their best endeav
ours to suppress their acts of cruelty; but those
determined on War were not disposed to listen to the
dictates of discretion or wisdom, and commenced
open hostilities against the United States by one of
the most bloody massacres recorded in Indian history.
The particulars of the bloody transaction are copied
from a letter of Judge Toulman, dated September
7th, 1813.
" The dreadfy catastrophe which we have been
some time anticipating has at length taken place.
The Indians have broken in upon us, in numbers and

INDIAN WARS. 189
fury unexampled. Our settlement is overrun, and our
country, I fear, is on the eve of being depopulated.
The accounts which we received led us to expect an
attack about the full moon of August ; and it was known
at Pensacola, when the ammunition was given to the
Indians who were to be the leaders of the respective
parties destined to attack the different parts of our
settlement. The attempt made to deprive them of their
ammunition, issued by the Spaniards on the recom
mendation of a British General on their way from Pen
sacola, and in which it was said the Indians lost more
than 20 men, although only one third of our people
stood their ground, it is highly probable in some mea
sure retarded their operations ; and the steady succes
sion of rain contributed to produce the same effect.
Had their attempt been conducted with more judgment
and supported with more vigour, there would have been
an end, for a time, of Indian warfare. In consequence
of the delay, our citizens began to grow careless and
confident ; and several families who had removed from
Tensaw to fort Stoddert, returned again and fell a sacri
fice to the merciless savages.
" Our whole plan of defence was erroneous. It was
adopted by the citizens under an imperfect view of
their danger. From the best accounts which I can ob
tain, I suppose that there must have been twenty forts
erected on the two sides of the river between fort Stod
dert and the upper settlement, a distance of about
seventy miles, which in a country so thinly settled as
ours, could not be maintained, even if they had been
better constructed. About the twentieth of August, in
telligence was communicated to us by the Choctaw In
dians, that in eight or ten days an attack would he made
by distinct bodies of Creeks on Mim's fort, in the Ten-
saw settlement, which is on the east side of Alabama,
nearly opposite to fort Stoddert ; on the forts in
the f>. i-.s of Tombigby and Alabama; on Easely's fort,
near the Choctaw line on the Tombigby, and finally
on the fort and United States' trading house, at H.
Hopkins. A verv valuable officer, Major Beaselv of
lb"

190 INDIAN WARS.
the Mississippi Territory volunteers, commanded at fort
Mims. About a mile or two from it was another fort, at
Pierce's mills ; arid a few miles below that place, at
another mill, a small party of soldiers was also stationed.
Mims, however, where were the greatest number of fam
ilies and property collected, seems to have been the sole
object of attack in that quarter.
" A few days before the attack, some negroes of Mr.
M'Girt, who lived in that part of the Creek terri
tory which is inhabited by half breeds, had been
sent up the Alabama to his plantation for corn ; three
of them were taken by a party of Indians. One es
caped and brought down news of the approach of the
Indians. The officer gave but little credit to him ;
but they made some further preparation to receive
the enemy. On the next day Mr. James Cornels, a
half breed, and some white men, who had been out
on the late battle ground, and discovered the trail
of a considerable body of Indians going towards ^Mr.
M'Girt's, came to the fort and informed the commanding
officer of the discovery. Though their report did not
appear to receive full credit, it occasioned great ex
ertions ; and on Saturday and Sunday considerable work
was done to put the fort in a state of defence. On
Sunday morning three negroes were sent out to attend
the cattle, who soon returned with an account that
they had seen twenty Indians. Scouts were sent out
to ascertain the truth of the report. They returned and
declared that they could see no signs of Indians. One
of the negroes belonging to Mr. Randon was whipped
for bringing what they deemed a false report. He
was sent out again on Monday, and saw a body of In
dians approaching ; but afraid of being whipped, he
did not return to Mims but to Pierce's fort ; but be
fore his story could be communicated, the attack was
made. The commanding officer called upon Mr.
Fletcher, who owned another of the negroes, to whip
him also. He believed the boy and resisted two or
three applications ; but at length they had him ac
tually brought out for the purpose, when the Indians

INDIAN WARS. 191
appeared in view of the fort. The gate was open.
The Indians had to come through an open field 150
yards wide, before they could reach the fort, and yet
they were within thirty steps of the fort, at 1 1 in the
morning, before they were noticed. The sentry then
gave the cry of ' Indians !' and they immediately set up
a most terrible war-whoop and rushed into the gate
with inconceivable rapidity, and got within it before the
people of the fort had an opportunity of shutting it.
This decided their fate. Major Beasely was shot through
the body near the gate. He called to the men to take
care of the ammunition and to retreat to the house.
He went himself to a kitchen where it is supposed he
must have been burnt.
" The fort was originally square. Major Beasely
had it enlarged, by extending the lines of the two sides
about fifty feet, and putting up a new side, into which
the gate was removed. The old Une of pickets stood,
and the Indians, upon rushing in the gate, obtained
possession of this additional part, and through the
port holes of the old line of pickets, fired on the people
who held the interior. On the opposite side of the
fort, an offset or bastion was made round the back
gate, which being open on the out side was also taken
possession of by the Indians, who with the axes that
lay scattered about, immediately began to cut down
the gate. There was a large body of Indians, though
they probably did not exceed four hundred. Our peo
ple seemed to sustain the attack with undaunted spirit.
They took possession of the port holes in the other
lines of the fort, and fired on the Indians who re
mained in the field. Some of the Indians got on the
block-house, at one of the corners ; but after much fir
ing upon the people they were dislodged. They suc
ceeded, however, in setting fire to a house near the
pickets, from which it was communicated to the ki'ch-
en and from thence to the main dwelling house. They
attempted to do it by burning arrows, but failed.
When the people in the fort saw the Indians retained
full possession of the outer court, and the gate con-

192 INDIAN WARS.
tinned open, that their men fell very fast, and that
their houses were in flames, they began to despond.
Some determined to cut their way through the pick
ets and escape. Of the whole number of white men
and half breeds in the forr, it is supposed that not more
than twenty-five or thirty escaped, and of these many
were wounded. The rest and almost all the women and
children fell a sacrifice either to the arms of the Indians
or the flames. The battle terminated about an hour
before sun-set.
" The information was thus far, given to me by a
person of character and credibility, who was present
during the whole scene, and who escaped through the
opening made in the pickets. The women and chil
dren took refuge in an upper story of the dwelling
house ; and it is said that the Indians, when the build
ings were ia flames, danced round them with savage
delight. The helpless victims perished in the flames.
It is also reported, that when the buildings were
burning, and the few who remained were exposed to
the fire of the enemy, they collected many of the guns
of the deceased and threw both of them and the remain
ing stock of ammunition into the flames, to pre
vent their becoming subservient in the hands of the
Indians, to the destruction of their fellow citizens.
Surely this was an instance of determined resolution
and benevolent foresight, of which there are not many
examples. " But notwithstanding the bravery of our fellow cit
izens, the Indians carried all before them, and murder
ed the armed and the helpless without discrimination.
Our loss is seven commissioned officers and about one
hundred non commissioned officers and privates, of the
first regiment of the Mississippi Territory volunteers.
There were about 24 families of men, women and chil
dren in the fort, of whom almost all have perished, a-
mounting to 160 souls. I reckon, however, among them
about 6 families of half breeds and 7 Indians. There
were also about one hundred negroes, of whom a large
proportion were killed. The half breeds have uniformly

INDIAN WARS. 193
done themselves honour, and those who survive will
afford great assistance in the prosecution of the war.
Some of the most respectable among them were at
Pierce's fort, and are ready, with all their dexterity
and all their courage, to avenge the death of their
friends, and the destruction of their property. It was
principally through them that we learnt that the real
object of the Indians in obtaining ammunition at Pen-
sacola, was to make immediate war on the white peo
ple, and that the idea entertained in the eastern part
of the Creek Nation, that this was only a seconda
ry and remote object, was not founded in fact, and was
probably suggested for the purpose of putting us off
our guard, and keeping out of sight the real inten
tion of their revolt against the constituted authorities
of their nation."
BATTLE AT TALLUSHATCHES.
On the first of November General Jackson, receiving
information that a considerable number of hostile
Creeks were embodied at Tallushatches, he detached
General John Coffee with a number of men to attack
and destroy the place, which he completely effected.
The following is General Coffee's official Report to
General Jackson, of the expedition.
" Pursuant to your order of the 2d, I detached from
my brigade of cavalry and mounted riflemen, nine hun
dred men and officers, and proceeded directly to the
Tallushatches towns, crossed Coosey river at the Fish
Dam ford, three or four miles above this place. I arriv
ed within one and a half miles of the town on the morn
ing of the 3d, at which place I divided my detachment
into two columns, the right composed of the cavalry
commanded by Colonel Allcorn, to cross over a large
creek that lay between us and the towns : the left col
umn was of the mounted riflemen under the command of
Colonel Cannon, with whom I marched myself. Col.
Allcorn was ordered to march up on the right and encir-

194 INDIAN WARS.
clc one half on the town, and at the the same time the
left would form a half circle on the left, and unite the
head of the columns in front of the town, all of which
was performed as I could wish. When I arrived with
in half a mile of the town, the drums of the enemy
began to beat, mingled wilh their savage yells, pre
paring for action. It was an hour after sun-rise when
the action was brought on by Captain Hammond and
Lieut Patterson's companies, who had gone on within
the circle of alignment for the purpose of drawing out
the enemy from their buildings, which had the
most happy effect. As soon as Captain Hammond
exhibited his front in view of the town (which stood
in woodland) and gave a few scattering shot, the enemy
formed and made a violent charge on him ; he gave way
as they advanced, until they met our right column,
which gave them a general fire and then charged :
this changed the direction of the charge completely.
The enemy retreated, firing, until they got around and
in their buildings, where they made all the resistance
that an overpowered soldiery possibly could do ; they
fought as long as one existed, hut their destruction
was very soon completed ; our men rushed up to the
doors of the houses, and in a few minutes killed the
last warrior of them. The enemy fought with savage
fury, aud met death with all its horrors, without
shrinking or complaining, not one asked to be spared,
but fought as long as they could stand or sit. In con
sequence of their flying to their houses and mixing with
the families, our men, in killing the males, without in
tention killed and wounded a few of the squaws and
children, which was regretted by every officer and
soldier of the detachment, but it could not be a-
voided. " The number of enemy killed was 186 that were
counted, and a number of others that were killed in
the weeds and not found. I think the calculation
a reasonable one to say 200 of them were killed, and
84 prisoners of women and children were taken. Not

INDIAN WARS. 195
one of the warriors escaped to carry the news, a cir
cumstance hitherto unknown.
"I lost five men killed and forty wounded, none
mortally, the greater part slightly, a number with ar
rows ; two of the men killed was with arrows ; this
appears to form a very principal part of the enemy's
arms for warfare ; every man having a bow with a
bundle of arrows, which is used after the first fire with
the gun, until a leisure time for loading offers.
" It is with pleasure I say that our men acted with
deliberation and firmness ; notwithstanding our num
bers were far superior to that of the enemy, it was a
circumstance to us unknown, and from the parade of the
enemy, we had every reason to suppose them our equals
in number, but there appeared no visible traces of alarm
in any ; but on the contrary, all appeared cool and de
termined, and no doubt when they face a foe of their
own or of a superior number, they will show the same
courage as on this occasion."
BATTLE OF TALLEGADA.

General Jackson receiving information on the seventh
November that a party of friendly Creeks at the fort at
Tallegada, were threatened with an attack from a con
siderable body of hostile Creeks, marched to their re
lief in the evening. At 4 o'clock in the morning of the
9th, he fell in with the enemy within a quarter of a
mile of the fort, and alter a short action succeeded in
dispersing them with great slaughter.
The following is an extract from the general's official
letter, giving the particulars of the battle.
" At sun-rise We came within half a mile of them,
and having formed my men, I moved on in battle
order. The infantry were in three lines ; the militia
on the left and the volunteers on the right. The caval
ry formed the extreme wings ; and were ordered to
advance in a curve, keeping their rear connected with
the advance of their infantry lines, and enclose the

196 INDIAN WARS.
enemy in a circle. The advanced guard whom I sent
forward to bring on the engagement, met the attack of
the enemy with great intrepidity ; and having poured
upon them four or five very gallant rounds, fell back as
they had been previously ordered, to the main army.
The enemy pursued, and the front line was now ordered
to advance and meet them ; but owing to some misun
derstanding, a few companies of militia, who composed
a part of it, commenced a retreat. At this moment
a corps of cavalry commanded by Lieutenant Dyer,
which I had kept as a reserve, was ordered to dismount
and fill up the vacancy occasioned by the retreat. This
order was executed with a great deal of promptitude
and effect.
" The militia, seeing this, speedily rallied, and the
fire became general along the first line, and on that
part of the wings which was contiguous. The enemy,
unable to stand it, began to retreat, but were met at
every turn and pursued in every direction. The right
wing chased them with a most destructive fire to the
mountains, a distance of about three miles ; and had I
not been compelled by the faux pas of tbe militia in the
onset of the battle, to dismount my reserve, I believe
not a man of them would have escaped. The victory,
however, was very decisive ; 290 of the enemy were
left dead, and there can be no doubt but many more
were killed who were not found. Wherever they ran
they left behind traces of blood ; and I believe that
very few will return to their villages in as sound a con
dition as they left them. I was compelled to return to
this place to protect the sick and wounded, and get my
baggage. In the engagement we lost fifteen killed and
fifteen wounded, two of whom have since died. All the
officers acted with the utmost bravery, and so did all the
privates, except that part of the militia who retreated at
the commencement of the battle ; and they hastened to
atone for their error. Taking the whole together, they
have realized the high expectations I had formed of
them, and have fairly entitled themselves to the gratitude
of their country."

