BOUG-HT WITH THE INCOME
OF THE
PERKINS FUND
190/

flbublicaticms

OF THE

1fou$uenot Society

OF

3Lonbon

VOL. XV
History of the Walloon & Huguenot Church
at Canterbury

BY FRANCIS W. CROSS

MDCCCXCVIII

The COUNCIL of the HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF LONDON
desire it to be understood that they are not answerable for any
opinions or observations that may appear in the Society's pub
lications ; the Editors of the several Works being alone responsible
for the same.

HISTORY

OF THE

WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH

CANTERBURY

H

ISTORY

OF THE

Walloon & Huguenot Church

AT

Canterbury

By
Francis W. Cross
Honorary Librarian of Canterbury Cathedral
Fellow of the Huguenot Society of London

MDCCCXCVIII

Canterbury :
ONLY FOUR HUNDRED AND SEVENTY-FIVE COPIES PRINTED FOR
THE HUGUENOT SOCIETY OF LONDON,
BY CROSS & JACKMAN.

Qhe Ibuouenot Society of 3Lonbon.

(Inaugurated ij/h April, 1883. J

OFFICERS AND COUNCIL FOR THE YEAR 1898-99.
ipresioent.
SIR HENRY WILLIAM PEEK, BART.

Wice=ipresiJ)ents.

Major Gen. Sir E. F. Du Cane, R.E., K.C.B.
Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A.

William John Charles Moens, F.S.A.
Robert Hovenden,- F.S.A.

Council.
Lieut. Gen. Stephen H. E. Chamier, C.B., R.A.
T. C. Colyer-Fergusson.
Frederick A. Crisp, F.S.A.
John William De Grave.
Major-General M. W. E. Gosset, C.B.
William John Hardy, F.S.A.

Edouard Majolier.
David Martineau, J.P.
Colonel E. Matthey, F.S.A.
William Wyndham Portal.
Ernest Sutton Saurin.
William A. Shaw.

treasurer.
Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu, io, Lancaster Place, Strand, W.C.
1bon. Secretary.
Reginald Stanley Faber, M.A., 90, Regent's Park Road, N.W.
assistant Secretary.
G. H. Overend, F.S.A., 71, Stockwell Park Road, S.W.

PREFACE.

A completely satisfactory history of the refugee strangers who
settled at Canterbury is now scarcely possible, because much of the
necessary material is lacking ; but I have endeavoured to collect from
many sources, and especially from original documents, such particulars
of these interesting people as still exist. I began to work in this
field of research on the suggestion of my friend, S. W. Kershaw,
Esq., F.S.A., who several years ago urged me to take up the study
of Huguenot history, and carefully examine the local records for any
references to the foreign settlers. Of the Walloon and Huguenot
Church at Canterbury no history had then been written ; but Burn,
Smiles, Kershaw, Martin, and other writers, to whom as pioneers all
honour is due, had devoted a chapter to the subject in works which
embraced a wider scope. They could not, however, condense within
a few pages an adequate account of a community which was intimately
associated with the industrial, political, and religious development of
England and the neighbouring countries during the sixteenth and
seventeenth centuries. More recently Baron Schickler, in his noble

PREFACE.

work, I^es Eglises du Refuge en Angleterre, added to our knowledge
of the Church. Unfortunately he was unaware of the existence in
Canterbury of a considerable mass of Walloon records, which were
then, in effeel, buried and unknown. The printing of the archives
of the Dutch Church of London has also opened a mine of infor
mation in connection with the refugee Churches, of which ample
evidence will be found in the pages of this volume ; while the
Proceedings and Publications of the Huguenot Society of London
have supplied important material, especially in the Registers of the
Walloon Church at Ca?iterbury.
Of these and many other works I have made a careful perusal,
but whatever value this book may possess will chiefly be due to the
use which has been made of original records ; this is more extensive
than may appear to the reader, because much of the text has been
derived from that source even where it is not indicated by quotation
or reference. Before commencing to write a chapter, I had examined
several thousand folios of more-or-less legible manuscript contained
in the archives of the City and of the Cathedral, and had read,
line by line, the whole of the voluminous Adt Books, Elders' and
Deacons' Accounts, Letters, and other documents belonging to the
French Church of Canterbury, of which a list is given in the
Appendix (pp. 255-6). Search was also made among the historical
manuscripts at the Record Office, the Privy Council Office, the
British Museum, Lambeth Palace Library, the Bodleian Library, and
in the archives of the Weavers' Company of London. I state this
not to claim any merit for the performance of an obvious duty, but in
order to justify the numerous instances in which the facts, names,
and dates given in this volume differ from those in previous works.
I have refrained, except in a few cases, from calling attention to
the errors or omissions of other writers ; but in illustration of the

PREFACE. in

necessity of' verifying statements generally regarded as established,
I would refer the reader to the comparative lists of Pastors, given
on pp. 207-8. It has been my endeavour to present a fuller and
more accurate account of the Canterbury strangers than has hitherto
been written ; but I am conscious of many shortcomings in my own
work. I have not attempted, for instance, to deal with the subject
of family history, which is so extensive in connection with the Canter
bury settlement as to require a separate volume.
My preface would be too long if I specified all who, in various
ways, have rendered me valuable assistance : It would be too short
if I did not gratefully acknowledge the kindness of many unnamed
friends, and make more particular mention of those to whom I am
especially indebted. My warmest thanks are due to the Consistory
of the French Church at Canterbury, who have permitted the whole
of their records to remain in my charge during several years ; to
the Master (J. B. Ingle, Esq.) and the Court of the Weavers' Company
of London, who granted me access to their archives at Wanstead ;
to the Directors of the French Hospital, Victoria Park, London, who
gave me special facilities for using their very valuable Huguenot
Library; and to the Rev. A. D. A. Van Scheltema and the Consistory
of the Dutch Church of London, who allowed letters in their archives,
from the first two Pastors of the Church of the Crypt, to be photo
graphed for reproduction in fac-simile; also to the Rev. Canon Foxell,
J. M. Cowper, Esq., and M. Beazeley, Esq., F.R.G.S , from whom
I have received most valuable assistance at Canterbury ; to Robert
Hovenden, Esq., F.S.A., editor of the Walloon Registers, who kindly
sent me proofs as the printing of his work proceeded ; and to Reginald
S. Faber, Esq., M.A. (Hon. Sec. of the Huguenot Society), and G.
R. Overend, Esq., F.S.A., of the Record Office, who have helped
me repeatedly in London, I desire also to acknowledge the honour

iv PREFACE.

which the Huguenot Society has conferred upon me in the invitation
to write an account of the Walloon and Huguenot Church at Canter
bury for the series of their Publications.
In concluding the work which has occupied my leisure hours
during the last five years I am bound to confess how far the result
achieved falls short of my intention and desire, and how inadequately
the story has been told of the pious strangers who, in a time of sore
trial, amid untold peril, accepted poverty and exile for the love of
religion. Francis W. Cross.

Canterbury, June, 1898.

CONTENTS.

Chap.
i. The First French Church at Canterbury
n. Refugee Strangers at Canterbury in the Reign of Elizabeth . .
in. The Walloon Migration from Sandwich to Canterbury
iv. The Strangers and the Citizens . .
v. The Church of the Crypt
vi. The Church and its Members : Organization and Government
vii. The Church and its Pastors in the Sixteenth Century
viii. The Church and its Pastors in the Sixteenth Century (continued)
ix. The Church and its Pastors in the Seventeenth Century
x. Laud's Attack on the Foreign Churches
xi. A Period of Discord and Schism
xii. The Period of Schism Continued : Disputes with the English
xiii. The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes : The Huguenot Exodus
xiv. The Church of the Crypt at the close of the Seventeenth Century
xv. The Church of the Crypt in the Eighteenth Century
xvi. The Church of the Crypt in the Nineteenth Century
xvii. The Industries of the Walloon and Huguenot Settlers at Canterbury

Page. -I
1 1
'9
27 37
47 6i7385
99
119¦3i
H3'53
>63 '75¦83

VI

CONTENTS.

APPENDIX.
No. i. Pastors of the Walloon and Huguenot Church at Canterbury
la. Elders and Deacons of the Church of the Crypt
n. Hector Hamon's Petition
in. The Native Homes of the Canterbury Strangers
iv. Letter on behalf of the Strangers
v. Anglicised Names of the Foreign Settlers
vi. Documents relating to the Woolcombers' Union
vii. An Order concerning Retail Trading
viii. The Expenses of Pastor le Chevalier and Pierre Salome in their
journey to London
Vina. Petition of the Walloon Congregation as to Billeting
ix. Order of Charles I in favour of the Strangers
ixa. Order of the Privy Council, 1 63 1
x. Monition to the Ministers and Elders of the Walloon Church of
Canterbury, December 19, 1634
xi. Correspondence between Sir Nathaniell Brent, Dean Bargrave, and
Meric Casaubon
xii. Declaration of Injunction delivered April 13, 1635
xiitf. Injunction delivered September 26, 1635 .
xiii. Extract from the Actes du Consistoire relating to the Election of Joseph
Poujade
xiv. Letter from the French Church of London
xv. Certificate of the Mayor, the Recorder, and Alderman Savin, 1 646
xvi. Order of Magistrate to Churchwardens of St. Dunstan's
xvii. Letter from the French Church, Canterbury, to the Coetus, London
xviii. Order of the Committee for Plundered Ministers
xix. Order of the King in Council, November 14, 1662
xx. Agreement to elect Pastor D'Arande
xxi. The Case of the Walloons against the Overseers of the Poor
xxn. Proposals presented to the Mayor and Aldermen
xxiii. Letter from Pastor Jean Cherpentier to Archbishop Wake . .
xxiv. Letter from Pastor Pierre le Sueur to Archbishop Wake

Page
207209 21421521521621722 I
221222
223 224225 225
226227 228 228
229230230 23>
232234 235 236237237

CONTENTS.

VII

No. XXV.
XXVI.
XXVII.
XXVIII. XXIX. XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII. XXXIV. XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII.
XXXVIII. XXXIX. XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
Index

Certificate of the Mayor and Commonalty in favour of the Walloons
Memorandum of Contract between the King and the Weavers' Company
Petition of Canterbury Weavers
Why the Manufacture of Silk, &c, at Canterbury is no loss to his
Majesty
Certificate of the Mayor on behalf of the Weavers and Spinners
Petition of the Overseers of the Weavers' Hall
Order of the Privy Council, 1639.
Undertaking of the Weavers of Canterbury
Petition of the Silk Weavers of Canterbury
Petition of Master Weavers and Others
Remonstrance of the Overseers of the Weavers' Hall
Letters Patent incorporating the Weavers' Company of Canterbury
Memorandum of the Weavers' Company of Canterbury
Certificate on behalf of the Walloons
Petition of the Weavers' Company of Canterbury, 1 7 1 3
Petition of the Weavers' Company of Canterbury, 1721
Letter from Hector Hamon
Letter from Antoine Lescaillet
Records of the Walloon Church at Canterbury

Page 238 238 239
23924024024124224324424524525i252253253 254255
255 257

ILLUSTRATIONS.

I. The Western Crypt of Canterbury Cathedral, engraved by John le Keux
from a drawing by G. Cattermole, for Britton's Antiquities
of Canterbury Cathedral . . . . . . . . frontispiece
ii. The Eastern Crypt of Canterbury Cathedral, engraved by John le Keux
from a drawing by G. Cattermole, for Britton's Antiquities
of Canterbury Cathedral . . . . . . to face p. 41
[These views of the Crypt have been reproduced by photographic process
from proof plates in the British Museum].
111. Fac-simile of Letter from Hector Hamon .. .. .. to face p. 61
iv. Fac-simile of Letter from Antoine Lescaillet . . . . . . to face p. 80
[These letters have been reproduced from photographs taken of the originals
at the Dutch Church of London. For the text see pp. 254-5.]
v. The French Church in the Black Prince's Chantry, engraved from
photograph specially taken by H. B. Collis, Canterbury . . to face p. 181

HISTORY

OF THE

WALLOON and HUGUENOT CHURCH

AT

CANTERBURY.

CHAP. I.
The First French Church at Canterbury.
The exodus of the refugee strangers, who fled from France and
Flanders to our friendly shores in the sixteenth century, forms a
memorable chapter in the history of the Protestant Reformation. Their
coming hither under stress of persecution and their settlement in
our midst for conscience sake helped in no small measure to reveal
to the English people the character of the great spiritual movement
which was then in progress. Their sad experience gave warning of
Rome's tender mercies, and their simple faith and noble courage
directed to a higher level the thoughts and aims of our own Reformers.
While a purging fire was transforming a corrupt Christendom, the
words of Luther, drawing force and sanction from an open Bible,
had spread from home to home, from heart to heart, across Europe,
awakening conscience and quickening religion. A new era of thought
and conduct had opened ; and Rome saw her sordid empire over the

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

souls of men crumbling to ruin. It was then that she entered with all
her might on that awful campaign of persecution which defiled her
robes with an indelible stain of blood.
The Protestant refugees who made their escape to England were
only a small minority of those who were called upon to suffer for their
faith. They were offered the alternatives of apostasy or martyrdom ;
proscription, torture and death awaited them in their own country ; and
they fled, leaving fortune and fatherland behind, to a home of exile
where they might worship in spirit and in truth. They began to arrive
in England during the latter half of the reign of Henry VIII ; coming
for the most part singly or in small groups, landing chiefly in the ports
of Kent and Sussex, and journeying on from town to town to find
widely-scattered homes wherever their skill in handicrafts secured them
employment. These earlier immigrants made no attempt to establish
refugee settlements or congregations ; and it is not likely they would
have been permitted at that time to do so. Their safety lay in obscurity ;
they mingled with the English population ; and, if their circumstances
allowed it, abandoned their own nationality for that of their hosts. It
stands to the credit of Henry VIII that, although he had little sympathy
with the Reformation, he refused on several occasions to surrender
fugitive heretics to the French King.*
The deaths of Henry VIII and Francis I, within three months of
each other, led to changes of policy in both countries. In France under
Henry II a more severe persecution began to swell the tide of emigra
tion : In England under Edward VI the influence of Cranmer and other
members of the Council led to the adoption of the reformed religion as
that of the State. The Protestants of France and the Low Countries
saw increasing peril facing them at home, and a cordial welcome awaiting
them on the English shore. Those who could find the means hastened
to escape, and large numbers of the fugitives began to land in Kent.
Some of them made their way to Canterbury, which offered peculiar
advantages as an asylum : it was the seat of their foremost friend in
England, and within easy reach of their native land, to which in God's
good time they hoped to return. It had been for several centuries a
centre of medieval devotion, a city of saints and martyrs, to which from
every point of Christendom lines of pilgrimage converged. All that
* Schickler ; Les Eglises du Refuge en Angleterre, vol. i, p. 4.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

symbolized and represented the dark ages of faith had gathered within
its walls, from the coming of Chaucer to the coming of Erasmus. But
lately all had changed ; the cult of the " Martyr " had been suppressed ;
saintly relics were dishonoured ; silence and decay were falling upon
the city. It was at this last stage in the passing era of superstition that
fresh streams of life began to arrive ; no longer of pilgrims to a tomb or
shrine, but offspring of the Reformation which was shaping anew the
destinies of a great part of Europe.
The first congregation of refugee strangers in this country was
formed at Canterbury, and owed its existence to the presence in England
of some eminent foreign Reformers whom Cranmer induced to come
over. He states the object which he had in view in a letter to
John A Lasco, a Polish nobleman who, under the influence of Zwingli,
had adopted the Reformed faith and had devoted himself to the ministry
of a Church at Embden in East Friesland : —
" We are desirous of setting forth in our churches the true doctrine of God, and have
no wish to adapt it to all tastes, or to deal in ambiguities ; but, laying aside all carnal
considerations, to transmit to posterity a true and explicit form of doctrine agreeable to
the rule of the sacred writings ; so that there may not only be set forth among all nations
an illustrious testimony respecting our doctrine, delivered by the grave authority of learned
and godly men, but that all posterity may have a pattern to imitate. For the purpose of
carrying this important design into execution we have thought it necessary to have the
assistance of learned men, who, having compared their opinions together with us, may do
away with all doctrinal controversies, and build up an entire system of true doctrine."*
A Lasco responded to the call, and on arrival in England resided
for some months with Cranmer on the most friendly terms. Among
other notable men who accepted the Archbishop's invitation were
Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius, distinguished preachers and professors
of the Reformed Church at Strasburg, who in 1549 were dismissed from
their offices for refusing to accept the Interim. To Bucer, Cranmer
wrote : — " Those who are unable amidst the raging storm to launch out
into the deep must take refuge in harbour. To you therefore, my Bucer,
our kingdom will be a most safe harbour, in which by the blessing of
God the seeds of true doctrine have happily begun to be sown. Come
over therefore to us, and become a labourer with us in the harvest of
the Lord."t Two years earlier Peter Martyr and Bernardino Ochino had
come over to England. Both had been driven out of Italy by the
* Original Letters : English Reformation, (Parker Society) vol. I, p. 17.
f Hid., vol. I, p. 20.

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

Inquisition. Martyr had become a minister and professor of theology at
Strasburg, and the eloquent Ochino had been preacher at Geneva and
Bale. In the same year also Peter Alexander, a divine of the French
Church, arrived. Both he and Ochino became Canons of Canterbury.
It is of 1547 that the annalist Strype writes: — " I find divers outlandish
and godly men this year at Canterbury. Among the rest there was John
Utenhovius, a person of honorable rank and quality, afterwards elder and
assistant to John A Lasco's Church in London. Here also was
Valerandus Pollanus* and one Franciscus ; and the year after Bucer was
here. Now I conjecture were the beginnings of the Foreigners' Church
planted at Canterbury by the countenance and influence of Archbishop
Cranmer." t
In April 1.549 Bucer and Fagius were at Canterbury, Cranmer having
sent Peter Alexander to meet them at Calais. Fagius wrote from that
place, " the frontier city of England," that they had left Strasburg on
April 6th and, travelling through Lorraine, Champagne, Picardy,
Flanders, and Artois, had reached Calais on the 18th of the same month.
He met his son at Canterbury; found him "well acquainted with the
English language, and having a tolerable understanding of French;"
and took him on to London to act as interpreter. %
Most of the foreign divines and scholars who were guests of
Cranmer at Canterbury passed on to London or the Universities. Two,
however, Utenhove and Franciscus (Francois de la Riviere) remained
a longer time in the city. During the years 1548 and 1549 both of them
were engaged there in the foundation of a refugee congregation of
French or Walloon Protestants. On Sept. 21, 1548, Peter Martyr,
writing from Oxford to Utenhove, who was residing in the Archbishop's
Palace at Canterbury, sent greetings to allthe holy men who were
then with him.|| About this time Cranmer sent the son of Paul Fagius
to Canterbury, to be educated at his expense both in religion and
learning, § and it is very probable that the young student was placed
under the care and tuition of Utenhove. It is in a letter from the
latter to the elder Fagius, dated November 20, 1548, that the first
* Valerandus Pollanus (Valerand Poulain) became minister of the French Church at Glastonbury.
t Strype : Ecclesiastical Memorials, vol. II, book I, p. 78.
^Original Letters : English Reformation, vol. I, pp. 331-2.
|| Hessels. Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. II, lett. 5.
\ Original Letters : English Reformation, vol. I, p. 32.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

distinct mention is made of the foreign congregation at Canterbury : —
" Master Franciscus and Master Claudius (to whom I have given my
daughter in marriage) greet you. Claudius sometimes preaches in our
French Church."* A further reference to the work of Utenhove at
Canterbury is contained in a letter to him from Peter Martyr, dated
January 15, 1549, as follows : —
" To the noble Master John Utenhovius my most illustrious friend at Canterbury :
I cannot help rejoicing exceedingly that you hold your services, as well as the meet
ings of the faithful, when they take place, within walls. May God cause us to see sooner
or later a right and proper increase in the number of your good people. I have no doubt
the devil envies you the start you have made ; but as you are now quite a veteran in that
kind of warfare, you will by your fidelity and anxious care bring it to pass that he shall not
triumph victoriously over the Bishop's flock. I observe that there is nothing in the world
more difficult than to found a Church. The stones are often rough and very unpolished ;
for which reason unless they are rendered even and smooth by the Spirit, the Word, and
examples of holy living, they cannot easily unite. May the Lord grant that a vine may be
truly planted among us, which may at length bring forth fruit well pleasing to God and to
men."t Jan Utenhove (Utenhovius), the principal founder of the first French
Church at Canterbury, was a native of Ghent. His half-brother Charles
had been a companion and amanuensis of Erasmus, and the family
had taken an active part in the Netherland Reformation. One at least
of its members was enrolled in the noble army of martyrs, and Jan
Utenhove only escaped a like fate by a timely flight from Flanders in
the year 1544.+ He first took shelter at Cologne with Jaques de Bour-
gogne, his fellow student at the University of Louvain, who established
at Cologne a refugee congregation of Walloons. In or before 1546
Utenhove removed to Strasburg, and there became associated with
another Walloon congregation whose minister, Valerand Poulain, was
subsequently with him at Canterbury. Although a layman he was
intimately associated with the leading Reformers, and took a prominent
place in the great religious movement of his time. In what esteem he
was held is shown by the terms in which his contemporaries speak of
him. Hooper, introducing him to Bullinger, the distinguished minister
of Zurich, says : —
" He is a man illustrious both by his birth and virtues, most sincere in the true
religion, and entirely opposed to all the mischiefs of sectarianism : he is very dear both to
myself and my wife, and by long habits of familiarity and intercourse exceedingly attached
* PlJPER: fan Utenhove, appendix, lett. 3.
t Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae, vol. II, lett. 7. The original in Latin.
+ Bulletin de la Societe de VHistoire du Protestantisme Franfais, vol. xii, p, 511.

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

to us ; and he is moreover exceedingly intimate with master John a Lasco. There is no
occasion for me to commend him to you more at length. His noble qualities and remark
able learning will sufficiently recommend him to all pious and learned men. He is coming
to you on my recommendation, that he may hear your godly sermons and theological
lectures, and observe the mode of administering the Lord's supper, which as it is most
simple among you, so is it most pure. He will board with his old friend master Butler,
an Englishman. It would be foreign to my present purpose to inform you how much he
has suffered from the emperor for the sake of the gospel of Christ."*
Burcher also wrote to introduce him as a nobleman of Ghent, alike
distinguished by his birth and manners as by his faith and piety, a man
of learning and godly judgment, a disciple of the French Church ;f and
Bullinger a few months later wrote: — "The nobleman Utenhove of
Ghent has far exceeded your commendation of him ; and I thank you
that through the instrumentality of yourself and Hooper I have
contracted a friendship with a man every way so worthy. "J Hooper
continued in close intimacy with Utenhove; and when he was awaiting
the crowning glory of martrydom, during the dark days of the Marian
persecution, he sent from his prison an affectionate farewell to his
Flemish friend.
In July 1549 Utenhove was again at Strasburg, and wrote to
Bullinger that he had intended returning to England via Cologne, but
added : — " By reason of the great dangers which await me in Flanders,
in compliance with the advice of my friends I am meditating a journey
through France, which, God willing, I shall commence to-morrow. "§
He remained only a short time at Canterbury ; for a wider and more
important sphere of labour called him to London. Walloon and Flemish
Protestants had gathered there in large numbers, and were being organ
ized into a settlement and Church by John A Lasco, who was marked out
for their leader by his piety and zeal as well as by distinction of birth.
Utenhove joined him in the oversight of the refugees in London,
leaving the small congregation at Canterbury to the care of their minister
"Franciscus." Franciscus has been identified with Francois de la Riviere, a pastor
who in his later career became a prominent figure in Huguenot history.
His original name was Francois Perrucel ; he was a native of Orleans,
and entered the Franciscan monastery in that city in or before the year
1534. He is supposed to have been one of the adtors in a farce
*Original Letters : English Reformation, vol. I, p. 56.
t Ibid., vol. 11, p. 653. % Ibid., vol. I, p. 56, note. § Ibid., vol. II, p. 584.

HUGUENOT CHURCH IN CANTERBURY.

concocted by the monks. Offended at the post-mortem treatment of a
provost who, on suspicion of heresy, had been buried without the
customary rites, they concealed a novice (said to be Perrucel) in the roof
of their church, and induced him to a6t the part of the provost's ghost
by making mysterious noises during the services. A solemn investiga
tion held by the ecclesiastical and judicial authorities led to the discovery
of the trick and to the severe punishment of its authors.* Some years
later Perrucel became a convert to the doctrines of the Reformation.
He is said to have been won for the new faith by the preaching of a
priest named Landri, in the year 1542 ; but he contrived for a consider
able time to evade the notice of the Faculty of Theology, and action was
first taken against him in 1545.7 He was then accused of having
preached heretical sermons in various churches in Paris, and was sus
pended until he made a formal and public recantation from the pulpit.
His conduct at this period seems to have been lacking in candour or in
firmness, and his confessions were too equivocal to satisfy his ecclesias
tical judges-. From them he appealed to the Parliament of Paris and to
the King's Council ; but in 1546, before a final decision had been reached
in his case, he made his escape to Geneva and openly declared himself a
Protestant. He then assumed the name " de la Riviere" by which he
was subsequently known ; entered into personal relations with Calvin ;
and was admitted to the ministry of the Reformed Church. Calvin
observed in his character features which inspired doubt ; and, writing of
him in November 1547, he said: — "I hope that God will teach him to
give up many affectations. I pray you on your part to try to hold him
lest he fall away ; for God is able to mould him so as to render him fit
for His service. "J
The circumstances which led to la Riviere's association with Uten
hove in the formation of the first Church of Refuge at Canterbury are
not known. He appears to have left Geneva for Bale in 1546, and
Strype supposes him to have been at Canterbury in the following year.
It is not, however, until 1548 that there is evidence, in the correspon
dence of Utenhove, of his presence in England. The date of his
leaving Canterbury is unknown ; he probably remained in charge of the
congregation there until called to fill the position of a pastor in the
French Church of London, established in 1550 under the charter of
* Bulletin de la SociHi de VHistoire du Protestantisme Franfais, vol. XLI, p. 513.
t Haag : La France Protestante, vol. viii, p. 202. J Opera Calv., XII, p. 636.

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

Edward VI. He was one of the first ministers of that Church, being
named in the charter of its foundation. His appointment was probably
due to the influence of Utenhove, and may be regarded as proof of the
confidence which the ex-Carmelite had inspired in the mind of the Flem
ish Reformer during their intercourse at Canterbury. La Riviere retained
his ministry in the French Church of London until the dispersion of the
Protestant refugees which followed the accession of Queen Mary. He
seems then to have retired to Antwerp ; he is shown by his correspond
ence with Calvin to have been at Frankfort in 1557* and later on he
returned to France In 1561, as one of the Protestant pastors of Paris,
he took part in the famous Colloquy of Poissy, in which more than forty
cardinals and bishops of the Roman Church sat in the same assembly
with ministers and deputies of the Reformed Churches, in the presence
of the King and the Court. It had been proposed that Calvin should
attend the Colloquy, but la Riviere wrote to inform him of the danger
which his coming into France would involve, on account of the rage of
all the enemies of the Gospel against him.f In 1562 la Riviere became
Chaplain to Louis de Bourbon, Prince de Conde, who received from him
his first communion according to the Reformed rite.J He was present
with the Prince at the disastrous battle of Dreux, the first battle of the
Civil Wars (Dec. 19, 1562), and escaped from the field in company with
Throgmorton, the English Envoy. Being recognized at Nogent, he
was arrested, and shared the captivity of Conde. Beza, alluding to
his arrest, says that his capture was contrived by Providence, as he
greatly helped to strengthen the Prince while in prison.
The records which still exist at Canterbury throw no light on the
history of its earliest refugee church. The Burghmote books for the
period of Edward VI make no mention of any company of strangers
having settled in the city ; but it is far from improbable that certain
Frenchmen who figure from time to time in the Chamberlain's Accounts
had some connection with the benevolent work of Utenhove. They
were prisoners in the Westgate, and are first mentioned in the record in
the accounts for the year 1547-8. How they came to be in durance at
Canterbury is not quite clear. If captives from the late campaign in
* Iohannis Calvini Epistola et Responsa, (Geneva, 1575), pp. 192-3; a letter to Calvin, signed Franciscus
Perrucellus.
f Bulletin de la Sociite" de I'Histoire du Protestantisme Franfais, vol. XVI, p. 602.
\ Haag : La France Protestante, vol. 11, 1055.

HUGUENOT CHURCH OF CANTERBURY.

Picardy they must have remained unransomed since the peace of
Boulogne in 1546. They were here some time before the renewal of
operations of war on land and sea, which took place in 1548. They may
however have been refugee aliens who had come into Kent at an earlier
period, and who had been arrested for not complying with the orders
which were issued that Frenchmen should abide without the realm. In
the account for the first year of Edward VI there is this item : —
Payde for fresshe mete for the ffrenchemen
beyng prysoners in Westgate lvijs
In the account for the following year (1548-9) there appears : —
The expense of the Item payd for brede drynk and mete for xij ffrenchemen
repayryng of the laboryng abowte the said walle from the xvth day of July
cittie walle by the vnto the viiith day of August that is to say by the space of
ffrenchemen xxiij dayes at a ijs viij eu^ day. sma iijh xvid
Other items show payments made to an English labourer who was
engaged " to help with them and to oversee them at iiija the day " ; and
" to the keper of westgate for dressyng of ther mete and for all
necessaryes to the same, vis " ; also a shilling to a pursuivant who
brought letters from London " touchy ng the charge of kepyng of the
ffrenchemen." Later on in the same account are charges for bread and
beer supplied to them during eighteen weeks.* The Frenchmen dis
appear from the record just at the time at which Utenhove was
founding his Church at Canterbury; and, although there is no evidence
to establish the fact, it is not unreasonable to suppose that the pitiable
situation of the prisoners would become known to him, while he was
residing in the Archbishop's palace, and lead to his intervention on their
behalf. Beyond the expression of Peter Martyr, "within walls," there is no
indication of the place in which the first French Church of Canterbury
assembled for worship. The writers who say that the refugees of the
period of Edward VI were in possession of the crypt of the Cathedral
produce no evidence to support their statement. It is unlikely that so
large an area would have been assigned for the use of so small a number
of settlers, and it is more probable that they met in some convenient
room in the Palace or within the Precincts. The obscurity in which the
Church of Utenhove is involved tends to indicate that its members
were few and its duration short. If the little flock held together until
* Burghmote Books: Chamberlain's Accounts, 1547-1549.

10 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
the accession of Queen Mary, it must then have been scattered like the
foreign churches of London. In September 1553, A Lasco and Utenhove
with many of the refugees departed in search of a new place of shelter.
They embarked in two Danish vessels in the Thames, and as they passed
down the river a number of their brethren accompanied them as far as
Gravesend, singing on the way the second Psalm : —
" D'oii vient ce bruit parmi les Nations ?
A quoi les porte une impuissante haine ?
Peuples, pourquoi dans vos illusions
Vous flattez-vous d'une espetance vaine ?
Je vois ligue's les Princes de la terre :
Dans leurs conseils les Grands ont presume
D'etre assez fort pour declarer la guerre
A PEternel, a son Oint bien-aime."
At the beginning of the period of reaction and persecution all foreign
Protestants were ordered to depart, and instructions were sent to the
Kentish ports that they should be allowed to pass out of the kingdom.
The strangers who had settled in Canterbury as a place of refuge would
go forth again into exile for their religion. The city which had
given them shelter could no longer be a sanctuary for the oppressed : it
was shortly to become lurid with the frequent fires of martyrdom.*
* During the reign of Mary thirty-one men and ten women were burnt at the stake in the
Martyrs' Field at Canterbury.

CHAP. II.
Refugee Strangers at Canterbury in the Reign of Elizabeth.
While England was passing through a gloomy period of Popish
reaction the Reformation continued to gain ground in the Netherlands.
The combined efforts of the Church and State failed to suppress it ; edict
followed edict in vain ; and the rack and the stake were ineffectual as aids
to faith. The new doctrines spread rapidly among a serious people, who
gathered secretly in their homes to read the Bible, and met in fields and
by-ways to hear it expounded. The services of the Church became
deserted, and the sacrifice of the Mass was regarded as an idolatrous
superstition. Rome called on the Emperor to act against heresy as he
would against treason, and to slay the monstrous thing with fire and
sword. But Charles V was not an ideal defender of the faith ; his orthodox
zeal was moderated by statecraft, and his heart was not in the work of the
persecutor. When at last, weary of empire, he surrendered the govern
ment of his dominions to his son, the number of his Protestant subjects
was greater than ever.
Far different was the nature of things under Philip II. His
character and his convictions aptly fitted him for the purpose which
possessed him through life; and during his long term of power he
hunted down heresy with the instinct and tenacity of the bloodhound.
The course of political events worked also for the end he had in view.
The Catholic party in France, favoured by the disaster of St. Quentin

12 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

and by the capture of Calais, grew strong. Philip and Henry made
peace with each other; and joining hands against the Reformation,
agreed to fulfil the desires of Rome by the slaughter of their Protestant
subjects. In France the atrocious compact was delayed for a time, to
be executed at the St. Bartholomew. In the Netherlands a more politic
way was found in " Councils of Blood."
Two years after the abdication of Charles V and the accession of
Philip II to uncontrolled power, Elizabeth succeeded to the English
throne. At once the persecuted in France and the Netherlands turned
their eyes toward her as a friend and protector ; but in their expectation
of an immediate welcome to England they were disappointed : for
Elizabeth, intent on self-preservation, moved warily amid imminent
dangers on every side, postponing compromising decisions and irrevoc
able action. Ere long, however, the master force of circumstances
proved too strong for continued temporising. Fugitives for religion,
with death and despair behind them, began to crowd into her kingdom ;
and she could not refuse them admission, for their implacable enemy
was threatening her own life. The refugees, having by God's mercy
passed safely through the perils of flight, were allowed to land on the
English shore, and were granted shelter in the southern ports. A few
years later Alva's butchery, and the unspeakable horrors which Philip
ordained and Rome sanctified, cut the conscience of humanity to the
quick, and intensified in the hearts of Englishmen the love of religious
liberty. The foreign Protestants who took refuge in England during the
opening years of Elizabeth's reign mostly came from the Spanish
Netherlands, and made their way to London. Utenhove, who had
been in Poland with A Lasco, labouring on behalf of the Reformation at
the Court of King Sigismond, returned in the autumn of 1559, an<^
brought back with him the charter of Edward VI, which had been taken
away for safe-keeping during England's reversion to Popery.* He had
now to fill the place which A Lasco had held, but without the royal
recognition of his position ; for Elizabeth would only confirm the charter
subject to a provision appointing the Bishop of London to be the official
superintendent of the foreign refugee churches. The congregations
again assembled, and the continually-increasing number of the strangers
*Strype : History of the Reformation, p. 1 19.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 13
in the metropolis began to excite alarm in the minds of the citizens.
The Queen therefore wisely gave orders for some of them to be dis
tributed in various parts of the kingdom.
One of the earliest of the foreign settlements established at this period
was that at Sandwich ; and as it became the parent of the similar settle
ment at Canterbury a short account of it may here be given. A warrant
under the Great Seal, dated July 6, 1561, was issued, directing the
Mayor, Jurats and Commonalty of Sandwich to receive into that town
certain " men of knowledge in sondry handy crafts," who were described
as " belonginge to the churche of strangers in our said citie of London."
The settlers were to be such persons as the Archbishop of Canterbury
and the Bishop of London should certify to be suitable to inhabit the
said town and port of Sandwich, " for thexercise there of the facultie of
makinge saes, bay, and other cloth, which hath not been used to be made
in this our realme of Englonde, or for fishing in the seas, not extending
the nombre of twentie or fyve and twentie housholders, accomptinge to
everye houshold not above tenne or twelve persons." It was further
ordered that the strangers should be allowed to " take houses for their
inhabitacion, and to have such and as many servants as shall suffice for
the exercise of the saide faculties there "* It appears by an entry in the
records at Sandwich that the authorities of the town had themselves
desired and invited the placing of a refugee company in their midst, two
of the Jurats being appointed on June 29, 1561, to ride to London to see
Mr. Roger Manwood, their Counsel, and with him to draw up articles
for the Strangers "that be mynded to come and Inhabit \vthin this towne
of Sandwch."t The warrant, although dated July 1561, seems not to
have been received before November of the same year, as it is recorded
on the 17th of that month that the Mayor and the two Jurats who had
previously been deputed, should again go up to London to procure the
warrant " for the receyvynge of the Flemynge strangers. "{. The settlers
arrived in the town before the end of December 1561, and at once began
to erect their looms and to carry on the manufacture of " bayes and
sayes." The twenty-five families who formed the little community are
named in a certificate signed by Archbishop Parker, Grindal (Bishop of
London), and Lord Cobham (Lord- Warden). The entire body with
*Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. II, p. 207.
\Sandwich Records: "The Little Black Book," fo. 180.
X Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. II, p. 206.

14 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
workmen and servants numbered four hundred and six souls.* They
appear to have been exclusively Dutch or Flemish : but ere long the
limits assigned to the settlement by the royal letters patent were
exceeded, and the foreign population of the town was continually
increased by the arrival of other refugees, who came direct to the port
from the Netherland coasts. Among them were many Walloons or French-
speaking people of the Spanish provinces, which at that time included
French Flanders, Artois, and part of Picardy.
It has been stated by many writers that a refugee settlement was
also formed at Canterbury in the year 1561. But this is incorrect ; and
the error, now firmly established^ seems to have originated with Hasted,
the Kentish historian. Speaking of the Walloon settlers in Kent he
says : —
"Those who were weavers in silks and stuffs made choice of Canterbury for their
habitation, where they might have the benefit of the river, and an easy communication
with the metropolis ; for this purpose they had the Queen's letters of licence, in her third
year, directed to the Mayor, for such of them as should be approved of by the Archbishop
to remain here for the purpose of exercising their trades, so that they did not exceed a
certain number therein mentioned, and as many servants as were necessary to carry on
their business ; and this to be without any pay from them, hindrance or molestation
whatever." t
No evidence of such a settlement at Canterbury in the third year
of Elizabeth is to be found either in the national or the local records ;
and it is clear that the historian has applied to Canterbury facts which
belong to Sandwich, where the settlement was made at the date and
under the conditions which he mentions. An earlier and more trust
worthy authority is Somner, whose "Antiquities of Canterbury" appeared
in 1640. The famous antiquary resided in the city ; must have had many
opportunities of personal intercourse with some of the original settlers ;
and would have been very likely to know the date and circumstances of
their coming. In his description of the Cathedral he says : —
" Let me now lead you to the Undercroft, a place fit and haply (as one cause) fitted to
keepe in memory the subterranean Temples of the Primitives, in the time of persecution.
The west part wherof being spacious and lightsome, for many yeares hath beene the
Strangers' Church. A congregation for the most part of distressed exiles, growne so great
and vet daily multiplying that the place in short time is likely to prove a hive too little to
containe such a swarme. So great an alteration is there since the time the first of the tribe
came hither, the number of them then consisting of but eighteene families or thereabouts,
* BOYS : Collections for an History of Sandwich in Kent, appendix, p. 742.
t Hasted : History of Kent, vol. iv, folio ed., pp. 420-1.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 15
which with the terms or Articles granted them at their humble suite by the then Maior and
Communalty of the city, upon their first admittance, will appear unto you, if you peruse
what here followes." *
He then quotes the Latin petition addressed to the city authorities
by the earliest body of refugee settlers in the Elizabethan period. The
original document has long since disappeared from the city archives, but
there is no reason to doubt that Somner has correctly copied it. In the
Appendix the text is given from a copy of the book in which Somner
has corrected by his own hand misprints which appear in the published
work.f Of this text the following is a translation :—
" To the Most Worthy Masters the Mayor and his Brethren of the Council of the City of
Canterbury, Greeting.
The Strangers admitted by your leave into this city of Canterbury most humbly pray
that the following Articles may be granted to them.
First Article.
i. Whereas they have left their native land and possessions for the love of religion (which
they earnestly desire to maintain with a free conscience) they pray that the free
exercise of their religion may be permitted to them within this city, and that, as
may be convenient, a place of worship may be assigned to them, and a place
wherein they may bury their dead.
Second Article.
2. And lest, under their cover and a pretence of religion, profane and evil livers should
intrude themselves into this city, by whom the whole body might be brought into
ill repute among your citizens, they pray that no one be granted free habitation
within this city unless he has previously given you a sufficient testimony to his
worthiness. Third Article.
3. And in order that the young should not remain untaught, they beg that permission
may be given to the schoolmaster whom they have brought with them to teach
both their own young and those who desire to learn the French tongue.
Fourth Article.
4. The arts in which they have been trained and in which the whole company desire to
engage under your favour and protection are Florence Serges, Bombasin, D. of
Ascot Serges &c, of Orleleance, Frotz, Silkvvever, Mouquade, Mauntes, Bages
&c, Stofe Mouquades. The names of the petitioners are
Hector Hamon, Minister of the Word of God.
Vincent Primont, Teacher of Youth.
Egide Cousin, Master of Works and Conductor of the whole assembly in work.
* Somner : Antiquities of Canterbury, p. 175.
t Appendix, II.

!6 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Michael Cousin Philippe de Neuz
Jacques Querin Robert Jovelin
Pierre du Bose Jean le Pelu
Jean de la Forterye Pierre Desportes
No6 Lestene Jacques Boudet
Nicolas Dubuisson
Antoine du Verdier Three Widows
The petition is undated, and Somner does not supply the deficiency.
At the foot of the page he gives a general reference to the city records,
which however do not establish the date of the settlement. The earliest
mention of refugee foreigners which is contained in the Burghmote
books is in a minute dated July 15, 1567, as follows : —
" At this Court yt ys agreed that there maye be a company of the Straungers recieved to
inhabytt within the Libertye of this Cytty by Order from the Quenes maiesties Counsell
and upon orders to be devysed by this house."*
This seems to offer some definite information as to the arrival of the
settlers, and it does plainly show that in the summer of 1567 there was a
proposal to establish a settlement of strangers at Canterbury. It is
extremely doubtful however if the intention was carried into effect at that
time. If a recognised body of settlers had come to the city, and engaged
in manufactures and trade, some trace of them would almost certainly be
met with in the minute details of the Chamberlain's Accounts, but there
is nothing of the kind. The Burghmote books contain no further allusion
to the subject, and no mention of alien refugees occurs in the records until
several years later on. It seems probable therefore that this minute of
July 1567 is no more than a proof that the Burghmote were asked to
receive a company of strangers and were willing to do so. At precisely
the same time such a settlement was actually founded at Maidstone, and
particulars of it are contained in documents preserved in the national
archives. The Mayor, Jurats and Commonalty of the town petitioned the
Queen to grant letters patent for the reception of " threescore families of
Straungers peregrines and artificers of the severall faculties and
misteries " which were specified. The Secretary of State sent down two
commissioners to make the necessary inquiry, who in forwarding their
Report from Maidstone, sent with it " a boke drawen in effect vearie
litle differing from her matios Letters pattents heretofore graunted in the
like case to the maior juratts and coialtie of Sandwiche."f The Dutch
* Burghmote Books, vol. B, fo. 215.
\ Hist. MSS. Domestic, Elizabeth. Cal. xliii. Nos. 19 and 21 (Record Office).

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 17
settlement thus founded at Maidstone was at no time large in numbers.
It seems to have been placed under the supervision of the Archbishop
of Canterbury, who in 1572 suspended its minister Nicasius.
Some writers have too hastily assumed that the company of
strangers spoken of in the Burghmote minute of July 1567 was the
company of Hector Hamon. But, apart from the negative evidence
furnished by the silence of the city records, there are serious difficulties
in the way of the theory. In March 1569 the Mayor of Rye sent
to the Secretary of State a list of the refugee foreigners who had
recently landed at that port and were still resident there.* They
included, among several ministers, " Monsr Hector hamon of bacavile,"
who was undoubtedly the pastor of the Canterbury petitioners. In the
same list "Peter de boyes" may be identified with Pierre du Bois,
one of the early settlers in the city, and perhaps the "Pierre du Bose "
of the petition. Another of the petitioners, Vincent Primont the school
master, is named in a later list of refugees for religion who landed at
Rye in November 1572.7" These facts show conclusively that the
company of eighteen families must have reached Canterbury at a later
date than has been supposed. That Hector Hamon and his companions
did actually settle in the city is beyond doubt. Their names can be
traced in the records of the congregation, or in the registers of the
parish churches.
Tradition has represented these earliest of the Elizabethan settlers
at Canterbury as having come to the city from Winchelsea, and this will
be shown to be correct. One of the petitioners had two of his children
married in the year 1593. The son was described as born at Winchelsea
(" Vincense pres laRie ") ; the daughter was born at Canterbury. % The
date of the migration from the, little town in Sussex to the Kentish city
must have fallen between the two births. Unfortunately the existing
register at Winchelsea only begins in 1655, and the earliest registers of
the foreign congregation at Canterbury are also missing. But it is
possible from other lines of evidence to arrive at a reasonable inference
as to the date of the arrival of Somner's " first of the tribe" of refugee
settlers. In the year 1573 Queen Elizabeth made a progress through
Kent, and visited both Sandwich and Canterbury. The chroniclers take
* Cotton MSS., Galba, C in, fos. 267-8. (British Museum).
t Lansdown MSS., vol. xv, No. 70 (British Museum).
X Walloon Register (Huguenot Society's Publications), p. 444.

18 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
special notice of the Queen's interest in the settlement of the strangers
at Sandwich, who exhibited their processes of manufacture, and
amused her Majesty by a display of aquatic sports. Many details are
given of the Queen's stay at Canterbury, and of her visits to the
Cathedral; but there is no suggestion of the existence of any colony of
refugees in the city at that time. The earliest reference to them, after
that of 1567, occurs in November 1574, when for the first time arrange
ments were made for the supervision and taxing of their industries, officers
being appointed by the Burghmote "to seal and search the bays, serge
and other cloths or wares which the Strangers in the city should make
there." The same persons were authorised " to collect toll of the
Strangers' waggons coming through the city,"* The silence of the city
records agrees with that of the parish registers, in which very few foreign
names occur before 1575, and none which can be identified with the
company of the petitioners. It is only in 1576 that some of these begin
to make their appearance in the parish books. In that year the school
master (Vincent Primont) and another of Hamon's congregation
(Jean le Pelu) had each twin sons born to them in the parish of
St. Alphege. The Walloon Church register tends also to support
the conclusion here drawn as to the date of the settlement. After
1590 the marriage register gives the places of birth of the contracting
parties, and from this may be deduced approximately the time of their
parents' arrival in the city. Between 1590 and 1596 there were two
hundred marriages in the Walloon congregation, but of the four hundred
persons united in wedlock only seven were born at Canterbury. In
the following year alone, however, seven of the individuals married
were natives of the city, and thenceforward the proportion of natives
continually increased; showing that in or about 1596-1597 the children
of the earliest settlers began to reach the marriageable age. This
again points to 1574-5 as the date of the settlement, and, in con
junction with the definite Burghmote record, justifies the belief that it
was about the close of the year 1574 that Hector Hamon and his flock
set out from their temporary place of refuge at Winchelsea, and made
their way across the Weald of Kent to the pilgrim-city of Canterbury.
*Burghmote Books, vol. B, fo. 286.

CHAP. III.
The Walloon Migration from Sandwich to Canterbury.
The French refugees from Rye and Winchelsea had not long settled
in Canterbury when they were joined by a much larger body of Walloons,
removed from Sandwich by order of the Queen's Council; for during the
persecution in the Netherlands the foreign community in the Cinque Port
had so much outgrown the authorized dimensions as to form nearly a
third of the entire population of the place.* Sandwich in the time of
Queen Elizabeth had a very different aspect from the Sandwich of to
day. Its streets teemed with industrious life, and fresh arrivals of
fugitives from France and Flanders continually stirred the whole body of
stranger- settlers ; some rejoicing to meet kindred who had escaped out
of the fiery furnace ; others having to mourn the loss of loved ones in
the land of many martyrs. The refugees included persons of both high
and low estate ; but even those who were of gentle birth had been re
duced to poverty, and were compelled in their home of exile to earn their
living by trade or labour. It must have needed a fine courage to exchange
a life of ease and affluence for one of toil and privation, on account of a
question of faith. The records of the Churches rarely refer to these
matters; but occasionally a glimpse is afforded of noble sacrifice and
self-denial. Such a case occurs in a letter from the elders of Sandwich
to the brethren of London on behalf of four young men, fugitives from
* Boys : Collections for an History of Sandwich in Kent, appendix, p. 784.

20 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
the Augustinian monastery at Ypres. They had some learning and
refinement, but set themselves to manual labour. Two earned a meagre
living by making looking-glasses ; a third, for whom the elders desired
to find an occupation connected with study, was engaged in the combing
of greasy wool.*
The original settlers at Sandwich were Dutch or French. The later
arrivals included many Walloons ; and these had already been formed
into a separate congregation at the beginning of 1568. At that date
there were in the foreign community eight Walloon and twenty-five Dutch
or Flemish masters. In the same year the Mayor and Jurats required
the Walloon minister to publish in his congregation certain articles, the
first of which was as follows: — " That the mynister in the ffrench tonge
admytted shall firmely houlde the appostolical doctryne, and observe the
order in mynistrenge the sacrements as the minister in the fflemishe tonge
dothe, all beinge one Churche."t In 1572 these two congregations united
in a request to the Dutch Church of London to bring about a meeting of
the foreign communities in England, in order to arrange an organized
government of the churches resembling that which had been established
across the sea. There was necessarily in the early period of the refugee
settlements a much closer connection between their congregations in
England and the Reformed churches from which they sprang.
Among the Netherlanders in England there was a deep and effective
sympathy with their brothers in religion who were making heroic efforts
for national freedom. Notwithstanding their poverty, the refugee con
gregations furnished considerable aid to those who carried on the
momentous struggle with Spain and Rome ; and they gave the Prince of
Orange a more generous support in proportion to their means than has
generally been supposed. The correspondence of the Dutch Church at
Norwich shows that in the summer of 1572 fifteen or sixteen of their
people had left to take part in the war in the Low Countries, the cost of
fitting out the party being more than a hundred and sixty pounds. At
the same time the Walloon congregation there had contributed nearly
forty men. The elders state that they had also to provide for the widows
and orphans of twenty-five or thirty men who had previously been sent
out and were already killed. J In the following year the Dutch refugees
* HESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 480.
f Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. 2, p. 222.
X Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. in, lett. 197.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 21
at Norwich collected nearly a hundred pounds in aid of their fatherland,
and were preparing to equip more soldiers, many of their most pious
members intending to volunteer for service.* Even the little body of
Dutchmen at Maidstone sent help. In response to the appeal of Orange
to the refugee churches here "to equip some soldiers in behalf of the
cause across the sea, and to send them to Zealand," they wrote, in
November 1575, that three among them had offered themselves, and that
the church had raised the cost of their equipment except six pounds. 7
The noble part thus taken by the refugees in the War of Independ
ence was not unknown to Philip II ; and his wrath was stirred at the
thought that the heretics who had escaped his vengeance were still
frustrating his policy from the safe asylum of England. The Nether-
landers who crowded the Cinque Ports were in close league with the
redoubtable " Beggars of the Sea," who were playing havoc with Spanish
commerce in the Channel. The Spanish Ambassador continually com
plained to Elizabeth of the depredations of the heretic freebooters, and of
the countenance and encouragement afforded them in the English ports ;
and the Queen's Council addressed formal remonstrances from time to
time to the Lord Warden, who knew well how to read between the lines.
In the autumn of 1571 he was again warned as to the doings of the
Netherland sea-dogs off the English coast, and was told: " her Majestie
taking the same so muche at harte and therewith is so much offendid as
upon full resolucion will no longer suffer those kinde of dealinges to be
unreformed."| Nevertheless little seems to have been done beyond
scolding the Lord Warden, until the midsummer of 1573, when orders
were given to disperse sundry assemblies of recruits who were preparing
for service beyond the seas. In October of the following year, how
ever, the Queen's Council determined to take some action to reduce
the number of foreign settlers at Sandwich, and wrote to the Lord
Warden as follows : —
" Whereas their Lordships are given tunderstande that there was a farre greatter
nomber of straingers in Sandwich then by her Majesties graunte are allowed, he shall cause
an inquirie to be made, and if it were found so, the overplus to be removid into other
places more remote from the sea side as he shold thinke convenient; and further
admonishe the hed officers there to have a dewe regard to the observacion therof, that no
abuse be committed." §
* Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. in, lett. 257. f Ibid., lett. 365.
XActs of the Privy Council. Oct. 3, 1571.
\ Acts of the Privy Council, new Series, vol. viii, p. 306.

22 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Lord Cobham having reported on the matter, the Privy Council re
plied on February 6, 1574, as follows : —
"in aunswer of his touching thexcessive nomber of straingers in Sandwich above her
Majesties graunt, and for that it appeared by his letters that the Walloons wer content to
remove elswhere, and ther Lordships liked well his opinion for the placing of them in
Canterburie, they had written to the Deane and Chapter of the saide citie to advertyse
their Lordships what roome they might have to receave them by Esther or Midsomer next,
and at what prices, and upon retorne of their aunswer wold signifie it unto his Lordship
that he might assigne them a tyme to repayer thither, and touching the Duchemen, for that
their Lordships sawe not how notwithstanding the smalnes of their nomber and ther other
allegacions conteyned in his Lordship's letter her Majesties graunt could be dispensed with,
he shold warne them eyther to rebate so manye of their ordinarye families as excede their
licennse orels repaiere els where by Midsomer next." *
A similar letter was addressed to the Mayor of Canterbury, who
was desired to report what number of void houses were available for the
accommodation of the strangers, and at what rentals. The substance of
his reply is contained in a letter from the Council to the Lord Warden,
dated February 20, 1575 : —
"that where they understand from the Mayor of Caunterburie and his brethren of
convenient roume for receipt of straingers for a hundred families by Midsomer Daye they
give his Lordship to understand thereof that he may gyve order for the repaier of so many
by that daye, and desyred to have regaurde that they may not be of the meanest sort, but
choice to be made of suche as be makers of bayes grograines &c." f
A letter was also sent to the Mayor of Canterbury —
" signifieng the receipt of theirs for their good willes for the receving of strangers, and
that their Lordships had written to the Lord Cobham for appointing of suche as were above
her Majesties graunt, and that Mr Secretarie shold procure a licence for them from her
Majestie." %
The instructions of the Privy Council were duly carried out at the
appointed time ; and the greater portion of the Walloon refugees who
had collected in Sandwich, without having received the Queen's sanction
for their settling there, removed to Canterbury about Midsummer, 1575.
Most of the families of this Walloon migration can be identified, as their
names appear in the records of the two Churches ; and some of them
were certainly " not of the meanest sort," but were of good birth and
high social position in their native land. Among them may be named
the families of de l'Arbre, Van Acre, du Bry, Blanchard, des Bouveries,
du Castel, Clarisse, le Clerc, Cattel, Caulier, Descamps, Ernoult,
le Febvre, du Forest, Fournier, de la Haye, le Keux, Lansel, Lescaillet,
Monnier, Oudart, des Prez, de la Porte, Robin, Rogier, des Rousseaux,
* Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. viii, p. 336. flbid., pp. 345-6. J/fo'rf., p. 346.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 23
Roussel, le Roy, de la Rue, de Salome, Six, &c. Some of the
Walloons were left behind, however, for there is in the Canterbury Consis
tory record, of December 1576, the minute of a resolution — " that those
of our Church who remain at Sandwich, and do not understand the
Flemish language, should come here every fortnight for the preaching," *
an arrangement which proves the religious earnestness of these refugee
strangers, who were willing to travel so far in order to join with their
brethren in worship. The Walloon minister at Sandwich, Antoine
Lescaillet, accompanied the general body of his congregation in their
removal to Canterbury. He was at Sandwich as early as 1573 ; for on
June 5th of that year he signed on behalf of his Consistory a letter to the
Dutch Church of London, dealing with a case of alleged usury in which
some members of the Dutch congregation at Dover were implicated.
One of the privateers in the fleet of the " Beggars of the Sea " had taken
into that port certain Papist prisoners, and threatened to hang them
unless they procured a ransom. A part of the sum required was lent by
some of the Protestant Dutchmen, who were censured, not for the act of
charity, but for taking more than a lawful rate of interest, f
No contemporary chronicler has left a description of the setting forth
of the Walloon strangers from Sandwich : but it is not difficult to picture
the historic scene. The early midsummer morning must have witnessed
an unwonted commotion throughout the whole of the foreign community
in the cinque-port town, as from so many homes the household goods,
with the implements and materials of trade, were hurriedly collected and
conveyed to the waggons. And when these were loaded, the aged and
the feeble were brought out, the children gathered together, and all the
living freight was placed as comfortably as might be among the inert
impedimenta. Amid the manifold movement of the throng it would be
possible to divine the emotions that mingled with the cares of the passing
moment. The breaking up of another home would recall the griefs of
the past ; but the anxiety for the unknown future would be allayed by
pious trust in the Power which had shielded the wanderers from so many
perils, and sustained their faith in the hour of trial. When at last the
vehicles were heaped with their multifarious burden, and the stalwart
manhood of the little colony mounted in cavalcade ready for the signal to
start, the Dutch and English neighbours crowded around to say farewell.
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 39.
t Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. ill, lett. 252.

24 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
There was silent grasping of hands and bidding of "God speed," but
little outward show of feeling among men who had become past-masters
in separations and sorrows. Then, all heads being bared, the ministers
prayed for God's blessing to go out with them and abide with
them ; the order to start was given, and the long procession moved
slowly on, singing the psalms of Clement Marot to cheer them on their
way. Weary and silent they had become ere reaching Canterbury ;
but when, at length, the great tower of the Cathedral came into view
their spirit was lightened with hopeful anticipation, and the harmony of
pious song was renewed as they passed over the ancient road by
which, a thousand years before, Augustine and his missionary band
entered the city. With curious interest the citizens would watch the
arrival of the strangers, whose foreign speech was to become so familiar
in their ears. Mr. Mayor and his brethren would receive the newcomers
with a cordial greeting, and the good-natured burghers welcome them with
hearty cheers. Doubtless also Hector Hamon and his people, mindful of
their own migration to the ancient city, would salute them with tokens
of goodwill and Christian fellowship.
Before entering into the history of the refugees in their new home at
Canterbury it will be interesting to trace them back to their native homes
in France and the Netherlands, and to learn something of the circum
stances which led to their flight. The registers of the Walloon Church
at Canterbury give the places of origin of the members who were married
in the Crypt after July 1590. Between that date and July 1627 one
thousand individuals are described as born out of England. They
belonged to no less than 240 distinct places, of which the greater number
were represented by a single person in the register ; but a large majority
of the thousand alien-born members came from a line of towns and
villages situated within a few miles of the present frontier of France and
•Belgium, and for the most part within the province of French Flanders.
In this district the chief centres of the emigration were the following
towns : — Individuals.
Armentieres

Cambray

22

Lille

27

St. Amand

67

Tournay

39
Tourcoing
83
Valenciennes
80
HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 25

These 373 individuals belonged to at least 250 distinct families, counting
as one family all who bore the same name. Most of them would have
parents, brothers or sisters at Canterbury, and it may therefore be
estimated that more than a thousand of the settlers in the city came from
the seven towns named above. In smaller number the refugees came
from all parts of French Flanders, Artois, and Picardy, especially from
the districts of Arras, Amiens and Calais ; but the chief home of the
Walloons who took refuge at Canterbury was the border-land stretching
from Armentieres to Valenciennes.*
It was upon this part of the Spanish Netherlands that the storm of
persecution first fell. The country was then esteemed one of the richest
in Europe, and its towns were hives of industry whose looms produced
the finest fabrics of wool and linen. The Walloon people who dwelt in
this land of plenty blended the solidity of the Germanic with the vivacity
of the Gallic character. They spoke a somewhat modified French.
Devoted to the arts of peace, they were also capable, on occasion, of
splendid courage, having within them the qualities which enable men to
stand firm against wrong, and die or suffer in a righteous cause. Into
their country, at the close of the year 1566, the Spanish troopers were
sent to wipe out the Reformation. Historians have described the hope
less struggle, the gallant but futile efforts made for faith and freedom.
Ill-armed peasants and artizans, led by enthusiast preachers, gathered in
thousands and were slaughtered by the troops. Motley has vividly
depicted the carnage in the church and churchyard of Watrelots and the
butchery of the Protestant host at Lannoy. Valenciennes, after a siege
of many months, opened its gates on a pledge being given that life
should be spared. The pledge was broken ; the Protestant pastors were
hanged; and their people were made to suffer unspeakable cruelties.!
The persecution raged throughout Flanders and Artois, and thousands
in despair began their perilous exodus.
The earlier Walloon refugees at Canterbury witnessed these opening
scenes in the great persecution : many of them beheld their homes
ravaged, and lost fathers, sons or brothers in the conflict ; and yet these
brave souls clung to their faith. Only the weakest secured safety
by outward conformity to a hated superstition ; but the majority were
true to conscience. Wherever it was possible they left their homes for
* Appendix III.
t Motley : The Rise of the Dutch Republic, vol. 11, pp. 68-9. D

26 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
some land of refuge, and those who could not escape found comfort and
strength in secret worship. They met at night in obscure and lonely
places, taking extraordinary precautions to avoid discovery. The pastors
ministered in constant peril of death, and the brethren learned to com
municate with each other by means of signs and mystic phrases. The
" Churches under the Cross", which were thus maintained throughout
the period of persecution, had each its symbolical name, which was used
to denote it in writing and speaking. " The Corner Stone," (Com-
ines), in a letter to the Dutch Church of London, March 23, 1576,
says : — " Be not surprised to see the names of our churches altered, as
our last Provincial Assembly, on account of danger, named them after
the figures of their seals."* The church of Valenciennes was " the
Eagle"; Tournay, "the Palm"; St. Amand, "the Anchor"; Lille,
"the Rose"; Armentieres, "the Bud"; Tourcoing, "the Eastern
Olive "f — names full of significant interest to the strangers of
Canterbury who had gone out from these places into exile, under
circumstances which were alike tragical and heroic.
* Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 380.
t Livre Synodal des Eglises Wallonnes des Pays Bas : 1563-1685, (La Haye, 1896), preface.

CHAP. IV
The Strangers and the Citizens.

\s"

Canterbury at the time of the arrival of the refugee strangers was
no longer flourishing. The numerous hostels and inns had ceased to be
crowded with the motley throng of pilgrims who had formerly brought
animation and prosperity to the place. " From great opulence and
reputation, multitude of inhabitants and beautiful buildings, this city fell
suddenly to extreme poverty, nakedness and decay."* The dissolution
of the great monasteries and of the several houses of friars cut away the
ancient resource of the poor in days of sickness and want ; and although
the newly-instituted Dean and Chapter joined the Mayor and Burghmote
in measures to relieve the chronic distress, the condition of the people
was deplorable. Some generous souls endeavoured to cope with the
prevailing misery ; among them Sir Roger Manwood, who built a goodly
row of almshouses at his own gates, and was engaged at the date of the
Walloon settlement in " settyng up of a new howse wherein the poore
shall be sett on woorke or otherwise relevyd and roages and vagaboundes
punyshed."f Such was the condition of the city when the strangers began to
occupy their new homes, and busily engage in the erection of their looms,
and in other preparations for their various "crafts and mysteries." It
* Hasted : History of Kent, folio ed., vol. iv, p. 420.
f Acta Capituli, vol. n, fo. 103, (In the Treasury of Canterbury Cathedral).

28 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
would not have been surprising if the citizens, amid their own distress,
had looked with jealous and unfriendly eyes on the admission of so large
a number of foreigners ; but they had doubtless heard of the wonderful
way in which at Sandwich the settlers had conferred the benefits of
industry on the hosts who had given them shelter. There, indeed, the
inhabitants were so assured of the advantages which they derived from
the refugees that they petitioned the Queen to allow no other similar
settlement to be established elsewhere.* Whether the welcome accorded
to the strangers at Canterbury was wholly due to generous sympathy, or
arose in part from a selfish interest, it is certain that the royal favour in
their behalf was supplemented by the goodwill of the citizens; and the
conditions of their settlement in the city were far more liberal than the
ordinary treatment of aliens. A few months previous to their coming,
the Mayor had signed and sealed an official Agreement with them, which
set forth the privileges they were to enjoy and the restrictions which
were imposed on them. The settlers attached so high a value to the docu
ment that they regarded it, and sometimes spoke of it, as their " charter."
Its validity was unquestionable, and the liberties which it conferred on the
strangers were remarkably generous for a period in which the industrial
freedom of English citizens was severely limited. Among the records of
the Walloon Church there remains a memorandum, probably written
about the middle of the seventeenth century, to this effect : — " The
Articles sett down and agreed on between the Strangers and the house of
Burghmote, what trades they shall here use, remaine in a paper Booke
in the Chamber, among the rest." Unfortunately this paper book and
the original Agreement, attested by the Mayor's signature and seal, have
long disappeared ; but the Church archives include several copies or
versions of the civic compact with the settlers. Of what appears to be
the oldest of these manuscripts the following is a copy : —
The 15th of March 1575.+
ARTICLES of agreement by the Maior & Magistrates of Canterburie with the Strangers
coming over for refuge under their protecon.
1 Inprimis they shall have full and free exercise of their religion as all other Congregacons
of this realme with a competent Church for ther assembly.
2 They shall have sure dwelling wthout being constrained to departe without the onely
comannde of her Matie or of the Councell and may hire houses for such terme
as they shall thinke fitt.
* Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. II, p. 220.
t The date 1575 has been altered to 1574 in each case.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 29
3 They shall have libertie to make bayes stammers and cloth after the fflanders ffashion
wth a sufficient house to keepe them, to viewe them, to seale them, and also to dye
them of all Collours, also to buy such woolle as shall be fitt for their occupacons in
the Country & other places of the realme, and also to buy and sell one to an other
stuffes belonging to their said trades wth like libertie as those of Sandwch Provided
that they shall not make cloth or kersies such as the English doe make at this
psent.
4. Item that they may make all sortes of lutes & buttons as well of Silke as Jersey, and
also all such sortes of workes as may be wrought w"1 the shuttle as well wth low
fleys as wth highe fleyes as ocasion shalbe offered, and likewise to sell one to an
other the stuffes therevnto belonging.
5 Item that they may sell all sortes of Marchandize made by them to all in grosse & not
by retaile. And also they may transporte them out of the realme paying the
dutyes as others doe.
6 Item that they may have a Poste, wth horse or waggon to carrie & recarrie theire
wares as well to London or elsewhere, for to sell them or cause them to be sould
w'^out interruption by the way or other the said places.
7 Item that they may have a place amonge themselves to receiue & lodge the poore
strangers passing and travailing which have no meanes to resorte vnto the Innes.
8 Item that they shall not be further taxed then the English habiting w*Mn the Cittie
by any imposicon.
9 Item they shall have some amonge them to bake the breade of those that have no
meanes or cannot doe it them selves.
io Item thev shall have some amongst them to make their cloathes & amende their shoes.
1 1 Item they shall have others to make all such thinges as belonge & appertaine to their
trades as Carpenters Turners J oyners lockers.
12 Item they shall have one to bake and dresse theire meates & to sell them to the
strangers that shall have neede thereof.
1 3 That they shall have such persons among them authorized by the Magistrate for to
watch and have oversight of the poore widowes & orphans & other disorders and
controu9sies that may happen to the ende that the magistrate may not be troubled
in these affaires.
14 Item that all aforesaid shalbe ratified by the Magistrate vnder the seale of the Cittie.
And that if in any tyme to come any thinge shalbe
wanteing vnto them they shalbe aided and succored by
the magistrate as farre as right and equitie shall extend.
Subscribed by Mr. Rose maior
Mr. Allcocke
Mr. John Boys.
The originall of this in Dutch is dated the 15th of March Anno dni. 1575.
It is not easy to account for the statement that an agreement
between an English Corporation and a body of French-speaking settlers
was drawn up in the Dutch language. It is mentioned in the Consistory

30 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
record, in 1578, that a few members of the Walloon congregation
understood Dutch ; but this would evidently not account for that
language being used in the Civic Agreement.
A few months after the arrival of the Walloons in the city, the Privy
Council addressed a letter (November 2, 1575) —
"to the Mayour of Caunterburie and his brethern to use suche straingers as do inhabite in
the said towne charitablie and favorablie, and to punishe all suche as shall go about to
misuse them, so farre furth as the said straingers do use themselfes orderlye and as they
ought to do."*
This seems to point to some trouble having arisen in the city, some
annoyance of the strangers, which had led to a complaint being addressed
to the Queen or to the Secretary of State. The Burghmote record
contains no reference to the matter ; but the intimation from the Privy
Council was doubtless effectual. More than a year after the date of the
Articles of Agreement the official recognition of the Canterbury settle
ment was still incomplete. Evidently the civic undertaking would require
confirmation by the royal authority, but the delay in obtaining it is
remarkable. The Minutes of the Privy Council show that on April 29,
1576, letters were sent —
"to Mr. Justice Manwoode and Mr. Sollicitour wth certein articles towching the straingers
removed from Sandwiche to Caunterburye ; they were willed to consider of them which
weare meete to be passed from her Majestie and which may passe by order from their
Lordships, and thereof to advertise with spede to the ende a boke may be drawen to be
signed by her Majestie of such as are to be graunted by her, and the rest to be otherwise
ordered as shalbe thought convenient."!
It may reasonably be assumed that the intention here expressed was
carried into effect, and that the Articles finally drawn up for the regula
tion of the Walloon settlement received the Queen's signature. It does
not, however, appear that a document bearing the royal sign manual
was at any time in the possession of the settlers at Canterbury ; for there
is no allusion to it in their records. There is also no trace of the issue
of Letters Patent as at Sandwich, and it must be inferred that the
Queen's sanction of the Articles presented by the Law Officers of the
Crown, having been duly signified to the Council, was officially communi
cated by an Order from that body to the Mayor of Canterbury and to the
Walloon congregation.
The refugees were usually termed "the Strangers" by their English
hosts, and strangers they long remained ; separated from the citizens, in
* Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. IX, p. 42. t Ibid., p. m.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 31
whose midst they dwelt, by differences of language, occupation,
habits and character. Their industrial organization and their religious
discipline tended also to keep them self- contained, and their descendants
for several generations, being still regarded as aliens, were excluded
from the freedom of the city. On their first coming they had for the
most part been domiciled in the parishes of St. Alphege, St. Mary North-
gate, St. Peter, Holy Cross, and St. Mildred, within easy access to the
river ; and in these parts of the city the foreign element continued for
more than a century exceedingly large. Even now the old houses by the
narrow water-ways are strikingly suggestive of Flanders; strange names
are common on the signboards; and many of the people bear in their
features traces of their descent from Netherland or French ancestors.
The proportion of the present population of Canterbury which is of
foreign origin is very much larger than appears on the surface. The
number of those who retain their original family names is less than that
of those who changed the French or Flemish cognomen for its English
equivalent.* In course of time not a few of the members of the refugee
community mated with their English neighbours, although at first the
practice was discouraged. The objection of the foreign churches to these
intermarriages was so marked as to lead Archbishop Parker, a warm
friend to the refugees, to remonstrate on the subject with the ministers
of the Dutch Church of London. "I am surprised," he wrote, "that
you should thus wish to keep yourselves apart from us  Warn
them to abstain from such severity and not to be too hard on the
Queen's subjects. " j* It was in the nature of things that frequent inter
course should tend to establish friendships and lead to family alliances
between the people of the two nations brought into such close contact.
The process began at Canterbury within a very short time after the first
arrival of the settlers, and in 1581 the Consistory censured a member of
the congregation who " was intending to marry an Englishman although
under promise to another." The Elders in this case issued a warning
notice to the parish clergy; but extenuating circumstances were happily
discovered. The original promise was shown to have been conditional,
and the engagement was dissolved by mutual consent. $ Occasionally
members of the congregation getting married in the English churches
were censured for ' ' defiance of ecclesiastical discipline and setting a
* Appendix, v. fHESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 301.
X Actes du Consistoire, vol. 11, pp. 1 & 4.

32 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
precedent contrary to unity." English sponsors were very rarely
admitted at baptisms in the Walloon Church ; but a case of the kind
occurred as early as 1582, at the baptism of a child of Vincent Primont,
the schoolmaster. Although the privilege of citizenship was long withheld from them,
the strangers were naturally anxious to retain the goodwill of their
English neighbours ; they seem to have missed no occasion for showing
respect for the civic authorities, and gratitude for the protection extended
to them. It was the custom for the ministers and elders of the congrega
tion to wait upon the Mayor-elect, to offer their greeting and to solicit
his favour. On one occasion they seem to have been invited to go
beyond mere congratulation ; for it is recorded in the Consistory minutes
that "it was thought well to make some honest gift to Mr. Mayor, who
had desired the same."* The governing body of the Church exercised
watchful care over the observance of the civic "charter." They insisted
that its conditions should be obeyed by their members not only in the
letter but in the spirit of the agreement. It is evident that there must
almost from the first have been strong temptation to disregard the
injunction as to retail trading ; and at an early period of the settlement
the elders found it necessary to put forth an earnest exhortation in this
matter. They announced to the congregation that some among them
were suspected by the magistrates of the city of selling goods by retail,
and they cautioned all to refrain from pradtices of the kind. Moreover,
as it was not then clear whether they were allowed to sell an entire piece
of any of their fabrics to a person who was not a shopkeeper, they were
desired to abstain from doing so until the question had been decided.
The Consistory notice concluded with the following words : — " We
exhort all to follow the order of the Magistrate by not contravening the
aforesaid ; having, in accordance with the doctrine of our Lord and His
Apostles, to submit to and obey their command for conscience sake, in
order not to incur their displeasure, and occasion scandal to the prejudice
of the body of this Church. "7
The strangers were called upon to bear their share of public burdens
and to perform certain public duties. The Chamberlain's Accounts
contain many items of payments received from the Walloon congrega
tion toward cesses for various purposes. In 1577 they contributed £2
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 72. f Appendix, VII.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 33
towards the cost of scouring the city dyke ; in 1578, f£$ towards the
charge for the musters; in 1580, a like sum for the same purpose, and
£\^. 19s. 8d. towards the expense of repairing the Westgate and the city
walls; in 1585, a cess of £5 12s. for powder and shot; in 1591, ^"io
towards the charge of the soldiers; in 1592, £$ towards the setting out
of four armed men into France; in 1594, a further sum of £3 f°r tne
four soldiers; in 1596, £10 more for powder and shot ; in 1597, ^10 for
the musters. In the year 1592 they were first charged with " watch
money," their quota being £12 us. 8d. ; in 1599 and 1600 they paid
for the same purpose £11 8s., and in several subsequent years £g. In
some cases they regarded these impositions of taxation as excessive, and
ventured to address a protest not only to the Burghmote but to the
Queen. This occurred in connection with the undoubtedly heavy charge
laid upon them for the city defences, as will be seen by the following
minute in the record of the Privy Council, dated June 27, 1580 : —
"A letter to Sir James Hales, Knight, Mr. Deane of Canterburie, Mr. Thomas
Wotton, Edward Boys and William Parteridge, or anie of them, with a Supplicacion
inclosed of the strangers inhabitinge in the citie of Canterburie, desiring that they might
be eased of the impositions which they saie the Maiour & his brethren laie uppon them
and they are not liable to beare ; they are required, or any thre of them, that in respect of
their promise of as large and like liberties as they enjoyed els where, beinge at the desire
of them of the citie removed from Sandwiche, to deale with the said Maiour &c, to use
some good moderation towardes them both in the contribution now said to be levyinge for
the buildinge of the West Gate and pece of the wall fallen, as also in other like taxes and
impositions hereafter, so as they maie have no cause to thincke them selves overburthened
and to seeke further redresse."*
The local taxation was not the only burden which the settlers had to
bear; they were charged with levies for the royal navy, and they had to
give personal service in the trained bands. When, in anticipation of the
coming of the great Armada, a camp was formed on Barham Downs, a
few miles from Canterbury, the strangers mustered for the defence of
their adopted country ; and the citizens did their drilling and marching
to the roll of the Walloon drums. 7
The foreign community were of course subject to the jurisdiction of
the city magistrates in all matters of police ; but they appear to have
been required, from the beginning of the settlement, to undertake the
preservation of good order and the control of public offenders among
their own body. At first this responsibility was laid upon the Consistory,
* Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. XII, pp. 73-4.
t Burghmote Books: Chamberlain's Accounts, 1387-8. E

34 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
with which the " Governors of the Drapery" co-operated. One of the
earliest records of the Consistory is a resolution, dated July 12, 1576 : —
" that the Order previously made should be maintained, prohibiting the
going to taverns and inns ; and to that effect to instruct the bailiff of the
Drapery to look to it, who shall receive for his pains a third part of the
fines."* The Consistory, having power to bring offenders under ecclesiastical
discipline, might be supposed to be an efficient police authority for
members of the congregation ; but the elders were not long in discovering
the inconveniences which arose from the exercise of quasi-magisterial
functions, and they resolved, in July 1576, no longer "to meddle with
matters wholly political (i.e. matters of police), in order not to confound
therewith matters ecclesiastical, of which the administration is different."t
They found themselves at times obliged to invoke the aid of the Mayor
and the other magistrates of the city, to reprove and punish ill-doers who
disregarded all the efforts which were made to restrain them from disorder.
Notwithstanding, however, the resolution of 1576, no definite steps were
taken to make other arrangements for the external government of the
members until six years later. They then resolved (June 8, 1582) to
establish a special body whose duty it would be to maintain public order,
to supervise new-comers, and to adjudicate in affairs of police.
" It was determined by all the bodies of Masters, with the Consistory, to establish
twelve politic men, to assist the Consistory against sundry difficulties and disorders which
they are unable to remedy. And in order that all may be known there will be 2 Elders
and 2 deacons for a certain time ; also some master woolcombers, drapers, tailors &c.
And that there be drawn up certain Articles according to which they may be governed,
and that a request be made to the Mayor to authorise them." %
It is probable that this decision was suggested by the existence of a
similar body of "Politiques " among the Dutch and Walloon community
at Norwich, where "the Twelve" were first appointed in 1567. § The
resolution was not immediately carried out, and there seems to have been
some opposition to it. In September 1582 the Consistory determined —
"to ask the Mayor to order the Governors of the Drapery and the Masters of the Passe
menterie, || in conjunction with the Consistory, to overlook the new-comers and the
disorderly, whether householders or servants, so as unitedly to observe the ordinances of
the magistrates and maintain the Company of the Strangers in good repute."**
* Acles du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 3. f Hid., p. 7. J Ibid., vol. II, p. 23.
§Moens : The Walloons and their Church at Norwich, p. 20.
** Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 30.
|| The "Passementerie " included those who were engaged in the manufacture of lace, fringe and ribbons.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 35
On October 19th the proposal made in June was renewed, and the
Consistory resolved —
" to summon at the earliest opportunity the Governors of the Drapery and the Masters of
the Passementerie to consult them as to the finding of 12 men to be presented to the
Magistrate, according to his order (to be authorised therein) that they may have oversight
of new-comers, and make report of them, and what testimony there is concerning them ;
also of such as are disorderly and dwell in our midst."*
On October 21st it is recorded: —
"This day there were chosen 12 men to be presented to the Mayor, as follow — four of
the Consistory, two drapers, two woolcombers, three Master-passemen tiers, and a tailor."f
The Politic Men upon their election were sworn in to office by the
Mayor ; and, with this official recognition, constituted a court whose
authority was generally respected. When, as occasionally happened, a
refractory offender refused to submit to the judgment of the Twelve, they
appealed to the Mayor to compel him to do so. Thus, in August 1583,
a member who had been three times summoned before the Consistory,
and refused to appear, was reported to the Twelve Men. They also
failed to bring him to obedience, and complained to the Mayor, who
caused him to be arrested, and ordered him to make public confession
and apology in the congregation on the following Sunday. There was
sometimes difficulty in obtaining the requisite number of suitable persons
willing to serve with the Twelve. In 1584 Jan Lansel, who had been
elected, threatened to leave the city if the Mayor compelled him to
continue in office. He wished to surrender his charge on account of old
age and infirmities, and ultimately the Consistory requested the Mayor
to discharge him, and to appoint another in his place.
Within the first seven years after their arrival the refugee community
had so largely increased that the city authorities began to be seriously
alarmed. The Consistory also deemed it necessary to exercise a more
rigid scrutiny over the new-comers who sought admission ; they provided
a book in which to register their names, the places whence they came,
the cause of their coming, and the testimony which they brought with
them. In July 1582 the Burghmote, with a view to check the excessive
number of foreign settlers, passed the following Order : —
"At this cote yt is ordered & decreed that whereas wthin this cittie there ys a farre
greater nomber of the strangers then vppon appoyntment of her maties preevye counsell by
there leltres was requested to be. And for that the houses wthin this cittie are over pressed
w"1 over many together in one house whiche thorough the noysomnes of many theire
dealinge ys judged to be a greate meanes of the contynnuance of the Syckenes w'Mn this
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 33. f Ibid., p. 34.