Indian wars. 197
BATTLE AT HILLIBEE TOWNS.
On the 11th November a detachment of the Ten
nessee militia, under Gen. White, was sent against the
Hillibee towns, for the purpose of punishing the hostile
Creeks in that quarter. Gen. White's official letter to
Major Gen. Cocke, giving a detailed account of the
expedition, is as follows:
"Under your order of the 11th November, I im
mediately marched with the mounted infantry under
the immediate command of Major Porter, and a few
of the Cherokee Indians under the command of Col.
Morgan, with very short rations only. We continued
our march to little Oakfuskie, when we fell in with
and captured five hostile Creek warriors, supposed to
be spies. Finding no other Indians at that place, we
burned the town, which consisted of 30 houses. We
then proceeded to a town calLed Genalga, and burned
the same, consisting of 93 houses. Thence we pro
ceeded to Nitty Chapota, consisting of about 25 houses
which I considered it most prudent not to destroy, as
it might possibly be of use at some future period.
Thence we marched to the Hillibee town, consisting
of about 20 houses, adjoining which was Grayston's
farm. Previous to our arrival at that place, I was
advised that a part of the hostile Creeks were assem
bled there. Having marched within six or seven
miles of it on the 17th, I dismounted a part of the
force under my command, and sent them under the
command of Col. Burch, with the Cherokees under the
command of Col. Morgan, in advance, to surround
the town in the night, and make the attack at day
light on the 18th. Owing to the darkness of the
night, the town was not reached until after daylight ;
but so complete was the surprise, that we succeeded
in surrounding the town and killing and capturing al
most, if not entirely, the whole of the hostile Creeks
assembled there, consisting of about 310 ; of which
number about 60 warriors were killed on the spot,
and the remainder made prisoners. Before the close
26

198 INDIAN WARS.
of the engagement my whole force was up and ready
for action, had it become necessary ; but owing to the
want of knowledge on the part of the Indians, of our
approach, they were entirely killed and taken before
they could prepare for any effectual defence. We
lost not one drop of blood in accomplishing this en
terprise. We destroyed this village, and in obedience
to your orders, commenced our march for this post,
which we were unable to reach until yesterday. I
estimate the distance from this to Grayston's farm, at
abont 100 miles. The ground over which we trav
elled is so rough and hilly as to render a passage
very difficult. Many defiles it was impossible to pass
in safety, without the greatest precaution. For a
part of the time the weather was so very wet, being
encumbered with prisoners, and the troops and their
horses having to subsist in a very great degree upon
such supplies as we could procure in the nation, ren
dered our march more tardy than it otherwise would
have been.
" The troops under my command have visited the
heart of that section of the Creek nation where the
Red Sticks were first distributed.
" In justice to this gallant band, I am proud to state,
that the whole of the officers and men under the
command of Col. Burch performed their duty cheer
fully and without complaint ; that from the cool,
orderly and prompt manner in which Major Porter
and the cavalry under his command, formed and ( on-
ducted themselves in every case of alarm, I had the
highest confidence in them. Col. Morgan and the
Cherokees under his command, gave undeniable evi
dence that they merit the employ of their govern
ment. In short, the whole detachment under my
command conducted in such a manner as to enable
me to assure you that they are capable of performing
any thing to which the same number of men are equal.
" It gives me pleasure to add, that Mr. M'Corry,
who acted as my aid in this expedition, rendered ser
vices that to me were indispensable, to his country
very useful, and to himself highly honourable."

CHAPTER XVI.

CREEK WAR CONTINUED, BATTLE AT ANTOSSE, AT
TACK UPON CAMP DEFIANCE, &C.
The Georgia militia under Gen. Floyd, on the
29th November succeeded in defeating a large body
of hostile Creeks at Antosse. The following is Gen.
Floyd's official letter to Gen. Pinckney, detailing the
particulars of the battle.
" Having received information that numbers of
the hostile Indians were assembled at Antosse, a
town on the northern bank of the Tallapoosa, about
18 miles from the hickory ground, and 20 above the
junction of that river with the Coosa, 1 proceeded to
it with 950 of the Georgia militia, accompanied by be
tween 3 and 400 friendly Indians. Having encamped
within 9 or 10 miles of the point of destination the
preceding evening, we resumed the march a few
minutes before one, on the morning of the 29th, and
at half past six were formed for action in front of the
town. " Booth's battalion composed the right column,
and marched from its centre. Watson's battalion
composed the left, and marched from its right ;
Adams' rifle company, and Merriwether's, under
Lieut. Hendon, were on the flanks ; Capt. Thomas'
artillery marched in front of the right column in
the road.
" It was my intention to have completely surround
ed the enemy, by applying the right wing of my
force on Canlabee creek, at the mouth of which 1
was informed the town stood, and resting the left on
the bank below the town ; but to our surprise, as

200 INDIAN WARS.
day dawned we perceived a second town, about 500
yards below that which we had first viewed, and
were preparing to attack. The plan was immediate
ly changed ; three companies of infantry on the left,
were wheeled to the left, into echellon, and were ad
vanced to the low town, accompanied by Merri
wether's rifle company, and two troops of light
dragoons under the command of Captains Irwin and
Steel. " The fesidue of the force approached the upper
town, and the battle soon became general. The In
dians presented themselves at every point, and fought
with the desperate bravery of real fanatics. The
well directed fire, however, of the artillery, added to
the charge of the bayonet, soon forced them to take
refuge in the out-houses, thickets and copses in the
rear of the town ; many, it is believed, concealed
themselves in caves, previously formed for the pur
pose of secure retreat, in the high bluff of the river
which was thickly covered with reed and brushwood.
The Indians of the friendly party, who accompanied
us on the expedition, were divided into four com
panies, and placed under the command of leaders
of their own selection. They were, by engagement
entered into the day previous, to have crossed the
river above the town, and been posted on the oppo
site shore during the action, for the purpose of firing
upon such of the enemy as might attempt to escape,
or keep in check any reinforcement which might
probably he thrown in from the neighboring towns ;
but owing to the difficulty of the ford, the coldness
of the weather, and the lateness of the hour, this ar
rangement failed, and their leaders were directed
to cross Canlebee creek and occupy that flank, to
prevent escapes from the Tallisee town. Some
time after the action commenced, our red friends
thronged in disorder in the rear of our lines. The
Cowetas, under M'Intosh, and the Tookabatchians,
under Mad-Dog's-Son, fell into our flanks, and
fought with an intrepidity worthy of any troops.

INDIAN WARS.

201

At nine o'clock the enemy were completely driven
from the plain, and the houses of both towns wrap
ped in flames. As we were then 60 miles from any
depot of provisions, and our five days rations pretty
much reduced, in the heart of the enemy's country,
which in a few months could have poured from its nu
merous towns hosts of its fiercest warriors ; as soon as
the dead and wounded were disposed of, I ordered the
place to he abandoned, and the troops to commence
their march to Ghatahouche.
" lt is difficult to determine the strength of the en
emy, but from the information of some of the chiefs,
which it is said can be relied on, there were assem
bled at Antossee, warriors from eight towns for its de
fence, it being their beloved ground, on which they
proclaimed no white man could approach without in
evitable destruction. It is difficult to give a precise
account of the loss of the enemy ; but from the num
ber which were lying scattered over the field, togeth
er with those destroyed in the towns, and the many
slain on the banks of the river, which respectable
officers affirm they saw lying in heaps at the water's
edge, where they had been precipitated by their sur
viving friends ; their loss in killed, independent of
their wounded, must have been at least 200, among
whom are Antosse and Tallisee kings ; and from
the circumstances of their making no efforts to molest
our return, probably greater. The number of build
ings burnt, some of a superior order for the dwelling
of savages, and filled with valuable articles, is supposed
to be 400.
"Adjutant General Newman, rendered important
services during the action, by his cool and deliberate
courage. My aid, Major Crawford, discharged with
promptitude the duties of a brave and meritorious
officer. Major Pace, who acted as field aid, also dis
tinguished himself. Both these gentlemen had their
horses shot under ihem, and the latter lost his. Doct.
Williamson, hospital Surgeon, and Dr. Clopton, were

202 INDIAN WARS.
prompt and attentive in discharge of their duty towards
the wounded during the action.
" Major Freeman, at the head of Irwin's troop of
cavalry and part of Steele's, made a furious and suc
cessful charge upon a large body of Indians, sabred
several, and completely defeated them. Captain
Thomas and his company, Captain Adams and Lieut.
Hendon's rifle companies killed a great many Indians,
and deserve particular praise. Captain Barton's com
pany were in the hottest of the battle, and fought like
soldiers. Captains Myrick, Wells, Little, King, Broad-
nax, Cleveland, Cunningham and Lee, with their
companies, distinguished themselves. Brigade Ma
jor Sharklefoid was of great service in bringing the
troops into action, and Adjutant Broadnax and Ma
jor Montgomery, who acted as assistant adjutants,
showed great courage. Major Booth used his best
endeavour in bringing his battalion to action, and Ma
jor Watson's battalion acted with considerable spirit.
Irwin Patterson and Steele's troop of cavalry, when
ever an opportunity presented, charged with success.
Lieutenant Strong had his horse shot and narrowly es
caped, and quarter master Tennal displayed the great
est heroism, and miraculously escaped, though badly
wounded, after having his horse shot from under him.
The topographical engineer was vigilant in his endeav
ours to render service.
" The troops deserve the highest praise for their for
titude in enduring hunger, cold and fatigue without a
murmur, having marched 120 miles in seven days.
" The friendly Indians lost several killed and wound
ed, the number not exactly known.
ATTACK ON CAMP DEFIANCE.
General Floyd was attacked by a large body of hos
tile Creeks in his encampment, 48 miles west of Cola-
hoochie, on the 27th January ; but succeeded in re
pelling them after a very bloody conflict. The par
ticulars are contained in the following letter of the

I11JVIAK WARS. 203
General to Major Gen. Pinckney, dated on the day of
the engagement.
" This morning, at 20 minutes past 5 o'clock, a very
large body of hostile Indians made a desperate attack
upon the army under my command. They stole upon
our sentinels, fired on them, and with great ferocity
rushed upon our line. In twenty minutes the action
became general, and our front, right and left flanks
were closely pressed, but the brave and gallant conduct
of the field and line officers, and the firmness of our
men, repelled them at every point.
" The steady firmness and incessant fire of Captain
Thomas' artillery, and Captain Adams' riflemen, pre
served our front lines. Both of these companies suffer
ed greatly. The enemy rushed within 30 yards of the
artillery, and Captain Broadnax, who commanded one
of the piquet guards, maintained his post with great
bravery, until the enemy gained his rear, and then cut
his way through them to the army. On this occasion,
Timpoche Barnard, a half breed, at the head of the
Uchies, distinguished himself, and contributed to the
retreat of the piquet guard: the other friendly In
dians took refuge within our lines, and remained inac
tive, with the exception of a few who joined our
ranks. As soon as it became light enough to distin
guish objects, I ordered Majors Watson and Free
man's battalions to wheel at right angles with Majors
Booth and Cleveland's battalions, which formed the
right wing, to prepare for the charge. Captain Duke
Hamilton's cavalry, which had reached me but the day
before, was ordered to form in the rear of the right
wing, to act as circumstances should dictate. The
order for the charge was promptly obeyed, and the ene
my fled in every direction before the bayonet. The
signal was given for the charge of the cavalry, who
pursued and sabred 15 of the enemy, and left 37 dead
on the field. From the effusion of blood, and the num
ber of head dresses and war clubs found in various di
rections, their loss must have been considerable, inde
pendent of their wounded.

204 INDIAN WARS.
" I directed the friendly Indians, with Merriwethef
and Ford's rifle companies, accompanied by Cap
tain Hamilton's troops, to pursue them through Can-
lebee swamp, where they were trailed by their blood,
but they succeeded in overtaking but one of the
wounded. " Colonel Newman received three balls in the com-1
mencement of the action, which deprived me of the
services of that gallant and useful officer. The Assist
ant Adjutant. General Hardin was indefatigable in the
discharge of his duty, and rendered important services ;
his hcrse was wounded under him. The whole of the
Staff were prompt, and discharged their duty with
courage and fidelity. Their vigilance, and the intre
pidity and firmness of the mem, meet my approbation,
and deserve the praise of their country.
" My aid-de-camp, in executing my orders, had his
horse killed under him. General Lee and Maj. Pace,
who acted as additional aids, rendered me essential ser
vices, with honor to themselves, and usefulness to the
cause in which they have embarked. Four waggon
horses, and several others were killed, and two of the
artillery horses wounded. While I deplore the loss
sustained on this occasion, I have the consolation to
know, that the men whom I have the honour to com
mand have done their duty."
EXPEDITION TO TIIE BEND OF TIIE TALLAPOOSA.
On the 14th January, General Jackson having been
reinforced by about eight hundred volunteers, commenc
ed his march in quest of the enemy upon the Tallapoosa
river. The objects and particulars of the expedition
disclosed in the following letter from General Jackson
to Major General Pinckney :
" Head Quarters, Fort Strother, Jan. 29.
" Sir— -I had the honour of informing you in a let
ter of the 31st ult., forwarded by Mr. M'Candles,
(express) of an excursion I contemplated making still

INDIAN WARS. 205
further into the enemy's country, with the new rais
ed volunteers from Tennessee. I had ordered those
troops to form a junction with me on the 10th instant ;
but they did not arrive until the 14th. Their number,
including officers, was about 800 ; and on the 15th, I
marched them across the river, to graze their horses.
On the next day, I followed with the remainder of my
force consisting of the artillery 'company, with one 6
pounder ; one company of infantry, of 48 men ; two
companies of spies, commanded by Captains Gordon
and Russell, of about 30 men each ; and a company of
volunteer officers, headed by Gen. Coffee, who had
been abandoned by his men, and who still remained
in the field, awaiting the order of the government ;
making my force, exclusive of Indians, 930.
" The motives which influenced me to penetrate
still farther into the enemy's country, with this force,
were many, and urgent. The term of service of the
new raised volunteerswas short, and a considerable
part of it was expired ; they were expensive to the
government, and were full of ardor to meet the ene
my. The ill effects of keeping soldiers of this de
scription long stationary and idle, I had been made
to feel but too sensibly already. Other causes con
curred to make such a movement not only justifiable,
but absolutely necessary. I had received a letter
from Capt. M'Alpin, of the 5th inst. who commanded
at fort Armstrong, in the absence of Col. Snodgrass,
informing me that 14 or 15 towns of the enemy, situ
ated on the Tallapoosa, were about uniting their forces
and attacking that place, which had been left in a
very feeble state of defence. You had in your letter
of the 24th ult., informed me that Gen. Floyd was
about to make a movement to the Tallapoosa, near its
junction with the Coose ; and in the same letter had
recommended temporary excursions against such of
the enemy's towns or settlements, as might be within
striking distance, as well to prevent my men from be-
27