36

WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

cittie to the greate trobble of the Mayor Aldermen & other officers of this cittie & of the
decaye of the poore trade wthin the same, wherefor yt is this daye enacted and decreed
that from hencefourthe theire shalbe no more be admitted or suffered to inhabite or abyde
wthin this cittie vnlest he be ffirste so allowed to be by the Mayor and three Aldermen by
theire warrant vnder theire handes. And further that for so many as are alreadye here
abydinge that are not come for theire consciences as protestants for defence of theire
faithe & of the worde of God And whome the Elders of the said congregacon will not
allowe of and answeare for that they shall be sent awaye and not suffered here to tarrye.
And for the better knoweledge aswell of suche as of newe commers after this daye contrarye
to this decree that yt shall be lawfull for the maior and oughte of the aldermen assemblinge
them selves at the usuall place in the gelde hawle to call of the elders & others of the said
congregacon & by othe to them to be mynistred to make inquyrie thereof from tyme to
tyme as nede or occasyon shalbe or as to the said maior & aldermen shall seme good." *
The Consistory made some efforts to comply with the wishes of the
authorities, and wrote to Dover to inquire if means could be found to settle
a certain number of families there. The answer is not recorded, but it
is evident that the joint endeavours of the Burghmote and the Consistory
failed to produce the desired effect ; the strangers continued to increase,
and nearly, if not quite, doubled their number within the next ten
years. An approximate estimate may be obtained of the entire congre
gation from 1582 onward, as the existing registers begin in the preceding
year. It is recorded in the Acts of the Consistory for 1597 that, an inquiry
having been made, it was found that the congregation, " including men,
women and young children" numbered 2068. In the same year the
total of baptisms was 90. Taking the ratio of these numbers as a
rough basis of computation, the varying dimensions of the congregation
will appear as follows : —
Year. Baptisms.
1582 .. 73

3 •• 81
4 .. 88
(A register missing).
1591 . . 120
2 . . 144
3 •¦ 131
4 •• l32
5 •• ^33
6 . . 106
7 •• 90
8 .. 72
q . . 100
1600 . . 107

Congregation. 1679
1863
20242760 33i23013
3°363°59
24382068 1656
2300
2461

These figures are surprising if there be taken into account the small
population of the city at the close of the sixteenth century.
* Burghmote Books, vol. II, fo. 45.

CHAP. V.
The Church of the Crypt.
The foreign refugee settlements established in this country were
essentially congregations ; and even their industrial organization was
originally founded on an ecclesiastical basis, with ministers and elders as
the heads and governors of the community. The privilege which was
sought before all others was liberty to worship according to the doctrine
and ritual of the reformed Churches of France and the Netherlands, of
which they were emigrant branches. Each separate settlement of the
strangers constituted in effect a small religious republic modelled after
that of Geneva, but with certain modifications of the more severe system
of Calvin. The government of the Churches of Refuge in England was
based on the Discipline drawn up by John A Lasco, as Superintendent
under the charter of Edward VI. This remarkable work, written by its
author in Latin, was first published at Frankfort in 1555. It was revised
on several occasions by the Synods of the churches, and was generally
accepted and observed as the order and law of their ecclesiastical founda
tion. The doctrine of the Walloon Churches both in the Netherlands
and in England was defined in the "Confession of Faith," which was
compiled by Guy de Bres, one of the martyred pastors of Valenciennes,
and Hadrian de Saravia. It was approved by Calvin and Beza and was
first printed in 1561 ; in 1565 it was presented by Saravia to William of
Orange as the Confession of the Netherland Churches.

38 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
The early refugee Churches were all Presbyterian ; and the recog
nition which was accorded by the Church of England to the alien
nonconformists was a memorable act of Christian liberality in an age
of very general intolerance. At that time the noblest minds had scarcely
attained to the idea of religious liberty, or doubted that it was right for
the magistrate to punish heresy ; and even the persecuted were ready
on occasion to become persecutors. In the era of Elizabeth, notwith
standing the insistance on conformity throughout the nation, the Church
of England extended the hand of fellowship to the Protestant churches of
the Continent to a degree which has never been reached in later times.
The prelates and clergy of the national Church looked upon the foreign
Churches as near of kin to their own, and received the refugee ministers,
notwithstanding their Presbyterian orders, as brothers in Christ. The
stranger congregations were in many places permitted to use parish
churches in turn with the English parishioners ; in other cases churches
were wholly granted to them ; and in the most notable instance of all, in
the metropolitical city itself, the consecrated crypt of the Mother Church
of English Christendom was given them for their services of worship.
It might have been expected that the contemporary chroniclers would
take note of an event so full of interest and significance, and record the
circumstances connected with it ; but they do not appear to have done so,
and the precise date at which the refugee strangers first began to occupy
the crypt of Canterbury Cathedral as their church or "temple" is
unknown. There is indeed no lack of positive statements by later writers
fixing the time at which the assignment of the undercroft was made to
the foreign settlers. Some declare it to have been first granted by
Edward VI, or by Archbishop Cranmer to the refugee Frenchmen whom
Utenhove united into a small congregation. Others ascribe the conces
sion to Queen Elizabeth or Archbishop Parker; and the dates 1561, 1564,
1568, are those most generally named. But these assertions, unsupported
by historical evidence, and given without reference to any early authority,
seem to be no more than erroneous inferences from the supposed dates of
the settlement. An exception must however be made in regard to one
author, whose statement deserves more respectful consideration, viz.,
Alderman Cyprian Bunce, a careful antiquary who, in the' second half of
the eighteenth century, perused and rearranged the records of the city
and of the Cathedral Chapter. In a book published by him in 1791

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 39
he says : — " 1568. Peter Kelsham (Mayor). The Undercroft of the
Cathedral was this year given by Queen Elizabeth to the fugitive
Walloons."* Here also no authority is quoted; but Bunce had spent
years of research among the local records, and might well have met with
some document, now missing, in which the assignment of the crypt to
the Walloons was connected with the mayoralty of Peter Kelsham.
Assuming the occupation to have begun in 1568, some have been
tempted to associate it with the presence at Canterbury in that year of
Cardinal Odet de Coligny, ex-Bishop of Beauvais, one of the more famous
of the Huguenot leaders, who was received with marked favour and
distinction by Queen Elizabeth. As a convert to the Protestant faith he
had been compelled to escape from France ; he landed at Dover, and
passed on to Canterbury, where he was met by the Queen's Chamberlain,
and his influence with the Queen would have been at the service of any
body of refugees who might then have been gathered in the city. Three
years later the Cardinal, being again an honoured guest at Canterbury, met
with his death under circumstances which gave rise to a belief that he had
been poisoned. His body rests in the Trinity Chapel of the Cathedral,
in a plain, plastered tomb unmarked by any inscription or device.
It is clear, however, that there can be no foundation for the theory
associating the Huguenot Cardinal with the Walloon refugees at Canter
bury, as they did not arrive in the city until several years after his death.
For the same reason Cyprian Bunce' s statement would necessarily be
discredited ; and yet it probably hands down an authentic historical record,
which he has in part obscured by an error of date. Reference to the roll
of Mayors shows that Peter Kelsham filled the office of chief magistrate
of the city a second time in the year 1575-6; and this date exactly
corresponds to the first year of the Walloon settlement. It would there
fore be probable that the refugee occupation of the crypt coincided with
Kelsham's second mayoralty; and this probability is strengthened into
certainty by the discovery of an important piece of contemporary evidence
which has hitherto been unknown. The earliest registers containing the
records of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury were destroyed or
greatly damaged by fire during the seventeenth century. Fragments of
the partly-burnt volumes of the Acta Capituli from 1561 to 1581 have
* A Translation of the several Charters, &c. granted to the Citizens of Canterbury : by a Citizen,
Canterbury, 1791.

40 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

been preserved ; and an examination of the portions covering the first
period of the refugee settlement has disclosed the following record still
legible : —
" Yt ys agreed the wallons Strangers shall be licensed asmuch as in vs the deane &
chapter lyeth to haue thuse of theire comen prayer & sermons in the paryshe Churche of
St. Elphies in Canterbury in such sorte & at such tyme as the parysheners there be not
hyndred or disturbed of theyre comen prayer." *
This is dated June 23, 1575 ; that is within a few days of the arrival
of the main body of the Strangers removed from Sandwich under orders
from the Privy Council. This record clears away certain doubts and
difficulties, and in conjunction with other evidence fixes within a few
months the first occupation of the crypt by the foreign refugees. It is
evident that they were not in possession of it in June 1575, otherwise it
would then have been unnecessary for the Dean and Chapter to obtain
for them the use of a parish church. It is probable also that the
Walloons continued during the greater part of their first year of residence
to hold their services in St. Alphege Church, and that this explains the
fact, not hitherto understood, that an unusually large proportion of foreign
names occurs in the baptismal register of that church in 1575-6.
The increase in the number of the refugees soon made it desirable
to obtain more ample accommodation ; and it was doubtless in the spring
or early summer of 1576, when the Privy Council were laying the Orders
for the Canterbury settlers before the Queen, that the assignment of the
crypt as the strangers' church was made. The proposal, if it did not
first emanate from the Dean and Chapter, would undoubtedly have been
approved by them. The Acts of the Chapter, however, contain no resolution
in connection with the conversion of the crypt into the Walloon " temple "
such as might be expected to appear if the grant had been made by the
capitular body. In view of the royal practice at that period, and the
tradition directly ascribing the grant to the action of the Queen, there
can be little doubt that the Walloons owed to her Majesty's favour their
possession of the crypt, and that they first began to occupy it at the time
here suggested.
The earliest remaining record of the Walloon Church of Canterbury
is a volume of the Actes du Consistoire, written between July 1576 and
June 1578. It is probably the first book in which the transactions of the
* Acta Capituli, vol. II, fo. 86, (In the Treasury of Canterbury Cathedral).

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 41
Consistory were regularly entered. On November 15, 1576, there is an
allusion to the crypt, as follows : —
" It was resolved, in order as far as possible to come to terms with the English, to
contribute for the repairs of the temple, beyond a mark already paid, as much as one pound
if we cannot satisfy them with less. At the same time to request them to arrange with us
so that we may be assured of the hour which we may have for the after-dinner preaching."
The first part of this resolution indicates that some difference had arisen
between the Consistory and the Cathedral authorities as to the payment
for the necessary repairs to the temple. A month later it is recorded
that a sum of forty shillings had been demanded, and it was then deter
mined to make a direct appeal to the Dean ; this was doubtless successful,
as no further mention is made of the matter. The second part of
the resolution probably refers to the opening of the doors of the
Cathedral, so that the congregation might enter the crypt for the after
noon service. The uncertainty which still existed as to the arrangements
shows that the occupation of the crypt could only have begun a short
time before. It is necessary to remember that at first the Walloon
congregation had no direct access to the crypt from the Close, such as
exists at present, but were obliged to pass through the nave or south tran
sept. They entered the crypt by its south-west door, and by the stone
steps which had already been worn hollow by the feet of the innumerable
pilgrims to Becket's tomb. It was only at a later period that an entrance
was made from the Close by converting one of the windows of the Black
Prince's Chantry into a doorway.
A brief description of this crypt, so splendid in architecture, so
famed in history, will not be out of place in this chapter. It is the
largest and loftiest in England, and is in fact a double crypt belonging
to two periods and two styles. The more ancient, the western crypt, was
built by Prior Ernulf in the closing years of the eleventh century. It is a
work of unrivalled boldness in the architecture of its age, and consists of
five vaulted alleys, the central member being separated by two lines of
round columns from the double aisles on the north and south sides, which
aisles are again divided by lines of massive piers. This impressive body,
grand in its plan and proportion, is enlarged by transepts on either side,
and by the towers of St. Andrew and St. Anselm on the curve of the
eastern apse. It originally ended in a rectangular chapel, in which
stood the tomb of Becket. The altar of the Virgin Mary, to whom the
whole of Ernulf's crypt was dedicated, stood in the central alley, where

42 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
the later Lady chapel now stands. The beauty of Ernulf's own work was
enhanced by the somewhat-later sculpture of the shafts and capitals of
the columns. When his choir was destroyed by fire in 1174 the crypt
escaped without injury. It was retained by William of Sens in his
reconstruction ; and his successor, " English William," was the architect
of the Trinity chapel and the Corona, and of the new or eastern crypt.
The little chapel of the Tomb was removed, the remains of the Saint
being translated to the gorgeous shrine in the new Trinity chapel; and
the crypt of Ernulf was opened to the light and lofty undercroft, in which
the genius of " English William " had free play.
The Walloons worshipped in Ernulf's crypt, and were never in
possession of any part of the eastern crypt. The area occupied by them
included seven bays, across the entire width, and extended from the west
wall to the Lady chapel. This great space was not too large for the
congregation in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, numbering at
times from two to three thousand souls. How impressive must have
been the worship of that vast assembly when the long aisles of the crypt
resounded with psalms of sadness or of triumph, sung by a people to
whom the inspired words bore a direct personal application. The
presence of these pious exiles in the city ; the story of their wrongs, and
of their fidelity to the truth, must have deeply interested their English
neighbours ; and the conversion of the crypt of Canterbury Cathedral
into the Walloon temple was proof patent to all the world of the
sympathy of the Throne and the Church for the persecuted Protestants
of the Continent. With a like sympathy the homely muse of John Boys
was inspired, in the poem " Fasti Cantuarienses," in which he thus
speaks of the strangers who worshipped in the crypt : —
"... The Walloons assemble here.
This is their temple, this their place of pray'r.
These Strangers were, who (when the sword did rage
And Flanders was of bloudy wars the stage)
Fled for Religion, and here shelter sought ;
Their cause and case what they requested wrought :
Their cause Religion, misery their case,
(Prevailing Oratours) with us took place
Hence seats to them and habitations wee
Assigned : a people for their industrie,
Quiet deportment, manufacture, trade,
Worthy those grants this city to them made.
And here for worship they their meetings hold,

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 43
Like those poor prim'tive Christians, who of old,
At the first dawning of the Gospell, when
God's Temples chieflie were the hearts of men,
By stealth (for persecution then did rave)
Met under ground in some dark hollow cave."*
The occupation of the crypt by the persecuted Protestants from the
Low Countries, and its connection through them with a people who —
weak in their own strength but strong in their trust in God — maintained a
glorious struggle for truth and freedom, will ever be counted amongst
the most memorable historical associations belonging to Canterbury
Cathedral. The Dean and Chapter had shown their benevolence toward
the foreign refugees before the coming of the Walloon settlers to Canter
bury. In 1569 they gave from their treasury a sum of £6 13s. 4d. " to the
poor of the afflicted frenche church in London ; "t in 1570 they granted a
renewal of assistance "to Ciprian Valero a stranger; "J and in 1585
gave p£^ to be bestowed upon three French preachers exiled for religion,
" their necessity being great. "§
It is true that their action appeared to be of a contrary kind when,
in 1577, they seized, as owners of the foreshore, a wrecked ship, "the
St. Catheryn of Marcelles, belonging to certen Frenchemen of the
Relligion, which shippe was driven by tempeste uppon some part of the
Isle of Sheppey." But in this instance the strangers found powerful
friends. The Lords of the Privy Council wrote on their behalf to the
Dean and Chapter, whom they " earnestly desiered to have consideracion
of the case of the poore men, and to render unto them their said shippe
and goods ; "|| an appeal to which there is little doubt the response was
wholly favourable.
It would be well-nigh impossible for the Dean and Chapter of
Canterbury to forget how many of their own body were kin to the
strangers whom they sheltered. The Chapter has included some of the
most learned and distinguished of the foreign Reformers who took refuge
in this country : in the sixteenth century Bernardino Ochino, Peter
Alexander, and Hadrian de Saravia ; in the following century Isaac and
Meric Casaubon, Vossius, the two du Moulins. John Castilion, John
Maximilien de Langle, Lewis Herault and Antoine le Chevalier. This
* Fasti Cantuarienses : A Poem in five books, by John Boys of Hode Court. (A MS. poem, circa
1670 ; in the Chapter Library, Canterbury.)
t Acta Capituli, vol. 11, fo. 13. X ibid., fo. 30. § Ibid., vol. Ill, fo. 46.
|| Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. x, pp. 184-5.

44 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
direct association of the refugees for religion with the Chapter of Canter
bury struck a responsive chord in the sympathetic soul of Arthur Penrhyn
Stanley when installed as a prebendary. Writing to Jowett he said : —
" I discover with satisfaction that the two most illustrious Canons of Canterbury were,
one a layman, the other a minister of the Dutch Church — Casaubon and Saravia ; and that
Arnold's much-abused theory of having different sects worship in the same church is here
fulfilled even to exaggeration, inasmuch as a Presbyterian service is carried on in the crypt
at the same hour as the Cathedral service above. Yesterday, for the first time, I saw the
French Protestant texts written on the ancient Norman pillars."*
Isaac Casaubon spent at Canterbury the first few days which he
passed in England, and recorded in his diary his pleasure in the place
and its people. He was a layman, but received by the King's grant a
prebend in Canterbury Cathedral, with a dispensation for non-residence.
He was sworn in to his office on January 25, 161 1, but was installed in
the Choir by proxy. It is doubtful whether the great scholar at any time
attended the French service in the crypt ; but, although he joined the
Anglican Communion, he continued to the end of his life his connection
with the French Reformed Church. His son, Meric Casaubon, as a
resident Canon, had a closer association with the Walloon congregation.
The learned Saravia, notwithstanding his objections to Presby-
terianism, continued at Canterbury his brotherly intercourse with the
exiles of the crypt. These would gratefully remember his part in the
Netherland Reformation, and especially his co-operation with their
martyred pastor at Valenciennes, in the compilation of the Walloon
Confession of Faith. The Actes du Consistoire mention him on several
occasions. On January 15, 1596, it was "resolved to write to the
brethren of London concerning Sar:" On April 10, 1596, it was
noted: — "There will be preaching on Monday and Tuesday; we
must greet Mons. Saravia and beg him to preach on Monday." He
must again have preached in the crypt in the following October, for the
Consistory then censured a member for "laughing in the Temple when
M. Saravia preached."! Saravia acted as sponsor at the baptism in the
crypt of one of Pastor Samuel le Chevalier's children (July 14, 1597) ;
his wife was sponsor for another (October 8, 1601) ; and " Madamoiselle
Marguerite de Saravia" for a third (April 2, 1609). Saravia maintained
till the close of his life his friendly relations with Netherland Protestants.
* Life and Letters of Dean Stanley, vol. I, p. 428. Some of the French texts to which Stanley refers
are still to be seen on the arches of the northern piers of the crypt.
f Actes du Consistoire, vol. Ill, pp, 13, 26, 53.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 45
In 1605 he entertained in his house at Canterbury for several weeks a
Dutch student of his old University of Leyden. In the following year his
advice was sought and given in a question of some difficulty which arose
in the church of the crypt.*
It is very commonly asserted that the Walloons carried on their
operations of weaving in the crypt. The statement is utterly improbable,
and there is not a scrap of evidence to support it in the contemporary
records of their own Church,' of the Cathedral, or of the city. The
gravest objections would have arisen to the use of a consecrated area for
purposes of trade ; but there was no occasion whatever for it to be so
used, for the looms and the spinning-wheels were set up in the homes of
the workers from their first arrival in the city. It is surprising that a
legend so completely contrary to the facts should have gained such
wide credence, when a very slight investigation would have disproved it.
There was no place for looms within the portion of the crypt devoted to
worship, and it is certain that the eastern part was at no time in the pos
session of the strangers ; it had been enclosed before their arrival, for the
use of the first Prebendary, and it remained enclosed until the present
century. The most careful examination of the walls reveals no sign of an
industrial occupation ; and during the recent removal of the earth (which
was laid on the floor long before the sixteenth century) not a single frag
ment of any tool or utensil used in weaving was found. The deposit
of earth was originally laid down for the convenience of the crowds of
pilgrims and others who resorted to the " Martyr's " tomb, to the chapel
of the Virgin, or to the numerous altars which the crypt contained.
The entire area, being lower than the external ground, was subject to
frequent flooding; and this happened occasionally after the crypt
was occupied by the Walloon congregation. Thus in December 1633
the accounts contain the following item : — "Paid for the expense incurred
at the thanking of Mr. Jackson, minister of St. George's, for his favour
shown in lending us his church while we were deprived of our own, on
account of the flooding."
In the eighteenth century, and probably earlier, the chapel of St.
Gabriel in the crypt was used by the elders as their vestry, and was the
meeting-place of the Consistory. The deacons had a separate vestry in
the Black Prince's Chantry. Some writers have assumed that the school
* HESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, letts. 1655, 1671.

46 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
of the Walloon congregation was held in the crypt. There would be
nothing improbable in such an arrangement ; but there is no mention of
it in the records, which seem rather to show that the school was held in
some other place.
The services in the crypt resembled those to which the refugees had
been accustomed in their own country. They used the Liturgy which had
been appointed by the Synod of the Walloon Churches of the Nether
lands, and which included forms for the ordinary worship as well as for
the Communion, baptisms and marriage. Twice on Sunday, and at least
once more during the week, there were full services with preaching ;
special services were held on occasions of public fasts and festivals, and
in preparation for the Communion ; and there were regular services of
catechising for the children and the young people. The Liturgy was
very simple in character, and consisted almost entirely of exhortation,
confession and prayer pronounced by the minister alone, or repeated by
the congregation. There was systematic reading of the scripture by an
elder duly appointed to conduct that portion of the service, and the
psalms were sung in the metrical version used in the Walloon churches.
To this version there was appended an index of subjects, so that proper
psalms could be selected " suitable to the circumstances in which the
Church of God or the private individual might be placed." Following
the sermon was a long and comprehensive prayer, in which a blessing
was invoked on all sovereigns and rulers, and on those in whose hands
was the administration of justice ; on the pastors ; on all people still
wandering in ignorance and error ; on all suffering from war, pestilence
and famine ; on the poor and the sick ; on the prisoner and the exile.
One section of this prayer must have moved the deepest depths in the
hearts of the worshippers in the crypt, as it recalled the sufferings of their
kindred in the fatherland, and the dangers from which they had them
selves been delivered: — "We specially pray for our poor brethren
dispersed under the tyranny of Antichrist, or deprived of the bread of
life and the liberty to publicly invoke Thy holy Name ; also for those who
are cast into prison or otherwise persecuted by the enemies of Thy Gospel.
May it please Thee O Father of Mercy to fortify them by Thy Spirit that
they may never be wanting in the faith, but stedfastly persist in Thy holy
calling. Hold Thou their hands and aid them as Thou knowest that they
have need of Thee."

CHAP. VI.
The Church and its Members : Organization and Government.
The Church of the Crypt was governed by its Consistory or Church
Council, composed of the ministers and elders, with whom the deacons
were often, but not always, associated. The Consistory was more than
an executive vestry ; for it exercised the functions of a spiritual court,
with jurisdiction in questions of order and morals. In the early days of
the settlement its oversight extended to matters of trade : it ratified the
regulations and rules of the crafts ; arbitrated in disputes between masters
and men ; and enforced its decisions by means of the ecclesiastical
discipline. Its extensive powers being rarely abused were generally
respected. The elders and deacons were at the first appointed by the
direct voice of the people ; and from their decisions in Consistory there
was an appeal to a Class, a Colloquy or a Synod. The Class, composed
of ministers and elders of two or three neighbouring churches, could at
any time be summoned to arbitrate in the event of a dispute arising. An
appeal lay from its decision to the Colloquy, a regular assembly of
deputies from all the reformed Churches of the same tongue in England ;
and finally, the judgment of the Colloquy might be revised by a Synod
of all the Churches of refuge.
The Consistory of the Church of Canterbury usually held its sessions
once or twice a week ; occasionally still oftener. The minister, if present,
presided ; if absent, an elder filled his place. The Actes du Consistoire,

48 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
which in the earlier period were written by the minister, and later on by
the scribe, contain precious indications of the current history of the
Church and settlement ; but for the most part the record consists of
details of the conduct of members who had rendered themselves subject
to consistorial reproof or discipline. When matters of grave consequence
had to be discussed the Consistory usually called others into council.
The deacons were frequently summoned ; more rarely all past-officers
were invited ; and occasionally a joint meeting was held of the trois corps,
viz., the elders, deacons, and politic men.
In the early history of the reformed Churches, the circumstances
of their origin, and the difficulties and dangers connected with their
maintenance, conferred upon the elders a quasi-ministerial status. Con
gregations were formed in many places where a duly ordained pastor
could not be procured : in all such cases the elders conducted the services
of worship ; read and explained the Scripture; catechised the young;
and, when absolutely necessary, celebrated baptisms and marriages.
The circumstances of the Churches of refuge in England were totally
different ; but among the elders of the crypt at Canterbury were some
whohad been called upon in the Netherlands to exercise the functions of
pastors. The words of the " Discipline " defining the duties of the elders
show what kind of men were needed for an office of so much importance
and responsibility. They were to be " sound in the faith, grave and
prudent men of honest life, free from reproach, and zealous for the glory
of God; " and they had charge "to watch over the whole Church and
over each individual ; to govern the Church in common with the minister,
without either usurping authority over the others ; to maintain good order
in the holy assemblies ; and to make ecclesiastical admonition and
correction both in private and in the Consistory as the case may require."*
To the deacons the care of the sick and the poor was committed ; they
visited the members in their homes, learned the real necessities of all who
were in want, collected the alms of the whole congregation, and personally
distributed the charitable fund. On taking office the elders and deacons,
after having declared their assent to the Confession of Faith and to the
Discipline of the Churches, were solemnly inducted in the presence of the
congregation. There appears to have been no universal rule as to the
term of office, but most commonly the election of elders was for two or
* Police et Discipline EccUsiastique observSs dans les Eglises Vallonnes receuillies en ce Royaume
d 'Angleterre, (1(141)

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 49
three years. It was sometimes difficult to find suitable men who were
willing to serve; thus at Canterbury in 1596 three who had been elected
declined to accept the charge. One pleaded want of time, another ill
health, and the third that he had already served two years.
The earliest record of the election of elders and deacons at Canter
bury is in December 1576. On the 2 1st of the month notice was given to
the congregation that the election would be held on Christmas Day between
the morning and afternoon services. Ten persons were nominated as
elders, of whom five were chosen, viz., Mr. Jan de Buyre, Josse Deschamps,
Jan Cat'el, Jacques Casier, and Guilbert Tyberghien. Two days later
they received the charge in Consistory, and on the 30th were publicly
confirmed and inducted. This having been done, an election of six
deacons took place, viz., Jacques Desminaux, Jan Phlipo, Bastien Bernard,
Pierre Salome,* Pierre de Labre, and Jan Martin. These six also received
the charge in the Consistory, and were publicly confirmed on January 6th,
when the former deacons were discharged.
The next election of Elders took place on Christmas Day 1577.
Ten persons were proposed to the congregation, and the following were
chosen : — Marc Blanchard, Gilles Ewins, Jan Van Ackre, Michel Catel,
and Jan Descamps. They were confirmed four days later, when six new
Deacons were elected, viz., Jan de la Haye,* Jan Lansel,* Jan du Buha,
Jan le Roy, Laurens Desbouueries and Henri le Cocq. This election has a
special interest in connection with one of the six, Laurens des Bouveries,
who was the head of a family which in the course of a few generations
attained to noble rank in the country of their adoption. Laurens des
Bouveries was a native of Sainghin, near Lille, and had been compelled
to take refuge in England with his family during the Alvan persecution.
He first settled at Sandwich, and his name appears in a list of those who
contributed in 1568 to the relief of the refugee poor in that town.f He
removed to Canterbury in the Walloon migration of the year 1575, and
was evidently one of the principal members of the foreign community and
congregation. In the collections regularly made for the support of the
ministers and the relief of the poor his contribution is usually the largest
in the lists of donors. His grandson, Edward des Bouveries, removed
from Canterbury to London, and gained both wealth and distinction there
* These were deacons at Sandwich in 157 1.
t Moens : The Relief of the Poor Members of the French Churches in England ; Huguenot Society's
Proceedings, vol. v., p. 339. G

50 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
as a merchant. William, the head of the family in the third descent from
Laurens des Bouveries, was made a baronet in 171 1 ; his son Jacob was
created Viscount Folkestone in 1747 ; and his successor in the next
generation became the first Earl of Radnor.
In 1576 the Consistory found it desirable to make new regulations
in connection with its own proceedings. It resolved that matters of
importance should, after a first consideration, be reduced to writing, to
be read in the presence of all ; and that the final decision should be
postponed to another meeting, in order to allow time for mature deliber
ation. The Consistory at the same time determined not to interfere in
personal disputes among the members, unless both parties undertook to
abide by its decision or to accept arbitration. As to its own meetings it
was agreed, in the interest of order, that any persons beginning to
dispute on account of difference of opinion should be required to withdraw,
so that the others could settle the question without wrangling. In June
1578 it was resolved to recommend to the congregation "the adoption of
another method of procedure in the election of elders and deacons;
namely that they should be elected by the Consistory, both on account of
the difficulties which arose from the issue of voting tickets, and in order
to follow the practice in the churches of France and the Low Country."*
The proposal was accepted, and an election of elders under the new system
immediately took place ; the three chosen being Claude le Clerc, Pierre
Van Acker and Antoine Caulier. Some friction was probably caused by
the innovation, for it was only "after many difficulties" that the elders-
elect agreed to serve. Their names were then announced to the congre
gation, and "as no further impediment had arisen" they were publicly
confirmed. The Consistory in the same manner elected three new
deacons, viz., Mathieu Renard, Antoine de Lannoy and Philippe de
Larieres. In order to secure systematic and efficient oversight of the
whole of their people, the elders were assigned to distinct districts, and
the city was divided into four quarters, viz., the " quartier de Londres,"
or the west end; the "quartier du Nord," or the Northgate side; the
" quartier de Sandwich," (also called the Dover quarter), at the east end ;
and the "quartier de la Rye," on the south side. It is noteworthy that
the names of Sandwich and Rye were given to two of the quarters which
contained the terminations of the roads along which the first settlers made
their way to Canterbury.
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 121.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 51
The admission of members of the Church was carefully safeguarded.
They were required to furnish testimony as to personal character and
religious life if they had been already admitted to communion. If
seeking to enter the Church for the first time, they were subjected to a
rigorous examination. The requirements in such cases are stated in the
Consistory record in December 1582, as follows : —
" Resolved that the order be again published for those who present themselves for
admission to the ranks of the Church ; namely, that no one should Come forward unless he
knows the Articles of Faith, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer, and the Little
Catechism, except such as, through age or other infirmity, are unable to learn and retain it,
of which they must give information. New-comers who are entirely ignorant, and unable
to establish their probity by letters or other testimony, must wait six months in order that
their piety and conduct may become known. As to those who already belong to the
communion, but do not know the above, or have forgotten it, they must take care to learn
the same, in order to recite it a few months hence, when the general examination takes
place, as already practised for some years past." *
Sometimes candidates for communion asked to be excused the ordeal
of public examination. To one who pleaded some infirmity, the Consis
tory replied that "while wishing to go out of the way to help him as far
as possible, they must require him to give evidence of his desire for
communion by attendance at the preaching for a certain time."f New
comers were not always able to pass the test of inquiry, in consequence
of the vigilance of persons who had known them in their former homes.
The Consistory record frequently mentions the postponement or refusal
of admission owing to disclosures as to the character or conduct of the
candidates. Thus the reception of "one who was known to be inconstant
in word or deed" was deferred for some months; and on the same day
another applicant was rejected, having been accused of "bearing arms
against the Religion." Whenever there appeared to the elders any
element of doubt or suspicion, a period of probation was enforced " in
order to watch the walk and conversation " of the candidate for member
ship. In more serious cases where a new-comer had left an evil
reputation behind him, and seemed likely to cause scandal and shame to
the community, he was told, after severe reproof and exhortation that, " it
was expedient for him to go elsewhere." It was very necessary that
great care should be exercised in admitting new members : the inclusion
of black sheep in the flock would prejudice the strangers in the eyes of
their English hosts, and would almost certainly add to the anxieties and
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 39. t Ibid., p. 124.

52 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
burdens of the congregation. The members were not only required on
admission to prove their character and training, but were expected to
persevere in the religious life. If they neglected the services, or abstained
from communion, they were admonished by their elders; and if that failed
to bring them back to the path of duty, they were called before the Consistory
for more formal reproof. The supervision of the elders over communicant
members was facilitated by the issue of mereaux, or tickets which had to
be presented before partaking of the Holy Supper. From time to time
all were expected to join in the public Confession of Faith, to which the
earliest reference is made in the record in May 1577. It was then resolved
— " that a general confession of faith be again made, as was begun last
year, in order that each one may cause to appear the profit which he
has derived from the doctrine of the Gospel."* Once a year also
the Discipline was read in the congregation, so that both young
and' old might become familiar with the ecclesiastical constitution and
government. The body of the Church was continually recruited from the ranks of
the young. The children were, in fact, enrolled in the Church at their
baptism, and thenceforward throughout their whole life care for their
religious training and spiritual health was never relaxed. The youngest
were taught, at the first use of language, to repeat the Lord's
Prayer ; they next learned the Ten Commandments and the Little
Catechism ; at eleven years of age they began the Greater Catechism, f
responding in groups at the public catechisings. For this they were
prepared by going to an elder's house for systematic instru6tion. In
1 58 1 the elders, finding a number of the young people who were
imperfect in their catechism, ordered that " those who were too big to
answer in the temple should be called to the Consistory to be examined,
so that they might not be without instruction. "J
The organization of the Church included provision for the education
of the young both in sacred and secular knowledge. This was from the
first regarded as a matter of vital importance. The Synod of Dordrecht
directed " that care be taken everywhere to establish schools in which the
young may be instructed not only in secular things, but taught the
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 72.
t A copy of the Catechism used at Canterbury is in the Cathedral Library. Its title is " Le Catechisme pour
L'examen de la Jeunesse qui se prepare pour participer au Sacrament de la Cene du Seigneur en l'Eglise
walonne de Canterbury. Imprime a Londres, 1664."
X Actes du Consistoire, vol. 11, p, 8.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 53
catechism and taken to the preachings."* Even while " under the Cross"
the parents were exhorted "as pastors of their families to train them in
the fear of God." They were urged not to let them attend schools in
which they might be corrupted by evil example or doctrine. The
children of the poor were to be placed with faithful persons, taught to
work, and assisted to apprenticeship by the congregation. The girls
were to be taught " how to manage a household in the fear of the Lord."f
The Discipline associated the office of schoolmaster with that of the
Dodtors of Theology, who were appointed "to uphold true and holy
doctrine among the faithful:" "To this order are joined those who
instruct the young, who are the seed of the holy ministry and of the
whole Church. It is their duty to teach them to answer in the Catechism,
and to train them in languages and sciences which are the aids to the
attainment of greater learning." The minister, elders and deacons were
to visit the school from time to time, and to inspect the books.
The earlv records of the Church make occasional mention of the
schoolmasters attached to the congregation, information which is almost
wholly missing at a later period. The first named is Vincent Primont,
one of the refugees from Normandy who accompanied Hector Hamon in
the removal from Winchelsea to Canterbury, and on whose behalf
permission was sought not only to instruct the children of the congrega
tion, but also to teach the French language to those of the English who
wished to acquire it. In addition to his office of schoolmaster he held
that of Reader to the congregation until 1584, when the action taken by
the Consistory in a question of discipline led him to resign. Efforts were
made to induce him to continue his services, but without success, and the
duty of the Reader was undertaken by the elders.
A second schoolmaster is mentioned in August 1581, when per
mission was granted to Nicholas du Buisson "to go from house to house
to teach the children. "j" In 1583 he was engaged, for a small quarterly
payment, to take charge of the children at the services in the temple.
He also had belonged to the company of Winchelsea. Another school
master, Paul le Pipre, is first mentioned in February 1582 ; but he had
held the appointment before that date. Vincent Primont however still
continued to teach ; for in December 1583 a member of the congregation
was reproved for allowing his workmen to offer a bad example " to
* Livre Synodal : Synod of Dordrecht, 1578.
t Livre Synodal : Synod of the Vine (Antwerp), 1564. J Actes du Consistoire : vol. 11, p. 4.

54 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Master Vincent's scholars." * At the earlier date Paul le Pipre opposed
the application of Jan Roboem to be allowed to hold school. Roboem
was censured for having sent a petition to the Queen, making known his
poverty, and asking for liberty to teach, a step which he had taken
without consulting the elders, and, in effect, to their blame. His request
was refused, as it was held that to admit another schoolmaster would
break the agreement with Paul le Pipre. A few days after this decision,
Paul le Pipre was called before the Consistory, and "the poor estate of
Roboem was put to him in order to induce him to do as he would be
done by, if in a like condition. He was promised that if his giving way
tended to his disadvantage it should be remedied. Thereupon he
consented, and Roboem was told that he might put his notice on the door
of the temple when he pleased."! Jan Roboem had been Reader in the
Church of Dieppe before taking refuge in England. He landed at Rye
in September 1572, and was accompanied by his wife and two children.
He appears to have removed to London in the course of the year 1582.
In June 1583 the arrival of another schoolmaster is recorded as
follows : —
" It was represented to Paul le Pipre that the congregation was large and that there
was need of another schoolmaster ; also that one had come forward who professed to be a
teacher of writing, arithmetic and music, who was destitute and wished to be permitted to
teach in order to gain his living ; and that many wanted him. He (le Pipre) replied that he
held to his agreement with the Church, viz. that he' could not leave without giving three
months' notice, and that no other could be admitted without giving him three months'
notice. It was decided that the aforesaid should not be admitted to keep school, both on
account of the agreement, and because he was not as yet sufficiently known to be of the
Religion. Yet, in order to satisfy certain married people and others grown up, who did
not go to Paul's school, but wished to learn to write, and also in consideration of his
poverty, he should be allowed to teach only writing and arithmetic to those above 14 years
of age. He was cautioned not to attempt anything more until it was seen what could be
done for him, but to apply to the Mayor for permission to settle in the town." %
The name of this schoolmaster is not mentioned. Paul le Pipre was
still teaching at Canterbury in September 1597, when he was reproved by
the Consistory for holding school on Sunday.
It would be interesting to have some particulars of the inner life of
the Walloon school, but the records are entirely silent on the subject.
Its range of study was probably limited, and its accommodation inadequate.
Even the Cathedral Grammar School was found by Archbishop Parker to be
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 89. t Ibid., vol. II, p. 17. X Ibid., vol. II, p. 59.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 55

lacking benches and with its floor unboarded.* A glimpse at the Dutch
School at Sandwich in 1599 is given in a letter from the poor school
master there. When seeking more profitable employment in London, he
stated that he had more than eighty children under his charge, to whom
he taught " reading, writing and counting by means of counters— a surer
method than ciphering, "f
Under the organization of the Church, which has briefly been
described, the members, both young and old, were subjected to systematic
and effective oversight. The elders and deacons were in constant touch
with them ; regularly visited them in their homes, and were often
engaged in the same round of daily labour. It was recognized as the
duty of the elders especially to offer advice or warning in due season, to
check levity and excess, to seek out stray sheep and lead them back to
the fold, and to encourage all to live a consistent Christian life. In that
age ecclesiastical discipline was far-reaching ; it entered the domain of
private life and exercised an active control which would not be tolerated
in the present day. The law took cognizance of religious duty ; the
Clergy imposed penance and pronounced the ban of excommunication ;
it was thought proper for offenders against morals to be personally
rebuked in the open congregation, and to be prosecuted in the spiritual
courts. Among the refugee Churches the ecclesiastical government was
not less thorough, and its influence spread through every ramification of
social life. The God-fearing strangers who established their spiritual
republic within the walls of Canterbury Cathedral connected the secular
jurisdiction of the Church with its divine sanction. What may now seem
meddlesome and offensive was then upheld and justified by common
approval. The contemporary record shows the vigilance of the Consis
tory in the exercise of discipline. It summoned to its tribunal those who
gave way to drunkenness and immorality ; who resorted to taverns for
idle amusement or for gambling ; who were negligent in their work, or ex
travagant in their living ; mischief-makers and slanderers ; children who
dishonoured their parents, and parents who neglected the proper training
and control of their families. It enforced truth and honest dealing in
business, and regarded as anathema the whole category of sins which the
"custom of trade" is made to cover — fraud in quantity or quality, the
cheating of customers or creditors. The unfaithful husband or wife, the
* Acta Capituli, vol. I, fo. 50. f Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. in, lett. 1430.

56 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
unjust master or servant came within the purview of the discipline ; even
vulgarity and rudeness of manners were thought to call for remonstrance.
It is moreover evident from the records that the elders were no respecters
of persons, and did not wink at the faults of the rich while rebuking
those of the poor.
The details of conduct censured by the Consistory reveal glimpses
of life which are Falstaffian rather than Puritan. A goodly list of
tavern signs might be compiled from the Church books, and the most
frequent cause of scandal was then, as now, drunkenness. The subject is
mentioned on the first page of the Consistory record ; but it was in vain
that orders were issued forbidding the resort to taverns and inns. The
evil grew worse, and it was found necessary in June 1578 to publish in
the church a warning " that in future all who are found drinking or
playing in taverns during time of preaching shall be named publicly
unless good reason can be shown for their being in such company."*
It was also determined that any evil-livers not submissive to discipline
should be denounced to the magistrates for expulsion from the city; but,
notwithstanding these measures, a continual procession of " tavern
loiterers", "haunters of ale-houses," card-players and dice-throwers
passed before the Consistory for censure. The ilLdoers included both
youth and age : now a young prodigal who pawned his cloak to a publican
for a few groats, and ran away from his home ; now an incorrigible senior
who spent the night outside the city walls, and was found " strangely
drunk under the gibbet." The Netherland habit was not too temperate, the-
temptations were many, and no action of the Consistory seemed effectual
to check the scandal. Strange excuses were sometimes advanced in ex
tenuation of frailty. One offender, while admitting that he had been
overcome, said "he had drunk to excess because he was suffering from
fever, just as one cuts off a limb to save a life." He was gravely
reminded that it was not lawful to do evil that good might come from it,
and that moreover, such a pretext only added to his shame. Some were
even so bold as to excuse their own licence by the example of certain
elders and deacons, who had been seen drinking in taverns. Under this
reproof, the Consistory, in April 1584, called the Politic Men into confer
ence " to see if they, in company with the Consistory, would bind
themselves to a penalty if found resorting to a tavern, except with persons
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 124.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 57
from a distance, or for matters of importance, or in the villages when
taking a walk"* — a self-denying ordinance with too many qualifying
clauses. It must not be supposed that the Walloons were altogether an
intemperate people. It was but a small minority who appeared, time
after time, before the Consistory to plead penitence, promise amendment,
and go back to further indulgence ; until, at length, the patience of the
Church being exhausted, they were reported to the Mayor for expulsion
from the city.
The wide range of the ecclesiastical discipline may be illustrated by
some examples from the Consistory record in the sixteenth century : —
Baudwin Ernould was censured " for having in the Low Country con
formed to idolatry in order to get out of prison ; " the son of Jacques
Denis, " for having borne arms against those who belonged to the
Religion ; " Jacques Waterlo, for " having while at Lille mounted guard
with the citizens;" Abraham Jovelin, "for returning from the war
without leave from his captain." Catherine du Bry was censured " for
having her child baptized in popery; " she pleaded that she had yielded
to force, having no means of escape, and that she prayed for God's mercy.
A couple were reproved for going to Dover to be married in an English
church. Wallerand Cocquel was called to account "for composing and
singing a worldly song, dishonouring to the daughters of the congrega
tion ; " Gilles Mallebranche, "for going about the city on May Day
dressed up as a fool ; " and David Passet, for quarrelling over a game of
draughts in a tavern. Michel de la Mere, on becoming an inn-keeper,
was told " that his vocation was not approved, and he was advised to give
it up."t Mathurin Frasier was reproved " for so neglecting his business
that he was unable to satisfy his creditors; " and Noe Grave and Simon
Beharel were banished for fraudulent bankruptcy. Pierre Rotin was
questioned "as to a rumour running that he favoured the Anabaptists; "
and Antoine Lacart as to a suspicion "that he received goods from
London for sale at Canterbury." Hester Milvoie was blamed " for
walking at Harbledown with an Englishman during the time of afternoon
service; " and Moyse Blondeau for going down the river in a boat, eel-
fishing on Sunday. Susanne Masonliere admitted to the elders that she
had " by her tongue offended against God and her neighbour." Jacques
* Actes du Consistoire : vol. II, p. III.
t The Synod of Antwerp, in 1564, had declared that " the faithful ought not to keep taverns, and if
tavern keepers make profession of religion they should be admonished to quit that vocation
as unworthy of a Christian man." H

58 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Tibergin was refused membership on its being discovered " that although
he had a wife in the Low Country he had begun over here to pay court to a
young widow." Jean Messeman was censured for being so drunk in the
street that the boys cried "Farce! Farce!" after him. The daughter
of Henry Langlois was severely reproved for asserting " that she knew of
a certain potion to make lovers run after her." Adrien Bauchar was
suspended from communion "for having caused Jacques Dambrine to
be arrested on Sunday, on leaving the temple, to the great scandal of
the Church and of several English." In December 1583 several members
were charged with having crossed the Channel in order to make a raid on
certain priests. They were closely questioned and gave very contradictory-
answers. It was admitted that they had been together at Calais and in
some villages across the frontier of the Spanish Netherlands, and that
they were in possession at Canterbury of a large number of gold pieces.
For these they accounted in various ways ; but the weak defence left little
doubt as to the guilt of the accused. One of them went so far as to
declare " that even if he had taken a few crowns from a priest, he might
well do it, seeing that the priests had robbed him of'all he possessed and
wanted to burn him into the bargain."* In the following year there
seems to have been another similar raid, from which only one member,
Jan Corne, returned, his companions being taken in the act.
The procedure of the Consistory in the exercise of discipline was as
follows : the elders first admonished an offender privately ; if he was
stubborn, or his fault was regarded as grave, he was summoned to appear
on a certain date to make his confession or defence. It might be
thought sufficient to censure him formally, or necessary to suspend
him from communion until he had made recognition of his fault in the
presence of the congregation. The suspension in the case of very serious
offences, or of persistent evil-doing, assumed the form of excommunication.
The following notice of suspension which was read from the pulpit, amid
the solemn silence of the people, will show the usual formula : —
" You are hereby notified that ... a member of this Church has given licence to
his sensualities, leading a life disordered by follies unbecoming to holy men, haunting
taverns and evil company, committing excesses, and violating sacred laws both human and
divine, to the dishonouring of God and the scandal of the Church ; and that he has also
despised the solemn warnings and advice which have been given to him. Wherefore the
Consistory of this Church, after duly examining the shameful conduct of the said . . .
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 85.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 59
has determined to publicly suspend him from the holy Sacrament of our Lord Jesus
Christ, in accordance with the power and authority which Christ has granted to it, in
order that the said . . . might continue in that state until he has given manifest proof
of a serious and sincere repentance, and returned to his duty. God grant him grace so
to do ! " *
The Church, as represented by the Consistory, undertook (not
invariably with success) to exercise some control over the courtship and
marriage of its members. If a young couple were observed to be
"keeping company" the parents or guardians were consulted, and the
engagement was ratified by a solemn betrothal in the presence of the
Consistory and of the members of the two families. Unless a notary had
been employed, the Clerk of the Politic Men usually drew up a contract
of marriage, which specified the conditions of the settlement. If the
marriage was unreasonably delayed, the elders privately admonished
those who were responsible ; and, if necessary, summoned them before the
Consistory. If from cooling of affection or other cause a separation
seemed expedient, the engagement was cancelled by consent; but cases
of jilting occasionally gave rise to ecclesiastical censure. The approval
of parents was necessary in betrothal and .marriage ; if however their
assent was improperly withheld, to the manifest detriment of the children,
the Consistory allowed the union to be celebrated. Even widows and
widowers were required to show respect to their parents by obtaining
their consent to remarriage ; and occasionally too-hasty widowers were
censured in the congregation for asking to be betrothed within a few
weeks of their bereavement. The record shows that the Consistory had
sometimes to enforce discipline in cases of moral frailty. The penalty of
public confession was laid on both sinners, a more excellent way than
that which visits the sin of the partners on the one who alone has to bear
the burden of nature. In the case of illegitimate children the infants
were admitted to baptism "if presented by faithful sponsors, members of
the Church." While the ministers and elders maintained the authority of the
Consistory over the members of the congregation in all questions of
discipline, they had from time to time to resist attempts made by the
Ecclesiastical Court of Canterbury to bring them within its jurisdiction.
The officers of that Court encouraged the resort of the strangers to their
tribunal, and occasionally disputes arising among the Walloon members
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. .IV, p. 26.

60 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
were solved by litigation, instead of being submitted to the arbitration of
the Church. A flagrant instance occurred in which a deacon who had been
suspended from communion summoned his accuser before the Commissary.
The ministers and elders waited upon the official, and represented to him
that the government of their Church was vested in its Consistory ; they
therefore requested him to remit such cases to their judgment. " There
upon the Commissary answered them very rudely, saying that they were
invading his jurisdiction, and were making laws to the prejudice of the
realm ; that their assemblies were conventicles, and they were running into
danger of Praemunire', . . . and, inasmuch as they had not been
willing to subject their discipline to his jurisdiction, he had done his
worst against them, so that if it had depended on him their church would
have been utterly overturned."*
In 1582 the official of the Ecclesiastical Court served notice upon
the ministers and elders that they would be required to conform to the
English law in regard to the observance of feasts, the registration in the
parish books of baptisms, marriages and deaths, and the declaration
of wills. An answer was returned to the effect that they had been
accustomed to keep the usual festivals, and would continue to do so ; but
as to the other points they prayed to be excused, as the strangers within
the kingdom were not required to conform to the English law in such
matters, the Queen having granted them the privilege of retaining their
own ecclesiastical government. It would also be very difficult for them
to comply with the demands made upon them, on account of the differ
ence of language ; and moreover as to wills, the generality of their
members were poor folk, who had little in the way of worldly goods to
leave behind them.f The Consistory in this instance made a successful
defence of their privileges.
* Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 1511.
* Actes du Consistoire : vol. II, p. 35.

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CHAP. VII.
The Church and its Pastors in the Sixteenth Century.
The first two pastors of the Church of the Crypt represented in their
own persons the persecuted Protestant Churches of France and the
Netherlands. Hector Hamon, who brought to Canterbury the earliest
company of refugee settlers in the reign of Elizabeth, was one of several
ministers driven out of Normandy by the edicts of 1568. The Reforma
tion had spread throughout the length and breadth of that province, and
the people, undaunted by the prospect of martyrdom, embraced "the
Religion " with gladness. In the words of a Catholic witness: — " The
fires confirmed the heretics, and a single death convinced a thousand
of the living that Huguenots who could suffer with so much fortitude
must have a sure faith."* The Parliament of Rouen was ordered to
execute effective judgment upon the refractory ; the prisons overflowed
with singers of psalms and readers of Bibles ; but even the gaolers caught
the infection of the new faith, and the number of the proscribed continually
grew larger. In face of edicts of death, itinerant Protestant pastors
ministered in many towns and villages of Normandy long before they
could venture to use regular places of worship. Among the Churches
which originated at this period was that at Caen (1558), one of whose
early pastors was Raoul le Chevalier, f who subsequently became a Canon
of Canterbury; others were formed at Pont-Audemer and Bacqueville,
* Memoires de Tavannes, vol. xxiv, p. 251.
t Beau jour : L' Eg Use Reformie de Caen, p. 93.

62 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
from which places refugee pastors were subsequently to make their way
to Canterbury. The edict of Amboise (1559), which accorded an amnesty
to those who returned to the Catholic Church, encouraged the Protestants
of Normandy to profess their own faith more boldly ; but two years later
the fury of the Guises, opening a campaign of massacre at Vassy,
initiated the Wars of Religion. Normandy bore its part in the conflict
of that unhappy time. The Protestants obtained for awhile the mastery
of the province ; and, rising against their oppressors, committed acts of
violence in sacking churches and monasteries — an outbreak of passion
which may find its apology in human nature, but was not the less deplor
able. The Edict of Pacification in 1568 offered a promise of security to
the Protestants, who were allowed to continue their services in places
where they had already been established. It was a treacherous and
delusive peace, from which they were soon awakened by a royal pro
clamation banishing their ministers from the realm, and forbidding under
pain of death any exercise of the reformed religion. This infamous edict
was ruthlessly enforced in Normandy; and the port of Dieppe was
speedily crowded with those who sought means of escape into England.
Among the numerous fugitives who crossed the Channel during the
winter of 1568-9, and landed in the port of Rye in Sussex, were five
ministers whose names, as they appear in the Mayor's list, were as
follow : — Monsr S' pawle of Depe
,, Hector hamon of bacavile
,, Jacob cardif of ponteau
„ nics Tellier of Rue
,, Tousaints of pauce.*
It is stated that at the date of the Mayor's report, March 27, 1569, there
were no strangers in the neighbouring town of Winchelsea. But Rye was
soon overcrowded with the refugees, and it became necessary for most of
them to pass on to London, or other places where they could profitably
carry on their industries. Hector Hamon with a small company, probably
composed of those to whom he had ministered in Normandy, removed to
Winchelsea ; and, having secured a temporary domicile there, established
a congregation. Of his previous history scarcely anything is known.
As minister at Bacqueville, until the edict of expulsion drove him to
flight, he had doubtless been engaged among a widely-scattered people
* Cotton MSS., Galba, C ill, fos. 267, 268 (British Museum).

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 63
in hamlets, villages and isolated farms, preaching and teaching wherever
an opportunity offered to gather a faithful few together for instruction
and worship. He probably belonged to a family which holds an honour
able place in Huguenot history. It was a Pierre Hamon, an Augustinian
monk of Amiens, who, in 1561, deeply stirred the religious fervour of
the inhabitants of that city. He was appointed to preach during the
Lenten season in the church of St. Martin, and proclaimed from the
Catholic pulpit the distinct Protestant dodtrine that Jesus Christ is the
sole mediator between sinful man and his Maker. The alarmed Papists
raised a tumult against him, and his life was in danger from their
violence ; but the Huguenot citizens assembled armed at the door of the
church, and conducted him in safety to the gate of his monastery.* A
Pierre Hamon, possibly the same, was one of the most notable of the
Huguenot martyrs in the outburst of persecution which marked the year
1568. He was secretary or writing master to Charles IX; but, during
the King's absence from Paris, was arrested and cast with many others
into prison. It is said that his royal master intervened in his favour,
but his enemies had determined to destroy him ; a charge of treason was
concocted, and he was condemned to be hanged. He died nobly,
protesting his innocence, declaring his fidelity to the truth, and singing
a Huguenot psalm in the last moments of his life.t It would be with the
certain prospect of a similar martyrdom awaiting him in France that
Hector Hamon fled to the English shore. The line which records his
arrival at Rye is not the mere mention of a name, but embodies the
whole sad story of the persecution.
The removal of Hamon' s congregation from Winchelsea to Canter
bury has already been mentioned. It probably took place in the autumn or
winter of 1574 ; but the earliest existing evidence of the establishment of
the company at Canterbury is contained in a letter from Hector Hamon
to the ministers and elders of the Dutch Church of London, dated
March 1, 1575. In this he styles himself "Minister of the Church of
Canterbury," and intercedes for " Dr. Gerard Goossen, who frequents
our Church, and does much for our poor."J A further proof of the
priority of Hamon' s settlement in Canterbury to that of the Walloons
* ROSSIER : Histoire des Protestants de Picardie, p. 23.
t History of the French Martyrs ; translated from the French by the Rev. Abraham Maddock
(London, 1780) p. 270.
{ HESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 319.

64 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
who came from Sandwich is contained in a letter from Antoine Lescaillet,
the Walloon pastor, addressed to the Dutch Church of London, Nov. 28,
1576, in which he speaks of " Monsr. Hamon, formerly minister in this
Church before our coming from Sandwich."* No record has been found
mentioning the place in which the first small congregation of the strangers
assembled, but it was probably in one of the parish churches. On the
arrival of the Walloons, the two congregations united, Hector Hamon and
Antoine Lescaillet jointly conducting the services, first in St. Alphege
church, and subsequently in the crypt of the Cathedral.
The opening page of the oldest Consistory record, which is in the
handwriting of Lescaillet throughout, shows that Hamon was still at
Canterbury in July, 1576; but he was then about to return to France,
tempted, no doubt, to take that step by the hopes which the peace of
that year excited in the heart of an exile. On July 5th it is recorded as
follows : — •
" This day Mons. Hamon, having applied for leave to withdraw into France, stated
that he had asked for that liberty when he was called by those of Winchelsea, which was
accorded to him ; and further (when he came to Canterbury) to convey him back as far as
Rye, free of cost and charges. It was resolved to speak to those of Winchelsea, and also
to the whole Church, so that his request might be granted or refused by common agreement.!
This may be interpreted as meaning that Hamon, on taking up his
ministry at Winchelsea, made it a condition that he should be allowed to
return to France when an opportunity arose; and that this stipulation
was repeated on the removal to Canterbury. The arrangement would
be known only to the Winchelsea portion of the congregation of the
crypt, and to them, therefore, the matter was referred. On July 14th it
is recorded : —
" On this day the multitude was assembled to be informed of the proposal of
Mons. Hamon, as to which no objection was found. It was therefore resolved to inform
him thereof, and to advance the day of the Communion, on account of his departure. Also
to give him in aid of his journey, beyond the stipend of the current month, two gold crowns,
begging him to accept them in good part on account of the poverty of the Church."!
Pastor Hamon is no more mentioned in the records of the Church ;
and from this time all trace of him is lost. There can be no doubt,
however, that after a solemn service of farewell communion, in which
heart-felt prayers would be uttered for his preservation from peril, he
returned to his native land. *Ibid., lett. 426.
t Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. I. J Ibid., p. 4,

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 65
Antoine Lescaillet probably remained for some time sole minister of
the crypt. He was the head of a numerous family, whose names
appear frequently in the registers of the Church. Some of his children
were born at Sandwich ; whether any were born at Canterbury is unknown.
It was no light charge which the Walloon pastor had to bear, for the
congregation was large, and included many poor ; while new-comers
were almost daily arriving, not a few of whom came on foot, homeless
and penniless wanderers. The poverty of the Church is repeatedly
alluded to in the Consistory record ; and its pastor had to labour two or
three years in the city before a regular stipend of two pounds a month
could be assured to him. It must have needed a large-hearted sacrifice
on the part of the refugee community to support their poor, to relieve the
sick, and to care for the widow and orphan.
They had not only to meet the obligations of benevolence toward
their own people, but were called upon to bear additional burdens.
In August 1576 the minister and elders were summoned to attend the
court of the city magistrates, where, in presence of a Government official,
they were required " to assist in maintaining certain prisoners from
Vlessinghes (Flushing), during three or four weeks, until her Majesty's
orders were made known."* The capture of these prisoners had arisen
out of the breach of friendly relations between Elizabeth and the Prince
of Orange. The depredations of the " Beggars of the Sea " on English
vessels trading with the Spanish Netherlands had been followed by angry
demands for reprisals. Dutch ships were seized in our ports, and the
Admiral of the Narrow Seas was ordered to use more energy in dealing
with the privateers. The Privy Council addressed to the foreign Churches
of London and Canterbury warnings to have no dealings with the Prince
of Orange until he had given satisfaction for the English ships which had
been taken. It was also determined to make the refugees in England pay
for the Netherland prisoners. On August 19, 1576, the Council directed
the Lord Warden as follows : —
" That wheare diverse Flushingers being lately brought in and committed to prison
some to Dover some to Sandwiche whose charges in susteyning them will be more charge
able then those two townes will be able to beare, he is required to send some of the said
prisoners to the gaole of Caunterburie ; & to take some order that the straingers resident in
Sandwiche, Caunterburye & Maidstone & in other places within his Lordship's charge may
b,e contributaries towardes the relief of the said prisoners till furder order be taken with
them."t * Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 15. t Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. IX, p. 191. I

66 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

" Milord Caubham's messenger" arrived in Canterbury on Sept. i,
1576, with a letter to the congregation of the strangers, requiring them
to contribute toward the expenses of the prisoners in the two ports. The
Consistory replied by sending a deputation of elders to the Lord Warden,
then at Cobham, to represent their dire poverty, and " their inability to
assist even those [prisoners] who had been brought to the city, without
abandoning their own poor, who would thereby be driven to beg among
the English."* Fortunately the Prince obtained peace with Elizabeth by
agreeing to make reparation, and on Dec. 16, 1576, the Privy Council
wrote to Lord Cobham with reference to the Flushingers imprisoned at
Canterbury : —
" Forasmuch as sithe thinges in controversie betwene her Majesties subjectes and them
were redemed to better order then before, he shold sett at libertie all suche againste whom
no action or suite hathe ben hitherto comenced and the rest to aunswer to lawe."f
While the quarrel with Orange remained unsettled the refugees must
have been filled with gravest fear lest the anger of the Queen might
endanger their safe asylum in her realm. The Canterbury Consistory
regarded the situation as one which called for the utmost caution. On
August 20, 1576, they —
" resolved, upon a certain notice from the Court to the foreign churches, to publish the Fast
on the 23rd, taking occasion of the common afflictions, without specifying the matter in
general contained in the said notice, touching the dispute of her Majesty with the Prince of
Orange, nor matters still more special."]:
The past-elders and heads of families were called into council, and,
after due consideration, resolved upon the terms in which their reply
should be drawn up. The record is as follows : —
" By common assent the following was approved, viz. that it was held good to thank
her Majesty and Messieurs of the Council both for their former favour and for their present
notice, with prayer and entreaty to be within their shelter and protection as hitherto,
and especially to be defended and shielded against popular agitation, because of our
innocence and for justice therein. Moreover that we are truly grieved at the division which
we understand exists between her Majesty and Monsr the Prince of Orange ; and above all
that he should have been urged by any of our people to ill-treat the English, a thing un
known to us and disavowed : not regarding such persons as honest men, but rather deserving
of exemplary punishment. And as concerns the understanding with Monsr the Prince, we
reply that on the supposition of his having undertaken war against our enemies by unjust
means, as men forget themselves, we would not render him aid ; still less if he should
attempt such a thing against her Majesty, whom we regard as our foster-mother. As to our
conduct, we promise to behave in such a way as Christians ought. As to means of appeas-
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 15.
t Acts of the Privy Council, new series, vol. IX, p. 251. J Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 12.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 6?
ing the quarrel we leave all to the counsel and judgment of those who are a hundred times
more capable than we are, submitting ourselves to whatever may be found to be best."*
A letter in these terms, signed by Lescaillet in the name of the Consis
tory, was personally delivered by two elders to the Consistory of the
French Church of London, with a view to a similar reply being sent in
by the various Churches.
The refugee congregations in England could not be indifferent
spectators in their safe retreat of the heroic struggle in which their
brothers were engaged in the Netherlands. They contributed both in
men and money to the cause of national independence and the revolt of
Protestant Europe against the yoke of Rome. But, at the time when
Lescaillet' s ministry began at Canterbury, the collection of funds and the
furnishing of recruits for the war against Spain involved considerable
danger, and it was necessary for those who engaged in the work to act
with secrecy and prudence. It is probably for this reason that the
records of the congregations supply only slight and casual references to
the aid rendered to the Prince of Orange. At Canterbury one of his
agents, Pierre du Brusle, was suspended from communion in the summer
of 1576, for an offence which is vaguely stated as " his affair in the Low
Country." Its nature is more fully revealed some two years later, as
"an action akin to brigandage. " f Du Brusle maintained that he
had acted under commission from the Prince. He was supported by
one of the elders, Jan de Buyre, who had formerly ministered in the Low
Country, where du Brusle "had been a member of his congregation."
The London Church, on being consulted, held that du Brusle ought to
give proof of his alleged commission, "which needed to be very special
to justify him, "% and. a few months later the famous Jean Taffin, the
Walloon minister, who bore a notable part in the Netherland struggle,
wrote in his behalf letters which were regarded as a justification. He
begged that du Brusle might be readmitted to communion, and that " in
the event of his raising any company they would help him as far as
possible." As to the latter request the Consistory replied : — " They could
not give him aid, both on account of their poverty and because of the
command received from the Court, not to assist the officers of the Prince."
They added however a significant intimation that, " where it could be done
without danger, he might solicit the goodwill of his own friends and of
individuals, in which he would not be molested." § The Consistory
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 13 t Ibid., p. 119. X Ibid., p. 24. § Ibid., p. 32.

V

68 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
record at this period occasionally refers to members who had borne
arms in the wars ; but the number of soldiers thus mentioned would
evidently be small in proportion to the total number of the congregation
who had served.
The earlier years of Lescaillet' s ministry at Canterbury were
disturbed by a controversy which occupies considerable space in the
record of the Consistory. It arose out of the application of Jan Inghelram
to be admitted to communion, in November, 1576, " as a member of the
English Church." His reception was opposed by "Mr. Gherard
Goossen, physician," who alleged that the candidate had been censured
in the Dutch Church of London for writing a book which contained
heretical doctrine. Jan Inghelram had been one of the settlers at
Sandwich, and had removed from there to London, where he became an
elder of the Dutch Church. He subsequently came to Canterbury,
and endeavoured to establish himself in the city, before the formation of
a refugee settlement there. In July 1572 the Burghmote agreed "that
Mr. Inghelram the pottycarye shalbe tollerated to occupy his trade and
syence freely for one year."* But in December following, the licence
was revoked, " vpon the lamentable sute and complaynt of the appotycarys
of the Cytty," and it was decreed that "John Ingleram being a mere
forrener should not be allowed to keep open his shop and trade his science
of appothecarie."f He probably then left the city for several years.
His opponent, who was also of Netherland origin, was living in Canter
bury as early as November 157 1, when the register of Holy Cross
records the baptism of " Sara Gossen the daughter of master Garrard
Gossen." He too had been. connected with the Dutch Church of London,
and had incurred the censure of its Consistory.
Goossen was required to put his charges against Inghelram into
writing, and did so in the shape of ten articles. Meanwhile the Consistory,
" in order to cut the matter short," applied to the London Church for
information, and received a reply favourable to the accused, " against
whom neither they nor the English had any charge in respect to his
doctrine or his life." It seems to have been true, however, that, in 1571,
the book written by Inghelram had been condemned by the foreign
Churches, and he had been obliged, by order of the Bishop of London,
to make a formal recantation. The Consistory of Canterbury found it
* Burghmote Books, vol. B, fo. 260. f Ibid., fo. 264.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 69
quite impossible to "cut the matter short," and the dispute continued
during several years. Inghelram drew up his defence in Latin, and de
manded that it should be judged by learned men. Ultimately it was decided
that the charges against him were unfounded, and he was received into
communion. Goossen was called upon to withdraw his accusation, and
refusing to do so, was suspended. In May 1578 he was still vehemently
slandering the ministers and elders, who " appealed to Mr. Dean to aid
them against the said Guerard and to impose silence on him by authority."*
They laid before the Dean the various documents in the case, and for his
convenience had Inghelram's original recantation, which was in Flemish,
translated into Latin. A break in the record occurs for some years ; there
seems to have been a reconciliation, but in October 1582 the smouldering
fire*burst out afresh, as Goossen had recommenced the polemic "in a
book written in Flemish," and notwithstanding his having promised to
regard his opponent "as a worthy man, a friend and brother." In May
1583 the dispute was again referred to the arbitration of the Dean and
Chapter. Goossen crossed over to Antwerp, where he printed further
attacks on the Consistory. In May 1584 he applied to them for testi
mony, and was told " that having left their communion and gone over to
the English, he had better get his testimony from them."f
About this time, trouble arose in connection with a member
named Gilles la Cousture. He had come from Lille and Antwerp, and,
in April 1583, sought admission to communion at Canterbury. He was
charged with having " assisted at a baptism at Calais according to
popery, though subject to the order of the Churches," \ and was required
to make recognition of his fault before the Consistory. He returned to
Antwerp, where he reverted to the Romish faith, and began to molest
the Church of Canterbury by printed attacks on its pastor, and corres
pondence with certain of the members.
While the church was perplexed with so many anxieties, the plague
appeared in the city, and began to find its victims in the too-crowded
dwellings of the settlers. On August 9th, 1576 the Consistory resolved —
" To ascertain if there cannot be found in the whole congregation a fit person, a
volunteer, willing to devote himself to the visitation of the plague-stricken, so that the
minister may not be compelled to mingle with the sufferers as well as with others who are
in health, a practice alike dangerous and contrary to the law of the land."f
* Actes du Consistoire : vol. I, p. 117. t Ibid., vol, II, p. 115. X loid., vol. II, p. 50.
§ Ibid., vol. I, p. 10.

70 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
No one was found to offer himself for a duty involving so great a peril,
and in the emergency the Consistory resolved "that the elders, each in
his own district, should carry on the visitation of the plague-stricken, but
always without disorder or confusion."*
It was in this time of trouble that there arrived an urgent appeal for
help from across the sea, letters being received from Wesel " making
known their great poverty owing to the sickness from the plague, and
begging aid from all the friends and brethren who had taken refuge in
England." The Consistory resolved, "notwithstanding the lack of means,
to lay the matter before the congregation, and exhort each one to bring
of his good will to those who would be placed at the door of the Temple
for the purpose."! The contributions amounted to five pounds, and the
sum was handed over to Laurens des Bouveries to remit to London. In
January following, the elders received a welcome gift of ten pounds, part
of a bounty sent by the Scottish Churches " to the faithful strangers
dwelling in England who were in need. "J
About this time an appeal was made to the refugees at Canterbury
to assist in providing for the spiritual necessities of their fellow Protest
ants in the Netherlands. Pastor Lescaillet made known —
" that a minister had arrived in Sandwich, who had been sent expressly from Zealand, to
declare the great scarcity of means, both there and in Holland, for the advancement of
Christ's kingdom. In many places a minister was required but could not be maintained ;
and assistance was besought, so that on the assembling of the Estates there might be shown
a multitude engaged in the exercise of religion. "§
The reply was that they would gladly assist, but were prevented by
poverty; that if God gave them means they would do their utmost in the
way desired. A few years later (May 1582) the subject was renewed, on
letters being received from the pastor of Antwerp, asking for help in
support of the students in the Netherlands. On consulting the Church
of London it was agreed to reserve any funds raised for students for the
benefit of those who were to be trained for the ministry in this country.
A visitation of the plague soon after diverted the contributions to the
relief of the sick and the bereaved ; but, later on, the question was again
taken up, and a candidate for the ministry was put forward in the
congregation of the crypt. The Church was asked to undertake the
education, in letters and theology, of the son of Marc Blanchard, with an
agreement that, if required, his services should be devoted to Canterbury
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. II. t Ibid., p. 18. J Ibid., p. 49. \ Ibid., p. 60.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 71
on the completion of his course of study. Promises of contributions to
a sufficient amount were given by the members ; and Mons. de Licques,
minister at Dieppe, was asked if he would receive and train the student.
At the meeting of the Colloquy at Canterbury, in June, 1583, it was
thought desirable, however, that the support of candidates for the ministry
should be undertaken jointly by the Churches. The separate action
contemplated at Canterbury was therefore abandoned, and the congrega
tion of the crypt began to make a periodical collection for the common
fund for the students. The only extant record of this work is contained
in some fragments of accounts of the fund between 1599- 1603. From
these it appears that in 1599- 1600 the monthly collection made in the
four districts averaged about £1 18s. od., and that the practice at that
time was to remit regularly to London £1 5s. od. per month, carrying
the balance forward to the next account, In April 1601 the then
treasurer of the fund, Elyas Mauroys, opens his account with a balance
of ^"5 6s. gd. handed over to him by " mon frere Des Bouvry." In
Sept. 1602 he sums up as follows : — Total received from April 1st, 1601,
^26 18s. 1 id., total paid £17 10s. od., balance in hand £g 8s. nd.
In June 1577 Antoine Lescaillet was sent as deputy to the synod of
the Walloon Churches of the Netherlands, at Dordrecht. He was absent
three or four weeks, and on his return reported "that he had been asked to
serve certain Churches in the Low Country, it being understood that he
had a colleague who would be sufficient for the Church (at Canterbury). It
had been noticed that his own voice was getting weak for public speaking,
but that it might still serve in small and secret assemblies."* There is
a. touching significance in this allusion to the pastor's voice when
ministering " under the Cross." Gaspar Voetius, in recommending one
who was engaged in that service, remarks: — "His utterance is some
what low, for in secret communities people usually speak between their
teeth. "t The elders at "Canterbury refused to consent to the call of
their chief pastor to service in Flanders. Their motive was doubtless
twofold : they could not willingly part with a faithful minister who had
shared their exile, and they knew that the duty which he was willing to
undertake was fraught with severe hardships and very great peril. The
character of the first Walloon pastor of the crypt was evidently known
and honoured in the Low Country. The call to him was several times
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 82.
t HESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 2631.

72 WALLOON &> HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
repeated. In March 1578 Jean Taffin wrote, on behalf of the Class held
at Antwerp, to ask " whether in view of the pressing need, and the fine
promise of harvest, the Church would still oppose Lescaillet's acceptance
of service." The Consistory replied that " the Church could not dispense
with his services, and that there were other ministers in England who
were disengaged. If, however, he were still demanded, it was willing to
lend him for a time, on a proper substitute being provided."* Pastors
Taffin and de la Vigne again wrote that Lescaillet " was most earnestly
desired and asked for." The Acts of the Synod of Antwerp (May 1578)
supply the name of the Church from which the call had been addressed —
" the Church of Canterbury is requested to accord to that of the Western
Olive (Quesnoy-sur-Deule) the brother l'Escaillet." The reply was again
in this instance an absolute and final refusal. These facts furnish evidence
of a ministry which was highly appreciated, and must have possessed
elements of worth and distinction. Lescaillet's devotion to his sacred
calling is shown by his reluctance to prefer his personal interest to that of
the Church. When after several years' ministry he ventured to ask for a
fixed stipend, he explained "that he had been caused heavy loss by the
irregularity of payment ; but, if his request were thought to be unreason
able or unusual, he would rather withdraw it than give rise to censure or
calumny. "t His readiness to leave the safe shelter of Canterbury, and
accept the dangers and privations of service " under the Cross," indicates
the spirit which inspired so many noble men in that age of fiery trial of
faith and conscience. It was the same spirit which led another refugee
pastor of Kent, John Cubus of Maidstone, to write : — " If by lot or other
wise I am desired to go to Antwerp I shall not hold back; not because I
have an inclination for the Cross, or the danger of the Cross, but just as
many pious martyrs willingly died, overcoming their weak natural inclina
tions by the strength of the Holy Ghost. "J
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, pp. Ill, 114. f Ibid., p. 116.
JHessels: Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, lett. 338.

CHAP. VIII.
The Church and its Pastors in the Sixteenth Century,
(Continued).
In the correspondence relating to the call of Lescaillet to the
Low Country, mention was made of his having at the time a colleague.
This pastor has not hitherto been known in connection with Canterbury,
and his stay there was short ; but he was a duly-elected minister of the
Church of the Crypt, and served it for a period of about six months. He
is first named in the Consistory record on February 7, 1577, as follows : —
"It was resolved to call together the multitude to make known that a certain French
minister, namely Mons. Tardif, had come hither ; who, being destitute, desired to remain
in our midst if granted some small allowance, and who offered his services to the Church if
it thought good. In order to arrive at a decision it was agreed to ascertain if the proposal
would be approved ; also, in that case, what each would contribute, and for how long."*
The result of the reference to the congregation was a resolution to
assist the distressed minister for a period of six months, until he could
determine what to do, and it was seen whether the Church could retain
him. It was arranged that the elders should go from house to house, to
ascertain what sum could be raised for his maintenance. This was at
once done, and they reported " that they had obtained in aid of the said
minister 14s. per month, and it was resolved to write to him to inquire
* Actes du Consistoire: vol. I, p. 57.

74 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
if that would help him." He accepted the offer ; and on March 7th was
received, for the time specified, " in the office and status of pastor in the
Church." This pastor was one of the five ministers who arrived in the port of
Rye in 1569. In the Mayor's list his name is written as " Monsr. Jacob
cardif of Ponteau," but it is correctly given in Ruytinck's* list of refugee
pastors who were driven into England by the persecution in France, viz.
" Jacob Tardif, of Pont-Audemer." He was a fellow sufferer with Hector
Hamon, and had fled from Normandy at the same time, and for the same
reasons, as the first of the settlers at Canterbury. His name suggests
that he probably belonged to the Norman family which included Georges
Tardif. This Huguenot martyr was condemned at Sens in 1557, and
having appealed to the Parliament, was sent to the Conciergerie prison
at Paris ; but room failed for the crowd of victims who were at that time
arrested, and he was sent back to Sens, to be burnt at the stake, t
Jacob Tardif received, about the same time as Lescaillet, letters of
call to service in the Netherlands. At first he was unwilling to go, and
pleaded various infirmities ; but he agreed to submit to the decision of
the Church of London. In answer to inquiries, the Consistory of
Canterbury replied : —
" Monsr. Tardif is much desired here on account of his gifts and graces from the Lord ;
and, though means are wanting to provide for his maintenance, we will do our best as long
as we have power. Yet if the brethren find that he can do better elsewhere, being suitable,
we leave the decision to their judgment, and will not let our own profit hinder the
advancement of the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ." j
The Church of London pressed upon M. Tardif the acceptance of the
call ; and it appears from the correspondence that he had already " been
in those parts," and was for other reasons suitable for the service of the
secret churches in Flanders. There is no further mention of him at
Canterbury; but in the record of the Walloon Synod at Tournay, in
October 1577, he is named as then serving the Church of "the Eagle,"
(Valenciennes). In August 1579, the Synod of Antwerp granted him
letters of testimony, and thanked him " for the good service done by him
in that country."
* Simeon Ruytinck, a minister of the Dutch Church of London. His MS. History of that Church is
preserved at Austin Friars. See Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. II, p. 462.
t MADDOCK : History of the French Martyrs, p. 161.
X Actes du Consistoire, vol. I., p. 83.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

A second colleague of Lescaillet is only once referred to in the
Consistory record, viz. on August 6, 1581, as follows : —
" It was resolved to leave with Mons. du Val 'vnpelii lirrc' which was advanced to him at the
beginning, as it came from a collection then made. Also to give him in aid of his journey
two gold crowns, with letters of testimony."*
This brief mention of M. du Val, at his departure, may be supplemented
by a record in the Archidiaconal Registry at Canterbury. On February 23,
1579, two licences were issued, granting permission to eat meat on pro
hibited days during a prevalence of sickness. One was to "Anthony
Lescaillet, Minister of the Strangers' Church in the City of Canterbury,
and his wife" ; the other was to "Mr. John du Vail, Minister of the
French Church in the City of Canterbury and Jacqueline his wife." It
maybe assumed that the " Magister Johannes du \rall " who obtained
dispensation to eat meat in February 1579 and the " Mons. du Val " who
was leaving the Church in August 1581, were the same person, and
that he acted during the period indicated as second pastor in the crypt.
In January 1583 the Consistory was informed that " Mr. Chrestien,"
was thinking of retiring into England, and it resolved to consider
" whether it would not be well to induce him to settle here ; also what
could be provided for him, so that there may be a minister at hand in
case of need." The result of the deliberation was a decision to write to
Mr. Chrestien "that if he should resolve to come into England, and to
pass by here to visit his relations and friends, they would see whether
means could be found to assist him, either here or elsewhere." f In July
following, a further reference is made to this pastor, then more fully named
Mr. Chrestien de la Coeullerie.J In reply to his inquiry whether some
provision could be made for him, he was informed that " the Church was
poor, with no prospect of improvement, and that nothing could be assured
to him except their friendship and such assistance as might be found
possible. "§
Chrestien de la Coeullerie had a long and varied experience as pastor
in the Netherlands. In 1575, while some of his family were settling at
Canterbury, he was serving as chaplain in a Walloon regiment at
Oudewater. That town was suddenly attacked by the Spaniards, and
was carried by assault, after a resistance of two or three weeks. The
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II., p. 3. + Ibid., pp. 43-4. § Ibid., p. 62.
X The name is given elsewhere as Cuillerie, Quevellerie, etc.

76 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
enemy failed to recognize the pastor in his uniform of a soldier ; but his
friend Jean Taffin, knowing that the discovery of his office might at any
moment cost the captive his life, succeeded in ransoming him for a
hundred crowns.* " M. Chrestien" subsequently served as pastor to
Walloon Churches at Audenarde, Ghent and elsewhere. If he came to
Canterbury, he cannot have remained long there; in 1583-4 he was
minister at Utrecht, and some years later was Chaplain to the Forces in
the army of Philip of Nassau. His daughter Phcebe, who is described
as a native of Sandwich, was married in the crypt at Canterbury in
August, 1604.
Burn, in his account of the Walloon Church of Canterbury, names
among its earliest pastors a M. Noe (1592). f There is no evidence in
existing records to connect M. Noe with Canterbury, except that his
widow is named in the register, in 1594, as one of the sponsors at a
baptism in the crypt. A pastor who is spoken of as M. Noe, in the
Netherland Synodal records, was M. Noe le Bettre, who served various
Walloon Churches until his death in 1580. His widow may have retired
to Canterbury on account of members of her family having settled there.
One of the elders of the Church of the Crypt, Jan de Buyre, had
previously served as a minister in the Netherlands, to which he returned
for a short time in the autumn of 1576. He is then mentioned as
bidding farewell to the Consistory, and receiving a letter of testimony ;
but in December of the same year he is included in the list of the elders
who were elected. In February 1578 the Class held at Tournay requested
him to return to serve the ministry in that town until the next Synod,
when it would be decided whether he should be retained there or removed
to the Church of the Western Olive (Quesnoy-sur-Deule). This
application is mentioned in the Consistory record at Canterbury, on
March 16, 1578, M. Jan de Buyre having produced the letter —
" by which he was called for the second time for service in the ministry : as to which he
sought advice, whether there were sufficient people to establish anything there ; whether
the time was suitable, and himself fit for the charge. He was informed that the people
were many, the time opportune, and himself fit, and he was urged to accept the call and
to proceed there at the earliest opportunity, which he promised to do."J
In the record of the Synod of Antwerp, September 1578, he is mentioned
as minister of the Churches at Armentieres and de la Gorgue.
* Bulletin de la Commission pour I'Histoire des Eglises Wallonnes, vol. II, p. 172.
t History of the Protestant Refugees settled in England, p. 45.
X Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. no.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 77
Pastor Lescaillet revisited the Netherlands in 1 581, in order to attend
the Walloon Synod held at Middelbourg, as the deputy of the Colloquy
of the French Churches of Refuge in England. It was explained, on
his selection as its representative, that the Colloquy wished to give
proof of the union which it desired to maintain with the brethren who
would assemble in the Synod, and not thereby to bind itself to whatever
might on that occasion be discussed or determined.* Lescaillet presided
over the fourth Colloquy, held at Canterbury in May 1584, and was then
charged to communicate with the Netherland Churches, and request them
not to receive any persons corning from England who should present them
selves for communion, or for marriage, unless they showed a proper
attestation from the Churches in this country. At the same Colloquy
" the articles of the common Discipline of the foreign Churches of the
French tongue gathered within this kingdom were read and agreed to,
in accordance with which the said Churches should be governed, in order
to proceed on the same footing, and in union one with another. "f The
question of monthly instead of quarterly Communion was also considered ;
and the Churches were advised, on account of the novelty of the more
frequent celebration, to bear with those who would only partake of the
Sacrament once in three or four months, but to privately and publicly
admonish them. The subject of baptismal names was discussed, and the
ministers were directed "to reject names appertaining to God, and our Lord;
names of office, and pagan names ; and to use Scripture names with
discretion, seeing that they were fit to give good example of piety and
virtue to the child."J It was represented to this Colloquy that the state
of the Church at Canterbury would not permit of the elders and deacons
serving for more than one year ; although they approved of the term of
two or three years, and thought it should be adopted if means justified it. §
Antoine Lescaillet also presided at the Colloquy of London. (Jan
uary 1589) In this assembly a request for advice was presented from the
Consistory of Canterbury, who asked " in what way, other than had already
been taken, they should proceed to deal with a certain member of their
Church who was giving forth heretical doctrines." The answer given
was, that the offender should be proceeded against by way of excommuni
cation ; and if, after they had for some time continued to remonstrate and
confer with him, in order to divert him from his errors, they judged him
* Huguenot Society's Publications, vol. II : (Colloques et Synodes), p. I.
t Ibid., p. 9. X Ibid., p. 8. \ Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. no.

78 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
to be still heretical and obstinate in his opinions, they should denounce
him to the magistrate. * There is no trace of this controversy in the
records of the Church, nor any clue to the member who was wander
ing from orthodoxy. A curious and interesting question was asked at the
same Colloquy — whether it was lawful for a minister to contribute toward
the outfit of ships of war, and partake of the profit obtained by them — an
allusion to the support given in this country to the Netherland privateers.
It was decided that, as the honour of the ministry should be care
fully guarded from all appearance of scandal, it was not desirable
for elders, and still less for ministers, to meddle with such things. The
ninth Colloquy was held at Canterbury in June 1590, the President being
Robert le Macon (de la Fontaine). Questions of baptism again arose on
this occasion : first, whether a father who insisted on presenting his own
child without sponsors should be permitted to do so ? It was decided
that it might be allowed, but that it was desirable always to observe
the order established in the Churches. Secondly, if names might
be given which were not contained in Scripture ? The answer was that
if, after expostulation, the parents still desired it, such names might be
received, unless they were ridiculous or showed a profane curiosity,
inconsistent with the dignity of holy baptism. f The tenth Colloquy,
held at Norwich in April 1593, had Lescaillet as its Moderator, and he
was again commissioned to communicate with the Churches of Holland
and Zealand, as to the reception of members returning from England.
This Colloquy had to deal with the suspension of a minister of the
Norwich Church (Nicolas Bayard) § by his own Consistory, which body
he had publicly censured in one of his sermons. The dispute was
settled by mutual concession, and the parties joined hands in token of
renewed fellowship. A Nicolas Bayard (Nicola Bayart) is named in the
list of Walloon refugees at Sandwich in 1572; he would probably be
among the number of those who removed to Canterbury three years
later, although not mentioned in the remaining records. J In 1592
Nicolas Bayard was serving, as minister "under the Cross," the church
* Huguenot Society's Publications, vol. II : (Colloques et Synodes), p. 17. f Ibid., pp. 19, 20.
X Jan Bayard acted as sponsor at a baptism in the crypt in March 1591.
$ The American branch of the Bayard family draws descent from Pastor Nicholas Bayard. Samuel Bayard
(probably a son of Nicholas) married in Holland Anna Stuyvesant. His widow emigrated with her brother
Petrus Stuyvesant to New Amsterdam (New York) in 1647, taking with her three sons— Nicholas, Petrusand
Balthazar. The elder Petrus was the last Dutch Governor of New Amsterdam ; from the younger Petrus the
late American Ambassador to England (Hon. T. F. Bayard) is descended.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 79
of the Olive (Quesnoy-sur-Deule). The Bayards of the Netherlands
were originally from Dauphiny in France, and belonged to the family
whose most illustrious scion was the " Chevalier sans peur et sans reproche"
so famed in legend and history.
In May 1 595 the Colloquy again met at Canterbury, and on this occa
sion reproved the ministers and elders of the Church of the Crypt for a
too-rigorous severity in matters of discipline. Certain members of the con
gregation appealed to the Colloquy against the wrong done them by the
Consistory, which had suspended them from communion. The judgment
was in substance upheld ; but the elders were blamed " for the wearisome
length of their declaration and for the bitterness of it, as well as the
mal a propos references to passages of Scripture, whereas the censures of
the Church should tend to the recovery and cure of the Lord's lost
sheep." The Colloquy, while recognizing the annoyance which had
been caused to the ministers and elders, advised them " to dispense the
medicine of corrections and reproofs in the Church with prudence and
moderation, as is fitting to true fathers of the family and physicians of
the Church ; so that the too-frequent use should not render them weari
some and ill-seasoned, odious to those of good conscience who seek in
the Church the nourishment of their souls."*
The year 1595 was fraught with calamity for the citizens of Canter
bury and for the foreign community, owing to the ravages of the plague.
The Walloon register records 26 burials in June, 77 in July, 55 in
August, 43 in September, 13 in October, and 15 in November — a total
of 229 in six months, compared with a total of 34 in the corresponding
period of the previous year. Names of father, mother, and children
follow each other in close succession, and in some instances the entire
family must have been carried off by the pestilence. During its height
the Church of Canterbury held a solemn fast and day of intercession.
The last illness of Pastor Lescaillet began during this period, and was
probably increased, if not caused, by the labours and anxieties connected
with the terrible visitation. In April of that year he had been able to
ride to London and back, to transact business for the Church ; in August
he acted as sponsor at a baptism in the crypt, but in November his
illness is mentioned as having then lasted some time. In December his
monthly stipend of three pounds was paid to his wife, and further sums
were given her during the same month " for Mestre Antoine' s
* Huguenot Society's Publications (Colloques et Synodes), vol. II, pp. 30-31.

80 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
necessities." He is last mentioned in the Consistory Minutes on
December 12, 1595, when it was decided to ask his advice in connection
with the testimony of Edward des Bouveries. A few weeks later, his
death is recorded in the register of his Church as follows: — "Master
Antoine Lescaillet, minister of the Walloon Church in this city, died in
the Lord the 5th January, and was buried on the morrow at St. Peter's
Church."* The elders' accounts for January include a payment to the
doctor, and another for the expenses of the pastor's burial. The
widow continued to receive a monthly payment from the Church until
December 1603.
During the last years of his life, Antoine Lescaillet was assisted by
Samuel le Chevalier. It has been supposed that le Chevalier began his
ministry at Canterbury as late as 1 596, in which year the elders of the crypt
applied to the Church of London to release him. He had been lent to
Canterbury, in consequence of the declining strength of Pastor Lescaillet,
but this provisional arrangement had already extended over nearly three
years. The elders' accounts show him to have been in regular receipt of a
monthly stipend since January 1594, and he was probably at Canterbury
still earlier, as three of his children were baptized in the crypt between
1591 and 1593. His father, Rodolph or Raoul le Chevalier, was a
learned French divine who, on seeking a refuge in this country, became
the friend and guest of Cranmer, and was one of the many links
of union which then existed between the Church of England and the
foreign Reformed Churches. During the reign of Queen Mary he retired
to France; in 1557 he was pastor at Montreux; in 1559 he went to
Strasburg, and subsequently to Geneva, where he became a colleague
of Beza in the University; in or about 1566 he was serving as one of the
*The following children of Antoine Lescaillet are mentioned in the Walloon register : —
Pierre, whose daughter Judith was baptized January 13, 1583.
Elizabeth, (bora at Sandwich) married May 21, 1592 to Pierre Jayet.
Marie, married first to Guerard le Talle, and secondly January 27, 1600, to Hubert Marechal.
Other members of the Lescaillet family, named in the register as parents or sponsors, were : —
Chrestienne, wife of Pierre de Lespau ; their daughter Dorcas was baptized September 7, 1581.
Jacques, married to Marguerite Messeman.
Jacques, son of Jacques, married Marguerite Bolin, April 25, 1591.
Pierre, son of Jacques, married Elizabeth le Batteur, May 19, 1583.
Jan, his daughter Jenne was baptized Oct. 6, 1582.
Judith, married to Loys Passe.
Catherine, a sponsor in 1 590.
Nicolas, a sponsor in 1593.
Marguerite, a sponsor in 1596.
Some of these may have been children of the Pastor, but are not so described in the register.

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HUGUENOT CHURCH OF CANTERBURY. 81
ministers of the Church of Caen, but at the time of the St. Bartholomew
massacre he escaped from France, and returned to this country. In 1570
he was appointed a Canon of Canterbury. His son Samuel was educated
for the ministry at Geneva, under Beza, and in 1591 became one of the
pastors of the French Church of London. He married Lea Cappel,
daughter of Aaron Cappel, another pastor of that church ; and thirteen
children (three sons and ten daughters), the issue of this union, were all
baptized in the crypt at Canterbury.*
On the death of Antoine Lescaillet, the sole charge of the Church
remained to le Chevalier, and during at least eight years, for which
period the elders' accounts are still preserved, he was not assisted by
any colleague. On his first serving the Church, his stipend had been
only £2 16s. 8d. per month; it was raised to £5 in 1594, and to £4.
immediately after the death of Lescaillet. He found the amount
insufficient to cover his expenses ; and, in December 1596, he recorded
the fact in the Consistory record, as follows : —
" I have made known to the brethren, the elders and deacons of this Church, that it is
quite impossible for me to keep house on the stipend which they give me ; and that they
must take the matter into consideration, as otherwise I cannot continue in the service of
the Church."f
The question was apparently deferred ; but in June 1597, on the inter
vention of the Church of London, the Consistory undertook to pay the
minister sixty pounds a year.J It was not until eighteen months later
that the promise was redeemed, the cause of the delay being undoubtedly
the poverty of the Church. An account rendered at that time by Laurens
des Bouveries shows the " Minister's Purse" in arrears, and indebted to
several persons for advances which they had made. This purse or fund
*Aaron, baptized February 28, 1591 ; died April 8, 1608.
Lea, baptized June 18, 1592 ; married August 14, 1614, to Samuel Houar.
Samuel, baptized October 18, 1393.
Rebecca, baptized August ,, 1595 ; married June 10, 1621, to Esaie de Lobeau.
Jahel, baptized July 14, 1597.
Esther, baptized August 26, 1599.
Elizabeth, baptized October 8, 1601 ; died October 20, 1601.
Jane [Jeanne) baptized November 21, 1602 ; married June 20, 1630, to Guillaume le Plat.
Elizabeth, baptized December 23, 1604.
Marie, baptized April 19, 1607 ; married June 22, 1628, to Louis Van de Busschen.
Pierre, baptized April 2, 1609.
Sara, baptized June 9, 161 1.
Anne, baptized February 4, 16 16.
t Actes du Consistoire, vol. in, p. 56. X Ibid; p. 71. K

82 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
was maintained by a monthly collection throughout the four quarters. The
lists show that the contributions mostly varied from a penny to a shilling,
only a few wealthier members subscribing a larger amount.
During le Chevalier's ministry the congregation considerably
decreased. The average annual number of baptisms during the last
decade of the sixteenth century had been 113; in the year 1601 it fell to
68, and remained at nearly that figure for the next thirty years. There
was even then a tendency for population to flow from the country to the
capital, and many of the settlers at Canterbury removed to London at this
period ; a considerable number also were tempted by the cessation of
active persecution in France and the Netherlands to return to their native
lands. The movement in each direction was stimulated, in the early part
of the seventeenth century, by a marked decrease of prosperity in the
manufactures of the strangers at Canterbury, and by the fear that greater
restrictions were about to be imposed on their industries.
Samuel le Chevalier represented the Church of Canterbury at
the thirteenth Colloquy, held in London in August 1596. He was
accompanied by an elder (Pierre de Salome), and the account
rendered to the Consistory for their journey to and from London has been
preserved. They set out on August 17th, and halted for dinner at
Sittingbourne. Passing through Rochester they reached Gravesend in
time for supper. From Gravesend they went up to London by boat, and
on the following day (Sunday) dined with the deputies from Norwich.
While in London they took boat to Fulham " to greet the Bishop," and
also went " to greet milord Coban (Cobham, the Lord Warden) at
Court." On the return journey they went down the river to Gravesend ;
rode thence to Rochester, where they breakfasted ; dined at Sitting-
bourne ; and arrived at Canterbury the same day. Their total expenses
amounted to^i 17s. 3d.; but this included three shillings "paid for a
book of psalms for our Church."*
To the next Colloquy, held at Southampton in May 1598, Pastor le
Chevalier journeyed with Laurens des Bouveries, the deputed elder;
and the accounts show that on this occasion their joint expenses
amounted to £6 3s. 7d. At the Colloquy of London (April 1601) the
deputies were le Chevalier and Elias Maurois (elder). A question arose
at this Colloquy as to the action of the deacons at Canterbury. Suspect -
* Appendix, VIII.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 83
ing a certain Mathieu Groma, who applied for relief from the poor's purse,
to have means, they had searched him ffouille), and their conduct was
brought before the Colloquy by Pierre de Villiers, one of the elders. It
was held that the deacons had acted within their powers. There was
also a reference to the Colloquy which implied some disagreement
between the Consistory and the pastor at Canterbury. It was asked
whether the minister might not suspend the execution of any decision of
the elders of which he did not approve, until it could be referred to a
Class or Colloquy. The reply was that all questions of discipline and
government should be decided by a majority of votes, without pastors or
elders assuming greater authority over the others. Yet if the pastor
desired to obtain the counsel of the Churches, the elders should well weigh
the matter, and not hastily execute the decision of a majority.* The
trouble at Canterbury arising from the refractory members whose conduct
had been censured by the Colloquy of 1595 had not wholly ceased; and
in the case of one person, who had maintained " a stubborn rebellion for
six years and more," it was advised that he should be excommunicated
or denounced to the magistrate. Le Chevalier attended the Synod of the
foreign churches in London in March 1603, in company with Elias
Maurois ; and in the following May, also in London, the sixteenth
Colloquy, with Jean du Quesne as elder. In this Colloquy Le Chevalier
again complained of his inadequate maintenance, and asked to be allowed
to leave the Church of Canterbury unless he was better supported there, f
The asssembly, after hearing the statements of the pastor and the elder,
communicated on the subject with the Consistory of the French Church
of London. Ultimately le Chevalier was advised to retain his charge at
Canterbury, and to accommodate himself as well as possible to the
circumstances of the place. His Church was urged at the same time to
make due provision for the maintenance of the pastor and his family.
Le Chevalier probably formed one of the deputation of ministers who
congratulated James I on his accession to thethrone. The King received the
representatives of the foreign Churches with cordiality ; but showed his ruling
vanity in the suggestion that his religious opinions would be well known
to them from his writings. He expressed his good-will towards those
who had come hither as refugees for religion, and who had enriched the
kingdom by their industries; and he made them an emphatic promise of
protection : — " I swear to you," he said, " that if any molest you in your
* Huguenot Society's Proceedings (Colloques et Synodes), vol. II, p. 40. f Ibid., p. 44.

84 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
Churches, on your appealing to me I will avenge you, and although you
may not be my own subjects, I will support and uphold you as much as
any Prince in the world." * Notwithstanding this pledge, the foreign
Churches were not a little apprehensive that his Majesty's bias toward
ecclesiastical uniformity would ere long bring them into disfavour, and
imperil the security of their position within the realm. In the Synod of
1604 it was proposed to obtain from the King a formal renewal of their
privileges ; but it was wisely resolved to rely on his recent promise of
protection, and on the validity of the original royal concession.
Le Chevalier's position at Canterbury was again referred to at the
Colloquy of Norwich (September 1606), which he attended with Andrew
Baquele. He represented the Church of the Crypt, in conjunction with
Roger Salome, in October 1610, at the Colloquy held in London, and
again in September 161 5, with Guillaume Santhune, also at London.
The Consistory record is missing for the greater portion of his ministry,
and it is uncertain when his service in the Church of Canterbury ceased.
He was still there in 16 16 ; but in the following year two other ministers
were appointed, and it is probable that his death occurred about that
time. The Walloon register of deaths is missing between 161 2 and 1622,
but in June 1621 the marriage register refers to "the late Monsr le
Chevalier." His widow continued to reside at Canterbury for some
years, and her death is recorded on November 8, 1628.
* Moens : The Walloons and their Church at Norwich, p. 39.

CHAP. IX.
The Church and its Pastors in the Seventeenth Century.
Samuel le Chevalier was succeeded in the ministry of the Church of
the Crypt by Jean Bulteel and Philippe Delme, whose joint service ex
tended over the closing years of the reign of James I, through the
troubled times of Charles I and the Great Rebellion, into the days of
Cromwell and the Commonwealth. The earlier portion of their pastorate
seems to have passed in almost complete tranquillity, without any event
occurring in their Church or community which has furnished material for
history ; but during this period, by an almost imperceptible transition,
the refugee settlers were passing from the condition of exiles and
sojourners to that of citizens and Englishmen. It is uncertain at what
precise date the two pastors began their ministrations at Canterbury^ but
it was probably in the year 1617. Philippe Delme is named in the
Walloon Register on January 28, 1618, as " Pastor in this Church."
His colleague is first named on June 14, 1618, when his daughter Marie
was baptized ; and he is then described as " Minister of the Holy Gospel."
There is little doubt that Jean Bulteel was the senior minister ;
in joint signatures to official documents his name always takes pre
cedence, and in the lists of donors to the special collections his con
tribution is nearly always larger than that of Delme. He belonged to a
Walloon family who were driven into exile by the persecution. He

86 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
entered the University of Leyden in 1603, as a theological student; and,
by the desire of the Synod of 1610, was examined as a candidate for the
ministry by the Class of Leyden. He was appointed to the Church in
that city for a period of two years, and was ordained by Polyander,
November 10, 16 10. On the completion of his agreed term of service
he declined the urgent request of the Synod that he should continue his
ministry in the Netherlands ; and he left for England in December 161 2.*
The Bulteel family had come into England before the close of the six
teenth century, some of them settling at Dover, and others in London.
The pastor of Canterbury was the second son of Gilles Bulteel, and
grandson of Jacques Bulteel of Tournay. The name of " Gille Bulteel "
appears in the list of deacons who signed, in 1578, the Discipline for the
French Church of London. Gilles Bulteel probably removed to Canter
bury some years before the commencement of his son's ministry there;
he is named in the register as a sponsor at a baptism in the crypt on
March 28, 1591. Jean Bulteel was born before 1581, the date of birth
of his younger brother Peter. He married Marie Gabry, and the Canter
bury register records the baptisms of nine of his children between 161 8
and 1637, and the marriage, in 1632, of a tenth (who was born in Lon
don). % In the list of the general collection for the poor, in 1634, the
pastor's contribution of £1 is followed by those of his children, the
youngest, then two years old, giving a shilling, and the others giving
sums which increase in the order of the ages. It is not improbable that
John Bulteel, who was secretary to the Earl of Clarendon, and took his
M. A. degree at Oxford September 9, 1661, was a son of the Canterbury
pastor. A John Bulteel flourished about the same period as a translator
and miscellaneous writer, f
Jean Bulteel represented his Church in the Colloquy of 1619 at
Norwich, and acted as secretary for that assembly. It was on that
XAnne (native of London), married Jaques Maurois May 22, 1632.
Marie, baptized June 14, 1618.
Elizabeth, baptized December 24, 1620.
Esther, baptized March 30, 1623.
Charles, baptized April 25, 1625.
Jean, baptized August 26, 1627.
Gilles, baptized December 20, 1629 ; died November 6, 1634 ; buried at St. George's Nov. 8, 1634.
Jeanne, baptized May 3, 1632.
Pierre, baptized September 28, 1634.
Susanne, baptized May 28, 1637.
* Bulletin de la Commission pour VHistoire des Eglises Wallonnes : vol. II, p. 47.
' t Dictionary National Biography.

HUGUENOT -CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 87
occasion that the refugee churches received their first warning of the
troubles which were soon to break over them. The Bishop of Norwich
(Dr. Overall), to whom their simple Genevan ritual was obnoxious,
determined to apply compulsion to the foreign congregations in his
diocese; he sent his Chancellor to the Synod with a command that, in
the future administration of the Sacrament, the communicants should
receive it kneeling, and not, as they were used to do, in the sitting
posture. Pastor Bulteel was chosen to head the whole Synod in a
deputation to the Chancellor, and to make their declaration in reply to
the Bishop's mandate. He recited the privileges which had been
conferred on their churches ; and, failing to convince the official, pro
ceeded to the palace to seek an interview with the Bishop himself. Dr.
Overall, on hearing their representations, modified the demand made by
the Chancellor, and desired them to receive the Sacrament standing,
instead of kneeling. In reply to his claim to jurisdiction over them, as
being within his diocese, Bulteel boldly answered— as he did to a greater
prelate several years later — that " they were in his diocese but not of his
diocese."* The death of the Bishop of Norwich in the year of the Synod
put an end for a time to interference with the services of the refugee
churches. Pastor Bulteel also attended the Colloquy of 162 1 at London.
On this occasion the attention of the assembly was called to the conduct
of certain members at Canterbury who were withholding their contribu
tions to the funds of the Church.
Philippe Delme was born at Norwich in 1588. His father, Adrien
de le Me, a native of Nomeny in Lorraine, settled in Norwich as a refugee,
and was a deacon of the Walloon Church in that city. He died in 1603,
and left to his son Philippe, then a lad of 12 years, his great Bible,
Bullinger's Decades, and Calvin's Institutes.^ Philippe Delme was
appointed assistant minister of the Norwich Church in 1615. His
connection with Canterbury probably began with his marriage in the
crypt, December 29, 1616, to Elizabeth, daughter of Elias Maurois, and
grand-daughter of Laurens des Bouveries. His father-in-law was an
elder of the Church, and the head of one of the principal families in the
Walloon community; his influence might well have had weight in securing
the selection of Delme as second minister. Four sons and three daughters
*. Bulteel: A Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches in Kent, preface.
tAGNEw: Protestant Exiles from France, 3rd ed., vol. I, p. 61.

88 • HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
were born to Philippe Delme at Canterbury, and were all baptized in the
crypt.* The eldest, Elie, born in 1617, entered the ministry of the
Reformed Church, and served as a pastor, first in the Netherlands, and
finally in this country. Like his father he studied at the University of
Leyden ; he was admitted to examination for the ministry by the Synod
of Dordrecht, in April 1638; in the following year he was appointed
pastor of the Walloon Churches at Axelle and Isendique, under a con
dition that he should also preach to the English garrison in those places.
In 1641 he was ministering at Bois-le-Duc, and in 1 644 at Rotterdam ; in
1653, the year of his father's death, he returned to England, f and
became a minister of the French Church of London. Pierre, another son
of Philippe Delme, removed to London and became a successful mer
chant. By his will, dated July 9, 1686, he left fifty pounds to the poor
of the Walloon Church at Canterbury, and five pounds to the poor
of the parish of All Saints in that city. His son Peter received the
honour of knighthood in 17 14; became a governor of the Bank of
England, and was elected Lord Mayor of London in 1723. In the
succeeding generations the Delmes became allied to several noble
families. Sir Peter Delme's grandson married in 1769, a daughter of
the Earl of Carlisle, and entered Parliament as Member for Morpeth.
His wife was the Lady Betty Delme who was the subject of one of the
most famous of Sir Joshua Reynolds' paintings. Sir Peter's son also sat
in the House of Commons, as member for Southampton.
The character of Philippe Delme is described in a letter from the
Politic Men to the Synod of 1647 : — " His good and pious life and sound
doctrine have been known to us for about thirty years. He is pious,
zealous, charitable towards the poor, and prompt in visiting the sick."|
The loss of the Consistory record for the early part of the ministry
of Bulteel and Delme causes a gap in the history of the Church, which is
*Elie, baptized January 28, 1618.
Elizabeth, baptized November 11, 1619, married Samuel du Boys, May 27, 1638.
Anne, baptized November 18, 1621.
Jeanne, baptized May 8, 1625 ; married Rev. J. Crow.
Philippe, baptized September 23, 1627.
Pierre, baptized March 21, 1630, married in 1664 Sibella Nightingale.
Jean, baptized January 27, 1633; married in 1664 Deborah Leadbetter, died 1711 ; buried in the
Dutch Church, Austin Friars. (See pedigree of the Delme family, by Rev. G. "W. Minns,
LL.B., F.S.A., in Hampshire Field Club Papers and Proceedings).
"^Bulletin de la Commission pour VHistoire des Eglises Wallonnes, vol. Ill, pp. 11 1, 322, 337.
¦ JHessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, 2937.

HUGUENOT CHURCH OF CANTERBURY. 89
only to a slight extent filled up from other sources. In 162 1 the emigra
tion from France was renewed during the abortive rising of the
Huguenots of the South under the Dukes of Rohan and Soubize. The
struggle was characterized by the usual horrors of the wars of religion ;
and, although its area was remote, its effects were felt in Artois and
Picardy, and even on the English shores. When young Henri de
Rohan, travelling on his grand tour, visited Canterbury,* and recorded
his unbounded admiration for its situation and its superb Cathedral, he
little thought that twenty years later he would be the cause of fugitive
Frenchmen seeking refuge in the city while he was fighting a forlorn
hope in the rocky valleys of the Cevennes. Letters dated 1621, from
John Reading, Rector of St. Mary's, Dover, to the Lord Warden show
that the troubles in France, " which like a black storm had long threat
ened the Protestant Churches," were causing a fresh influx of refugees.
There were few tides, he says, which did not bring over a number, and on
one day a minister with fifty persons of the Church of Dieppe arrived in
the port."f" Some of these fugitives found their way to Canterbury; but
the foreign community in the city was then far from prosperous, and could
ill bear any considerable addition to its burdens. Evidence of this is
contained in a letter sent in the following year from the Mayor and
Aldermen of Canterbury to Sir Robert Brente, " hys maiestes Solliciteur
in the inner temple, London." % It is as follows : —
Right Worshipfull.
At the requeste of the Wallon Congregation in Canturbury wee are boulde to certifie
your worship that they are a poore and painefull people, who have used not only to sette
theire owne nation but many poore English to worke which otherwaies weare voide of
meanes to maintaine theire families, But of late wee doe finde theire tradinge to bee
much decayed and much complaininge both of theire one and our people that they are not
soe sette on worke by them as formerly they have binne, and upon a voue taken by us of
their Loomes we doe finde them more then the one halfe decayed, and yet through the
greate care and prouidence theire poore are still maintayned and doe continue to Hue in
peace and good order amongst us, Wherefore wee are bould to intreate your fauour toward
them wherein you shall performe a right good work of charitie, and soe wee take our leaue
this 29 July 1622. Your very Louinge frends
the Maior and Aldermen
of Canturbery.
There is nothing to show the purpose for which this friendly inter
vention was invoked; but it was probably connected with the interference
* Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. 4, p. 307. f Ibid., vol. 3, p. 130.
X Walloon Records, Canterbury.

90 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
from which the settlers suffered in their industries, owing to the jealousy
of some among the English manufacturers. The Walloons at Canter
bury had frequently been harassed, not indeed by the citizens, but by
professional harpies who made a disreputable living by promoting
litigation under the trade-laws. At such times the strangers readily
obtained the good services of the Mayor and the Burghmote in their
defence ; and it is probable that the same cause which procured for them
the appeal to Sir Robert Brente led also to their seeking the intercession
of the Dean and Chapter, who subscribed on their behalf the following
testimonial: —
We the Deane and Chapter of the cathedrall and Metropoliticall church of Christ
canterbury, At the request of the Walloon congregation here being and residing, do
testifie and declare, that the body of the same congregation for many yeares past and still
doe very religiously, obediently, orderly and civilly demeane and behave themselves to
wards God and all the Kings Majesties officers and others in these parts (for any thing we
have ever heard to the contrary) and most painfully and industriously labour in their
severall vocations, so as none of them are chargeable or any wayes burdensome to the
English, but rather very helpfull to the poorer sort, by setting them to spinning and other
workes, whereby they are much relieved and kept from idlenesse. Neither have we knowne
or heard of any just complaints made against the same Congregation for any hinderance
or prejudice done by them to the English people in these parts. And we are verily per-
swaded that the example of their painfull industry and diligent labours doth move and
stirre up the honest poore of our Nation to set themselves to worke. In testimony whereof
we have set our common seale. Dated in our chapterhouse the 25 of March in the yeere
of the reigne of our Soveraigne Lord James by the grace of God King of England, France
and Ireland defender of the faith &c. the one and twentieth, and of Scotland the six and
fiftieth, Anno Dom. 1623.*
A few years later the Walloons again sought the aid of the city
authorities in an endeavour to obtain relief from a heavy burden then
imposed on them by billeting of soldiers. The petition states that a
weekly charge often pounds had been laid on the congregation, f
About the year 1630 to 1631 some troubles arose in the Walloon
community from the refusal of certain members to obey the orders which
had been drawn up for their government in the several crafts. The
disputes were of sufficient importance to be referred to the Privy Council
for settlement ; and their Lordships by an Order, dated April 26, 163 1,
appointed a Commission to inquire into the facts, and to give the weight
of their authority in support of the governors of the congregation. The
Commission included Viscount Maidstone, Sir John Wild, Sir Christopher
*Bulteel . A Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches in Kent : (1645), pp. 10, 11.
^Appendix, viii.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 91
Mann, the Mayor and the Recorder of Canterbury, Dean Bargrave, Arch
deacon Kingsley, two of the Canons, and some Justices of the Peace, with
power for the Mayor and the Recorder, and one other of the persons
named, to take action in the matter. The Order recites that a petition
had been presented to the Board from the Walloon congregation, who
for many years had been conformable to divers regulations for their
government in their manufactures of silk, jersey and worsted ; but that
of late certain persons among them, for their own private gain, had
refused to be governed in accordance with the rules, to the evil example
of others and the injury of the whole trade. The Commissioners were
therefore to take such steps as were necessary to bring the rebellious
members to obedience, and to assist the congregation in enforcing such
of their rules as were not contrary to the laws of the realm ; and they
were moreover enjoined, in the event of any of the members proving
refractory, to report their names to the Council for further action to be
taken in the way of compulsion.* The Consistory record makes no
reference to the matter, and the dispute was evidently not brought within
the ecclesiastical jurisdiction. It was doubtless one of the not-infrequent
quarrels which arose in the trade-bodies, either between the masters
themselves, who could not always agree in the interpretation of the rules
of their craft, or between the masters and the men, who in those days, as
well as in these, were too often led into antagonism and into acts of
mutual injury by suspicion and misunderstanding. This particular dis
pute must have grown to serious dimensions in order to have evoked
the decisive action of the Privy Council ; and the importance which the
heads of the congregation or of the trade-bodies attached to the Order
is shown by the special arrangement which was made to ensure the safe
keeping of the official document. The Burghmote record states on Sep
tember 27, 1 63 1, that there had been delivered into the Chamber of the
City.— " One box sealed vpp in wch ther is one comission or wrytynge vnder the handes of
divers honorable persons of his mat!es most honorable pryvie counsell there to remayne for
the vse and behooffe of the congregation of wallone strangers inhabitying the cittie of
Canterburie and to be delyvered vnto them when they shall haue vse thereof or shall
require the same. "J
The Consistory record from October 1623 to July 1637 has been
preserved and is not without interest in the glimpses it affords of the
* Appendix, ix. f Burghmote Books vol. iv, fo. 35.

92 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
daily life of some of the congregation ; but it is for the most part a
chronicle of offences and of the consequent discipline. Information of a
more varied and interesting character is to be derived from a volume of
the deacons' accounts from January, 1631 to May, 1641.* This
presents, in curious but instructive detail, a striking view of the
organized benevolence of the Church in its care of the poor; a
system of charitable relief which contrasts most favourably with the
harsh and repulsive features of the poor-law administration of the
present day. The reformed Churches of the Continent at no time
neglected to provide for the wants of their poor; but under
circumstances of the greatest difficulty fulfilled the obligations of
Christian brotherhood toward the sick and the sorrowful. Their treat
ment of the poor was sympathetic and effectual ; fraternal in intention,
tender in mode, and prompt in action. Charity was dispensed with
knowledge ; and those who distributed relief were, in all senses of the
word, neighbours to those who were in need. This system of benevo
lence, at once rational and Christian, was continued by the refugee
congregations in England, and was nowhere more ably or completely
organized than at Canterbury.
The income which was disbursed in relief of the poor was derived
from several sources : first, from collections made in the congregation for
the special purpose ; secondly, from collections made from house to house
by the deacons in their own districts of the city ; thirdly, from fines levied
by the Consistory and the Politic Men for offences against good order
and discipline, and by the trade-bodies for infringement of their rules ;
fourthly, from legacies and occasional gifts in money or kind, by members
of the Church, or by charitable persons among the English. Once a
year, at the approach of winter, a special collection was made in the four
quarters, preparatory to the general " Visitation " of the poor, when
clothing and other necessaries were distributed. The accounts contain
the annual lists of the donors and the sums which they gave. The income
and expenditure accounts were presented to the Consistory monthly by
the deacons, and were duly examined and passed. The following is the
summary of the first monthly account in the volume, viz. January 1631 : —
Income : £ s. d.
Collection on New Year's Day . . . . 4 2 ;|
Collection on Communion Sunday . . 316 0$
* Walloon Records, Canterbury.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

93

In the plate during the month

• 3 IS if

Collected in the Dover quarter

i 3 3

Collected in the London quarter . .

i 19 0

Collected in the Rye quarter

1 8 9

Collected in the North quarter

240

Fines by the Politic Men

1 1 3

Gifts of fuel for the poor

0 11 6

From sale of Goods

030

Found in the box . .

0 0 1 1

£™ 5 ll

Expenditure : (Ordinary)
Payments to 27 persons (of whom 11 were
widows). .
Payments to various members for orphans
under their care
Bread and Wine for the Communion
Sundry Payments
Ditto (Extraordinary) Payments to 41 persons
"being in want"
"being ill"
"being out of work"
" grievously afflicted "
" his wife being ill "
" for rent of his house "
" for mending shoes"
"for schooling"
"for a burial"
"for 62 fagotts" Total . .
Ditto For " Passants," i.e. refugee travellers who
were relieved on passing through the town
Ditto For "Estresnes," or New Year's Gifts
distributed to the poor Total . .

£

1
r7 3

7
13

29 it

On this occasion, the expenditure being in excess of the income of the
month, several of the deacons advanced sums to supply the deficiency.
A similar arrangement of the accounts is continued throughout, but
there is a considerable variation in the amounts collected, according as
increasing necessity, whether from the severity of the season or the
prevalence of sickness, rendered the claims of the poor more urgent.

94 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Under the heading of " Ordinary Expenditure" the payments to regular
recipients of relief — the pensioners of the congregation — are shown. In
this section is included the support of destitute orphan children, who
were boarded out with members who could be held responsible for their
proper training, and who undertook to treat them as their own children.
Occasionally it happened that members who had adopted orphan children,
and received a sum of money with them, became less able to support
them, and endeavoured to shift their obligations to the Church. In
1577, in consequence of some trouble arising in this way, the Consistory
wrote to London to inquire whether they could not send back to the Low
Country some children who had property there, "it being understood that
their friends were not opposed to the religion." The reply from London
was that such a course of action was not to be recommended. In the
case of very poor parents, who could not provide for their children's
education, the school fees were paid by the deacons. The fees are
usually charged at the rate of 4d. per month. The cost of bread and
wine for the Communion was a charge on the deacons' purse. At this
period the average monthly expense was 17s. 6d., the price of the wine
varying from is. 6d. to 2s. 4d. per gallon. Occasionally a cask of
"vin clairet" was obtained from France, via Dover.
The extraordinary expenditure included payments to members in
temporary need of help, owing to want of work, sickness or death. It
included fees paid to doctors, cost of medicines, wages and gratuities to
nurses or caretakers. In February 1 63 1 , a special collection was made
to cover the expense of an operation performed on a member who was
"afflicted with the stone." The doctor, Monsr de la Riviere, was paid
thirty shillings for his services ; but the patient long continued on the
sick list, and was at last carried off by the plague. In September 1636,
a sum of ,£5-10-0 was paid to another doctor, "Mr. Lauren," who was
summoned to Canterbury to perform a similar operation. The " extra
ordinary expenditure" was exceedingly varied, and this portion of the
deacons' accounts is full of interest. A few items will show the wide
range of relief afforded : — £ s. d.
To Jean Bonardel, being in necessity . . 39
To Jacob Pout, being out of work . . . . 90
To Bertholomy Pot, grievously afflicted with
stone . . . . . . . . . , 80

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 9 5
To Dauid Loffroy for rent of his house . . 40
For mending Pierre Sy's shoes . . . . 6
For food to Rebecca de la Mer . . . . 20
For burial of Luc du Bacq's wife . . . . 59
For a chemise for Louys de Roy's daughter 1 6
For watching and nursing Daniel Martin
and his wife . . . . . . . . 36
For 3 ells of cate to make a petticoat for
Daniel Martin's widow . . . . . . 46
To Jean Gourdin for making the said petti
coat . . . . . . . . . . 10
For 2 ells and a quarter of linen to make a
shirt for Jaques Horner . . . . 14
For a pair of shoes for Michie du Pire . . 210
To the said du Pier to go into Holland . . 70
To Jean du Bois the Doctor, for Eloy
Bochart's foot and his wife's arm . . 160
To Robin Garcon (which the Church of
Calais promises to repay us)
For his necessity 12 o
For tools for his work 1 4 o
 1 16 o
The accounts of the annual collection for the " Visitation of the
Poor " give long lists of the donors, under the several quarters. About
;£ioo was usually obtained, and more than a hundred poor families
received, in the month of October or November, timely gifts of clothing.
The particulars of the distribution are given in detail, as in the following
examples : —
To Bastien Gambier's daughter, chemise, corset, petticoat, stockings and shoes.
To Esther Roussell, a chemise.
To Mary Hespell, a petticoat.
To David Loffroy's daughter, chemise, corset, petticoat and shoes.
To Solomon des Caus, shirt, drawers and stockings.
To Samuel Poutre's son, shirt, drawers, stockings and shoes.
Among the special donors may be noted " Monsr exechias le Roy
ministre de Deale,"* who twice sent f£\ for the poor ; the Archdeacon of
Canterbury contributed 6s. 8d. on several occasions, and "my lady Bois"
was a frequent and generous benefactor.
The extraordinary expenditure was at times greatly swollen by a
visitation of the plague. On such occasions the deacons' funds were soon
exhausted, and loans were obtained from the richer members. In May
* Exechias le Roy signed as elder or deacon, the Discipline of the French Church of London, (1578-1588)
Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. 2, p. 459.

96 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
1 63 1 repayment was made of loans amounting to about ^70, which had
been made during a season of pestilence in the previous year. A still
more serious visitation occurred in 1637, when the accounts contain
many items of expenditure such as the following : —

Paid to goodman Fox, placed as guard by Monr the mayeur
for \\ days at Jaques Morillon's
To goodman Hal for help in 3 burials
For materials to make a hut and for making the same
(Some of the plague-stricken patients were isolated in huts
outside the city).
To the watch of the late Jaques Morillon
For soap, resin and incense
For the meat and drink of divers plague-stricken outside the
North gate and others separated
To Jean Wibau provision for the plague-stricken of the
London quarter during the month
To the said Wibau for watching
For 7 burials for the Minister and the Clerk
Goodman Hal for 5 bodies at 8d. each

s. d.
4 6
2 o
1 7

1 'S

4 IS 7
7 18 o
1 6 o
1 3 o
3 4

The accounts of relief to the numerous refugee wayfarers are of
interest, as they usually indicate the intended destination of the travellers,
and sometimes supply other information concerning them. The number
of them relieved varied considerably from year to year. In 1631 the lists
include 254 persons, many with wives and children in addition. In 1634
they largely increased, and nearly 250, besides children, were helped
on their way during the six months from April to September. In
some cases only a small dole of sixpence or a shilling was given, but
generally supper and lodging for a night were also supplied. In one
instance, during the summer of 1634, a poor woman was unable to
continue her journey — " estant en couche." She was placed under the
care of a nurse, a temporary home was found for the children, and the
husband was assisted to get to London in order to seek employment.
Among the more interesting entries relating to the travellers at this
period are the following: —
r s. d.
To a passant named Pierre du Champgaillard, formerly a
Capuchin monk, who has made profession of the Reformed
Religion and resolved to live and die therein . . . . 36
To a Neapolitan priest making profession of the Religion,
named Vincenzo di Napoly . . . . . . . . . . 46
To Monsr Isaac Chantefoin, minister of the word of God, going
to London . . . . . . . . . . . . ..150

HUGUENOT CHURCH OF CANTERBURY. 97
s. d.
Given to Baltasar de Robecq to return to France with his family 6 o
To Jaspar son of the widow Pouchin, having a hand disabled, both
going into Holland . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
To Marguerite Petit retiring from here to Holland with three
children . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 80
To Jaques Galon and his family retiring to the neighbourhood of
La Rochelle . . . . . . . . . . . . ..120
To the wife of Pierre Miny, going to Calais . . . . . . 30
For a pair of old shoes for the wife of Pierre Miny . . . . 07
To the wife of Nicholas Bride retiring to Guinne with her family 10 3
At this period the charges which fell upon the Church at Canterbury
on account of the passants appear to have been largely increased by the
number who were returning to the Netherlands, having failed to establish
themselves successfully in England.
During the year 1635 the foreign community at Canterbury received
a considerable number of new-comers, who had landed at Dover from
Calais and Dunkirk. The official lists of the strangers arriving in the
Cinque-port in that year include the names of forty-eight men who were
authorized "to dwell at Canterbury " ; their wives, children and servants
increased the total number to sixty-seven. Most of them are described
as labourers and husbandmen.* The Mayor of Dover, writing to the
Lord Warden on March 13, reported the arrival of " near a hundred men,
women and children, French and Dutch, all Protestants, some of them
bringing with them their goods and household stuff whose dwellings were
in and near Calais, but have lands and tenements in Flanders, and .flee
hither for security of the same in respect to the war likely to be betwixt
France and Spain (as they say)." The Privy Council sent orders that
the strangers should not remain at Dover, but remove to places inland.
A document belonging to the period of the ministry of Bulteel and
Delme shows the keen interest with which the strangers at Canterbury
watched the struggle with their old enemy of Spain. It is a jubilant
song in twenty stanzas, composed by Isaac du Lobeau, an elder of the
crypt, on the victory of the Dutch fleet over the Spaniards, off the
coast of Kent in September 1639. t It was sung to the same tune as
the 68th Psalm. * Huguenot Society's Proceedings : vol. Ill, p. 167.
t "Chanson Nouvelle touchant la memorable Victoire obtenue par les Hollandois et Zellandois contre I'Armee
Navale du Roy d'Espagne aux Costes d' Angleterre l'an 1639." See Huguenot Society's Proceedings,
vol. I, pp. 313 — 323. The original Chanson is in the possession of Sir E. F. Du Cane, K.C.B. M

98 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
In the early part of the year Van Tromp had taken several Spanish
war-ships off Gravelines, and a great armada was dispatched to the
Channel to crush him. The song opens with the following description
of the Spanish fleet, which included more than sixty vessels: —
Voulez oui'r le contenu
Que le roy d'Espagne a tenu
En la flotte et armee
Qu'en ces parties a fait venir
Pour tout mettre a son bon plaisir,
En feu et en fum£e.
" Plus de soixante cinq bateaux,
Monstrueux, a vray dire, et beaux,
Forts, et munis en somme
De canons, poudres et boulels,
De mousquets et de corselets,"
The great fight took place close to the English shore : —
"Pre de Faulston, Haid, Doore et Diel,
Ce combat a est6 cruel,
Horrible et redoutable."
For two days the battle raged; Van Tromp captured the Admiral's
ship and several others, but a fog saved the Spanish fleet from utter
destruction. The spectators of the fight who lined the English coast
would include many of the Dutch and Walloon refugees; among them
probably Isaac du Lobeau with others of the congregation of Canterbury.

CHAP. X.
Laud's Attack on the Foreign Churches.

"t>'

During the ministry of Bulteel and Delme the Walloon Churches of
Canterbury, in company with the sister Churches of Sandwich and Maid
stone, were exposed to great peril by the attack of Archbishop Laud.
Before his elevation to the Primacy he had bent his mind to the task of
bringing about absolute uniformity of religion throughout the kingdom.
He was suspected of a desire to re-establish Popery ; and, if in that he
was misunderstood and misrepresented, it is not the less true that he
disapproved of the toleration granted in England to the foreign Churches
of Refuge, which he regarded as mere conventicles setting an evil
example of Puritan irreverence and disorder. He therefore resolved,
when the time was ripe for the change, to cause the religious privileges
of the foreign congregations to be revoked. The strangers owed their
exceptional position to the intelligent statesmanship of Elizabeth, who,
while requiring and enforcing uniformity among her own people, allowed
the exiles to enjoy their own order and government in religion, and to
continue to use the form of worship to which they had been accustomed
in their native lands. She asked only in return that they would loyally
observe the conditions under which an asylum was granted them. The
same course was followed by her successor, and again by Charles I on
his accession to the throne. Charles unhappily yielded to the influence of
Laud, but at first he had evidently no desire to withdraw the concessions

100 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

which had been made to the Protestant refugees. He assured their
deputies that he would continue to them the favour which they had
received from his predecessors, and, in the year following his accession,
he gave proof of his willingness to befriend them. Upon representations
made to him by Sir Albert Joachim, Ambassador from the United
Provinces, that the strangers were being molested in their industries by
troublesome informers, the King issued an order directing the judges
and justices of all Courts of Record within the kingdom, " to permit and
suffer the said Strangers, members of the Outlandish Churches, and
their children, quietly to enjoy all and singular such privileges and
immunities as have formerly been granted to them." In this order
Charles declares his policy with regard to the strangers to be based on
that of his predecessors. He states that his father had found them
dutiful and beneficial to the State, and that " Queen Elizabeth of famous
memorie, in favour of them and for their better support, did allow them
liberty not only to celebrate Divine service in their own language to
God's honour, but also to work and labour in their several Handicrafts and
Vocations;" and he declares that his intention was "not to diminish
any favour or privilege formerly granted unto them."*
Laud was no sooner seated in the chair of Augustine than he began
to carry into execution the purpose which he had long had in view, being
resolved to bring the refugee settlers under his own ecclesiastical govern
ment, and force them to conform to the Church of England. In 1632,
while Bishop of London, he laid before the Privy Council a report, in
which he set forth what he conceived to be the dangers occasioned by
the establishment of the foreign Churches within the realm. He was
elevated to the Primacy in 1633, and in the following year made his first
metropolitical visitation, not in person but by commission. On that
occasion the three foreign churches of Kent — Canterbury, Sandwich and
Maidstone — were cited to appear by deputies, a course without precedent,
and not justified by the terms of the royal patent for the visitation. It is
remarkable that the Consistory record throughout the entire period of
Laud's dealings with the Church of the Crypt is wholly silent in
reference to the subject. The absence of the smallest allusion to the
danger which was threatening the dissolution of the Church must have
been intentional, and may have been expedient ; but it is greatly to be
* Appendix, ix.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 101
regretted from the point of view of the historian. A contemporary
record of the principal events which were connected with this critical
period has, however, been preserved among the archives of the crypt,
and possesses a special interest from its being wholly in the handwriting
of Philippe Delme, one of the two pastors immediately affected by Laud's
proceedings. The document is entitled "A Summary relation con
cerning the delivery and prosecution of the Archbishop of Canterbury
his Injunctions vnto the Strangers' Churches in his Diocesse, Wtb some
cheefe Reasons for wch the French or Walloon Church at Canterbury and
the Dutch at Sandwich desire to be freed from them."* The same
ground is covered, with greater detail, in a rare pamphlet, printed in
1645, and written by Jean Bulteel, the other pastor of Canterbury. Its
title is: — "A Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches in
Kent. Caused by the Injunctions of William Laud Archbishop of Canter
bury. Anno Dom. 1634, &c. Written by J. B. Minister of the Word of
God."f The same page bears as a motto the appropriate text " Be of
good courage, and let us play the men for our people ; and the Lord doe
that which seemeth him good." 2 Sam., x, 12. From these contemporary
writings and other historical sources the story of the Laudian Injunctions
may be told.
The three Churches were cited to appear before the Archbishop's
Commissioners, Dean Bargrave, Dr. Jackson, Dr. Warner, Sir Nathaniel
Brent (the Vicar General), at the Deanery in Canterbury on April 14,
1634. They were represented by their ministers, Jean Bulteel and
Philippe Delme, Gaspar Nieren, of the Dutch Church at Sandwich,
and Jean Miller, of the Dutch Church at Maidstone ; some elders also
attended. At a previous meeting of the deputies to decide on their
course of joint action, Pastor Bulteel was appointed to be spokesman for
all. Three questions were put to them by the Commissioners, viz : —
I. — What liturgy they use, and whether they have not the English
liturgy in Dutch or French in use ?
II. — Of how many descents for the most part they are born subjects ?
III. — Whether such as are born subjects will conform to the Church
of England ?
* Walloon Records, Canterbury. A complete copy of the original document is preserved at the
Record Office — State Papers Dom. Charles I, cccclxxviii, 90. This is in an unknown handwriting, except
few lines of interlineation in the hand of Pastor Delme.
t Imprinted at London for Sam. Enderbie at the Starre in Popes head Alley. 1645.

102 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
They were required to deliver their answers in writing on the following
Saturday afternoon. Pastor Bulteel at once entered protest that their
Churches had never been subject to the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, from which they claimed to be exempt. As to their liturgy,
they made use of that printed at the end of the Psalms sung in their
services, and which was also used by the congregations in France,
Germany, and Holland. The English liturgy had been translated into
French, but was not used by them. Being ordered to give precise
answers to the several questions on the appointed day, the deputies
requested a longer time in order to enable them to consult the Churches,
and to this the Commissioners agreed, fixing May 5th as the date.
The ministers, elders and deacons of the Church of the Crypt, meet
ing in Consistory, drew up written replies to the questions propounded :
first, that their liturgy was the same as had been used in their Churches
of the French tongue since the blessed Reformation ; secondly, that only
about a third of the heads of families were born here, and many had come
within a few years ; thirdly, that if the born subjects conformed to the
Church of England the dissolution of their own Church would ensue, and
that many of the native members only imperfectly understood the English
tongue. Moreover their families would be divided in worship, and the
privileges anciently granted them would be set aside. In support of
their case they were able to submit the testimony of the clergy and laity
of the town concerning their good behaviour. The Consistory, however,
wisely resolved, before presenting these replies, to consult the Ccetus of
the French and Dutch Churches of London ; and, after some correspond
ence, Pastors Bulteel and Delme, with two elders, went up to London in
order to confer with their brethren there. The deputies of Sandwich
and Maidstone also took part in the consultation. The result was the
substitution of a joint reply to the Archbishop for that which the
Consistory at Canterbury had prepared. After a recital of the three
questions the document proceeded as follows: —
" The answer of the said Churches is —
That they doe greatly honour and respect the dignity, person and merit of my Lord
Arch-bishop his Grace ; but doe most humbly beseech his grace not to be offended if in
particular they doe not answer the said Questions : Because it is a thing not used heretofore
by any of the Lords Archbishops his predecessors. And because the forraigne Churches
of this Kingdome have obtained a patent from King Edward the Sixth, confirmed by Queen
Elizabeth, by the late deceased King James, Princes of glorious memory, and by his

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 103
Majestie now reigning (whom God long blesse and preserve). In which patent, by a
speciall grace, the said forreigne Churches, in regard of their Liturgy and Ecclesiasticall
discipline, are exempted from the jurisdiction of the Lord Archbishops and Bishops, as
also from other Officers and Justices of this Kingdome, therefore the said Churches doe
most humbly beseech my Lord Archbishop his grace for the avoyding of the mine and
dissipation of the said Churches to shew them his favor in the continuance of the modest
and peaceable exercise of their said Liturgy and Ecclesiasticall discipline ; seeing the said
exercise is grounded on the royall promise of his Majesty, for the preservation and
prosperity of whose person, as also of the Queen's Majesty and the royall issue, they make
continuall prayer to the Lord : And also in testimony of their gratitude and acknowledge
ment they will not faile to pray, &c. April 30, 1634.
John Bulteel ) Ministers of the Word of God in the
Philip Delme ) Walloon congregation of Canterbury.
PhhLernouter j Elders of the said Church'
Gasparus Nierenius, Ecclesias Belgicae quae est Sandwici
pastor.
Jo. Van den Broumker, Elder of the said Church.
John Miller, Minister of the Word of God in the Dutch
congregation at Maidston.
In the name of the said congregations.*
The deputies waited on the Vicar-General and presented this reply.
Sir Nathaniel Brent received them with courtesy, and acknowledged the
modesty of their answer, but requested to have the patent of Edward VI
produced for showing to the Archbishop. The deputies left with him a
copy of the charter, and returned to their homes.
It could scarcely have been expected that an answer of this kind
would be accepted by Laud ; but it secured a period of respite, some
months passing by before the next step was taken. Sir Nathaniel Brent,
returning to Canterbury in December, informed the ministers of the
crypt that the Archbishop was not satisfied with their answer, and cited
them to appear again on December 19th. On that date the Com
missioners sat in the house of William Somner, the Notary, and the
deputies of the Canterbury and Sandwich Churches attended. An effort
seems to have been made to induce them to regard the proposal as to the
liturgy as one to which they might easily yield, " seeing that the Eng
lish and strangers had but one religion in substance." It was suggested
"that if they would confer and discourse with the Divines (the Deane
and Master Casaubon) they might goe downe into the garden and there
talk and communicate together." The deputies declined to discuss the
*Bulteel : Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches hi Kent, pp. 4-5.

104 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
points at issue, and asked for further time in order for the Churches to
consider them. This was agreed to, and they were subsequently served
with a notarial notice of the Archbishop's Injunctions, which were as
follows : —
I. — That all the Natives of their Walloon congregation must resort
to the severall parish churches of those parishes wherein
they inhabite, to heare divine service and Sermons, and
all duties of parishioners required in that behalfe.
II. — That the Ministers and all others of the same Walloon or French
congregation which are Aliens borne shall have and use
the Liturgy used in the English Churches ; as the same is
or may be faithfully translated into French.
They were also warned to make known the Injunctions to the con
gregation, and to conform to them by the ist March following.* The
date named for observance of the first Injunction was originally the
third Sunday in January, and for the second the 14th February. But Sir
N. Brent informed the Dean and Dr. Casaubon that, with their sanction,
he was willing to allow until March ist; and this postponement was
agreed to.t
The Churches of Kent at once convoked a Synod of all the foreign
Churches of refuge in England, to meet in London on February 5, 1635;
but, desiring to lose no time, they resolved to approach the Arch
bishop without delay, and endeavour to persuade him to withdraw his
Injunctions. Pastors Bulteel and Delme, accompanied by Jean de Bever
and Pierre Mercier (Elders) and Pierre le Noble (on behalf of the
" Commune"), were sent from Canterbury, their formal letter of appoint
ment being signed by six elders, eight deacons, four of the politic men
and five heads of families. % The deputies rode to London a week before
the day fixed for the Synod, their journey being made "in a great
snowie and frosty season. "§
Some had hoped " that my Lord of Canterbury might be wonne
with complements " ; but they were grievously mistaken. They obtained,
through the Vicar-General, an interview with the Archbishop at White
hall on the last day of January; but his Grace received them in his
ante-chamber, and sat "in his pontificiall Chaire not so much as vailing
"¦Appendix, X. flbid., XI.
X Walloon Records, Canterbury. § Summary Relation.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 105
his Bonnet to the Deputies."* Pastor Bulteel began to present "their
humble remonstrances and prayers in a framed speech," but had scarcely
begun when Laud interrupted him, saying — " I know your doctrine,
parity of ministers, haile fellow well met," and would listen to no more,
but named the following Monday for a hearing of their case. The
deputies went away in sore disappointment at the Archbishop's unusual
discourtesy. On the day appointed they were again received; and Bulteel,
resuming his speech at the point of interruption in the former interview,
was allowed to finish it. In reply Laud thanked them for their prayers,
and said he would pray for them, but would go on with what he had
begun. He told them that the patent of Edward VI would not serve
them; and "spake often very harshly and bitterly unto the Deputies,
and in a jeering and scoffing way spake very basely of their communion ;
said that their Churches used irreverence at their communion, sate
together as if it were in a Tavern or Ale-house where one drunk to
another, the Minister beginning and the people following him ....
that their Churches were nests and occasion of scisme, that his intention
was to hinder the scisme in Kent, where there are so many factions who,
though they were not guilty of death, yet were worthy to be punished ;
that it were better there were no forraigne Churches nor strangers in
England then to have them thereby to give occasion or prejudice to the
Church government of England."! He even accused the foreign
Churches of causing an increase of Popery, a charge to which Bulteel
replied that within the preceding twelve years they had received, as
catechists and communicants, almost six hundred who had come out from
papistry.^ The deputies pleaded that the enforcing of the Injunctions
would ruin the Churches, as it would be impossible to support the
ministers and maintain the poor; they also urged the difficulty as to
the language, of which he made light ; he finally dismissed them with a
declaration that he would have the Injunctions put into execution on the
day named. The Synod of the foreign Churches assembled on February 5, 1635,
and was attended by ministers and elders of the French and Dutch
Churches of London, the Walloon Church of Canterbury, the Dutch
Churches of Sandwich, Maidstone, Norwich, and Colchester. The
* Bulteel's Relation, p. 7. f Ibid., p. 9. + Summary Relation. N

106 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Walloon Church of Norwich was represented by a minister and elder of
the French Church of London, and Dr. Gilbert Primerose was elected
Moderator. The deputies from Kent narrated all that had taken place
in connection with the Injunctions ; the charter of Edward VI was
produced, and a document was read in which the fundamentals of their
privileges were set forth, beginning with the charter and followed up by
the subsequent royal confirmation and promises, with various Orders of
the Privy Council. It was determined to appeal to the King; and a
deputation was appointed to wait upon his Majesty, and lay their case
before him. The deputies were Pastors Primerose, Marmet, Van Nieren,
Proost, Bulteel and Beauvais, with two elders ; and Sir William St. Ravy,
a French gentleman, who had the entry of the Court, undertook to
approach the King beforehand, in order to secure them an audience. On
February 12th they waited for his Majesty as he came from the Chapel
Royal, and presented their petition, as follows : —
" To the Kings most excellent Majestjr.
The humble Petition of the forraigne Churches in this Realme of England.
Humbly sheweth to your sacred Majesty that the Petitioners and their predecessours, by
your Highnesse favour, and your noble Progenitors, have and doe still enjoy severall privi-
ledges concerning the state of government of their Churches.
But of late they have been acquainted with an Injunction made by the right honourable
the Lord of Canterbury his grace, and directed to the forraigne Churches which are in his
Diocese. By the execution whereof infallibly will ensue the dissipation not onely of the
said Churches, but also of all other forraigne Churches in this your Majesties Kingdome.
The Petitioners therefore humbly beseech that your sacred Majestie would extend your
highnesse favour towards them still, and be graciously pleased to heare the Petitioners
deputies in your most honourable Privie Councell, upon the most humble Remonstrances
which the Petitioners will produce unto your Majestie and their Honours therein.
And as in duty bound, the Petitioners will continue to pray to God for your Majesties
long and prosperous reigne, &c."*
The King handed the petition to the Lord Chamberlain, who said a word
to his Majesty in favour of the foreign Churches, to which the royal reply
was: "We must believe our Archbishop of Canterbury." The Lord
Chamberlain, by the King's command, gave the petition to the Secretary
Cooke, and the deputies were glad "that it should fall into the hands of
that religious Secretary, that good Patriot, and not in the hands of Sir
Francis Windebanke, that Popish Secretary, and my Lord of Canter
buries creature. "f It had been intended that Pastor Marmet should
deliver a set speech to the King ; his Majesty declined to hear it, but
* BULTEEL's Relation p. 12. f Ibid., p. 13.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

107

accepted a copy of it from Sir William St. Ravy on the afternoon of the
same day.* The speech began with an acknowledgment of the royal
favours granted to the refugee churches, and urged that their dispersal
must result from the enforcement of the Injunctions, because the native-
born members who would be separated from them were the most liberal
supporters of the ministry and of the poor, the others being for the most
part workmen, ignorant of English and uncertain as to their abode. The
King was implored not to permit the scattering of the flocks which,
fleeing from persecution and massacre, had been granted shelter in his
realm, and were the pledges of the union between England and the
reformed churches of France and Germany, then suffering in blood and
tears. The Synod caused further documents bearing on the case of the
Churches to be handed to Secretary Sir John Cooke, among them being
a return, f prepared by Pastors Primerose and Bulteel, showing the
number of communicants, as follows : —

a icizcn diiu vvcuiuuii:> ui j-.l
Dutch of London . .

840
Walloons of Canterbury
.
gooj
Dutch of Colchester
700
Walloons of Norwich
396
Dutch of Norwich
.
363
Dutch of Maidstone
, ,
5°
Dutch of Sandwich
'
500
Dutch of Yarmouth
28
Walloons of Southampton .
•
36
5213
Some dispute had arisen at the interview with Laud as to the numbers of
the refugee strangers, which he maintained to be many more, and Bulteel
told him that there five French papists to one French (not Walloon)
Protestant in London, so that all the world took notice of the great con
fluence of French papists, especially about the Queen's Court.
The Synod also deputed certain of its members to wait on " my
Lord Soubise, a very religious Prince, who had done much for the
Churches in France, and spent his meanes and blood for the true
Religion," who was moreover much in favour with the King, being his
* A copy, probably that given to Pastor Bulteel, is preserved among the archives of the Church of the Crypt.
t BULTEEL's Relation p. 22.
X In August 1632 the Consistory record gives the number of communicants at that date as 1080,
108 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
godfather and cousin. The Huguenot Duke personally interceded with
Charles on behalf of the Churches, and begged him to grant delay in the
execution of the Injunction. The King intimated that the suppliants
were more frightened than hurt, and that his intention was only to
proceed with the order affecting the members who were natives. The
Synod appointed a small deputation, and chose Bulteel to be its spokes
man, hoping that the King would be induced to grant them a further
audience. Meanwhile a second and longer petition from all the Churches
was presented to his Majesty, setting forth more fully the evils likely to
ensue from the Injunctions, if enforced. As no answer was received, the
aid of the Due de Soubise was again invoked, and he personally delivered
to the King a brief petition from the three Churches of Kent, as follows : —
To the Kings most excellent Majesty.
The humble petition of the forraigne Churches of Canterbury, Sandwich, and Maidston.
Humbly shewing to your sacred Majesty, that the time limited by the most reverend
Father in God the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his grace, concerning the injunctions on
Sunday next expireth, and your Majesty as yet hath not signified your pleasure upon their
petition delivered about fifteen dayes past, your sacred Majesty is most humbly prayed
to give order that the execution of the said Injunctions be respited and deferred untill their
cause may be heard, as in all humility they desired : And as in duty bound, they will daily
pray for your Majesties long and prosperous reigne.
The King having read the petition, said that he could not grant what
was asked. The Duke replied that the execution of the Injunctions
would be hard for the Churches, to which the royal answer was " The
execution will not be so hard as they fear" — a formula which the
Synod justly considered to be of little value.
As it became evident that the appeal of the Churches was not likely
to be soon heard in the Council, the Synod determined once more
to approach the Archbishop. The deputies from Kent therefore went to
Sir Nathaniel Brent, and begged him to request his Grace to grant them
another interview. The ist of March was close at hand, and they could
not return to their Churches because they had not received the King's
answer. They went to see the Archbishop at Lambeth, as advised, and
waited for him as he returned from the Council. Bulteel requested him
to appoint them a time, and Laud somewhat roughly replied that he was
full of business, but that the Vicar- General might tell them when he
would be able to see them. Saturday afternoon following was appointed ;
and on that day the deputies went by water to Lambeth.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 109
They were received with more courtesy than on the former occasion,
but Laud began by reproving them for setting it about that he had been
harsh and uncivil to them. Various documents in their behalf were
given to him, and it was urged that the mere rumour of his action against
the refugee Churches in England was already threatening to revive
persecution in France. After much conversation, his Grace, reading a
copy of the Injunctions, said that his Vicar-General had been mistaken ;
he had never given order for the second, as to the adoption of the English
Liturgy, and they might hold to their own. As to the first Injunction,
requiring the natives to resort to their parish churches, he would have it
obeyed ; but he did not desire to prevent them sometimes going also to
their foreign churches. Sir Nathaniel Brent asked if it might not suffice
if the natives went once or twice a year to communion in an English
church, but the Archbishop would not listen to that well-intended
suggestion. He so far relented, however, as to allow that the ministers
then serving might continue in their churches, although native-born,
as both the ministers of Canterbury were. Finally, the deputies request
ing him to think well of them, and intercede with the King in their behalf,
he said he regarded them as honest and good men, but could not be an
intercessor for them with the King, for " he himself had set that business
on foot." He dismissed them in a friendly way, saying " he prayed God
to blesse their ministry and endeavours."
Their partial success filled the deputies with gladness, and pleased
not only those who were immediately concerned, but many among the
English, who regarded the Archbishop's action against the foreign
Churches most unfavourably. Several members of the Privy Council
disapproved it, and even the Vicar-General was thought to be of the same
opinion. A deputation of the Synod waited on the Due de Soubise to
thank him for his most friendly service to them ; they also asked him to
express their thanks to the King, and beseech a continuance of his favour,
which he undertook to do. Thanks were also tendered to Secretary
Cooke and to others at Court who had rendered them assistance ; and
the deputies prepared to go back to their homes. " They were booted
and ready to return for Kent," when Sir Nathaniel Brent sent for them
and advised them to see the Archbishop again before leaving. The
Vicar-General had since the last interview suggested to them to petition
his Grace to exempt members of the first descent; but the deputies

110 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
regarded the proposal as a snare, and would have no hand in it. They
deferred their departure in order to wait on Laud at Whitehall ; but they
were not granted an interview. The Vicar-General met them in the
Court, and gave them a formal warning to observe the first Injunction on
the first day of April. They went back to the Synod and reported what
had taken place, and were enjoined on no account whatever to publish
the Injunction. They returned home " very heavie to their as heavie and
sorrowfull churches."*
A month after the break-up of the Synod, the Vicar-General was
again at Canterbury, and cited the deputies of the Kent Churches to
appear before Commissioners in the Consistorial Court (April 13). The
Dean told them that they were required to publish the Injunction
on the following Sunday ; but the ministers declined to be instrumental
in the dispersal of their flock. The elders, being asked to undertake the
obnoxious task, also refused. It was then suggested that Somner, the
Notary, should make the public announcement in the crypt church, to
which they would not assent, though they would not prevent it. The
written notification of the Injunction was thereupon served on the
elders,t and it was also communicated to the clergy of the parishes, some
of whom at once began to put pressure on the native-born members of
the congregation to attend service in their several churches. The
churchwardens, in their zeal, went beyond the orders of the Injunction,
and the Consistory of the crypt were preparing to send Pastor Bulteel
once more to London to consult the Ccetus, when Somner called on him,
and stated that the Archbishop had respited the enforcement of the
Injunction until July ist.
About this time the friendly intervention of the Mayor and Alder
men of the city was invoked on behalf of the foreign congregation at
Canterbury, and the following petition of the Burghmote was sent to the
Archbishop : —
To the most reverend Father in God, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury his grace.
The most humble petition of the Mayor and Comminalty of Canterburj'.
Tendering first all dutifull respect and thankes to your grace for all favours formerly
received, and in particular for your most gracious incouragement, that upon all future just
occassions, we should finde your grace as formerly willing to procure the good of our Citie.
We are now bold most humbly to intreat your grace to be advertized of these following in
conveniences, which will inevitably fall upon our poore citie and upon the strangers
* Summary Relation. t Appendix, XI.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. Ill
themselves, by remitting them to our Parish churches. First, a great number of Poore
will fall upon our Parishes keeping, who are now kept without any burden to our
Parishes, to the great charges of the congregation both weekely and yeerely,
for the cloathing of them before winter; which charge will fall especially upon
those Parishes where there are all ready most poore and fewest men of abilitie to relieve
them. Neither shall the poore strangers borne receive the usual helpe, the remaining
strangers being not able without the contribution of the Natives to maintaine them as
usually ; whereby they likewise will prove chargeable to the English. And if any of the
poore strangers shall be forced to begge it may prove dangerous, the English poore being
apt already to quarrell with them. And further the restraint of the Natives freed by these
Injunctions from the orders of the congregation by the church and politicke government
from many disorders will faile, and many inconveniences will insue, even in their way of
trading, which we cannot prevent and so the government of those trades by rules of the
congregation will have no force, to the danger of the overthrowing of divers trades, in
which no English man in our citie hath ever had knowledge or interest : and the con
gregation so diminished will not be able to contribute to the poor cities charges as
heretofore in good measure they have usually done, in all such things as concerne his
Majesties service. Moreover which is not the least, many poore English women, boyes
and girles shall not be imployed as they are now in spinning, winding, drawing and
other workes, whereby to their great benefit and reliefe they are now daily exercised. We
are informed that their yearly expences about their relieving their poore, is more then one
hundred fifty and three pounds, which summe we are not possibly able to raise in our City,
being already greatly oppressed with the number of our poore. All which in most humble
manner we represent to your gracious consideration,, as a matter of great importance to
this citie as hath fallen out within the memory of man. Most earnestly intreating
your grace, that by your most gracious mediation, his Majesty may be pleased to suffer as
well the Natives as the Aliens to remaine within the government of their owne con
gregation ; wherein your grace shall forever obleidge your graces servants and petitioners,
alwayes to pray for your temporall and eternall happinesse.
To this petition, after a short delay, the Archbishop replied by the
following letter : —
To my very loving Friends, the Major and the rest of his Brethren
of the Citie of Canterbury these.
S. in Christo.
After my harty Commendations &c
I lately received a Petition from your selfe and your brethren, on the behalfe of the
citie of Canterbury, concerning the Dutch and the Walloon churches there. And first I
must let you know, that there is not one particular thing mentioned in this your Letter or
Petition, on the behalfe of these Strangers, which the Ministers of those congregations
(when they were with me) did not formerly represent ; and I doubt not but you have
knowne from them what answer they received from me, and that by order from the Kings
Majesty and the State : And therefore you cannot expect but that to the same thing you
must receive againe the same answer ; yet because you should see I proceed not in this
businesse but upon warrantable grounds, and that I am ready to doe you and the city as
much respect as I promised, I have againe in open counsell acquainted his Majesty and the

112 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Lords with that which you have written, and how farre it concernes the city in generall, as
well as the strangers congregations, and am commanded to returne you this Answer.
First, the Injunctions which I have made concerning the strangers repairing to their
severall parishes (I meane such as are natives, and with such interpretation as I made to
them when they were last with me) must stand in force and be obeyed : As for the incon
veniences which you desire may be taken into consideration, you are to receive this Answer
to them. The first is, your feare that their poore will be cast upon you, whereas you have too
many of your owne : To this you must know that the command of the State expressly is,
that though they doe conforme themselves to the english parishes, yet they shall contribute
to their poore as they did before, and look as well to them in all respects at least so long as
till some other fitting order can be taken, and they must not look, being come in strangers
hither, to receive so much peace and benefit by the State as they doe, and not conforme
themselves in those things which are required of them, as all strangers do in all other
parts of Christendome.
For the second, that divers of their trades will faile which are now upheld by the rules
of their congregations : That is grounded upon no reason at all, for I hope the congregation
doth not set rules to their severall trades while they are at Church, nor make it any part of
that service ; and for any other meetings to set rules to their trades or to doe anything else
about them, there is no Injunction that restraynes them from, neither need their resorting
to their severall parishes any way hinder that : And whereas you adde that no English man
in your City hath ever had knowledge or interest in those trades the Lords like that worse
than anything else and have reason so to doe, for why should strangers come here and
enjoy the peace of the Kingdome, and eat the fat of the land, and not vouchsafe to teach
such English as are apt and willing to learne the trades which they professe and practice.
As for that which followes, namely that many poore English women, boyes and girles
shall not be imployed as now they are in spinning, winding, drawing and other worke
wherein to their great benefit and reliefe they are now daily exercised : Theres as little
reason for that as for the former, for since nothing in my Injunctions need put any the
least stop to their severall trades, all those women and children both may and must be
imployed by them as they formerly were, for their trade cannot goe on without such to
worke under them.
And last of all, you say, If the congregation be so deminished they will not be able to
contribute to the Cities charge as heretofore they have usually done, and in good measure
upon all such occasions as concerne his Majesties service : there is no more reason for
that than for any of the rest, for so long as they live in the City and exercise their trades
both Native and Alien must ratably serve the King and the State, and I hope the repairing
of the Natives to the English parishes cannot take off any of their duty, and to the City it
is all one so the severall rates be payed whether they be paid in a lump from the whole
congregation, or part from the particular men which are Natives and partly from the
congregation which remaines yet as Aliens.
In all these respects, though I have at your entreaty made knowne to his Majesty and
the Lords all that you have suggested in your Petition, yet a Mediator for you I cannot be
in these particulars, which are so dis-serviceable both to Church and State ; neither would
I ever have made my Injunctions if I had not formerly weighed them well, and found them
fit to be put in practice.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 113
These are therefore to let you know that my Injunctions must be obeyd, and that I
shall goe constantly on with them, and therefore doe hereby pray and require you the
Major and Governours of that city to second all these things in all faire and due proceed
ings, for the establishment of uniforme government as well concerning those stranger-
natives as any other ; and to let them know that this is the resolution of the Lords as well
as of my selfe ; and I doubt not but that the strangers themselves may live they and their
posterity to blesse the State for this care taken of them : So I leave you all to the grace of
God, and rest Your very loving Friend,
Lambeth, May 25, 1635. W. CANT.
In May the deputies of the three Churches attended before the
Commissioners in the Consistory Court of Canterbury, and were officially
told of the respite granted until July ist, the Dean expressing a wish that
they had power to still further delay the operation of the Injunction. In
June the deputies went up again to London to consult the Ccetus, and it
was resolved to make further application to the Due de Soubise and to
the Ambassador of the United Provinces for their advice and assistance.
They were recommended to appeal again to the King; but, before doing
so, the Ccetus thought it well to go once more to the Archbishop. This
they did on June 17, and Bulteel, seeing that Laud would not listen to a
long speech, contracted his address to a few words as follows : —
Most Reverend Father in God,
We come to your Grace to thank you most humbly for the favour you have shewed to
our Churches, in giving them some respit ; we beseech your Grace to be pleased to con
tinue it, and permit them to enjoy those priviledges and liberties which they have had
hitherto under our most gracious Soveraigne ; without the which the families will be
divided, the poore not maintained, and the Churches ruined.*
Laud, interrupting him, expressed his resolution to proceed with the
Injunction, not only in Kent but throughout the country. "He would
not have them to thinke he fainted in the businesse, for he did meane to
goe through stitch with it." Ultimately, after much pressing by the
deputies, he gave order to his Secretary to instruct Somner the Notary
not to take any action until the return of the Vicar-General.
Sir Nathaniel Brent was next at Canterbury in the following
September, and again cited the ministers and elders to the Consistory
Court in the Cathedral. Some of them objecting to reappear in the
Court, Sir Nathaniel met them in the church, and there again pressed
them to undertake to publish the Injunction. The ministers and elders
*Bulteel'S Relation, p. 38. O

114 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
could not be persuaded to do it ; but at length, seeing that it could by
no means be wholly avoided, it was agreed that the publication should be
made on the next Sunday but one — at Canterbury by Anthony Dennis,
scribe to the politic men, and at Sandwich by the Dutch precentor. The
Vicar-General promised that the native-born members of the congregation
should not be pursued more severely than English parishioners, or
molested at all without notice being given to him. His sympathies were
largely, if not entirely, on their side ; so much so, in fact, that he had
angered Laud by his being "more for the forraigne Churches than for
his Injunction and reformation." The formal Injunction was served by
William Somner on September 26, 1635.* The publication by Anthony
Dennis took place in the crypt on Sunday, October 1 ith, at the afternoon
service, in the -following terms : —
Beloved in the Lord.
Yee are advertised that the worshipfull Commissary, Sir Nathaniel Brent, with other
Commissioners of my Lord of Canterbury his Grace, hath commanded in the name of the
said Lord Arch-bishop, with approbation of his Majesty and of his most honourable Privy-
Counsell to signifie unto you.
That it is not his Majesties intent, nor of the Counsell of State to dissolve our
congregations. And to that end his Majesty is content to permit that the Natives of the first degree
do continue members of our congregation as before ; but the Natives in this Church after
the first descent, are enjoyned to obey my Lord Arch-bishops Injunction, which is to con
forme themselves to the english discipline and Liturgy, every one in his parish ; without
inhibitting them notwithstanding, but that they may resort sometimes to our Assemblies.
My Lord Arch-bishop of Canterburie's Grace meanes notwithstanding that the said
Natives shall continue to contribute to the maintainance of the Ministry and of the poore
of their Church for the subsisting thereof; and promiseth to obtaine an order from the
counsell if need be, and they require it to maintaine them in their manufactures against
those that would trouble them by informations.
All which is notified unto you, that none may pretend ignorance and thereby fall into
inconveniences, f
The publication was made to the Dutch congregation at Sandwich on the
same day and in identical terms. A month or two later, Dr. Jackson, one
of the Commissioners, was directed by the Vicar-General to warn the
ministers of the crypt that the Archbishop had been informed that the
Injunction was not obeyed, and to threaten, if the disobedience continued,
to suspend the ministers and close the church. The ministers protested
not only against the charge, but against the threats which were addressed
*Appendix, xii. t Bulteel's Relation, p. 45.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. ' 115
to them. They were not to blame if their members still desired to hear
the voice of their old pastors, especially as some of them lived in parishes
where the English ministers could not or would not preach at all, or only
very rarely. On December 22, 1635, Dr. Jackson, writing to Brent,
says : — " that he had received assurance from the ministers of the
strangers' congregation that many did conform, and that they would
endeavour redress with such as did not ; yea, that they would also write
to Sandwich to provoke them to submission and conformity. The church
wardens of St. Alphege told the writer that they had more of the
strangers at their church last Sunday than heretofore. The same is
observed by the English ministers, but they have have not yet married,
baptized, or received the communion with them."* About the same time
the Mayor, who had been at Lambeth, brought back news of Laud's
unfriendliness, and thought " that my Lord had an aking tooth against
them." Pastor Bulteel states in his Relation that, on their troubles becoming
known to the foreign Churches abroad, he received letters from Du
Moulin, Polyander, Festus Hommius, and other learned men, expressing
their sympathy with the Churches of Kent. He states also that they
had the good wishes and prayers of many godly ministers and other
zealous persons in England. It seems evident that at Canterbury many
of the clergy shared the general feeling of the citizens in favour of the
refugee strangers. Even Laud's Commissioners disliked the task
imposed upon them ; while the Dean and Chapter, notwithstanding the
publication of the Injunction, maintained a friendly inertia, and made no
attempt to interfere with the services of the Walloon congregation. A
few of the parish clergy or churchwardens busied themselves to secure
the attendance in their churches of the strangers of the second descent,
and when, in November 1636, Sir Nicholas Brent inquired if the
Injunction was obeyed he was informed that, so far as could be observed,
those who were subject to it complied with the order. Beyond, however,
the partial and occasional conformity of the younger members of the
foreign congregation, things went on as before, and the Laudian com
pulsion failed from the absence of public opinion in its favour. It was
not until April 1639 tnat anv serious action was threatened on the part
of the parish officials. At that date the churchwardens of St. Margaret's,
* State Papers (Domestic), Charles I, ccciv, 99,

116 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
a small parish in which only a few of the wealthier strangers resided,
served the following notice on the Walloon householders : —
i. We hereby signifie that we have assessed you of the French and Walloon Congregation,
and that are strangers inhabiting in our Parish, whether lately come over, or of the
first and second descent, for this time to pay for the reparations and adorning of our
Church, and necessary ornaments thereunto belonging, the sum of five pounds ten
shillings sterling, which we desire you to collect among your selves, because you best
know your own estates, and pay to us the churchwardens before next Saturday night
at six of the clocke. And if this you neglect to doe, then we give you notice to
appeare in the north chancell of our church next Lords day, immediately after
evening prayer, to see your selves sessed according to our discretions.
2. On Saturday night next we desire the names of all married persons in your congregation
of the second descent, that are inhabitants in our Parish, that we may take order for
decent seats for them, as they shall signifie their estates and qualities to be.
3. Then we also entreat the names and ages of those unmarried in our parishe of the
second descent, and whose children and servants they be ; to the end, we may take
care of their due resort to our Church, being catechized, and communicating there
according as their severall ages require.
4. That those of sixteen years and upwards that have not this Easter time already
communicated, prepare themselves to receive the blessed Sacrament in our Church
next Lords day, and so thrice in the yeere afterwards, as the Canons of our church
require, as they will avoyd presentment to their ordinary for their neglect therein.
5. We admonish friendly and entreat you that are Parents and Masters of Families of the
first and second descent, henceforth duly on the Lord's day, halfe an houre before
evening prayer, to send your men, children and servants, under Sixteen, to be
catechized according to the order of our Church, as you your selves upon present
ments will answer for their absences.
April the 15, 1639.
As to this notice Bulteel remarks " vana sine viribus ira, it is good a
curst Cow hath short horns ; for a few dayes after there was an election of
new church-wardens, the one of them hoped to continue in his office,
but whether the parish perceived he would be a busie body and intended
to do some fine design he was outed of his place and another chosen in
his stead ; so the strangers of that parish though threatned, were not
pressed to it nor presented but had their quietus est and the other strangers
also for the time."*
The records of the Church of the Crypt during this period indicate
no break in the services, no considerable falling off in the numbers of the
congregation, or decrease in the collections for the ministry and for the
poor. It is not until 1645 that any mention is made of members of the
second descent failing to pay their fair quota of contributions, and it may
*Bulteel's Relation, p. 49.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 117
be inferred that those who went occasionally to the parish churches also
continued to frequent the services in the crypt, and to fulfil their obliga
tions as members of the Walloon congregation. That Laud's attack on
the foreign churches was generally disapproved and unpopular is shown
by the way in which he modified his first intentions, and by his ineffectual
enforcement of the Injunction which he finally issued. He may have
hoped that in the end the native-born strangers would voluntarily sub
mit to what he required; he may have recognised the strength of public
opinion in opposition to his policy; but it still remains hard to understand
why so masterful a man should have been so weak in using the weapon
which he had been so resolute in forging. If at the first the Injunctions
had been promptly and vigorously applied, he would either have brought
the foreign churches to conformity, or have procured their dissolution.
He had at his command the powers of the ecclesiastical courts, and the
sanction of the King; he was urged to decision by his own convictions
and zeal ; and yet had so little moral force behind his policy that it
utterly failed in its purpose. A few years later Laud, undeterred by his
experience with the foreign Churches, turned to the greater task of forcing
his ecclesiastical system upon the sturdy Presbyterians of Scotland, a
scheme which proved fatal to himself and the King. The attack on the
Kirk was the prelude to the tragedy of his own fall. On December 1 8,
1640, he was impeached by the Commons and committed to the custody
of Black Rod. On February 26, 1641, Pym delivered to the Lords the
fourteen articles of impeachment. On the ist of March the Archbishop
was conveyed to the Tower, but it was not until March 12, 1644, that he
was brought to trial. His treatment of the Protestant refugees formed
one charge in the indictment which was drawn against him, and the
instrument of his attack upon them, the Vicar-General Brent, was a witness
for the condemnation of his former master. Article xii, relating to the
Injunctions, was as follows : —
" He hath traitorously endeavoured to cause division and discord between the Church
of England and other reformed Churches ; and to that end hath suppressed and abrogated
the privileges and immunities which have been by his Majesty and his royal ancestors
granted to the French and Dutch churches in this Kingdom ; and divers other ways hath
expressed his malice and disaffection to these Churches, that so by such disunion the
papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both." *
The Archbishop in his defence maintained the justice and moderation
of his conduct in dealing with the refugee strangers. He replied in a
* A Complete Collection of State Trials (London, 1730), vol. I, p. 808.