206 INDIAN WARS.
coming discontented, as to harrass the enemy, Your
ideas correspond exactly with my own, and I was
happy in the opportunity of keeping my men engaged,
distressing the enemy, and at the same time making a
diversion to facilitate the operations of Gen. Floyd.
" Determined by these, and other considerations,
1 took up the line of march on the 17th inst, and on
the night of the 18th encamped at Tallegada fort
where 1 was joined by between two or three hun
dred friendly Indians ; sixty five of whom, were
Cherokees, the balance Creeks. Here I received
your letter of the 9th inst. stating that Gen. Floyd
was expected to make a movement from Cowelau the
next day, and that in 18 days thereafter he would es
tablish a firm position at Tuckabootchee ; and also a
letter from Col. Snodgrass, who had returned to fort
Armstrong, informing me that an attack was intend
ed soon to be made by 900 of the enemy. If I could
have hesitated before, I could now hesitate no long
er. I resolved to lose no time in meeting this force,
which was understood to have been collected from
New Yorcau, Oakfuskee and Ufauley towns, and
were concentrated in the bend of the Tallapoosa,
near the mouth of the creek called Emuckfau, on an
island below New Yorkcau.
" On the morning of the 29th, your letter of the 10th
instant, forwarded by Mr M'Candles, reached me at
the Hillibee village, situated about 12 miles from
Emuckfau. Here I began to perceive very plainly
how little knowledge my spies had of the country, of
the situation of the enemy, or of the distance I was
from them. The insubordination of the new troops,
and the want of skill in most of their officers, be
come more and more apparent. But their ardour to
meet the enemy was not diminished ; and I had a
sure reliance upon the guards, a company of old vol
unteer officers, and upon the spies, in all 125. My
wishes and duty remained united, and I was deter-

INDIAN WARS. 207
mined to effect, if possible, the objects for which the
excursion had been principally undertaken.
"On the morning of the 21st, I marched from EnoL
tachopee, as direct as 1 could for the bend of the Tal
lapoosa, and about 2 o'clock, P. M. my spies having
discovered two of the enemy, endeavoured to catch
them, but failed. In the evening, I fell in upon a
large trail which led to a new road, much beaten and
lately travelled. Knowing that I must have arrived
within the neighbourhood of a strong forcfe, and it be
ing late in the day, I determined to encamp, and re
connoitre the country in the night. I chose the best
site the country would admit, encamped in a hollow
square, sent out my spies and pickets, doubled my
sentinels, and made the necessary arrangements before
dark, for a night attack. About 10 o'clock at night,
one of the pickets fired at three of the enemy, and
killed one, but he was not found until the next day.
At II o'clock, the spies whom 1 had sent out returned
with the information, that there was a large encamp
ment of Indians at the distance of about three miles,
who, from their whooping and dancing, seemed to be
apprised of our approach. One of these spies, an In
dian in whom I had great confidence, assured me that
they were carrying off their women and children, and
that the warriors would either make their escape, or
attack me before day. Being prepared at all points,
nothing remained to be done but await their approach,
If they meditated an attack, or to be in readiness, if
they did not, to pursue and attack them at day-light.
While we were in this state of readiness, the enemy*
about 6 o^ clock in the morning, commenced vigorous
attack on my left flank, which was vigorously met.
The action continued to rage on my left flank, and ou
the left of my rear for about half an hour. The brave
Gen. Coffee, with Col. Sittler, the Adjutant General,
and Col. Carroll, the Inspector General, at the moment
the firing commenced, mounted their horses, and re
paired to the line, encouraging and animating the men
to the performance of their duty. As soon as it be-

208 INDIAN WARS.
come light enough to pursue, the left wing having sus
tained the heat of action, and being somewhat
weakned, was reinforced by Capt. Ferrill's company
of infantry, and was ordered and led on the charge by
Gen. Coffee, who was well supported by Col. Higgins
and the Inspector General, and by all the officers and
privates who composed that line. The enemy was
completely routed at every point, and the friendly In
dians joining in the pursuit, they were chased about
two miles with great slaughter.
The chase being over, 1 immediately detached
Gen. Coffee, with 400 men and all the Indian force, to
burn their encampment ; but it was said by some to be
fortified. I ordered him, in that event, not to attack
it, until the artillery could be sent forward to reduce
it. On viewing the encampment and its strength, the
General thought it most prudent to return to my en
campment, and guard the artillery thither. The wis
dom of this step was soon discovered. In half an
hour after his return to camp, a considerable force of
the enemy made its appearance on my right flank, and
commenced a brisk fire on a party of men who had
been on a picket guard the night before, and were then
in search of the Indians they had fired upon, some of
whom they believed had been killed. Gen. Coffee im
mediately requested me to let him take 200 men and
turn their left flank, which I accordingly ordered ; but
through some mistake which I did not then observe,
not more than 54 followed him, among whom were the
old volunteer officers. With these, however, he im
mediately commenced an attack on the left flank of
the enemy ; at which time 1 ordered 200 of the friend
ly Indians to fall in upon the right flank of the ene
my, and co-operate with the General. This order
was promptly obeyed, and the moment of the exe
cution what I expected was realized. The enemy
had intended to attack on the right, as a feint, and ex
pecting me to direct all my attention thither, meant
to attack me again with their main force on the left
flank, which they hoped to find weakned and in dis-

INDIAN WARS. 209
order; but they were disappointed. I had ordered
the left flank to remain firm to its place, and the mo
ment the alarm gun was heard in that quarter, I re
paired thither, and ordered Captain Ferrill, with part of
my reserve, to support it. The whole line met the
approach of the enemy with astonishing intrepidity,
and having given a few fires, they forthwith charged
with great vigour. The effect was immediate and in
evitable. The enemy fled with precipitation, and were
pursued to a considerable distance by the left flank and
the friendly Indians, with a galling and destructive fire.
Colonel Carroll, who ordered the charge, led on the
pursuit, and Col. Higgins and his regiment again distin
guished themselves.
" In the mean time, General Coffee was contending
with a superior force of the enemy. The Indians
whom I had ordered to his support, and who had set
out for the purpose, hearing the firing on the left, had
returned to that quarter, and when the enemy were
routed there, entered into the chase. That being now
over, I forthwith ordered Jim Fife, who was one of the
principal commanders of the friendly Creeks, with one
hundred of his warriors, to execute my first order. As
soon as he reached General Coffee, the charge was made
and the enemy routed. They were pursued about
three miles, and forty-five of them slain, who were
found. Gen. Coffee was wounded in the body, and his
Aid-de-camp, A. Donaldson, killed, together with three
others. Having brought in and buried the dead, and
dressed the wounded, I ordered my camp to be forti
fied, to be the better prepared to repel any attack
which might be made in the night ; determining to
commence a return march to fort Strother the follow
ing day. Many causes concurred to make such a mea
sure necessary ; as I had not set out prepared, or with
a view to make a permanent establishment, I considered
it worse than useless to advance and destroy an empty
encampment. " I had indeed hoped to have met the enemy there,
but having met and beat them a little sooner, I did

210 INDIAN WARS.
not think it necessary or prudent to proceed any fur*
ther ; not necessary, because I had accomplished all 1
could expect to effect by marching to their encamp
ment ; and because if it was necessary to contend with
and weaken their forces still farther, this object would
inspire them to pursue me ; not prudent, because of the
number of my wounded ; of the reinforcement from
below, which the enemy might be expected to receive ;
of the starving condition of my horses, they having
had neither corn nor cane for two days and nights ; of
the scarcity of supplies for my men, the Indians who
had joined me at Tallegada having drawn none, and
being wholly destitute ; and because, if the enemy
pursued me as it was likely they Would, the diversion
in favour of General Floyd would be the more com
plete and effectual. Influenced by these considera
tions, 1 commenced my return march at half past ten
on the twenty-third, and was fortunate enough to
reach Enotachopco before night, having passed with
out interruption a dangerous defile, occasioned by a
hurricane. 1 again fortified my camp, and having
another defile to pass in the morning, across a deep
creek and between two hills, which I had viewed with
attention as I passed on, and where I expected I might
be attacked, I determined to pass it at another point,-
and gave directions to my guide and fatigue men ac
cordingly. My expectation of an attack in the morn
ing was increased by the signs of the night, and with
it my caution. Before I removed the wounded from
the interior of my camp, I had my front and rear
guards formed, as well as my right and left columns*
and moved off my centre in regular order, leading
down a handsome ridge to Enotachopco creek, at a
point where it was clear of reed, except immediately
on its margin. I had previously issued a general or
der, pointing out the manner in which the men should
be formed in the event of an attack on the fiont or rear,
or on the flanks, and had particularly cautioned the of
ficers to halt and form accordingly, the instant the word'
shb'uld be given*

INDIAN WARS. 211
" The front guard had passed with part of the flank
columns, the wounded were over, and the artillery in
the act of entering the creek, when an alarm gun was
heard in the rear. I heard it without surprise, and
even with pleasure, calculating with the utmost con
fidence on the firmnes of my troops, from the manner
in which I had seen them act on the twenty-second.
I had placed Colonel Carroll at the head of the centre
column of the rear guard ; its right column was com
manded by Colonel Stump. Having chosen the ground,
I expected there to have entirely cut off the enemy,
by wheeling the right and left columns on their piv
ots, re-crossing the creek above and below, and falling
in upon their flanks and rear. But to my astonish
ment and mortification, when the word was given by
Colonel Carroll to halt and form, and a few guns had
been fired, I beheld the right and left columns of the
rear guard precipitately give way. This shameful
retreat was disastrous in the extreme ; it drew along
with it the greater part of the centre column, leaving
not more than twenty-five men, who being formed by
Colonel Carroll, maintained their ground as long as it
was possible to maintain it, and it brought consternation
and confusion into the centre of the army, a conster
nation wTOch was not easily removed, and a confusion
which could not soon be restored to order. There was
then left to repulse the enemy, the few who remained
of the rear guard, the artillery company, and Captain
Russell's company of spies. They, however, realized
and exceeded my highest expectations. Lient Arm
strong, who commanded the artillery company in the
absence of Captain Deadrick, (confined by sickness) or
dered them to form and advance to the top of the hill,
while he and a few others dragged up the 6 pounder.
Never was more bravery displayed than on this oc
casion. Amid the most galling fire from the enemy,
more than ten times their number, they ascended the
hill and maintained their position until their piece was
hauled up, when, having levelled it, they poured upon

212 INDIAN WARS.
the enemy a fire of grape ; re-loaded and fired again,
charged and repulsed them.
" The most deliberate bravery was displayed by
Constantine Perkins and Craven Jackson, of the ar
tillery, acting as gunners. In the hurry of the mo
ment in separating the gun from the limbers, the
rammer and the picker of the cannon were left tied to
the limber. No sooner was this discovered, than Jack
son, amidst the fire of the enemy, pulled out the ram
rod of his musket and used it as a picker, primed with
a cartridge and fired the cannon. Perkins, having
pulled off his bayonet, used his musket as a rammer,
drove down the cartridge ; and Jackson, using his for
mer plan, again discharged her. The brave Lieuten
ant Armstrong, just after the first fire of the cannon,
with Captain Hamilton, of East Tennessee, Bradford
and M'Govock, all fell, the Lieutenant exclaiming as
he lay ' my brave fellows, some of you may fall, but
you must save the cannon.' About this time, a num
ber crossed the creek and entered into the chase. The
brave Captain Gordon, of the spies, who had rushed
from the front, endeavoured to turn the left flank of
the enemy, in which he partially succeeded, and Col.
Carroll, CoL Higgins, and Captains Elliott and Pip
kins, pursued the enemy for more than two miles, who
fled in consternation, throwing away their packs, and
leaving 26 of their warriors dead on the field. This
last defeat was decisive, and we were no more dis
turbed by their yells. I should do injustice to my
feelings, if I omitted to mention the venerable Judge
Cocke, at the age of 65, entered into the engagement,
continued the pursuit of the enemy with youthful ar
dour, and saved the life of a fellow soldier, by killing
his savage antagonist.
'• Our loss in this affair, was 18 killed and wound
ed ; among the former, was the brave Capt. Hamilton,
from East Tennessee, who had, with his aged father,
and two others of his company, after the period of his
engagement had expired, volunteered his services for

INDIAN WARS, 213
for this excursion, and attached himself to the artille
ry company. No man ever fought more bravely, or
died more gloriously ; and by his side fell with equal
bravery and glory, Bird Evans, of the same company.
Capt. Quarles, who commanded the centre column of
the rear guard, preferring death to the abandonment
of his post, having taken a firm stand, in which he
was followed by 25 of his men, received a wound in
his head, of which he has since died,
" In these several engagements, our loss was 20
killed and 75 wounded, 4 of whom have since died.
The loss of the enemy cannot be accurately ascertain
ed : 180 of their warriors were found dead ; but this
must fall considerably short of the number really kill
ed. Their wounded can only be guessed at.
" Had it not been for the unfortunate retreat of the
rear guard, in the affair of the 24th inst I think I
could safely have said, that no army of militia ever
acted with more cool and deliberate bravery; undis
ciplined and unexperienced as they were, their con
duct in the several engagements of the 22d, could not
have been surpassed by regulars. No men ever met
the approach of an enemy with more intrepidity, or
repulsed them with more energy. On the 24th, after
the retreat of the rear guard, they seemed to have lost
all their collectedness, and were more difficult to be
restored to order than any troops I have ever seen.
But this was no doubt in a great measure, or alto
gether owing to that very retreat, and ought rather
to be ascribed to the want of conduct in many of their
officers, than to any cowardice in the men, who, on
every occasion, have manifested a willingness to per
form their duty as far as they knew it.
" All the effects which were designed to be produ
ced by this excursion, it is believed, have been accom
plished. If an attack was meditated against fort
Armstrong that has been prevented. If Gen. Floyd
is operating on the east side of the Tallapoosa, as I
suppose him to be, a most fortunate diversion has been
made in his favour. The number of the enemy has
28

214 INDIAN WARS.
been diminished* and the confidence they may have
derived from the delays 1 have been made to experi
ence, has been destroyed. Discontent has been kept
out of the army, while the troops who would have
been exposed to it, have been beneficially employed.
The enemy's country has been explored, and a road
cut to the point where their force will probably be
concentrated, when they shall be driven from the
country below. But in a report of this kind, and to
you who will immediately perceive them, it is not ne
cessary to state the happy consequences which may
be expected to result from this excursion. Unless I
am greatly mistaken, it will be found to have hasten
ed the termination of the Creek war, more than any
measure I could have taken with the troops under my
command."

CHAPTER XVII.
CONCLUSION OF THE CREEK WAR, BRILLIANT VIC-
TORT AT THE BEND OF THE TALLAPOOSA, &.C
General Jackson, determined on the extermina
tion of the Creeks for their attrocious conduct, on the
10th of March, 1814, penetrated as far as the bend of
the Tallapoosa, where a most decisive victory was ob
tained, and the destruction of the nation nearly ac
complished. The following is Gen. Jackson's official
account of the brilliant achievement, in a letter to
His Excellency Governor Blount: " Fort Williams, March 31, 1814.
" Sir — I have just returned from the expedition
which I advised you in my last I was about to make
to the Tallapoosa ; and hasten to accquaint you with
the good fortune which attended it.
" I took up the line of march from this place on
the morning of the 21st inst. and having opened a
passage of 52 1-2 miles over the ridges which divide the
waters of the two rivers, I reached the bend of the
Tallapoosa, three miles beyond where I had the en
gagement of the 22d of January, and at the southern
extremity of New Youka, on the morning of the 27th.
This bend resembles in a curvature that of a horse
shoe, and is thence called by that name among the
whites. Nature furnishes few situations so eligible
for defence, and barbarians have never rendered one
more secure by art. Across the neck of the bend
which leads into it from the north, they had erected a
breast-work of the greatest compactness and strenght
eight feet high, and prepared with double port-holes,
very artfully arranged. The figure of this wall mani
fested no less skill in the projection of it, without be
ing exposed to a double and cross fire from the enemy,
who lay in perfect security behind it. The area of

216 INDIAN WARS.
this peninsula, thus bounded by the breast-work, in
cludes, I conjecture, eighty or an hundred acres.
" In this bend, the warriors from Ockfuska, Ooake-
hagu, New Youca, Hillabea, the Fish Ponds, and
Eufatua towns, apprised of our approach, had collect
ed their strength. The exact number cannot be as
certained ; but it is said by the prisoners we have
taken to have been a thousand, it is certain they
were very numerous, and that relying with the utmost
confidence upon their strength, their situation and the
assurance of their prophets, they calculated on re
pulsing Us with great ease.
" Early on the morning of the 27th, having encamp
ed the preceding night at the distance of five miles
from them, I detailed Gen. Coffee with the mounted
men and nearly the whole of the Indian force, to cross
the river at a ford about three miles below their en
campment, and to surround the bend in such a man
ner that none of them should escape by attempting to
cross the river. With the remainder of the forces I
proceeded along the point of land which leads to the
front of their breast work ; and at half past 10 o'clock
A. M. I had planted my artillery on a small emi
nence, distant from its nearest point about 83 yards,
and from its farthest about 250; from whence I imme
diately opened a brisk fire upon its centre. With the
musketry and rifles I kept up a galling fire wherever
the enemy showed themselves behind their works, or
ventured to approach them. This was continued with
occasional intermissions for about two hours, when
Capt. Russell's company of spies, and a party of the
Cherokee force, headed by their gallant chieftain, Col.
Richard Brown, and conducted by the brave Colonel
Morgan, crossed over to the peninsula in canoes, and
set fire to a few of their buildings there situated.
They then advanced with great gallantry towards the
breast-work, and commenced firing upon the enemy
who lay behind it.
" Finding that this force, notwithstanding the de
termination that they displayed was wholly insufficient

INDIAN WARS. 217
to dislodge the enemy, and that General Coffee had se
cured the opposite banks of the river, I now deter
mined on taking possession of their works by storm.
Never were men better disposed for such an under
taking than those by whom it was to be effected.
They had entreated to be led to the charge with the
most pressing importunity, and received the order
which was now given, with the strongest demonstra
tions of joy. The effect was such as this temper of
mind foretold. The regular troops, led on by their
intrepid and skilful commanders, Colonel Williams and
Major Montgomery, were presently in possession of
the nearer side of the breast-work ; and the militia
accompanied them in the charge with a vivacity and
firmness which could not have been exceeded, and has
seldom been equalled by troops of any description. A
few companies of General Dougherty's brigade on the
right, were led on with gallantry by that distinguished
officer, Colonel Russell ; the advance guard by the Ad
jutant General, Col. Siller, and the left extremity of the
line by Capt. Gordon, of the Spies, and Capt. M'Mur-
ray, of Gen. Johnson's brigade, of West Tennessee
militia. " Having maintained for a few minutes a very ob
stinate contest, musket to musket, through the port
holes, in which many of the balls were welded to the
bayonets of muskets, our troops succeeded in gaining
possession of the opposite side of the works. The
event could no longer be doubtful. The enemy, al
though many of them fought to the last, with that
kind of bravery which desperation inspires, were at
length entirely routed and cut to pieces. The whole
margin of the river which surrounds the peninsula was
strewed with the slain. Five hundred and fifty-seven
were found by officers of great respectability, whom I
had ordered to count them; besides a great number
who were thrown into the river, or killed in attempt
ing to pass it, by Gen. Coffee's men, stationed on the
opposite banks. Captain Hammonds, who with his

218 INDIAN WARS.
company of spies occupied a favourable position oppo
site the upper extremity of the breast-work, did great
execution ; and so did Lieut. Bean, who had been order
ed by Gen, Coffee to take possession of a small island
pointing to the lower extremity.
" Both officers and men, who had the best opportu
nities of judging, believe the loss of the enemy in kill
ed, not far short of 800 ; and if their number was
great as it is represented to have been by the prison
ers, and as it is believed to have been by Col. Carroll
and others, who had a fair view of them as they ad
vanced to the breast works, their loss must even have
been more considerable ; as it is quite certain that not
more than twenty can have escaped. Among the
dead was found their famous prophet Monahell, shot
in the mouth by a grape shot, as if Heaven designed
lo chastise his impostures by an appropriate punish
ment. Two other prophets were also killed ; leaving
no others, as I can learn, on the Tallapoosa. I lament
that two or three women and children were killed by
accident. I do not know the exact number of prison
ers taken, but it must exceed S00 ;. all women and chil
dren except three.
" The battle may be said to have continued with
severity for about five hours ; but the firing and
slaughter continued until it was suspended by the
darkness of the night. The next morning it was re
sumed, and 16 of the enemy slain, who had conceal
ed themselves under the banks. Our loss was 26
white men killed, and 107 wounded; Cherokees, 18
killed and 36 wounded ; friendly Creeks, 5 killed and
1 1 wounded. " The loss of Col, Williams' regiment of regulars is
seventeen killed and fifty-five wounded ; three of whom
have since died. Among the former were Major Mont
gomery, Lieut. Sommerville and Lieut. Moulton, who
fell in the charge which was made on the works.
No men ever acted more gallantly, or fell more glori
ously.

INDIAN WARS. 219
" In a few days I shall take up the line of march for
the Hickory ground, and have every thing to hope from
such troops.
" Enclosed I send you Gen. Coffee's original report.
" I have the honour to be with great respect, your
obedient humble servant, ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen."
Report from General Coffee to General Jackson, dated
April 1.
" Sir — Agreeably to your order of the 27th ult., I
took up the line of march at half past 6 o'clock, A. M.
of the same day, with a detachment of 700 cavalry
and mounted gunmen, and about 600 Indians, 500
of which were Cherokees, and the balance friendly
Creeks. I crossed the Tallapoosa river at the little
island ford, about three miles below the bend, in
which the enemy had concentrated ; and then turned
up the river, bearing away from its cliffs. When with
in half a mile of the village, the savage yell was rais
ed by the enemy, and I supposed they had. discover
ed and were about to attack me. I immediately drew
up my forces in line of battle in an open, hilly wood
land, and in that position moved on towards the yell
ing of the enemy. Previous to this, I had ordered
the Indians, on our approach to the bend of the river,
to advance secretly and take possession of the bank of
the river, and prevent the enemy from crossing on the
approach of our army in their front. When within a
quarter of a mile of the river, the firing of our cannon
commenced, when the Indians with me immediately
rushed forward with great impetuosity to the river
bank. My line was halted and put in order of battle,
expecting an attack on our rear from Oakfuskee vil
lage, which lay down the river, about eight miles be
low us. The firing of our cannon and small arms in a
short time became general and heavy, which animated
our Indians, and seeing about 100 of the warriors and
all the squaws and children of the enemy running
about among the huts of the village, which was open

220 INDIAN WARS.
to our view, they could no longer remain silent specta
tors, while some kept up a fire across the river, (which
is about 120 yards wide,) to prevent the enemy's ap
proach to the bank. Others plunged into the water
and swam the river for canoes that lay at the other
shore in considerable numbers, and brought them over;
in which crafts a number of them embarked, and land
ed on the bend with the enemy. Colonel Gideon
Morgan, who commanded the Cherokees ; Captain Keer
and Captain William Russell, with a part of his com
pany of spies, were among the first that crossed the riv
er. From the huts up the liver hank, to the fortified
works from which they were fighting, they pursued
and continued to annoy during the whole action.
This movement of our Indian forces left the river bank
unguarded, and made it necessary that I should send
a party of my line to take possession of the river bank.
I accordingly ordered about one third of the men to
be posted around the bend of the river bank, while the
balance remained in line to protect our rear. I order
ed Lieutenant Bean to take possession of the island be
low, with 40 men, to prevent the enemy's taking refuge
there, which was executed with promptitude, and which
had a very happy effect. From the report of my offi
cers, as well as from my own observation, I feel war
ranted in saying that from 250 to 300 of the enemy
were buried under water, and were numbered with the
dead that were found."
TERMINATION OF HOSTILITIES WITH TIIE CREEKS.
The brilliant and decisive victories obtained by
General Jackson and his brave men, over the Creeks,
induced many of those who survived, to surrender and
sue for peace. A few of them, however, otherwise
disposed, fled towards Pensacola, before the arrival of
the General at Tallapoosa. Of these few, notice will
be taken in the succeeding chapter. Many of the
runaway negroes, who were captured at Fort Mims,

INDIAN WARS. 221
were restored to their masters, and an unfortunate
white female captive, Polly Jones, who, with her two
children, had been taken prisoners by the Indians,
were released arid restored to their friends. The
Tallapoosa and Tostahatcb.ee kings were taken pris
oners, as was Peter M'Quin, a distinguished chief, but
he unfortunately afterwards made his escape. Hillin-
hagee, their great prophet, fled with the fugitives to
wards Pensacola. Weatherford, their speaker, and
who through the war had been one of the most ac
tive and enterprising chiefs, conceiving it in vain any
longer to resist, and being informed that Gen. Jackson
intended, if he could take him, to put him to death,
he was advised by his friends, as his warriors were al
most all slain, as his country was ruined, and his
escape almost impracticable, to surrender himself
to the General ; that it was useless to attempt further
resistance ; and this was the only means by which
his life could be saved. Weatherford determined
so to do, and presented himself to General Jackson
at his quarters, by whom it was demanded of him who
he was and how he came there. He replied, " my
name is Weatherford, one of the Chiefs of the Red
Sticks. I have fought you till my warriors are all
slain. If I had warriors I would fight you still ; but
I have none. My country is overrun, and my soldiers
are fallen. Here I am in your power; do with me as
you please; only recollect that I am a soldier !" The
patriotic speech of this distinguished chief had its de
sired effect. General Jackson declined to consider him
even as a prisoner of war. Weatherford, although as
bold and intrepid as a lion, had been many times de
feated by his enemies. In 1813 a formidable body of
volunteers from the Mississippi Territory, who had
been raised for the express purpose of protecting the
defenceless inhabitants on the frontiers marched un
der the command of General Claiborne, against some
of the towns inhabited by the hostile Creeks on the
Alabama river. A detachment of the troops under com
mand of Col. Carson, on approaching a town called
29

INDIAN WARS.