118 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
tone of banter to the accusation that he had denied them to be a Church ;
and said the expression " No Bishop no Church" was an inference drawn
from St. Jerome. If they felt aggrieved they might answer him. But
what, he asked, was the reason that nothing was urged in the arguments
against him about abrogating the immunities and privileges of the French
and Dutch Churches, which filled the body of that article ? He conceived
one cause to be that Mr. Prynne had taken from among his papers a
letter from Queen Elizabeth to the Marquis of Winchester, in which she
expressed her willingness to succour the strangers provided they con
formed themselves to the English liturgy, translated into their own
language. Laud made his final defence on September 2, 1644 ; on
January 4, 1645, tne Lords passed the ordinance of attainder; and on
Friday, January 10, 1645, notwithstanding the production of a royal
pardon, he was beheaded on Tower Hill.

CHAP. XI.
A Period of Discord and Schism.
The danger from without passed away, but was almost immediately
succeeded by troubles which had their origin within the Church itself.
During the alarm caused by the Laudian Injunctions a few of the
congregation left the city, and about the same time a severe visitation of
the plague made fearful gaps in many of the poorer families, whose over
crowded dwellings favoured the spread of pestilence. But these losses
were more than balanced by arrivals of new settlers; and, in 1638, it was
thought necessary to appoint a third minister. On November 22nd the
Consistory assembled under the presidency of Pastor Delme, and resolved,
"upon the urgent request of the body of the Church, to retain the Sieur
Poujade as third pastor, without prejudice to the two already established."
The appointment was made for one year only.*
Joseph Poujade was a native of Montpellier. He had filled the
position of professor of languages at Cassel, and subsequently served as
pastor at Breme, from 1623 to 1630 ; at Anduze, in 1631 ; and at Saint-
Hippolyte, in 1632. He had considerable talent as a preacher, and soon
obtained a remarkable influence over a portion of the congregation of the
crypt. His signature first appears in the Consistory records in the
deacons' accounts for December 1638. His coming was fated to prove a
misfortune for the Church.
* Appendix, XIII.

120 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
On the expiration of the year of probation, Poujade was elected as
permanent minister, notwithstanding the protest of Bulteel and Delme,
who went up to London to move the other Churches against the irregular
appointment. The Ccetus advised them, for the sake of peace, to accept
the decision of their Consistory; and it offered to send deputies to
Canterbury to bring about a reconciliation. Difficulties arose on both sides
to hinder this friendly intervention. The two senior pastors desired to
appeal to a Synod, and the Consistory insisted on being allowed to
nominate the arbitrators ; it also threatened, unless the absent ministers
returned, to appoint an assistant to Poujade. When they did return, and
offered not to oppose Poujade' s election, they were required to express
approval of it and of his doctrine, and were forbidden to preach because
they would not comply with these demands.* At this crisis, Pastors
Marie and Calandrin, with four elders, arrived from London, and
succeeded in making peace between the contending parties. An act of
reconciliation was drawn up (June 3, 1640), and was signed by the
members of the deputation, the three pastors of the Church, elders,
deacons, politic men, and "deputies of the Commune." On the following
day M. Poujade wrote to the Ccetus : — " My joy is beyond expression.
Hitherto I was but an ordinary disciple of Christ : now I am the well-
beloved, and have a place not only at His table but on His bosom." He
admitted that he had faults, but pleaded that even the sun was not without
spots. f It is easy to understand the writer of this letter becoming a cause
of discord in the Church, and there is little doubt that his election led to
the resignation of the senior minister. Bulteel's last signature in the
Consistory books is dated September 10, 1640; but the record is missing
after May 1641. He continued to reside in Canterbury, and preached
from time to time in the crypt. He is last named in the Walloon
register in April 1653, when he twice officiated for Pastor Delme at
baptisms. The increase in the number of the refugees at Canterbury, which led
to the appointment of Joseph Poujade, became still more marked a year
or two later. The rival forces of France and Spain were engaged in a
deadly struggle in the Calaisis and the Boulonnais. The fortified towns
were besieged and the surrounding districts laid waste ; and many of the
Protestants, especially from the Walloon country within the Spanish
Netherland frontier, escaped into England. A considerable number of
* Schickler : Les Eglises du Refuge en Angleterre, vol. in, p. 237. t Ibid., pp. 238-9.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 121
the fugitives made their way to Canterbury where they would find friends
and relatives among the earlier settlers. The Burghmote record on
September 21, 1641, has the following order of the court with reference
to the new-comers : —
" Upon the humble peticon of the mynister elders and congregation of the wallons
wthin this Citty shewing that about the begynnyng of the reign of our late Souereigne ladie
queen Elizabeth of famous memory they had their reception into this Citty by order of
State and that euer synce that tyme they haue liued peaceablie and religiously and with
their manufactures of spyneing and weaving by them introduced many English poore of
this Cittie have from tyme to tyme bene sett to work to their great relief. They therefore
humbly desired this Court that in regard of the present Calamyties of warre in Picardie
Arthois & fflandre many of the wallon people daily resort unto this Citty and more daily are
expected who being protestants and manufacturers in weauing desier to ioyne themselves
vnto the wallon Congregacon here It is therevpon ordered that aswell those that are
already come as those which for the future shall resort vnto this Citty for refuge of bodie &
sowle being Protestants and submitting to the gouernm* of this Citty & to the order of the
Congregacon of wallons here, and being admitted by the Maire & Aldermen of this Cittie
according to the aunchent custom here vsed shall & may for the future live vnder the
gouernment of the Maier & Aldermen of this Citty as the said Congregacon hath done for
threscore yeers & vpwards, it being experymentally found that the said Congregacon by
their trades permitted them have not bene preiudiciall but beneficiall vnto the Cittye"*
In the following month a further order was made : —
" that a booke shalbe prouided for the wallon Congregation to enter the names of such
as shalbe receyued by the Maire & Aldermen & what testymonyalls they bring and such
security as those which are not admitted vnto ye congregation shall giue to discharge the
congregacon."-)- The addition to the refugee community is indicated by the marked
increase in the number of baptisms, which rose to 11 1 in the year 1642.
The effect produced on the deacons' fund shows that a large proportion
of the immigrants were destitute. Their condition was probably very
similar to that of the fugitives who arrived somewhat later at Sandwich,
and who were described as so poor that they slept on straw, and had no
clothes in which to go to church. The Canterbury Consistory thought
it necessary to propose at the Colloquy of 1641, that all new-comers who
brought good testimony should be admitted to communion without the
usual formalities.
The pacification effected in 1640 was not of long duration. Some
of the members objected to the doctrine preached by Poujade, and to
his disregard of the Discipline. A charge was also raised against him of
having deserted his wife and family in France. This accusation was
* Burghmote Books, vol. IV, fo. 164. f Ibid., fo. 164 (Oct. 12.)

122 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
brought to the notice of the Colloquy of 1641, and an inquiry was ordered
to be made. The Colloquy did not again meet until 1644, when Poujade
attended, with Louis Van de Buste as elder, to represent the Church of
Canterbury. It was then placed on record that the assembly, after due
examination of the evidence laid before it, had found Monsr Poujade to
be entirely innocent of the desertion of his wife, and in respect to their
separation. At this Colloquy another question connected with Poujade
was considered. A letter signed by Jaques le Candele and others at
Dover was read, " in which certain strangers who had received great
consolation from the preaching of Monsr Poujade at various times, and
were to their deep regret frustrated therein by the inhibition of the Sieur
Poujade by his Church of Canterbury, prayed the Colloquy to employ
means for the restitution to them of that great benefit, at least once a
month."* On a subsequent day the question was asked — if a minister
already engaged to a Church could, without consent of his Consistory,
exercise ministerial functions in another town where no Church had been
established. The answer to this was that he could not do so ; but that
the Consistory in such a case was advised "not to oppose the means by
which persons hungering for the word of God could be nourished and
Christ's kingdom advanced." The occasional ministrations of Poujade
at Dover seem to have been undertaken without the sanction of his own
Church. There is some uncertainty as to dates, but the Dover services
were evidently carried on from May to December 1644 ;t and, if not con
tinued after that, were resumed in 1646. The register of the Church
then established opens with the record of five baptisms between May
and August, and this is preceded by the note: — " The Children baptized
by Monsieur Joseph Poujade, Minister of the Walloon Church of Canter
bury before the refugee Church at Dover was formed. "J
This (third) refugee Church at Dover has a further connection with
that of Canterbury ; for its first regular pastor was a member of the
Church of the Crypt. In December 1645 tne Canterbury elders, writing
to pastor Delme, informed him that one of their body, Philippe le Keux,
had received a call to the ministry ;§ and, in January 1646, Jacques le
Candele and others at Dover wrote to the Ccetus : — " We intend to elect
*Huguenot Society's Publications, vol. II, (Colloques et Synodes), p 79.
^Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol.3, p. 289; in Paper on " Strangers at Dover," by G. H. Overend, F.S.A.
XRegisters of the French Church at Dover, privately printed by F. A. Crisp, 1888, p. I.
^Walloon Records, Canterbury.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 123
Philippe le Keux, a young man born at Canterbury as our minister. He
has already preached to us for some months ; we are all pleased with him,
and he has excellent testimonies." A deputation from Dover attended
the Colloquy of 1646, to make known the desire of the French refugees
in that town to establish a Church, for which they had already received
the sanction of Parliament. They asked that the selection of Philippe le
Keux might be approved and arrangements made for his ordination. Some
delay occurred, but in June the call of le Keux was confirmed, his expository
exercise and examination in theology were held to be satisfactory, and
he was declared fit for the ministerial office. He was exhorted to pro
ceed to Dover and to practice preaching while awaiting ordination. His
colleagues at Canterbury, writing to Delme, rejoiced at the news of
le Keux' appointment, and "prayed God to bless all the stages of his
promotion to the ministry, with increase of his already great gifts." Le
Keux was preaching in the crypt at the end of June, and his ordination
by Delme was delayed until the following October, in consequence of
that pastor's long detention in London.
It was very unfortunate for the Church of Canterbury that Delme
had been appointed, in January 1645, to nu a vacancy in the Assembly
of Divines at Westminster, t It compelled him to be absent from his
charge at a critical time, and furnished to his unfriendly colleague at
once a grievance and an opportunity. Poujade protested against being
obliged to do double duty ; and, in March 1645, tne Consistory wrote to
Delme to give him notice that, on account of his continual absence, they
proposed to deduct fifty shillings per month from his stipend, and pay
that amount extra to Poujade.J
The discord, which had never wholly disappeared since Poujade's
appointment, became intensified ; the Church divided into factions, and
the spirit of malignant controversy entered into possession. A deplorable
strife began, which the historian would gladly pass over in silence,
t The Assembly of Divines arose out of the demand put forward in the Gland Remonstrance (1641) for a
synod of pious and learned divines who might " consider of all things necessary for the peace and good
government of the Church." It was not however established until 1643, when an ordinance of the Lords
and Commons appointed thirty lay members and a hundred and twenty-one divines to form an assembly
" for settling the government and liturgy of the Church of England, and for vindicating and clearing
of the doctrine of the said Church from false aspersions and interpretations." The King prohibited the
meeting, but the Assembly opened its sessions in the presence of both Houses. On September 25. 1643,
the Parliament and the Assembly united in St. Margaret's, Westminster, to subscribe the Solemn League
and Covenant. {Walloon Records, Canterbury.

124 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
although, by a perverse irony, the records of this period are more
voluminous than for the entire century which preceded it. Poujade's
supporters became an organized body, and elected deputies who acted
in opposition to the regular Consistory. In December 1644 certain
" deputies of the Commune" made their submission, and acknowledged
that they had undertaken the charge unlawfully, " their conduct savouring
of sedition and mutiny; " but in general the party held together, and
succeeded in placing their nominees in the companies of the elders,
deacons, and politic men. In September 1645 the Poujade faction
determined to attack the senior minister on the ground of heretical
doctrine, and a female theologian, the wife of Michel le Clerc, came
forward as the champion of orthodoxy. Her thesis against Pastor Delme,
charging him with erroneous teaching on seven distinct points of
doctrine, was presented to the Consistory, and was supported by Poujade
and his friends. In March 1646 the Consistory proposed to refer the
case to the arbitration of Mons. Bulteel, Mons. Gaspart, and Mons. le
Roy (a minister in the English Church) ; but all declined to act. It was
therefore remitted to the Colloquy which met on May 7th. A counter
presentment against Poujade was submitted to the same tribunal by the
regular Consistory. He was charged with heresy on various points,
irregularity in matters of discipline, personalities in the pulpit, and
indiscretion in his intercourse with members of the congregation.
Pastor Delme was himself President of the Colloquy, but withdrew
from the chair while the charges against him were examined. The
decision was entirely in his favour, and at the close of June his elders at
Canterbury wrote to congratulate him on having been cleared of all
suspicion of heresy.
M. Poujade was less happy in the issue of the inquiry. Nine points
were alleged against him, of which some were condoned and some con
demned. He was censured for his personal conduct ; but evaded a complete
investigation of it by undertaking to retire from the Church of Canterbury
within six months.* This offer was accepted on his further promising to
abstain from exciting the people, and to do all in his power to restore
peace. The Colloquy lasted from May till September ; and the Canter
bury elders (Pierre le Noble and Pierre Guiselin) frequently complained
of their long detention, and begged to be recalled. The "Commune"
* Huguenot Society's Publications, vol. II (Colloques et Synodes), pp. 92-95.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 125
sent up a deputy, whose claim to admission was supported by Poujade,
but who had no legal status and was excluded. During the absence of
both pastors the services in the crypt were at times conducted entirely
by the elders, who "set the people to the glorifying of God by reading,
prayers, and singing of psalms."
On Poujade' s return to Canterbury he failed to observe the pledge
which he had given to avoid agitation ; he declared that he had been
honourably acquitted, and refused to publish the decisions of the
Colloquy. The continued absence of Delme encouraged his colleague to
defy the authority of the regular Consistory, and to incite the politic
men, who were mostly his adherents, to assume powers belonging to the
elders. The senior pastor had not returned in December, when the
Consistory resolved to read to the congregation the judgment of the
Colloquy in respect to both Delme and Poujade. The attempt of the
Elder-Reader to do so gave rise to an unseemly uproar in the crypt : —
" There was talking, whistling, and scuffling of feet, noise and disorder
of one kind and another, the like of which was never heard ; and the
Elder-Reader retired for safety to the parquet, where, after the benedic
tion, he and others of the elders were besieged by a number of the people."*
The disunion and disorder now reached a point at which the elders felt
bound to postpone the regular administration of the Communion, and to
make an appeal for the intervention of the sister Churches. A few weeks
later, they wrote that "Poujade still persisted in preaching by means of
violence, and contrary to ecclesiastical order ;" that his party had gained
over some of the deacons and most of the politic men, and were intending
to elect new elders from among themselves. The magistrates had issued
an order for the preservation of peace, but the rebellion continued, and the
only remedy seemed to be a petition to Parliament from all the refugee
Churches, f
In February 1647 a Class or tribunal constituted from the neighbour
ing Churches, in accordance with the second article of the Colloquy of
1593, met at Canterbury^ to deal with the disorderly minister. The
French Church of London was represented by Pastor Jean de la Marche
and two elders (Bartholemy Caulier and Jacques Dambrun),§ and the
Church of Dover sent Pastor Philippe le Keux and an elder (M. Nepveu) ;
* Walloon Records, Canterbury. Letter from the Elders to M. Delme, December 21, 1646.
t Ibid., Letter from the Elders to M. Delme, January 25, 164".
X From February 20 to March 3. § Appendix, xiv.

126 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
with these deputies were associated the elders of Canterbury. The Class
suspended Poujade from his ministry and from communion ; * but he
simply ignored the decision. A certificate of the Mayor and the
Recorder, dated March 2, 1647, states that Poujade and his supporters had
discharged five of the elders and two of the deacons, and had chosen
others of their own party to fill their places. f A little later he obtained
permission to use St. Dunstan's Church, and was preaching and
administering baptism there. $ The magistrates, again intervening,
directed the churchwardens and overseers to prevent the holding of the
French services, which were nevertheless continued for some time.
Meanwhile the Consistory had appealed to the Parliamentary " Com
mittee for Plundered Ministers," with which was united the "Committee
for Scandalous Ministers." The first Committee was appointed to redress
the grievances of the Puritan ministers who had been driven from their
cures; the second to deal with the cases of ministers against whom
charges were preferred of vicious life, unsound doctrine, or superstitious
practices. Twice during the year 1647 Poujade was cited to appear
before the Committee at Westminster, and was ordered to desist from
preaching or officiating ;§ but in August 1647 he obtained from the Kent
Sub-Committee for Ministers, which met at Sevenoaks, an order permitting
him to resume his ministry. On the following Sunday he seized the pulpit
and preached, his elders forcibly taking the official seats. In September
he was cited but refused to appear before the Colloquy in London, and in
the same month the Synod of the French and Dutch Churches, to which
he had appealed, commenced its sessions, the deputies for Canterbury
being Pastor Delme and two elders (Paul Dornion and Isaac du Castel).
Poujade attended with four of his supporters, and the proceedings were
most unreasonably protracted ; it was not until Christmas Eve that the
Synod arrived at a decision to sustain the suspension passed by the Class,
and to require Poujade lo make a public confession and apology.**
On the day following the delivery of judgment by the Synod some
of the Walloons at Canterbury took part in a popular tumult there. In a
letter from the elders to pastor Delme, a few months later, when a
further appeal to the Parliamentary Committee became necessary, it is
* Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, 2882.
f Appendix, XV. J Ibid., XVI, XVII. \lbid., XVIII.
** Huguenot Society's Publications, vol. II (Colloques et Synodes), pp. 110-112.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 127
stated "that some of Poujade' s adherents were in the tumult of last
Christmas and had since fled out of the kingdom. One of them (Jacob
Halluin) beat the drum, and attempted to form a company, and raised
cries in the streets for the King; so that Poujade was a cause of faction
and dangerous both to the city and to the State."*
The tumult referred to was of some historical importance ; for it led
to the famous "Insurrection in Kent." On Christmas Day 1647, a
number of the King's party in the city met for worship in St. Andrew's
church. " This piece of orderly and Christian devotion," says a con
temporary chronicler, " startled the consciences of the new Saints, who,
inflamed with fiery zeal, began to make tumults in the streets and under
the church windows, thinking thereby to drown the voice of the
preacher.' 't The Mayor endeavoured to induce the citizens to open
their shops, and seems to have used, and to have received, personal
violence — "Considerable numbers thronged together, and growing mad,
the Mayor's heels were soon flung up, and his Worship thrown in the
Kennel." Presently the streets were in the possession of armed partizans
of the rival factions; the King's men seized the city gates and magazine,
but were persuaded by the magistrates to retire on a pledge that no one
should be harmed for what had been done. But a month later the
Parliament sent down Colonel Huson's regiment of foot, when the friendly
justices were arrested and hurried away to Leeds Castle. Ultimately a
special commission, under Judge Wild, was held for their trial at Canter
bury. The Grand Jury twice refused to bring in a true bill against the
prisoners, and drew up the famous petition to Parliament on behalf of
the King. Two hundred of the gentry signed it on that day, and copies
were sent throughout the county, with word passed for all who favoured
the cause to meet at Blackheath on May 30th, 1648, in order to carry the
petition to the Parliament. The meeting was at once forbidden, but the
promoters issued a counter manifesto which was in effect a call to arms.
On May 23rd, a large number of knights and gentry assembled at Canter
bury, and resolved to march to London with the petition in one hand and
the sword in the other. Arms and ammunition were seized, and Colonel
Hammon, having raised a company by beat of drum, gave a rendezvous
at Barham downs. The county was now roused, and the riot of Christmas
* Walloon Records, Canterbury.
¦fA True Relation of that honourable, though unfortunate Expedition of Kent, Essex and Colchester, in 1648.
By Matthew Carter, 1650.

128 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Day had brought about the gallant but disastrous rising of the loyal men
of Kent. Twenty thousand signed the petition, and half that number
took up arms in support of the cause ; the fleet off Deal declared for the
King ; and the Kentish forces gained possession of Deal, Walmer and
Sandown castles. The march to Blackheath was begun, but never accom
plished ; the royalists were routed at Maidstone with great loss ; their
camp in Greenwich Park broke up ; and the remnant of their force, after
crossing the Thames into Essex, fought a last desperate struggle,
besieged in Colchester.
The Walloons at Canterbury were divided in their sympathies as
well as their English hosts, and many of them took part in the In
surrection on one side or the other. The writer of the narrative above
referred to states that the strangers in the city "engaged themselves for
the raising and paying of two companies" on the King's side, and one
of the leaders in the rising, Arnold Braems, who took part in the attack
on Dover castle, was in intimate relations with the Canterbury refugees.
On the other hand, a section, if not the majority, of the congregation took
side with the Parliament. From the voluminous correspondence of Pastor
Delme and the elders during the period of the civil war, it is evident that
the petty strife in which they were immediately concerned loomed larger
to them than the great conflict which rent the English nation in twain.
The references to the momentous struggle are slight and rare. In July
1647 the elders wrote : — " We pray God to put an end to the troubles
of this kingdom : moving the heart of the King to restore to the Parlia
ment its authority and zeal ; bringing about a reunion with the City, and
a strict submission of the army to its duty."* In 1648 they reported
that the schismatics who had troubled the peace of the Church were also
fomenters of disaffection to the Parliament : — " When the revolt of the
Prince occurred more than sixty of them voluntarily took up arms
against the Parliament, issuing from their congregation after one with a
drum who carried his halleborde as a sergeant, going through the town
to raise soldiers ; also openly threatening us with pillage, calling us
malignants and roundheads, in order to render us odious. "j" In a
document, prepared in 1662 for the Privy Council, it is stated that the
congregation "in 1648 did at their own charge put themselves in arms
under English commanders for his then Majesties service, and con-
*Walloon Records, Canteebury, Letter from the Elders to M. Delme, July 30, 1647.
t Walloon Records, Canterbury : Brief recti du desordre arivi dans I'Eglise Wallonne de Canterburie.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 129

tributed great summes of money to maintain the King's party then in
arms for the King."*
During the absence of Delme, in 1647, his former colleague, Jean
Bulteel, occasionally preached in the crypt ; but the Consistory, fearing
to trouble him too often, asked the Church of London to lend them
a minister. M. Cisner was sent down in March, and remained several
weeks. Soon after his arrival he was assaulted by some Englishmen
on returning from the crypt to his lodging; and the elders, in their
regular letter to Delme, expressed an opinion that Poujade was not
ignorant of the outrage. About the time of M. Cisner's coming to Canter
bury, the elders, in a letter to " the Honorable John Bois, Esquire, one of
the Honorable Members of the House of Commons, att his house in
Martin's Lane neere the Church," complained that Poujade was threatening
actions at law against them.| On the recall of M. Cisner his position was
filled by Jean de la Place, son of a minister of the French Church of
London. He arrived in the first week of May, and on the following Sunday
preached in turn with Bulteel. The young pastor was popular with both
sections of the divided congregation ; and, after he had been preaching
for some months, the Poujade party, who had refused to pay their con
tributions to the support of Delme, offered to make him a gift, a proposal
which he referred to the Consistory in the fear to compromise himself.
According to the records of the Walloon Churches in the Netherlands
Jean de la Place had been for three years pastor at Guernsey, and
remained for two years at Canterbury. In September 1649, he took
service " under the Cross " as pastor of the " Church of the Olive."
After the decision of the Synod, Poujade returned to Canterbury,
but his supporters would not consent to his making the submission
required. In April, 1648, he was again before the Committee for
Ministers ; and being warned, under threat of punishment, to refrain
from further disobedience to their orders, he withdrew from the city
for a time, leaving a substitute to carry on the schism. His nominee
and successor was Francois de la Prix. In a paper drawn up for
the Parliamentary Committee it is stated that he had failed to obtain
employment in the French Church of London, and had come to Canter
bury, where he preached for a time with Poujade, and subsequently filled
his place ; that he was then irregularly ordained by a suspended minister
* Walloon Records, Canterbury: The Case concerning the Wallons of the City of Canterbury.
t Walloon Records, Canterbury. 0

130 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
of the Church of Norwich, Pastor D'Assigny, contrary to the Discipline
of the French reformed Churches, and that without obtaining the necessary
authority a new foreign Church had been set up by the schismatics.*
M. de la Prix continued for some months to preach to the Poujade
separatist congregation, which assembled in an English Church (probably
St. Dunstan's); but, in October, 1648, he and his followers violently
took possession of the church in the crypt. They broke open the door
at night, and held the place so as to exclude all but their own party.
Some of them who had been politic men also got possession of " the
Charter of Articles" granted by the city, and refused to deliver it up. The
regular congregation again appealed to the Committee for Ministers, and
were reinstated under an order dated October 11, 1648. t The Kent
Justices issued a warrant against the disturbers, who nevertheless again
seized the crypt on November 12 and 19. M. de la Prix entered the
pulpit at daybreak, and stayed in it until the usual hour of the service.
When he gave up the hope of establishing himself at Canterbury he
retired to Germany ; but there he failed to obtain recognition until he had
made peace with the Church of the Crypt and atoned for his part in the
schism. In February, 1649, Poujade reappeared, and continued to preach
during some months in a hired room at St. Dunstan's. He was again
cited to appear before the Committee at Westminster, and the magistrates
were directed to enforce obedience to their order. Some of the schis
matics, proving refractory were committed to prison, and others were bound
over to appear. Thereupon Poujade finally gave up the struggle and
retired to France, issuing before his departure a defence of his conduct. %
* Walloon Records, Canterbury : A Breviatt of the Divisions and Disturbances begun by Joseph
Poujade and continued by Francis de la Prix and their adherents, &c. t Ibid.
X The Apologie of Joseph Poujade, Minister of the French Church in Canterbury, to the false and
injurious accusations of his Adversaries, <5rv., printed by J. Clowes, London, 1649.

CHAP. XII.
The Period of Schism Continued : Disputes with the English.
The schismatics held their ground after the departure of Poujade,
and chose as their minister Theodore Crespin, the son of a French
pastor, and grandson of a councillor in the Parliament of Brittany. He
was irregularly ordained at Canterbury, May 5, 1650, by Jean Despagne,
minister of the French Church in Somerset House.* At this period of
his ministry Crespin described his congregation as " about eight or
nine hundred persons, regularly assembling twice every Sunday at the
temple of St. Peter (St. Peter's Church), to hear two services of Calvin
read, with the usual prayers and singing of psalms." The congregation
subsequently removed to a large room in the old Palace, and there
obtained the recognition of the city authorities. In October, 1651, they
petitioned t to be allowed to elect the full number of twelve politic men,
or at least nine, as they had then only four, who were insufficient to keep
in order their large congregation, which daily increased. The request
was granted, as appears by the following order of Burghmote, dated
October 14, 1651 : —
" Uppon the peticon of the Strangers dwellinge in this Cittie and Suburbs thereof
now haveinge their place of publique assemblie for the worshipp of god in the late
Archbushopps pallace and beinge of Mr. Theodore Crippaine his Congregacon. It is
ordered by this Court for the better and more regular goverment of the said Strangers and
for the prevencon of all disorders that shall or may arise amongest them, that they shall
from henceforth choose and haue from amongest themselues a convenient number of
Politique men which shalbe sworne as hath bene accustomed within the Cittie for the due
execucon of their said office. And that a warrant vnder the hand and seale of the Maior
* Les CEuvres de Jean Despagne (La Haye, 1674). The sermon and prayer of ordination are quoted by
SCHICKLER, in Les Eglises du Refuge en Angleterre, vol. Ill, pp. 251-5.
f Burghmote Records, Canterbury.

132 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
of this Cittie for the time beinge and one of the Justices of peace of the same shalbe
alsoe yeerely granted vnto the said politique men soe to be chosen as aforesaid for the
better execucon of their said office the prevencon of the said disorders amongest the said
Strangers and the better to enable them to keepe the said Congregacon in a readie and
constant obedience vnto the goverment of this Cittie."*
Crespin was for some time assisted by Jean Aiton, a minister from
the Netherlands, who came to Canterbury in the latter part of 1653, and
continued to preach to the Palace congregation until its reunion with that
of the crypt. He then became assistant minister at Sandwich, and
on the death, in 1655, of Gasper Van Nieren, who had been pastor there
for fifty-two years, he was elected as his successor. His retirement from
Canterbury, in order to facilitate the reconciliation, secured for him a
recommendation to the Church of Sandwich as one endowed with no
slight knowledge of holy letters, and possessing other good parts required
by a theologian. But his appointment proved an unhappy one, and in
March 1656 he found it necessary to resign, and to retire from the town.
Pastor Delme died April 22, 1653, aged 65, after a ministry of 36
years at Canterbury. One of his colleagues in the Assembly of West
minster, Herbert Palmer, a famous Puritan divine, describes him as
" a godly, faithful, prudent and laborious minister of the French Church
in Canterbury." Palmer, who was most fluent in the French language,
was a constant friend and supporter of Delme throughout the period of
the schism, and occasionally preached for him in the crypt. He was
diminutive in size, and on the first occasion of his entering the pulpit
there, an old lady cried out — " Hola ! Que nous dira cest enfant icy ? "f
Philippe Delme does not appear to have published any of his writings ;
but long after his death his youngest son Jean having still some of his
father's manuscripts in his possession, certain of them were translated into
English, and edited by Rev. James Owen. % In a dedication to John
Delme he says: — " 'Tis a pity these remains of )^our excellent father
should lye buried in the dark for so long a time  'Tis you that gives
'em a happy resurrection. "§ Pastor Delme' s will is dated March 28,
* Burghmote Books, No. 4, fo. 330. f National Dictionary of Biography.
§ Agnew : French Protestant Exiles, 3rd ed., p. 86.
X The British Museum Library contains the following works : —
Hie Method of Good Preaching : being the Advice of a French Reform' d Minister to his Son. Translated
out of French into English. London, printed by J. B., & are to be sold by Andrew Bell at the Cross
Keys & Bible in Cornhill, near Stocks Market. 1701.
A Spiritual Warning for Times of War. (A sermon preached August 2, 1626, at Canterbury, upon a day of
solemn humiliation appointed by Charles I.) London 1701.
The Parable of the Sower, or the Hearers' Duty. London 1707.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 133
1653, when, as he says, he found himself "indisposed in body, but, God
be thanked, in good disposition of mind and understanding, with good
memory." He left his books to his son Elie, and among other bequests
gave ,£io to his Church. The will ended with a solemn injunction to his
wife and children to watch and guard themselves " particularly against
all sorts of heresies and schisms which Satan hath raised and raiseth."*
Madame Delme, after the death of her husband went to live with her son
Peter in London. She survived until 1672.
Philippe Delme was succeeded by Philippe le Keux, pastor of the
Church of Dover, of which he resigned the charge at midsummer 1653.
He was the third and youngest son of Jacques le Keux, whose father
Anthoine le Keux was among the earliest Walloon settlers at Canter
bury, f On the death of Delme the Ccetus endeavoured to bring about
a reunion of the divided congregation ; but the intervention was not very
favourably received by either party. The elders of the crypt replied that
Poujade's followers were a stiffnecked, obstinate people who would
endure no government but their own inclination, and had persecuted
M. Delme to the end of his life. They agreed however to submit to the
decision of a Colloquy. Crespin, on the other hand, replied: — "You
have held no Colloquy for five years, and have this very year refused to
assemble  If only a Colloquy has authority to open the gates of
Heaven to us and receive us into the Church, how many souls have been
lost by the neglect to convoke that assembly before ! "J The Colloquy
met in the following year, and succeeded in restoring union. It held
that the irregularity of Crespin's ordination did not invalidate his
ministry, and that its continuance was desirable, on account of his talents.
He must express regret and be admitted in due form, and without pre
judice to le Keux, and the separated congregation must reunite in the
old temple in the crypt, and elect a new Consistory out of the two
companies. These conditions were complied with, and the register has
the following record: — "December 22, 1654, Monsieur Theodore Crepin
was confirmed as minister of the Church by Monsieur Cisenar, minister
* Agnew : French Protestant Exiles, 3rd ed., vol. I., pp. 86-87.
f From the pastor's eldest brother Jean descended the branch of the family which included the two celebrated
engravers — the brothers John le Keux (1783-1846) and Henry le Keux (1784-1868), and a third less
famous, viz. — John Henry, son of John. Most of the illustrations for Britton's Architectural and
Cathedral Antiquities were engraved by John le Keux, and two of his fine plates in Britton's work on
Canterbury Cathedral have been reproduced for this volume.
X Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. in, 3169-3175.

134 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
of London; the said Crepin preached in the afternoon and baptized
these five children." The union lasted until the departure of Crespin,
in 1657. A further dispute then arose in the Church, the particulars of which
are set forth in a printed sheet, prepared for an appeal to the Privy
Council, and entitled " The Case concerning the Wallons of the City of
Canterbury."* From this it appears that in 1657 the old followers of
Poujade endeavoured to force the election of Paul Jannon as minister, in
opposition to the Consistory. Failing to accomplish their purpose, they
again separated from the congregation of the crypt, and, with Jannon,
began to hold services in a parish church. In 1661 the Mayor and
Aldermen of the city, by the King's orders, effected a reconciliation, and
the two congregations united, with Jannon as one of the ministers. A
few months later a fresh breach was opened by an attempt of Jannon " to
bring in one Master Stockart f a Suisser, to be another of their ministers."
Thereupon an appeal was made to the King, who referred the dispute to
the Dean and Chapter. Jannon and his party, " rather than not have
their wills of the other party," offered to adopt the liturgy of the Church of
England, and the Chapter procured a royal order for the conformist body
to be put in possession of the crypt. Le Keux and his section of the
congregation were excluded, and were obliged to hire a place in which
to hold their services. But even in this they were not unmolested; for
Jannon endeavoured to get them suppressed as fanatics and schismatics,
although they were (according to the Case) " farre the greater number,
and the most able, wealthiest and substantiallest men, and had always
been honest and loyal persons to his Majesty and his royal Father."
The exclusion of the non -conforming part of the congregation took
place in October 1661, and the Consistory then wrote to the Dutch
Church of London as follows : —
It has pleased the Lord to visit our Church by the doings of Mr. Pierre Jannon, who
has declared that he intends to embrace the Liturgy and government of the English
Church ; whereupon, through the recommendation of the Prebends of the Canterbury
Cathedral, he has obtained a letter from the King addressed to the said Prebends, directino-
that the church which we have possessed for more than eighty years should be given up to
him and the Walloons who conform to the English Church, excluding all others who will not
do the like. Hence we are deprived of the means of assembling and providing for our
poor, because the Prebends have excluded us from our usual meeting place on the very day
* Walloon Records, Canterbury.
t John Stockar was rector of St. Alphege from 1663 to Jan., 1709.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 135
that they knew of the royal letter, as we could not promise them to conform. We have
sent some deputies to consult you and our brethren of the London French Consistory as
to the best means to recover, if possible, the freedom of our public assemblies.*
Writing a fortnight later, they state that their numbers are four
times that of Jannon's followers, and that they had permission from the
deputy lieutenants of Kent to meet in any church which they could get ;
they also had the consent of some ministers and churchwardens, j" The
irregularities in the Walloon register at this period show the existence of
a disturbing cause. Some baptisms are recorded as having taken place in
the pastor's house ; others at the churches of Holy Cross and St. Martin.
The reasons assigned were: "the Church being unable to assemble," "the
Church being without a pastor," and " having then no Church
established." By the intercession of the French Church of London with Canons
Pierre du Moulin and Meric Casaubon, le Keux was permitted to preach
in the crypt on Sunday afternoons ; but Jannon appealed to the King
against this concession, and the Chapter received the royal command to
exclude the non-conformists. Le Keux, not yet beaten, went up to
London to move the other Churches in his behalf, and also sought the
aid of the Earl of Manchester and other powerful mediators. Jannon, at
the same time, supported by some of the Prebends and by the Mayor,
sought to prove that le Keux was an enemy to the King, whom he had
described as " the great traitor Stuart." It was an unfavourable moment
in which to seek royal protection for a non-conforming body of strangers,
whose own brethren had adopted the Anglican liturgy ; and the King
directed the Mayor and Magistrates to take action against the ejected
congregation. The latter were represented by counsel, who recited the
royal favours which had been granted to the Church, and urged that the
existing Parliament had expressly provided that the penalties of the " late
elaborate Act for Uniformity " should not extend to the foreign Reformed
Churches. He maintained that deception had been practised by Jannon
in order to procure the King's order for exclusion of le Keux ; and he
quoted authorities to show that " under the most transcendently excellent
laws of this realm, if the King has been deceived by fraud or false
suggestions, his grant, or avoidance of grant, made by reason thereof,
might be declared void." In support of his pleas, counsel put in a
certificate of the pastors and elders of the French Church of London, the
* HESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. ill, 3558. t Ibid., 3561.

136 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
civic agreement of 1575, and a certificate of the Mayor and gentry in
1662. The conformity of Jannon's party was dealt with as follows : —
" How untrue the informacon menconed in his Majesties said Letter, that Mr. Jannon
and with him 500 communicants declared that they voluntary ly and freely submitted to the
government of the Church of England and imbraced the Liturgie thereof is notorious, for
first as to the number of Communicants they were not fifty, and wee are 600 and upwards ;
and as to voluntariness and freenes thereof, it was upon an expectacon at the least, if not
an agreement, for a Pencon from the Prebends of Canterbury or some of them ; and either
Mr. Jannon or one of his party hath already said that if the Pencon is not paid they will
leave."* The Recorder (Sir Thomas Peyton) seems to have been impressed by
the arguments in favour of the congregation, and it was probably due to
him that the case was again referred to the Privy Council. On November 5,
1662, that body directed the Solicitor-General (Sir Heneage Finch),
with the assistance of the Recorder, to hold an inquiry, and examine both
parties. This was immediately done, with a result entirely favourable to
the original congregation, who were re-instatcd in the crypt. They
secured a confirmation of their ancient privileges by an Order of the
King in Council, dated November 14, 1662.
The Order recited the steps taken to reconcile the disputing sections
of the congregation, and set forth the heads of the agreement under
which a reunion was to take place. All differences were to be set aside
and forgotten, the rival parties to reunite in one congregation, in their
usual place of meeting, and to enjoy their accustomed rites and discipline,
the Church being recognised as one of the foreign Churches exempted
from the Act of Uniformity. A new minister was to be elected and pre
sented in the regular manner, and the decision of the Colloquy would be
final. It was stipulated that no minister or member should be allowed to
speak in contempt of the liturgy of the Church of England. The con
gregation were to continue to support their own poor, but were not to be
taxed for the English poor. Finally the Order declared the King's
confirmation of the renewal of privileges, and required all persons to obey
the several injunctions. f This Order in Council has never since been
annulled or disputed, and remains, in effect, the charter under which the
French Church still continues to occupy a part of the crypt. It was a
confirmation of ancient concessions, expressed in a document of un
doubted validity ; and its significance was enhanced by the fact of its
* Walloon Records, Canterbury. f Appendix, xix.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 137
reversing the recent action of the Chapter, in the exclusion of the non
conforming congregation, although that action had been taken under the
King's direct command.
Both pastors now retired, in compliance with the provisions of the
Order; and Jannon became, in 1664, rector of St. Pierre-Port, in the
island of Guernsey. For a short time ministers of the French Church of
London conducted the services, among them Pastors Primerose, Herault
and Felles. Some difficulty arose in finding a suitable minister for the
Church, the elders and deacons having applied without success to the
Walloon Synod of Breda. Unable to obtain a pastor from the Nether
lands or from France, they at last selected one who was near at hand, in
the person of Elie Paul D'Arande,* son of Elie D'Arande, minister of
the Walloon Church at Southampton (1619-1633), previously minister of
the Huguenot Church at Claye in Picardy.f The D'Arandes are sup
posed to have fled from the Netherlands during the Alvan persecution,
and to have been of Spanish descent. Elie D'Arande or D'Aranda
married Elizabeth Bonhomme, and their son Elie Paul, born January 6th,
1625, was baptized at Southampton January 9th. He received his early
training in his father's Church ; but joining the Anglican communion,
he entered at Oxford, took the M.A. degree, and became Fellow of
Pembroke College. After taking orders he first served as curate at
Petworth under Dr. Cheynel, next at Patcham, and finally at Mayfield.
From the last-named charge, says Calamy, " he was ejected by the
Bartholomew Act, and was afterwards minister of the French Church in
Canterbury. He was of considerable accomplishments, a valuable
preacher, and of a very agreeable conversation. "J He was twice married.
The children of the first wife were Paul, born 1652, and Elizabeth, born
April ist, 1664, baptized in the crypt April 10th. The second wife was
Frances, daughter of Benjamin Pickering of West Hoadley, Sussex. §
Their son Benjamin, born January 2, 1667, was baptized at Canterbury
January 24th. There appears to have been some doubt whether M.
D'Arande could lawfully be appointed to the ministry of the crypt, as he
* Appendix, XX. fScHlCKLER : Les Eglises du Refuge en Angleterre, vol. I., p. 423.
JCalamy : An Account of the Ministers, Lecturers, Masters and Fellows of Colleges and Scholars who were
Ejected or Silenced after the Restoration in 1660, by or before the Act for Uniformity. (London 1713)
vol. 11., p. 683.
§Their promise of marriage is recorded in the book of espousals February 25, 1666, but there is no record in
the Walloon register of the marriage taking place in the crypt. Paul D'Aranda, the son of the first wife
became a successful Turkey merchant in London, where he died in 1712.

138 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
had acted with one of the parties in the late division ; but it was resolved
by mutual consent to overlook the article of the agreement of reunion
which vetoed such a selection. The Consistory, enlarged by the heads
of families, met on April 2, 1663, and proceeded to the election. The
new pastor attended a meeting of the Consistory and deputies on April 7th,
and, having accepted the vocation, preached on the following Sunda)'.
Letters were received from the Churches of London, Norwich, Dover,
Southampton, Sandtoft and Thorney Abbey approving the appointment,
and undertaking to ratify it in the next Colloquy. One of the earliest
duties of Pastor D'Arande was to urge the congregation to liberality in
a special collection for the extinction of the amalgamated debts of the
two united sections.
In or before 1666 a second minister was appointed, Vital de Lon
(Delon), who is first named in the register of baptisms on January 20,
1667. He was married in the temple of Guines, September 22, 1669,
to Sarah Doye (d'Hoy) a member of one of the leading Protestant
families of the place. Their son Pierre was baptized in the same temple
October 26, 1670.* Pastor D'Arande died at Canterbury August 17,
1669, and a few months afterwards Arnaud Boucherie was elected as a
pastor in the crypt (January 2^, 1670). At this period the prosperity of
the Walloon community continually decreased, owing to bad trade, and
the constant arrival of destitute refugees from France added seriously to
the difficulties of the Church. In 1680 the Consistory held a special
meeting to consider the arrears of the funds, and it was resolved " to
represent to the pastors the great poverty in their midst and beg them
to accept sixty pounds per annum as stipend until more could be
provided." f
During the ministry of M. de Lon an attempt was again made by
the Ecclesiastical Court of Canterbury to interfere with the ancient
privileges of the Walloon Church. The case is set forth in a petition to
the King (1676), in which it is stated : —
" Marriage is a rite ecclesiastical by & amongst them alwais used, after 3 publications
in the Church to be married by theire Minister, and they where neaver disturbed theirein
for themselves or theire children though borne in England till about the yeare 1637 it was
indeavoured to exempt the 2 & 3 desent of forrin strangers, but after your petitioners had
humbly represented the case as above they where againe permitted to Enjoy theire said rits
for them and theire descendants till January last.
* Registers of the Church at Guisnes, 1668-1685 ¦' Huguenot Society's Publications.
t Actes du Consistoire, Dec. 2, 1680.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 139
That since January last John Six and Marie le houcq Members of the said Congregation
descended of Walloone parents, brought up in the Walloone thoungue, after their Publica
tions in the Wallone Congregation were publiquely married in the Wallone Church by Mr.
Delon, one of theire Ministers according to the rite of the said Church, and neauerthelesse
the said John Six and Mary his wife are therefore ex communicated by the Consistory Court
of canterb. as for a clandestine marriage, and the said Mr. Delon is therefore suspended his
ministrie by order of the said Court contrary to the said Royall grants and indulgences."*
The circumstances of this case are more fully related in some corres
pondence contained in the Tanner MSS.f Dr. Bouchier, the Vicar-
General, writing May 25, 1676,$ explains his action. He says that he
heard of the marriage in the Walloon congregation ; and, as John Six and
his wife were native-born, and their banns had not been published in their
parish churches, he summoned them and their ministers to his Court. The
parties put in a plea that their marriage was lawful, and in accordance
with the privileges granted to their Church; he therefore demanded proof
as to the said privileges, and cited the defendants to appear in a month's
time. On the date named, John Six merely said that he dared not disobey
the orders of the congregation. His marriage was therefore declared
clandestine and the parties were excommunicated ; M. Delon, who had
failed to attend, was suspended for contempt, in order that —
" it might appeare to him and the rest that they are yet subject to the jurisdixion of that
Church : For if it be sufficient for them to amuse us with generall talke of Priuiledges
without shewing any thing in particular, they may doe what they please without comptrole,
trye causes, proue wills, &c. And this case of Delon's will be a president for yeilding noe
obedience at all to the jurisdiction of the Church."
A second letter, written by a Mr. Dubois, replies to the allegations
of Dr. Bouchier. In answer to a statement that many Walloons had
been married by licence in the English Church, he says that those cases
consisted of " such as voluntarily fall off from their Church by having
theyr concernes and trade more naturalized amongst the English, or such
as do itt without aprobacion or consent of their parents or friends." He
adds that in consequence of this " marying and mixing in Trade and
Comerce," and becoming members of the Church of England, the
numbers of the Walloon congregation were less than they were twenty
or thirty years before. The result of the appeal to the Privy Council was
altogether favourable to the Church of the Crypt. In a letter dated Croydon,
June 3, 1676, " R.S.," a Chaplain or Secretary of Archbishop Sheldon,
*Walloon Records, Canterbury. fBodleian Library, Oxford.
JTo Dr. Robert Thompson, Doctors' Commons.

140 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
informs Monsieur du Bois that his Grace had directed "Mr. Hirst the
Register" to immediately release John Six and his wife and Mr. Delon
from any censure laid upon them, and to do so without expense to them.
In the letter to the Registrar " R.S." says that the petition to the
Council caused some noise and was referred to the Archbishop.* The
existing Walloon register has no entries of marriages for the year 1676,
but the marriage of John Six and Mary le Hook is recorded in the
register of St. Peter' s,f January 27, without any intimation that it took
place in the crypt. Arnould Bouchery died July 3, 1685 ; Vital de Lon
on December 28, 1686.
During the period covered by this chapter the Walloon congregation
were engaged in disputes and litigation with the English authorities.
At their first settling in the city the strangers were required to maintain
their own poor, and were exempted from payment for the English poor —
a fair compromise between privileges and obligations, which was observed
on either side without demur for more than half a century. By that
time the lines of demarcation between the two communities had become
less sharply defined. A second and a third generation, born in the
home of exile, had learned to use the English tongue, had begun to inter
marry with their English neighbours, and finally had been brought by
Laud's Injunction within the pale of the English Church. In one respect
the effect of the Injunction was lasting and disastrous for the settlers.
The Walloons of the second and third generations mostly evaded con
formity ; but they could not so easily resist the demands of the parish
officers. It was in vain that the members of the congregation pleaded
immunities, the overseers pursued them in the courts for their cesses, and
the magistrates sided with the officials. A document dated 1636 states
the reasons for which the Walloons claimed exemption : They had never
been so taxed before ; they supported their own poor, at a cost of thirty
pounds per month and even more in time of pestilence ; they paid the
extraordinary levies, taxes for the King's ships, and for the musters. In
the small parish of Holy Cross, in which the demands were first made
upon them, there were twenty-five poor householders with fifty children
who were a charge upon them, and 150 poor English were employed by
them in spinning.]:
'Tanner MSS., 92, fo. 152.
flhe Booke of Register of the Parish of St. Peter in Canterbury, edited by Joseph Meadows Cowper, Canter
bury, 1888. + Appendix, XXI.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 141
The overseers urged that the immunity claimed by the Walloons
was set aside by the provision of 43 Elizabeth, c. ii., that " every inhabit
ant or occupier of houses shall be taxed towards the relief of the poor of
the parish where they live." The strangers resisted with varying success
until 1647, when the Court of Sessions ordered that they should pay " in
respect of their houses only and not for or in respect of their personal
estate."* The Sessions held in April, 1655, decided that the Walloons
must pay by-cesses as well as the regular cesses. They appealed against
the decision to the Sessions held in August following, and it was then
arranged that the magistrates and the representatives of the congregation
should confer upon the whole matter and state a case for the next Court.
In a petition to the Mayor and Aldermen about this time the Walloon
Congregation set forth the hardship of their case, and pleaded that, with
a much diminished trade, and an increased number of poor to maintain,
they could not bear the additional imposition for the English poor. f They
also suggested that a compromise should be agreed to, as follows : — The
Walloons to be assessed for only one half of the rents of their houses, and
not at all for their personal estate ; no house occupied by them at a
rental of three pounds or under to be rated for the Poor.J The case was
ultimately decided at the Sessions held on April 10, 1656, when an
order was made that all occupiers of houses and lands within the city,
whether English or strangers, should be equitably assessed according to
their respective rentals ; the English to be further assessed for their
personal estate. t In 1663 the question, being still in dispute, was
referred to the Judges who visited Canterbury on a special Commission.
The counsel for the Walloons argued that their obligation under the Act
of Elizabeth was fully covered by their support of their own poor. He
stated that they gave employment to six or seven hundred English poor,
whereas the English employed few or none of their congregation. They
were still treated as strangers and aliens and debarred from the privileges
of citizens. In reply to a charge that they occupied many of the great
houses which would otherwise be taxed for the English poor, he replied
that they occupied fewer than in former times, and those were houses
long held by Walloons, and which had never been taxed for the poor
" until the late disorderly, usurping, and confounding times." The Judges
of the Assize recommended a friendly composition of the dispute, and in
* Walloon Records, Canterbury. t Ibid.
X Appendix, XXII.

142 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
March, 1664, negotiations were still in progress between the city
authorities and the congregation. In May, 1667, the elders writing to
their counsel (Mr. Denne), as to the action taken by the parish officials,
say : —
" They have in severall parishes made their sesses according to their ould forme, and
would not abat anney thing of it, not valloweing the order of sessions at all. Besides the
Mayer has confirmed their sesses and put his hands to them, and they come vppon us for
the monney with more egernes then formerly. Sir we ar desired by the Ministers Elders
and deacons of the Congregation to acquaint you with it that you will be pleased to give us
a word of advice how wee shall order ourselves in this case. Alsoe thay desier you if you
think it convenient to speake to the Recorder about it, it will not be amis, and to give him
a fee vppon the same account if you judge that will doe us a kindness."*
Soon after this (June, 1677) the churchwardens and overseers of St.
Alphege parish obtained a warrant from the Justices for the arrest of nine
Walloon householders who had refused payment of sums ranging from
is. 6d. to 4s. 6d.
After a long struggle the strangers were obliged to yield as to the
payment of the cesses ; and upon their submission the parish officials
discovered a further burden to impose upon them. The overseers of
Holy Cross parish endeavoured to compel the congregation to maintain
the deserted child of a French papist who had never been a member of
their Church. The attempt was manifestly unfair, and the elders resisted
it, at first unsuccessfully at the quarter-sessions, but successfully upon
appeal to the assizes. Their counsel then stated that in less than five
years they had spent over eighteen-hundred pounds in relief of their own
poor; that they had also paid all charges for English ministers and
all monthly cesses for the English poor ; that they were then employing
nearly a thousand English men, women and children in their manu
factures ; that they bore arms and served as councillors, borsholders,
churchwardens, and collectors for the city ; but that when they had
sought the freedom of citizens they had been refused, f
* Walloon Records, Canterbury. f Ibid.

CHAP. XIII.
The Revocation of the Edict of Nantes : The Huguenot Exodus.
Canterbury which in the sixteenth century had given shelter to the
victims of the Netherland Terror was also to be associated with the
Huguenot exodus, which under Louis XIV drained France of her best
blood. By the edict of Nantes in 1598 Henry IV had granted toleration,
if not freedom of worship, to his Protestant subjects, and put an end for
his time to the fratricidal strife which had desolated the kingdom. In
the reign of Louis XIII the wars of religion broke out afresh ; but the
triumphant policy of Richelieu brought the military history of French
Protestantism to an end. The serious Huguenots, turning to the profit
able pursuits of industry, engaged in occupations which enriched
themselves and their country. Their skill in manufactures gave pros
perity to the towns, and their labour revived an almost-ruined agriculture.
During this period of tranquil progress Protestantism spread so widely
among the French people that nearly a fourth of the population adopted
or favoured the reformed faith.
But gradually the conditions changed. The old leaders passed away;
some of the Huguenot nobles followed the example of the great Henry,
and many of the gentry found their profit in adopting the religion of the
Court as a passport to royal favour. Throughout a long period many
insidious influences were at work ; and when Louis XIV determined to
root out the Protestant heresy he had to deal, not with militant com-

144 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
munities organized and armed for defence or attack, but with isolated
congregations of peaceful people who were mostly artizans, traders and
labourers. After the year 1661 persecution became general and systematic. The
provisions of the edict of Nantes were set at nought ; many of the
Protestant temples were closed ; where still left open vexatious and
insulting regulations were enforced ; it was made unlawful for Huguenots
to meet for worship in the open air, or to sing psalms in their own
homes ; they could not even bury their dead by light of day ; one after
another of their privileges as citizens and their rights as parents were taken
from them. These outrages on conscience and humanity were the
beginnings of the King's scheme of forced conversions. Edict followed
edict with bewildering rapidity, each forging new fetters for the un
fortunate people whose faith had been declared a crime. For twenty
years these methods of intimidation and repression were employed
throughout France, and still the proscribed religion lived on in the hearts
of people whose patient endurance became a mockery and a proverb.
Then, at last, the King, yielding to the persuasion of de Maintenon
and her Jesuit instructors "began to think seriously of his own and his
people's salvation,"* and consented to employ for the conversion of
France the abominable agency of a brutal soldiery. The " mission " of
the dragonnades carried unutterable terrors into Huguenot homes, and
even then the Reformation survived. Its death-blow was only given in
October 1685 by the revocation of the edict of Nantes, and the absolute
suppression of "the Religion" throughout the kingdom. The Huguenot
became liable to imprisonment ; his property was confiscated ; his children
were taken from him to be trained in the faith which he abhorred ; his
neighbours were bribed to spy upon and betray him ; the priest was
empowered to force a way to his sick bed and trouble his last hours; death
itself did not stay the hand of the persecutor. The Protestant pastors were
banished from the kingdom. If they remained to sustain in secret the
faith of their people they were liable to be sent to the galleys for life.
The Huguenot exodus had begun long before the year 1685 ; for
many fled while it was still possible to leave the country without peril to
life or liberty. Edicts were issued forbidding emigration, and war-
vessels were placed around the coasts to arrest fugitives ; but every tide
*Savile Correspondence, quoted by Poole, in Huguenots of the Dispersion, p. 24.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 145
carried escaping Protestants out of France. Most of those who took
refuge in England came from Artois, Picardy and Normandy, and those
who settled at Canterbury came chiefly from Calais and the district
around it — the pays reconquis recovered from England in the reign of
Queen Mary, and since then largely repeopled by Protestants from the
neighbouring Spanish Netherlands. The Vidame de Chartres, when
Governor of Calais, favoured and actively encouraged the settlement of
the refugees of the reformed faith within the limits of his jurisdiction, and
an immigration of Walloons took place. Many of these Walloons of the
Calaisis had relations and friends at Canterbury, who had crossed the
channel during the first half of the century, and it was natural that they
should direct their flight to the same place of refuge when they became
the victims of a new persecution.
Although the edict of Nantes gave a sanction to the reformed faith,
it only permitted Protestant public worship to be held in places where it
had already been established. Under this restriction the people had often
to go a long way from their homes in order to enjoy the ordinances of
their religion. In the early part of the seventeenth century the large and
scattered Protestant population of Artois and Picardy within twenty miles
from Calais were only allowed to have two places of public worship, the
temples at Guines and Marck. The latter was destroyed in 1641 when a
Spanish force set fire to the village, and from that time the temple at Guines
was the only Protestant church permitted within the area which has been
indicated. One of the ministers resided in the town of Calais; but his
people were compelled to go to Guines for public worship, baptism and
marriage. Guines, which is now only a large village, was at the time of the
Revocation a populous and flourishing town. Half its inhabitants were
Protestants, and its famous temple was the chief centre of the reformed
religion in the north of France. The historian of Calais* says : —
" Guines was at that time the Geneva, not only of the country around, but also of the
Boulonnais, Artois, Flanders, and part of Picardy. The temple was neither prominent nor
splendid in construction ; but it was spacious, and by means of galleries, in which the
females were placed, it could hold more than three thousand persons."
A more recent writer on the history of the district around Calais
deplores the losses which Louis XIV brought upon the nation by the cruel
*Pigault de 1'Epinoy : MS. History in the Archives pi Calais. S

146 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
and disastrous policy which drove so many thousands of Protestants out
of France : — " In Guines ruined by the revocation of the edict of Nantes,
we may see the frightful void caused by the departure of that courageous
and intelligent people who were the glory of the seventeenth century."*
The archives of the town contain evidence of the calamity which befel it
in 1685. A mhnoire dated 1787 states that after the Revocation there
remained in the place so few persons of importance that it became
impossible to fill up the offices of the municipality.
Much larger numbers of worshippers than the temple could contain
sometimes assembled in the town on special occasions. White Kennett
(afterwards Bishop of Peterboro'), who visited Guines in 1682, says that
the Protestants had been accustomed to go to the services in boats from
Calais, singing psalms on their way, until that had been forbidden. He
describes the temple as " in the form of a trapeze with double columns
round." The first building was probably erected a few years before the
close of the sixteenth century, the later temple about 1625. There
were usually two ministers.
In their flight to the English shore most of the Huguenot fugitives
passed through Calais as the chief gate of northern France; and as early
as 1673 the deputies of its Church represented to the National Synod the
heavy burden which was laid upon them by the great number of
emigrants to whom they had to furnish shelter and assistance. And this
burden continued to increase, notwithstanding the edicts which imposed
the penalty of the galleys on those who attempted to escape and on
those who gave them aid. After the edict of the Revocation, the long-
suffering Huguenots had either to abjure their religion or, at all costs
and risks, to leave France for a place of refuge. Two thousand seven
hundred were officially reported to have emigrated from the district of
Calais. Their lands, houses and goods were in most cases confiscated,
and their personal sacrifices and sufferings were so great, with greater
dangers threatening, that it is marvellous how few remained to purchase
safety by a false conversion. Of these the majority who recanted were
aged and infirm persons, women and children.!
A comparison of the register of the temple at Guines with that of
the Church of the Crypt shows the large proportion of the fugitives from
* Landrin : Tablettes Historiques des Calaisis, vol. I, p. 15.
t Ibid., vol. I., p. 13.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 147
the country around Calais who settled in Canterbury. Friendly com
munications had long been maintained between the two Churches, and
now the last of the Protestant pastors at Guines, Pierre TrouiUart, who
was driven from his Church and home by the Revocation, became a
pastor of the crypt. He was a son of Pierre TrouiUart, a learned divine
of the French Reformed Church, a native and student of Sedan. In
the Protestant Academy of that town the elder TrouiUart had taken his
Doctor's degree under Pierre du Moulin, the future Canon of Canterbury.
After serving as pastor in several Huguenot Churches he returned to
Sedan as Professor of Divinity, and there became distinguished by his
learning. His two sons also became Protestant ministers. Pierre was
associated, in 1673, with Jacques de Prez in the pastorate at Guines, and
became allied to his colleague by his marriage on August 25, 1675. The
Guines register records on that date the benediction of the marriage of
Pierre TrouiUart, aged 29, (son of Pierre TrouiUart, minister of the
Church of Roucy, and of the late Marie Fillette his wife), native of
la Ferte Vidam, and resident at Guines, with Suzanne Regnier fansse,
aged 25 (daughter of the late Pierre Regnier Jansse, Ingenieur du Roy,
and of the late Sara Pilart), native of Calais and resident there. Jacques
de Prez, brother-in-law of the bride and Philippe TrouiUart, brother of
the bridegroom, assisted at the marriage. Philippe TrouiUart, who was
pastor at Oisemont, obtained the King's permission, in March 1685,
to retire from France without confiscation of his property. Crossing the
Atlantic with a number of French Protestants, who settled in South
Carolina, he became the first pastor of the refugee Church established at
or near Charleston.
Pierre TrouiUart continued his ministry at Guines from 1673 to
1 685 ; and five of his children were baptized in the temple there, the
others at Canterbury.* He saw the suppression of his ministry and the
* The following were baptized at Guines : —
Pierre, August 1676; died September 1681.
Philippe, November 1678.
Robert Jaques, March 1680.
Simon Pierre, March 1682.
Esther Suzanne, January 1684.
The following were baptized at Canterbury : —
Daniel, September 18, 1687 ; died August 8, 1692.
Judith Suzanne, March 28, 1689. (Canon Maximilian de l'Angle was a godfather).
Guillaume, February 8, 1 69 1.
Pierre, April 17, 1692.
Pierre, October 8, 1693.
Pierre, March, 3, 1695.

148 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
closing of his church in June 1685 ; but remained at Guines a few months
longer. In November following, the Cure of Guines was in possession
of the fugitive pastor's home, and executed a lease of the premises,
" situated at the corner of the market-place, consisting of house, court,
stable, garden, &c, which were occupied by the Sieur TrouiUart, minister
of the Pretended Reformed Church, the last possessor of the said places,
who has quitted the same for nearly a month."* In July 1686 the
temple was demolished, in obedience to the edict of the previous )'pear.
Its stones and timber served to build a new aisle to the parish church of
Guines. The name " Rue du Temple " still indicates the street in which
it formerly stood.
The Church of Guines received a significant warning of its fate two
years before its doors were finally closed. On Sunday, July n, 1683,
the Intendant General of Picardy and Artois, representing the King,
and certain high ecclesiastics on behalf of the Bishop of Boulogne, attended
in official state to make known to the ministers and elders the royal
mandate for the conversion of heretics. The congregation had as
sembled in the temple, but the pastors and some of the elders received
the King's officer and those who accompanied him, in the Consistory.
The Intendant made known the purpose of his mission, and Pastor
TrouiUart replied in words which were worthy of his office and of the
occasion. He first expressed the dutiful submission of himself and his
people to the King's authority, and their respect for the Bishop of the
diocese — " for difference of religion would not prevent them from
esteeming an opponent who was illustrious by his merit." They would
listen, as required, to the pastoral of the Assembly of Bishops, but
prayed that the King would not demand more from them. " His
Majesty," he said, " is the master of our fortunes and our possessions,
and even our life, which we would joyfully sacrifice in his service and for
the good of the State .... But so wise and august a sovereign is not
ignorant that God whom we all adore, and by whom kings reign, has
reserved the empire of conscience to Himself alone. Therefore we cannot
but trust that he will preserve to us and our children the precious liberty
to serve God according to our conscience, so that, faithfully rendering
unto Caesar the things that are Caesar's, we may under his protection
also peacefully render to God what is due to Him, the profession of
•Landrin : Tablettes Historiques des Calaisis, III., p. 99.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 149
the religion which we believe and in which we hope to die."* The
Intendant, on the conclusion of the pastor's speech, distributed copies of
the Avertissenient pastoral to the people within the temple and in the
streets. There could be no misunderstanding of the ecclesiastical appeal
to " brothers wandering in the solitude of error," when they were warned
that, if they refused to be won back to the true fold by prayers and
entreaties, " they must expect misfortunes incalculably more fearful and
fatal than those which they had already obtained by their rebellion and
schism." On leaving Guines Pierre TrouiUart took refuge in Holland. In
March 1686 he was elected pastor of Cadsand in Zealand, and was
installed in his office by Samuel Georges, another Huguenot refugee. In
the spring of 1687 he passed into England, and rejoined at Canterbury
many of his dispersed flock. He was elected minister of the Church of
the Crypt in April of the same year, probably in succession to Vital de
Lon. The register contains the following record: — "The ist of May
1687 Monsr TrouiUart preached his first sermon, having returned from
Holland with all his family." He continued at Canterbury for twelve
years, a similar period to that of his pastorate at Guines.
Pierre TrouiUart had as a colleague at Canterbury another French
minister who had been driven into exile by the Revocation. This was
Paul Georges, who had been pastor of the Church of Oisemont, which
Florent-Philippe TrouiUart had also served. The Protestants of Oisemont
worshipped in the temple of Cannessieres, which was situated in the
vicinity of their town ; but in 1664 Louis XIV sent into Picardy Com
missioners before whom the Bishop of Amiens demanded the suppression
of this temple and that of Saluel, near Amiens. The pastor of Saluel,
Samuel Georges, was a brother of the pastor of Oisemont. Paul
Georges appeared before the Commissioners and valiantly defended the
legal status of the Churches under the edict of Nantes. The tribunal,
being divided in opinion, referred the decision to the King, who ordered
both temples to be closed and destroyed. The demolition was speedily
carried out; and the Protestants of Amiens and Oisemont, with the
entire south of Picardy, were suddenly deprived of the privilege of
public worship, their ministers being forbidden under heavy penalties
to hold assemblies in any unauthorized place. In this crisis the two
*Proces-verbal of Intendant le Tonnelier-Breteuil in the National Archives, quoted by V. J. Vaillant in La
Revocation de I'Edit de Nantes dans le Boulonnais, pp. 19-25.

150 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
brothers Paul and Samuel Georges remained with noble courage to
watch over and comfort their flocks. Advantage was taken of a right
possessed by lords of manors to hold religious services in their houses ;
and two Huguenot gentlemen permitted the suppressed congregations to
meet in their chateaux. The Protestants of Oisemont assembled in the
chateau of Jacques Routier, Sieur de Bernapre, whose sister had been
married to Paul Georges. The room was small, and it was necessary to
hold two or three services in succession, part of the congregation waiting
their turn in the court. It is recorded that on the eve of the destruction
of his temple at Cannessieres, Paul Georges assembled his people for the
last time, and preached earnestly to them from the text — " I will smite
the shepherd and the sheep shall be scattered" (Matt. 26, 31), while he
exhorted them earnestly to continue faithful under the persecution to
which they were exposed. It is uncertain how long Paul Georges con
tinued his ministry at Oisemont, but he probably remained in Picardy
until 1685 ; for on February 20th in that year he performed the rite of
baptism for the Church of Amiens, the last recorded in its register. Soon
afterward he took refuge at Canterbury, confiding his property in France
to the Sieur de Bernapre. On the death of the latter, many years later,
a papist member of the family entered a suit of confiscation against the
estate, and during the process Paul George's daughter preferred a claim
to recover her father's property; but being of the proscribed faith, and
living out of France, she failed to establish her right. A brother of
Madame Paul Georges — Charles Routier of Bernapre — came to Canter
bury, and his death there is recorded in the Walloon register on
August 14, 1689. Samuel Georges served the Church of Amiens for
some years, and subsequently that of Vitry-le-Francois. There his zeal
in preaching drew upon him the attention of the persecutors, and he only
escaped capture by making a hurried flight into Holland. His daughter,
who was left behind, was forced into a convent and detained there for
eight years. The father and child never again met, for the fugitive
minister died at Vortburg in 1687.
Burn, in his list of pastors of the crypt,* fixes the beginning of the
ministry of Paul Georges in 1630, and Martin"]" mentions two pastors of
that name, viz. — Paul Georges, 163 1 -1636, and Paul Georges, junior,
1 648- 1 690. These dates are undoubtedly wrong ; there is no mention of
* History of the Foreign Protestant Refugees, p. 45.
^Christian Firmness of the Huguenots, p. 104.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 151
Paul Georges as minister at Canterbury before 1686, but in December
1685 his son "Paul Gorge, Estudian en theologie" was sponsor at a
baptism in the crypt. This son died April 19, 1687, and on March 15,
1690, the register records the death of the father : — " Monsr Paul Gorge
our faithful pastor having served our Church 4^ years."*
The exodus from France continued throughout the period of the
ministry of Georges and TrouiUart at Canterbury; and the city had
abundant evidence of the terrible possibilities of religious bigotry.
Many of the strangers whom persecution had driven hither for
shelter had to tell of extraordinary sufferings endured and perils
encountered in making their escape. The English citizens were not
likely to undervalue their Protestant liberty when they witnessed, in the
early spring of 1688, a sad procession pass through their streets of nearly a
hundred poor Huguenot fugitives, who had been driven from the prisons
of Normandy to the port of Dieppe, crowded into a small vessel of forty-
tons burthen, and, after a day and night in the Channel, landed at Dover
homeless and helpless. On the morrow of their arrival they reached
Canterbury as the first stage on their painful journey to London. f
Among the Huguenots from Calais who settled in Canterbury were
members of the family of Minet, and one of their kindred, Isaac Minet,
who escaped to England in 1686 has left a graphic narrative of the
difficulties and dangers of the emigration. When the dragoons were
sent to Calais to promote the conversion of heretics Isaac Minet and
his mother escaped from their home, in which a guard had been placed.
They hid in the garret of a Dutch Protestant, and while there heard a
proclamation by roll of drum, offering a reward for their discovery, and
denouncing under a heavy penalty anyone who harboured them. They
then tried to escape from the town in disguise, and separated in order to
pass out more easily to a place where they had arranged to embark.
The mother was recognised at the gate and cast into prison ; the son
escaped and took refuge with a friendly sluice-keeper some distance from
the town. While there he was betrayed, and saw a party of soldiers
coming to the place to arrest him. He hid in a garret beneath some hay,
but the soldiers, thrusting their swords into the covert, discovered him,
*Burn appears to have misread this as 41-2 years. The error does not account for his supposing the ministry
of Paul Georges to have begun in 1630, but it probably led Martin to fix the date of Paul Georges the
younger at 1648.
t The Story of John Perigal of Dieppe. Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. II., p. 47.

152 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
and led him away to the prison, in which many other Huguenots were
thrust. Among them was Lieutenant Samuel d'Hoy, 70 years of age,
who was kept for six weeks in a dungeon under ground. The cruelties
endured by the prisoners at length induced many of them to yield to the
pressure put on them to abjure. They were taken to the Cathedral,
where, shedding tears over their sad fate and protesting that their con
science forbade them to recant, they were persuaded to do so in order to
save their lives, and to regain their liberty. Waiting their opportunity,
and with great peril, Isaac Minet, his mother, and others at length
escaped in an open boat and landed safely at Dover, where they were
received with joy by their relatives who had previously taken refuge there.
Isaac Minet settled at Dover and prospered in business. His companion
in prison, Samuel d'Hoy, who had been among the number of the forced
converts, soon after repented of his act, and died an avowed Protestant in
September 1686. The vengeance of the Church and the King was
satisfied upon his dead body, which was taken from the grave, placed
naked upon hurdles, and dragged by the hangman through the streets of
the town as a warning to converts that they might not even dare to obey
the voice of conscience on the threshold of eternity.*
*RossiER : Histoire des Protestants de Picardie ; and Huguenot Society's Proceedings, vol. II., p. 438.

CHAP. XIV.
The Church of the Crypt at the close of the Seventeenth Century.
The increase in the foreign community at Canterbury resulting from
the revocation of the edict of Nantes was large, and the registers of the
Church in the last decade of the seventeenth century show, by the names
of persons and places, how considerably the French element in the con
gregation was extended. For some years up to 16^5 the average
number of baptisms had been 77. In the following years the baptisms
were 95, 88, 120, 116 and 128, the largest in any year since 1592. The
difference between the numbers in 1685 and 1690 indicates an increase
to the extent of two-thirds of the congregation at the earlier date ;
and, as many of the new-comers in the first half of the century had been
French, the original proportions in respect to nationality of the members
were reversed, the French now predominating over the Walloons
By the death of Paul Georges in March 1689 the sole charge of the
great congregation, which once more filled the spacious area of Ernult's
Crypt to its utmost capacity, fell upon Pierre TrouiUart. In the following
year, however, he was given a colleague by the election of Jacob le
Bailly, whose signature first appears in the accounts in April 1690, and
who continued to serve the Church during rather more than eight years.
It was a period of much anxiety and difficulty for the deacons. Many
of the recent fugitives from France landed on the English shore with little

154 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
more than the garments they were wearing at the time of their flight.
Few had been able to dispose of their property or save more than a mere
fraction of it from the general wreck ; and a large proportion of the
refugees reached Canterbury penniless, feeble from privation and
exposure, and sick at heart from the misfortunes which had befallen them.
They met with a fraternal welcome from those whose fathers had come
in a similar plight a century earlier ; but their arrival added a heavy load
to the burden of the Church. The evidence of this is plainly to be read
in the deacons' accounts for the period, of which a volume commencing
October 1686 is still preserved. In May 1687 a new division of expend
iture appears month by month under the heading "Les Francais," which
contains the names of the newly-arrived French refugees, with the
amounts given to them in money ; in bread or clothing ; in medicines for
the sick; in coffins, shrouds and burial for the dead ; or in doles to those
who were passing on to other places, some in the direction of London,
some from the Kentish ports into Holland. The first list is short, the
total outlay amounting to only £3 18s. 2d. ; but it includes items of 5s.
spent on "two sick unto death," and us. for three burials. The
subsequent lists contain entries of a similar character, and gradually
become longer. In the autumn months of that year the average number
relieved rose to about twenty-five persons (some with wives and children)
at a cost of from five to six pounds. But during the winter the lists were
swollen by the arrival of larger numbers, and by the greater distress of
those who had previously come. From January to April 1688 the
monthly lists of the poor French included 62, 65, 88 and 87 names, and
the expenditure rose from ^13 us. 8d. to £23 15s. od. The ordinary
resources of the Church were insufficient to meet these large demands,
for there had previously been much poverty and sickness among the
members. Fortunately, help came to them in the hour of extremest need.
In April 1688 a legacy of £52 10s. od. was paid to the deacons by the
executors of Mr. Pierre Delme, son of the former pastor, and in May
they received a sum of ^74 16s. 5d. "by order of the Committee of
London for the poor refugees from France." These funds were absorbed
in the payment of advances which had been made to cover the heavy out
lay of the preceding winter. In the following year the separate account
of expenditure for the French was discontinued, but it was resumed at the
beginning of the winter of 169 1, when the monthly outlay averaged about
^13. In February 1692 the deacons acknowledged the receipt of a secret

HLGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 155
gift of ^"30 from a friend in London, and ^50 received from the Arch
bishop of Canterbury ; but the latter sum appears to have come from the
fund of the Committee for the French refugees. A second £$0 from his
Grace appears in the account for the following November. In August of
the same year the Consistory record states that " the company, in view
of the absolute inability of the Church to support all its poor, had
resolved to write immediately to the Bishop of London in behalf of the
refugees of this city, and upon receipt of his answer to take the most
convenient means of approaching the Queen on the subject." Their
object was to obtain a grant from the Royal Bounty Fund. Collections
on behalf of the French Protestant refugees had been made on several
occasions by royal briefs. The first, begun in 1681, amounted to over
^"14,000; others in 1686 and 1687 brought in more than ^63,000;
another in 1694 more than £1 1,000. In addition to the sums thus raised
by collections throughout the kingdom, the Royal Bounty Fund provided
an annual grant for the same benevolent purpose. In 1689 a Committee
of the House of Commons recommended a grant 0^17,200 a year out of
the national exchequer for the relief of the French refugees. The money
was not voted by the House; but Queen Mary gave a sum of ,£15,000 a
year out of her privy purse, and in 1696 Parliamentary provision was
made for the annual payments to be continued from the civil list.*
While seeking assistance from without, the Church of the Crypt in
no way neglected its own duty. In October 1693 a great effort was made
among the members of the congregation to raise a sum sufficient to repay
the loans made by the ministers, elders, and deacons, and for the relief
of the distress then prevalent. The collection was made from house to
house by the two pastors with members of the Consistory, the result
being as follows : — £ s. d.
From the Dover quarter . . . . . . 40 19 8
From the North quarter . . . . . . 35 5 3
From the London quarter .. .. .. 35 18 3
From the Rye quarter .. .. .. 27 14 11
Total £139 18 1
assuredly a very generous response to the appeal when the relative value
of money at that time is taken into account. Further contributions were
* The English Government and the Relief of Protestant Refugees. By William A. Shaw, Huguenot
Society's Proceedings, vol. 5, p. 343.

156 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
received from friends in London, amounting to ^26 6s. 6d., which
included a donation of £5 from Mr. Jean Delme. The monthly expendi
ture in relief of the French members during the winter of 1693 varied
from £i% to ^28, and throughout the year 1694 from about £15 to ^22.
In August of that year the following entry occurs : — " Received from
Monsr. Willam Debauuery a legacy by Sir Edward Debauuery, Knight,
the sum of One Hundred Pounds sterling." The Des Bouveries family,
then rapidly rising to noble rank, were not unmindful of the refugee
community at Canterbury in which the foundations of their fortune were
laid. In October 1694 a sum of ^100 was granted by the London
Committee, and in 1695 further sums amounting in all to ^"105. During
the latter year the financial difficulties of the Church became very pressing.
Urgent appeals were made to the members to enlarge their liberality, and
Pastor le Bailly, whose stipend was often in arrear, was asked to exercise
further patience, the sad circumstances of the time having almost
exhausted the resources on which the maintenance of the ministry
depended. A petition was at this crisis addressed to the Archbishop of
Canterbury invoking his aid to procure relief. It is stated that the con
gregation "has received in her bosom 14 or 1500 french Refugees of all
ages the greater part poor, among which are about 100 aged people
widdows orphans and other infirm and sickly persons" ; and complaint
was made that " the French Committy in London have during six years
neglected the demands of the said Congregation though upheld by good
and faithfull memorandums, so that for severall years they have had no
share of their majesties liberalities to the french Refugees, and the poor
of Canterbury had dyed of hunger had not the charity of the late Lord
Archbishop of Canterbury (of glorious and most happy memory) procured
them from elsewhere considerable helps." It was further stated that out
of the last general collection (1694) the congregation had only received
/125.* While'the numerous refugees of the Revocation period were arriving
in Canterbury, it was found impossible to adhere to the strict regulations
for admission of new-comers to communion. Many of those who presented
themselves had been members of Churches in France, and objected to
submit to a preliminary examination, either before the congregation or
the Consistory. In 1693 the elders made an inquiry into the number of
* State of ye French Church in Canterbury, i6q$. Lambeth MSS.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 157
persons, over twenty years old, who had joined the congregation but had
not yet partaken of the Lord's Supper. There were found to be many
non-communicants, and a resolution was therefore taken to dispense with
the usual requirements during a period of six months. Candidates for
whose good conduct the elders of their quarter certified might be privately
examined in religious knowledge by the minister, and with his approval
be admitted to communion Several of the new-comers, however, at this
time were required to make in the open congregation an avowal of
penitence " for having succumbed to the persecution in France, and
participated in idolatrous worship."
About this time the Church was disturbed by a small number of the
members adopting Socinian doctrines. The subject is first mentioned in
the record in November, 1693, as follows : —
''The Consistory having frequently considered the invincible obstinacy of those who
have embraced the errors of Zacharie Houzel, both before and after the beginning of his
schism, have resolved to name them to the people in a public and formal Act wherein shall
be set forth why they have cut themselves off and been declared unworthy to partake of the
Holy Supper in our Churches, in order that they may be shunned as public pests, and
rendered ashamed of their wanderings by the breaking off of all intercourse with them."
Zacharie Housel is mentioned in the Walloon register in December
1668 as a sponsor at a baptism. In June 1670 his son, also named
Zacharie, was baptized in the crypt, and the name continues to appear in
the register until 1682. In September 1694 Jean le Maistre, one of the
schismatics, publicly confessed his errors and was re-admitted to com
munion. In June 1698 the schism is again mentioned in the Consistory
Act Book, as follows : —
"An elder having informed the Company that the wife of Sieur Damien Simon
earnestly desires to be admitted to our communion, from which she was separated in the
defection of her husband, the Company has reflected on the conduct of the said Dame
Simon, who formerly disputed in favour of the Socinians, appeared indecorously in our
Church, and spoke evil of the Conductors of this flock. They have notwithstanding
resolved to show charity to the said Dame, and to that effect have ordained that, on her
persisting in her request, she must become reconciled to the Church by giving satisfaction
on various points, and thereupon the Consistory will grant her the consolation she desires."
A month or two later Abraham Valentine, another of the schismatics, was
censured in the Consistory "for the scandal of his intercourse with those
of Mr. Rondeau's conventicle; and having promised to be more circum
spect in future in that matter, he was dismissed in peace."
Claude Rondeau, the head of this Socinian schism was a refugee
merchant who settled in Canterbury during the Huguenot persecution,

158 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
and received letters of naturalization for himself and his family in
January 1685. His name, however, appears in the register of the crypt
as early as August 1683. His son Claude, who was baptised March 31,
1695, died in 1739 at St. Petersburg, where for nine years he acted as
his Majesty's Resident at the Court of the Czar. The elder Claude
Rondeau died November 12, 1720, aged 72.* He was a brother of
Jacques Rondeau a French minister, who, after serving fifteen years in
the Church of Du Plessis Marly, escaped to England. He received
episcopal ordination, and joined a small refugee French colony founded
by the Marquis de Venours at Boughton Malherbe, in Kent. He sub
sequently removed with most of his flock to Hollingbourne, on the
invitation of Sir Thomas Culpeper. The French service was held in the
parish church, and the congregation became divided on the pastor's
adoption of the surplice, f
It appears from a letter of Pierre TrouiUart, preserved in the
Lambeth Library, that the conductors of the Church of Canterbury dis
covered "that there were among their flock persons whose minds had
been corrupted by the blasphemous errors of Socin, and who were
endeavouring secretly to infect the others." Efforts were made to win
back the wanderers, but they remained perverse, and were at last ex
communicated. The heretical members then resolved on the ruin of the
Church, and tried to induce the French Committee in London to with
draw their grants in its behalf. They also determined to establish a
French congregation in order to disseminate their heresy. Among the
excommunicated was Claude Rondeau, whose brother at Hollingbourne
was said to encourage him in his schism. At the date of TrouiUart' s
letter to the Archbishop (1697), the schismatics at Canterbury had
sought without success to obtain the services of a French minister
at Faversham (Mr. Riviere) ; they were also in correspondence with
Mr. Souverain, a minister formerly deposed in France for Socinian
doctrine, who was then living in London ; they seem to have offered
a stipend of £/\o a year, and they endeavoured to hire a building
formerly used by the Independents of the city. J
* Both father and son were buried in St. Dunstan's Church, Canterbury.
t " On these accounts the Colony languishes at present. Besides that severall of them perversely go twenty
miles to Canterbury on Saturday, and retume on Munday, purely to shun a Surplice at Hollingbourne."
A briefe Account of the Case of Monsieur Rondeau, TANNER MSS., CXX1V, p. 225. (Bodleian
Library, Oxford). X Miscellaneous MSS., Lambeth, mxxix, No. 65.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 159
A brief allusion in the Consistory record, in June 1694, to the war
then in progress, seems to imply that members of the Canterbury con
gregations were among the Huguenot contingent in the army of
William III:—
" The Company have thought it fitting, on the advice of the pastors of this Church, to
add to the public exercises of worship a prayer from week to week during the present war,
and especially during the operations of this company. It has ordered that an Act be drawn up
for reading in the congregation, and containing the reasons which require us to humble
ourselves frequently before God in these sad times."
The death of Pastor le Bailly is recorded in the register on July 16,
1698 — "Monsieur Jacob le Bailly, our faithfull pastor, who has served
our Church 8 years." On July 24th the Consistory caused the following
resolution to be entered in the Act Book : —
"The Company, deeply grieved by the loss with which it has pleased God to afflict
our Church, by the death of the late Mons. Jacob le Bailly, who died in the Lord on the
1 6th of this month, has unanimously resolved that honourable mention should be made of
the said Sieur le Bailly in the Acts, in order that posterity may learn that we have lost in
him a good and faithful servant of God, vigilant in all the functions of his ministry, who
has greatly edified the Church during a period of eight years by sound and profitable
doctrine, and by zeal for the truth, as well as by the blameless and worthy life of a faithful
minister of God's word, so that his memory will ever be held in veneration among us. Also,
in order, under God's blessing, to repair the loss as soon as possible, the Consistory,
strengthened by the presence and consent of the brother deacons, have decided, upon
advice received from London as to certain ministers fit to fill the vacant place, to make
careful inquiry as to the doctrine, life and capacity of the said ministers and of others who
may be indicated to us."
M. TrouiUart and two of the elders were deputed to go up to
London, to see and hear various ministers, and to invite some of them to
visit Canterbury and preach in the crypt. In August M. Asselin, on
whom the Consistory looked with much favour, excused himself from
becoming a candidate, "being unable to break the ties of blood which
kept him in London." Two other ministers, M. Cartaut and M. de
Trepsac, were invited to preach, and at the beginning of October the
Consistory decided to proceed to the election. On the 7th of that
month the elders and deacons, both present and past, assembled for that
purpose, and each person made a separate and solemn declaration that
he would abide by the decision of the majority, in order to preserve
peace and union in the Church. The votes were then taken, and, the
majority being in favour of M. Jean de Trepsac, it was resolved that a
call should be addressed to him by four elders and deacons. The

160 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
meeting closed with prayer that God would cause the decision to tend to
His glory and the edification of the flock.*
M. de Trepsac accepted the call, and agreed to be satisfied with a
stipend of ^40. A formal announcement of the election was made to
the people, with the usual notice that if any had just reasons for
opposition they were to declare them. Four days later M. TrouiUart
read to the Consistory a letter from Mr. Piozet, charging the pastor-
elect with having committed a crime in Holland. The confirmation of
the election was therefore suspended for inquiries to be made, the Con
sistory being pledged to secrecy in the meantime. M. de Trepsac at
once confessed that, when living at the Hague, being in great need, and
under pressure of despair, he had written to a rich Jew, requiring
him to take a sum of one hundred pistoles to a certain place at
a time named, on peril of his life if he failed to do so. Before
the appointed time, repenting of his plot, he went to the Jew and begged
to be forgiven ; but the Jew had already placed the letter in the hands of
the magistrates. De Trepsac was arrested and imprisoned ; and, on his
friends interceding for him, he was simply banished from the country. At
Amsterdam, where he had carried on his theological studies, he was
refused a "testimony."
The Consistory, under a feeling of charity, proposed that de Trepsac
should request his discharge and quietly retire from the Church of
Canterbury ; but he declined to do so, and asked that it should be
referred to able theologians whether he had been rendered unworthy of the
ministry by an offence committed in his youth and followed by immediate
repentance. A formal protest against his election was then signed by six
members, and was received as valid by the Consistory. But a section of
the congregation encouraged de Trepsac to withhold his resignation, and
the French Church of London deputed Pastors Primerose and Blanc, with
an elder (Abraham Dugar), to visit Canterbury as arbitrators. The
deputation met the Consistory on November 28, 1698, and evidence was
heard on both sides. There was involved in the case a question of de
Trepsac's ordination. This appears from the following minute in the
Actes du Consistoire : —
" My lord Archbishop of Canterbury having made known, by letter from Mr. Allix to
Mr. Primerose, that he will oppose the ordination of Mr. de Trepsac, doubtless not judging
*The account which is here given of the circumstances connected with the election of Jean de Trepsac has
been compiled from the Actes du Consistoire for the year 1698.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 161
him, for the present at least, worthy of holy orders, it appears vain to dispute as to the way
in which the opposition [to the election] should be judged ; for all the pretentions of the
Sieur de Trepsac and his partizans vanish from the moment in which the prelate makes
known his will to the said Sieur de Trepsac, or in which the reply is received from Mr. Allix,
whom Mr. Primerose asked to speak to his Grace."
The reason for the intervention of the Archbishop of Canterbury is
not very clear. Hitherto it had not been considered necessary for the
ministers of the crypt to be episcopally ordained ; but the above state
ment implies that in the case of de Trepsac, Anglican orders were
regarded as essential. It is probable that the innovation was connected
with the administration of the Royal Bounty, and that a grant in aid of
the minister's stipend was made dependent upon his ordination in the
Church of England.
Pastor Primerose advised de Trepsac to abandon his design as to
Canterbury, to submit to the order of the Archbishop, and to express his
sincere repentance and desire to repair the past ; so that, when he had
become master of the English language, his Grace might be willing to
employ him in some suitable position in the Church. De Trepsac
replied that he still hoped to induce the Archbishop to consent to his
ordination. On December 4th the Consistory sent a letter of thanks to
the Church of London, and the Deputies signed a statement as to their
mediation. On December nth de Trepsac wrote to the Consistory his
formal resignation as follows : —
" Sirs and most honoured Brethren,
As I had accepted with pleasure and joy the call which you did me the honour to
address to me, to be one of the Pastors of your Church, I felt bound to make every effort to
defend my right therein. But as I have learned that my lord Archbishop of Canterbury
wishes me to retire from your Church, since such is his will, and to show my submission to
his orders, I declare to you that I renounce all claims which I may have upon your Church
by virtue of my election, and of the call addressed to me and accepted.
I am, Sirs and most honoured Brethren,
Your most humble and obedient servant,
I request you to insert this declaration Trepsac.
in the Book of the Consistory.
The subsequent history of Jean de Trepsac has not been fully made
out. In 1 701 he is first named as a pastor of the French Church of
Leicester Fields, and during his ministry there he officiated in the allied
Churches of the Tabernacle (Soho) and Ryder's Court (Leicester Square).
A John Trepsack, S. Th. cler., doubtless the former pastor-elect of
Canterbury, matriculated at Christ Church, Oxford, May 4, 17 19, aged 45,
u

162 WALLOON &¦ HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
and took the B.C.L. degree July 4, 17 19. He is stated to have been born
in the province of the Basses Pyrenees.* The wife of John Trepsack,
clerk, daughter of Thomas Rowe, of Sussex, died July 2, 1699, aged 29,
and was buried within the precinct of Canterbury Cathedral.
On the retirement of de Trepsac the Consistory resolved not to
proceed immediately to another election, " as the heat of contention still
continued and the small means rendered it difficult to maintain two
pastors." In January 1699 they applied to the Church of London to
grant them the loan of a minister for six months, and M. Blanc was sent
down. In February the Consistory expressed to him "the joy which
his presence in their midst inspired, their esteem for his person and
talents, and their desire to profit by his wise counsel and excellent
preaching." Pierre TrouiUart signed the Consistory books for the last time on
September 9, 1699, and shortly after that date closed his ministry at
Canterbury. Having been called on August 23rd to serve as third pastor
in the Walloon Church at Middelbourg in Zealand, he returned to the
Netherlands, and was instituted to his new charge on December 13th of
the same year He died April 29, 1701.*
* FOSTER : Alumni Oxonienses.
* Bulletin de la Commission pour I'Histoire des Eglises Wallonnes, vol. Ill, pp. 105, 217.

CHAP. XV.
The Church of the Crypt in the Eighteenth Century.
During the last quarter of the seventeenth century the Church of
the Crypt at Canterbury attained its highest point in numbers and
prosperity. The arrival of the Huguenot refugees of the period of the
Revocation added a new population of industrious strangers to the
foreign community ; and although the greater part of the French settlers
came to the city in a condition of almost absolute poverty,* they
brought with them the skill in arts and crafts by which they had already
enriched their own country, and were able to renew their fortunes in their
home of refuge. The impetus which they gave to the manufactures
already established at Canterbury raised the trade of the city to ex
traordinary magnitude. More than a thousand looms were engaged in
the weaving of silk and other fabrics, and the ancient city of the pilgrims
became one of the busiest centres of industry in all England. But this
high level of activity was not long maintained; the silk manufacture
began to fall off within a few years, and a number of skilled craftsmen
went elsewhere in search of more constant employment. Each decade
of the next century showed a lower ebb of prosperity and a diminishing
population. A few months before the departure of TrouiUart a colleague
had been given him in the person of Jacques Gast de Lavaure, who had
*Among those who contributed to the relief of the poor refugees of the Canterbury congregation, at the
beginning of the eighteenth century, was a citizen of historic fame, Admiral Sir George Rooke, whose
donation of ^20 is recorded by the deacons in April 1705.

164 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
first served in the ministry in a small congregation in the neighbourhood
of Hamburg. In July 1694, a gentleman of Altona established a
Church in his own house ; and desired to have as pastor M. Gast
de Lavaure, a student of divinity who had been received as a candidate
for the ministry by the Walloon Synod held at Gouda, in Holland.
Application was made to the Church of Hamburg to grant to the young
man "by the laying on of hands the seal of his office as a true and lawful
minister of the Gospel." The Consistory consented, having received
testimony in favour of the candidate from the Church and the University
of Utrecht, where he had pursued his studies, and from the Synod of
Gouda which had examined him in languages, philosophy and theology.
The German and Walloon pastors of Hamburg joined in this examin
ation and ordination. His answers to the questions put to him " showed
great clearness of mind and good understanding of the matter, and with
the considerable progress he had made in knowledge of the Holy
Scriptures gave ground for hope that by God's blessing he would labour
successfully to advance Christ's kingdom and become a good and faithful
minister of His Gospel."* The ordination took place on Sunday
August 19, 1694. Mons. De Lavaure began his ministry at Canterbury
in 1699 and his signature first appears in the deacons' book on July 16th
of that year, the anniversary of Pastor le Bailly's death. He married in
1699 at the French Church, Wandsworth, Marie, daughter of the Rev.
Pierre Bossatran, who was then the pastor of that Church. Three sons
and four daughters of Pastor de Lavaure were baptized in the crypt. J
His son Jacques took orders in the Church of England in 1741, and was
curate at Betteshanger,f in 1742 at St Alphege, Canterbury, and in the
following year at St. Mary Northgate, Canterbury. He appears to have
retained some connection with the congregation of the crypt after his
father's death, and acted as sponsor at baptisms there in 1741 and 1743.
* Walloon Records, Canterbury.
t KERSHAW : Foreign Refugee Settlements in East Kent.
XMary Anne, born January 5, 1701, baptized January 12, 1701.
Isaac, born December 16, 1701, baptized December 19, 1701.
Jean Jaques, bom February 12, 1703, baptized February 16, 1703.
Marie, bom January 21, 1704, baptized February 6, 1704.
Susane, born September 18, 1706, baptized September 25, 1706.
Francoise, baptized February 6, 1 709.
Jaques, bom July 17, 1712, baptized August 14, 1712.
Mons. Bossatran was godfather at the baptism in the crypt of his grand- daughter Mary Anne Lavoir,
January 12, 1 701; his death at Canterbury, at the age of 70, is recorded in the Walloon register on
July 13, 1 701.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 165
The ministry of de Lavaure extended over a third of the century,
and during that period he was assisted by four colleagues. The first of
these was Jean Cherpentier, whose name begins to appear in the Con
sistory books in March 1700. He was the son of a Huguenot martyr of
Ruffec in Angoumois, who suffered death in the drago7inades. Some of
the " missionaires botte's " to whom Louis XIV committed the con
version of Protestant France endeavoured in vain to force him to sign an
abjuration. Other cruelties proving ineffectual, they proceeded to the
diabolical atrocity of dropping melted tallow into his eyes ; but even
this horrible torture failed to subdue his holy courage, and death
mercifully ended his sufferings.* One son, Francois took refuge in
Brandenburg and became Surgeon -General of the army of the Elector ;
the other son Jean who had been a student of theology at Geneva in
1 68 1, passed into England, and became pastor at Canterbury.
Jean Cherpentier continued his ministry in the crypt until 1709,
when he became the cause of a schism in the Church. An account of
the separation, drawn up for the information of Archbishop Tenison,
furnishes some particulars, but must be regarded as an ex-parte state
ment. It relates that M. Cherpentier, having complained of being
overworked, was relieved in 1707 by the temporary engagement of
another minister, Charles de la Roche, whose preaching gave so much
satisfaction that he was soon after elected as a regular pastor of the
Church. f At first a considerable part of Cherpentier's duty was taken
by his colleague; but on the health of the latter failing, the Consistory
requested Cherpentier to resume his fair share of the preaching. He
took offence at the request and refused to comply with it. Some months
later the Consistory gave him notice that they would discontinue his
stipend if he persisted in a refusal ; and this seems to have led to an
unseemly act of violence on the following Sunday, when Cherpentier,
aided by some of his friends, endeavoured to forcibly expel his colleague
from the pulpit. As he threatened to continue the same line of conduct,
the elders thought it necessary to obtain a warrant from a magistrate in
order that he might be bound over to keep the peace.
Seeing that he could not retain his position in the Church,
Cherpentier determined to secede, and to take with him the part of the
* HAAG : La France Protestante.
t " Charles de la Roche, ministre eleu de cest Eglise," acted as sponsor on May 8. 1707.

166 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
congregation prepared to follow him. He sought but failed to obtain
permission to preach in the Independents' meeting-house ; he then
resolved to conform to the Church of England, and obtained the use of a
room in the Archbishop's Palace, probably the same which had formerly
been used by the schismatic congregation of Theodore Crespin. Burn
supposes it to have been the place known as the Malthouse Chapel, in
which at a later date the nonconformist congregation of Edward Perronet
held their services, and which stood between the cathedral cloisters and
Palace-street. Cherpentier, having established the "French Uniform
Church," or "French Conformist Church," applied to Archbishop
Tenison to be admitted to Anglican orders, and meanwhile obtained the
assistance of a minister who possessed the necessary qualification. In
the statement referred to above this minister is described as a proselyte
Franciscan monk. The register records the appointment on December i,
1709, of Mr. Pierre Richard,* who was succeeded in the following year
by Jean Lardeau, ordained priest by the Bishop of London September
24, i7io.f Archbishop Tenison, having been informed of the circumstances
connected with Cherpentier's secession, refused him ordination, and could
not be induced to alter his decision, although the candidate's application
for orders was supported by several members of the Cathedral Chapter.
After a short period of hesitation, Cherpentier resolved to dispense with
episcopal ordination, and began to perform all the functions of the
ministry according to the liturgy of the Church of England, and this he
continued to do during several years, with the sanction of Dean Stanhope.
On the death of Archbishop Tenison, in 17 16, the ministers and elders
of the crypt presented their congratulations to his successor (Archbishop
Wake), and expressed their joy at the appointment of a prelate "whose
piety, charity and zeal, and all other virtues" were assurances to them of
his goodwill and protection. About the same time the elders and
members of the French Conformist Church petitioned the Archbishop in
favour of Cherpentier, who during his five years' ministry among them
"had always preached sound doctrine and lived up to what he preached."
They desired to retain him as their minister : but, if his Grace thought it
better to send them another, they would receive him. In a letter to the
* Pierre Richard became in 1716 minister of the French Conformist Church of St. Martin Orgars, in the
City of London.
t Burn : History of the Foreign Protestant Refugees, p. 53.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 167
Archbishop, May 7, 17 16, Pastor Cherpentier explained his conduct in
continuing his ministry without obtaining ordination. He says that six
years had passed since the Conformist Church had been founded by fifty
or sixty heads of families who separated from the Walloon Church.
They sought him for their minister, and he had applied on three occasions
for orders, being furnished with good certificates signed by nearly all the
ministers of the place, including five Canons ; but on each occasion had
been refused without reason being given. He had therefore performed
divine service as though he had been re-ordained, and if in that he had
offended he submitted himself with respect and obedience to his
Grace's commands.* His appeal was warmly supported by Dean
Stanhope. Writing on July 16, 17 16, he says that M. Cherpentier,
whom he describes as a good and much-injured man, was endeavour
ing to obtain an "episcopal minister" to take his place, but that
the scanty means available for his maintenance made it difficult to
procure a person of character and worth. It appears from the Dean's
letter that Cherpentier had applied to the Bishop of Bristol for ordination,
and that the Archbishop was displeased with him for taking that step. In
September, 17 16, Cherpentier resigned, and in the following month the
elders and others of the Conformist congregation wrote to thank the
Archbishop for sending them an excellent pastor and good preacher in
the person of Mons. le Sueur. The new minister somewhat later wrote
to report the state of affairs at Canterbury.
" All is very quiet here, and I have been equally well received by the members of the
two Churches, who keep up a good understanding ; several of those of the Walloon Church
come from time to time to ours, and some English also who formerly saw with displeasure
all the functions of the holy ministry performed by a person who had not the requisite
orders. May God affirm and augment by His grace these happy beginnings." f
He pleads for assistance on account of the expenses and loss incurred by
his leaving London. In July 17 17 Pierre le Sueur and his elders wrote
expressing thanks to the Archbishop for a grant of twenty pounds in
support of their Church. A month later the pastor wrote to remind the
Archbishop that his Grace had promised to give him a living when a
minister was found to fill his place : —
" I hear my Lord that the Living of Bethersden in the Wild of Kent is vacant, And if
Your Grace is pleased to confer the same upon me, I will discharge my duty so that I hope
all those Your Grace shall be pleased to commit to my charge, by the blessing of God, will
be edified." (Canterbury, August 23, 1717.)
* Appendix, xxiii. t Ibid, xxiv.

168 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
He did not obtain the desired preferment, but remained at Canterbury
until his death in 1746. He was buried May 2, 1746, at St. Alphege, of
which church he was curate in 1725-6.*
The Conformist French Church ceased to exist in or about 1746.
The congregation cannot have been large at any time, judging by the
number of baptisms recorded in the register. The total in the entire
period was only eighty-four. Although Cherpentier resigned in Sep.,
17 16, he appears to have remained in Canterbury for some time ; he acted
as sponsor in May, 17 17, and perhaps as late as January, 1724, when
"Mr. Jean Charpentier " is named.
In 1702 a third minister is named in connection with the crypt. In
that year it is recorded : —
"Abel de Bernoye, French Gentleman and Right Protestant, being at Rotterdam,
shipping himself before the declaration of the warr in order to go to Bayonne in France to
get his mother out of the persecution, a warr immediately breaking out the ship was taken
by the Newport frigate, and he carryed him in the Dover's goale, prisoner."
He petitioned to be set free; and an uncle, a cousin and a friend at
Canterbury subscribed to the truth of his statement. Their certificate
was also signed by " Lavaure, ministre" and " Cartault, ministre," who
testified that the witnesses were honest persons, members of their
Church. f
This second colleague of Lavaure was probably Jacques Cartault,
who is named as a minister of the French Church La Patente in Spital-
fields, in 1696, J and was also, in 1698, officiating at the French Church in
Leicester Fields. He was married, October 8, 1702, at the French Chapel
in old Hungerford Market, to Dame Madelain Pierresene. || No record
seems now to exist of the date of his appointment at Canterbury. It was
probably as early as 1701, in which year the Walloon register has an
entry of the death of " Maddamoiselle Cartault" on June 30th, and on
August 3rd " Monsr- Jaques Cartault, ministre," is named as a sponsor.
The next and only reference to him occurs on August 28, 1704, when the
death is recorded of Madame Cartault, wife of Monsr- Cartault, minister.
The signatures of the other pastors frequently appear in the deacons'
books, but that of Cartault is entirely absent. Martin § gives the dates
of his ministry as 1702- 1707, supposing him to have been immediately
* The whole of this correspondence is contained in the Tanner MSS. (Wake Letters).
t State- Papers (Domestic) Anne, bundle i, No. 71.
X Burn, History of the Foreign Protestant Refugees, p. 171. || Ibid, p. 45 (note).
§ Christian Firmness of the Huguenots, p. 103.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 169
succeeded by de la Roche. The appointment of the latter in 1707 was
due to Cherpentier's complaint of overwork ; but there is nothing to show
how long the Church had been without a third pastor. The death of de
la Roche occurred on January 7, 1712,* and he was succeeded by Paul
Fourestier who is first mentioned on August 14, 1712, when he acted as
sponsor at the baptism of Jacques Lavaure. He was born in France in
1668, and during the persecution under Louis XIV, escaped into Holland.
There he pursued his studies, and graduated at the University of
Franeker in Friesland. Having devoted himself to the ministry, he first
served as pastor in the Walloon Church of the Netherlands, but sub
sequently settled in England. He became a minister of the French
Church in Spitalfields in 1708, and removed to Canterbury in 17 12. He
married Esther le Grand, daughter of Peter and Anne Le Grand of
Canterbury ; their two sons and a daughter were baptized in the crypt, f
The ministry of de Lavaure was terminated by his death in 1733. He
was buried on the 19th April in the cloister garth'of the Cathedral, { and
his widow was paid in the same month a sum of ^"12 10s., as a gift from
the Church. For some years before his death Pastor Lavaure had kept
a school, and the monthly accounts show payments, usually of half-a-
guinea, from " les jeunes maistres," in lieu of pew-rent, which seems to
have been adopted about this time for the best seats. Madame Lavaure
continued to keep school for several years after her husband's death.
Pending the appointment of a successor, Mons. Esternott preached
during a few weeks. § He was followed by " Monsieur du Ble," who was
paid fifteen shillings per sermon and his expenses in coming from London,
until his appointment, in October or November 1733, as permanent
minister. A year later a sum of four guineas was paid him " for the
expense which he had incurred for his ordination."
Charles du Bles was born at Leyden in 1705, his father having
taken refuge there during the Huguenot persecution. He studied at the
University of his native place, and subsequently settled in England,
* " Mr. de la Rose nostre pasteurs age de 43 ans." — Walloon Register,
t Pierre, bom April 18, 1718 ; baptized May II, 1718 ; died February 28, 1719.
Paul, born October 14, 1720 ; baptized November 5, 1720.
Esther, born December 19, 1723 ; baptized January 9, 1724 ; married Jacob Agace of Canterbury; buried in
St. Peter's Churchyard, December I, 1803.
X A portion of his tombstone at present in the Cathedral stone-yard, bears this inscription :— In memory of
ye Revd | Mr Is Gast Lavaure | 33 Years Minister of | the Walloon Church | in Canterbury | He died
Apl 15, 1733- § Walloon Records Canterbury : Elders' Accounts, 1J33.

170 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
where he was ordained by the Bishop of London. He says of himself:
" I was born a Subject of the Republick of the United Provinces, and as
such I always thought it my Duty to speak in the Defence of my ancient
lawful Sovereigns the States General, whenever their just and mild
Government was reflected upon as a Usurpation on the Liberties of my
Country."* He is defending himself against an accusation of having
raved against the Prince of Orange, and he declares that, on the contrary,
he had for that Prince the greatest respect and veneration. But,
although ready to shed his blood for the welfare and aggrandisement
of the House of Orange, were he in Holland and invested with any
power, he could not help regarding the Stadtholdership as detrimental to
the independence of a free State.
Du Bles, who was evidently possessed of a somewhat combative
disposition, entered into dispute with his colleague Paul Fourestier
shortly before the latter' s death, and the quarrel was continued by the
younger Fourestier and members of the congregation. Pastor Fourestier
being aged and infirm resigned his office in or about April 1747, but
continued his connection with the Church. He officiated at a baptism in
January 1748, and his death at the age of 80, took place in the following
December ; he was buried in St. Peter's churchyard, where his wife had
been laid to rest ten years earlier (February 21, 1738). An offer was
made to his son to succeed him in the ministry, and his name has been
erroneously included in some lists of the pastors. He declined the
appointment^ but while still a "proposant" for the ministry preached
in the crypt from October 1747 till February 1748.
The controversy in which du Bles engaged with the younger
Fourestier and some of the Consistory became of sufficient importance
to require the arbitrament of a neighbouring Church. In a defence, dated
April 1749, du Bles states that a few-years before that date he had
consented to read from the pulpit a paper in which he acknowledged the
rulers of the Church (whose honour he was accused of attacking) " to be
honest people as far as he could judge." He had charged them with
"being too ready to embrase ye opinions of people of substance," and
with admitting to office persons of no character, who embezzled the
* Mr. Du Bles Defence in Answer to a Defamatory Libel, Canterbury the IVth of May ijjg : printed
2 pp., in Walloon Records.
tit is so stated in a paper written by Pastor du Bles.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 171
money belonging to the poor. If he had made his submission it was for
the sake of peace and to avoid persecution. At this time he was
already suffering from blindness. He says : —
" I don't go to church but when I preach ? Do you wonder at it ? A man in my con
dition, totally depriv'd of sight, who must keep in his mind the text, sermon, prayers,
liturgie, psalms, catechism, &c, and that word for word, and who having gone through his
duty is entirely exhausted, more dead than alive."
Defending himself on another count he says : —
" You say that I am unworthy of ye character of a member of ye church of England,
& that becaused I refus'd preaching on ye 5* of November 1747 & on ye 30th of January
1 748 ; 'tis true I refused to preach on those two days by reason of an act of vestry by which
ye weekly service was suspended till ye arrival of another minister  & if I kept my
hearers on ye 5th of Nov. near four hours as you are pleas'd to call it, it was because one of
ye Rulers questioning my capacity told me that if I was not capable of preaching I might
read prayers."* Pastor du Bles died in 1785, after a ministry of fifty-two years,
aged 81. He was buried at St. Alphege on November 10th. His wife
(Hester Decaufour) had been buried in the same place December 2, 1782.
They had numerous children, t Their son Theodore was apprenticed in
April 1764, for five years to Peter Saguiez of Canterbury "to be
instructed in the art & mistery of wollcombry." He remained at
Canterbur)r, and appears to have needed pecuniary assistance from time
to time. In 181 6 his name is included in the list of grants from the
Royal Bounty to poor members at Canterbury, the amount of his relief
being £3 8s. 6d. In 1839 tne deacons' account has an item of
£2 14s. 2d., "expenses of Dubles burial."
Before the death of Paul Fourestier a second pastor had been
appointed as colleague of du Bles, viz. Mons. Durand who was paid in
October, 1747, a sum of five pounds to cover the expenses of his coming
from London to Canterbury. A Consistory paper mentions a further
* Walloon Records, Canterbury, a paper addressed to Paul Fourestier and others.
t 'Ann, buried at St. Alphege, June 10, 1742.
Anthoinette, married to Alexis Bernard (their son Charle was baptized April 14, 1743.
Franfoise Magdeleine, bom May 17, 1742, baptized May 27, 1742.
Louis, born and baptized March 15, 1744, buried at St. Alphege October 29, 1744.
Theodore, bom June 12, 1745, baptized June 16, 1745.
" Cherstine," born October 13, 1746, baptized October 19, 1746.
Eduard Franfois, born July 26, 1750, baptized July 29, 175°-
Franfoise, born March 25, 1754, baptized April 2, 1754 (Frances Dubles bur. May 16, 1755).
Esther, baptized June 4, 1756.
Jean, born January 21, 1759, baptized same month.
Marie, bom September 11, 1761, baptized September 27, 1761.

172 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
payment to him of twenty pounds for his expenses, probably on his
removal from Norwich. In March, 1748, he was paid ten pounds for his
services to that date, and after that time he received a regular monthly
stipend. Francois Guillaume Esaie Durand was a member of a French refugee
family of noble rank, whose history was interwoven with the Huguenot
persecution and dispersion. His grandfather, Francois Guillaume Durand
(born in 1649), became pastor at Genouillac, and in 1680 married the
daughter and heiress of Baron Brueyx de Fontcouverte.* At the
Revocation he was compelled to fly from France, leaving his wife and
child behind. The wife is supposed to have become a forced inmate of a
convent; the child, Daniel Francois, was seized by the Jesuits and
brought up in their faith. The fugitive pastor took refuge in Switzerland,
where he served in the double capacity of chaplain and officer, having
under a captain's commission taken part in raising forces in the Canton
de Vaud for William Ill.t To one of the regiments (the Dragoons of
Baltasar) he was appointed Chaplain in 1691 on account of "his merit,
capacity, zeal, and wisdom," and his fidelity to the King of England.
He accompanied the regiment to the Netherlands and continued with it
until 1698. In 1 701 he became pastor of the Walloon Church at
Nimeguen, where, greatly venerated in his ministry, he died in 1733 at
the age of 84.
Daniel Francois Durand, whom the Jesuits kidnapped in order to
convert, studied at the University of Montpellier, where he took a degree
in law. He was given a captain's commission by Louis XIV, but did not
long serve in the army. He married Margaret d'Audriffret of the noble
family now represented by the Due d' Audriffret-Pasquier, and subsequently
retired from France with his wife and child, having returned to his father's
faith. He joined the venerable pastor at Nimeguen ; in 1734 he entered
at Leyden University, and later on practised in the law courts of Holland.
Francois Guillaume Durand^ was admitted as a candidate for the
ministry by the Synod of Breda in 1738. He appears to have sought
* He assumed the territorial title and impaled the Brueyx arms vix. : " Or, a lion rampant gules, armed and
langued azure, debruised by a bendlet of the last, charged with three mullets of the first." The Durand arms
were "Azure, two fishes naiant in pale argent."
t His two offices were considered by the Genevan fathers to be incompatible, and the Chaplain resigned the
Captaincy.
X In England he dropped the name Esaie and the territorial title " de Fontcouverte."

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 173
service in England almost from the first, *but only in 17434" attained his
desire by his appointment as minister of the Dutch Church at Norwich.
He removed to that city with his wife, Marthe Marie Goutelle, the
daughter of a Burgomaster (probably of Amsterdam), a lady whose
personal attractions won for her the name of "the beautiful Dutch
woman," and to whom family tradition ascribed some kinship with the
Princes of Orange.
In 1747 Pastor Durand removed to Canterbury and began his
ministry in the crypt as a colleague of Charles du Bles. In 1751 he was
nominated to the united livings of St. Sampson and St. Michael in the
Vale, Guernsey; was ordained deacon and priest September ist, and
inducted September 5th of the same )'ear. He was non-resident and
only occasionally visited his cure, conforming in that respect to the
pluralist fashion of his times. While pastor of the Walloon Church he
acted as curate of St. Paul's, Canterbury from 1770 to 1780 ; he further
supplemented these clerical appointments by keeping a school in the city.
After forty-two years of ministry Pastor Durand died at Canterbury,
September 13, 1789, aged 74 years, and was buried in Lloly Cross
Church.J His widow received a pension of twenty pounds a year until
her death in 1797. Their children were three sons, Daniell Francis,
William and George, all born at Norwich, and a son and two
daughters born at Canterbury. § The second son became a surgeon,
the third an ensign in the 67th Regiment. || The eldest son, Daniel
Francis, received his early education at the King's School, Canter
bury, and was admitted at the age of 17 sizar at St. John's
College, Cambridge. He took the B A. and M.A. degrees and on
being ordained was appointed his father's curate in Guernsey. There
also he held by purchase a chaplaincy in the 96th Regiment. After six
years in his curacy he left the island, and subsequently travelled as tutor
* His father applied on his behalf in January 1740 to David Durand, D.D., minister of the Savoy French
Church. That distinguished preacher was probably their relative.
t On a page of a small MS. book of prayers (16 pp.) is written in Pastor Durand's hand : — "Noms des
Messieurs qui desirent apprendre la Langue Francoise & qui se sont engagez par quartier chez F. G. E. Durand
Pasteur de l'Eglise Hollandoise de Norwich, 1743." The date January 8, 1743, is written below.
X A part of his tombstone remains close to the west door.
§ Esther Jacoba, bom October 23, 1748, baptized October 31, 1748.
Franpois, bom May 5, 1750, baptized May 20, 1750.
Marguerite Marie Elizabeth, bom March 18, 1754; baptized April 7, 1754.
|| This son (George) died on board the Bellerophon when returning from the expedition to the Balearic Isles.
It is said that he appeared to his mother in England at the moment of his death.

174 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
to a young nobleman. During his absence he was appointed in 1778 to
the Rectory of St. Andrew's, Guernsey,* and in 1794 was transferred to
to the Rectory of St. Peter-Port in the same island. In 1795 he became
Dean, but for some years prior to this he had been sole Master to the
ancient foundation of Elizabeth College. By his marriage with Anne,
daughter of Richard de Jersey, of the manor of Ste. Helene, he became
allied to the chief families in Guernsey and Jersey. He died in 1 832, aged
86, and was borne to his grave amid extraordinary manifestations of respect
and affection, in which representatives of the State, the Army, the Clergy,
and the local authorities joined. f
It is said that when travelling in France, before his appointment as
Dean, he visited his ancestral home, and was offered the succession to
the estate and barony if he would revert to the Church of Rome. The
temptation was not likely to move one of his training and character ; he
would not forget the fidelity of his ancestors for several generations, nor
that of one of his kindred, a Durand of Languedoc, who was the last
martyr to suffer death at the stake in that province in 1732. For three
hundred years the Durands, from father to son, have been either pastors
of the Reformed Church or Clergymen of the Church of England.
With a single exception, from the era of the Revocation onward, these
divines also held a military commission. J
* He was inducted in 1780, the living having been kept open for him while abroad.
t Of his numerous children two sons and three daughters survived him. The eldest son (Havilland) succeeded
to his father's chaplaincy and held the living of St. Mary de Castro until his death in 1843.
JThe author is indebted to Colonel C. J. Durand, Guernsey, for many particulars in the account of the
Durand family.

CHAP. XVI.
The Church of the Crypt in the Niiieteenth Century.
The successor to Pastor Durand was Jean Francois Mieville, whose
ministry extended over the last eleven years of the eighteenth century
and the first forty years of the next. The materials for the history of the
Church during that long period are few and of minor importance ; but
the records would have shown a continuous dwindling of the refugee
community. The decline had been progressing slowly throughout the
preceding century : at its opening the French congregation filled the
whole of the great temple of the crypt, and at its close their shrunken
numbers were strangely out of proportion to the area which they
occupied. The falling away of members was accompanied by a decrease
of means, as most of the wealthier supporters of the Church either
removed to London, or, on becoming allied with English families, joined
the Anglican communion.
It was during this period of waning prosperity that the Church
sustained a severe loss by the withdrawal of the annual grant from the
ecclesiastical branch of the Royal Bounty. That fund had been originally
distributed among the refugee congregations whether conformist or not ;
but after a while its administrators insisted upon conformity, and deprived
the Church of the Crypt of the grant which it had formerly enjoyed, A
short time before his death Pastor Durand with his elders and deacons,

176 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
encouraged by the friendly courtesy of Archbishop Moore on the occasion
of his Visitation, appealed to him to intervene on their behalf. In their
petition they described the decay of their Church and its straitened
circumstances at that time, and pleaded that when Parliament established
the fund noncomformity was general in the refugee congregations. They
represented also that, although their liturgy differed from that of the
Church of England, there was no religious body nearer to that Church
than themselves. Their Confession of Faith agreed in all points with the
Thirty-nine Articles, and their ministers for about a hundred years had
been episcopally ordained.*
The appeal to Archbishop Moore does not appear to have been
successful ; and a few years later Pastor Mieville, writing to the Directors
of the Royal Bounty, on behalf of himself and the Consistory, gives a
description of the state of the Church at that time, as follows : —
"Although the members of the said Church have been extremely diminished in
number, there yet remain nearly forty communicants, who generally attend divine service
with praiseworthy assiduity. But as they are for the most part poor people, they can only
contribute a small amount for the maintenance of the Church, and the sum collected for
the minister does not reach ten pounds sterling per annum.
The greater part of the funds possessed by the Church being allocated by the
foundation for the use of the poor, the Conductors are driven to the cruel alternative either
to close the church from lack of means to support the ministry, or to apply a certain sum
annually to that purpose out of the income intended for the poor. xVuthorized by an article
of their Discipline which directs that the two pursesf shall mutually assist each other, they
have had recourse to this expedient in the assurance that the aid of the Royal Bounty will
sufficiently enable them to provide for the necessities of the poor."
Unfortunately this last resource continually decreases and will soon become exhausted,
as the Directors of the Lay Committee have not permitted them for some years to fill up
the vacancies which are caused by death in the Canterbury list, J or to increase those still
remaining. There have resulted these two unfortunate consequences; that the newly-arriving
objects of charity are entirely thrown on their charge, and must be relieved out of the funds
of the Church ; and that thereby the already precarious stipend of the minister (which
scarcely amounts to ^90 per annum) is in danger of becoming still less certain and
sufficient."§ It is doubtful if this appeal would have evoked a favourable response
had not Pastor Mieville induced his Church to adopt a translation of the
* Walloon Records, Canterbury : the petition is printed by Martin in Christian Firmness of the
Huguenots, pp. 85-6.
t The elders' purse for maintaining the ministry, and the deacons' purse for support of the poor.
X That is in the list of pensions granted to individual members. The resolution of the Committee to reduce
the annual grant of £100 10s. in proportion as the scheduled list of pensioners diminished by death, was
taken in July, 1774.
§ Walloon Records, Canterbury : La tres humble Requite du Pasteur &c.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. Ill
English liturgy in the services. His conformity seems to have secured
for him a share of the Royal Bounty to the extent of £50 a year, and an
appointment as Chaplain to the 60th Regiment, an office of which the
duties could be performed by deputy. In other respects the change was
not beneficial. The abandonment of the ancient form of service tended
still farther to disperse the congregation. The descendants of the
Walloon and French refugees were scarcely distinguishable from the
English citizens ; but the prayers and psalms which had come down to
them from the times of persecution had been a symbol and token of the
faith of their fathers, and had kept them attached to the service in the
crypt. With the loss of the old liturgy their historic ties were loosened,
and they fell away in the natural course of things to the communion of
the English Church.
Before the year 1824 the congregation had ceased to occupy the
whole of the area originally assigned to the Walloons of the sixteenth
century, and retired within the south aisle, which was shut off from the
main body of the crypt by walling up the arches of the piers. The
entrance to the small chapel formed by this enclosure was through the
Black Prince's Chantry, to which access was gained from the Close. At
the same time the erection of a barrier across the east end of the aisle
completely excluded the minister and elders from their old vestry in
St. Gabriel's Chapel. The Consistory made a respectful protest to the
Dean and Chapter, but it proved ineffectual.
In the year 181 7, Pastor Mieville became totally blind, and with his
assent the Consistory appointed as a lay reader one of the deacons,
Mathew Trocqueme Miette, who read the prayers and lessons ; the
pastor continued to preach and administer the Communion until he
became disabled by failing health and powers in his last years of life.
His death took place January 19, 1840, and before then the congregation
had fallen to very small dimensions. The Consistory numbered very few
members, mostly belonging to the family of the lay reader ; and it is
probable that no steps would have been taken to obtain another pastor
had not some controversy arisen as to the landed property of the Church,
which at that time consisted of about forty acres of marsh-land in the
parish of Burmarsh, let at a rental of ^100 per annum. This land had been
purchased in 1675, for a sum of ^770, belonging to the deacons' fund
for the poor of the Church, and it was originally conveyed to the then w

178 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
elders * and to their heirs and assigns, in trust to apply the income to the
benefit of the said poor.
For many years the income derived from the marshland had been in
excess of the amount required for the support of poor members of the
congregation, and the deacons had transferred the surplus to the general
fund for the maintenance of the ministry. The trustees, some of whom
were no longer members of the Church, although descendants of former
members, now called in question the legality of that practice, and
thought it their duty to see to the proper application of the income. The
Consistory on the other hand maintained that the trustees were bound to
pay over the income to the deacons and had no power to control its use.
In order to define their duty, the trustees obtained the opinion of counsel,
which was to the effect that the trust of 1675 must be expounded by
reference to the code of laws known as the Discipline, by which all the
Walloon Churches in England were governed. The Discipline directed
that two purses should be kept ; one for the maintenance of the ministers,
and the other for the poor, which two purses should aid and assist each
other as circumstances might require. It followed that the application of
the surplus income toward the support of the ministry was permissible,
and the deacons' receipt sufficient to exonerate the trustees.
Meanwhile the Consistory, having granted a half-year's stipend to
the next of kin of their late pastor, notified their intention to fill the
vacancy caused by the death of M. Mieville. They offered a stipend of
p£6o a year, but failed to find any minister willing to undertake the
charge. It was suggested that a pastor of the French Church of London
should visit Canterbury once in three months to preach and administer
the Communion ; and this arrangement was carried into effect. After
some correspondence, M. Baupt accepted the position of "pastor pro tern.'"
on February 25, 1841. He wrote that he had not been ordained
episcopally, but according to the order of the Swiss Reformed Church ;
he had however no wish to discontinue the liturgy of the Church of
England if he were accepted without reordination. His conditions
were agreed to, and he preached for the first time in the crypt in April
1 84 1. One of the elders, writing at this time, says : — " The Consistory,
* The conveyance was from Thomas Brodnax the elder, and Thomas Brodnax the younger, to Gideon
Despaigne, John Six, John Lehoucq and Henry Despaigne.
t Paul Louis Charles Baup was elected second minister of the French Church of London in 1837 (having
already officiated there for a year). In January 1842, he was recalled to take pastoral charge of his
native parish of Vevey, in the Canton de Vaud, Switzerland.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 179
with the approbation of the confederate Church of London, has elected
a minister pro tern., who delivers two sermons and administers the
Sacrament four times a year, which is what has not been done previously
for twenty-four years."
With M. Baup was associated his colleague at London, M. Francis
Martin, and they visited Canterbury in turn, once in three months or
oftener, until 1842, when the senior minister was recalled to Switzerland.
His place was filled by Guillaume G. Daugars, also of the French Church
of London, who officiated at Canterbury alternately with Pastor Francis
Martin until 1857. On the Sundays when there was no preaching the
liturgy was read by the lay reader. Meanwhile the congregation
further diminished, and six years after the death of Mieville an elder
wrote the following description of the Church : —
'• 27 August 1846. The Walloon-French Protestant Church at Canterbury now consists
of Charles Nicolas Miette, elder ; Mathew Trocqueme' Miette, Reader ; Samuel Joseph
Benjamin Miette, clerk ; and about twenty communicants, whilst during the reign of her
Majesty Queen Elizabeth the number was 2500. Sic Transit Mundi ! I have omitted to
mention Mr. Edward Mottley at present residing at Margate, who is also an elder."*
In May 1844 the French Consistory of London, regarding the Church
at Canterbury as moribund, made proposals for its amalgamation with
their own. A draft scheme was presented by the solicitors of the one
body to those of the other, and there appears to have been an intention
to apply to the Court of Chancery for compulsion if the scheme was not
voluntarily accepted by the trustees and Consistory at Canterbury. It
was in effect an attempt to enter into possession of the estate. The
landed and other property of the Church of the Crypt was to be
transferred to the elders and deacons of the Church of London, upon an
undertaking to apply the income to the relief of the poor members at
Canterbury, and the provision of regular or occasional French services
there. The scheme met with no favour from the body whose absorption
was contemplated, and it was returned to the Church of London as
emphatically rejected ; the threatened resort to litigation was not followed
up by action.
The arrangement with the French Church of London lasted during
a period of thirty- four years. From 1857 to 1870 Pastor Theophile
Marzials visited Canterbury to preach and administer the Communion
once in three months ; from 1870 to 1875 *ne same duties were performed
by Pastor Joseph Auguste Martin. In 1875 the last-named minister was
* Written on the cover of the Elders' account book.

180 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
appointed permanent and resident pastor, and began with much zeal and
energy to gather together the scattered remnants of the Church among
the numerous descendants of the refugees.
It was about this time that the existence of the French Church at
Canterbury was again threatened, the Charity Commissioners having put
forth a scheme for diverting its small remaining endowment to other
purposes. Their proposals, if they had been carried into effect, would
have brought to an end the French services in the crypt ; but the ancient
refugee Church found many defenders, and chief among them the late
Archbishop Tait, who in the House of Lords (August 5, 1870) warmly
and successfully opposed the scheme of the Commissioners. The
threatened dissolution of the Church of the Crypt was averted, and
during the ministry of Pastor Martin the congregation considerably
increased. Although he had been ordained episcopally he discontinued
the use of the liturgy of the Church of England, and introduced a new
service-book compiled by himself.* The change is to be regretted; for
if it were thought desirable to abandon the Anglican form it would have
been better to return to the ancient liturgy of the Walloon Churches
which had been used for more than two centuries in the crypt.
Pastor Martin died on July 15, 1889, aged 67, and was succeeded by
M. Eugene Choisy, of Geneva, son of a former minister of the Swiss
Church in London. M. Choisy, after a course of study, first at the
University of Geneva and subsequently at Montauban, spent some time
at Berlin under Dr. Harnack, whose famous work on Dogma he
translated into French. He was ordained at Geneva in September, 1889,
and immediately after entered on his pastorate at Canterbury, where he
remained till October, 1890. He next became assistant minister at
Plainpalais, a suburb of Geneva, and was in April, 1898 elected minister
of that large parish by a popular vote.f M. Edouard Archinard, also of
Geneva, acted as pastor from 1890 to 18924 M. Emmanuel Christen was
then elected, § and it was during his term of office that a further change was
* Le Livre du Sanctuaire : By the Rev. J. A. Martin, B.D.
t M. Choisy took the B.D. degree both at Montauban and Geneva (1888), and in 1897 that of Licencie en
Theologie, at Geneva. He is the author of La Thiocratie a Geneve au temps de Calvin.
X He then became minister of the French Protestant Church at Naples.
\ Emmanuel Christen was born March 10, 1870, in a parsonage of the Canton of BSle, from which, in 1876,
his father was called to the chief ministry of the German Evangelical Church at Geneva. The pastor of
Canterbury studied theology first at the University of Bale and subsequently at the University of Geneva,
from which he obtained his degree of B.D., and was received as auxiliary pastor in the Swiss Reformed
Church.

FRENCH CHURCH IN THE BLACK PRINCE S CHANTRY.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 181
made in the position occupied by the French Church in the crypt. The
Dean and Chapter had become desirous to carry out a much-needed
improvement, by restoring to the noble crypt of Ernulf the light of day
which had been excluded by the enclosure of the south aisle. They
requested the Consistory of the French Church to enable the improvement
to be effected by removing from the south aisle into the adjacent transept,
known as the Black Prince's Chantry. The Dean and Chapter undertook
to fit up the Chantry in a suitable manner, and to recognise in a legal
document the right possessed by the French congregation to worship in
the crypt. They also agreed to permit the whole area of the crypt to
be used for special services when large numbers were likely to attend.
The negotiations extended over a considerable time, but ultimately a
majority of the Consistory decided in favour of the alterations, and legal
documents which embodied the conditions of the agreement were signed
on both sides. The architect of the Dean and Chapter (Sir Arthur
Blomfield) carried out the necessary works, and the Black Prince's Chantry,
so interesting historically and architecturally, was converted into a little
chapel admirably suited to the present requirements of the French
Church. During his pastorate at Canterbury M. Christen endeavoured to
connect with the Church of the Crypt a practical mission work in the
Kentish ports most frequented by French-speaking people. Difficulties
arose to prevent success at Dover ; but M. Christen established and
regularly conducted a Sunday service in French at Christ Church Mission
Hall, Folkestone. The services have been continued by the French
pastors of Canterbury up to the present time, the congregation consisting
mostly of French and Swiss residents and visitors. M. Christen resigned
his charge at Canterbury in May 1895, on his appointment as pastor of
the Reformed French Church at Friedrichsdorf, near Homburg.*
From 1895 to J897 the pastorate of the Church of the Crypt was
held by M. Eugene Burnat, the fourth in succession of ministers from
the Church of Switzerland. He was a native of Vevey, and a student of
the University of Lausanne. After a course of theology at the Faculty
of the Free Church of the Canton de Vaud, he spent a year at the
University of Berlin, and subsequently entered on special studies at the
* A refugee Huguenot Church founded in 1686, thanks to the hospitality extended to the fugitives of the
Revocation by the Landgrave of Hesse Homburg. The French-speaking inhabitants still number about
five hundred souls.

182 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.
College de France and the Sorbonne in Paris.* He was elected pastor
at Canterbury in April 1895, and continued to hold that position until
August 1897, when he returned to Switzerland, and was appointed
pastor of the Free Church at Trelex, in the Canton de Vaud. During
his ministry in the crypt, M. Burnat had the honour to receive in his
Church the Prince and Princess of Wales on the occasion of their visit
to the Cathedral. Their Royal Highnesses were much interested in the
Black Prince's Chantry, and in the survival of the historical Church of
the refugee strangers.
After the resignation of M. Burnat the services in the crypt and in
the branch Church at Folkestone were conducted, until May 1898, by
M. Maurice Arnal of Annonay (dep. Ardeche), pending the arrival of
the Rev. J. R. Barnabas, of Canada, who was ele ted pastor of the Church
in January, 1898. * # # * #
The Walloon Church of Canterbury has long outlived the circum
stances to which it owed its origin. It exists as a survival of a distant
past, when faithful men were still called to bear the Cross, and when this
nation had but lately entered into the glorious liberty of the Gospel. It
serves as a memento of the Christian brotherhood which united under one
roof the Protestant Churches of the Continent and the Protestant Church
of England ; and as a memorial of the refugee strangers who for love of
religion chose poverty and exile, and looked for a city whose maker
and builder is God. The reign of persecution has closed, but the
superstition which perpetrated innumerable horrors in the blindness of
bigotry still claims dominion over souls. Wherefore it is well to be
reminded of the good fight which our fathers fought for religious liberty,
by preserving this monument of the noble age in which they lived and of
which they were worthy.
* Born Dec. 9, 1869, University of Lausanne 1887-9, Faculty at Lausanne 1889-93, Berlin 1893-4, Paris
1894-5, admitted to pastoral office 1894.

CHAP. XVII.
The Industries of the Walloon and Huguenot Settlers at Canterbury.
The industrial history of the refugee strangers possesses a two-fold
interest : first in the enterprise of a people who included the most skilful
craftsmen of Europe ; secondly in the early development of English
manufactures. England owed the first real progress in the art of weaving
to Netherland workmen, and had been obliged until the fourteenth
century to send her home-grown wool to the looms of Flanders and
Holland. But the wise policy of Edward III brought to this country
large numbers of Flemish and Walloon weavers, from whom the English
learned to make the finer kinds of cloth. Two centuries later this country
was again indebted to the craftsmen of the Low Countries for an exten
sion and improvement of the staple manufacture ; and the same cause
which drove thousands of them to seek a refuge on our shores helped to
secure for England the industrial supremacy of the world.
The Protestant refugees of the sixteenth century were masters of
many arts and crafts, and skilled in "faculties and mysteries" unknown
or little practised in England until their coming.* The strangers who
migrated to Canterbury from Winchelsea were weavers of serges and
* The Dutch settlers at Maidstone in 1567 claimed to be able to make saies, baies, stammetts, mockados,
chamletts, diaper damask, sackcloth, anas and tapestry, Spanish leather, Flanders pots, tiles and bricks,
brasiers, white and brown paper, all kinds of armour and gunpowder. State Papers (Domestic) Elizabeth,
xliii, 19 and 20.

184 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
such silken fabrics as taffetas and bombazines. The larger body of
Walloons who removed to the city from Sandwich were mostly weavers
of woollen cloths, woolcombers, spinners and dyers. By the civic agree
ment they were allowed to manufacture bayes, stammetts and cloth after
the Flanders fashion, all sorts of lutes and buttons, and such work as could
be wrought with the shuttle ; but they were forbidden to make cloths
similar to those made by the English at that time. Although the cloth
manufacture had long flourished in the Weald of Kent it had not been
carried on at Canterbury, and the strangers brought new industries to
the city. In that respect they were more fortunate than their brethren
who settled in London, where the loom and the shuttle had long been
at work, and a powerful guild of English weavers had been established
as far back as the davs of Becket, who was indeed a witness to their
charter. The first industry in which the settlers at Canterbury engaged was
the manufacture of bayes and sayes, with the necessary adjuncts of
cleansing, spinning and dyeing the wool. Bayes were woollen cloths,
coarser and narrower than the native broadcloths. Sayes are described
by some writers as made of wool, and by others as made of silk. In the
French of the period of Elizabeth saye and its diminutive sayette denoted
narrow woollen serges similar to those originally made in the Netherlands.
The sayes made at Canterbury in the early days of the refugee settlement
were undoubtedly woven of wool ; but subsequently the term was also
applied to mixed fabrics of wool, mohair and silk, and later still to such
as contained only silk. The looms of Canterbury produced a great
variety of " mingled sayes," stammetts, bourrois, perpetuances and other
draperies which were but variant forms of the same materials, and differed
according to the fancy and skill of the makers, being given new names to
make them more saleable.
The county historians are mistaken in supposing that the early
Walloon settlers at Canterbury were mostly silk-weavers. There were
unquestionably silk-weavers among them, but their operations seem to
have been confined chiefly to the minor products comprised in the term
passementerie, such as ribbons, laces and fringe. The silk manufacture
cannot have formed a very considerable part of the Canterbury industries
in the sixteenth century. It is rarely mentioned in the early records ;
and when, in 1582, twelve representatives of the trades were selected to

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 185
form the first company of politic men, drapers, woolcombers, and passe-
mentiers were named but no silk-weavers. The earliest mention of silk
wares in the Burghmote records occurs in the year 1592-3, as follows : —
Receyved of mr maior wch he had receyved of the Strangers
and wch they levyed amonge theire companye for
defaultes made in makynge their rasshes and other
wares to shorte and contrary to their orders* xxvis iijd
Rashes were mixed serges in which silk was interwoven with the wool.
They are occasionally described as " sylke rasshes," and they appear in
the Chamberlain's accounts because the Walloons were required to pay
into the city treasury a portion of the fines which they levied in their
trade-bodies for breach of their rules.
From the time of their arrival in the city the strangers were obliged
to submit the products of their looms to the officer appointed to " view"
them, in order to ensure the goods being of lawful and honest make and
measure. If he was satisfied with his examination, the viewer or searcher
sealed the end of each whole piece with the city seal. For this operation
a fee was charged, and the proceeds ultimately figured in the Chamber
lain's accounts. These curious documents, full of minute detail, and
possessing a rich store of antiquarian information, contain many items
which relate to the Walloon industries. The earliest occurs in the
account for the year ending Michaelmas 1576, as follows : —
" It. rec. of the strangers for the sealyng of their bayes for
the fyrst quarter .. .. .. .. xxijs viijd
It. rec. of the straungers more for the sealyng of their bayes
for the second quarter endyd at or lady day . . xxxjs vjd
It. rec. of Thomas cheseman and willm collyson for their
arrerages of certen bayes sealed for the straungers
betwen Esther & Whytsontyde . . . . xiiijs
Itm. rec. more of the straungers for the sealyngs of their
bayes for mydsomer quarter . . . . . . xxxiiijs ijd
Itm. rec. more of the straungers for the sealyng of their
bayes for michaelmas quarter . . . . xvjs
(Yt apereth by mr nuts f owne hnd for the strangers accompt
that he this quarter had of them xxxvjs of wh then
he allowed them xxs geven yerly to them & by the
accompt allowed).
It thus appears that the first year's payments of fees for sealing the bayes
amounted to £6 18s. 4d. ; and, as the charge for each piece was two
* Bvrghmote Recoups : Chamberlain's Accounts, 1592-3. f John Nutt was the Chamberlain.

186 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
pence, the total number of pieces of cloth submitted to the viewer during
the first year was 830. The average annual payment for the first twelve
years amounted to £5 5s. od., and after that there is a sudden fail to
nearly half the amount of the earlier receipts. This may indicate a
reduction in the sealing-fee ; but it is probable that the manufacture of
bayes was declining while that of silk increased. The payments for
the " baye money" were in the year 1600-1601 £2 15s. 6d. ; in
1601-2, £2 1 8s. 8d. ; 1602-3, £1 14s. 2d. ; 1603-4, £l X9S- 8d. In the
following years' the sums grew still smaller, viz. 6s. 8d., 8s., 2s., nil,
8s. 2d., 13s., 5s. 4d., and the item ceased to appear in the city accounts
after 161 1. The account for the year 1575-6 includes an item of 13s. 2d.
received "for the openyng of the wyndowes by certen straungers";
that is licence-money for permission to open shop. The next year's
account explains the return of twenty shillings mentioned above : —
" Paid to the Wallonars for their allowance of the xxs gyven
them toward the halle for one year endyng Michs 1577." xxs
The city contributed twenty shillings a year toward the expense of the
hall, the place appointed for the examination and sealing of the bayes
and other goods. The hall served as a mart in which the various wares
could be displayed and sold in the gross. A petition to the Mayor and
Aldermen of the city, in the year 1648, from " the overseers of the
Auncient weauers Hall in theblacke fryers" opens with a declaration "that
this hall hath beene established in the blacke fryers Canterbury ever since
the yeare 1575 or thereabouts for the manufactures of all sorts of stufes
according vnto our covenance made with the Magistrates of this Cittie."
The first arrangements were provisional, and in 1579 the Burghmote
agreed : —
"That there shalbe a hawle appointed wthin this Cittie wherevnto all manner of
merchandizes shalbe broughte to be solde by all forreners whiche shall bringe any wares or
merchandizes to this Cittie, there in the same hawle to be solde to ffreemen onely and all
wares and merchandizes solde by anye forrener in any other place wthin the Cittie to be
forffeited, and that fower af the Aldermen shalbe appointed and no(mina)ted to assigne the
place where the halle shalbe and the daye of sale in the weke."f
In 1590 the Burghmote again made an order concerning the hall. It
stated that the Court had determined —
"That hereafter in convenient tyme all wares of the Straungers of this Cittie and of
other forreners to be broughte to sale or made wthin the Cittie shalbe broughte vnto some
speciall place or hall wthin this Cittie there to be vewe and sealed before the sale thereof,
and that the Lofte ouer the corne markett shalbe the place or hawle for that purpose."!
t Burghmote Book (1578-1602), fo. 11. % Ibid, fo. 177.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 187
In 1582 the first mention is made in the city accounts of another
impost laid upon the Walloon industry, and this under the name of
" loome money" thenceforward makes its appearance from year to year.
The first entry is as follows : —
" Rec. of the Strangers for & in consideracon of the vse of
390 loomes for one de yere endyd at michaelmas
A° 23 Eliz. rne . . . . . . . . iiij11 xvijs vjd
This first half-yearly payment of loom money, £4. 17s. 6d., shows that the
charge was at the rate of three pence per loom. The second half-year,
which ended at Lady Day 1583, shows a large increase; the sum paid,
£7 7s. 6d., would be equivalent to the tax on 590 looms. The average
of the next fifteen years was about p£io, but the receipts were very
irregular, in one year as low as £5 19s. 3d., in another as high as
^11 6s. 6d. ; and it is clear that the collection of the loom money was at
times far from satisfactory. This is admitted in a petition presented in
161 2 to the Burghmote by certain members of the Walloon congregation,
who say that the tax levied on every loom had sometimes been paid and
sometimes been neglected. They wished to make a fixed annual payment
in lieu of loom money.* The Chamberlain's account has no item of loom
money for the years 1612 and 1613. In the following year ^4 os. gd.
was received, after which the income under this head decreased year by
year, and finally disappeared in 1623.
In the year 1583-4, in addition to the ordinary amounts of loom
money, there is an item
" More for their greate loomes . . , . . . xs "
This may refer to an early introduction of the Dutch loom which a few
years later aroused the anger of the fellowship of the Weavers' Company
of London, who in a declaration of grievances against the strangers
included the use of —
" an Engine or Loome brought first from beyond the seas . . . , Some with tenn,
some sixtene, some twentie and some twentie and foure Shuttells a piece By which ffourtie
and foure Loomes thus set on worke we finde they take away the liveinge of fifoure hundred
foure score and six persons according to the computacon of their Shutteller." f
It is not surprising that the competition of so great a swarm of
foreigners should have excited the jealousy of the native manufadturers
and workmen. The strangers by their superior skill, enterprise and
* Walloon Records, Canterbury.
t Records of the Weavers' Company, vol. in, pp. 157*9.

History of the Walloon and

invention brought into the markets attractive novelties which caught the
popular taste, and their prosperous activity was enviously contrasted with
the lack of labour and trade among the English. The records of the
Weavers' Company contain abundant evidence of the antagonism which
arose very naturally out of this condition of affairs. In 1589 the Company
procured the active interference of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of the
City, who issued ordinances forbidding any member of the Guild to
employ more than two "foreigners," either native or alien; requiring
every foreigner to serve seven years before working as a master ; and
limiting the number of looms which any alien might keep in his house
to three.* In spite of this order the stranger-weavers continued to
work as many as six, eight, or twelve looms, and to disregard
entirely the restrictions as to journeymen and apprentices. f At length
the "Yeomanry of the Company of distressed Weavers," in a lengthy
remonstrance dated from Weavers' Hall in June, 1595, unburdened their
griefs to "the Right Reverend Pastors and grave Elders " of the French
Church of London. After a curious preamble, in which they appeal to
their rivals as " fellow members of the misticall body of Jesus Christ, and
Cittizens wft vs of that heavenly and celestiall Kingdome," they proceed
as follows : —
" ffoure things we are to charge them wthall whereby they bringe miserie vpon vs
and noe good to themselves.
ffirst many of them kepe Apprentices and Loomes twyce or thryce as many as they ought
whereby such an intollerable multitude of workmen are growne, that nowe one is not able
to liue by another.
Secondly They doe not refuse to teache their Countrymen, which now come over, the
Arte of Silke weaving, though before they were a Taylor, a Cobler, or a Joyner, and theis
alsoe by and by take houses, and kepe as many servants as the rest. And by this meanes
such fellowes that neuer served daye for the trade haue as great Comoditye by our
Occupacon as our selues, that served 7, 8, 9 or 10 years for yt. And what can we call this
but plain theft, being thereby robbed of our lyving. If they take the garments from our
back, or the goods out of our homes, the trespass were not halfe soe great, for that were but
a present and private Losse, but this Theivery is not onely done to vs but to our Children
or servants and our servants servants.
Thirdly they sett wooemen and mayds at worke, whoe when they are become perfect
in the Occupacon, doe marry with men of contrary trade, and so bringe that which should be
our lyvinge to be the mainteynance of those that never deserved for it, and theis likewise
increase an infinite number.
ffourthly they have exposed and discovered the secrets of our Occupacon to their
worke maisters, that nowe they are growne as Cuninge in any worke as our selues ....
* Records of the Weavers' Company, vol. in, p. 121. ^ Ibid, p. 123.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 189
Moreover not contented to doe this Iniurye alone, but many of them goes hawking
vpp and downe the Cittye day by daye, and from shopp to shopp, offerringe all kinde of
worke to sell, and many tymes they goe with that is none of their owne, but some of their
friends, that makes it at Norwich, at Canterbury, at Sandwich and other such like places
and thereby cloyes the Cittye in such sorte that if they bargaine for any afterwards yt is to
his great losse that sellyth yt.
Nowe, after the poore ffreeman hath toyled all the weeke thinkinge on Satterday to
sell that which he hath made, therewith to buye his Sundaies dynner and other necessaryes,
he whoe was brought vpp in the Cittye, served many yeares to have the pryviledge thereof,
whoe is alsoe sworne to all manner of charges, whoe payes all dutyes belongeing to a
Subiecl, being both himself and all that he hath readye to doe the Queene and the Cittye
service, when he cometh with his worke (alas) he cometh to late, the Straunger hath
supplyed his roome, and therefore as he came forth soe he maye goe home, with a heavye
and a sorrowful harte, for the Canterbury and Sandwich brokers haue put his nose (as the
proverbe is) quite out of ioynte.""'
This quaint remonstrance had an effect very different from that
which its authors intended. A deputation of them delivered it by their
own hands to the French ministers ; and these complained to the Lord
Mayor, who committed the chief of the remonstrants to prison.
The interference with the strangers in their industries was not always
so futile as in this instance. Many of them were prosecuted for alleged
violations of the trade laws, and more were intimidated by threats of
action. The emissaries and agents of the English manufacturers were
active not only in London, but in the other refugee settlements. The
Canterbury strangers were almost from the first harassed by litigation,
and were the prey of a disreputable class of informers, who earned a
dishonest living by entrapping unwary traders. Under various statutes
aliens were forbidden to engage in handicrafts except as servants to the
English, or to sell their wares by retail, and were subjected to many
other restrictions. Those who pursued them at law maintained that the
refugee strangers were equally liable with other aliens, and were not
exempted by the terms of the royal licence under which they were
allowed to settle in the kingdom. At Canterbury the interference with
the Walloon industries did not arise from the citizens, who regarded the
strangers with benevolent self-interest. Their good-will was shown in
active support when necessary, and one of the earliest records of the
Church of the Crypt is the draft of a letter on behalf of the congregation
from the local authorities to the Secretary of State or some other member
of the Queen's Council. It describes the condition under which the
* Records of the Weavers' Company, vol. in., pp. 125-135.