Eecanachaca, was suddenly and vigorously attacked
by the enemy. Weatherford commanded the Indians
and fought with his usual bravery. He was, however,
routed, and completely defeated by the detachment,
before the remainder of the troops had time to arrive.
The enemy threw away their arms and fled in every
direction. Thirty were killed and double that num
ber probably wounded. Colonel Carson lost but one
killed, and five wounded. A pursuit was ordered, but
with very little success. A large quantity of provis
ions and other valuable property was found in their
town, which the Indians in their precipitate flight were
obliged to leave behind, and which with their houses,
(200 in number,) were destroyed. After the com
mencement of hostilities, the town was rebuilt, and
was established as a place of security for the Creeks
of several of the adjacent villages. It was Weather-
ford's place of residence. In his house was found a
letter from the Governor of Pensacola to the Creeks,
expressing the friendship which the Spaniards enter
tained for them, and the hostility of the former towards
the Americans.
Gen. Jackson, after having made known to the sur
viving Creeks, the terms upon which he was author
ized to make peace, in the latter part of April with
drew his forces from the Creek country. The terms
offered them were ; That the United States were to
retain as much of the conquered territory as would
indemnify them for the expenses of the war, and as a
retribution for the injuries sustained by its citizens, and
such of the Creeks as had remained on friendly terms
with them during the war. The United States were
to establish whatever military posts and trading houses
they should think proper, and to have the free naviga
tion of the rivers and water courses throughout the
Creek country. The Creeks were to surrender their
prophets, and other chiefs who remained or who should
thereafter prove hostile to the interest and welfare
of the States. The Tallisce king, of whom we have
made frequent mention, and who was supposed to have

INDIAN WARS. 223
been killed in one of General Floyd's engagements
with the Creeks, surrendered himself a prisoner to the
Americans. He was upwards of a hundred years of
age, with a head as white as snow, and had been re
garded by the enemy as a very great prophet. The
friendly Creeks viewed him as their most inveterate en
emy, and although nearly bent double with age, they
were anxious to put him to death, and would have done
so had it not been for the interposition of the American
officers.

CHAPTER XVIII.
SEMINOLE WAR, PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS, &C.
The Creek war happily terminating in the spring of
1814, and a treaty of peace having been mutually con
cluded upon between the surviving chiefs of that na
tion and Commissioners appointed on the part of the
United States, but little opposition was then apprehend
ed from the fugitives who had fled towards Pensacola,
and who remained hostile to the interest of the Ameri
cans. But, contrary to the expectations of our govern
ment, it was soon after discovered that these Indians
had sought refuge among the different savage tribes liv
ing within and on the borders of the Floridas, denomi
nated Seminole Indians, who it was suspected cherished
feelings of hostility to the United States. This fact
having been ascertained, the executive department of
the government deemed it necessary, for the security
of the frontier, to establish a line of forts near the south
ern boundary of the United States, and to occupy these
fortifications with portions of the regular forces, and by
this means peace was maintained with the Indians until
the spring or summer of 1817, when the regular forces
were withdrawn from the posts on the Georgia frontier,
and concentrated at fort Montgomery, on the Alabama
river, a considerable distance west of the Georgia line.
But it seems that about this time a border warfare was
commenced between the Seminole Indians and the fron
tier inhabitants of Georgia. Many horrid barbarities are
said to have been perpetrated by the former ; some of
which it may not be improper here to mention. The
house of a Mr. Garrett, residing near the boundary of
Wayne county, was attacked by a party of Indians dur
ing his absence. They shot Mrs. Garrett in two places,
and then despatched her by stabbing and scalping. Her

INDIAN WARS. 225
two children, one about three years and the other two
months old were also murdered, and the eldest scalped.
The house was then plundered of every article of val
ue, and set on fire ! A boat soon after ascending the
Alabama river, containing thirty men, seven women
and four small children, was captured by the Indians.
Six of the men escaped, one woman taken captive and
' the remainder inhumanly butchered. The children
were taken by the leg and their brains dashed out against
the boat ! !
Duncan M'Krimmon, (a resident of Milledgeville, a
Georgia militia man, stationed at fort Gadsden,) being
out one morning on a fishing excursion, in attempting
to return, missed his way, and was several days lost
in the surrounding wilderness. After wandering about
in various directions he was espied and captured by a
party of hostile Indians, headed by the well known
prophet Francis, The Indians having obtained the
satisfaction they wanted respecting the determination
of government, the position of the American army,
&c. they began to prepare1 for the intended sacrifice.
M'Krimmon was bound to a^ stake, and the ruthless
savages having shaved his head and reduced his body
to a state of nudity, formed themselves into a circle
and danced round him some hours, yelling most hor
ribly. The youngest daughter of the prophet, about
fifteen years of age, remained sad and silent the whole
time. She participated not in the general joy, bat
was evidently, even to the affrighted prisoner, much
pained at the savage scene she was compelled to wit
ness. When the burning torches were about to be
applied to the faggots which encompassed the prison
er, and the fatal tomahawk was raised to terminate
forever his mortal existence, Milly Francis, (for that
was her name,) like an angel of mercy, placed herself
between it and death, resolutely bidding the astonished
executioner, if he thirsted for human blood, to shed
hers ; being determined, she said, not to survive the
prisoner's death. A momentary pause was produced
by this unfexp'e'eted occurrence, and she took aoVan»

226 INDIAN WARS.
tage of the circumstance to implore upon her knees the
pity of the ferocious father, who finally yielded to her
wishes ; with the intention, however, it is suspected,
of murdering them both, if he could not sell M'Krim
mon to the Spaniards ; which was luckily effected a few
days after at St. Marks, for seven gallons and a half
of rum. As long as M'Krimmon remained a prisoner
his benefactress continued to show him acts of kind
ness. The fortune of war has since placed her, as we
shall hereafter have occasion to notice, in the power
of the white people, being compelled, with a number
of others of her tribe who were in a starving condition,
to surrender themselves prisoners. As soon as this
fact was known to M'Krimmon, in manifestation of a
due sense of the obligation which he owed to the wo
man who saved his life, at the hazard of her own, he
sought her to alleviate her misfortune, and to offer her
marriage ; but Milly would not consent to become his
wife as a consideration of having saved his life, de
claring that she did no more than her duty, and that her
intercessions were the same as they would ever have
been on similar occasions.
But to return. In these frequent outrages commit
ted upon the frontiers, it was somewhat difficult to de
termine who were the first aggressors, or on whom the
greatest injuries were inflicted. General Gaines, how
ever, demanded a surrender of the Indians, who had
committed depredations on the frontier of Georgia.
With this demand they refused to comply, alleging that
the first and the greatest aggressions had been made by
the white men.
In consequence of this refusal, General Gaines was
authorized by the Secretary of War, at his discretion,
to remove the Indians still remaining on the lands
ceded to the United States by the treaty made with
the Creeks. In so doing he was told that it might be
proper to retain some of them as hostages, until rep
aration was made for depredations committed by the
Indians. In pursuance of this directionary authority
Gen. Gaines ordered a detachment of near 300 men,

INDIAN WARS. 227
under the command of Major Twiggs, to surround and
take an Indian village called Fowl Town, about 14
miles from fort Scott, and near the Florida line. This
detachment arrived at Fowl Town in the night, and
the Indians, taking the alarm, and flying to an adjacent
swamp, were fired on by the detachment, when one
man and one woman were killed and two Indians made
prisoners. The detachment returned to fort Scott.
A day or two afterwards, as stated by Capt. M'ln-
tosh, who was of the party, about the same number of
troops paid a second visit to the same village, for the
purpose of obtaining property. While loading their
waggons with corn, and collecting horses and cattle,
they were fired on by the Indians, and a skirmish en
sued, i'h which a small loss was sustained on both sides.
It was stated by Capt. Young, the topographical en
gineer, that this town contained 45 Indian warriors,
besides women and children.
From this time the war became more serious. The
Indians in considerable numbers were embodied, and
an open attack was made on fort Scott. Gen. Gaines
with about 600 regular soldiers, was confined to the
garrison. In this state of things, information having
been communicated to the War Department, Gen.
Jackson was ordered to take the field. He was put
in command of the regular and military force, amount
ing to 1800 men, provided for that service; and di
rected, if he should consider the force provided, in
sufficient to beat the enemy, (whose force was esti
mated by Gen. Gaines at 2800 strong) to call o,i the
Governors of the adjoining states for such portions of
the militia as he might think requisite. On the re
ceipt of this order Gen. Jackson, instead of observing
the ordejs of the Department of War, by calling on
the Governor of Tennessee, then in Nashville, near
the place of his residence, chose to appeal (to use his
own expression) to the patriotism of the West Ten-
nesseans, who had served under him in the last war.
One thousand mounted gunmen, and two companies
of w hat were called lifc-gnards, with the utmost alac-

228 INDIAN WARS.
rity, volunteered their services from the states of Ten
nessee and Kentucky, and repaired to his standard.
Officers were appointed to command this corps by the
General himself, or by other persons, acting under his
authority. Thus organized, they were mustered into
the service of the United States.
About the time General Jackson was organizing this
detachment of volunteers, in the state of Tennessee, or
previous thereto, Gen. Gaines was likewise employed
in raising forces among the Creek Indians, There was
this difference in the two cases, Gen. Jackson raised
his army in disregard to positive orders ; Gen Gaines,
without orders, took upon himself the authority of rais
ing an army of at least 1600 Creek Indians, appoint
ing their officers, with a Brigadier General at their head
and likewise mustering this force into the service of
the United States.
It appears that Gen. Jackson advanced into Florida,
with a force of 1800 men, composed of regulars, vol
unteers, and the Georgia militia ; and afterwards, on
the 1st day of April, was joined by Gen. M'Intosh and
his brigade of 1600 Indians, who had been previously
organized by Gen. Gaines. Opposed to whom, it ap
pears, from the report of Capt. Young, topographical
engineer, and other evidence, the whole forces of the
fugitive Seminole Indians and runaway negroes, had
they all been embodied, could not have exceeded 900
or 1000 men, and at no time did half that number pre
sent themselves to oppose his march. Of course little
or no resistance was made.
The Miskasmusky towns were first taken and
destroyed. The army marched upon St. Marks, a
feeble Spanish garrison, which surrendered without
firing a gun, and was then occupied as an American
post, the Spanish commandant having first by hum
ble entreaties, and then by a timid protest, endeav
oured to avert the measure. Here Alexander Ar-
buthnot was found, taken prisoner, and put in con
finement, for the purpose, as it was stated by General
Jackson, "of collecting evidence to establish his

INDIAN WARS. 229
guilt; and here also were taken two Indian Chiefs,
one of whom pretended .to possess the spirit of
prophecy ; they were hung without trial and with
out ceremony. Francis, who by the entreaties of
his daughter, was persuaded to spare the life of
M'Krimmon, a captive, was the prophet above allud
ed to.
This being done, and St. Marks garrisoned with
American troops, the army pursued their march
eastward to Suwaney river, on which they found a
large Indian village, which was consumed, and the
Indians and negroes were dispersed ; after which the
army returned to St. Marks, bringing with them
Robert C. Ambrister, who had been taken prisoner
on their march to Suwaney.
During the halt of the army for a few days at St.
Marks, a general court martial was called, Arbuthnot
was arraigned, found guilty, sentenced to suffer death,
and hung.
Ambrister was tried in like manner, found guilty,
and sentenced to whipping and confinement. Gen.
Jackson annulled the sentence, and ordered him to be
shot, and this order was executed.
Without additional preliminary remarks, we shall
now proceed to furnish our readers with such official
accounts of the commencement and progress of the
war with the Seminoles, as have been communicated
to government by the commanding officers.
WAR DEPARTMENT TO M. GEN. GAINES.
Extract of a Letter from George Graham, Acting Sec.
of War, to Gen. Gaines, dated Oct. 30, 1817.
" I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 1st inst. covering a copy of the reply
which was made by ten of the Seminole towns, to the
demand made by you, on them, for the surrender of
the murderers of some of our citizens.
" The papers have been submitted to the Presi
dent, and I am instructed by him to inform you, that
5?n

230 INDIAN WARS.
he approves of the movement of the troops from
Fort Montgomery to Fort Scott. The appearance of
this additional force, he flatters himself, will, at least
have the effect of restraining the Seminoles from
committing further depredations, and, perhaps of in
ducing them to make reparation for the murders
which they have committed. Should they, however,
persevere in their refusal to make such reparation, it
is the wish of the President that you should not, on
that account, pass the line, and make an attack upon
them within the limits of Florida, until you shall
have received farther instructions from this Depart
ment. You are authorized to remove the Indians
still remaining on the lands ceded by the treaty made
by Gen. Jackson with the Creeks ; and in doing so,
it may be proper to retain some of them as hostages,
until reparation may have been made for the depre
dations which have been committed. On this sub
ject, however, as well as the manner of removing
them, you will exercise your discretion. M'Intosh,
and the other chiefs of the Creek nation, who were
here some time since, expressed then, decidedly,
their unwillingness to permit any of the hostile Indians
to return to their nation.
" P. S. The authority to remove the Indians will,
of course, not extend to those Indians and their fam
ilies who have claims to reservations of land under the
treaty."
Copy of another letter from the same to the same,
dated December 2, 1817.
" Sir — Your letter of the 9th ult. advising of the
call on the Governor of Georgia, to assemble the
auxiliary force which had been previously required
by you at Fort Hawkins, on the 26th ultimo, has been
received. " It is hoped that the letter addressed to you from
this department on the 30th October, will have been
received ; and that you will confine your operations

INDIAN WARS. 231
to the objects stated in that communication, and to
such a disposition of the regular forces under your
command, as will deter the Seminole Indians from
making further depredations on the frontiers of
Georgia. " The state of our negociation with Spain, and the
temper manifested by the principal European powers,
make it impolitic, in the opinion of the President, to
move a force at this time into the Spanish possess
ions, for the mere purpose of chastising the Semi
noles for depredations which have heretofore been
committed by them."
GEN. E. P. GAINES TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT.
" Head Quarters, Fort Scott, Dec. 1, 1817.
" Sir — I had the honour to receive, on the 26th
ultimo, your communication of the 30th October. I
am very happy to find that the President approves of
my movement, but I much regret that his just expec
tations, as to the effect there was reason to be
lieve would be produced on the minds of the Indians
by this movement, have not been realized. I am
now quite convinced that the hostility of these In
dians is, and has long since been of so deep a charac
ter as to leave no ground to calculate upon tranquillity
or the future security of our frontier settlements, until
the towns south and east of this place shall receive
a signal proof of our ability and willingness to retal
iate for every outrage. It is now my painful duty to
report an affair of a more serious nature than has
heretofore occurred, and which leaves no doubt of
the necessity of an immediate application of force,
and active measures on our part. A large party of
Seminole Indians, on the 30th ult. formed an ambus
cade upon the Appalachichola river, a mile below the
junction of the Flint and Chatahoochie, attacked one
of our boats ascending near the shore, and killed,
wounded and took the greater part of the detach-