190 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Walloons settled at Canterbury, and states that many of them refrained
from the exercise of trades in which they were skilled, and set themselves
to the making of bayes ; but that persons who envied their poor estate
had caused some of them to be arrested, and many to be threatened with
prosecution, under an Act passed in the fifth year of her Majesty's reign,
which prohibited the use of a trade by any who had not served as
apprentice to it for seven years. The writers prayed that the Privy
Council would signify their pleasure to the Lord Chief Justice and the
Lord Chief Baron for the stay of any further molestation of the poor
strangers at Canterbury.*
This draft letter is undated, but it is stated in a petition to the Privy
Council, early in the reign of James I, that their lordships had granted
relief to the Walloons of Canterbury in connection with prosecutions in
the years 1597-98^ There is an evident allusion to these troubles in a
letter in the archives of the Dutch Church of London, in which it is
stated that the vexations from informers had become so intolerable that
the strangers " especiallie of London and Canturbureye " were con
strained to appeal to the Lords of the Privy Council, who intervened in
their favour.^ The settlers at Canterbury had contemplated action, as
early as January 1577, "for the pursuit of privileges at Court," doubt
less in connection with attacks upon their freedom of manufacture and
trade ; but on the advice of the Church of London they resolved to
postpone any application for a time. § The subject is not again
mentioned in the record until August 20, 1582, when the Consistory
decided —
" to summon the chief men of the congregation in order to consult them as to the pursuit
of privileges, or at least the obtaining of our papers from the hands of Mons. de Walsingham." ||
Two of the elders (Michel Cattel and Antoine Caulier) were delegated
to go up to London "to undertake the aforesaid pursuit" ; but there is
no report of what took place at the interview of the deputies with the
Secretary of State. It is evident however that the troubles which had
moved the strangers of Canterbury to appeal for protection to the Queen's
Council were not overcome; for on May 19, 1583, the following minute
appears in the Consistory record : —
" Resolved on the advice of the Twelve Men, the Governors of the Draper}', and the
Master Passementiers to take into consideration the pursuit of privileges at the Court ; and,
* Appendix, iv. t Walloon Records, Canterbury.
1 Dr. Hessels suggests 1571 as the date of this letter, but the mention of Canterbury shows that it must have
been later than 1575. \ -Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 48. || Ibid, vol. II, p. 29.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 191
while awaiting the hearing of the case, to seek the favour of milord Chief Baron and of
Milord Walsingham, to be guaranteed against promoters and others who would molest us in
our arts and manufactures."*
Among the archives of the Church of the Crypt are some papers,
belonging to the close of the sixteenth century, which supply interesting
information concerning the woolcombers of the Walloon community.
Being continually worried by the spies and informers, they were driven
to combine in a trade-union for mutual defence. First they drew
up a declaration headed " God Save the Queen," in which they described
their operations as follows : — •
" First they buy wools to be combed and prepared for their trade ; which wools the
spinners come to buy for spinning, and sell their yarn on market day to such as have need
thereof for making baies, saies, bourrois and grosgraines, which are manufactured in the
said town by the Strangers, with her Majesty's permission. The said yarn is sold each
market day, and thereby the greater part of the Strangers who have taken refuge in the said
town gain their living, as well as part of the native English.
And whereas the said Woolcombers, having bought certain packs of wool for the
purposes of their trade, it happens from time to time that some of it is too fine and will not
serve ; therefore they change or sell it to the English drapers, to be used by them ; as like
wise those drapers, having wool unfit for their trade sell or exchange it to the said wool
combers.''
On account of these transactions they had been so molested by the
informers that several good families had been driven to quit the country
and others had become impoverished.
The union was constituted on the last day of January 1599, by the
master-woolcombers, in the presence of the Consistory and the politic
men. Fifteen masters subscribed their names and marks to the agree
ment, and pledged themselves one and all to support any among them
who should be troubled in the operations of his trade by promoter or
process-monger, and to contribute toward the expense incurred, each
according to his means, as might be judged and ordered by all. A
penalty of one pound sterling was imposed in case of default.
A third document, after reciting the joint undertaking to defend each
other if unjustly attacked, provided a code of rules for the union. These
imposed a tax, for the common fund, of two shillings on each full load of
wool purchased, and one shilling per pack on cloth-wools sold to the
drapers. It was stipulated that if anyone brought wool into the city for
sale, and a member of the union required part of it (while still in transit)
* Actes du Consistoire, vol. II, p. 55.

192 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
for his own working, the buyer must sell a portion of it without increase
of price. It was forbidden to receive or employ any workman who had
left his master unfairly; to dismiss any workman without duly paying
him ; or to cause workmen to be drawn away by bribes or otherwise from
their master's service. For breach of these rules fines varying from five
to forty shillings were to be imposed, half to go to the Union, the other
half to go to the poor of the congregation. Workmen on first entering
the craft were to pay a fee of one shilling ; those who wished to become
masters must be enrolled on a hall day, and pay an entrance fee of six
shillings. Certain of the masters were to be chosen to act as judges in
all disputes. These rules were signed by the confederate masters.
The fourth of the series of documents is another code of rules,
approved by the Politic Men but not signed. The preamble states that
it had long been desired to form a Union such as existed in other crafts,
and that several meetings had been held for that purpose, "and to no
other end, as God, who knows all, is witness." According to this code,
masters were forbidden to employ any workman who was not a member
of the Church and recognised by the Twelve Men and the Consistory ; to
employ any who had been dismissed for drunkenness or evil living ; to
entice away another master's men ; to dismiss workmen without giving
them a fortnight's notice ; or to refuse to release workmen who had
given that notice. They were forbidden also to conspire to lower wages,
although each master was free to act for himself. The workmen also
were not to conspire to raise wages. Five masters, to be chosen as
judges, were to meet monthly or oftener if specially summoned.*
From the beginning of the settlement there had been a trade-body
called "the Drapery," which regulated the manufacture and sale of the
cloths, and drew up rules both for masters and men. No records of
this body remain, but it is frequently mentioned in the Consistory
record. The "bailiff of the Drapery" is referred to in July 1576,
and in December, 1598, the Merchant Masters of the Drapery, the
" Caffatiers "f and the " Bourrassiers "J entered into a bond to refund
the expenses incurred by Gilles Ewins and Samuel Desbouveries, in pro
curing the " racket " of the Crown seal for the term of four years. For
the government of the said seal the three bodies were to choose each two
* A transcript of these documents is given in the Appendix, VI.
t " Cafas, a kinde of course taffata."— Cotgrave.
X " Bourras, a silk rashe, also grosse or course canvas." — Ibid.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 193
men every three months, to cause the articles contained in their charter
(" en leur carte ") to be executed, the said deputies to have full power in
all matters except in case of great difficulty, when they were to call in the
aid of their "confreres."* In May 1577, official notice was given to the
congregation as follows : —
" That every one must place himself under the authority of the Drapery and of the
Governors and Masters chosen and appointed by the Church, and authorized by the
Magistrate ; otherwise the Consistory will be compelled to join in complaint to the said
Magistrate. Yet if it should appear that the ordinances are unjust or hurtful to the
commonweal they will not be acknowledged."!
Disputes not unfrequently arose between the masters and workmen,
and were sometimes referred to the Consistory. In 1577 five workmen
caused their masters to be summoned before the Church tribunal on the
ground " that their ordinance as to bringing fillets to the market was unjust and hurtful to the
poor, because it was not made compulsory for all fillets from outside to be so brought."!"
The Consistory having heard both sides decided that the ordinance
was not unjust. They exhorted the workmen to comply with it as
Christians, and the masters to give due weight to the objections which
had been raised by the men. This dispute lasted for some months, and
some of the workmen had to be brought under ecclesiastical censure. In
1582 one of the masters was censured by the Consistory for receiving
workmen to the detriment of other masters. He was urged to conform
to the rule, as he could do so without wounding conscience or honour ;
but he thought otherwise. On the following Sunday notice was given
"that those who henceforth maintain scandalous workmen, in spite of remonstrance and
prohibition, will be pursued as rebels and disturbers of the peace."§
In the same year it was resolved in the Consistory: —
" That in order to remedy various disorders committed among the Passementiers, in
drawing away workmen from one another, all the masters should be called, to desire and
exhort them to draw up some order among themselves for that and other difficulties, so as
to preserve peace and quiet in the congregation." ||
That this recommendation was effectual appears by a later allusion
to the rules of the Passementerie having been agreed to by all, and
ratified by the magistrate. In 1583 it was recorded that
"the Governors of the Drapery had entered into disputes for their hall with the 12 Men
and the Master Passementiers, and it was determined to do the utmost to bring all into
accord, if possible, before the evil grew greater." **
* Walloon Register (Robert Hovenden, F.S.A.), Publications of Huguenot Society of London, vol. v, p. 753,
f Actes du Consistoire, vol. I, p. 72. J Ibid., vol. I., p. 75. \ Ibid., vol. II, p. 14.
|| Ibid, vol. II, p. 17. ** Ibid., vol. II, p. 72.

194 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
The decay in the cloth manufactures at Canterbury which had set in
at the beginning of the seventeenth century was accompanied by a
gradual increase in the manufacture of silk fabrics of various kinds, but
it is evident that during the first half of that century the growth of the
silk trade was not sufficient to maintain the former prosperity of the
Walloon community. In the letter of the Mayor and Aldermen to Sir
Robert Brente, in 1622, it is stated that the trade of the strangers had
much decreased, and that their looms were more than one half decayed.*
The order of the Privy Council, in April 1631, was doubtless intended to
support the elders and the heads of the trade-bodies at Canterbury in the
maintenance of the rules which had been made for the regulation of the
crafts. In this order the industries are specified as "the weavinge of
silke, Jersey and wosterd."t In 1637 the strangers of Canterbury, as well
as those of London, were alarmed by the new imposts laid on the
products of their looms. In a letter to the two foreign Churches of
London, Pastor Bulteel and the elders say : —
" We heard with joy that you have taken to heart the case of this Church in regard to
the tax imposed by the King on all silk goods manufactured here and elsewhere, which
is a matter of great importance and concerns all the foreign Churches, but especially ours.
We thank you for your endeavours to prevent such an evil and hope that the King will stay
this procedure by a Supersedeas !'%
In this emergency the Mayor of Canterbury and his brethren again
interceded on behalf of the refugee settlers, and gave them a certificate
testifying to the benefits conferred on the city by their industry,
" especially in spinning and combing of wooll and weauing silke, jersey
and worsted." They represented also that the importation of mohair or
Turkey yarn ready spun had of late done much injury to the poor people
both English and Walloon who were employed in spinning. §
In 1638 the strangers' community at Canterbury received a severe
blow. The English weavers had long complained that the competition
of the foreign settlers was unfair and ruinous to the native manufacturers
and workmen ; but the plaints of Weavers' Flail had failed to move the
Privy Council to give them redress. Now however a powerful influence
in the Council was inimical to the refugees, and the hand of Laud may
be suspe&ed in the change of policy which was adopted. A " contrad"
was made between the King and the Weavers' Company of London by
* See p. 89. f Appendix IX.
X HESSELS : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. in, p. 1749. {Appendix, XXV.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 195
which their charter was confirmed, and their jurisdiction extended to
include all weavers within the realm. In return for this favour the
Company covenanted to pay the King additional dues on every pound
of silk woven and dyed, the aliens "for two descents" being taxed one
third more heavily than the English.* The royal confirmation of this
agreement stipulated that the Corporation of the Weavers' Company
should in future include six weavers of Canterbury, f
The memorandum of the confirmation in the records of the Weavers'
Company says that the King, having been informed of " abuses practised
in weaving of tissues, gold and silver stuffs, plushes and other broad silks
and stuffs," had given their Corporation power to make ordinances
throughout England and Wales.J The weavers of Canterbury petitioned
to have the expression "for two descents" more clearly defined and
limited to father and son. They also asked that the extra impost laid on
their manufactures should be one-fourth, not one-third, of the tax on the
silks of the English weavers. §
About the time of the changes here described, the Canterbury weavers
made representations to the King or Council in order to show " Why the
Manufacture of Silke and other stuffes att Canterbury is noe losse to his
Matie in his Customs." They stated that the importation of thrown silk
from Naples and Leghorn caused, in the course of barter, the exportation
of English cloth, also that the silks woven at Canterbury were mostly
small and plain, and not likely to hinder the importation of rich satins
and velvets ; and they claimed to have been the inventors of divers new
stuffs such as tiffanies, which being largely exported added to the revenue. ||
Some interesting particulars of these new stuffs are given in a certificate
sealed by the Mayor on behalf of the strangers, in February 1639. It
refers to the earlier manufactures of silk rashes and sayes, to the
introduction of a new fabric termed "Phillip and Cheney," and to the
invention of mixed stuffs made of Turkey and Jersey yarn and hard
worsted.** The immediate cause of this civic intervention is shown in an order
of the Privy Council dated January 9, 1639, which states that the weavers
of Canterbury had complained of the weavers of London for having
procured a proclamation forbidding worsted to be wrought into stuff with
* Appendix, XXVI. t State Papers (Domestic), Charles I, CCCCXI, May 25, 1638.
X Records of the Weavers' Company, vol. in, pp. 480-8. § Appendix, xxvn.
|| Ibid., XXVIII. ** Ibid., XXIX.

196 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Turkey yarn, though the one were warp and the other were woof; also
forbidding thread to be woven with silk or with Turkey " grogran " yarn,
which inhibitions would stop the manufacture of many good stuffs at
Canterbury and transfer that trade to the Low Countries. The matter
was referred to the Commissioners for Manufactures, to examine and
report.* Among the mixed fabrics woven with gold, silver and tinsel by
the weavers of London and Canterbury, a petition to the King mentions
" plushes, tuff-taffities, damasks, wrought or figured satins, silk grograms,
silk calimancoes, wrought grograms and stitched taffities."f It was
alleged that they were not made of true breadth ; but the petitioners
were asking to.be appointed overseers, and their evidence may have
been open to suspicion.
The arrangement of 1638 was followed by a struggle between the
rival weavers of London and Canterbury; the one party striving for
mastery, the other for freedom. In a petition to the Burghmote, ten
years later, it is stated by the overseers of the hall at Canterbury that
the Weavers' Company of London had, in the years 1638 and 1639, so
beset them that they would have become at that time their slaves but
for the aid rendered by the magistrates of the city. % In another petition
of the same period it is said that the Master and Wardens of the
Weavers' Hall of London endeavoured to overthrow the hall at Canter
bury, or to bring it under their jurisdiction; and had "put in a bill
against them of the which they were advised by Captain Nutt, Burgess
of this Citty. "§
The differences between the two parties were referred to the Privy
Council, and came to a hearing in the Inner Star Chamber on May 15,
1639. Tne result was the issue of an order of the Council that the
Weavers' Company should send the seals to Canterbury, which they had
till then neglected to do ; and that the weavers of Canterbury must then
cease to be refractory, or their Lordships would " take a round course to
render them conformable." || The quarrel was still continued however,
and, in the September following, the Attorney-General heard both
parties and their counsel. He reported that the complaint of the Canter
bury weavers as to the duty on silk was mistaken ; for the natives were
* State Papers (Domestic) Charles I, CCCCIX, 39. f Ibid., CCCXII, 23.
X Appendix, xxx.
\ BURGHMOTE Records : Greevances of the Aunciant Hall in the Black Fryers in Canterbury.
|| Slate Papers (Domestic), Charles I, CCCCXXI, 1.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 197
at first enjoined to pay 8d. and the strangers is. on every pound of silk
at Weavers' Hall. Since the erection of the Silk Office both natives and
strangers paid 6d. there, and the remainder (6d. by strangers, 2d. by
natives) was paid on stuffs manufactured, without increase of duty. Their
complaint that all stuffs made at Canterbury were brought to London to
be searched and sealed was also mistaken, for it was provided that the
stuffs made at Canterbury should be sealed there. By the patentof July 4,
1638, six weavers of Canterbury were joined to the Assistants of the
Weavers' Company, one of them to be deputy-bailiff and another deputy-
warden, with like privileges and free voices in making of ordinances and
all other matters concerning the trade. The Attorney-General now
proposed that the six assistants at Canterbury should be chosen in that
city, and have power to order all things for the government of the trade
there, two of them only being required to appear once a year in the
court of London ; also that the duty should be collected by the Mayor of
Canterbury as they desired. He stated that the weavers of Canterbury
requested to be absolutely separated from those of London.*
The report of the Attorney-General was considered on September
29, 1639, when it was ordered by the King in Council that the weavers
of Canterbury should by letters patent be severed from the Weavers'
Company of London, and become a distinct Company. The taxation on
silk was to be continued, viz. by the English 8d. per pound and by the
strangers a shilling per pound. The Canterbury' wares were in future to
be sealed there ; and the amount of the bond to be given by each manu
facturer as security for duty was reduced from ,£200 to ^"100. All
" deceitfull stuffe " was to be forfeited and destroyed, f
The master weavers of Canterbury now prepared for the incorporation
of their Company, and bound themselves by a joint undertaking to con
form to the articles of the charter which the Attorney- General had been
instructed to prepare; to ratify the election which they had made of
bailiffs, wardens and assistants ; and to contribute to the costs incurred
in obtaining the royal grant.J Yet for some reason the incorporation
was not at that time carried into effect ; the issue of letters patent was
either suspended or revoked; and the King's order was allowed to remain
in abeyance. In a search made at the Record Office and at the Privy
* State Papers (Domestic), Charles I, CCCCXXlx, 2.
t Appendix, XXXI. j Ibid, XXXII.

198 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Council Office nothing has been discovered to show why the promised
charter was withheld. It is not unlikely to have been in consequence
of the unsettled state of the kingdom, and the unhappy disputes which
arose about this time in the congregation of the strangers ; for the
hostile parties carried their quarrels into their secular affairs, and the
schism in the Church was supplemented by disunion in the industrial
community. It was not until many years later that the stranger weavers of Canter
bury were officially incorporated, although they undoubtedly acted under
a quasi-corporate government, with rules and ordinances which had been
approved and sanctioned by the local magistrates. In 1676, however,
the intention of Charles I was carried into effect by his son ; and, upon
the petition of the Walloon congregation, letters patent were issued
establishing the Company of the "Master, Wardens and Fellowship of
weavers in the city of Canterbury."* It is stated in the preamble of the
charter that the congregation numbered nearly two thousand five hundred,
and that " many thousands ' ' of the English were employed by them. The
jurisdiction of the Company was to extend to one mile from the city of Can
terbury, and to include all strangers who used the art or mystery of weaving
in gold and silver or other wire or plate ; silk, hair, Jersey and worsted ;
woollen, cotton and linen yarn and thread; and mixtures of any of these
materials. Its first officers, nominated in the charter, were : — John Six,
Master; John Du Bois and James Six, Wardens ; and John Bont, Gideon
Despaigne. Isaac Patou, Peter le Houcq, John Lespine, James Mannake,
Paul des Farvacques, Henry Despaigne and Phillip Leper, Assistants.
A document of the year 1687 sets forth the regulations for the regular
assembling of the Master, Wardens and Assistants in their hall, with the
penalties imposed for non-attendance. f
The period between 1639 ar>d 1676 was almost wholly one of
disunion and discord among the strangers at Canterbury. The schisms
which rent the church have already been described, but the disputes in
the Weavers' Hall were as frequent and almost equally bitter. It is not
surprising to find that the ill-feeling which divided the members of the
foreign community also tended to cause interference on the part of the
citizens. The Burghmote was appealed to by one side and the other,
and in 1642 a committee was appointed to inquire into the disputes
* Appendix, xxxvi. f Ibid., xxxvn.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 199
which were occurring among the Walloon weavers. The proceedings
extended over several months, and it was not until April 1 1, 1643 that the
recommendation of the Committee was embodied in the following order
of the Court : —
" Whereas this Court hath beene often peticoned by the Mr sayweavers and governers
of their hall on the one part and by the journeymen sayweavers of the Walloon congregation
of the other part, and this Court by themselues and their Committees haue with much
patience heard their seuerall compleynts and answers. It is nowe finally ordered that the
Articles formerly exhibited by the Masters of the said trades and confirmed and established
by this Court, vnless the Journeymen weavers shall bring in and exhibitt materiall and con
siderable excepcons against these Articles before the next Court of Burgmott, after which
then this Court will receyue noe more exceptions nor hear any further compleynts against
these Articles. And it is further ordered that in the meane tyme all the said Articles shalbe
publiclie reade in the said weauers hall at a generall meeting to be appointed for the
purpose."* On May 23rd the order of April 1 ith was finally approved and con
firmed. In a petition of a later date it is stated that Charles I had
appointed that the Mayor or one of the aldermen of the city should be
Master of the Weavers' Hall.t
In July 1645 tne Burghmote was again interfering in the affairs of
the strangers; but the disputes were now between the Walloons and the
citizen traders, and the order of the Court was based upon complaints
" of the great abuse now vsed by the walloones within this Cittie in makeinge and orderinge
of their sayes and other stuffes to the great prejudice of tradeinge within this Cittie."
A committee was again named to inquire of the Masters of the Hall
concerning the alleged abuses ;\ and, as no more is recorded of the
matter it was probably settled amicably. In the following year John
Leleu {alias Woolfe), having two pieces of stuffs seized by the overseers
of the saye-makers, for fines, appealed to the magistrates, who ordered one
piece to be returned to him. They also requested the governors of the
congregation to induce Leleu " to make his perpetuances and other
stuffes of saye of so good materialls, so great a breadth, and of such a
quantity of threads as is agreed vppon by their first article. "§
A little later a more serious dispute arose in connection with the
Weavers' Hall in the Black Friars which, since the early days of the settle
ment, had served the strangers as their common mart, exchange and
guild-hall. A petition to the Burghmote, in or about 1648, states that
* Burghmote Books, No. 4, fo. 177. f Appendix, xxxni.
X Burghmote Books, No. 4, fos. 206-7.
§ Walloon Records, Canterbury. Order of Burghmote, April 10, i6q.6.

200 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
the adherents of Mr. de la Prix had got possession of the hall and
appointed officers who broke the rules, and who had also seized and
detained the charter granted by the city. They therefore prayed to be
given permission to search and seal their own work among themselves,
and to make use of the city seal for that purpose.* To this the overseers
ot the hall replied that, if another hall were allowed to be set up, abuses
would arise, and lead to the ruin of the trade. f Notwithstanding their
opposition a new hall was established, and an order of Burghmote was
made, on February 7, 1648, that the keeper of the seal for the sayes
should seal all sayes whether brought to the old or the new hall appointed
for that purpose.^ In the following year a committee of aldermen and
others was appointed to inquire into the grievances among the Walloons,
and an order was issued to those who then held the civic agreement to
produce it at the next Court (May 1, i64g).§ The outcome of this
inquiry is not recorded. Some information as to the sealing of the sayes
is contained in an order of Burghmote dated April 26, 1642, as follows : —
"The congregation of the Wallons shall have two seales, one for the best sort of the
myngled sayes they make and the other for the worser sorte, the better sorte to be sealed
with this Citties seale or Armes, and the worser sorte to be sealed wth another seale different
from the best seale. And the Citty seale shalbe every tewsday and friday in the afternoon
conveyed to their hall in the black fryers by some able freman of this Citty skilfull in that
trade, who shall with them viewe and seale the said stuffes. And Mr Chamberleyn shall
forthwith gett these seales under his discretion for which he shalbe allowed vpon his
accompt. And one penny to be paid vnto Mr. Chamberleyn for every pece sealed and one
half penny to the keeper of the seale in that behalf to be assigned by this Court."||
The Chamberlain's account for 1642 includes an item of twenty-three
shillings paid for making the seale for the Walloons.
Soon after the middle of the seventeenth century the friendly feeling
of the citizens toward the strangers changed, and they were regarded
less as refugees for religion than as rivals in trade. It was repeatedly
alleged that the Walloons violated the conditions of their settlement, and
some of them were prosecuted by the city guilds. The elders had even
to appeal to the Mayor in defence of their tailor, who was arrested for
carrying on his trade among the English, a charge which was declared to
be unfounded.** About the same time the carriers laid information
against John Six and others of the Weavers' Company for infringing the
* Appendix, XXXIV. flbid., XXXV.
X Burghmote Books, No. 4, fo. 276. § Ibid., fo. 279. || Ibid., fo. 168.
** Walloon Records, Canterbury, Petition in behalf of Christopher Van Dame.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 201
privileges of citizens by setting up one James Meshman as a carrier
between Canterbury and London.* The defendants pleaded that they
had been driven to take that step by the negligence of their accusers,
whom they had employed for a long time to carry their wares, but who
entrusted them to one Gibbons, the Dover carrier. He not only caused
much damage to the silks and stuffs by thrusting them into bags ; but
his waggons, travelling by night, had several times been robbed, and silk
to the value of ^300 had been stolen. Moreover, when some of the
thieves were caught, Gibbons refused to give evidence against them, and
was committed to prison for contempt. The defendants had therefore
been obliged to combine in establishing Meshman as their carrier, who
only travelled between sunrise and sunset. He was also able to act as
their factor, as he well understood the trade, f
In March 1664 the Burghmote record states that certain proposals
had been presented on behalf of the woolcombers and weavers within
the city —
" For bringing in of a manufacture for the continuall imployment and maintenance of
the poore and for the preventing the exportacon of raw wooll and the importacon of
forreine stuffes which haue almost destroyed the trades of making of cloath in the wild of
Kent and of making of worsted stuffes in this Citty, and for ye raysing of an addiconall
revenew to the Kings Maiestie."
A Committee was appointed to confer with the Walloons, and to
promote a petition to Parliament in favour of the scheme.^ The result
is not recorded.
In the year 1668 the minister and elders were twice summoned to
the Burghmote Court to answer to charges of unlawful trading, in viola
tion of the Civic Agreement. It was then stated that in 1 636 the Walloons
had agreed not to sell by retail any silks, stuffs, grocery, laces, or
manufactures of silk, wool, linen, or hair ; but that they were daily
trading in violation of the agreement. § In 1672 the Mercers and other
freemen accused the Walloons of using trades in which they were
forbidden to engage, of selling by retail, and of smuggling foreign
goods into the country ; and it was alleged that " for the more effectual
carrying of their designes of enriching themselves by the ruine of the
English freemen of this citty, some of the said congregacon doe pretend
* Burghmote Records, The Petition of the Common Carriers.
t Burghmote Records, The Answer of John Six the elder and others.
X Burghmote Book (1658-1672), fo. 97. \ Ibid., fo. 180.

202 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
that they have heretofore obtayned the freedome of this Citty." The
Burghmote, considering that the charges had been proved, gave satisfac
tion to the aggrieved crafts by an order excluding any stranger from the
freedom of the city, even though he had served as apprentice to a freeman,
or married a freeman's daughter.*
A few years later a better opinion of the foreign element in the
population prevailed among the principal citizens, who signed a certificate
acknowledging the strangers to be a great benefit to the city, in bearing
their share of the public burdens, and finding arms and men for the
trained bands. They declared that without their help the city, being
poor, could not have borne such heavy charges f
The incorporation of the Weavers' Company in 1676 was followed
by the great extension of the silk manufacture at Canterbury which
resulted from the arrival of the Huguenot refugees. The fugitives from
France included designers and weavers of silk, whose taste and skill had
rendered the products of their looms famous throughout Europe. In the
period immediately following the Revocation the silk-weaving industry at
Canterbury attained extraordinary dimensions. More than a thousand
looms were employed, and the fabrics were greatly improved. Rare and
costly silks were now produced, which included striped and flowered
brocades priced, even at that time, at from ten to twenty shillings the
yard. The materials were chiefly Turkey raw silk and Italian thrown silk,
and the richer fabrics were interwoven with gold and silver.
But this period of prosperity was of short duration. The tide of
fashion turned to lighter and cheaper silks and calicoes from the East ;
and before'the close of the century the silk-weavers, both natives and
strangers, were driven to seek the aid of Parliament on several occasions.
In a paper which gives an account of the rapid decay of the silk
manufacture in England it is stated : —
" These manufactures increased very much till about the year 1674, at which time there
was such a vast quantity of wrought silks imported from France that caused the English
manufacturers to suffer very much thereby. Application being made by the weavers to the
Parliament they were relieved by an Act made prohibiting all Comerce or trade with France,
and that all French goods imported should be burnt, and so stop the exportation of our
money thither which went frequently to pay the ballance of that pernicious trade. After
this the trade increased and flourished till about the year 1685 when another mischief fell
* Burghmote Book, (1658-1672) fos. 233-4.
t Appendix, xxxvill.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 203
upon our trade by the great quantity of wrought Silks and painted Callicoes imported and
wore in this Kingdom which was a greater evil then the ffrench trade."*
Some relief was procured by the Act prohibiting any wrought silks
or painted calicoes of India or Persia to be worn in England ; but
the benefit of this was soon counteracted by the practices of smugglers
who daily ran in the prohibited goods, and cheated the King of his dues.
The trade became as bad as ever ; thousands of weavers in London and
other places were out of work ; and the document quoted above states,
as a proof of the distress, that the brewers of Spitalfields " were
brewing less strong drink by five hundred barrells per week, which comes
to £120 for the Excise per week." It was therefore prayed that Parlia
ment would pass " a law to prohibite all painted Callicoes being worn in
this Kingdom." f
In March, 1696, the Master, Wardens and Assistants of the Weavers
Company of Canterbury petitioned Archbishop Tenison to support in the
House of Lords a Bill which' had passed a second reading in the House
of Commons, for restraining the wearing of East India and Persia silks
and calicoes. They say : —
" In this place only there is severall Thousands English and French that are employed,
and whose livelyhood wholly depends upon makeing these manufactures. The improve
ments that have been made in these Manufactures for these few years past are very great.
And wee do believe this Nation may truly be said to equalize if not exceed any nation at
present for Workemanshipp and Ingenuity and increase in people, if one encouragement be
but given them."|
A petition from the Weavers' Company of Canterbury to the Lords
Commissioners of Trade and Plantations, about 17 10, states that some
twenty-five years before there were over a thousand looms at work in the
city, employing above 2700 people; that the general wear of East India
silks and calicoes had reduced the number of the looms to about two
hundred, until the Act above mentioned was passed, when they again
increased for a few years. But lately the infection of the new fashions
had spread so far that —
" little else is to be seen amongst the comon people that use to wear Stuffes but Callicoes
and amongst the Gentry but the prohibited Chints, China Damasks and forreign wrought
Silkes." The number of their looms was then 334, and of master weavers 58. §
* Walloon Records, Canterbury. The State of the Silk and Silk and Worsted Manufacture. f Ibid.
X Lambeth MSS., 942 (118). The petition is signed by John Mercier, Master; Peter Phene and Gideon
Despaigne, Wardens ; and John Six, Henry Despaigne, Joshua Danbrine, Stephen du Thoit, and James
Six, Assistants.
\ Walloon Records, Canterbury.

204 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
By the treaty of commerce with France in 1 7 1 3 it was agreed that
both countries should enjoy the privileges of trading under a " most
favoured-nation " clause, and the prospect of a great influx of French
products into England at once aroused most active opposition. The
foreign weavers of Canterbury joined with the English manufacturers in
appeals to Parliament, and the new treaty was vehemently denounced in
the House of Commons. It was urged that the English had learned to
make silk, stuffs, paper and other articles formerly imported from France
and that, if the heavy duties were removed, the vast industry which had
sprung up here would be ruined, labour being so much cheaper in
France. While the House of Commons prolonged the discussion the
agitation in the country became so formidable that the House rejected
the Bill to establish the new treaty. In a petition to the Commons at
this time the Weavers' Company of Canterbury plead for the preservation
of their trade, by which some thousands of persons were employed in the
" manufacture of silke and silkes worked with gold and silver, and stuffs
made with wool and mixed with silke and wool."*
A few years later the silk weavers of Canterbury were lamenting a
new grievance, and petitioning the King in 17 15 to shorten the period of
public mourning for the late Queen Anne. They say : —
" The consumption of silkes worne by ye Court and Gentry in these Publick mournings
have generally been Black Velvets, Black Podesoys, and Black Mantuas, which bring noe
employment to our own Poor, they being manufactured in Holland and Italy, and most of
them are reasonably presumed (by ye low prises they are sold at) to be run in upon us with
out paying his majesty's Duty."f
The weavers, supposing that the mourning would not last beyond the
King's birthday, had prepared very large stocks of silks ; but owing to
the long period of mourning (one year from August ist), they had lost
and feared still to lose the sale of their goods. They prayed the King to
shorten the public mourning by two months.
During the first half of the eighteenth century the deacons of the
crypt appear to have employed some of their poor pensioners in weaving,
providing them with raw material and disposing of the manufactured
goods for the benefit of the charitable fund. The items of account
relating to these transactions begin in 1739, when a sum of ^13 is. 6d.
is charged " for silk and fillee and making of four pieces of allopin."
Subsequent entries show frequent purchases of silk and cotton and of silk
x, xxxix. t Walloon Records, Canterbury.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 205
and wool for the same purpose, while the other side of the account
contains entries of the sale of the " allopin," usually at the rate of from
sixty-five to seventy-five shillings the piece. The practice was continued
for several years, but was discontinued after the death of the few aged
members who were assisted in this way. The " allopin " was doubtless
the fabric known at that time as alipine, a stuff woven of silk and wool,
which derived its name from Aleppo, the place of its origin.
The interference of Parliament on behalf of the home manufactures
of silk and wool proved quite ineffectual. Prohibitive laws did not keep
out the foreign wares, and legislative protection of the native products
could not compel the public to buy them. The history of the Canterbury
industries throughout the eighteenth century is a melancholy record of
almost continuous decay. Spasmodic efforts were made to compete with
the foreign trade ; the silk weavers set their looms to the weaving of the
lighter articles which the public demanded, and in 17 19 Peter le Keux
showed to the Lords Commissioners of Trade some of the new fabrics :—
" I carryd with me several patterns of cheap stuff of all wool and of silk and wool, and
silk and thred with their prises from 4d a yard to 3s a yard i yard wide which pleased them
very much to see we could make stuffs so much cheaper than Callicoes."*
The innovation may have been temporarily beneficial, but the case
was hopeless. In 1721 the Weavers' Company again petitioned Parlia
ment to grant them relief, and declared that by the general use of East
India prohibited goods they were rendered unable any longer to carry on
their manufactures, and that the poor formerly employed by them were
becoming an insupportable burden to the parishes.! During the
next half-century the manufactures at Canterbury dwindled almost to
extinction. In 1787 a brief revival of activity gave hope of renewed prosperity.
This was owing to the enterprise of John Callaway, a member of the
Weavers' Company. Hasted, whose volume on Canterbury was
published in 1799, says : —
" This distress of the silk trade determined Mr. Callaway to travel in the West and
North of England in search of something new for the employment of these deserving
distressed people ; and this his ingenuity effected, after a long and expensive journey ; for
he found the means of mixing Sir Richard Arkwright's level cotton twist in his looms of
silk warps, by which contrivance he introduced to the public a new manufacture which
afforded employment, and consequently subsistence, not only to these poor unemployed
* Walloon Records : Letter of Peter le Keux to Phillip Manneke, October 16, 1719.
f Appendix, XL,

206 WALLOON & HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 
workmen in Canterbury, but in other parts of England likewise. This beautiful new article
of fabric was called Canterbury muslins, and the manufacture of it spread so rapidly, and
the demand for it became so great that from the time of its invention, which was about the
year 1787, it has employed all the weavers in the city, and manv hundreds more in London,
Manchester, and in Scotland, where they still retain their first name of Canterbury muslins.
Nor did Mr. Callaway's public spirit drop here; for, at an expense of upwards of ^3,000, he
afterwards erected a cotton mill on the river, at Shoal-oak near this City, which gives
employment to fifty women and children, under the care of two foremen. This mill likewise
supplied the weavers with the best of cotton twist ; but the flourishing hopes of the silk and
cotton and woollen trade of this city has felt a severe check, though perhaps not less than
the other manufactures throughout this kingdom, by the present unhappy war with France.
In the year 1789 I saw in Mr. Callaway's silk looms, the richest and most beautiful piece of
silk furnished for the Prince of Wales' palace at Carlton House, that was ever made in this,
or any other kingdom."*
Hasted states that in 1799 there were not more than ten master
weavers in the city, and only a few looms in work.f Mr. Callaway's
weaving shops were finally closed in or about the year 1837, and the
industry, originally founded in the city by the refugee strangers of the
sixteenth century, came to an end.
* Hasted : History of Kent, folio ed. vol. IV, p. 422.
t Hasted states that John Callaway was then the Master of the Weavers' Company ; Thomas DeLasaux and
Samuel Lepine were the Wardens ; and Peter DeLasaux, James DeLasaux, Peter Gambier, John Halbet
and Thomas Ridout were the Assistants.

APPENDIX.

The Pastors of the Walloon and Huguenot Church at Canterbury.
[The lists given by Burn in his History of the Foreign Protestant Refugees, and Martin in
Christian Firmness of the Huguenots are inaccurate, but are quoted in many historical works.
They are reprinted below for comparison with the revised list, which has been compiled, as
far as possible, from the original records.]
Revised Bum's Martin's
List. List.

List.

1548*

Francois Perrucel, otherwise

Francois de la Riviere.

*i575— 1576

Hector Hamon

iS7S— '596

Antoine Lescaillet

(— Noe)

'577

Jacob Tardif

*i579— 1581

Jean du Val

*iS9i — 1619

Samuel le Chevalier

1617 — 1640

Jean Bulteel

1617—1653

Philippe Delm6

(Paul Georges)
1638— 1647
Joseph Poujade
1647 — 1649
Jean de la Place ||
—
1564-
-1581
1581
1580-
-1596
1562
"59'-
-i6oif
'595
1595-
-1619
1630
1630-
-1638
1619
1619-
-i°53
1630
1631-
-1636J.
1638
1638-
-1647
* There is evidence of the Pastor's service at the date given, but it may have commenced somewhat earlier.
t There is no record of Pastor Noe at Canterbury, see p. 76.
X Paul Georges was not at Canterbury before 1685, see p. 150.
|| See p. 122 and Bulletin de la Commission pour VHistoire des Eglises Wallonnes, vol. I, p. 98.
208 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

Revised

Burn's

Martin's

List.

List.

List.

1654— 1657

Theodore Crespin

( 1646 — 1647
( 1654— 1658

(Pierre le Keux)
1653
1652— 1653*
1653 — 1662
Philippe le Keux
1654
1653 — 1660
1661 — 1662
Pierre Jannon
—
1661 — 1662
1663 — 1669
Elie Paul d'Arande
1664
1664 — 1670
1666— 1686
Vital de Lon
1686
1675— 1686
1670 — 1685
Arnaud Boucherie
1670
1670 — 1685
1685— 1689
Paul Georges 1648-
-1689
1648 — 1690
1687 — 1699
Pierre TrouiUart
1686
1686 — 1699
1690 — 1698
Jacob le Bailly
—
1690 — 1698
(Jean de Trepsack)
1698
1698 — 1699!
1699— 1733
Jacques Gast de Lavaure
—
1699 — 1733
1700 — 1709
Jean Cherpentier
—
1700 — 1709
1701 — ?
Jacques Cartault
—
1702 — 1707I
1707 — 1712
Charles de la Roche
—
1707 — 1712
17 1 z — 1748
Paul Fourestier
¦ —
171 2— 1747
1733—1785
Charles du B16s
—
1733— 1785
(Paul Fourestier, Jun.)
—
'747— J748§
1747— 1789
Francois Guillaume Durand
—
1748— 1789
1789 — 1840
Jean Francois Mieville
—
1789 —1840
The following ministers of the French Church of London were not resident at Canterbury, but
officiated there once in three months or oftener.
1 84 1 — 1842 Paul Louis Charles Baup — 1841 — 1842
1 841 — 1857 Francois Martin — 1841 — 1857
1842 — 1857 Guillaume G. Daugars — 1842 — 1857
1857 — 1870 Theophile Marzials — 1857 — 1870
1870 — 1875 Joseph Auguste Martin — 1870— 1875
In 18J5 M. Martin became resident minister, and the arrangement with the French Church
of London was discontinued.
1875 — 1889 Joseph Auguste Martin
1889 — 1890 Eugene Choisy
1890 — 1891H Edouard Archinard
,892 — 1895 Emmanuel Christen
1895 — 1897 Eugene Burnat
^98 Jean Rejleure Barnabas
* There is no record of Pierre le Keux acting as Pastor. Philippe le Keux first signed the Deacons' Accounts
on August 7, 1653.
t Jean de Trepsac was elected, but the election was not confirmed. See p. 161. J See p. 168.
\ Paul Fourestier, jun., preached for a few months, but was not elected as a pastor of the Church. See p. 170.
|| M. Archinard resigned January 4, 1892.
HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

209

la.
Elders and Deacons of the Church of the Crypt.
[This list has been compiled from the records of the Church, in which there are many
gaps, and must therefore be incomplete. The variations of spelling are very numerous, and
the forms usually adopted by the persons themselves, or most commonly used, have been
given. In a few cases different names may represent the same person, and where there are
two or more dates it probably indicates different persons of the same name.]

Adam, Michel, 1739.
Admans, John, 1 864.
Agace, Boanerges, 1686.
Allen, William, 1886.
Aumonier, Jonas, 1699.
Baqueler (Bacler), Andrieu, 1603.
Battaile, Jaques, 1 700.
Bauchar, Jean, 1623.
Beasley, Edward, 1875.
Becquart, Anthoine, 1631.
Bernard, Alexis, 1750.
,, Bastien, 1576.
Blair,  , 1880.
Blanchard (Blanchart), Marc, 1577, 1600.
Bont6, Jan, 1649.
Bonnet, Jacques, 1599.
Bouneau, Daniel, 1749, 1756.
Briault, Pierre, 1757, 1770.
Bunce, John F., 1875.
Camus, Hugues, 1600.
Carree, Anthony, 1824.
,, Samuel, 1779.
Caron, Antoine, 1780.
Casier, Jacques, 1576.
Castiel (Castel), Elie, 1623.
,, Pierre, 1626.
Catteau (Catheau), Pierre, 1625, 1694.
Cattel, Jan, 1576.
„ Michel, 1577, 1582.
Caulier, Antoine, 1578, 1582.
,, Jaques, 1601.
Cavroy (Cavrois), Charles, 1764.
,, Charles Alexandre, 1815.
Charpentier (Carpenter), Abraham, 1722.

Chartier, A, 1780.
Chiroutre, Philippe, 1637.
Clarisse (Claris), Guillaume, 1 772.
,, Isaie, 1689.
„ Jan, 1599.
Conod (Conno), Jaque, 1750, 1780.
Cornar, Samuel, 1654, '686.
Cotignie (Cotigniez), Abraham, 1733,1 748.
Cross, F. W., 1887.
Curtis, W. K., 1885.
Dambreinne (Dambraine, Danbrinne),
,, Jaques, 1627.
„ Josue, 1638.
Darenne (Daresne) Jean, 1693.
Davesme, Jean, 1696.
David, Martin, 1749.
,, Maturin, 1733.
Dean, Jean, 1 740.
De Beauvais, Jean, 1745, 1 77 r .
,, Charles, 1658.
De Beurre, Jan, 1598.
De Bevere, Jan, 1598, 1619, 1634.
De Buyre, Jan, 1576.
Decaufour (Decafour), Daniel, 1804.
,, Louis, 1746.
,, Pierre, 1726.
De Cassel (Casselle),
,, Michel, 1625, 1634, 1655.
De Cenne, Jan, 1601.
De Fermau (Fermault, Fremoult),
,, Pierre, 1700.
De Guiselin, Pierre, 1638, 1645.
De Haluin, Daniel, 1769.
De Hennin, Philippe, 1624.
De Labre, Pierre, 1576.

AA

210

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

De la Haye, Jan, 1577.
De Lanoy (De la Noy, Delanoy),
„ Antoine, 1578, 1594.
,, Jacques, 1641.
De Lemare (De le Mare, De le Mar),
,, Jacques, 1641.
„ Jean, 1703.
De Jardin (Dejardin), Isaac, 1804.
„ Robert, 1745.
De Larieres, Philippe, 1578.
De Lasaux (De la Saut, Delasaux),
Pierre, 1722, 1733, 1743.
Pierre, jun., 1754.
De la Pierre, Jan. 1 65 1 .
,, Pierre, 1645, 1686.
De le Becque, Jean, 1594, 1623.
De le Coeullerie (de le Quellerie),
„ Adrien, 1599.
,, Philippe, 1598.
De Lobeau, Isaye, 1623, 1631.
,, Pierre, 1640.
De Rome, Robert, 1598.
De Lespau (De Lespaul, De les Paul),
,, David, 1 63 1, 1694.
,, Isaac, 1645,
Jan, 1603, 1644.
„ Jean, 1623, 1699.
,, Salomon, 1625, 1623.
De Lespine, (Delespinne, De Lespinne),
,, Jacques, 1698.
Jean, 1632, 1645, 1697.
,, Jean, le jeune, 1657.
De Lillers, Arnoult, 1627.
,, Isaac, 1634.
Jacques, 1654.
,, Jean, 1626, 1631.
„ Jean, le Jeune, 1623.
De Neu (Deneu), Jacques, 1600.
,, Jan, 1626.
Jean, 1623, 1654.
,, Nathaniel, 1636, 1646.
„ Samuel, 1636, 1646.
Dennis, Antoine, 1655.
Dernocourt, Henry, 1749.
De Santhuns (De Santhune),
Daniel, died 1699.

De Santhuns (De Santhune),
,, Ezechiel, 1643.
,, Guillaume, 1615, 1624.
Jaques, 1623, 1633, 1646.
„ Nicolas, 1 63 1.
,, Samuel], 1649, 1686.
Des Bouueries (Desbouury, Des Bouury),
Laurens, 1577, 1598.
Descamps (Des Camps, Deschamps),
,, Elie. 1624, 1636.
„ Jan, 1577, J595-
„ Josse, 1576.
Des Farvaques (Desfarvaques, Defarvac)
,, Nicolas, 1645.
,, Paul, 1670.
Desminaux, Jacques, 1576.
Despaigne, Andr6, 1687.
,, Gideon, 1679, 1706.
„ Henri, 1679, 1686.
,, Jan, 1625, 1649.
,, Jean, 1623, 1638. 1645.
,, Jean, le jeune, 1648.
,, Samuel, 1686.
Destrie, Corneille, 1644.
,, Noe, 1 63 1.
De Villers, Francis, 1755.
Pierre, 1599.
Devinne, Andre, 1698.
De Visme (Devisme), Daniel, 1686.
,, Louis, 1707.
DeZowart (DeZwart,De Zort).Jean, 1631.
Didier, Abraham, 1654, 1698.
Doise, Jan, 1627.
Dornion, Paul, 1645.
Du Bois, Jacques, 1594.
„ Jacob, 1624.
,, Jean, 1623, 1631.
,, Samuel, 1625.
Du Buha, Jan, 1577.
Du Castel (DuCastelle), Isaac, 1636, 1646.
Ducrow, William, 1824.
Du Forest, (Duforest), Rogier, 1594.
Du Foureau, Rogier, 1594.
Du Hamel, Jaques, 1699.
Dumee, Michel, 1728.
Du Moulin (Dumoulin), Jan, 1599.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

211

Du Pire, Pierre, 1656.
Du Pon, Joos, 1623.
Dupont (Du Pont), Jaques, 1733.
Du Quesne (Duquesne), David, 1632.
,, Jan, 1600.
,, Jean, 1601, 1638.
Duree, (Durie), Marc, 1719.
Duthoit, Peter, 1884.
Du Toict (Dutoict, Duthoit),
,, Estienne, 1635, 1697.
„ Guilbert, 1595.
Henry, 1758.
„ Jacques, 1659.
Ewins, Gilles, 1577, 1598.
Fennel, Vincent, 1648.
Ferr6 (Ferret), Jean, 1719.
,, Pierre. 1646.
„ Vincent, 1624, 1635, 1645.
Flory, Pierre, 1625.
Fosier, Noe, 1599.
Francois, Jean, 1759.
Fremantle, Hon. the Rev. W. H., 1886.
Fremeuent, Pierre, 1627.
Fremoult (Fremou), Samuel, 1689.
Frileu, Jan, 1599.
Fruleu, Jean, 1624.
Fullager, James, 1877.
Galmar, Guillais, 1625.
Gambier, George, 1870.
Gendre, Samuel, 1740.
Ghesquiere, Jean, 1623, 1631.
Gilleber, Maton, 1595.
Gillom, Riguier, 1603.
Girod, Gabriel, 1720.
Guiselin (Gistlin), Pierre, 1646.
Godiere, Jaques, 1 700.
Gorsse, Pierre, 1731, 1741.
Goube, Jean, 1642.
„ Jan, 1639.
Gounin, Jacques, 1688.
Guenin, Jaque, 1691.
Guerard, Pierre, 1721.
Hace (Hache), Francois, 1594.

Hace (Hache), Jan, 1594.
Halbet, Isaac, 1727, 1738.
„ Jean, 1747, 1770.
,, Jean, le jeune, 1754.
Harvey, Sidney, 1877.
Haue, Charles, 1623.
Haulene, Pierre, 1599.
Hochepied, Jacques, 1642.
Honors, Jan, 1595.
Horiot, Pierre, 1746.
Jacquart, Hubert, 1624.
Jamino (Jemino, Jamminoes),
,, Daniel, 1730.
J6han,  , 1876.
Jeudevin (Jeudvin, Judevin),
,, Guillaume, 1721.
„ Jaques, 1775,
,, Pierre, 1686, 1744.
Kinchant, Rev. R. C, 1887.
La Croix, Francois, 1721.
Lamy, Mr. Jaques, 1625.
Laignel, Jaques, 1639.
Lancel (Lancele, Lansell), Edouard, 1738.
.. Jan, 1577, 1584.
L' Arnoult (L' Arnould, Larnoult, Lernout),
„ Philippe, 1634, 1658.
,, Pierre, 1637.
Leach, Henry, 1824.
Le Baiseur, Philippe, 1632.
Le Blan, Antoine, 1603.
Le Blanc (Le Blan), Jean, 1623.
Le Candele, Pierre, 1642.
Le Cerf (Lecerf, Lecerfe), Jaques, 1737.
Le Clercq (Le Clerc), Claude, 1578.
,, Jacques, 1600.
Jean, 1623.
„ Pierre, 1637, 1646.
Le Cocq, Henri, 1577.
Le Conte (Leconte), Antoine, 1596.
Lefevre, George, 1879.
Le Grand (Legrand), Abraham, 1686.
,, Antoine, 1646.

212

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

Le Grand (Legrand), Jean, 1689, 17 19, 1728.
,, Pierre, 1686, 1728.
Le Grou, Pierre, 1695.
Le Gueuche (le Queuche), Jonas, 1 646.
Le Houcq (le Houck, Le Houc)
,, Israel, 1699.
„ Jan, 1639.
,, Jean, 1656, 1691.
,, Pierre, 1660.
Le Keux, (Le Queux),
,, Edouard, 1634, 1646.
Jacques, 1645.
,. Jan, 1645.
,, Jean, 1642.
,, Jonas, 1642.
,, Pierre, 1623, 1631, 1687, 1720.
Le Leu (Leleu, Lelou), Jean, 1631.
Le Lievre, (le Lieure), Pierre, 1621.
Le Long (Lelong), Abraham, 1652.
Le Mahieu, Pierre, 1640.
Le Maitre (Lemaitre), Pierre, 1705.
LeMoine (Lemoine, Lemoin),
,, Daniel, 1736.
,, Pierre, 1747.
Le Noble, David, 1 65 1 .
,, Pierre, 1623, 1632, 1648.
,, Samuel, 1642.
Le Paine (Lepaine), Jean, 1693.
LePalfar(Palfart, Palfort), Anthoine, 1654.
Le Pers (Le Per, Lepers), Pierre, 1639.
Lepine, Daniel, 1722.
,, Guillaume, 1720, 1741.
„ Jaques, 1740.
,, John, 1670.
Leplucque (Lepluque, Delesplucq),
„ Jean, 1702.
Le Roy, Jan, 1577.
Le Sedt (Le Sept), Abraham, 1626.
„ Jacques, 1653.
Lestienne. Anthoine, 1636.
Leurens, Jan, 1594.
Lewis, J. G., 1891.
Lieb, Jean, 1694.
,, Philip, 1718.
Lizie (Lisee, Lisie), Jaques, 164.2.
Loffroy (Leffroy, Lefroy), Israel, 1689.

Lointhier, Nicholas, 1703, 1727.
,, Samuel, 1 73 1 .'
Loubert, Samuel, 1731.
Lucas (Luca, Lucca), Jean, 1719, 1 735.
„ Jaques, 1721, 1737.
,, Pierre, 1752.
Macare, Abraham, 1679, 1686.
„ Jean, 1693.
Maes, Pierre, 1601.
Maniez (Manier), Isaac, 1719.
Manneke, (Maneque), Jean, 1626.
,, Jean, le Jeune, 1637.
,, James, 1769.
,, Philippe, 1670, 1688.
,, Phillip, jun., 1697.
,, Samuel, 1654.
Marseilles, Jaques, 1705.
Marshall, John, 1880.
v Martin, Jan, 1576.
„ John, 1877.
Masengarbe, Mathieu, 1701.
Maton, Noue, 1595.
Mauroys, Elyas, 1601.
Maynard, Nathaniel Jonas, 1850.
Merchie, (Merchier, Mercier). Jan, 1651.
,, Pierre, 1631.
Mercy, Jean, 1653.
Mesman, Elly, 1651.
Miette, Charles Nicholas, 1S15.
„ Matthieu Trocqueme\ 1815.
,, Samuel Joseph Benjamin, 1815,
1864.
Minot, Daniel, 1763.
Monnier, Abraham, 1601, 1625.
Motte (Moote), Jaques, 1603.
Motley, Edward, 1864.
Mundie, Dr., 1886.
Nefglise (Neuf Eglise), Michel, 1736
Oudart, Jacques, 1655.
,, Jean, 1632.
„ Symon, 1601, 1639.
Pain, Gabriel, 1706.
Parcot (Parquote), Jean. 1747.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY.

213

Paren, Isaac, 1698.
Parren, Alfred, 1879.
Patou, Isaac, 1670.
Pecour, Anthony, 1748.
Perquin, Jean, 1626.
Phend, Jean, 1748.
,, Pierre, 1691, 1721.
„ Samuel, 1745.
Philpo, Jan, 1576.
Pilcher, George, 1877.
Pillers, Francis, 1749.
Pillon, Daniel, 17 18.
,, Guillaume, 1725.
,, Nicholas, 1700, 1731.
Pillow, Edward, 1875.
Pottier, Quinten, 1596.
Pringuer, Isaac, 1747, 1773.
,, Samuel, 1877.
Qualye (Quallie), Antoine, 1594.
Quaron, Guillaume, 1596.
Quenette, Nouel, 1595.
Redar, Jaques, 1655.
Renard, Mathieu, 1578.
Riquart, Jan, 1601.
Riquebourg, Edward, 1696, 1731, 1749.
„ Francois, 1603.
,, Jaques, 1632, 1698.
„ Walleran, 1603.
Rogier, Jan, 1601.
Rouviere, Matthieu, 1775.
Saguez (Saguer), Pierre, 1783, 1794.
Salome, Pierre, 1576, 1594.
,, Rogier. 1601, 1610.
Sedt, Cornille, 1624.
Selingue, Jan, 1594.
Senecall (Senecar, Snecar),
„ Guillaume, 1695.
Sequedin, Isaac, 1632.
Sequin, Gabriel, 1762.
Six (Sy, Sey), Abraham, 1670.
„ Batthelmy, 1651.
„ Etienne, 1719, 1731.
„ Guillaume, 1719, 1735.

Six (Sy, Sey), Jaques, 1631, 1719, 1728.
,, Jacques (fils de Jean), 1689.
,, Jacques (fils de Batth.), 1688.
,, Jean, 1670, 1686.
„ Samuel, 1705, 1732.
Snelart, Jean, le Jeune, 1623.
Sladden, Herbert, 1889.
Taine, Jean, 1698.
Tampreman (Temperman), Phillip, 1719.
,, Nicolas, 1728.
Temprie, Estienne, 1722.
Terrier (Terriere), Elie, 1735, 1748.
„ Henry, 1741, 1754.
Thorell, Jean, 1768.
Turmine, Charles, 1808.
,, George, 1864.
,, Jean, 1762.
,, Nicolas, 1780.
Tyberghien, Guilbert, 1576.
Valendue (Valenduke), Jean, 173 1.
Van Ackre, Jan, 1577.
Pierre, 1578.
Vandaume (Vandosme, Vandome),
,, Jaque,i693.
Vandebeus (Van de Boeus, Van de Boeusse,
,, Van de Boeuche),
,, Louys, 1631.
Vanderwoode (Van derWoode), Alar, 163 1.
Vautier, Jaques, 1626.
,. J-, 1879.
Vauty (Vautie), Leurnes, 1595.
Visage, Jacques, 1650.
Waignon, Francois, 1646.
Wallebecq, John, 1679.
Wancourt, Pierre, 1603.
Wantier, Abraham, 1637.
,, Jaques, 1623.
Warman, William. 1875.
Welbey (Welbecq), John, 1679.
Welby, George, 1875.
West, Thomas, 1885.
Worters,  , 1880.
Wotton, Henry, 1864.

214 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

II.
Hector Hamon' 's Petition.*
Dignissimis Dominis Domino Maiori et fratribus Consiliariis urbis Cantuariensis
Salutem. Supplicant humilime extranei vestra libertate admissi in ista urbe Cantuariensi quatenus
velitis sequentes articulos illis concedere. Prior Articulus.
i . Quia religionis amore (quam libera conscientia tenere percupiunt) patriam et propria
bona reliquerunt, orant sibi liberum exercitium sua? religionis permitti in hac urbe, quod ut
fiat commodius sibi assignari templum et locum in quo poterint sepelire mortuos suos.
Secundus Articulus.
2 Et ne sub eorum umbra et titulo religionis profani et male morati homines sese in
hanc urbem intromittant per quos tota societas male audiret apud cives vestros ; supplicant
nemini liberam mansionem in hac urbe permitti, nisi prius suas probitatis sufficiens
testimonium vobisf dederit. Tertius Articulus.
3. Et ne IuventusJ inculta maneat requirunt permissionem dari prseceptori quem secum
adduxerunt instruendi Iuvenes, turn eos quos secum adduxerunt, turn eos qui volunt linguam
Gallicam discere. Qoartus Articulus.
4. Artes ad quas exercendas sunt vocati, et in quibus laborare cupit tota societas sub
vestro favore et protectione sunt Florence, Serges, Bombasin, D. of Ascot Serges, &c. of
Orleleance,§ Frotz, Silkwever, Mouquade, Mauntes, Bages, &c, Stofe Mouquades.
Nomina supplicantium sunt
Hector Hamon, Minister Verbi Dei
Vincentius Primont, Institutor Iuventutis
Egidius Cousin, Magister operum et Conductor totius Congregationis in opere.
Michael Cousin Philippus de Neuz**
Iacobus Querin Robertus Iovelin
Petus du Bose|] Iohannes le Pelu
Iohannes de la Forterye Petrus Desportes
Noel Lestene Iacobus Boudet
Nicolaus Dubuisson
Antonius du verdier Tres viduae.
* Somnes : Antiquities of Canterbury (1640), p. 175. The text is taken from a copy of the book corrected by
Somner's hand. (Chapter Library, Canterbury).
f Burn has " nobis." J Burn has " inventus." § Battely has " Orleance."
|| Burn has Bosc. ** Burn has Miez.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 215
III.
The Native Homes of the Canterbury Strangers.
It was intended to print in the Appendix a list of the places of origin of the refugees
who settled in Canterbury. But a complete list of the places named in the records of the
Walloon Church has been given in the recently-issued volume which contains the completion
of the Walloon Register (Huguenot Society's Publications, vol. v, part in). It therefore
appears unnecessary to repeat it here, especially as the present volume is intended to be
supplementary to the Register edited with so much care and accuracy by Mr. Robert
Hovenden, F.S.A.

IV.
Letter on behalf of the Strangers.

I ¦' °! \

After our most humble & hartie comendacons these shalbe to sygnyfie vnto your
honor that whereas not longe sence vppon order from your honor & others of the honorable
Counsel the strangers wallownes inhabytyng in Sandewyche were wished & requested to be
placed here in the cytye of Cauntebury & thervppon so were / nowe beyng manye & the
greatest part of them very poor/ vppon whose first repayre then hither for better satysfying of
the then Inglyshe inhabytannts w'in the said cytye did for ther good wills both consent •pc
to the gouerment thervnto / amongest thorders then agreed on & allowed vnto them for
trade by them here to be exersysed & vsed to get here ther lyvynge as good reason was ther was
one decre whereby they were phibyted & forbyd to vse any occupacon or trade that the
inglyshe here w*in the cytye inhabytyng then dydd vse/ except a comen baker amongest
them for bakyng ther bred a tayler for makyng ther garments & a turner for framyng of ther
lomes & nessaryes to the same / by meanes whereof manye of them beyng of sondry trades
& occupacons & therto fyrst brought vpp as pryntyses then refrayned & yet do to exersyse
or vse the same/ and thervppon dyd bend & indevor them selves to the weavyng workyng ''
& makyng of bays w'in the cytye who thereby not only got ther owne lyvynge & also thereby
comfortes & releyf for themselves ther wyves & chyldren but also as that ther travell & labor in
the same trades did support & beare the charge of the maytening many ther poor that eyther
through age can not labor or that by ther labor through age & other wekenes &
imbycyllytye get not ther owne lyvyng/howe some yet envying them ther poor estate vppon -v
a statute in the fyft yer of the quenes maties reigne made for the punyshinge of such as shall
vse or exersyse any occupacon or trade where fyrst as appoynted they were not treyned &
brought vpp by the space of seaven yeres / have paired sondrye of the said poor straungers
to be arested by subpena vppon informacons in the cort of thexchequer & many more are
thretned to be arested vppon the same statute aswel in to the said cort of thexchequer
as in to the crowne offyce belonging to the court of the quenes benche/ to as
well the great charge & hyndrance of them so arested as also to the losse of
tyme to such as in following to defend the same whoe that at home myght haue
gott aswel some releif for them selves as also for ther poor wyves and chyldren/
and thervppon they in pytyfull & sorrowfull sort haue compleyned to vs for oure
ayd of redresse & releyf herein we!? in vs doth not lye to remydye but nowe for them

216

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

& in ther behalfe this we craue at yor honors hand.that you by letter from your honor and /\
some one or more of the honorable prevye counsle "sygnifye vnto the lord cheffe Justys of
Ingland & the lord cheffe baron yor honors pleasure for the surceasyng & staye of any
further trobling or molesting the said poor strangers w'in in the cyty of cauntebury or any
of them for the cause aforsaid & that they cause yor honors pleasure therin to be knowne to
ther chefe offycers & to the informers of the said courts and as them all so wee for them
shall wysh you joie & pray to the almighty for the continuance of yor healthe wth the increase
of honor to his devyne pleasure. (Endorsed " ltres in behalfe of the Strangers.")
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
V.
Anglicised Names of the Foreign Settlers.
The process of anglicising the names of the foreign settlers at Canterbury began at an
early period, but became much more common during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. A careful comparison of the parish registers with the registers of the French
congregation would show that a large proportion of the inhabitants of Canterbury who now
bear English names are of foreign descent. The author has been unable to follow up that
line of inquiry, but it would be found to possess much interest in connection with family
history. The transformed names include direct translations, abbreviations, and corruptions ;
and the following list, which contains examples of each class, does not nearly exhaust the
total number.

Andrieu, Andrews
Anglais, English
Arnoult, Arnold
Bachelier, Batchelor
Bacquele\ Backley
Barbier, Barber
Behaghel, Hagell
Belinguier, Bellinger
Blanc, White
Boulanger, Baker
Caloue, Callaway
Charpentier, Carpenter
Clarisse, Claris
Cotignie, Cotone, Cotton
Courte, Court
Crespin, Crippen
De Bourges, Burgess, Burge
De Casselle, Cassell
De la Croix, Cross
De la Mere, Dalimer
De la Motte, Dalimote
De la Pierre, Peters
De la Planche, Plank
De l'Eau, Waters

De le Becque, Beck
De le Port, Port
De l'Espau, Shoulder
De Lespine, Lepine
De Pou, Pugh .,"
Descamps, Scamp
Despaigne, Spain
Despersin, Purslee
De Vine, Divine
Dubois, Wood
Du Boys, Boys, Boyce
Ducrow, Crow
Du Forest, Forest
Faidherbe, Fedarb
Forestier, Forrester
Francois, Francis, French
Gambi6, Gambier
Jordaine, Jordan
L'Amy, Friend
Le Cerf, Hart
Le Chevalier, Shoveler
Le Clercq, Clark
Le Febre, Lefevre, Fever
Le Houcq, Hook

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 217
Le Leu, Wolf Petit, Small
Le Moine, Monk Pilon, Pillow
Le Poutre, Pout Poitevin, Potvine
Le Rou, Rowe Reynard, Fox
Mahieu, Mayhew Rideau, Ridout
Mareschal, Marshall Senellart, Sneller
Mercier, Mercer Thierry, Terry
Michel, Mitchell Van Acre, Acres, Hacker
Momerie, Mummery Vere, Verry
Olivier, Oliver Wibau, Wyber
Paramentier, Parmenter VI.
Documents relating to the Woolcombers Union.
(a)
DlEU SAUUE LA REYNE.
Les mres pigneurs de saiette residens en la ville et cite de Canterbury par la grace
specialle de sa Majeste donnent a cognoistre a tous ceux quil appertieiidra enquoy consiste
leur stil et manifacture de pignerie.
Premierement ilz achettent des laines pour faire pignier pour leur stil, lesquelles laines
ainsy pignees lanees et accomodees celles quy fillent lesdes laines le viennent acheter
desdes launes* pour les filler et vendent leurd1 fille au jour de march6 a ceux quy en ont
affaire tant pour faire baies saies. bourrois et grogruns quy se font par les estrangers en
lade ville par la permission de sa Mate et lesquelz fillez se vendent par cftun jour de marchie
et desquelz fillez la plus grande partie des estrangers refugiez en ceste ville gaignent leur vie
et pareillement vne partie des naturelz Anglois.
Et par ce que iceux pigneurs aiant achete quelques pacqs ou partks de laine pour le
fait de leurd' stil il aduient plussieurs fois quil en y at de trop fine pour leur stil et ne sen
peuuent seruir ilz les changent ou vendent aux drappiers anglois pour leur seruir Comme aussy
les3 drappiers aians des laines quy ne leur sont propre pour leur stil les vendent ou changent
austl pigneurs sans quilz facent estat den faire autre marchandise.
Et dautant que pour auoir ainsy achete change ou vendu les<5 laines les promotteurs ont
plusieurs fois trouble lesds pigneurs et mesmes pour ces causes il y at eut quelques bonnes
families craindans ont estez contrains d'eux retirer hors de ce Roiaume et pour euiter telz
troubles et aucuns d'eux pour auoir estez trop foullez et tourmentez desds promoteurs quilz
sont deuenuz poures.
Et quy plus est de pnt il est aduenu que quelque promoteur en a mis quatf au cercher
lesquelz sont honestes hommes chargez chascun de six ou sept enffans et. grand besoing de
nourrir leur famille.
Ce que dit est lesfl mes pigneurs ont afferme en j5nce de Matthieu de Bourges clercq des
hommes politiques establis par noz tres honorez seigneurs du magistrat d e lade ville
Soubzsigne a leur requeste.
De Bourges.
* Sic, for laines.
BB

218 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
(h) V
Aujourdhuy datte de ceste pardnt les hommes politiques et Messieurs du Consistoire sont
comparus les mes pigneurs de saette soubsignez desirans se maintenir en leur manifacture
contre tous ceux quy injustement les vouldroient troubleFou molester en leur mestier Ont
trouue bon par esemble et d'un commun consentement et accord darrester ce quil sensuit. ^
Asscauoir que sil aduient que aucuns ou aucun d'eux fussent troublez pour le fait de v
leur stil de pignerie par quelque promoteur ou aultre chicquaneur et que a ceste cause il en r.
suruint quelques fraix ou despens Ilz ont promis et promectent vnanimement et par esemble
daide[r] a paier et subuenir aus9 despens chun d'eux selon sa qualite et pouuoir Cest <\
ascauoir selon quil en sera juge et ordonne par ses confreres soubsignez Et affin que ce
compromis soit maintenu et effectue vng chun desct soubsignez sest oblige en deffaut de ce
faire ou y contreu[e]nir de paier aux poures de ceste Eglise la somme de vne liure sterlin La
jinte estant suffisante pour poursuiure le deffaillant en toute justice affin que le droit desS
poures leur soit garde Outre ce que sil aduient que led* defaillant soit trouble puis apres en
tel faict les autres ne seront en riens tenus de se resentir des despens quil luy faudra faire
Bien entendu quauenant qu' aucun desd! soubsignez se retirassent parauant quil y eut aulcun
trouble sera quicte de son obligacon.
Ainsy faict signe et accorde le xixe dAuril a° 1598.
Tesmoigns Ce pnt compromis a este ratiflie ce dernier jour de Januier dud an 1599* par les
sousignez. Marque de x Pierre Cateau Marque x d' Antoine Dubois
Marque de x Jacques Lisy Jacques Dubois x.
Pierre x Dauchin Jan x de Lespaut.
Noe de x le Porte Jan x Ferret
Marque Nicolas x Pollet Riquier x le Gillon
Mathieu x Roussel Dauid x Jouelin
Pierre Marquant x Jean de le Beque x
Jaque x Meneche.
* Originally written 1598, but altered by another hand to 1599.
fcj
Comme ainsy soit que les maistres pigneurs de saiette soubsignez que afin que vne
bonne vnion soit entr'eux et que sil aduenoit comme il est aduenu que quelque vng
dentr'eux fusse trouble par quelque promoteur ou chicquaneur pour le fait de leur
manifacture et stil de pignerie et injustement n'aiant contrevenu aux preuileges quy
leur sont octroiez et permis par la grace et plaisir de sa Majeste et des Seigneurs
de son Venerable Conseil quil en suruint quelques despens Ilz ont promis et
promectent vnanimement et par ensemble d'aider a paier et subuenir ausci despens
chun selon son pouuoir et faculte pour maintenir leursEt preuileges Le tout come appert par
leur obligacon et signature en datte du dernier jour de Januier de cest an 1598 stil
d' Angleterre Et affin de trouuer vne partie des despens quy en sont suruenus et pourront
suruenir ilz ont dresse et arreste les Articles suiuans.
Premierement que tous ceux et.celles dud' stil quy doresenauant acheteront laines pour l
leur stil de chune carree ou carette [Bien entendu que tant chariot que charette quy seront
amenez y aiant quattre pacqs paierbnt vng souz et passant quattre pacqs demy paieront deux

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 219
souz]* ae laine quilz recepueront seront tenus paier deux souz au prouffit du corps de mestier r
Et en deffaut de faire raport a ceux quy y seront commis pour cest effect paiera damende cincq
souz aux poures de ceste Eglise et cincq souz au prouffit du mestier.
Item affin de mieux entretenir leur vnion a este consenty et accorde que aduenant que
aucun ou aucune achetassent quelques pacqs de laines estant amenees en ceste ville pour
vendre sy aucuns de leurs confreres demandent y auoir part [pour le mettre eux mesmes sans
le reuendre]f auant quelle soit transportees en leur maison led' acheteur ou acheteurs seront
tenus leur laisser part au pris quilz lauront achete soit plis ou veaures A paine que le
defaillant paiera damende dix souz aux poures et dix souz au corps de mestier Et ou quelcuns
aiant eut part fut trouue reuendre la part quil aura eut sera a lamende de cincq souz applic-
quable la moictie aux poures et lautre au corps de mestier.
Item que tous et celles quy venderont ou changeront laines de drapperies aux drappriers
soit en ceste ville ou hors % paieront au prouffit du corps de mestier pour chun pacq_yngj30uz le
demy pacq quart et demy quart a laduenant Et seront tenus raporter aux commis le nombre
quilz en venderont ou changeront cnune fois endedens deux jours [et mesmes sil y auoit aucuns
ou aucune quy fissent vendre par autruy ou en dessous main lest? laines]§ Sur paine et
amende de celuy ou celle quy fourferont et contreviendront a ce que dit est estant
souffissamet prouue de dix souz st. aux poures et dix souz au mestier.
Item que tous ceux et celles quy achetteront ou feront acheter laines nestans dud' stil
de pignerie sans les mettre en oeuure paieront pour chun pacq de laine damende vingt souz
aux poures et vingt souz au mestier le demy pacq quart et demy quart a laduenant.
[Et sy aucuns ou aucunes seroient trouuez faisant marchandise frauduleuse ou vendissant
marchandisse frauduleuse bien et deuement verifie et approuue touchant leur saiette paieront
damende cincq souz aux poures cincq souz au mestier ce quy sera juge par les mes quy y
seront estably.]||
Item que nuls et nulles du8 stil de pignerie ne pourront recepuoir aucun ouurier venant
dun autre ouuroir sans que premierement led ouurier ait paie le me d'ou ilz sortiront Come
semblablement les maistres ne pourront donngrv,conge a leurs ouuriers sans les auoir paie et
contente A paine damende de cincq souz aux poures et cincq souz au mestier.
Item sy aucuns ou aucunes singerassent de tirer ou suborner aucuns ouurier de sortir de v
louuroir de leurs maistres ou les fissent suborner par autres estant bien et deuement approuue n
paieront cincq souz aux poures et cincq souz au mestier.
Item que doresenauant ceux quy voudront estre mes et francq du mestier de pignerie
[deuant estre aufl stil]** paieront pour leur entree nestans enffans de mes pour estre enregistrez
au jour de halle vng souz Et ceux quy y voudront estre apz la St. Jean Bapte prochain
paieront six souz apliquable comme dessus.
Item que tous ceux quy voudront apprendre led' stil et mestier paieront pour leur entree
vng souz. Item que lesfl mes auront vne halle pour y tenir ordre et juger des amendes que les
delincquans auront fourfait et suiuant les articles cy dessus.
* The words within brackets are written in the margin. t Aji interlineation.
JA few words following this have been struck out.
§ Written in the margin of the manuscript and marked for insertion here.
|| Written in the margin. The word " cinq " has replaced " dix" struck out in each case.
** An interlineation.

220 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Item que tous differens quy suruiendront entre ceux dud: corps de mestier se wideront
par ceux des3 mes quy y seront choisis et establis Et sy les parties les font assembler extra-
ordinairement paieront deux souz six deniers au prouffit desd mes et officier.
Riquier le x Gillon Marque x de Pierre Cateau
Jean x de le Beque Nicolas x Pollet
Mathieu x Roussel Jan de x Lespaut
Jaque x Meneche Antoine x Dubois
Noe X de le Porte Jan x Ferret
x Pierre Marquant Jacque X Duboys
David X Jouelin Jacques x Lisy
Pierre X Dauchin Pierre x Cateau
[To the autograph signatures in these documents the private marks used by the several persons are attached.]
(d).
Messieurs les douze hommes politiques Combien que parcideuant
Les douze hommes il este trouue et necessaire tant par vous que le Consistoire quon
ont visite ces articles eut a dresser quelque corps et ordre entre les pigneurs de nostre
et ny trouuent riens a compagnie comme il y a en tous aultres stilz pour tenir la main quil
adjouster ny diminuer ne se face aucune fraude remarcquable et prejudicialle a lad:
et por les amendes ilz compagnie s[] pour tenir vnion entre les maistres pour ne prend [re]
en communicqueront les ouuriers lun de lautre et sans cause et ne faire tort aux ouuriers
auecq les ms quant il Aussy pour ne soustenir des yurongnes et desbauchez Toutteffois
seront appellez pardnt encoire que nous auons faict plusieurs assemblees pour cest effect
les deux corps. et non a aultre fin comme dieu scait et quy cognoit toute chose nous
Par ordonnan en est tesmoing Sy est ce que nous nauons riens aduanche jusques
De Bourses a maintenant et ce pendant nous voions quil est plus que necessaire
dy establir quelque ordre de Raison.
Parquoy nous maistre pigneurs soubzsignez auons trouue bon
et necessaire les articles suiuans pour cothencher a establir quelque
ordre en vous priant les voulloir examiner pour sy le trouue bon les
approuuer et autoriser affin quilz puissent estre praticquez.
Premierement nul mre pigneur ne pourra receuoir ny mettre en besongne aucun ouurier
sil nest membre de leglise et de la communion ou apparent den estre et dequoy le Consistoire
et les douze hommes prendront cognoissance Et que nulz diceux mes pigneurs ne pourra '
recepuoir et mettre en besongne louurier d'un autre sans scauoir sy cest de son consenteih et
sans son prejudice ou quil deut (?) de son 3. mre A paine de
Secondement ny recepueront ne mettront en besongne celuy quy sera sorty d'un aultre
me aiant eu c6nge pour ses yurongneries ou desbauchemens remarquables A- paine de a
Tiercement que nul me ne pourra suborner ne fe suborner louurier d'un aultre pour le "
tirer hors et besongner pour luy sur paine tant a luy qu'a celuy quy le suborneroit de
Item que nul maistre ne pourra donner conge a son ouurier sinon auecq aduertissement
de 15 jours pour se pouruoir d'un autre me nest quil fut yurongne et desbauche [ou faisant
tort a son maistre par mauuaise besogne]* Sur paine de
Item que nul maistre ne pourra retenir vng ouurier contre sa volonte aiant este aduerty '
duet ouurier 8 jours auparauant [n'est que le maistre luy fasse tort]t Sur paine de.
* Written in the margin in another hand.
t Written above the line in another hand, and probably inserted here by mistake for the next clause.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 221
Item nul ouurier d (sic) ne pourra sortir de son me sans l'en aduertir 15 jours auparauant
Sur paine de
Que nuls maistres ne pourront faire complot ensemble de diminuer les prix et sallaires
des ouuriers ce que chacun pourra faire pour son particulier Comme aussy nulz ouuriers ne
pourront faire complot pour augmenter leur sallaire Sur paine de
Item quil y aura cincq mfes pigneurs choisis par les aultres et auctorisiez par les 12
hommes deuant lesquelz tous les differens seront widiez et jugez Et ou aucuns ou aucunes
ne vouldroient aquiescher lesct mes les feront conuenir pardnt lesft 1 2 hommes.
Item que les amendes se partiront vne partie aux poures de ceste Eglise vne partie au
corps du mestier pour aider aux fraix quil conuient aucune fois faire vne partie aux mes et
vne partie a leur officier4
Lesds fhres sassembleront tout les mois vne fois pour entendre sil y a quelque different
ou pour aduiser sil seroit necessaire destablir quelque aultre chose pour le proposer ausd
douze hommes Et quiconcques les fera assembler extraordinairement il donnera vng souz et
le tout aux despens du tort. [Endorsed] Pour les pigneurs.
X " Officier " is written in another hand in place of " seruiteur " struck out..
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
VII.
An Order Concerning Retail Trading.
Messieurs du Magistrat de ceste ville entendans que plusieurs de 1'Assemblee detaillent
et debitent choses diuerses contre I'article accordd qui porte de pouuoir vendre toutes
sortes de marchandises faites par nous a tous en gros et non en detail Enchargent vn chacun a
l'aduenir de ne detailler aucune estoffe quelconque, ny aucune maniere de toille§, laines,
Cambrais, ny aussy debiter aucune grosserie comme poissons, beurre, fromage, huiles,
vinaigre, chandeilles, tabacco, &c. sous peine d'en respondre au dit Magistrat, Entendent
aussi que nos boulengers ne pourront vendre pain sinon a ceux de 1'assemblee, Et par ce
que ceste proposition n'est pas vuidee scauoir ni ou sy on poult vendre aulcune piece ou
pieces a aulcun particulier non bouticlier, Ilz desirent qu'en attendant la decision on s'en
abstienne. Et partant exhortons chacun d'ensuiure l'ordre de nostre Magistrat en ne contreuenant
a ce que dessus aians selon la doctrine de nostre Seigneur et ses Apostres se sousmettre
et obeir a leur commandement, pour la conscience afin de n'encourir leur desplaisir, et
n'apporter scandale de leur part au preiudice du Corps de ceste Eglise.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
VIII.
The Expenses of Pastor le Chevalier and Pierre Salome in their journey
to London.
1596 Le 17 Daoust monsieur cheuallier et moy Salome party pour aller a
londre au sinode sensuit les despens que nous auons fet premier

222

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

Item paies pour nos diner a septtebeur* et Rocettef apres Diner et a
grauesine}: pour nos souper . . . . . . . . 6s
Item paies pour 2 cheual de Rocette a grauesine . . . . . . 3s 4d
Item paies pour le tilleboit De grauesine pour aller a loridre . . Is
Item paies pour les despens du 2e Jours . . . . . . . . 6d
Item paies pour le diner le dimenche auec ceuls de noruis§ . . 2s 6d
Item paies pour mes despens du mardy et de merquedy et jeudy . . Is
Item paies pour le tilleboit quant nous fumes salues leuecque . . 6d
Item paies quant nous fumes a la court salues milloir coban . . 1 s 7d
Item paies pour le tilleboit de londre a grauesine . . .. .. ;s
Item paies pour vng cheual de grauesine a Rocette . . . . is
Item paies pour nos Desje9ner a Rocette . . . . . . is 2d
Item paies pour 2 cheual De Rocette a chantelbery . . . . 10s
Item pour le diner paies a Sectebeur .. .. .. .. is 2d
Item donner a la fille et a la seruante de mon logis . . . . is 6d
Item paies pour vng liure de salme pour nostre eglise . . . . 3s
Some des despens que monseurs le cheuallier et moy piere de Salome
pour aller au sinoden en la ville de londre porte . . . . iIb 15s 3d
* Sittingbourne. f Rochester. + Gravesend. § Norwich.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury, Elders' Accounts, 1594 — 1604.]
VIII a.
Petition of the Walloon Congregation as to Billeting.
To the right Worshipful the Mayor of Canterbury and the Aldermen his brethren, the
humble petition of the Walloon Congregation.
Whereas by letters from the right honourable the Lords of his Majesties Privie Council
for the billettinge of souldiers in this Cittie, this congregation is by yr Worships' order at a
weekly chardge of tenne pounds, which as yet continueth to the heavie burthen of the
poore congregation, and that chiefly, as yr Worships know, because a great part thereof is
out of the citties liberties, and it consists of handicraftes-men, and is much charo-ed with
poore besides other chardges, and that trade, is at this present very much decayed ; and that
if this payment for the billeting of souldiers continueth divers will not be able to furnish
their ordinary contribution for the maintenance of the congregation and of their own
families, and many are like to departe for the avoyding of these ^payments, which will
redound to the dispersion of this congregation — we humblie require yor Worships to be a
meanes by way of petition to the Lords of his Majesty's most honorable Privie Councell in
our behalf that it may please their Honours to take this matter in their consideration for
the dischardge of so great a burthen. And we shall be much bound to pray for your
Worships' prosperitie. Your Worships' humble oratours in the name of the whole congregation,
Elias Maurois John Bulteel
Isaye de Lobeau Philip Delmd
Jacob du Bois Samuel Houar
Jean de Lillers Jean le Blan.
[State Papers (Domestic) Charles I, Civ, 32.]

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 223
IX.
Order of Charles I in favour of the Strangers.
Charles R.
Trustie and Well-beloved, We greet you well.
Whereas our late deare Father of famous memorie at his first happy coming to this
Realm and Crown, in his Princely care of the good of his loving Subjects here, did then
take particular notice of the Dutch and French Churches in this kingdome, and found them
very dutifull and no way prejudiciall but sundry wayes beneficiall unto this State ; And
whereas also the late Queen Elizabeth of famous memorie, in favour of them and for their
better support, did allow them liberty not onely to celebrate Divine service in their own
language to God's honour, but also to work and labour in their severall Handicrafts and
Vocations for the relief of them and theirs in the City of London and elswhere within this
Realm, which favour Our late deare Father upon their humble petition was pleased to ratifie
and confirm : We being informed by Sir Albertus Joachimi Knight Embassadour for the
State of the United Provinces that the said Strangers are daily molested and debarred from
their said work and labour by sundry troublesome Informers because the said Strangers are
not Freemen of our City of London nor have served seven years an Apprentiship nor are
Denisons ; Contrarie to the intent of Queen Elizabeth and our late deare Father as may
appeare by severall letters heretofore directed both to Our City of London and our
Judges and Justices of Our Courts of justice in that behalf And forasmuch as We intend
not (they continuing still their obedience to us) to diminish any favour or priviledge formerly
granted unto them by our Predecessors, but that they shall enjoy the same Do therefore will
and command all our Judges and Justices of any of our Courts of Records as well within the
City of London as elswhere within this our Kingdome, and all other our Subjects whom it
may concern, to permit and suffer the said Strangers members of the Outlandish Churches
and their Children quietly to enjoy all and singular such Privileges and Immunities as have
been formerly granted unto them, without any further Suits troubles Arrests or proceedings
by way of Informers or otherwise for using their trade and Vocation Considering the faire
usage and good entertainment wch Our Subjects and their Children do receive and find
beyond the Seas Any former Ordinance to the contrary notwithstanding untill our pleasure
be further signified to the contrary. And our Will and pleasure is that this Our pleasure
shall be signified into all our Courts of Records or other places where it shall be requisite,
whereby our Judges and Officers may take notice thereof. And these our Letters shall be
your sufficient Warrant and discharge in this behalf. Given under our signet at our Palace
of Westminster the thirteenth day of November in ye second year of Our Reign.
By order of the Lo. Conway
I James le Keux junior WINDEBANK.
doth attest that this is a
true copie from the Originall. [Walloon Records, Canterbury].

224 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
IX a.
Order of the Privy Council i6ji.
" To oure verie good Lord the Lo: V. Maydstone and to or verie lovinge
freinds Sr Joh. Wild, Sr Christopher Man, Knights, the Maior and Recorder
of the cittie of Canterbury for the tyme beinge Isaack Bargraue Doctor of
Divinitie and Deane there William Kingesley Archdeacon there Stands
Rogers Doctor of Divinitie William Watmer James Master Esquiers Alder
men there Edward Hadd and Thomas Denne Esqrs Councellors att lawe
Justices of Peace in the said cittie and Countie of Kent respectivelie.
After or hartie comendacons Whereas a peticon hath beene presented to the Board in
the name of the Wallon Congregacon residinge in and neere the Cittie of Canterbury
Shewinge that the petitioners beinge manie in number vsinge divers manufactures in
weavinge of Silke Jersey and Wosterd within the Cittie and liberties thereof and country
neere therevnto. And for theire more orderlie Gouerment in theire said pfession haue for
manye yeares beene conformable to divers good orders established amongest themselves by
mutuall consente and admitted as moste necessarie by the Magistrates of the said Cittie,
and the Countrie adiacent, by the benifitt whereof manie of the peticoners haue beene
enabled, not onlie to live in good sorte, and to relive the poore of theire owne nacon but
alsoe did muche helpe the industrious poore of the Englishe by settinge them on worke in
spynninge and other imployments Shewinge that some persons of the siad Congregacon
respectinge theire owne pryvatt gaine more then the publique, haue of late vtterlie refused
to be governed by the said Orders (not beinge established by any supreame authoritie) to
the evill example of others and to the vtter overthrow of the said trade and Congregacon
Wherein the peticoners humblie soughte to bee releeved by some order or direcons of this
Board. Wee vppon consideration had thereof findinge the truthe of the peticon confirmed
by certificate of divers persons of Quallitie well known vnto vs, Haue thought good hereby
to authorise and requier yo9 or anie three or more of yos (whereof you the Mayor and
Recorder for the tyme beinge to bee twoe) to consider of the said orders and to bee aidinge
and assistinge from tyme to tyme vnto the said Congregacon fore the due execucon of such
of them as are not repugnant to the lawes of this realme and are established for the good
gouerment of the said Congregacon as aforesaid, And to call such persons before yo3 as
yo9 shall vnderstand are refractorie herein, whoe if they refuse to conforme themselves yo9
are forthwith to certifie theire names vnto vs that such further order maie bee taken with
them as shalbe thought fitt. And soe wee bid yo9 hartelie farewell.

Yor loveinge freinds

Manchester
Tho Coventrye
Riveston
Arundell Surrey
Salesbury
Morton
Dorchester
ffalkland
T. Edmondes
HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY 225
This is a true coppie of the Ires written and directed (vnto vs whose names are herevnto
subscribed) by the Lordes of his ma'ies most honorable privie counsell.
Th Maidston
Isaac Bargraue John Wyld Auery Sabin, Maior
William Kingsley L. Louelace, Re.
ffrancis Rogers Edw. Hadde
Tho. Denne
William Watmer
James Master
X.
Monition to the Ministers and Elders of the Walloon Church of Canterbury,
December ig, i6j^.
Decimo nono die Decembris Anno Domini 1634, coram venerabilibus viris
Domino Nathanaele Brent milite, legum Doctore, Reverendissimi in Christo
patris ac Domini Domini Gulielmi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi &c. Vicario in
spiritualibus generali, Isaaco Bargrave sacras Theologiae professore, Decano
Ecclesiae cathedralis & Metropolicas Christi Cantuarij, & Merico Casaubon
sacrae Theologiae bacchalaureo, ejusdem Ecclesiae Prcebendario, commissariis
Reverendissimi Domini Archiepiscopi, in & pro visitatione sua Metropolitica
constitutis in agdibus ac in praesentia Willielmi Somner notarii publici
Registrarij principalis deputati.
Quibus die & loco comparuerunt magister Joannes Bulteel, Clericus, & Magister
Philippus Delme, Clericus, Ministri Ecclesiae Wallonicae apud Cantuariam una cum senioribus
(uti vocant) ejusdem Ecclesiae quibus Domini Domini commissarij intimarunt : that all the
Natives of their Walloon congregation must resort to the severall parish churches of those
parishes wherin they inhabite to heare divine service and Sermons, and performe all duties
of parishioners required in that behalfe ; and that the Ministers and all others of the same
Walloon or French congregation which are Aliens borne, shall have and use the Liturgy
used in the English Churches, as the same is, or may be faithfully translated into French : &
monuerunt eos to inform their congregation hereof, and to conforme them and themselves
hereunto by the first of March next.
Examinatur per me Willielmum Somner, notarium publicum.
[BULTEEL: A Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches in Kent, eVc, p. 6.]
XI.
Correspondence between Sir Nathaniel Brent, Dean Bargrave, and Meric
Casaubon.
To my very worthie ffrendes Mr. Deane of Canterbury and to Mr. Causabon Prebendary
of Christs Church, Cant.
Sr, The Gent of the Dutch and ffrench Churches desire tyme for their Answeares
vntill Easter next, concerning those proposicons wch we put vnto them this afternoone. I
CC

226 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
am content to give them tyme vntill the first of March next, if your selfe and Mr. Casabon
shall think fitt, and not otherwise. I am, Your very faithfull ffrend & Servant,
Na : Brent.
I desire you to sende me by one of your Servants Mr. Dunkins petition with your answeare
vnto it.
The reply to this letter was written below it, as follows : —
Noble Sir,
We are very willing that time should be granted to the Peticioners till the first of
march, and if you shall please vntil Easter.
Isaac Bargraue,
Meric Casaubon.
[State Papers (Domestic), Charles I., cclxxviii, 64.]
XII.
Declaration of Injunction delivered April ij, 1635.
Decimo tertio die Aprilis 1635, coram venerabilibus viris Dominis Isaaco
Bargrave, sacrae Theologiae professore, Decano Ecclesiae Cathedralis &
Metropolicae Christi Cantuar. & Thoma Jackson sacrae Theologiae professore
(inter alios) Commissariis reverendissimi in Christo patris ac Domini Domini
Gulielmi providentia divina Cantuariem-is Archiepiscopi & in visitatione sua
Metropolitica constitutis & loco Consistorij in Ecclesia praedicta judicialiter &
pro tribunali sedentibus ; venerabilibus viris Dominis Willielmo Kingsley
sacrae Theologiae professore Archi-diacono Cantuar. & Joanne Jeffrey sacro
etiam professore Theologiae, eis tunc & ibidem assistentibus & assidentibus
presente me Willielmo Somner notario publico, &c.
Quibus die ac loco dicti venerabiles viri Commissarij tradiderunt mihi notario publico
praedicto Injunctiones quasdem reverendissimi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi praedicti
Ecclesias Gallicas & Belgicas (anglice the Dutch or Walloon Congregations) concernentes
in presentijs Magistrorum Joannis Bulteel & Philippi Delme, Ecclesiae Gallicae sive
Wallonensis intra civitatem Cantuariensem existentis, & Magistri Gaspari van Nierne
Ecclesiae Belgicae apud Sandwicum constitutae Presbiterorum sive Ministrorum ; nee non in
prassentijs Joannis de Bever & Quintin Galmar seniorum (uti vocantur) Ecclesiae Wallonicae
apud Cantuarienses, ac in praesentijs Petri Maes & Isaaci Rickeseys seniorum (^uti vocantur)
Ecclesiae Belgicae prasdictae apud Sandwicos : In quorum omnium praesentijs prajlectis prius
publice dictis Injunctionibus, per me notarium publicum ante dictum de mandato dictorum
Commissariorum quarum quidem tenor sequitur & est talis. The two Injunctions of
William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, concerning the Dutch and Walloon Churches
within his Diocesse Anno 1635. That all the Natives of the Dutch and Walloon Conp-rega-
tions in his Graces Diocesse are to resort to their severall parish Churches of those parishes
wherein they inhabit, to heare divine servise and Sermons, and performe all duties as

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 227
parishioners required in that behalfe : 2. That the Ministers and all others of the Dutch
or Walloon Congregations which are not Natives, and borne Subjects to the Kings Majesty,
or any other strangers that shall come over to them, while they remaine strangers, may have
and use their owne discipline as formerly they have done ; yet it is thought fit that the
English Liturgy should be translated into French and Dutch for the better fitting of their
children to the English government. Dicti commissarij peremptorie & solemniter
monuerunt dictos Ministros sive Presbiteros ac seniores dictarum respective Ecclesiarum ad
conformand. se & congregationes respective suas, quantum in eis est Injunctionibus
praedictis, & ne oblivioni tradatur vel errori, sit obnoxium, decreverunt copias Injunctionum
praedictarum eis respective tradendas, & eodem die tradiderunt ac etiam decreverunt
intimandum fore Ministris omnibus & singulis respective Ecclesiarum parochal. intra
civitatem Cantuar. & Sandwich pro receptione dictorum nativorum in Ecclesijs suis tanquam
parochianorum, &c. prasentibus tunc & ibidem praeter me notarium publicum antedictum
venerabili viro Domino Edwardo Master, Milite, Willielmo Hammon, generoso, Willielmo
Somner Juniore, & multis aliis, &c.
Concordat cum actis Curiae facta examinatione per me Willielmum
Somner notarium publicum.
[Bulteel: A Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches in Kent, &c., pp. 31-32.]
Xlltf.
Injunction delivered September 26, 1635.
Vicesimo sexto Septembris 1635, coram venerabili viro Domino
E. Registro curiae Nathanaele Brent milite, legum Doctore, reverendissimi in Christo
com. Archiepiscopa- patris ac Domini Domini Gullielmi providentia divina Cantuariensis
lis Cantuar. Extract. Archiepiscopi &c. vicario in spiritualibus generali & coeteris ejus
Commissariis in Ecclesia Christi Cantuar. hora antemeridiana
convenientibus praesente Willielmo Somner Notario Publico, &c.
Quibus die & loco Ministris & senioribus tarn Ecclesiae Gallicae sive Wallonensis apud
Cantuariam nostram, quam Ecclesiae Belgicae apud Sandwicos constitut. coram commissariis
antedictis [personarum comperer.]* Reverendissimi Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi ulteriorem
voluntatem in hoc negotio dicflus vicarius eius generalis sequentia a Domino Archiepiscopo
ante dicto nuper accepta eisdem ministris & senioribus retulit & in mandatis dedit, viz :
Quod omnes & singuli alienigenae Congregationum respective suarum, &ab eis infra primum
gradum descendentes, ordines ritus disciplinam, casteraque privilegia antehac Congrega-
tionibus respective suis authoritate regia impertita & concessa licite retineant. Caeteri vero
omnes dictarum Congregationum suarum ab eisdem Congregationibus discedant Ecclesiis
parochialibus & capellis paroeciarum, quas respective incolunt, sese conferentes, liturgiae
discipline totique Ecclesiae Anglicanae politae (quatenus se concernant") cum caeteris
Domini nostri Regis subditis in omnibus seipsos submittentes & conformantes. Ita tamen
quod sustentationi ministrorum & egenorum dictarum suarum Congregationum nihilominus
remaneant obnoxij. Quibus sic declaratis dicflus vicarius generalis eosdem monuit, quod
eadem cmnia Congregationibi.s respective suis cum ea quae fieri poterit matura celeritate
publicent seu publicari faciant, seipsos etiam eisdem submittant ac populum dictarum
* Sic.

228 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
suarum- Congregationum quoad possunt consimilem obedientiam prasstare suadeant, &
Reverendissimum Dominum Archiepiscopum praedictum inde certificent seu certificari
curent. Praemissa omnia & singula Ministro et senioribus Ecclesiae Belgicae apud Maidston
quibuscum in similibus (vel fama teste) communicant, intimantes ut id ipsum in dicta
ecclesia fiat. Et sic intimatur eis cura & studio dicti Domini Archiepiscopi pro eorum tuto
securo & quieto progressu in occupationibus suis mechanicis exercend. eis per protecflionem
regiam (si opus fuerit) obtinendam, firmando dicti Commissarij eosdem ministros &
seniores cum seria & solemni exhortatione ad obedientiam suam in hac parte alacritcr
exhibendam decedere permiserunt & dimiserunt. Praesentibus tunc & ibidem (praeter notarium
publicum antedictum) Henrico Jenken, Willielmo Somner juniore, & Thoma Wilcoxon
notarijs publicis, & multis alijs testibus literatis &c.
Concordat cum OriginaliWillielmus Somner Registrarius.
[Bulteel : A Relation of the Troubles of the three forraign Churches in Kent, cVc, p. 44.]
XIII.
Extract from the Actes du Consistoire relating to Election of Joseph Poujade.
Du Jeudy 22 novembre 1638 le Consistoire des Anciens et diacres de
l'Eglise francoise de Canterbury assemblez au lieu ordinaire, Mr. Delme
conduisant Taction. Aprez l'invocation du Nom de dieu Sur l'instante
demande du corps de l'eglise de retenir le Sieur Poujade pour troizieme
Pasteur en cette eglise, sans toutes fois le prejudice des deus ordinaires
ja establis.
La compagnie aprez auoir recognu la bonne docflrine et vie du dit Sieur par les
tesmoignages qu'il nos a exhibez a delibete" de le prier de nous vouloir accorder son ministere
pour vn an a commancer des le premier nouembre passe1 et ce soubs les gages de soixante
liures Sterling, a condition de luy permettre d'aller pour voir en france k son affaire par
lespace de deux moiz a son choix. Et advenant que dans le dit an la compagnie se voulust
reduire a son deux premiers pasteurs, se passant du ministere du dit Sieur, elie lui promet de
lui payer ses gages pour toute l'annee. A quoy le dit Sieur s'est accorde.
Extrait des Acfles du Consistoire de l'eglise francoise de Canterbury
par moi Ancien et greffier du dit Consistoire.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XIV
Letter from the Fi'ench Church of London.
A Messieurs et treshonorez Freres les Pasteur et Anciens de lcglise Walonne de Canterbury.
Nous Pasteur et Anciens de l'eglise francoise de Londres certifions a qui il appartiendra
qu'a l'instante requeste que nous ont fait Messieurs et treshonorez freres les Conducfleurs

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 229
des Eglises de Canturbury et Douure, a ce qu'ayant esgard au piteux estat et lamentable des
olation dans laquelle l'eglise de Canturbury seroit toutte preste de tomber si promptement elie
n'estoit secouru d'ailleurs, il nous pleust de di-puter vers icelle quelques pasteur et Anciens
pour lassister en l'urgente necessit6 ou elie se trouue et la soustenir en sa juste cause contre
ceux qui la troublent taschent par d'estranges procedures et extremes violences de ruiner sa
subsistence ; nous estans le 1 4 du courrant assembles en consistoire auons apres l'invocation
du nom de Dieu choisi et elleu nos bien aim6s et treshonords freres Mrs Jean de la Marche
Pasteur, Bartholemy Caulier et Jaques Dambrun Anciens de ceste Eglise afin de se transporter
a, Canturbery le plustot qu'ils pourront commodement pour aduiser auec nos dits freres a
quelque utile et prompt remede par lequel celui qui par sa mauuaise conduite amene ladite
Eglise sur le bord du precipice en soit destourne\ et icelle estant maintenue en son droit
preseruee de mine, se seruant pour cett effect de leur prudence chrestienne et de la propre
experience qu'ils ont des affaires dans l'employ de tous bons et legitimes moyens que dieu
leur presentera, que la discipline prescrira et que l'authorite du dernier Colloque pourra
permettre ; cependant nous offrons nos humbles voeux et prieres a dieu a fin qu'il luy plaise
d'accompagner nos freres de sa diuine protection benir leur voyage, les deliurcr des esprits
des hommes, et en donnant un heureux succes a leur saints labeurs les ramener en paix et
en sant6 a sa gloire et a nostre commune consolation par Jesus Christ nostre Seigneur Amen.
Cisner Pasteur
Jacques Desmaistre
Jacob de la Fortrie
Isaac de Lillers
Jean Ducane
Londres, le 17 de Febur. 1647. Pierre Duquesne.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XV.
Copie du Certificat de Mr le Mayre, Mr le Recorder, et Mr Savin,
Alderman, 16 f 6.
Forasmuch as of late divers differences and dissencons have risen vpp in the Walloone
Congregacon in this Citty touchinge Mr Poujade which said differences did then and yett
doe dayly encrease For the prevencon whereof wee whose names are subscribed did about
the twelveth day of February last call the said Mr Poujade and others of the said congre
gacon of his partie before vs vppon the complaint of the Eldershipp of the said congregacon
that the said Mr Poujade with some others of his faction did intende to displace some of
the said Eldershipp and to place others in their roomes without and against the consent of the
said Eldershipp and the discipline of their Churches. Wherevppon wee conceaveinge the
prosecucon of the said intencon would be much to the disturbance of the peace not onely
of their Church but also of this Citty did advise the said Mr Poujade and his party that they
should forbeare to proceede in their said purpose vntill matters might be setled amongest
them wherevppon the said Mr Poujade and others then with him of his party did promise
vnto vs that they would forbeare soe to doe But notwithstandinge the said Mr Poujade and
his said adherents have contrary to their said promise and our advise (as we are informed

230 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
by the said Eldershipp) discharged five of the said Eldershipp and twoe of the Deacons and
have chosen others of their owne party into their places contrary to the discipline of their
said Church as wee are informed which may tend to the greate disquiett of their congre
gacon and of this Citty as wee conceave In witnes whereof wee have subscribed our names
this second day of March Anno dni. 1646 (N.S. 1647).
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XVI.
Order of Magistrate to Churchwardens of St. Dunstan' s.
Copie. To the Churchwardens and Overseers of the poore of the Parish of St.
Donstones without Westgate. Forasmuch as Mr. Joseph Poujade is, by order from the
Synode of the French and Dutch Congrigations assembled in London and by the Classis
of this Congregation of French in Canterbury, prohibited and barred from preaching for a
certaine time yet continuing, and that I am informed that the said Mr. Poujade intendeth
to preach att your Church of St. Donstones to the French Congregation and in French,
directly contrary to the said order and diuerse other orders to the same effect, Whereas
there is to bee two sermons in the French Church here, by allowed Ministers and noe man
can preach to the French Congregation here except hee bee allowed, which the said
Mr. Poujade is not, but also disallowed. Which dealings of the said Mr. Poujade is
arenting of the said French Congregation in sunder and make diuision betwixt themselves,
and which may likewise tend to the manifest breach of the Peace : and for that his
preaching in this manner is against the order of their one Synod. These are to aduise you
not to suffer the said Mr. Poujade to preach in your Church contrary to the said orders, but
to prohibite him so to doe, because thereby the Congregation will be diuided and rent in
sunder and a new Congregation will bee by him set vp contrary to all order and equity,
which your soe doeing will bee agreeable to the said orders of the said Synod and well
excepted of. Dated ye 18th day of March 1647. Your louing friend, signed in the
original by Robert Lade.
Endorsed: per Act. 23 March 1647-8.
[Hessels : Ecclesiae Londino-Batavae Archivum, vol. Ill, 2987.]
XVII.
Letter from the French Church, Canterbury, to the Ccetus, London.
Canterbury, March 31, 1648. 1. Your favourable reception of our messenger, and of
our request to send us some of your members to help us in restoring order in our Church,
has greatly consoled us. 2. We had hoped that M. Poujade and his adherents would have
abstained from any innovations, but last Sunday they withdrew schismatically from among
us and having secured a church in the suburbs, outside the jurisdiction of the town, he
preached there twice and baptised children, while announcing that he would do so again
next Thursday and Sunday, exhorting the people to be present, which a number of them
have begun to do, leaving our ordinary Assembly, which however has not been deprived of

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 231
its principal members. 3. Though we expecfl your deputies every hour, we think it
necessary to inform you of this renewal of our troubles, that you may notice the violation of
the sentence of the Synod, as the copy of an Acfl which we enclose shows distinctly, and we
hope that your Deputies will come here as soon as possible. 4. Last Saturday we did what
we could to prevent this breach. The Mayor promised us that they should not have any
church in the town. The Recorder would not promise so much with respect to the suburbs,
but he had issued a warrant to keep the peace, while Mr. Poujade preached in the church
of St. Dunstan's. 5. We would have sent one of us to request the assistance of some of
the Committee, but as they had not assembled they did nothing ; only a member of Parlia
ment wrote to the Recorder, according to the enclosed copy, who told us however that he
received the letter on Sunday morning, therefore too late. 6. Justice Ladd wrote last
Saturday to the Churchwardens, but they do nothing, having given, as they say, their word,
while the poor of their Parish were promised a portion of the collection. We do not know
what the Magistrate of the town will do.
[Ibid., vol. in, 2991.]

XVIII.
Order of the Committee for Plundered Ministers.
Att the Committee for Plundered Ministers August 27, Anno 1647. Whereas Mr.
Joseph Poujade late Pastor of the Walloon or French Congregation in the citty of Canter
bury for his persisting to disturbe the said Congregation by intruding into their Church and
preaching there, contrary to the Order of the Committee of 9 Mart, last, This Committee did
the 15 of the instant Aug. Order that the Sergeant at arms of the House of Commons or
his deputy should bring the said Mr. Poujade in safe custody before this Committee to
answer his said contempt. Now upon hearing the said Mr. Poujade being brought before
this Committee, and Counsell on both sides, for that the Synods of the French and
Dutch congregations are to meete and assemble in London about the middle of September
next, to which Synode the said Mr. Poujade Appealeth against the sentence of Interdiction
awarded against him the said Mr. Poujade, and hath promised before this Committee that
he will not from henceforth take upon him to preach or officiate in the said Church, nor
make any disturbance in the said congregacion, or intermeddle with the government
thereof, but will acquiesce and submitt, till, upon his said Appeale to the said Synode his
said cause shall be determined. Therefore for the preventing of all further controversies
that may arise between the said Mr. Poujade and the said congregation or any of them, and
to the end the said differences may be quieted and composed, This Committee doe accept
of the said Mr. Poujade his promise and ingagement, not to intermeddle in the government
of the said Congregacion or to preach or officiate there, till the said cause be determined
before the said Synod upon the said Appeale, and doe thereupon dischardge him from his said
Committment. John Boys.
[Ibid., vol. Ill, 2905.]

232 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
XIX.
Order of the King in Council, November if, 1662.
(Seal) At the Court at Whitehall, the 14th. of Nouember, 1662.
Present
The Kings most Excellent Ma'ie
His Royall Highness the Duke of York
His Highness Prince Rupert Earle of Sandwich
Lord Chancellor Earle of Lauderdaill
Lord Priuy Seale Lord Seymour
Duke of Albemarle Lord Holies
Marquesse of Dorchester Lord Ashley
Lord Great Chamberlain Sr William Compton
Lord Chamberlain Mr Treasurer
Earle of Portland Mr Comptroller
Earle of Norwich Mr Secretary Morice
Earle of St. Albans Mr Secretary Bennet
Sr Edward Nicholas
The Matter depending before this Board, concerning reconcilinge some Differences
arisen amongst those of the Walloone Nation, who live in & about the City of Canter
bury, being (by Order of the fift of this instant) Referred to his Ma'ies Sollicitor Generall
(with the Assistance of Sr Thomas Peyton, Knight) to endeavour to reconcile all Matters
in Contraversy between them, according to Offers, that day made at the Board, on both
Part's ; And if Hee could not prevayle to effect so Good a Worke, That then he was to
Report the whole state of the Businesse vnto the Board ; In consequence whereof his
Ma'ies said Sollicitor Generall delivered in Writing a full and Satisfactory Account of his
Proceedings & Opinion therein ; Which was this day read at the Board ; as It followeth ;
Vizt. May it please yor Ma'ie
In obedience to an Order of the Councell-Board, dated the 5' of Nouember
1662 (yor Ma'ie being then present) concerning the reconcilinge the Diuisions arisen
amongst those of the Walloone Nation, who Hue in & about the City of Canterbury, I
haue caused to come before mee Six of the said Walloones of the One party, & Six
more of the said Walloones of the other party ; Being elected & chosen to transact
& agitate for the whole ; And, with the Assistance of Sr Thomas Peyton Baronet,
haue heard & considered all their Differences & Diuisions on both Sides,
And haue Agreed
1 . That all Differences & Divisions occasioned by the late Separation be for ever for
gotten, and buryed in perpetuall Obliuion.
2. That for the time to come both Parties shall Unite and Agree in one entire
Congregation of Walloones, and contynue in the Exercise of the Protestant
Religion according to the Comon Rites & Disciplines which haue formerly beene
Exercised vnder the gracious Protection & Concessions of yor Ma'ies Royall
Progenitors.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 233
3. That for avoyding all Disputes touching the Minister, who is to Officiate amongst them,
they do immediately proceed to a new Election of some fitt and able Person for
that Seruice, and cause him to be presented to the Generall Colloque for their
Approbation ; Whose Judgment is to be Finall, and all Parties to submitt
accordingly.
4. That they shall not permitt or suffer the Minister, or any other Member of the
Congregation, to do or speake any thing tending to the Reproach or Contempt of
the Lyturgie, or any other part of the Doctrine or Discipline [established]* in the
Church of England ; or which may giue just Cause of Scandall or Offence to any
of yor Ma'ies good Protestant Subiects.
5. That they shall, from time to time, mayntaine their owne Poore, without suffering them
to be burthensome to any part of the City of Canterbury.
Which things being Agreed vnto, on their Part, It is humbly Offered to
yor Ma'ies great Wisdome.
1 . That the Usuall Place of Meeting, neare the Cathedrall, be contynued and Allowed to
this Congregation, as formerly.
2. That yor Matie would please, for Avoyding the Penalties of the Act of Uniformity, to
declare this Congregation to be such a Parte of the Forraine Reformed Churches
as your Ma'ie is pleased to Allowe.
3. That they shall not be Taxed to the Maintayning of any Poore, besides those of their
owne Congregation. All which is humbly submitted to the great Judgment of yor Ma'ie and
yor Ma'!es most honble Priuy Councell. Heneage Finch
Nour nth. 1662.
Which said Report of Mr Sollicitor Generall being dulye considered, and well approved
of, For the better settling & Confirminge Peace & Unity amongst those of the Walloone
Nation, and to the end they may live quietly vnder his Mats gracious Protection, and enjoy
the Concessions of his Royall Predecessors and Progenitors, His Ma'ie being present in
Councell, It is Ordered ; That this Agreement made by his Ma'ies said Sollicitor Generall
betweene those of the Walloone Nation liuing in and about the City of Canterbury,
touching those Differences which haue lately arisen amongst them (according to what is in
this Order contayned) be, and hereby is, fully in all particulers ratifyed and Confirmed ; And
all Persons, any way relating vnto, and concerned in the premises are hereby strictly required
& Commanded to conforme, and yeild due Obedience vnto all & every the Articles therein
comprised, as they and every of them will answer the contrary at their perills. And the
Major & Aldermen of the City of Canterbury and other the Magistrat's & Justices of the
Peace in, and neare, the said City, are hereby required to take all due Care that this Agree
ment, Settlement & Order of the Board be punctually observed. Richard Browne.

* Interlined.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
DP

234 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

XX.
Agreement to elect Pastor D'Arande.
Le i d'Auril 1663.
La compaignie du Consistoire fortifie des personnes deputez qui ont fait les accorde de
la reconsiliation de cest eglise estans assemblez pour auiser d'establisement d'un Pasteur au
milieu de nous au plustost veu la difigulte dans laquelle nous nous trouuons et le peu de
succes de trouuer vn Pasteur hors du Royaume, la longueur du tans et la depense qui sy
pourroit faire, a trouu6 a propos en la crainte du Seigneur de tacher de choisir quelqu'un
de ceux qui sont proche de nous, cest ascauor Monsr Darande, a condition qu'il soit agree1
par la pluralite des chefs de famille. Mais parce que selon larticle ge nous ne pouuons
choisir aucune personne qui eut pris aucune intere1 dans Tun ou dans lautre des parties
durant la diuision Ton a jug6 que les meme personne qui ont fait cess articles de consente-
ment les pouuoient leuer ce qui a este aduoue1 vnanimement. Ainsy la compagnie a choisy
le dit Sr Darande pour estre pasteur de cest eglise a condition qu'il ny aura plus de debets
particuliers contre I'article ne qui doit estre aussy \e\16 dacord de parties, sy bien que toutes
les debtes tant d'un part que dautres seront transffere' sur le corps generall de l'eglise et
deviendront les debtes de l'eglise, et que les obligation des deux parties pour deuenir
communes seront signe de part et dautres. Mais la nature de cest accord est tell que cest
a condition que Monsr Darande soit pasteur de cest eglise, en sorte que s'yl arriuoit qu'il y
eut enpechement et qu'il ne fut point establi au milieu de nous l'accord present seroit nul
et que nous en demeurirons a nos premier Articles, et la nature de cest accord est ancor tels
que tout nos Articles sus mentionnes demeureront en toute leur force exeptee le neufesme
et l'onsieme. Cest accord a este fait en la presence de nous J. Felles Pasteur de l'eglise francoise de
Londre depute1 pour ayder l'eglise de Canterbery dans ses affaires et signe des Anciens des
diacres de cest eglise et des deputez dont il est fait mention.
Etienne du Thoit Jean Wallebecq
Jean du Bois Jean Bonte
Jan Wiber Abraham Six
Isaac Demon Jean Manneke
Jaques Oudart Jaques de Castel
Cornil Destrie Nicolas Desfarvaques
Hugo x Bouree Jaques Six
Gedeon Despaigne
Jan Mesman

[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 235
XXI.
The Case of the Walloons against the Overseers of the Poor.
Certaine Reasons whiche they of the Strangers Congregation in Canterburie
of the Parish of Holy Crosse, without west gate, do most humblie present to the
Right worshipful Justices consideration that they may not be charged for the
English poore of that parish.
In Primis the prescription of time hauing neuer bene charged with them heretofore,
since wee haue had a Churche in Canterburie.
Because with the rest of our Congregation we are charged with our owne poore which
are many in number in so much as the congregation is at 30lb charge monthly one with
onother. Some charge vs weekely, and so ordinarily,
Others vpon occasions charge vs so extraordinarily
Besides once a yeare in clothinge them
Besides the last yeare by reason of the plague the congregation spent fiftye a pounde a
month. We are also charged with diuers strangers passengers wch come from beyond the sea,
and others that goe ouer.
Vnto this may be added that it hath bene and is a very poore time be reason of the
plague in London not being able to vent or sell their marchandise.
And there are many English faillinge in London by whom we loose much.
Besides we are extraordinarily Sessed more then ye English eytheir.
for the Kings shippes
for reparation of the Church
for the musters
We may add vnto all this
That in our parish there are 25 poore housholders that are strangers contening 50
childrens or more which are charged to our congregation, and not to the English, and if
they were gone there would dwell therein poore English whch would be a charge to the
parish. There are also 1 6 housholders that are iourney men who if they were but a while sicke,
would be a charge to the Congregation.
There are a few who take a greate deal of paines to gett a poore liuing whereof the
most are strangers not English nor denisons.
And when it hath pleased God to send vs the afflicflion of the plague wee haue neuer
bene chargeable to the parish nor to the country notwithstanding that the house afflicted
the laste yeare in the parish of Holy Crosse hath coste our congregation the some of
'3lb 3s 8d-
We put 150 poore English to worke, as followeth the name of the spinners of the parish
of Holy Crosse, sett a worke by vs dwelling without the walles.
To each one of them as much wages as to any of our owne people. Some haue 4s a
weeke. Besides we put many others to worke of others parishes
Canterbury Sterry
St. Dunstone Fordwich

236 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
Bleane Hearne
Withstaple Hoade
Hackington or St Steuen Chisle
Harbledowne Little Bourne
Broadeoake Feversham
If wee be Sessed for the poore the Towne will indeauour to doe the like to the Church
which would be very preiudiciall to the Congregation, alreadie ouer-charged with her owne
poore. Wherevpon we most humblie beseech the right worshipfull Justices for these reasons
that we may not be charged with the poore of that parish And hope we shall not vpon these
considerations. Wee whose names are herevnder written in the name of
the rest of the gouerneurs of the Congregation do testifie
that we know this tiling aboue written to be true partly of
our owne knowledge partly by the n-lation of those of the
parishe wdlare of the Congregation. The xvi Marche 1636.
Philip Delme'
John le Blan
Pierre le Keux
Isaac du Castel
Jaque le Clerq
Pierre merchie
Jean Oudart.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XXII.
Proposalls presejited to the Right worsh1 the Maior and Aldermen of the
Citty of Canterbury.
Imprimis that the walloone are to pay the Moytie of all Rents rated according to Kings
Majesty sesses as the English are and the Estate of the English is also to be taxed besides
and not the estate of the walloone.
That all houses at forty shilling a yeare are not to be taxed wherein inhabiteth
walloones and all other walloones that receaue-almes are not to be taxed.
Item, that the rates once stated are not hereafter to be altered or changed but the same
to be confirmed to one rate for euer.
Item that wee shall not be further taxed in any other thing then the English inhabiting
within the Citty are.
Item that all former agreements made betweene the Citty and the walloone Congrega
tion be by this present ratified established and confirmed.
Item that all papishes and all poore deboised persones which trust themselves amongst
vs and not for religion sake may be by a warrant of the Maior of this Cittie be sent out of
the same, that they may not be a charge to the walloone Congregation.
Item that all this agrement may be confirmed by the Lords of the Assizes.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 237
XXIII.
Letter from Jean Cherpentier to Archbishop Wake.
Monseigneur, S'il plait a votre Grandeur. II y a six ans passes qu'enuiron cinquante a soixante chefs
de families s'estant separes de L'Eglyse Valonne de cette ville, firent uneEglyse conformiste.
lis me demanderent pour estre leur ministre ; et comme ie n'auois point les ordres, ie me
presentai pourueu de bons certificats, que presques tous les ministres dicy, entre lesquels il
y auoit cinq des Grandes Chanoines, qui auoient signes ; mais ie fus refus6 par trois
differentes fois, sans pouuoir sauoir la raison pourquoy on me refusoit ce que ie desirois auec
beaucoup d'affection. La dessus me determinai a faire Le seruice Diuin comme si i'auois
este reordind, et ai continue jusques a present. Si j'ay fait en cela quelque chose qui
pourroit deplaire a uotre Grandeur, ie lui en demande bien humblement pardon, et me
soumets auec respect et obeissance a tout ce qu'il lui plaira de m'ordonner. Assurant uotre
Grandeur que ie ne cesserai jamais de Loiier La prouidence d'auoir si dignement rempli le
haut poste que uous possedes, et que ie continuerai a prier Dieu pour uotre preseruation, a
fin que uous puissies estre long temps l'appuy et lornement de l'Eglyse Anglicanne. Ce
sont les uoeux les plus ardens de Monseigneur, Vostre tres humble
A Canterbury et tres obeissant Seruiteur
le 7 May 171 6. Jean Cherpentier.
Je ne me suis pas presente a uotre Grandeur parce que l'air de Londres m'est si
contraire, que j 'ay de la peine a y respirer, Cependant si ie croyois que uotre Grandeur
fust disposee a me faire donner les ordres je m' irois jester a ses pi£s.
Addressed : — To His Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury in Deans Yard, Westmin
ster, London. [Tanner MSS : 'Letters of Archbishop Wake, 28, Bodleian Library.]
XXIV.
Letter from Pierre le Sueur to Archbishop Wake.
My Lord, J'ai era qu'il etoit necessaire que jusse passe ici vn tems considerable, avant que je
deusse rendre conte a Votre Grandeur de I'etat ou j'y ai trouv£ les choses ; tout y est fort
tranquille, et j'ai etd recu egalement bien par les membres des deux Eglises, qui entretienn-
ent vne bonne correspondance, plusieurs de ceux de I'Eglise Wallonne viennent de tems
en tems a la notre, et plusieurs Anglois aussi, qui voyoient auparavant avec chagrin
administrer toutes les foncftions du saint ministere par vne personne qui n'avoit pas les
ordres requis pour cette assemble. Dieu veuille affermir et augmenter par sa grace ces
heureux commencements.
Permettes moi s'il vous plait My Lord de representer tres humblement a Votre
Grandeur que le transport de ma famille m'a beaucoup coute, que j'ai laiss£ plusieur moyens
a Londres de gagner vne partie de ma depence, et que I'Eglise que j-e-serts ne peut faire

238 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
que dix ou douze pieces par an. Tout cela me mettroit bien tot a I'etroit. Mais My Lord
puis que Votre Grandeur veut bien m'accorder I'honneur de sa Puissante Protection, elie
aura sans doute dans peu la bont6 de changer ma condition. Je suis avec vn tres profond
respect. My Lord de Votre Grandeur
Le tres humble et tres Obeissant Serviteur
Pierre le Sueur.
[Tanner MSS., Letters of Archbishop Wake, 28, Bodleian Library.]
XXV.
Certificate of the Mayor and Commonalty in favour of the Walloons.
We the Maior and Comltie of the Cittie of Canterbury at the desire of the Ministers,
elders and Congregacon of wallons within the said cittie doe certefy that the said
Congregacon doe religeously and ciuilly behaue themselues and by theire industry in manu
factures especially in spinning and combing of wooll and weauing silke jarsey and worsted,
they not only support themselues and theire poore, but alsoe many of the english poore
with theire manufactures, are not preiudiciall but rather benificiall to this cittie, and they
maintaine theire owne poore being many, Soe that not one of them begg theire bread,
and the same congregacon doe pay all cesses and duties to his Maie and the Cittie, and of
late by reason of the invasion of the plague and deadness of trading, bad debts, and by the
late abundant ymportacon of Mohaire or Turkey yarne redy spunne, as well the english as
wallon jarsey spinners are out of worke and very much impouerished and twoe hundred
famelies within this citty and suburbes are thereby in danger to begge whereof many com
plaints haue beene made by the english poore and theire ouseers in seuall parishes of this
cittie. In testimony whereof the Comon seale of the said cittie is hereunto added this
Second day of May 1637 And in the thirteenth yere of the reigne of our Souarayne Lord
Charles by the grace of God king of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the
faith &c. [Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XXVI.
Memorandum of Contract between the King and the Weavers' Company.
Covenant in consideration of confirming their charter and enlarging their government
over all silk weavers in the realm.
Covenant to pay vnto his matie upon every lb. of silke blacke or colloured wrought by
them into broad stuff made of silke only vjd upon the dying of the silk and 2d upon the pound
wrought. Aliens to pay xijd upon every pound, viz. vjd upon the dyinge & vjd upon the
piece, & that this payment is to continue for 2 descents of the said strangers & after only
to pay as the English.
And these weavers does covenant to doe their best endeavors that all the strangers
shall answere his Ma'ie the said duty & they also covenant to bring their silks to such an

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 239
office as his mat!e shall appoynt for the orderinge true dyinge of silke. And in case the said
office shall not be established or contynued they are then to pay the whole only upon the
peece. His Majestie in consideration of the payment of viijd doth covenant to lay no further
duty on the said weavers.
They covenant to make their stuffs of foreign material of no less breadth than \ yard
nayle & halfe nayle brode. Company to appoint sworn persons skilled in weaving to search
& seal all stuffs made of foreign materials & stuffs made or brought to London to be
brought to Weavers Hall in London & such as are eleswhere made are to be sealed in the
country & to pay the duties, to his Ma'ie'
Company do covenant to take a bond of 2001' of every person that shall hereafter be
made free for paying the duty to his Ma'ie-
[Records of the Weavers' Company, vol. Ill, p. 480.]
XXVII.
Petition of Canterbury Weavers.
Petition of Peter le Noble, John de l'Espine, Samuel Dubois, Michael Clarke, John
Perkin and Peter Lekeux, in behalf of the strangers, manufacturers of stuffs at Canterbury,
to the King.
In the patent lately granted to the company of weavers in London, petitioners are tied
to pay for duties a third part more than the company, and that for " two descents," which
is so doubtfully expressed that petitioners know not whether father and son only, or father,
son, and grandchild be concerned therein ; the grandchild being by the law and by the
injuncftion of the Archbishop of Canterbury to be in all respects taken for native English.
As petitioners and their forefathers brought into this kingdom the invention of these manu
factures, by which many of your subjects have employment, and are at continual great
charge in carrying their stuffs to and from London, and for that your Majesty has custom
on the material of those manufactures, and that all strangers importing commodities by which
your subjects have no employment pay but a fourth part more custom than the English,
petitioners pray that they may pay for the new rate in the corporation of weavers the like
proportion as strangers pay in the Custom House, viz., a fourth part more than the English,
for father and son only. [State Papers (Domestic) Charles I, ccccvn, 79.]
XXVIII.
Why the Manufacture of Silke and other Stuffes att Canterbury is noe losse
to his May in his Customs.
1 . Diuers materials are imported by reason of this manufacture for the dying of silke &
otherwise, which would not otherwise be brought in at least not in soe great
proportion, as Cuchinel, Brasill wood, Indico, Safflower, Galls & Gums of all sortes.

240 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
2. His Maties Customes are encreased by the importations of diuers sortes of throwne
silke from Naples Legorne and other places which would not be imported in such
quantities but for this manufacture ; the bartering whereof likewise occation the
exportation of more English cloth.
3. The works at Canterbury are for the most part small and not rich soe that they doe
little hinder the importation of the rich sorte of workes ; as Sattens and Velvetts
from the partes beyond the Seas.
4. They haue binn the inventers of diuers new Stuffes to the benefitt and imployment of
his Ma'ies Subiects ; the Transporting whereof into some partes beyond the Seas haue
increased his Ma's profitt in his Customes as Tiffanies &c.
XXIX.
Certificate of the Mayor of Canterbury on behalf of the Weavers and Spinners.
" Civitas Cantuar9. Whereas upon examinacon of the weavers and spinners of this
Citty it appeeres that from tyme to tyme for many yeeres past the poore children of the
hospitall of this citty of Canteibury have beene imployed brought upp and entertayned in
spinning Jarsey yarne for the manufacture of Silke Rashes and Sayes. And this manufacture
being decayed then the makeing of Phillip and Cheney came into vse whereby the saide
children and many other familyes in and about the Citty in compasse of seaven or eight
miles haue beene imployed and sett to worke. Now of late alsoe the makeing of Phillip and
Cheney is decaying as the aforesaid other manufactures haue donne, then came in this new
Invention of mixtures of figured stuffe, being made w'h course Turky yarne, softe Jarsey
yarne and hard wosted in the manufacturing whereof the said poore are now principally
imployed. And if this new Invention being not yett come to perfection be prohibited It is
manifest that the prohibition thereof will be totall ruyne of all those poore people & familyes
and fatherlesse children. And moreover his Ma'ie will be much preiudiced in his customes
in regard many of those said new stuffes here made are transported beyond the Seas. In
Witness Whereof the Seale of Maioralty of the said Citty at the desire of the said
weavers and Spinners is heerevnto sett. Dated the ffifteenth day of ffebruary Anno Dni.
1638" (1639 N.S.)
XXX.
Petition of the Overseers of the Weavers' Hall in Canterbury.
To the right worshipls Mr Mayor and
aldermen &c of the Cittie of
Canterbury.
The humle peticon of the overseers of
the Auncient weauers Hall in
the blacke fryers.
In all reverence shewing that this hall hath beene established in the blacke fryers
Canterbury ever since the yeare 1575 or thereabouts for the manifacflures of all sortes of
stufes accordinge vnto our covenance made with the Magistrats of this Cittie, without any
emotion to the contrary vntill this present, now som of the Company being desirous to take

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 241
superioritie over the others devised to sett vp a new Hall without hauing made complaint
and without showing reason therefore, alsoe without the consent of the generallitie of the
Masters against their promise and handwriting, and in especiall against the last article of
the orders. Now if in case wee are divided wee conceive it will be to the totall ruine of the
corporation and trade to the great Interrest and hinderance of the poore both of English
and strangers of this Cittie and as wee were besett in the yeares 1638 & 1639 by the
weauers hall of London, if in case it had not beene for the Magistrates of this Cittie we
hade become att that time their slaves, and they doe att present seeke all meanes to bring
vs vnder their subiections and if this new hall be graunted it will be a meanes to bring vs
therevnto. Your peticoners therefore humbly beseech your worshPs favourably to take what is
heere written into your serious consideration, and graunt we maye haue the Cittie Seale to
continue in the Auncient hall of the blak fryers soe shall wee be bound to pray, &c.
(Endorsed 1648). [Burghmote Records : Petitions.
XXXI.
Order of the Privy Council.
At ye Court at Whitehalle ye 29th. of September 1639.
Present
The Kings most Excellente Ma'ie
Lo. Arch Bp of Cant. Ea. of Holland
Lo. Keeper Ea. of Berks
Lo. Trearer Lo. Deputy
Lo. Privy Seale Lo. Goringe
Lo. Admirall Mr. Trearer
Lo. Charhblaine Mr. Secret : Coke
Ea. of Dorsett Mr. Secret : Windebank
Vpon consideration of a certificate from Mr. Atturney gena11 this day read at the Boord
concerning some differences betweene yc weauers of London and ye weauers of Canter
bury, It was after debate had of severall particulars menconed in the said certificate
Ordered by his Ma'ie w'h the advice of their Lopps as followeth.
First that there shalbe still (as there hath been since ye erecion of y° Silke ofice six
pence paid at the said Office upon euery pound of Silke both by Natiues and Strangers, and
that there shalbe Sixpence more paid by Strangers, And two pence by ye Natiues vpon all
Stuffe manufactured.
Secondly that all Stuffe made at Canterbury shalbe searched and sealed there, and not
bee brought to the Hall at London to be sealed, and that the same shalbee as effectuall as
if they had been sealed at London.
Thirdly it was Ordered that all deceiptfull Stuffe made either by Natives or Strangers
shall vpon a loyall proceeding and tryall to be had bee forfeited defaced and destroyed.
Fowerthly whereas there is or ought to bee a Bound of 2oolb penalty taken as well of
Natiues as Strangers for ye better securing of his Ma's duty, It was now Ordered that the
same bee henceforth reduced to one hundred pound penalty.
As concerning ye Government of ye said Trade, It was now vpon debate Ordered by his
Ma'ic That ye weauers of London and the weauers of the citty of Canterbury Shalbee severed
E E

242 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
by severall Letters Patente the one Company from ye other, but that both Company shall
answere to his Ma'ie ye same duties as before, and shalbe both gouerned by ye same Rules
and Orders. And lastly It was now expressly Ordered that yc Deputy Alnager shall forthw'h alter his
Seale either to ye fforme it was formerly or els to some other forme more differinge from his
Ma's Seale. Of all wch particulars for setling of the Gouernment of the said Trade of
Weauers Mr. Atturney Generall is to take notice and accordingly to prepare seuerall Patents
for yc said severall Companies. Ex : Edw. Nichlas.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XXXII.
Undertaking of the Weavers of Canterbury.
A tous ceux qui verront ceste presente nous les Tisserans ou Weauers de ceste cite de
Canturbery recognoissons et confessons que suiuans noz Requestes et supplications d'estre
separez de la Halle des Weauers de Londres les Srs du Conseil de sa Ma'e par leur ordon-
nance du 2ge Septembre dernier ont ordonn6 que nous serons vne compaignie a part separez
de ceux de Londres par vne Chartre ou lettre patente que mons' le procureur general du Roy
a ordre de preparer, Auons promis et promettons par ceste de nous regler et conformer en
tout et partout suiuant les clauses Articles et conditions qui seront specifiees et declare en
icelle lettre patente nous Ratifions et confirmons ceux qui ont este esleu par la pleuralitd
des maistres en la Halle pour estre Bailifs Wardens et Assistans et nous submettons au
gouuernement d'icelle corporation sans i contreuenir Et chacun de nous pour nostre part
subuenir aux charges despens qu'il y a et aura estd faict pour obtenir ladite lettre patente et
Chartre, en certification duquel nous auons seigne ceste presente ce jourdhui troisiesme de
Decembre 1639.
Pierre Rogier J. Ricquebourg
Jean le Leu Jacob le Clerq
Pierre du Pire Gulamet Messeman
Jean Perquin la marque de x Noe des Pre
Guy Delannoy Jacques Roda
Dauid de Santhuns Jaques Dereu
Jan Manneke Jean de Lespine
Samuel Vuiber Samuel Sedt
Abraham Sedt Paul Deffarvaques
Jaques le Keux Dauid du Quesne
Jan le Keux Edouard le Keux
Andre Peron
Abel Thery
signe de x Marie du M *
Jean du Mon[cheau] \
Pierre du Moncheau [Endorsed] Dan11 Lepine
Jan Wibert James Foster
Jaques Hardue Tho : Foster.
Charles Caffart
Jean Cocqueau * Paper torn. t Doubtful.
Franchois Mas [Walloon Records, Canterbury.]

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 243
XXXIII.
Petition of the Silk Weavers of Canterbury.
To the Right worp" the Maior Aldermen and Comon Councell Assembled in
Court of Bourgimouth the humble petition of y° silke weavers of this Cittie and
of Mr- Jonons Congregation.
Humbly Shewing
That although ye silke weauers of this Cittie haue long tyme had a hall in this Cittie
And in the same verie good and necessarie rules for ye well gouernement and for ye propa
gation of the said Trade ; yet for some yeeres past, by reason of the troubles of ye kingdome,
and diuisions amongst themselues, the said hall hath bin verie much neglected, and all
manner of wrong done therevnto without any the least resistance. And forasmuch as his
Maties late ffather did graunt vnto vs that ye maior of this Cittie for the tyme being, or one
of the Aldermen of the Towne, should be Master of our said hall ; It is our earnest request
that his Maiesties will therein may be ffullfilled, And that care may bee taken that all good
orders in the hall formerly established may forthwith be put in execution, And that the
officers of the said hall (there being difference in Judgement in the Congregation, or rather
Corporation of ye weauers) may be equally chosen out of each partie : being both quallified
according to the Articles herevnto Annexed, which is the most humble request of yor most
humble seruants, And which if your worsh! please to take some care in perusing these
articles following and considering thereon we shall euer be bound to pray.
i . Imps we desire all deiuison being laid aside we may be equally in power in the hall, and
that all officers be conformable to the Church of England.
2. Secondly that the Sealer may be sworne to seale no pieces but such as are made in or
about the Cittie of Canterburie, And that the Sealer be conformable to the discipline
aforesaid.
3. Thirdly in case there be any just cause of suspicion that any pieces be brought from
beyond the seas to be sealed as worke made here, That then the owner may be
brought before the Maior or some Justice of the peace there, vppon oath to cleare
the same.
4. fourthly that not none that are of the trade of weauers may vse any other trade.
5. ffifthly that the officer for measuring of the stuffes be sworne to the secresie of the
trade, not to discouer one mans ffashion to another ; but that he also [be] conform
able as aforesaid, and true & faithfull in his office.
6. Lastly that our Corporation according to his Ma'ies late grant may be vnder the
protection of the Right wors11 the Maior of this Cittie, or one or other of Aldermen
of the same continually. (Endorsed : — " 2d Septemb. Wallons," and the date
1663 added by Alderman Bunce).
[Burghmote Records :, Petitions^

244 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
XXXIV.
Petition of Master Weavers and Others.
To the Right wo" the Maior Aldermen and Common Counsell nowe assembled in Court of
Burghmote.
The humble peticon of the Master weavers of the regular priviledged walloone con
gregacon together the elders deacons and Politique men in the behalfe of the said Master
weavers and the whole Congregacon.
Sheweth That yor peticoners continueinge not only the practice of their ecclesiasticall governe-
ment practiced in other stranger reformed Churches in this kingdome by grants from the
the State But alsoe their submission vnto the civill goverment in this Citty accordinge to
Articles confirmed by this Court, especially for haveinge a hall to search and seale the stuffe
by them made, and for authorizinge and directinge the Politiques in their charge, they are
sadly not onely troubled in the exercise of their said ecclesiasticall governement by the
divisions caused first by Mr. Pouiade and continued by Mr de la Prix and their adherents
against the Judgement of the Colloques and synods of our churches and to the great
scandall of the reformed churches abroad whoe iudge them Schismatiques, and contrary to
the orders hereto annexed of the Honorble house of Commons and the Committee for
Plundered Ministers, But alsoe are interrupted in the inioyment of the said hall and of the
Aiticles given to the congregation for the Politique men, those that have soe divided them
selves from the congregacon occupyinge notwithstandinge the said hall and excludinge from
beinge searcher and overseers those whoe continue members of the Priviledged Congregacon
and haveinge a Clarke whoe is of their faction and breakinge the Articles for regulatinge
of the hall as Article the 23th in admittinge searchers without giveing their promise of faith-
fullnes to the three bodyes of the congregacon and Article the 20th in makinge them
searchers who are not Masters but Journeymen and Article the 39th in elecftinge officers by
Journeymen ioyned to the Masters that for they may the better carry it by their number All
which is iniurious and preiudiciall to the regular Congregacon and wholly indangeringe their
laudable trade of weavinge and obstructinge the payment of the debts which the hall oweth
and hinderinge the Incomes from the hall for the poore not onely by their lavishe spending
but alsoe by detaineinge some dues Of which things yor peticoners complaine as alsoe that
some of them whoe have withdrawn themselves from their ecclesiasticall governement of
the congregacon yet detaine the said Articles granted to the politique of the said
congregacon from those who are chosen by the orderly Congregacon and sworne by the
Magistrate yea though they have beene comanded by the late Maior to restore it soe as the
true Politiques not havinge the said Charter they cannot soe well remedy diverse disorders
especially in vndue and intemperate drinckings and in prophaninge the Lords Day and ffast
dayes by the irregular ones to the greate scandall of the godly both Englishe and Strangers.
May it therefore please this Court for redressinge theis grievances and abuses and for
the preservacon of the trade & good order in the congregacon to grant to your peticoners
the Master weavers to search and seale their owne worke amongst themselves and to make
vse of the citty seale, payinge their due as was permitted by the Maior and Aldermen vntill
the sittinge of this Court, and not with theis whoe have soe separated themselves from the

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 245
Congregacon and that by yo' authority the Articles of the Politique men be restored that
disorders and scandalls may better be remedied to the glory of God and the welfare of this
Citty and Congregacon And your peticoners shall ever pray &c.
[Burghmote Records : Petitions.]
XXXV.
Remonstrance of the Overseers of the Weavers' Hall, Canterbury.
Greevances of the Aunciant Hall in
the bla : fryers in Canterbury :
That if there be two halles suffered in one Citty and that they should both seale their
peeces of stufes with one seale and that it should happen any miscariage or that faults were
committed in the fastning of the Seale, it might be therefore an occasion to call in question
those that should be harmlesse therein, to their great damage and Interrest, and to the
disgrace of the Cittie seale and hinderance of the trade Item that it is against all rights to
establish a new Hall in a Citty where there is allready a Hall Established by the
magistrats of 73 yeares standing for the making of Stufes, the said auncient hall or
corporation ought not therefore in any way to be diuided being a thing that hath not beene
heard of in any cittie.
Item in the yeares 1638 and 1639 the Master Wardens of the London weauers hall
did againe indeavor to overthrow this hall and so to haue it vnder their Jurisdiction and did
put in a bill against them of the which they were advised by Captaine Nutt, Burgess of this
Citty, vpon which they made an Answer hauing the Maior and Aldermens hands therevnto,
and sent the same vnto Mr. Delmee being then in London desiring him to deliuer it vnto
Capt. Nutt with all speed, but the said Delmee insted of observing this order went with it
vnto the french and Dutch Consistories of London abusing of the Authority of the
Magistrates of this Citty, in putting of it to "the consistories.
Item the Erectors of the new hall haue most wrongfully accused the m' of the auncent
hall to haue broken the Articles of the hall the which will be prooued to the contrary.
(Endorsed 6 ffeb. 1648.)
[Burghmote Records : Petitions.]
XXXVI.
Letters- Patent incorporating the Weavers' Company of Canterbury, i6j6.
D. Con Incorporac Textoribus Cantuar.
Charles the Second by the grace of God &c. To all to whome these psentes shall come
greeting. Whereas itt hath beene represented to vs by the humble Peticon of the Walloone
Congregacon in and neare our Citty of Canterbury that they and their ancestors in and
neare the sayd Citty have beene numerous and are now neare two thousand five hundred
whereof a considerable number vseing the manufacture of Silke Jersey and Worsted have
for their more orderly government vsed divers Orders and Ordinances established by
mutuall consent with approbacon of the Justices aswell of our County of Kent as our Citty

246 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
of Canterbury and now lately by the Justices of the Assize Soe that they have by the said
Trade not onely susteyned their owne Poore without suffering any to begg but employed
many thousandes of the English Yet now of late many refractory persons of their owne
Congregacon and nacon have for their private profitt refused conformity to the said Orders
& Ordinances to the vtter ruine of the said manufactures and abuseing our Subiectes in ill
made manufactures Now know yee that wee for the better rule and government of the
sayd Congregacon and Strangers vseing the trade or mistery of Weaveing amongst them in
our Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the same Citty and for pventing of abvses
in makeing of the said manufactures of our especiall grace certaine knowledge and meere
mocon have willed Ordeyned constituted and granted and by these psentes for vs our heires
and successors doe will Ordeyne constitute declare and grant That all and every person &
persons that now are or hereafter shalbee of the said Walloone Congregac5n and Strangers
inhabiting in our said Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the same Citty whoe doe
or shall vse or exercise the art or mistery of weaveing Gold and Silver or other Wire or
Plate Hayre Jersey Worsted Wollen Cotten Linnen Yarne Thredd or mixtures of them or
any of them from tyme to tyme forever hereafter bee and shall bee by virtue of these
psentes one Fellowshipp and Body Politique & Corporate in deed and name by the name
of Master Wardens and Fellowshipp of Weavers in the Citty of Canterbury and within one
mile of the same And them by the name of Master Wardens and Fellowshipp of Weavers in
the Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the same wee doe by these psentes for vs our
heires and successors really and fully make ordeyne constitute and declare one Body
Corporate & Politique in deed and name And that by the same name of Master Wardens
& Fellowship of Weavers in the Citty of Canterbury & within one mile of the same they
shall and may have perpetuall succession And that they and their successors by the name of
the Master Wardens & Fellowshipp of Weavers in the Citty of Canterbury and within one
mile of the same shall & may forever hereafter bee persons able & capable in law to
purchase have take receive and enioy Mannors messuages landes tenementes liberties privi-
ledges jurisdiccons Franchesies & other hereditamtes whatsoever ofwhatsoever nature kinde
or quality they bee to them and their successors in fee & perpetuity or for terme of life or
lives yeare or yeares or otherwise in what kind soever And alsoe all manner of goodes
chattells & thinges whatsoever of what name nature or quality soever they bee And alsoe to
give grant sett lett aliene assigne & dispose of the same Mannors messuages landes tenem'es
hereditaments goodes chattels & thinges aforesaid And that by the same name of Master
Wardens & Fellowship of Weavers in the Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the
same they shall & may bee able to pleade & bee impleaded to answere & bee answered
vnto to defend & bee defended in all Courtes & places whatsoeu3 and before whatsoever
Judges or Justices or other persons or officers of us our heires or successors in all and
singular accons plaintes pleas suites matters & demandes of what kind nature or quality soever
they bee And act and doe. all other matters and thinges in as ample manner and forme as
any other our leige Subiectes of this our Realme of England being persons able & capable
in the lawe or any other body corporate or politicke within this our Realm of England can
or may have purchase receive possesse take enioy reteyne give grant sett lett aliene assign
& dispose pleade & bee impleaded answere & bee answered unto defend & bee defended
doe permitt and execute And that they the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp of Weavers
in the Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the same forever hereafter shall & may
have a comon Seale to serve for the causes and busines of them & their successors And that

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 247
itt shall & may bee lawful for them & their successors to change breake alter & make anew
the said Seale from time to time att their pleasure and as they shall thinke best And further
wee will and by these psentes for vs our heires & successors doe Ordeyne & grant to the said
Master Wardens and Fellowship of Weavers in the Citty of Canterbury & within one mile
of the same and to their successors that forever hereafter there shalbe one of the Fellow
shipp aforesaid in manner & forme hereafter in these psentes menconed to bee chosen and
named which shall bee and bee called the Master of the said Fellowshipp of Weavers in the
Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the same And that likewise there shall and may
bee from tyme to tyme forever hereafter two of the said Fellowshipp in manner & forme
hereafter in these psentes mencoed to bee chosen & named which shalbee and bee called the
Wardens of the Fellowshipp of Weavers in the Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of
the same And alsoe that there shall and may bee from tyme to tyme forever hereafter nyne
others of the Fellowshipp aforesaid in manner and forme hereafter expressed to bee chosen
and named which shalbee and bee called Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp of Weavers in
the Citty of Canterbury and within one mile of the same to bee from tyme to tyme ayding
and assisting to the Master and Wardens of the said Fellowshipp for the tyme being in all
causes matters and businesse touching or concerning the said Fellowshipp And wee further
will and by these psentes for vs our heires and successors doe Ordeyne and grant to the said
Master Wardens and Fellowshipp of Weavers and their successors that itt shall & may bee
lawfull to & for the said Master Wardens & Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp for the tyme
being or the greater parte of them whereof the Master to bee one as often as they shall
thinke itt needfull or expedient to assemble convocate and congregate themselves togeather
att and in their Hall or any other convenient place within the said Citty of Canterbury and
there from tyme to tyme and att all convenient tymes hereafter to treate consult determine
constitute ordeyne and make any Constitucons Laws Ordinances Statutes Articles & Orders
whatsoever which to them and six other members and Fellowes of the said Fellowshipp to
bee from tyme to tyme nominated elected and chosen by the rest of the said Fellowshipp.
or the greater number of them soe assembling themselves not includeing the Master
Wardens or Assistantes from tyme to tyme for the makeing of such Lawes Orders and
Constitucons onely as aforesaid shall seeme reasonable pffittable or requisite for touching or
concerning the good estate rule order & government of the said Master Wardens & Fellow
ship of Weavers in & within one mile of the Citty of Canterbury and of every member
thereof as to them or the greater parte or number of them whereof the Master to bee one
according to their wisdomes & discretions shall seeme convenient and in what order &
manner the said Master Wardens and Fellowshipp of Weavers and all and every other
person & persons being free of the said Fellowshipp in and within one mile of the Citty of
Canterbury and the liberties thereof shall demeane & behave themselves as well in all &
singuler matters causes and thinges touching or concerning the said Fellowshipp or any
thing therevnto apperteyning As alsoe the Master Wardens & Assistantes in their severall
offices ministries & functions touching or concerning the said Fellowshipp as aforesaid And
all and singuler such paynes penalties punishments & amerciamtes or any of them against
or vpon any offender or offenders which shall transgresse breake or violate the said
Constitucons Statutes Lawes Ordinances or Orders soe to bee made ordeyned & established
or any of them to impose provide & limitt And the same and every parte and parcell
thereof to aske leavy take and recover to & for the use of the said Fellowshipp by way of
distresse or accon of debt to be brought in the name of the Master of the said Society or

248 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
otherwise by any other lawfull wayes or meanes against the said Offender or Offenders his
or their goodes or chattells or any of them as the cause shall require and as to the Master
Wardens & Assistantes of the sayd Fellowshipp or the greater parte or number of them
whereof the Master for the tyme being to bee one shall seeme most convenient & expedient
All which Lawes Orders Ordinances Constitucons & Institucons soe to bee made ordeyned
& established as aforesaid wee will and by these psentes for vs our heires & successors doe
comand and ordeyne to bee from tyme to tyme and att all tymes kept obeyed & performed
in all thinges as the same ought to bee vpon the paines penalties & punishmentes in the same
to bee imposed inflicted & limitted Soe as the same Lawes Orders Articles & Ordinances
Paines Penalties & Amerciam'os bee reasonable & not repugnant or contrary but as neare as
may bee agreeable to the Lawes & Statutes of this Realme of England And for the better
execucon of this our Grant in that behalfe wee have assigned named constituted ordeyned
and made and by these psentes for vs our heires & successors wee doe assigne create con
stitute ordeyne & make our beloved John Six of the said Citty of Canterbury Silkweaver to
be first and psent Master of the sayd Fellowshipp to continue in the said Office vntill the
first Munday in the moneth of January which shall bee in the yeare of our Lord one
thousand six hundred seaventy & six if the said John Six shall soe long live and from thence
vntill another shall be chosen and named into the said Office of Master of the said Fellow
shipp in due manner & forme according to the Ordinances & Provisions hereafter in these
psentes expressed & menc5ned And alsoe wee have assigned named constituted ordeyned
and made and by these presentes for vs our heires & successors wee doe assigne name
constitute ordeyne and make our welbeloved Subjectes John Du Bois and James Six of the
said Citty of Canterbury Silkweavers to bee the first and psent Wardens of the said
Fellowshipp to continue in the said Office of Wardens of the said Fellowshipp vntill the
sayd first Munday in the month of January which shall bee in the yeare of our Lord one
thousand six hundred seaventy and six if the said John Du Bois and James Six shall soe
long live and from thence vntill two others shall bee chosen into the said Office of Wardens
of the said Fellowship of Weavers in and within one mile of the Citty of Canterbury
according to the Ordinances & Provisions in these psentes expressed & declared And wee
have alsoe assigned named constituted ordeyned & made and by these psentes for vs our
heires & successors wee doe assigne name constitute ordeyne & make John Bont Gideon
Despaigne Isaac Patou Peter le Iloucq John Lespine James Mannake Paul des Farvacques
Henry Despaigne & Phillip Leper to be first & present Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp
to continue in the said Office of Assistantes during their naturall lives vnles they or any one
of them shall bee removed for evill Government or for misbehaveing of him or themselves
in the said Office or Offices of Assistant or Assistantes or for some other reasonable cause And
further we will and by these psentes for vs our heires & successors wee Ordeyne & grant to
the said Master Wardens and Fellowshipp That the Master Wardens and Assistantes or the
greater parte of them from tyme to tyme forever hereafter shall have full power and authority
yearly & every yeare vpon the first Munday in the moneth of January or within fourteene
dayes after to elect nominate and chuse one of the said Fellowshipp which shall bee Master
of the said Fellowship for one whole yeare from thence next ensueing and from thence vntill
one other of the said Fellowshipp shall bee chosen & |3 ferred vnto the said Office of Master
of the said Fellowship according to the Ordinances and Provisions in these psentes expressed
& declared and that that person which shall bee soe elected shall from thenceforth take
vpon him execute & exercize the said Office in manner and forme aforesaid And likewise

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 249
that the said Master Wardens & Assistantes or the greater parte of them shall & may att the
same tyme of eleccon of the said Master nominate elect & choose two others of the said
Fellowshipp which shall bee Wardens of the said Fellowshipp for one whole yeare
from thence next ensewing and from thence till two others of the said Fellowshipp
shalbe chosen into the said Office of Wardens of the said Fellowshipp according
to the Ordinances & Provisions in these psentes expressed & declared And that
such persons that shall bee soe elected shall from thenceforth take vpon them execute &
exercize the sayd Offices of Wardens in all thinges touching & concerning the same for one
whole yeare from thence next ensueing and vntill two others shalbee chosen in forme afore
said in the said Offices of Wardens of the sayd Fellowshipp in manner & forme before in
these psentes expressed & declared And further wee will and by these psentes for vs our heires
& successors doe Ordeyne and grant to the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp and to
their successors that if it happen the said Master & Wardens of the said Fellowshipp for the
tyme being or any of them to dye or otherwise for any other reasonable cause to bee dismissed
or removed from their or any of their Office or Offices of Master & Wardens aforesaid or
any of them within the yeare wherein they or any of them shall bee soe elected and chosen
as is aforesaid That then and soe often itt shall and may bee lawfull to and for such and soe
many of the said Master Wardens & Assistantes which shall bee then liveing or remayneing
or the greater parte of them att their pleasure to choose and make one other of the said
Fellowshipp to bee Master and one or more others of the said Fellowshipp to bee Warden
or Wardens of the said Fellowshipp respectively in his or their place or places soe dying or
being removed according to the Ordinances and Provisions before in these psentes expressed
& declared to execute the said Office of Master or Office or Offices of Warden or Wardens
vntill the first Munday in the moneth of January then next ensueing and from thence vntill
others shall bee chosen in their places as aforesaid and soe often as the case shall require
And wee doe further will and Ordeyne [and] for us our heires and successors doe grant to
the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp & their successors That if any person or persons of
the said Fellowshipp that shall bee elecfted att any tyme or tymes hereafter into the said
Offices of Master or Wardens of the said Fellowshipp according to the Ordinances and
Provisions in these psentes expressed shall deny and refuse to take vpon him or them
repectively the said respective Office or Offices of Master or Warden of the said Fellowshipp
that then and in such case itt shall and may bee lawfull to and for the said Master Wardens
& Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp for the tyme being or the greater parte of them to
impose vpon every person & persons soe refuseing & denying to take vpon him or them the
said Office of Master of the said Fellowshipp being soe elected & chosen therevnto as
aforesaid the paine penalty and sum of tenn poundes of lawfull mony of England And vpon
every person & persons soe refuseing & denying to take vpon him or them the said Office
of Warden of the said Fellowshipp being soe elected & chosen therevnto as aforesaid the
paine penalty and sum of five poundes of lawfull mony of England And the same respective
paines & sumes and every parte and parcell thereof to aske leavy take & recover to and for
the vse of the said Fellowshipp by way of distresse or acc5n of debt to bee brought in the
name of the succeeding Master or otherwise by any other lawfull waves or meanes against
the said Offender or Offenders his or their goodes or chattells or any of them as the cause
shall require and as to the said Master Wardens & Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp or the
greater parte or number of them shall seeme most convenient or expedient And further wee
will and for us our heires & successors doe grant to the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp
FF