232 INDIAN WARS.
ment, consisting of 49 men, commanded by Lieut. R.
W. Scott, of the 7th infantry. There were also on
board, killed or taken, 7 women, the wives of soldiers.
Six men of the detachment only escaped, four of
whom were wounded. They report that the strength
of the current at that point of attack had obliged
the Lieutenant to keep his boat near the shore ; that
the Indians had formed along the bank of the river,
and were not discovered until their fire had commenc
ed ; in the first volley of which Lieut. Scott and most
of his valuable men fell.
" The Lieutenant and his party had been sent
from this place, some days before, to assist Major
Muhlenberg in ascending the river with three vessels
laden with military stores, brought from Montgomery
and Mobile. The Major, instead of retaining the
party to assist him, as I had advised, retained only
about twenty men, and in their place put a like number
of sick, with the women and regimental clothing.
The boat, thus laden, was detached alone for this
place. It is due to Major Muhlenberg, to observe,
that, at the time he detached the boat, I have reason
to believe he was not apprized of any recent hostili
ties having taken place in this quarter. It appears,
however, from Lieutenant Scott's letter, received
about the hour in which he was attacked, that he had
been warned of the danger. Upon the receipt of this
letter, I had two boats fitted out with covers and
port holes, for defence, and detached Capt. Clinch,
with an officer and forty men with an order to secure
the movement of Lieut. Scott, and then to assist Major
Muhlenberg. " The detachment embarked late in the evening of
the 30th, and must have passed the scene of action
below at night, and some hours after the affair ter
minated. I have not yet heard from Capt. Clinch
under Major Muhlenberg with another boat, secured
against the enemy's fire. He will, therefore, move
up with safety, keeping near the middle of the river.
I shall moreover take a position, with my principal

INDIAN WARS. 233
force, at the junction of the river, near the line, and
shall attack any vessel that may attempt to intercept
our vessel and supplies below, as I feel persuaded
the order of the President, prohibiting an attack up
on the Indians below the line, has reference to the
past and not to the present or future outrages, such
as shall place our troops strictly within the pale of
natural law, where self-defence is sanctioned by the
privilege of self-preservation. The wounded men
who made their escape, concur in their opinion, that
they had seen upwards of 500 hostile Indian warriors
at different places below the point ; of the force en
gaged, they differ in opinion, but all agree that the
number was very considerable, extending about 150
yards along the shore, in the edge of a swamp or
thick woods. I am assured by the friendly chiefs,
that the hostile warriors of every town upon the
Chatahoochie prepared canoes, and pushed off down
the river to join the Seminoles, as soon as the ac
count of my movement from the Alabama reached
them. " The Indians now remaining upon the Chatahoo
chie, I have reason to believe, are well disposed.
One of the new settlers, however, has recently been
killed, but it has been clearly proved that the mur
derer had belonged to the hostile party. The friend
ly chiefs in the neighbourhood, when apprised of
the murder, assembled a party, and sent in pursuit of
the offender, and followed him to Flint river on the
route to Mickasukee, whither he escaped. Onishajo,
and several other friendly chiefs, have offered me
their services, with their warriors, to go against the
Seminoles. I have promised to give them notice of
the time that may be fixed for my departure, and then
to accept their services. The enclosure No. 1, con
tains the substance of what I have said to the chiefs
who have visited me, several of whom reside south
of the Spanish line, and west of Appalachichola riv
er. It was expected by the chief's that I should
communicate to them my views and wishes. I felt

234 INDIAN WARS.
authorised to say but little, and I deemed it necessary
in what I should say to endeavour to counteract the
erroneous impressions by which they have been mis
led by pretended British agents.
" I hope the President will see, in what I have said,
nothing to disapprove. I feel persuaded a report of the
various talks which I received from the chiefs, would
show the propriety of what I have said to them.
Such a report I have not a moment's time now to
make. The Indians are at this moment firing at our
camp from the opposite line of the river.
" I have the honour to be, most respectfully, your
most obedient humble servant,
EDMUND P. GAINES.
Major Gen. by Brevet commanding.
" To the Hon. Secretary of War, Washington City."
No. 1. (Enclosed in the above.)
"Chiefs and warriors — The President of the
United States has been informed of the murders and
thefts committed by the hostile Indians, who have
been required to deliver up the murderers of our
citizens, and the stolen property; but they refused
to deliver either. They have had a council at
Mickasukee, in which they have determined upon
war. They have been at war against helpless wo
men and children, let them now calculate upon fight
ing men. We have long known that we had enemies
east of the river ; we likewise know we have some
friends ; but they are so mixed together that we
cannot always distinguish the one from the other.
The President wishes to do justice to his red friends,
and to separate the bad from the good. Those who
have taken up arms against him, and such as have
listened to the bad talks of the people beyond the sea,
must go to Mickasukee, or Suwaney, where we wish
to find them together. But all those who were our
friends in the war, will sit at their homes in peace.
We will pay them for what meat they have to sell
us. We will be their friends, and when they are

INDIAN WARS. 235
hungry we will give them meat. The hostile party
pretend to calculate upon help from the British ;
they may as well look for soldiers from the moon to
help them. Their warriors were beaten, and driven
from our country by American troops. The English
are not able to help themselves ; how then should
they help the old "Red Sticks," whom they have join
ed by pretended friendship ? "
Extract of a letter from the same to the same, dated
Head-Quarters, Fort Hawkins, Dec. 16, 1817.
" Sir — I arrived at this place the day before yester
day morning. In the afternoon of the same day I
received the detachment of Georgia militia, under
the command of Brigadier General Glascock. They
look well, and are ready to march ; but the inatten
tion on the part of the contractor's agent to the
requisitions for a supply of rations, will, I apprehend,
according to custom, delay the movement of the mi
litia, until some part of the frontier settlements suffer
by the Indians, who, I have no doubt, will detach
considerable parties, for this purpose, as soon as they
find themselves unable to succeed in any attempt
against the regular troops at fort Scott; and I think
it cannot be long before they are convinced of this.
But although I consider the regular troops secure in
the situation they occupy, yet I am satisfied their
numbers will not warrant their being detached, or
leaving their places of defence, except to a very small
extent. " I have just now received Mr. Graham's letter of
the 2d inst. The views of the President, so far as
may depend on me, shall be scrupulously observed.
I should instantly discharge the Georgia militia, were
I not strongly impressed with a belief that such a
step would hazard the safety of the frontier settle
ments. The Seminole Indians, however strange and
absurd it may appear to those who understand little
of their real character and extreme ignorance, enter-

236 INDIAN WARS.
tain a notion that they cannot be beaten by our troops.
They confidently assert, that we have never beaten
them, or any of their people, except when we have
been assisted by the ' red people.'
" This will appear the less extraordinary, when it
is recollected that they have little or no means of
knowing the strength and resources of our country ;
they have not travelled through it ; they read nei
ther books nor newspapers, nor have they oppor
tunities of conversing with persons able to inform
them. " I feel warranted, from all I know of the savages,
in saying, they do not believe we can beat them.
" This error of theirs has led them from time to
time, for many years past, to massacre our frontier
citizens, often the unoffending and helpless mother
and babes. I felt myself fully authorized to adopt
the only measures which long experience has proved
to be fully adequate to put a stop to these outrages.
I was pleased with the prospect of being instru
mental in effecting an object of so much importance
to our exposed frontier settlements, and which I felt,
and still feel persuaded, would in the end benefit the
Indians. " The steps I have taken are known to the depart
ment of war. You can more readily conceive, than
I can describe, the mortification and disappointment I
have experienced in being compelled to suspend or
abandon my measures, at a moment when the loss of
Lieut. Scott and his party had given the enemy an
occasion for triumph, and a certain prospect of in
creasing his strength, by enlisting against us all who
had before hesitated or wavered.
" Permit me then to repeat my request that I may
be permitted to return.
" There is little reason to apprehend that we shall
find it necessary to follow the Indians beyond the na
tional boundary. They are now to be found in very
considerable parties on our side of the line.

INDIAN WARS. 237
" I have not a doubt of the necessity of sending to
Flint river, by way of Hartford, the detachment of
militia under Gen. Glascock.
" My endeavours to put the detachment in motion
will delay my own movement until the 17th inst. at
which time I shall resume my march to Point Peter.
"An opinion prevails among the well informed of
this part of the country (who have by some means
unknown to me been advised of our intention to take
Amelia island) that our troops there will meet with
no opposition. Should this be the case, I shall return
to fort Scott without delay.
" I have the honor to be, &c.
EDMUND P. GAINES, Maj. Gen. Comd.
" Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Sec. of War."
COPY OF A LETTER PROM J. C. CALHOUN, SECRETARY OF WAR, TO
GEN. GAINES, DATED DEC. 16, 1817.
" Sir — On the receipt of this letter, should the
Seminole Indians still refuse to make reparations for
their outrages and depredations on the citizens of the
United States, it is the wish of the President, that
you consider yourself at liberty to march across the
Florida line, and to attack them within its limits,
should it be found necessary, unless they should shelter
themselves under a Spanish fort. In the last event,
you will immediately notify this department,
" I have, &c. &c."
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF WAR, TO GEN.
JACKSON, DATED
"Department of War, Dec. 26, 1817.
" Sir — You will repair, with as little delay as prac
ticable, to fort Scott, and assume the immediate com
mand of the forces in that section of the southern di
vision. " The increasing display of hostile intentions by the
Seminole Indians, may render it necessary to concen
trate all the contiguous and disposable force of ytnir
31

238 INDIAN WARS.
division, upon that quarter. The regular force now
there is about 800 strong, and 1000 militia of the state
of Georgia are called into service. Gen. Gaines esti
mates the strength of the Indians at 2700. Should
you be of opinion that our numbers are too small to
beat the enemy, you will call on the executives of the
adjacent states for such an additional militia force as
you may deem requisite.
Gen. Gaines had been ordered early in last month
to repair to Amelia island. It is presumed that he
has, therefore, relinquished the command at fort Scott.
Subsequent orders have been given to Gen. Gaines,
(copies of which will be furnished you,) advising him
that you would be directed to take command, and di
recting him to reassume, should he deem the public
interest to require it, the command at fort Scott, un
til you should arrive there. If, however, the General
should have progressed to Florida, before the subse
quent orders may have reached him, he was instruct
ed to penetrate to the Seminole towns, through the
Floridas, provided the strength of his command at
Amelia would justify his engaging in offensive ope
rations. " With this view, you may be prepared to concen
trate your forces and to adopt the necessary meas
ures, to terminate a conflict, which it has been the de
sire of the President, from considerations of human
ity, to avoid, but which is now made necessary by their
settled hostility.
"With great respect, &c. J. C. CALHOUN.
"Maj. Gen. Andrew Jackson, com'd'g southern division."
MAJ. GEN. JACKSON TO THE WAR DEPARTMENT.
" H. Q. Division of the South, Nashville, Jan. 20, 1818.
"Sir — In a communication to you of the 12th inst.
I acknowledged the receipt of your order of the 26th
ult. and advised you of the appeal I had made to the
patriotism of the West Tennesseans. Yesterday, the
officers who had so gallantly headed the Tennessee
mounted volunteers during the Creek campaigns, met

INDIAN WARS.

239

me at this place, and gave me every assurance of their
ability to assemble two regiments of mounted gun
men, by the 31st inst, at any designated point within
the western part of the state. I have ordered them
to rendezvous at Fayetteville, and as many as may ap
pear on the 31st inst. or the 1st of February, to be
mustered and received into service for six months,
(if not sooner discharged,) by my Inspector General.
The contractor has instructions to issue to these
troops twenty days rations, and every measure has been
adopted to facilitate their march, via fort Jackson, by
the most direct practicable route to fort Scott. —
These troops will be well supplied as far as fort
Jackson, and there the necessary provisions may be
obtained, and packed to answer their immediate
wants, until they are intercepted by supplies from
below. Mcijor Fanhing has been despatched to fort
Hawkins, to purchase and forward on these supplies
to the most convenient point of interception.
" With respect, &c.
" ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. Com."
"Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Sec. of War."
SECRETARY OF WAR TO GEN. JACKSON.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM J. C. CALHOUN, SEC. OF WAR, TO
MAJ. GIN. ANDREW JACKSON, DATED January 24, 1818.
" Your letters of the 12th and 13th inst. are re
ceived. The measures you have taken to bring an
efficient force into the field are approbated ; and
a confident hope is entertained, that a speedy and
successful termination of the Indian war will follow
your exertions.
EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM THE SECREAARY OF WAR, TO MAJ.
GEN. ANDREW JACKSON, DATED
" Department of War, Feb. 6, 1818.
" I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of
your letter of the 20th ult. and to acquaint you with

240 INDIAN WARS.
the entire approbation of the President of all the
measures which you have adopted to terminate the
rupture with the Indians. The honour of our arms,
as well as the interest of our country, requires that it
should be as speedily terminated as practicable ; and
the confidence reposed in your skill and promptitude
assures us that peace will be restored on such condi
tions as will make it honourable and permanent,"

GEN. JACKSON TO THE SEC. OF WAR.
" Fort Gadsden, east bank of the Appalachieola river, )
fuimerly Negro fort, March 20, 1618. J
« Sir — At 7 o'clock, P. M. on the 9th inst. I reach
ed fort Scott, with the brigade of Georgia militia,
900 bayonets strong, and some of the friendly Creeks,
who had joined me on my march a fevv days before,
where finding but one quait of corn per man, and a
few poor cattle, which added to the live pork I
brought with me would give us three days rations of
meat, determined me at once to use this small sup
ply to the best advantage. Accordingly, having been
advised by Col. Gibson, Quarter-Master-General,
that he would sail from New Orleans on the 12th of
February, with supplies ; and being also advised that
two sloops with provisions were in the bay, and an
officer had been despatched from fort Scott in a large
keel boat to bring up a part of their loading, and
deeming that the preservation of these supplies would
be to preserve the army, and enable me to prosecute
the campaign, I assumed the command on the morn
ing of the 10th, ordered the live stock to be slaugh
tered and issued to the troops with one quart of corn
to each man, and the line of march to be taken up
at 12, meridian. Having to cross the Flint river,
which was very high, combined with some neglect in
returning the boats during a very dark night, I was
unable to move from the opposite bank until 9 o'clock
on the morning of the 11th, when I took up nay line

INDIAN WARS.

241

of march down the east bank of the river for this
place, touching the river as often as practicable,
looking for the provision boat which w;is ascending,
and which I was fortunate enough to mtet on the
13th, when I ordered an extra ration to the troops,
they not having received a full one of meal or flour
since their arrival at fort Early.
" On that day my patroles captured three prison
ers, and found some hidden corn. On the morning
of the 14th I ordered the boat down the river to
this place, whilst I descended by land, and reached
here without interruption on the 16th. The eligibility
of this spot as a depot determined me, and I imme
diately directed my aid-de-camp, Lieut. Gadsden, of
the engineer corps, to furnish a plan for, and super
intend the erection of a fortification. His talents and
indefatigable zeal displayed in the execution of this
order, induced me to name it fort Gadsden; to which
he is justly entitled.
" From information received from Pensacola and
New Orleans, I have no doubt but that St. Marks is
in possession of the Indians. The governor of Pen
sacola informed Capt. Call, of the 1st infantry (now
here,) that the Indians had demanded arms, ammuni
tion and provisions, or the possession of the garrison
of St. Marks of the commandant, and that he presumed
possession would be given from inability to defend it.
The Spanish government is bound by treaty to keep
the Indians at peace with us. They have acknowl
edged their incompetency to do this, and are conse
quently bound by the law of nations to yield us all
facilities to reduce- them. Under this consideration,
should I be able, I shall take possession of the gar
rison as a depot for my supplies, should it be found
in the hands of the Spaniards, they having supplied
the Indians; but if in the hands of the enemy, 1 will
possess it for the benefit of the United States, as a
necessary position for me to hold, to give peace and
security to this frontier, and put a final end to Indian
warfare in the south..

242 INDIAN WARS.
" Finding it very difficult to supply fort Crawford,
on the Caneucho, by land, 1 have ordered the sup
plies for that garrison by water, and written to the
governor of Pensacola, that if he interrupts them
during the present Indian war, I shall view it as aid
ing our enemy, and treat it as an act of hostility, and
stated to him the propriety under existing circum
stances, of his affording all facilities to put down their
own as well as our enemies, and that our governments
while negotiating can take the subject under consid
eration, but, in the mean time, our provisions must
pass to fort Crawford by water without interrup
tion. " In mine, of the 26th ultimo, from fort Early, I
stated that despatches, received by Gen. Gaines on
the 19th inst. from the commanding officer at fort
Scott, induced him to set out that night for fort Scott,
to prevent its abandonment, &c. In his passage down
the Flint river he was shipwrecked, by which he lost
his assistant adjutant-general, Maj. C. Wright, and
two soldiers drowned. The General reached me
six days alter, nearly exhausted by hunger and cold,
having lost his baggage and clothing, and being com
pelled to wander in the woods four and a half days
without any thing to subsist on, or any clothing ex
cept a pair of pant. iloons. I am happy to have it in
my power to say, that he is now with me at the head
of his brigade in good health.
"ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. com'd'g.
" P. S. Gen. M'Intosh, commanding the friendly
Creeks, who had been ordered to reconnoitre the
right bank of the Appalachicola, reported to me on
the 19th, that he had captured, without the fire of
a gun, 180 women and children, and 53 warriors of
the Red Ground Chief's party, with their cattle and
supplies. The chief and 20 warriors made their es
cape on horseback. Ten of the warriors, attempting
to escape after they had surrendered, were killed by
the general. A. J."

INDIAN WARS. 243
ADJUTANT GEN. BUTLER TO THE SEC. OF WAR.

" Head Quarters, Division of the South
Adjutant Grni'ial'j- Officii, Fort
Appaladiicola river, May 3, 1818

South, )
Gadsden, >

" Sir — I have the honour to report, that the army
under the immediate command of Maj. Gen. Andrew
Jackson, took up the line oi' march on the 26th day
of March last, with eight days rations, and lay in ad
vance of this post about six miles on the 29th at
Ochlochaway river, when 19 canoes were made, and
the principal part of the army crossed by 8 o'clock,
P. M. Major Twiggs was detached with one com
pany and about 200 warriors, with orders to advance
on an Indian village called Tallahasse, and surprise it
at day-break. On his near approach he despatched
a party to ascertain its situation, who reported it
evacuated some days before. On the morning of the
31st he entered the village, having previously sent
out parties to reconnoitre ; two of the enemy were
made prisoners, one of whom made his escape from
the Indians before he was brought into camp. The
army passed the village about 12 o'clock, and en
camped near Mickasuky, when intelligence was re
ceived of the approach of a detachment of mounted
volunteers, from Tennessee, under the command of
Lieut. Col. Elliot, near 400 strong. On the morning
of the 1st of April, the army formed and halted until
their arrival, when they were ordered to form the
advance of each flank, with Captains Russel and
Evan's companies as spies, with Captain John Gor
don. The army now advanced within one mile and
a half of Kinghajah town, when a number of Indians
were discovered herding cattle in the margin of a
large pond. The General ordered the right and
left columns to advance, with a view of cutting off
their retreat, and at the same time instructed the ad
vance light company under Major Muhlenberg, the
guard, Major Nicks, together with the small compa
nies composing his life guard, under Captains Dunlap
and Crittenden, to advance in support of the spies, in

244 INDIAN WARS.
the event of a general engagement. The spy com
panies commenced the attack, and a brisk running
fire was kept up on both sides for some minutes,
when the enemy divided, the spy companies pursuing
those on the right, and Lieut. Col. Elliot, having
turned their flank, became generally engaged, and
bore them over to the left column, under the command
of Lieut. Col. Mitchell, within half gun-shot of each
other, when they were assailed by both flanks and
would all have fallen, had not the volunteers taken
up the impression (from the similarity of dress) that
some of the friendly warriors had reached in pursuit
of the enemy, which occasioned the firing to cease
for a short time, when a number made good their
retreat into the swamp. Capt. Crittenden's com
pany being on horse back, was unable to reach
the head of Lieut. Col. Elliot's column, when they
dismounted and operated against the enemy. Major
Muhlenberg's company, the advance guard and Cap
tain Dunlap's company being on foot, was not able
to reach the scene of action in time. The right col
umn of Georgia militia on nearing the pond filed
round it, and Col. King, with his regiment, was
-ordered to advance through it to support the column
of horse, should it be fouud necessary; which was
•executed by tbe Colonel with great promptitude.
The conduct of the officers and soldiers engaged on
this occasion, was in every respect praiseworthy. —
Our loss was one man of Captain Andrew's company
killed, and four of Captain Evan's company of Ten
nessee volunteers wounded. The reports give 14
killed and several wounded of the enemy, and four
women piisoners, from whom we learned that 300
warriors had advanced from the town to aid those
engaged, and on seeing the advance of an army, fled
precipitately. The army now advanced upon the
town, which was found deserted ; and on reaching the
square discovered a red pole planted at the council
house, on which were suspended about 50 fresh scalps,
taken from the heads of extreme age, down to the

INDIAN WARS. 245
tender infant, of both sexes, and in an adjacent house,
those of near 300 men, which bore the appearance of
having been the barbarous trophies of settled hostility
for three or four years past.
" The army continued the pursuit to a large pond
of water, which is eight miles in length, varying in
width from 600 to 4000 yards, and from two to five
feet deep ; through which the army passed, when
the approach of night induced the commanding gen
eral to draw off his troops. On the succeeding
morning brevet Major General E. P. Gaines, with a
large command, was ordered to pass the lake or pond,
and attack the other towns ; but which he found aban
doned by the enemy. The red pole was again found
planted in the square of Fowl Town, barbarously
decorated with human scalps, of both sexes, taken
within the last six months from the heads of our
unfortunate citizens. General M'lntosh, who was with
General Gaines, routed a small party of savages near
Fowl Town, killed one negro and took three prison
ers, on one of whom was found the coat of James
Champion, of Captain Cummings' company, fourth
regiment of infantry, who was killed by the Indians on
board of one of our boats descending the river to the
relief of Major Muhlenberg ; this coat with nearly all
Captain Cumming's company's clothing was lost on
board of Lieutenant Scott's boat, when he and his party
were massacred on the thirtieth of November last.
The pocket book of Mr. Leigh, who was murdered at
Cedar Creek on the twenty-first January last, was found
in Kinghajah's town, containing several letters address
ed to the deceased, and one to General Glascock.
About one thousand head of cattle fell into our hands,
many of which were recognized by the Georgia mili
tia as having brands and marks of their citizens. Near
three thousand bushels of corn was found, with other ar
ticles useful to the army. Upwards of 300 houses were
consumed, leaving a tract of fertile country in ruin ;
where these wretches might have lived in plenty,
but for the vile machinations of foreign traders, if not
32

246 Indian wars.
agents. The army remained at this point until the
morning of the fifth, when the march was resumed
for St. Marks, before which it arrived on the evening
of the sixth ; and, after communicating with the com
manding officer, took possession of that fortress on
the following morning. Captain M'Keever, of the
navy, having sailed for St. Marks with some vessels con
taining supplies for the army, was fortunate enough
to entice on board his vessel in the river, Francis, or
Hillishajo, and Homathlamico, hostile chiefs of the
Creek nation, and whose settled hostility have been
severely felt by our citizens. The commanding Gen
eral had them brought on shore, and ordered them
to be hung, as an example to deter others from excit
ing these deluded wretches to future scenes of butch
ery. A man by the name of A. Arbuthnot was also
taken on the arrival of the army, and placed in close
confinement. " The troops having again received eight days ra
tions, and a garrison detached for fort St. Marks, the
army marched on the ninth of April, destined for
Suwaney. On the morning of the twelfth the officer
of the day reported, that the sentinels had heard the
lowing of cattle and barking of dogs during the night ;
from which the General was induced to send a runner
to General M'Intosh, who encamped a short distance
in the rear of the army, with instructions to have the
country examined. In the mean time, the army mov
ed slowly in advance. General M'Intosh despatched
Major Kanard, with a party, who returned to him a
runner, reporting the discovery of a hostile party too
strong for his little band of warriors. M'Intosh
moved against them with his whole force, and a small
detachment of different companies of the Tennessee
volunteers, under Colonels Dyer and Williamson,
(they having joined the army on the evening of the
tenth,) and, on hearing the report of Major Kanard,
formed themselves into a company under Captain
Bell, who was with them, and moved to attack the
enemy, whom they found near a large swamp, en-

INDIAN WARS. 247
deavouring to move off. A spirited engagement en
sued, which resulted in the death of 37, and six men
and 98 women and children prisoners ; and our loss
three killed and four wounded of the friendly Indians.
The only woman out of seven, whose life was spared
at the massacre of Lieutenant Scott, was here re-cap
tured by Major Kanard. General M'Intosh individually
killed three of the enemy and captured one. The lit
tle band of Tennessee volunteers acted on this occasion
as becomes their character. At the commencement of
the action the army was halted, and a runner despatch
ed to inform General M'Intosh that any aid he might
deem necessary would be afforded, and that the army
would remain until his arrival, which was not until we
encamped for the night.
" The enemy abandoned a number of horses, hogs,
corn, and about six hundred head of cattle. The army
moved on the morning of the thirteenth, and on the
succeeding day our spies surprised a camp, consisting of
two men, a woman and two children. One of the men
was killed ; the others, with a small boy, slightly
wounded ; and the woman, unfortunately, not being dis
tinguished in the swamp, received a wound, of which
she died.
" At three o'clock, P. M. on the 29th, the army ar
rived at a large pond, within six miles of Bowleg's
town, on Suwaney river, where a few Indians, well
mounted, discovered our advance. An attempt was
made to overtake them ; but the enfeebled state of
our horses rendered it impracticable. Under these
circumstances, the General deemed it advisable to
make the town by a forced march, not allowing the
enemy time to cross the river, and destroy their sup
plies. The manner of attack having been previously
arranged, the army moved rapidly, until arriving near
a thick wood which flanks the town, when the troops
changed position, conformably to previous orders,
and moved forward. The left flank, composed of
Colonel Williamson's regiment of Tennessee volun
teers, at the head of which a force of Indian warriors

248 INDIAN WARS.
under Colonel Kanard, soon came in contact with?
and warmly engaged the Indians and negroes, whilst
the right flank, composed of Colonel Dyer's regiment
of Tennessee volunteers, with a like force of warriors
under General M'Intosh, advanced near the river, to
prevent the enemy from crossing. The centre ad
vanced in excellent order, and under the expectation
of having to combat with the strength of these towns,
and the fugitives from Mickasuky ; but on reaching
Bowleg's Town, found it abandoned. The left
flank, from the nature of the ground they had to tra
verse, and Colonel Kanard not adhering to the route
designated, drove the Indians and negroes, about three
hundred, into the river, before the right flank could oc
cupy the desired position.
" The reports gave 1 1 killed and three prisoners on
the field, and it is believed many were killed and drown
ed in swimming the river, it being nearly 300 yards
wide. Colonel Kanard had 13 wounded, one danger
ously. About 2700 bushels of corn were obtained in
the towns and neighbouring swamps, and nearly ninety
head of cattle and a number of horses. Our sentinels
on the night of the 17th, took prisoners two white men
(Ambrister and Cook,) and one negro, who had just
returned from Arbuthnot's vessel, at. the mouth of
Suwaney. From the latter we obtained a letter
written by A. Arbuthnot to his son, in which he enu
merates the army of the United States, under the Gen
eral's command, and requests him to inform his friend
Bowlegs, that resistance would be fruitless against
such an overwhelming force, and to make over the
river with all despatch ; admonishing his son, at the
same time, to remove and secrete every thing that
could be removed. From Cook we learned, that
this was read to the negroes and Indians, when they
immediately commenced crossing their families, and
had just finished as we entered their towns. Upwards
of 300 houses were here consumed, the most of which
were well built, and somewhat regular, extending
near three miles up the river. On the morning of

INDIAN WARS. 249
the 1 8th Gen. Gaines was ordered, with a select com
mand, and a number of warriors under General M'In
tosh, to cross the Suwaney river, in pursuit of the ene
my, but found, on advancing about 6 miles, that they
were dispersed in every direction, from the numerous
trails, and too far advanced to overtake them, his com
mand being short of supplies.
" A detachment of warriors advanced some dis
tance, fell in with a small party of the enemy, killed
three warriors, took some women and children, and
five negroes. On the same morning Lieutenant James
Gadsden, Aid-de-Camp to the commanding General
descended the Suwaney river to its mouth, with
Captain Dunlap's and a few of Captain Crittenden's
companies of the life-guard and a small detachment of
the regulars, and captured without difficulty the schoon
er of A, Arbuthnot, which had brought supplies of
powder and lead to the Indians and negroes, set
tled at Suwaney. This vessel afforded the means
of transporting our sick back to St. Marks. On
the evening of the twentieth, General Glascock was
ordered, at his request, to march his brigade by Micka-
suky to Hartford, in Georgia, and Captain Bell order
ed to muster those out of service, and the army
moved about three quarters of a mile preparatory to
its return. On the 20th General M'Intosh was order
ed to proceed direct to fort Scott, on Flint river, and
an order furnished him to the commanding officer to
muster his warriors out of service.
" The army reached fort St. Marks on the 25th,
having marched twenty-eight miles on that day ; and
we were agreeably surprised in finding that Lieutenant
Gadsden had arrived in safety that evening, from the
mouth of the Suwaney. On the 26th a special court
was ordered, for the trial of A. Arbuthnot and Robert
C. Ambrister, which court, on the documents and evi
dence adduced, sentenced the first to be hung, and the
latter to be shot. They were accordingly executed on
the morning of the twenty ninth. The army moved
and encamped on the evening of the 28th and arrived

250 INDIAN WARS.
at fort Gadsden on the second inst. The General hav
ing previously detached a garrison of 200 men, under
the command of brevet Major Fanning, to occupy fort
St. Marks. I have only lo add, that this army has
borne hardships and privations to a great extent, in a
manner becoming soldiers and citizens of a nation proud
of their liberties.
" And have the honor to be, very respectfully, your
most obedient servant,
" ROBERT BUTLER, Adj. Gen.
" Brig. Gen. Daniel Parker, Adj. and Insp. Gen."
General Jackson in a letter to the Secretary of
War, stating his reasons for having demanded from
the Spanish Commandant the surrender of fort St.
Marks, concludes thus : "It could not be maintained
by the Spanish force garrisoning it. The Indians
and negroes viewed it as an asylum if driven from
the towns, and were preparing to occupy it, in this
event. It was necessary to anticipate their move
ments, independent of the position, being deemed
essential as a depot on which the success of my fu
ture operations measurably depended. In the spirit
of friendship, I, therefore demanded its surrender
to the army of the United States, until the close of
the Seminole war. The Spanish Commandant re
quired time to reflect : it was granted ; and a negoti
ation ensued, and an effort was made to protract it to
an unwarrantable length. In the conversation be
tween my Aid-de-Camp, Lieutenant Gadsden, and the
Spanish Commandant, circumstances transpired con
vincing him of a disposition to favour the Indians, and
having taken an active part in aiding and abetting
them in this war. I hesitated, therefore, no longer ;
and, as I could not be received in friendship, I enter
ed the fort by violence. Two light companies of the
seventh regiment of infantry, and one of the fourth,
under the command of Major Twiggs, were ordered to
advance, lower the Spanish Colours and hoist the star-
spangled banner on the ramparts of fort St. Marks.

INDIAN WARS. 251
The order was executed promptly. No resistance was
attempted on the part of the Spanish garrison.
" In fort St. Marks, an inmate in the family of the
-Spanish commandant, an Englishman by the name of
Arbuthnot, was found. Unable satisfactorily to explain
the object of his visiting this country, and there being
a combination of circumstances to justify a suspicion
that his views were not honest, he was ordered into
close confinement. On the capture of his schooner
near the mouth of Suwaney river, by my Aid-de-camp,
Lieutenant Gadsden, papers were found on board, un
veiling his corrupt transactions, as well as those of Cap
tain Ambrister, late of the British colonial marine corps,
taken as a prisoner near Bowleg's town. These indi
viduals were tried under my orders, by a special court
of select officers, legally convicted as exciters of this
savage and negro war, legally condemned, and most
justly punished for their iniquities.
" Previous to my leaving fort Gadsden I had oc
casion to address a communication lo the Governor
of Pensacola, on the subject of permitting supplies to
pass up the Escambia river to fort Crawford. This
letter, with another from St. Marks on the subject of
some United States clothing, shipped in a vessel in
the employ of the Spanish Government, to that post,
I now enclose with his reply. The Governor of
Pensacola refusing my demand cannot but be viewed
as evincing a hostile feeling on his part,* particular
ly in connexion with some circumstances reported to
me from the most unquestionable authority. It has
been stated that the Indians at war with the United
States, have free access into Pensacola; that they
are kept advised, from that quarter, of all our move
ments; that they are supplied from thence with am
munition and munitions of war ; and that they are
now collecting in a large body, to the number of 4 or
500 warriors, in that city. That inroads from thence
have been lately made on the Alabama ; in one of
which, eighteen settlers fell by the tomahawk. These
statements compel me to make a movement to the

252 INDIAN WARS.
west of the Appalachicola, and, should they prove
correct, Pensacola must be occupied with an Amer
ican force ; the Governor treated according to his
deserts, or as policy may dictate. I shall leave strong
garrisons in forts St. Marks, Gadsden and Scott, and
in Pensacola, should it become necessary to possess
it. It becomes my duty to state it, as my confirmed
opinion, that, so long as Spain has not the power or
will to enforce the treaties by which she is solemnly
bound to preserve the Indians within her territory,
at peace with the United States, no security can be
given to our southern frontier, without occupying a
chain of posts along the sea shore. The moment
the Americin army retires from Florida the war
hatchet will be again raised, and the same scenes of
indiscriminate massacre with which our frontier set-
tleis have heen visited will be repeated. So long
as the Indians within the territory of Spain are ex
posed to the delusions of false prophets and poison of
foreign intrigue : so long as they can receive ammu
nition, munitions of war, &c, from pretended traders
and Spanish commandants, it will be impossible to
restrain their outrages. The burning of their towns,
the destroying of their stock and provisions, will pro
duce very little else but temporary embarrassments.
Re-supplied by Spanish authorities, they may con
centrate and disperse at will, and keep up a lasting
predatory warfare against the frontiers of the United
States, as expensive to our government as harrass-
ing to our troops. The savages, therefore, must be
made dependent upon us, and cannot be kept at
peace without being persuaded of the certainty of
chastisement being inflicted on the commission of the
least offence. I trust, therefore, that the measures
which have been pursued will meet with the approba
tion ?of .the President of the United States. They
have been adopted in pursuance of your instructions,
and under a firm conviction that they alone were calcu
lated to insure " peace and security to the southern fron
tier of Georgia."

INDIAN WARS. 253
" The army will move on the 7th from hence, crossing
the Appalachicola river, at the Ochesee bluff, about 40
miles above this. "ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen. comd'g,
" Hon. J. C. Calhoun, Secretary of War."
The following extract of a letter from General Jack
son to the Secretary of War, dated fort Montgomery,
June 2, will acquaint the ,reader with his reasons as
therein stated, for having penetrated so far, and taken
forcible possession of Pensacola.
"On the 10th of May, my army crossed the river at the
Ochesee village, and after a fatiguing, tedious and cir
cuitous march of 12 days, misled by the ignorance of
our pilots, and exposed to the severest privations,we final
ly reached and effected a passage over the Escandria.
On my march on the 23d of May, a protest from the
Governor of Pensacola was delivered to me by a Spanish
officer, remonstrating in warm terms against my proceed
ings, and ordering me and my force instantly to quit
the territory of his Catholic Majesty, with a threat to
apply force in the event of a non-compliance. This was
so open an indication of a hostilie feeling on his part,
after having been early and well advised of the objects
of my operations, that 1 hesitated no longer on the
measures to be adopted. I marched fpr and entered
Pensacola with only the show of resistance, on the 24th
of May. The Governor had previously fled to fort
Carlos de Barrancas, where it is said he resolved upon
a most desperate resistance. The peaceable surrender
of the fort at Barrancas was denied. I marched for and
invested it on the evening of the 25th of May, and on
the same night pushed reconnoitering parties under its
very guns. On the morning of the 26lh a military re-
connoisance was taken, and on the same night a lodge
ment was made, under a fire from the Spanish garrison,
by Capt. Gadsden of the Engineers, aided by Captains
Call and Young, on a commanding position, within 385
yards of the Spanish works, and a nine pounder mount-
33

254 INDIAN WARS.
ed. A howitzer battery was simultaneously established
on the capital and within 750 yards of the forti At
day-light on the 27th, the Spanish garrison opened their
artillery on out batteries ; a parley was sounded, a flag
sent in, and the surrender of fort Carlos de Barrancas
again demanded ; the favorable positions obtained were
pointed out, and the inutility of resistance urged. Anx
ious to avoid an open contest, and to save the effusion
of blood, the same terms previously offered were again
tendered. These were rejected and offensive operations
re-commenced. A spirited and well directed fire was
kept up the greater part of the morning, and at intervals
during the afternoon. In the evening a flag was sent
from the Spanish Commandant, offering to capitulate,
and a suspension of hostilities was granted until eight
o'clock the next day, when articles of capitulation Were
signed and agreed to. The terms are more favourable
than a conquered enemy Would have merited ; but, un
der the peculiar circumstances of the case, my object
obtained, there was no motive for wounding the feelings
of those whose military pride or honor had prompted to
the resistance made. The articles, with but one con
dition, amount to the complete cession to the United
States of that portion of the Floridas, hitherto under the
government of Don Jose iVlasot.
" The Seminole war may now be considered at a
close, tranquility again restored to the southern frontier
of the United States, and, as long as a cordon of mili
tary posts is maintained along the gulf of Mexico,
America has nothing to apprehend from either foreign
Or Indian hostilities. Indeed, Sir, to attempt to fortify
or protect an imaginary line, or to suppose that a fron
tier on the 31st degree of latitude, in a wilderness, can
be secured by a cordon of military posts, whilst the
Spanish authorities were not maintained in the Floridas,
and that the country lay open to the use and excitement
of any enemy, is visionary in the extreme. On the imj
mutable principle, therefore, of self-defence, authorized
by the law of nature and of nations, have I bottomed

JNftlAN WARS* 255
aU tny operations. On the fact that the Spanish officers
had aided and abetted the Indians, and thereby became
a party in hostility against us, do I justify my occupying
the Spanish fortresses. Spain has disregarded the trea
ties existing with the American government, or had not
power to enforce them. The Indian tribes within her
territory, and which she was bound to keep at peace,
had visited our citizens with all the horrors of savage
war. Negro brigands were establishing themselves
when and where they pleased, and foreign agents were
openly and knowingly practising their intrigues in this
neutral territory. The immutable principles of self-de
fence justified, therefore, the occupancy of the Floridas,
and the same principles will warrant the American gov
ernment in holding it until such time as Spain can guar
antee, by an adequate military force, the maintaining
her authority within the colony.
" With respect, yours, &c.
' ANDREW JACKSON, Maj. Gen, com.
" To Hon. J. C. CaL&oun, Sec'ry at War."
It is stated that Arbuthnot, who was publicly execu
ted as a spy, by order of Gen. Jackson, had been a cap
tain in the British service, was about 40 years of age,
of genteel appearance, and met his fate like a soldier.
When the executioner was fixing the rope around his
neck, he desired not to be handled so roughly ; observ
ed he was a gentleman, and spoke of his death being
avenged. His property he requested should be given to
his son. Ambrister, (who Was charged with a similar
offence, and suffered with Arbuthnot,) was a young man
not exceeding 25 years. At first he appeared undaunt
ed and quite indifferent as to his fate, but as death began
to look him in the face, he lost his composure, and died
more like a Woman than a man.
The Prophet Francis, who was executed a little be
fore, had in his pocket a commission of Brigadier Gen
eral, from the British government supposed to have been
presented him during his late visit to England* Whence

266 INDIAN WARS.
he had not long returned. His arrival in that country,
was thus announced in one of the English prints : " The
double sound of a trumpet announced the approach of
the patriot Francis, who fought so gloriously in our cause
in America. He was dressed in a most splendid suit of
red and gold, and by his side he wore a tomahawk,
mounted in gold !" This wretch is said to have been
the prime mover of the unprovoked and infernal massa
cre of the garrison, with the women, &e. of fort Mims ;
and him also who slaughtered Lieut. Scott, and his party.
An officer in Gen. Jackson's army, in writing to his
friend, relative to the surrender of a number of the en
emy as prisoners, at St. Marks, thus speaks of the fam
ily of Francis : " The wife and family of the prophet
Francis are among the prisoners. Two of his daugh
ters are very interesting young ladies, and speak very
good English, as in fact the whole family do except the
mother. The eldest, when her father was decoyed on
board the American schooner, shortly after followed, sup
posing her lo be a British vessel ; before she got along
side, however, she discovered the deception, pushed off
and made her escape. The youngest and most beauti
ful is caressed by all the officers, for having saved the
life of a Georgia militia man (M'Krimmon,) whom her
countrymen had taken prisoner and were about to put to
death, when this modern Pocahontas finding her intreat-
ies vain, determined to save his life or perish with him.
She was successful, and the man was preserved.

THE END.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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