250 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
& their successors that whensoever it happeneth that any of the Assistantes of the said
Fellowshipp shall dye or bee removed from his or their Office or Offices all which Assistantes
and every or any of them wee will shalbee removeable and to bee removed by the said
Master Wardens & Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp or the greater parte of them whereof
the Master of the said Fellowshipp for the tyme being to bee one for evill government mis
behaviour or for any other reasonable cause that then and soe often itt shall & may be
lawfull to and for the said Master Wardens & Assistantes or the greater parte of them
whereof the Master of the said Fellowship for the tyme being to bee one to choose one
other or more of the Fellowshipp aforesaid to be Assistant or Assistantes in his or their place
or steade which shall soe happen to dye or bee removed as aforesaid And that hee or they
which shall bee soe chosen and named to be Assistant or Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp
as aforesaid shall well and truely execute the said Office or Offices according to the purporte
of these psentes & when & soe often as the case shall require And further wee will and by
these psentes for vs our heires & successors doe grant & Ordeyne for the better order rule &
government of all & singuler person and persons wch shalbe free of the said Fellowshipp
That the sayd Master Wardens & Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp for the tyme being
forever shall have the View Oversight Search Correccon and Government of all & singuler per
sons whatsoever of the said Fellowshipp And that they said Master Wardens & Assistantes or
the maior parte of them shall have power & authority by virtue of these psentes and according
to the lawes & constitucons aforesaid to punish and correct Offendenders* for their offences
deceiptes abvses or misdemeanors in the occupacon or vse of the said Mistery of Weavers
And wee doe will and by these psentes for vs our heires & successors wee doe Ordeyne &
grant to the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp & their successors that they the said
Master Wardens & Assistantes or their successors or the maior parte of them whereof the
Master for the tyme being to bee one shall & may annex and fix vnto every peice or webb
to bee made by any of the sayd Fellowshipp a leaden plate to be inscribed Wall : Wea :
Cant' : as a Badge and note that such peece or webb is searched examined and tryed by the
said Master Wardens & Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp & lawfully made without fraud &
deceipt And wee will and doe by these psentes for vs our heires & successors streightly
charge & command all and singuler Maiors Justices Sherriffs Constables & all others
Officers & Ministers & Subiectes of vs our heires & successors that they and every of them
bee ayding and assisting to the Master Wardens & Fellowshipp for the tyme being to enioy
have & execute all & singuler thinges whatsoever by vs before in these psentes granted vnto
them or to bee vsed or exercised by the said Master Wardens and Assistantes or any of them
and every or any parte or parcell thereof according to the true meaneing of these psentes
And further know yee that wee of our more especiall grace certaine knowledge & meere
mocon and for the better maintenance of the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp &
supporting the necessary charges of the said Fellowshipp have given & granted and by
these psentes for vs our heires and successors wee do give and grant vnto the said Master
Wardens & Fellowshipp and their successors speciall licence & free & lawfull power &
authority to have take purchase receive enioy & possesse to them and their successors for
ever Lordships Mannors Messuages landes tenemen'es meadowes pastures feedinges woodes
vnderwoodes Rectories Tythes Rentes Revercons & other hereditam'es whatsoever aswell of vs
our heires or successors as of any other person or persons whatsoever soe that the said
Mannors Messuages landes tenemtes & other hereditamtes doe not exceed in the whole the
*Sic

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 251
yeerly value of one hundred poundes above all deduccons and reprizes The Statute of mort-
maine or any other Act Statute Ordinance or Provision heretofore had made sett forth
ordeyned or provided or any other matter cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding And further wee have given & granted and by these psentes for vs our
heires & successors wee doe give and grant vnto all & every the Subiectes whatsoever of vs
our heires & successors speciall licence & free & lawfull power & authority that they or any
of them shall & may give grant demise sell sett aliene and lett vnto the sayd Master
Wardens & Fellowshipp any Lordshipps Mannors Messuages Rectories Tythes landes
tenemtes Rentes Revercons & other hereditam'es whatsoever Soe that all the said Lordshipps
Mannors Messuages landes tenem'es & other hereditam'es soe to bee given granted aliened
sold or conveyed to the said Master Wardens & Fellowshipp doe not in the whole exceed
the yeerly value of one hundred poundes deduccons & reprizes The Statute of mortmaine or
any other Statute Act Ordinance pvision pclamation or restreynt heretofore had made sett
forth ordeyned or pvided or any other cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary thereof in
any wise notwithstanding Provided alwaies and our expresse will & pleasure is that the
Master Wardens & Assistantes of the said Fellowshipp severally & respectively hereby
constituted & named or hereafter to be elected or chosen according to the Constitucons
aforesaid and alsoe all & every other person & persons to bee admitted into the said Fellow
shipp before hee or they exercize the said Offices or Places or bee admitted into the said
Fellowshipp shall severally and respecftively take the Oathes of Allegiance & Supremacy
before the Master and Wardens of the said Society for the tyme being or any two or more
of them or before the Mayor or Recorder of the Citty of Canterbury To whome we doe hereby
give full power & authority to administer the same oathes accordingly Any thing herein
before conteyned to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding Provided alsoe and we doe hereby
for vs our heires & successors Ordeyne & grant That if any of our English Subiectes vseing
the Art & Mistery of Weaveing in the said Citty of Canterbury or within one mile thereof
shall thinke fitt to associate themselves & be admitted members of the said Fellowshipp
according to the Ordinances thereof that such persons soe desireing & associateing them
selves shall have & enioy & bee enabled to exercize together with the said persons of the
said Walloone Congregacon & Strangers as Fellow members all & every the Priviledges
Franchesies & offices aforesaid without any difference or distincon Provided alsoe and our
pleasure is that these psentes or any thing herein conteyned shall not extend or bee
construed to extend to impeach or piudice any the just and lawfull liberties priviledges or
customes of or belonging to the Corporacon of the said Citty of Canterbury But that the
same may bee vsed held and enioyed as formerly any thing herein conteyned to the contrary
notwithstanding In wittnes &c Wittnesse the King att Westih the fifteenth day of January.
By Writt of Privy Seale.
[Patent Roll, 2j Charles II, part ii, m.i, No. 18.]
XXXVII.
Memorandum of the Weavers' Company of Canterbury.
Memorandum the Fourth day of January in the third yeere of the raigne of
our Sou9aigne Lord James the Second nowe King of England Anno Dni., 1687.
Wee the Master Wardens and Nine Assistants of the Company of Weauers in the Citty
of Canterbury and within one mile of the same for our better & more orderly meeteing and

252 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
assembling of ourselues together monthly uppon the first Wednesday following after
Comunion Sunday and at all and eu9y other conuenient and necessary appointed dayes and
times to be fixed by the said Master (for the time being) doe by these pnts engage ourselues
and eu9y of us (sicknesse only puenting of us & to be allowed to us or any of us as a pardon
able excuse) orderly to meete and assemble ourselues together in our Hall situate in the
Blacke Fryers in the said Citty of Canterbury or any other place named by the Master (for
the time being) on eu9y first Wednesday following after Comunion Sunday aforesaid from the
feast of St. Michael the Archangell last past before the date hereof unto the feast day of
the Annunciacon of the blessed Virgin Mary pcisely by three of the clocke in the afternoone.
And likewise from the feast day of the blessed Virgin Mary aforesaid unto the said
feast of St. Michael the Archangell pcisely by foure of the clocke of the afternoone.
And if any of us the said Master Wardens and Nine Assistants fail or omitt to giue his
personall appearance on the dayes and times before menioned wee hereby for ourselues and
eu9y of us ioyntly and seusally faithfully pmise imediately on demand to forfeite and pay into
the hands of the Master (for the time being) the sume of two pence of lawfull money of
England if absent at the house on any meeteing day or days knowne or appointed to be
knowne and four pence of lawfull mony of England after the first houre And the sume of
six pence of lawfull mony of England on non appearace at any such day or days knowne
or appointed to be knowne as aboue said.
In witness wee the said Master Wardens and Nine Assistants haue hereunto freely
declared our assent and consent by respectiuely subscribing our names.
Signed and declared Peter Despain
in the psence of Peter Phene
James Gouney
Gideon Despaigne
John Six
John Lepine
Henry Despaigne
Joshua Danbrine
Peter le Grand
James Six.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XXXVIII.
Certificate on behalf of the Walloons.
We whose names are subscribed do humbly certifie that the Waloone Congregation in
and aboute the Citty of Canterbury consisting of 2500 persons or thereaboutes in the
inioyment of the Rites, Ceremonies, customs and Discipline of the fforreigne Protestant
Churches from whence they first came, doe live very peaceably and orderly, and are very
Laborious and industrious in the Art of weaving and other Manufactures, whereby they not
onely maintaine all their owne poor at their owne charge without permitting any of them
to begg, or to be burdensom to others ; but also sett many hundreds of the English poor
on worke, and are likewise great helpe and benefitt to the said Citty, in bearing a great
proportion of the Publicque Taxes charged vpon the said Citty, and in finding Armes and
Soldiers in the Trained Bands thereof and otherwise, without which the said Citty, being of

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 253
itselfe poor could not well have born such large proportions as have been charged vpon it.
In testimony whereof wee have herevnto sett our hands this eleventh day of May in the
eight and Twentieth yeare of the Reign of our Soveraigne Lord Charles the second, by the
Grace of God of England Scotland ffrance and Ireland King defender of the faith &c.
Anno Dni 1676.
Strangfor John Lott : maior
Tho. Peyton Squier Beverton, chamberlaine
Henry Palmer Auery Hilles, Aid.
Antony Aucher Nich. Burges
Henry Oxinden Tho. ffidge
Arnold Braems Tho : Elwyne, Aid.
Robt. ffaunce Tho. Knowler
W. Rooke Tho. Enfield.
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XXXIX.
Petition of the Weavers' Company of Canterbury, 17 13.
To the Knights Citizens and Burgesses and Commissioners for Shires in
Parliament Assembled.
The Humble Petition of the Master, Wardens, and Assistants of ye Corporation
of Silke Weauers in the Citty of Canterbury,
Sheweth
That the manufacture of Silke and Silkes wrought with gold and silver and stuffs made
with wool and mixed with Silke and wool has been of long continuance in and about this
Citty, whereby some thousands of people have been employed and maintained. Many of
them have thereby been enabled to give great assistance to ye relief of the Poor of severall
of the Parishes of the said Citty not employed in the said Manufacture.
That the Raw and Thrown Silke manufactured by your Petitioners is the returne of our
woolen goods exported by ye merchants to Turkey and Italy.
That the advantageous settling of the Commerce to and from France now depending
before your Honours in relation to the Silke and Woolen manufacture is of ye utmost
importance to the well-being of the said Petitioners and Preservation of the said
Manufacture. We therefore humbly desire your Honours to take ye Premises into your serious con
sideration that a Trade soe usefull and beneficiall to ye Kingdom in Generall and to this
Citty and to your Petitioners in Perticular may receive all due encouragement and be no
wayes Prejudiced by ye importation of wrought Silkes from France, by such effecflual
provisions as to your Great Wisdomes shall seem most meet And your Petitioners shall
ever Pray. -[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XL.
Petition of the Weavers' Company of Canterbury, if 21.
That your Petitioners have hitherto employed great numbers of poor families in
winding, dyeing, weaving, &c. great quantities of Silk ; the return of our woollen goods

254 HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND
from Turkey and Italy, But by the clandestine Running in and general use and wear of East
India prohibited wrought goods your Petitioners have great stocks of the said manufacture
unsold, whereby they are rendered unable any longer to carry on their trades and imploy
the numerous poor depending on them, who are thereby become an insupportable Burthen
to the parishes, and the Silk Manufacflury, so beneficial to this Kingdom, without some
timely reliefe is in danger of being lost.
Your Petitioners therefore most humbly pray your Honrs that the said Prohibicon of
the said East Indian goods may be made more effectuall, or that your Honrs will please
grant your Petitioners and their said Dependants such Reliefe as to your Great Wisdom
shall seem meet.
And vour Peticoners shall ever pray &c.
Nicholas Pillon, Master.
Daniel Lepine, Warden.
James Dunnez, ,,
James Six, Assistant.
James Guenin, ,,
Peter le Grand, sen. ,,
Samuel Loubert, ,,
Peter Phene, ,,
Stephen Six, ,,
Wm. Jourdan, ,,
Peter le Hook, „
Benj. Macaree, ,,
[Walloon Records, Canterbury.]
XLI.
Letter from Hector Hamon.*
Dominis ac fratribus ministris et senioribus ecclesie flandrice nunc Londinj
degentis Hector Hamon S.
Hie nobiscum moratur /charissimi fratres/ dominus guirardus gossenius medicus quj
nostris concionibus adest frequens nostrorumque pauperum admodum solicitus, a quo
accepimus sibi quondam vobiscum negotium fuisse cuius causa censure ecclesie vestre subiacuit
a vobisque abiit dissuta pace et vnione, qua re cognita ilium christiane admonuimus vt
vobiscum in gratiam rediret ctij rej se operam daturum nobis est policitus. Interim agnoscit
erratum suum paratus ecclesie censure seipsum submittere sed qui per impedimenta vos adire
non potest ab eo rogatus vos rogo vt ej hanc noxam remitatis et eum vt fratrem agnoscatis
rem gratissimam domino facturj quj ad se redeuntes ubiuis vlnis amplectitur. De qua re
me poteritis facere certiorem. Valete in domino cantuarie i marcij 1575 /
Vester vt suus Hector Hamon minister ecclesie- cantuariensis
Hee ita esse serio affirmo
Gerardus Goossenius.
[Dutch Church Archives.]
* The letter is addressed : A Messieurs et Freres les Ministres anciens et diacres de leglise Flaman^e
A Londres.

HUGUENOT CHURCH AT CANTERBURY. 255
XLII.
Letter from Antoine Lescaillet.*
Au nom du S^
Messieurs et freres Pource que Mons' Hamon parcideuant ministre en ceste eglise auant
nostre venue de Sandewiche auoit eu charge de vous faire cognoistre et entendre La
reconcilliation de Me guerard goosse medecin (par cj deuant membre de vostre eglise) et a
quelles conditions selon aussi quon auies escript aud' Hamon. Nous pensiemes suiuant
cela qu'esties aduertis de tout. Ce pendant Jay entendu ces Jours passez par quelque quidam
lequel auroit tenu propos de ces choses a quelcun de vostre Compaignie que n'en series
aduertis. Qui a este cause qu'a la premiere comodite' ie nay vollu faillir a vous aduertir de
tout vous priant d'excuser et supporter la tardiuete. Cest done que led' Me guerard a
recognu ses fautes en la presence de tout le Consistoire confessant par icelles auoir offense
le S' grefuement et scandalise son eglise. Et pourquoy il prie merchi et pardon au S' item a
leglise flamande a Londres Laquelle Justement et a bon droit L'auoit reiette' et restranche' et
Laquelle entendant sa repentance elie le veulle recognoistre por membre de Leglise vniuer-
selle de Jesus christ. Promettant doresnauant se comporter et maintenir en telle sorte que dieu
sera honnore par sa bonne vie et conuersation et son eglise edifiee. Voila freres et amis Le
contenu de la reconcilliation dud' me guerard et d' autant qu'on presuposoit contentememt
de vre part nous 1' auons rechu en nostre compaignie Ladmettant a La communion auec nous.
A tout Messieurs et freres Je prie nre Sr vous augmenter ses graces et benedictions et
vos garder de tout mal. De Canterbury ce 28 de Nouembre 1576.
Vostre frere et amy A Lescaillet
Ministre audit Lieu
[Dutch Church Archives.]
* The letter is addressed : A nos Freres et Amys les Ministres et Anciens de l'eglise Flamende A Londres.
XLIII.
Records of the Walloon Church at Canterbury.
Actes du Consistoire :
I. 1576-1578 126 pp., %\ by 6|in., rebound; in handwriting of
Antoine Lescaillet.*
II. 1 58 1 -1 584 117 pp. narrow foolscap, rebound.*
III. I595_T599 :72 PP-> 8 by 6 in., rebound; in handwriting of
Samuel le Chevalier.*
IV. 1623-1637 460 pp., foolscap, unbound, much decayed in parts,
portions missing.
* These books were discovered in 1840, in the roof of the old French Church in Threadneedle St., London,
by Mr. J. S. Burn, author of The History of the Foreign Protestant Refugees. Some volumes of the
registers of the Walloon Church at Canterbury, discovered at the same time, were deposited with the
other registers at Somerset House.

256

HISTORY OF THE WALLOON AND

Actes du Consistoire, continued:
572. One leaf (1672) and fragments of three other leaves.
16 pp., foolscap, numbered 107-122.
112 pp., foolscap, unbound.
16 pp., foolscap, unbound.
1 leaf, 8 by 6J in.
1 leaf foolscap.
fragments of two leaves.

V.

1651, 1663

VI.

1680-1682

VII.

1693-1699

VIII.

1707-1709

IX.

1722.

X.

1736-

XI.

1761, 1762

IERS'

Accounts :

I.

1 5 94- 1 604

II.

1715-1748

III.

1748-1779

IV.

1779-1813

V.

1 769-1 816

VI.

1801-1836

152 pp., 16 by 6£ in., unbound.
184 pp., 16 by 6J in., bound.
172 pp., i6J by 6| in., bound.
84 pp., 16 by 6 \ in., bound.
156 pp., 1 2 J- by 8 in., bound. (Found at Threadneedle
Street.)
156 pp., 8 by b\ in., bound. (At end contains the
minutes of the Trustees of the Marshland, from
Oct. 1 801 to Nov. 1838, and minutes of Consistory,
Jan. 26, 1840.

Deacons' Accounts :

I.

1631-1641

II.

1641-1660

III.

1686-1707

IV.

I7I9~1739 t

V.

1728-1764

VI.

1739-1765 X

VII.

1805-1821

476 pp., i5i by 6 in., bound.
508 pp., 175- by 7 J in., bound.
564 pp., 18J by 7J in., bound.
468 pp., 16 by 6 J in., bound.
448 pp., 19 by 7 J in., bound.
424 pp., 16 by 6 J in., bound.
268 pp., 8 by 6 in., (156 pp. blank), bound.
Account of Money received and spent for Students :
1599-1601 20 pp., 16 by 6J in., unbound.
Register of Testimony :
1643-1660
Register of Names : §
1622-1640
Miscellaneous Records :
In addition to the documents quoted in this volume, the miscellaneous records
include a large number of letters, mostly belonging to the years 1646-9, the period
of the Poujade schism ; petitions to the King, the Privy Council, and the Burghmote
Court ; papers relating to the disputes with the parish authorities as to payment of
cesses for the English poor ; bonds for apprentices ; MS. sermons ; MS. copy of the
Discipline of 1641 ; MS. Exposition of the Catechism, &c.
X " Les Deboursements aux Pauvres Refugiez Francois,'' books of disbursements only.
5 The names are arranged for the quarters of the city, but the nature of the list is not stated.

28 pp., 15! by 6 in., unbound.

48 pp., 12J by 4 in., unbound.

INDEX.

[The spelling which occurs in the text is used in the index. Names commencing with De, Du, De la,
De le, Le, La, are arranged under the letter D and L respectively ; but it should be remembered that
these names were sometimes written without the particle.]

Act of Uniformity, 135-6, 233.
Acta Capituli, 39.
Actes du Consistoire, 40, 47-48, 64, 100, 255-6
Adam, Michel, 209.
Admans, John, 209.
Admiral of the Narrow Seas, 65
Adults, schoolmaster for, 54.
Agace, Boanerges, 209
,, Jacob, 169.
Agreement, civic, with strangers, 28-9, 200-1, 215
Aiton, Jean, pastor, 132.
A Lasco, John, 3, 4, 6, 10, 12, 37
Albemarle, Duke of, 232
Alexander, Peter (Canon), 4, 43
Aliens, laws relating to, 189
Allcocke. Mr. (magistrate), 29
Allen, William, 209
Allix, Mr., 160
Altona, church of, 164
Alva, Duke of, 12
Amalgamation with church of London proposed,
179
Amboise, edict of, 62
Amiens, bishop of, 149
,, church of, 63, 149, 150
,, refugees from, 25
Amsterdam, church of, 160
Anabaptists, 57
Anchor, the, (church of St. Amand), 26
Andrieu (Andrews), 216
Anduze, church of, 119
Anglicised foreign names 31, 216
Anne, Queen, mourning for, 204.
Annonay (Ardeche), 182
Antoine, Mestre, (Antoine Lescaillet), 79
Antwerp, 8, 69, 70, 72, 76
Apothecaries, complaint of the, 68
Apprenticeship, 53, 190, 215, 223
Archbishop of Canterbury, 3-4, 13, 17, 155-6, 158,
160-1, 165-7, 176, 180, 225-8, 237-6
Archdeacon of Canterbury, 91, 95, 224-b
Archinard, Edouard, pastor, 180,208
Armada, Spanish, 33
Armentieres, 24-6, 76
Arms borne against "the Religion,'' 51, 57
Arnal, Maurice, pastor, 183

Arnoult (Arnold), 216
Arras, refugees from, 25
Arrest of Joseph Poujade, 231
,, on Sunday, 58
Articles of Faith, 5 1
Arundel and Surrey, Earl of, 224
Ashley, Lord, 232
Asselin, Mons., pastor, 159
Assembly of Divines, Westminster, 123
Assizes, 141-2, 236
Attorney General, 196-7, 241-2
Aucher, Sir Anthony, 253
Audenarde, 76
Aumonier, Jonas, 209
Avertissement pastoral at Guines, 149
Axelle, church at, 88
Baccavile (Bacqueville), 17
Bachelier (Batchelor), 216
Bacquele (Backley), 216
Bailiff of the Drapery, 34, 192
Bale, 7, 180
Balearic Isles, expedition to, 173
Baltasar, Dragoon regiment of, 172
Bank of England, Governor of, 88
Bankruptcy, expulsion for, 57
Bankrupts, English, losses on account of, 235
Baptism of strangers in parish churches, 135
Baptism, parents as sponsors, 78
Baptismal names, 77, 78
Baptisms in the crypt, 36, 82, 121, 153.
Baqueler (Bacler), Andrieu, 84, 209
Barbier, (Barber), 216
Bargrave, Dean, 91, 101, 224-6
Barham Downs, 33, 127.
Barnabas, Jean Rejleure, 182, 208
"Bartholomew Act," 137
Bauchar, Adrien, 58
Jean, 209
Baup, Paul Louis Charles, pastor, 178, 208
Bayard, Balthazar, 7872
,, Chevalier, 79
,, family in America 7872
„ Nicholas, pastor, 78, 78/z
,, Petrus, j8n
„ Samuel, 78/z
„ the Hon. T. F., 78/2

GG

258

INDEX.

Bayart, Nicola, 78.
Bayes made by the strangers, 13, 22, 29, 184-
Bayonne, 168
Beasley, Edward, 209
Beauvais, 39
,, Pastor, 106
Becket, Thomas, Archbishop, 3, 41
Becquart, Anthoine, 209
Beggars of the Sea, 21, 23, 65
Behaghel (Hagell), 216
Beharel, Simon, 57.
Belinguier (Bellinger), 216
Bellerophon, the, 173
Bennett, Mr. Secretary, 232
Bequests, 88, 133, 154
Berks, Earl of, 241
Berlin, 181. 182
Bernapre, Sieur de, 150
Bernard, Alexis, 171, 209
,, Bastien, 49, 209
Bethersden, 167.
Betrothals, 59
Betteshanger, 164
Beverton, Squier, 253.
Beza, 8, 37, 80-1
Billeting of Soldiers, 90, 222
Bishop of Bristol, 167
Bishop of London, 12, 13, 82, 155, 170, 222
Blackfriars, Canterbury, 199, 200, 240
Blackheath, 127
Black Prince's Chantry, 41, 177, 181-2
Blair  , 209
Blanc, Mons., pastor, 160, 162
(White), 216
Blanchard, 22
,, Marc, 49, 70, 209
Bleane, near Canterbury, 236
Blind Pastors, 171, 177
Blomfield, Sir Arthur, 181
Blondeau, Moyse, 57.
Bochart, Eloy, 95
Bois-le-Duc, church at, 88
Bois, my Lady, 95
Bolin, Marguerite, 8o«
Bonardel, Jean, 94
Bonhomme, Elizabeth, 137
Bonnet, Jacques, 209
Bont, John, 198, 248
Bonte, Jan, 209
Bonte, Jean, 234
Borsholders, strangers as, 142
Bossatran, Marie, 164
,, Pierre, pastor, 164
Boucherie, Arnaud, pastor, 138, 140, 20S
Bouchier, Dr., Vicar-General, 139
Boudet, Jacques, 16, 214
Boughton Malherbe, French church at, 158
Boulanger (Baker), 216
Boulogne, 9
,, Bishop of, 148
Boulonnais, the, 120, 145
Bouneau, Daniel, 209
Bourassiers, 192
Bouree, Hugo, 234
Boys, Hon. John, M. P., 129
John, 29, 42, 231

Braems, Arnold, 128, 253
Breda, Synod of, 137, 172
Breme, church at, 119
Brent, Sir Nathaniel, 101, 108-110, 113-5, 117,
225-7
Brente, Sir Robert, 89, 1 94
Briault, Pierre, 209
Bride, Nicholas, 97
Broadeoake, 236
Brodnax, Thomas, iy8n
Browne, Richard, 233
Brueyx, Baron, de Fontcouverte, 172
Bucer, Martin, 3, 4
Bud, the, (Church of Armentieres) 26
Bullinger, 5, 6, 87
Bulteel, Anne, 86n
,, Charles, 86»
„ Elizabeth, 86k
,, Esther, 86k
Gilles, 86, 86k
,, Jacques, 86
,, Jean, pastor, 85-7, 97, 101-8, 115-6 120,
124, 129, 194, 207, 222, 226
,, Jeanne, 86k
John, M. A., 86
„ Marie, 85, 85K
Peter, 86
,, Pierre, 86k
,, Susanne, 86k
Bunce, Alderman Cyprian, 38, 243.
,, John, F. 209
Burcher, 6
Burges, Nicholas, 253
Burghmote, 8, 16, 28, 35, 68, 121, 131, 185-6,
198-9, 201, 243-4
Burmarsb, 177
Burn, J. S., History of the Foreign Protestant
Refugees, 150, 207, 255
Bumat, Eugene, pastor, 181-2, 208
Butler, Master, 6
Cadsand, church of, 149
Caen, church of, 61, 81
Caffart, Charles, 242
Caffatiers, 192
Calais, 4, 12, 25, 58, 69, 97, 145-6, 151
Calaisis, the, 120, 145
Calandrin, pastor, 120
Calicoes, foreign, importation of, 202-3
Callaway, John, 205-6
Caloue, (Callaway), 216
Calvin, 7, 8, 37, 87, 131
Cambray, 24
Cambridge, 173
Camus, Huques, 209
Cannessieres, church of, 14c)
Canons of Canterbury, refugee, 43-4, 61, 81
Canterbury, Archbishop of, "3-4, 13, 17, 155-6, 158,
160-1, 165-7, 176, 180, 225-8, 237-9
Archdeacon of, 91, 95, 224-6
as a place of refuge, 2
Citizens and the strangers, 28-30, 32,
115, 189, 199-202
,, Dean and Chapter of, 22, 27, 39-41, 43,
69, 90-1, 103, 1 [3, 115, i34 167,
177. 181, 224-5, 237
first Church of Refuge at, 3-5, 9, to

INDEX.

259

Canterbury, first settlement of refugees, 14-18
,, foreign Reformers at, 4
,, in the 16th century, 27
Mayor of, 15, 22, 24, 27-8, 30, 32, 34-5,
89. 90, no, 113, 115. 121, 126-7,
141-2, 194, 200, 222, 224, 229, 231,
233, 236, 238, 240, 243-5
,, Muslins, 206
Cappel, Aaron, pastor, 81
Lea, 81
Cardif, Jacob, see Tardif
Carlisle, Earl of, 88
Carlton House, 206
Carree, Anthony, 209
,, Samuel, 209
Caron, Antoine, 209
Cartault, Jacques, pastor, 168, 208
,, Maddamoiselle, 168.
,, Madame, 168
Cartaut, Mons. pastor, 159
Casaubon, Isaac, 43-4
Meric, 43, 103-4, 135, 225-6
Casier, Jacques, 49, 209
Cassel, 119
Castiel (Castel), Elie, 209
,, Pierre, 209
Castilion, John, 43
Catechisms, 51-2
Catteau (Cateau), Pierre, 209, 218, 220
Cattel (Catel), 22
Jan, 49, 209
„ Michel, 49, 190, 209
Caulier, 22
„ Antoine, 50, 190, 209
„ Bartholemy, 229
,, Jaques, 209
Cavroy (Cavrois), Charles, 209
,, Charles Alexandre, 2oq
Certificates in favour of the strangers, 194, 202,
229, 238, 240, 252
Chamberlain, Queen's, at Canterbury, 39
,, City, accounts, 185-7
,, the Lord, 232, 241.
Chanson nouvelle, ou Dutch victory, 97
Chantefoin Isaac, pastor, 96
Charity Commission, 180 ¦
Charles I, 99, 100, 106-9, ir7i 198-9, 223, 238,
241, 243
II, 134-7. 232, 215, 253
„ V, the Emperor, II, 12.
IX (France), 63
Charleston (South Carolina), 147
Charter, civic, at Canterbury, 28-30, 130, 200
,, of Edward VI, 7-8, 12, 103, 105-b
,, of Weavers' Company of Canterbury,
242, 245-251
Chartier, A., 209
Chartres, Vidame de, 145
Chaucer, 3
Cherpentier (Charpentier), Abraham, 209
,, Francois, 165
,, Jean, pastor, 165-9, 237, 208
,, Huguenot martyr, 1 65
Cheseman, Thomas, 185
Cheynel, Dr., 137
Children and the Church, 52

Chiroutre, Philippe, 209
Chisle (Chislet), 236
Choisy, Eugene, pastor, 180, 208
Chrestien, Mr, 75-6 [see de la Coeullerie)
Christen, Emmanuel, pastor, 180-1,208
Church of England and the refugees, 38, 80, 100-
118, 134-6, 176-7, 225-8, 243
of the Crypt, 38-46
Churches, parish, reparation of, 1 16, 235
Churchwardens, strangers as, 142
Cisner, Mons., pastor, 129, 133, 229
Citizens and the strangers, 28, 30, 32, 115, 189,
199-202
Civil War, the strangers' part in the, 127-9
Clarendon, Earl of, 86
Clarisse (Claris), 22, 216
,, Guillaume, 209
,, Isaie, 209
„ Jan, 209
Clarke, Michael, 239.
Class, the. 47, 125-6
Claudius, Master, 5
Clave, (Picardy) church at, 137
Cloth, English, exportation of, 240, 253
,, manufacture decaying, 194
Clothing for the poor, 95, 235
Coban (Cobham) Lord, 222
Cobham (Kent), 66
Cobham, Lord, 13, 21-2, 66, 82, 222
Cocqueau, Jean, 242
Cocquel, Wallerand, 57
Ccetus of French and Dutch Churches, 102, 113,
120, 133, 230
Coke, Mr. Secretary, 241
Colchester, Dutch Church at, 105, 107
,, siege of, 128
Collections, 70, 86, 92-3, 155
College de France, 182
Colloquy the, 47, 71, 77-9, 82-4, 86-7, 121-6, 133,
136,233, 244
Cologne, 5, 6
Commerce, treaty with France, 204, 253
Commines, church at, 26
Committee for French Protestants, 156, 158, 176
,, for Plundered Ministers, 126, 129, 130,
231. 244
,, of Burghmote for the Walloons, 200-1
Commissioners, Lords, of Trade, 203, 205
,, Laud's, 101-4, no, 113-4, 225-7
Commune, the, (Church of the Crypt), 104, 120,
124-5
Communion, 51-2, 77, 87, 93-4, 105, 107 109, 157,
,, children prepared for, 52 [179
Compton, Sir William, 232
Comptroller, Mr., 232
Conciergerie at Paris, 74
Conde, Prince de, 8
Confession of Faith, Walloon, 37, 44, 48, 52, 176
Conformist French Church, 134, 166-S, 237-8
Congregation, number of the, 36
Conod, Jaque, 209
Consistorial Court at Canterbury, no, 113
Consistory, the, 34, 41, 44, 47-52, 55-9, 76-79,
92, 94. "o, 124-5, '29, 133, 138,
'57, 159, 160, 162, 165, 170, 177-9,
181, 193

260

INDEX.

Controversies, 68-9, 157-8, 170-1
Convent, Huguenots forced to enter, 150, 172
Conventicle, Claude Rondeau's, 157
Cooke, Mr. Secretary, 106, 109
Cornar, Samuel, 209
Corne, Jan, 58
Corner Stone, the, (church of Commines), 26
Cotignie, Abraham, 209, 216
Cotton weaving at Canterbury, 205-6
Councils of Blood in the Netherlands, 12
Councillors, strangers serving as, 142
Court, notice from the, 66
Courte (Court) 216
Courtship among the strangers, 59
Cousin, Egide, 15, 214
,, Michael. 16, 214
Coventrye, Thomas, 224
Cranmer, Archbishop, 2-4, 38, 80.
Crespin, (Crippen) Theodore, 131-4, 208, 216
Crippaine, see Crespin
Cross, churches under the, 26, 71-2, 78, 129
F. W. 209
Crow, Rev. J., 887;.
Croydon, 139
Crypt of Canterbury Cathedral, 9, 14,38-46, 134-6,
177, 181-2, 233
,, removal of the French Church in the,
177, 181
Cubus, John, pastor, 72
Culpeper, Sir Thomas, 158
Curtis, W. K. 209
Customs benefited by silk manufacture, 239, 240
Dambreinne (Dambraine) Jaques, 209
,, Josue, 209
Dambrine, Jacques, 58
Dambrun, Jacques, 125, 229
Danbrine, Joshua, 203 n., 252
Daranda, Paul, 13772
Darande, see D'Arande
D'Arande, Benjamin, 137
,, Elie Paul, pastor, 137, 208, 234
„ Elie, pastor, 137
,, Elizabeth, 137
,, Paul 137
Darenne (Daresne), Jean 209
D'Assigny, Pastor, 130
Dauchin, Pierre, 218, 220
D'Audriffret, Margaret, 172
,, -Pasquier, Due de, 172
Daugars, Guillaume G., pastor, 179, 208
Davesme, Jean, 209
David, Martin, 209.
,, Maturin, 209
Deacons, the, 47-9, 82, 204, 230
,, accounts of, 92-4, 119, 121, 154, 256
Deal, 95, 128
Dean and Chapter, see Canterbury
Dean, Jean, 200
De Beauvais, Charles, 209
,, Jean, 209
De Bernoye, Abel, 168
De Beurre, Jan, 209
De Bever, Jean (John), 103-4, 226
De Bevere, Jan, 209
De Bourbon, Louis, Prince de Conde, 8
De Bourges, (Burgess; Burge), 216

De Bourges, Matthieu, 217, 220
De Bourgogne, Jaques, 5
De Boyes, Peter, 17
De Bres, Guy, pastor, 37
De Buyre, Jan, 49, 67, 76, 209
Decades, Bullinger's, 87
Decafour, Hester, 171
Decaufour, Daniel, 209
,, Louis, 209
,, Pierre, 209
De Cassel, Michel, 209
De Casselle (Cassell), 216
De Castel, Jaques, 234
De Cenne, Jan, 209
Decline of the Crypt Church, 175-180
of industries at Canterbury, 82, 89, 13S,
194 205-6, 238, 240, 254
De Coligny, Odet, Cardinal, 39
Defence of Pastor du Bles, 170
De Fermau (Fermault), Pierre, 209
Deffarvaques, Paul, 242, see Des Farvacques
De Guiselin, Pierre, 209
De Haluin, Daniel, 209
De Hennin, Philippe, 209
De Jardin, Isaac, 2 10
,, Robert, 210
De Labre, Pierre, 49, 209
De la Cceullerie, Chrestien, pastor, 75-6
,, Phoebe, 76
De la Croix (Cross) 216
De la Forterye, Jean, 16, 214
De la Fortrie, Jacob, 229
De la Gorgue, 76
De la Haye, 22
Jan, 49, 210
De la Marche, Jean, pastor, 125, 229
De la Mer, Rebecca, 95
De la Mere (Dalimer), 216
,, Michel, 57
De la Motte (Dalimote), 216
De 1' Angle, John Maximilien, 43, 147
De Lannoy, Antoine, 50, 210
,, Jacques, 210
Delannoy, Guy, 242
De la Pierre (Peters), 216
,, Jan, 210
,, Pierre, 210
De la Place, Jean, pastor, 129, 207
De la Planche (Plank) 216
De la Porte, 22
De la Prix, Francois, pastor, 129, 130, 200, 244
De 1' Arbre, 22
De 1' Arieres, Philippe, 50, 210
D; la Riviere, Francois, pastor, 4-8
,, Mons., 94
De la Roche, Charles, pastor, 165, 169, 208
De la Rue, 22
De Lasaux (De la Saut,) James, 206 n.
„ Peter, 20672.
,, Pierre, 210
,, Thomas, 20672.
De Lavaure, Francoise, 16472.
,, Isaac, 16472.
Jacques, 164, 169
,, Jacques Gast, pastor, 163-9. 20S
,, Jean Jaques, 16477.

INDEX.

261

De Lavaure, Marie, 16472.
,, Susane, 16472.
De la Vigne, Pastor, 72
De P Eau (Waters), 216
De le Becque (Beck), 216
,, Jean, 210
De le Beque, Jean, 218, 220
De le Cceullerie, Adrien, 210
,, Philippe, 210
De Lemare (De le Mar), Jacques, 210
,, Jean, 210
De le Me, Adrien, 87
De 1' Epinoy, Pigault, 145
Dele Porte (Port) 216
De 1' Espau (Shoulder), 216
De Lespau, David, 210
,, Isaac, 210
,, Jan, 210
,, Jean, 210
,, Pierre, 80 n
,, Salomon, 210
De P Espaut, Jan, 218-220
De Lespine (Lepine), 216
De 1' Espine, Jacques, 210
„ Jean, 210, 242
John, 239
De Licques, Mons., 71
De Lillers, Isaac, 229
„ Jean, 222
Delme, Anne, 88 k.
Elie, 88, 133
Elizabeth, 88 72.
,, Jean, 88 k. 132, 156
,, Jeanne, 8872.
,, Lady Betty, 88
,, Philippe, pastor, 85, 87-101, 120, 122-
128, 132-3, 207, 222, 226, 228, 236
245 n
Pierre, 88, 133, 154
Sir Peter, 88
,, Widow of Philippe, 133
De Lobeau, Esaie, 81 n.
,, Isaye, 210, 222
,, Pierre, 210
De Lon, Pierre, 138
,, Vital, pastor, 138-140, 149, 208
De Maintenon, Madame, 144
Demon, Isaac, 234
De Neu, Jacques, 210
„ Jan, 210
,, Jean, 210
,, Nathaniel, 210
,, Samuel, 210
De Neuz, Philippe, 16, 214
Denis, Jacques, 57
Denne, Mr., Counsel for the Walloons, 142
„ Thomas, 224-5
Dennis, Anthony (Antoine) 1 14, 2 io
De Pou (Pugh) 216
De Prez, Jacques, pastor, 147
Deputy, the Lord, 24 1
Dereu, Jaques, 242
Democourt, Henry, 210
De Robecq, Baltasar, 97
De Roy, Louys, 95
De Salome, 22

De Salome, Pierre, 82, 222
De Santhuns, Daniel, 210
,, David, 242
,, Ezeckiel, 210
,, Guillaume, 210
,, Jaques, 210
,, Nicolas, 210
,, Samuel, 210
De Saravia, Hadrian, 37, 43, 44-5
,, Marguerite, 44
Des Bouueries (Des Bouveries), Edward, 49, 80
,, Jacob 50
„ Laurens, 49, 50, 70-1, 81-2, 87, 210
,, Samuel, 192
,, Sir Edward, 156
,, William, 50, 156
Des Bouveries, 22
Descamps (Deschamps), 22
,, Elie, 210
,, Jan, 49, 210
„ Josse, 49, 210
,, (Scamp) 216
Des Caus, Solomon, 95
Descendants of refugees in Canterbury, 31
Descent, second, of strangers, to conform, 114,
116, 227
,, ,, to pay extra duty, 195, 239
Des Farvacques, Paul, 198, 210, 248
Desfarvaques, Nicolas, 210, 234
Desmaitre, Jacques, 229
Desminaux, Jacques, 49, 210
Despagne, Jean, pastor, 131
Despaigne, Andre, 210
„ Gideon, 178K, 198, 20372, 210, 234,
248, 252
,, Henri, 210
,, Henry, 178/2, 198, 20377, 248, 252
,, Jan, 210
,, Jean, 210
,, Samuel, 210
,, (Spain), 216
Despain, Peter, 252
Despersin (Purslee), 216
Desportes, Pierre, 16, 214
Des Pre, Noe, 242
Des Prez, 22.
Des Rousseaux, 22
Destitute refugees, arrival of, 121, 153-4
Destrie, Cornil (Corneille), 210, 234
,, Noe, 210
De Trepsac, Jean, pastor-elect, 159-162, 208
De Villers, Francis, 210
,, Pierre, 210
De Villiers, Pierre, 83
De Vine (Divine), 216.
Devinne, Andre, 210
De Visme, Louis, 210
De Walsingham, Mons., 190- 1
De Zowart (De Zwart), 2 10
D'Hoy, Samuel, 152
Didier, Abraham, 210
Dieppe, 54, 62, 71, 89, 151
Discipline, ecclesiastical, 55, 57-9, 79, 227, 252
"Discipline," the, 37, 48, 52, 77, 178
Discord in the Church, 123, 125-6, 130, 134, 165,
229-231

262

INDEX.

Disputes among weavers, 198-9, 232
,, between masters and workmen, 193
Doctors of Theology, 53
Doise, 'Jan, 210
Dorchester, Marquis of, 224 232
Dordrecht, 52, 71, 88
Dornion, Paul, 126, 210
Dorsett, Earl of, 241
Dover, French Cliurch at, 122-3, li3> T38
,, prisoner at, 168
,, quarter at Canterbury, 50
„ refugees at, 23, 36, 39, 86, 89, 97, 122,
125, 151, 229
Doye (D'Hoy), Sarah, 138
Dragonnades, 144, 165
Drapery, the, a trade-body, 34-5, 193, 192-3
Dreux, battle of, 8
Drunkenness censured, 55-6
Du Bacq, Luc, 95
Du Bles, Ann 171 72.
,, Anthoinette, 17172.
,, Charles, Pastor, 169-171, 208
,, Cherstine, 171 77.
,, Eduard Francois, 171 72.
,, Esther, 171 72.
,, Francoise, 171 72.
,, Francoise Magdelaine, 17172.
,, Jean, 171 n.
„ Louis, 171 72.
,, Marie, 171 n.
,, Theodore, 171/2.
Dubois, Antoine, 218, 220
„ Jacob, 210, 222
,, Jacques, 210, 218, 220
,, Jean, 95, 210
,, John, 198, 248
Mr., 139
,, Samuel, 210, 239
,, (Wood), 216
Du Bois, Jean, 234
„ Mons., 140
Du Bose, Pierre, 16, 214
Du Boys (Boyce, Boys), 216
,, Samuel, 88
Du Brusle, Pierre, 67
Du Bry, 22
,, Catherine, 57
Du Buha, Jan, 49, 210
Dubuisson, Nicholas, schoolmaster, 16, 53, 214
Du Cane, Jean, 229
Sir E. F., K.C.B., 9772.
Du Castel, 22
„ Isaac, 126, 210, 236
Ducrow (Crow), 216
,, William, 210
Du Forest 1 Forest), 216
,, Rogier, 210
Du Foureau, Rogier, 210
Dugar, Abraham, 160
Du Hamel, Jaques, 210
Du Lobeau, Isaac, 97
Dumee, Michel, 210
Du M  , Marie, 242
Du Monfcheau], Jean, 242
Du Moncheau, Pierre, 242
Du Moulin, Jan, 210

Du Moulin, Pierre (Canon), 43, 115, 135
Dunkin, Mr., 226
Dunkirk, 97
Dunnez, James. 254
Du Pire, Michie, 95
,, Pierre, 211, 242
Du Plessis Marly, church of, 158
Du Pon, Joos, 2 1 1
Dupont, Jaques, 211
Du Ouesne, David, 211, 242.
,, fan, 2H
,, Jean, 83, 211
Duquesne, Pierre, 229.
Durand, Colonel C. J., 174 n
,, Daniel Francois, 172-3
,, Daniel Francois (Dean), 173-4
,, David, D.D., pastor, 173 n
,, Esther Jacoba, 173 n
,, family, arms of, 172 n
,, Francois, 173 n
,, Francois Guillaume, pastor, 172
,, Francois Guillaume Esaie, pastor,
171-5, 208
George, 173
,, Havilland, 174 n
,, William, 173
Duree, Marc, 211
Dutch and Spaniards, naval battle, 97-8
Dutch Church of Colchester, 105, 107
,, Dover, 23
London, 20, 23, 26, 31, 68, 102, 105,
107, 134, 190, 245
,, Maidstone, 21, 105, 107
,, Norwich, 20, 105, 107, 173
,, Sandwich, 20, 105, 107
,, Yarmouth, 107
Dutch or Flemish language at Canterbury, 29, 30
Duthoit, Peter, 211
Du Toict (Du Thoit), Estienne, 211, 234
, , Guilbert, 2 1 1
, , Henry, 2 1 1
,, Jacques, 211
,, Stephen, 203 72
Duty, extra paid by strangers, 233, 241
Du Val, Jacqueline, 75
,, Jean (John), pastor, 75, 207
Du Verdier, Antoine, 16, 214
Eagle, the (Church of Valenciennes), 26, 74
Ecclesiastical Court, 59, 60, 138-9
Edict of Nantes, revocation of, 143-152, 172, 202
Edicts against Huguenots, 144
Edward vi, 2, 8, 9, 12, 38, 102, 105-6
Ejected English Ministeis, 137
Elders, 34, 36, 45-50, 52, 55, 59, 70-., 73, 76, 79,
82-3, 97, 101, 103, 104, 120, 122,
124-6, 159, 225-7, 230, see Consistory
,, accounts of the, 256
,, election of, 50, 77
Election of Paul D'Arande, 137, 234
,, Joseph Poujade, 119, 228
Elizabeth College, Guernsey, 174
„ Queen, 12, 17, 18, 30, 38-9, 65, 99, 100,
102, 118, 121, 223
Eluyne, Thomas, alderman, 253
Embdcn. 3
Emigration of Huguenots forbidden, 144

INDEX.

263

Enfield, Thomas, 253
English, disputes with the, 140
,, employed by the strangers, 111-2, 203,
235, 238, 252-3
,, soldiers in the Netherlands, 88
,, weavers and the strangers, 187-9
Erasmus, 3
Ernould, Baudwin, 57
Eruoult, 22
Ernulf, Prior, 41, 181
Esternott, Mons., pastor, 169
Ewins, Gilles, 49, 192, 211
Examination of Candidates, 51-2
Exodus of Huguenots, 144-6
Expenses of Chevalier's journey to London, 82,
221-2
Exportation of English cloth, 240, 253
,, ,, wool, 201
Expulsion of the Walloon congregation from the
crypt, 134-5
Fagius, Paul, 3-4
Faidherbe (Fedarb), 216
Falkland, 224
Fasti Cantuarienses, poem by John Boys, 42
Fasts, 66, 79
ffaunce, Robert, 253
Faversham, French Church at, 158
Feast-days, observance of, 60
Felles, J., pastor, 137, 234
Female theologian, 124
Fennel, Vincent, 211
Ferre (Ferret), Jan, 218, 220
„ Jean, 211
,, Pierre, 211
,, Vincent, 211
Feversham, English employed at, 236
ffidge, Thomas, 253.
Fifth of November service, 171
Fillette, Marie, 147
Fillets, ordinance as to, 193
Finch, Sir, Hencage, 136, 233
Fines in the trade-bodies, 185
Fleet, the, in Kentish rising, 128
Flemish or Dutch language at Canterbury, 23, 29,
30
Flory, Pierre, 211
Flushing, 65
,, prisoners from at Canterbury, 66
Folkestone, French service at, 181
,, Viscount, 50
Fontcouverte, Baron Brueyx de, 172
Fordwich, English emplojed at, 235
Foreign churches, union of, 20
,, element in Canterbury, 31
Forestier, (Forrester), 216
Fossier, Noe, 211
Foster, James, 242
„ Thomas, 242
Fourestier, Esther, 16972.
,, Paul, jun., 170
„ Paul, pastor, 169, I/I, 207
,, Pierre, 16922.
Fournier, 22
Fox, goodman, 96
France, treaty of commerce with, 202, 204, 253
Francis I, death of, 3

Franciscus (Perucellus), 4, see Le la Riviere
Francois (French), 216
,, Jean, 211
Franeker, University of, 169
Frankfort, 8, 37.
Frasier, Mathurin, 57
Freebooters, Netherland, 21
Freedom of the city, 142, 201-2
Fremantle, Hon. the Rev. W. H., 211
Fremeuent, Pierre, 211
Fremoult (Fremou), Samuel, 211
French Church at Canterbury, first, 3-10
, , of London, see London
,, of London and English weavers, 188-9
French Papists at court of Charles I, 107
Fried richsdorf (Homburg), French church at, 1S1
Frileu, Jan, 211
Fruleu, Jean, 21 1
Fulham, 82
Fullager, James, 211
Gabry, Marie, 86
Galleys, penalty for Huguenots, 146
Galmar, Guillais, 211
,, Quintin, 226
Galon, Jacques, 97
Gambie, (Gambier), 216
Gambier, Bastien, 95
,, George, 211
,, Peter, 206 n.
Gambling censured, 55
Games in taverns, 57
Garcon, Robert, 95
Gaspart, Mons. (Gaspar Van Nieren), 124
Gendre, Samuel, 211
Geneva, 7, 37, 80, 165, 17272, 180, 18072
Genouillac, church at, 172
Georges, Paul, pastor, 149-151, 153, 207-S
,, Paul, jun. 150-1
,, Samuel, pastor, 149, 150
Ghent, 6. 76
Ghesquiere, Jean, 2 1 1
Gibbons, the Dover carrier, 201
Gilleber, Maton, 211
Gillom, Riguier, 211
Girod, Gabriel, 211
Glastonbury, 4 72
Godiere, Jacques, 211
Goossen (Goosse) Gherard 68-9, 254-5
Goringe, Lord, 241
Gorsse, Pierre, 2 1 1
Gossen, Master Garrard, 68
,, Sarah, 68
Goube, Jan, 2 1 1
,, Jean, 211
Gouda, synod of, 164
Gouney, James, 252
Gounin, Jacques, 211
Gourdin, Jean, 95
Goutelle, Marthe Marie, 173
Government of the Church, 47-8, 55-60, 103
Grand Remonstrance, the, 12372
Grave, Noe, 57
Gravelines, 98
Gravesend, 10, 82, 222
Greenwich Park, camp in, 128
Grindal, Bishop of London, 13

264

INDEX.

Guenin, James, 254
,, Jaque, 211
Guerard, Pierre, 211
Guernsey, 129, 173-4
Guines, church at, 138, 145-9
Guinne, (Guines) 97
Guiselin, Pierrre, 124, 211
Hace (Hache), Francois, 211
,, Jan, 2U
Hackington, Canterbury, 236
Hadd, (Hadde), Edward, 224-5
Hague, the, 160
Hal, goodman, 96
Halbet, Isaac, 211
Jean, 211
,, John, 20677.
Hall, (Weavers') in Blackfriars, 186, 193, 199, 200,
240-5, 252
,, over Corn Market, 186.
Halluin, Jacob, 127
Hamburg, 164
Hammon, Colonel, 127
,, William, 227
Hamon, Hector, pastor, 15, 17, 24, 53, 61-4, 74,
207, 214, 254
,, Pierre, Huguenot martyr, 63
,, Pierre, monk at Amiens, 63
Harbledown (Canterbury), 236
Hardue, Jaques, 242
Harvey, Sidney, 2 1 1
Haue, Charles, 2 1 1
Haulene, Pierre, 211
Hearne near (Canterbury), 236
Henry II, (France), persecution under, 2, 12
Henry IV, (France), 143
Henry VIII, refusal to surrender refugees, 2
Herault, Louis, (Canon of Canterbury), 43
,, Pastor, 137
Heresy in the Church of the Crypt, 77
Hespell, Mary, 95
Hesse Homburg, Landgrave of, 181
Hilles, Auery, Alderman, 253
Hirst, Mr., 140
Hoade, (near Canterbury), 236
Hochepied, Jacques, 211
Holies, Lord, 232
Hollingbourne, French Church at, 158
Holy Cross church, 135, 173
,, parish, 31, 140-42
Homburg, 181
Homes of the refugees, the native, 24-5, 215
Hommius, Festus, 115
Honore, Jan, 211
Hooper, Bishop, 5-6
Horiot, Pierre, 211
Horner, Jaqnes, 95
Houar, Samuel, 81 n, 222
House of Commons and French refugees, 155, 231,
244
,, and the French treaty, 204, 253
Houzel, Zacharie, 157
Hovenden, Robert, F.S.A., 215
Huguenot courage under persecution, 61
,, dead, outrages on the, 152
,, exodus, 143-6, 151-2
,, industries in France, 143

Huguenot persecution, 144-6 151-2
Hungerford Market, French Chapel at, 168
Huson, Colonel, 127
"Idolatry" censured, 57, 157
Illegitimate children, baptism of, 59
Importation of materials, used in the silk manu
facture, 238-240, 253
,, of silks and calicoes, 202-5, 254
Incense for the plague, 96
Indies, East, imports from, 202-3, 254
Industries of Canterbury settlers, 15, 18, 22, 29,
82, 89, 91, 1 1 1-2, 163, 183-206,
214-5, 217-221, 224, 235, 238-240,
245-6, 252-4
Informers under trade laws, 90, 189, 190-1, 215-8,
223
Inghelram, Jan, 68-9
Injunctions, Laud's, 104-117, '225-8, 239
Inn-keeping disapproved, 57
Inns and taverns, 34, 56
Inquiry ordered by Privy Council, 224
Institutes, Calvin's, 87
Insurrection in Kent, 127
Intendant-General of Picardy, 14S
Interim the, 3
Intermarriages of French and English, 31
Isendique, Church at, 88
Italy, trade with, 253-4
Jackson, Dr., 114-5, 226
,, Mr., minister of St. George's, 45
Jacquart, Hubert, 211
James, I congratulations to, 83
,, ecclesiastical bias of, 84
,, protection of strangers, 83, 102, 223
,, trade prosecutions under, 190
James II, 251
Jamino, Daniel, 211
Jannon, Pierre, 134-137, 208
Jausse, Pierre Regnier, 147
,, Suzanne Regnier, 147
January 30, service on, 1 7 [
Jayet, Pierre, 80 72
Jeffrey, John, s.T.P., 226
Jehan,  ¦, 21 1
Jenken, Henry, 228
Jesuits and the persecution, 144, 172
Jeudevin, Guillaume, 211
,, Jacques, 211
,, Pierre, 211
Joachim, Sir Albert, 100, 223
Jonnon, Mr. (Jannon), 243
Jordaine (Jordan), 216
Jouelin, Dauid, 218, 220
Jourdan, William, 254
Journey of Pastor Le Chevalier, 82
Jovelin, Abraham, 57
,, Robert, 16, 214
Jowett, 44
Keeper, the Lord, 241
Kelsham, Peter, Mayor, 39
Kennett, White, Bishop of Peterboro', 146
Kent, early arrival of fugitives, 2
Kentish Insurrection, 127-8
Kinchant, Rev. R. C, 211
Kingsley, William, Archdeacon, 91, 224-6
King's School, Canterbury, 173

INDEX.

265

Knowler, Thomas, 253
Lacart, Antoine, 57
LaCousture, Gilles, 69
Lacroix, Francois, 211
Ladd, Justice, 231
Lade, Robert, 230
La Ferte Vidam, 147
Laignel, Jaques, 211
Lambeth, Library, 158
,, Mayor of Canterbury at, 115
Lamy, (Friend), 216
„ Mr. Jaques, 211
Lancel, Edouard, 211
Jan, 211
Landrin, C, on Edict, of Nantes, 146
Langlois, Heniy, 58
Lannoy, 25
Lansel, Jan, 35, 49
La Patente, Spitalfields, Church of, 168
Lardeau, Jean, pastor, 166
L' Arnoult, Philippe, 211
,, Pierre, 211
La Rochelle, 97
Laud, Archbishop, and the foreign refugee
Churches, 99-118, 194, 225-8
„ his attack on the Kirk, 117
,, his impeachment and execution, 117-8
,, his letter to the Mayor of Canterbury,
in
" Lauderdaill," Earl of, 232
Lauren, Mr. surgeon, 94
Lausanne, 181, 182 n.
Leach, Henry, 211
Leadbetter, Deborah, 88
League and Covenant, the Solemn, 123 n
Le Bailly, Jacob, 153, 156, 159, 208
Le Baiseur, Philippe, 211
Le Batteur, Elizabeth, 80 n.
Le Bettre, Noe, pastor, 76
Le Blan, Antoine, 211
,, Jean, 222
John, 236
Le Blanc, Jean, 211
Le Candele, Jaques, 122
,, Pierre, 211
Le Cerf (Hart), 216
,, Jaques, 211
Le Chevalier, Aaron, 81 n.
,, Anne, 81 n.
„ Antoine, (Raoul), pastor, 43, 61, 80
,, Elizabeth, 81 n.
, , Esther, 8 1 n.
„ Jahel, 81 k.
,, Jane, (Jeanne), 81 n.
„ Lea, 81 k.
„ Marie, 81 n.
„ Pierre, 81 72.
,, Rebecca, 81 72.
Samuel, pastor, 44, 80-5, 207, 221
„ (Shoveler), 216
„ Widow of Samuel, 84
Le Clerc (Le Clercq, Le Clerq), 22, 216
,, Claude, 50, 211
„ Jacob, 242
„ Jacques, 211, 236
„ Jean, 211

Le Clerc, Michel, 124
,, Pierre, 211
Le Cocq, Henri, 49, 211
Le Conte, Antoine, 211
Leeds Castle, Kent, 127
Le Febvre, 22
Lefevre, George, 211
Leghorn, 195, 240
Le Gillon, Riquier, 218, 220
Le Grand, Abraham, 211
Anne, 169
Antoine, 211
Esther, 169
Jean, 212
Peter, 169, 252, 254
Pierre, 212
Le Grou, Pierre, 212
Le Gueuche (Le Queuche), Jonas, 212
Le Hook, Maiy, 140
Peter, 254
Le Houcq (Le Houck, Le Houc), 216
,, Israel, 212
„ Jan, 212
,, Jean, 212
,, John, 178
Mary, 139
,, Peter, 198, 248
,, Pierre, 212
Leicester Fields, Church of, 161, 168
Le Keux (Le Queux), 22
„ Anthoine, 133
„ Edouard, 212, 242
„ Henry, 13372.
„ Jacques, 133, 212, 242
„ James, 223
,, Jan, 212, 242
Jean, 212, 133 n.
John, 133
„ John Hemy, 133 n.
„ Jonas, 212
Peter, 205, 239
,, Philippe, pastor, 122, 125, 133-137, 208
,, Pierre, 208, 212, 236
Le Leu (Wolf), 217
(Leleu, Lelou), Jean, 212, 242
John, 199
Le Lievre (Le Lieure), Pierre, 212
Le Long, Abraham, 212
Le Macon, Robert, pastor, 78
Le Mahieu, Pierre, 212
Le Maistre, Jean, 157
Le Maitre, Pierre, 212
Le Moine (Monk), 217
„ Daniel, 212
,, Pierre, 212
Le Noble, David, 212
„ Peter, 239
,, Pierre, 212, 104, 124
,, Samuel, 212
Le Paine, Jean, 212
Le Palfar (Palfart, Palfort), Antoine, 212
Le Pelu, Jean, 16, 18, 214
Le Per (Le Pers, Leper, Lepers), Phillip, 198, 248
,, Pierre, 212
Lepine, Daniel, 212, 242, 254
,, Guillaume, 212

HH

266

INDEX.

Lepine, Jaques, 212
,, John, 212, 252
,, Samuel, 206 77
Le Pipre, Paul, schoolmaster, 53-4
Le Plat, Guillaume, 81 n
Le Plucque (Delesplucq), Jean, 212
Le Poutre (Pout), 217
Lernout, Philippe, 103
Le Rou (Rowe), 217
Le Roy, 22
,, Ezechias, 95, 124
Jan. 49, 212
Lescaillet, 22
,, Antoine, pastor, 23, 64-81, 207, 255
,, Catherine, 80 72
„ Chrestienne, 80 72
,, Dorcas, 80 72
,, Elizabeth, 80 n
„ Jacques, 80 72
,, Jan, 80 72
„ Jenne, 80 n
,, Judith, 80 72
,, Marguerite, 80 n
„ Nicolas, 80 n
„ Pierre, 80 n
,, Widow of Antoine, 80
Le Sedt (Le Sept), Abraham, 212
„ Jacques, 212
Lespine, John, 198, 248
Lestene, Noe, 16, 214
Lestienne, Anthoine, 212
Le Sueur, Pierre, pastor, 167-8, 23~-8
Le Talle, Guerard, 80 n
Le Tonnelier-Breteuil, Intendant, 148-9
Letter from Antoine Lescaillet, 255
,, from Hector Hamon, 254
,, on behalf of the strangers, 1 8c
Letters Patent for Sandwich settlement, ^
,, for Weavers' Company at Canterbury,
197-8, 202, 242, 245-251
,, not issued for Canterbury, 30
Leurens, Jan, 212
Lewis, J. G., 212
Leyden, 45, 86, 88, 172
Licence, royal, for Canterbury settlement, 22
„ to eat meat in Lent, 75
Lieb, Jean, 212
,, Philip, 212
Lille, 24, 57, 69
Lisy (Lisee, Lisie, Lizie), Jaques, 212, 218, 220
Litigation among members, 60
Littlebourne, English employed at, 236
Liturgy, the English, and the strangers, 101-118,
134, 136, 176-8, 180, 227, 233
Walloon, 46, 102, 176, 180
Loffroy (Leffroy, Lefroy), David, 95
,, Israel, 212
Lointhier, Nicholas, 2 1 2
„ Samuel, 212
London, Dutch Church of, 20, 23, 26, 31, 68, 102,
105, 107, 134, 190, 245
French Church of, 6-8, 10, 43, 67, 70,
74, 81, 86, 88, 105, 125, 129, 135,
137-8, 160, 178-9, 188-9, 228, 245
„ Quarter at Canterbury, 50
Loom money, 187

, 215
13,16

Looms, Great (Dutch), 187
number of, 89, 187, 202-3
Lord Admiral, the. 241-2
„ Chamberlain, the, 232, 241
,, Chancellor, the, 232
Chief Baron, the, 190-1, 216
,, Chief Justice, the, 190, 216
,, Deputy, the, 241
,, Great Chamberlain, the, 232
,, Keeper, the, 241
„ Mayor of London, the, 88, 188-9
Privy Seale, the, 232, 241
„ Treasurer, the, 241
Lords of Manor in France, rights of, 150
Lott, John, Mayor, 253
Loubert, Samuel, 212, 254
Louis XIII, 143
XIV, 143-5, 149, 165, 169
Louvain, university of, 5
Lovelace, L., Recorder, 225
Lucas (Luca, Lucca) Jaques, 212
,, Jean, 212
,, Pierre, 212
Luther, I
MACARE, Abraham, 212
,, Jean, 212
Macaree, Benjamin, 254
Maes, Peter, 226
,, Pierre 212
Magistrates, appeal to, 78
,, intervention of, 125-6, 130, 241
Mahieu (Mayhew), 217
Maidstone, 16, 21, 65, 72, 99, 100-1, 105, 107,
128, 228
,, Viscount, 90, 224
Mallebranche, Gilles, 57
Manchester, 206
Earl of, 135, 224
Maniez (Manier), Isaac, 212
Mann, Sir Christopher, 91, 224
Mannake, James, 248
Manneke (Maneque), James, 198, 212
,, Jan, 242
,, Jean, 212, 234
,, Philippe, 212
,, Samuel, 212
Manufactures, see Industries
Manwood, Sir Roger, 13, 27, 30
Marck, temple of, 145
Marechal, Hubert, 80 //,
Mareschal (Marshall), 217
Margate, 179
Marie, Pastor, 120
Marmet, Pastor, 106
Marot, Clement, 24
Marquant, Pierre, 218, 220
Marriage by licence 139
„ contracts, 59
„ of John Six, 138-9
„ of strangers in English churches, 31
Marseilles, Jacques, 212
Marshall, John, 212
Martin, Daniel, 95
„ Francis, pastor, 179, 208
Jan, 49, 212
John, 212

INDEX.

267

Martin, Joseph Auguste, pastor, 150, 179, 180, 208
Martyr, Peter, 3, 4
Martyrs at Canterbury, 10 n.
„ Huguenot 74, 165, 174
Mary, I, Queen, 8, 10, 145
,, II, Queen, 155
Marzials, Theophile, pastor, 179, 208
Mas, Franchois, 242
Masonliere, Susanne, 57
Massacre, the St. Bartholomew, 12
Master, James, 224-5
,, Sir Edward, 227
Maton, Noue, 212
Mauroys (Maurois), Elias, 71, 82-3, 87, 212, 222
„ Elizabeth, 87
May Day revels censured, 5 7
Mayfield, 137
Maynard, Nathaniel Jonas, 212
Mayor, Master of Weavers' Hall, 199, 243
Members, admission of, 51, 156
Meneche, Jaque, 218, 220
Merchie, (Merchier, Mercier)
,, Jan, 212,
,, Pierre, 104, 212, 236
Mercier, John. 203 n.
„ (Mercer), 217
Mercy, Jan, 212
Mereaux for the Communion, 52
Meshman, James, 201
Mesman, Elly, 212
,, Jan, 234
Messeman, Gulamet, 242
„ Jean, 58
,, Marguerite, 80/2.
Michel (Mitchell), 217
Middelbourg, 77, 162
Miette, Charles Nicholas, 179, 212
,, Matthieu Trocqueme, 177, 179, 212
,, Samuel Joseph Benjamin, 179, 212
Mieville, Jean Francois, pastor, 175-8, 208
Miller, Jean, pastor, 101, 103
Milvoie, Hester, 57
Minet, Isaac, his escape from Calais, 15 1-2
Ministers, charges for English, 142
,, veto on Consistory, 83
Minns, Rev. G. W. ll.b., f.s.a., Delme pedigree,
88 n.
Minot, Daniel, 212
Miny, Pierre, 97
Mohair, importation of, 194, 238
Momerie (Mummery), 217
Monasteries at Canterbury, dissolution of, 2 7
Monastery, Franciscan, at Orleans, 6-7
Monition to pastors at Canterbury, 103, 225
Monnier, Abraham, 212
Montaubon, 180
Montpellier, 119
Montreux, 80
Moore, Archbishop, 176
Morice, Mr. Secretary, 232
Morillon, Jaques, 96
Morpeth, 88
Morton  224
Motte (Moote), Jaques, 212
Mottley, Edward, 179, 212
Mourning for Queen Anne, 204

Muudie, Dr., 212
Muslins, Canterbury, 20b
Musters, strangers taxed for the, 33, 235
Nantf.s, Edict of, 143-5, 149, 153, 172
Naples, 180 k, 195, 240
Napoly, Vincenzo di, 96
Navy, levies for the, 33
Nefglise (Neuf Eglise), Michel, 212
Nepveu, Mons., 125
Netherland Persecution, 2, II, 12, 25, 49
,, Reformation, 5, 11,44
„ War of Independence, 20, 67
New Amsterdam (New York), 7872.
New Year's gifts to poor, 93
New York, 78 n.
Nicholas, Sir Edward, 232
Nieren, Gaspar, pastor, 101, 103
Nierenius, see Nieren
Nightingale, Sibella, 88 n.
Nimeguen, church of. 172
Noe, Mons., pastor, 76, 207
Nomeny (Lorraine), 87
Normandy, the Reformation in, 61-2
North quarter at Canterbury, 50
Noruis (Norwich), 222
Norwich, Dutch church at, 20, 34, 105, 107, 173
„ Earl of, 232
„ Walloon church at, 78, 82, 86-7, 106-7,
130, 138, 222
Number of the strangers at Canterbury, 35-6, 82,
107, 163, 252
Nutt, Captain, 196, 245
,, John, 185
Ochino, Bernardino, 3, 4, 43
Oisemont, church of, 147, 149
Olive, eastern, (church of Tourcoing), 26
Olivier (Oliver), 217
Orange, Prince of, 20-1, 37, 65, 67, 170, 173
Order of Charles I, 100, 223
„ of Charles II, 136, 232
,, of Committee for Plundered Ministers,
231
,, of Privy Council, 224, 232, 241
Ordination, episcopal, of pastors, 158, 160, 170,
173, 176, 178, 180, 237
Origin ot Canterbury refugees, 245
Orleans, Franciscan monastery at, 6
Orphans and widows, 93-4
Oudart, 22
,, Jaques, 212, 234
„ Jean, 212, 236
„ Symon, 212
Oudewater, 75
Overall, Dr., Bishop of Norwich, 87
Owen, Rev. James, 132
Oxford, 4, 86, 137, 161
Oxinden, Sir Henry, 253
Pacification, edict of, 62
Pain, Gabriel, 212
Palace of Archbishop at Canterbury, 4, 131, 166-8,
237-8
Palm, the (church of Tournay), 26
Palmer, Henry, 253
„ Herbert, 132
Papists, French, in Canterbury, 236
Paramentier (Parmenter), 217

268

INDEX.

Parcot (Parquote), Jean, 212
Paren, Isaac, 213
Paris, 7, 8, 182
Parish churches used by the strangers, 38, 40, 45,
158, 230-1
,, refugees to attend, 104, 109, n 1-2,
1 14-7, 226-8
Parish rates and the strangers, 140-2
Parren, Alfred, 213
Passants, 93, 96-7, 235
Passe, Loys, 80 72.
Passementerie, the, 34-5, 184, 190, 193
Passet, David, 57
Patcham, 137
Patou, Isaac, 198, 213, 248
Pauce, 62
Pecour, Anthony, 213
Pembroke College, Oxford, 137
Perigal, John, 151 72.
Perkin, John, 239
Peron, Andre, 242
Perpetuances, 199
Perquin, Jean, 213, 242
Persecution, the Marian, 6, 10
,, the Netherland, 2, 11, 12, 25, 49
. Persian silks and calicoes, 203
Perucellus, Franciscus (Francois Perrucel), see
De la Riviere
Petit, Marguerite, 97
Petit (Small), 217
Petition of Hamon's company, 15-16, 214
,, the Kentish, 127
Petitions, 106, 108, no, 138, 196, 199, 200, 203-4,
214, 222, 224, 239, 243-4, 253
Pet worth, 137
Peyton, Sir Thomas, Recorder, 136, 232, 253
Phene, Jean, 213
Pierre, 213
„ Peter, 203 re., 252, 254
,, Samuel, 213
" Philip & Cheney," manufacture of, 195, 240
Philip of Nassau, 76
Philip, II, n, 12, 21
Phlipo (Philpo), Jan, 49, 213
Pickering, Benjamin, 137
Pierresene, Dame Madelain, 168
Pigneurs, see Woolcombers
Pilart, Sara, 147
Pilcher, George, 213
Pillers, Francis, 213
Pillon, Daniel, 213
,, Guillaume, 213
,, Nicholas, 213, 254
Pillow, Edward, 213
Pilon (Pillow), 217
Piozet, Mr., 160
Plague at Canterbury, 69, 70, 79, 95-6, 119, 235,
238
Plainpalais (Geneva), 180
Plot against a Jew, 160
Plundered Ministers, Committee for, 126
Poissy, Colloquy of, 8
Poitevin (Potvine), 217
Poland, Reformation in, 12
Politic Men {Politiques), 34, 56, 59, 93, 120, 131,
190, 192, 244

Pollet, Nicholas, 218, 220
Polyander, 86, 115
Pont-Audemer, 61, 74
Ponteau, see Pont-Audemer
Poor, annual visitation of, 92
,, care of the, 48, 92-3, 95, 111-2, 140-142,
„ cesses for the English, 140-2, 233, 235-6
,, employed by the deacons, 204-5
233, 235-6, 252
,, the Overseers of the, 235-6
Popery, converts from, 105
Portland, Earl of, 232
Post, the Walloon, 29
Pot, Bertholomy, 94
Pottier, Quinten, 213
Pouchin, Jaspar, 97
Poujade, Joseph, pastor, 1 19-130, 207, 228-231,
244
Poulain, Valerand (Pollanus), 4, 5
Pout, Jacob, 94
Poutre, Samuel, 95
Priests, raids on, 58
Primerose, Dr. Gilbert, pastor, 106-7, '37, 160-1
Primont, Vincent, schoolmaster, 15, 17-18, 32, 53,
214
Prince of Wales, 1 82
Princess of Wales, 182
Pringuer, Isaac, 213
,, Samuel, 213
Prisoners, French, at Canterbury, 8-9
,, from Flushing at Canterbury, 65
,, Papists at Dover, 23
Privateers, refugee support of, 78
Privileges of Canterbury Church renewed by
Charles II, 136, 232
Privileges of the strangers, defence of the, 84, 106,
138-9, 190
Privy Council, 21-2, 30, 33, 40, 43, 65-6, 90-1, 97,
109, 134, 136, 139, 189, 190, 194-6,
222, 224, 232-3, 241-2
Privy Council Order kept at the Guildhall, 91
Privy Seale, the Lord, 232, 241
Proclamation as to use of worsted, 195
Proost, Pastor, 106
Property of the Church of the Crypt, 177, 179
Prosecutions under the trade laws, 189, 215
Protective laws for trade, 205
Protestantism in the Calaisis, 145-9
,, proscribed in France, 144
Protestants, foreign, expelled by Queen Man', 10
Prynne, at the trial of Laud, 118
Psalms, book of, for the Church, 82, 222
Puritan Ministers, grievances of, 12b
"Purses," the Ministers' and the Deacons' 81,
176, 178
Pym, and the impeachment of Laud, 117
Qualye (Quallie), Antoine, 213
Quaron, Guillaume, 213
Quarters of the city, 50, 93
Quenette, Nouel, 213
Querin, Jacques, 16, 214
Quesnoy-sur-Deule, 72, 76, 79
Radnor, Earl of, 50
Raids on priests, 58
Rashes, silk, made at Canterbury, 185, 240
Reader, the, 53, 125, 177, 179

INDEX.

269

Reading, John, Rector of St. Mary's Dover, 89
Recantation, of French Protestants, 146
Reconciliation of the Church at Canterbury, 120,
133-4, 232-3
Recorder of Canterbury, 91, 126, 224, 229, 231
Records found at Threadneedle St., 255
,, Walloon, at Canterbury, 255-6
Recruits for the Prince of Orange, 21, 67
Redar, Jaques, 213
Reformation, the, 1, 5, II
Refractory, members, 90, 224, 246
Refugees in time of Henry, VIII, 2
,, settlements under Elizabeth, 13-17
Regiment, 60th, chaplain of, 177
67th, „ 173
96th, ,, 173
Registers, parish, and the strangers, 18, 60
,, Walloon, 18, 24, 79, 215
Relation, Bulteel's, 101
Religious liberty in the 16th century, 38
Remonstrance of English weavers, to the French
Church of London, 188-9
,, of overseers of Weaver's Hall, Canter-
6ury, 245
Renard Mathieu, 50
Retail trade by strangers forbidden, 29, 32, 22 1
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 143-152,
154-6, 163, 172, 181 72., 202
Reynard, (Fox) 217
Reynolds, Sir Joshua, 88
Richard, Pierre, pastor, 166
Richelieu, Cardinal, 143
Rickeseys, Isaac, 226
Rideau (Ridout) 217
Ridout, Thomas, 206 72
Riquart Jan, 213
Riquebourg, Edward, 213
,, Francois, 213
J- 242
,, Jaques, 213
,, Walleran, 213
Riveston, 224
Riviere, Mr. pastor, 158
Robbery of the strangers' silks, 201
Robin, 22
Roboem, Jan, schoolmaster, 54
"Rocette" (Rochester), 222
Rochester, 82, 222
Roda, Jacques, 242
Rogers, Francis, D.D., 224-5
Rogier, 22 Jan, 213
,, Pierre, 242
Rohan, Henri, Due de, 89
Rome, spiritual empire of, I
Rondeau, Claude, 157-8
,, Jacques, 158
Rooke, Admiral Sir George, 16372
., VV., 253
Rotterdam, 88, 168
Roucy, 147
Rouen, 61-2
Roussel, 22
„ Esther, 95
„ Mathieu, 218, 220
Routier, Charles, 150

Routier, Jacques, 150
Rouviere, Matthieu, 213
Rowe, Thomas, 162
Royal Bounty Fund, 155, 161, 171, 175-7
Ruffec (Angoumois), 165
Rupert, Prince, 232
Ruytinck, Simeon, his list of refugee pastors, 74,
74"
Ryder's Court, French Church at, i6r
Rye quarter at Canterbury, 50
,, refugees at, 17, 54, 62, 64, 74
Sabbath-Breaking censured, 57
Sabin, Auery, Mayor, 225
Saguez (Saguer, Saguiez), Pierre, 171, 213
Sainghin, 49
St. Albans, Earl of, 232
St. Alphege church, 40, 64, 164, 168, 171
„ parish, 18, 31, 115, 142
St. Amand, 24, 26
St. Andrew's, Canterbury, 127
St. Andrew's, Guernsey, 174
St. Augustine at Canterbury, 24
St. Bartholomew massacre, 12, 81
"St. Catheryn of Marcelles," a ship, 43
St. Dunstan's church, 126, 130, 158 77, 230-1
,, parish, 235
St. Gabriel's chapel, 45, 177
St. George's church, 45
St. Hippolyte, 119
St. Jerome quoted'by Laud, 118
St. John's College, Cambridge, 173
St. Margaret's, Canterbury, 115-6
,, Westminster, 123 n.
St. Martin Orgars, French church of, 166 n.
St. Martin's, Amiens, 63
,, Canterbury, 135
St. Mary de Castro, Guernsey, 17472.
St. Mary Northgate, Canterbury, 31, 164
St. Michael in the Vale, Guernsey, 173
St. Mildred's, Canterbury, 31
St. Paul's, Canterbury, 173
St. Pawle, Mons., pastor, 62
St. Petersburg, 158
St. Peter's, Canterbury, 31, 131
St. Pierre-Port, Guernsey, 137, 174
St. Quentin, 11
St. Ravy, Sir William, 106-7
St. Sampson's, Guernsey, 173
St. Stephen's, Canterbury, 236
" Salesbury," Lord, 224.
Salome, Pierre, 49, 213, 221
,, Rogier (Roger), 84, 213
Saluel, temple of, 149
Sandown castle, 128
Sandtoft, French Church at, 138
Sandwich, Earl of, 232
,, prisoners at, 65-6
„ quarter at Canterbuiy, 50
the Strangers at, 13-4, 20-3, 28-9, 49, 55,
65, 7°, 76, 78, 99, 100-1, 102-3, 107,
H4-5,I2I, 132, 189, 226-7
„ Walloon congregation at, 20
,, Walloons removed from, 21-4, 215.
Santhune, Guillaume, 84, see De Santhune
Saravia, Hadrian, see De Saravia
Savin, Alderman, 229

270

INDEX. .

Savoy, French Church of the, 173 72.
Sayemakers, overseers of, 199
Sayes made at Canterbury, 184, 240
Sayweavers, articles for the, 199
,, disputes of, 199
Scandalous Ministers, Committee for, 126
Schism, the Cherpentier, 165-7, 237
,, the Jannon, 134-7, 232-4
„ the Poujade, 123-134, 229-231
School, kept by pastors, 169, 173
,, the Dutch at Sandwich, 55
,, the Grammar, 54
,, the Walloon, 45-6, 52
Schooling of poor, paid for, 93-4
Schoolmasters, French, at Canterbury, 15, 53-4
Scotland, Laud's attack on the Kirk, 1 1 7
Scottish churches, bounty of, 70
Seal for silks, &c, 196, 200, 242-3
,, the Crown, 192
Sealer of Walloon silks, &c, 185
Secret churches in the Netherlands, 26, 71-2, 74
Secrets of the weavers' trade, 188, 243
Sedan. 147
Sedt, Abraham, 242
,, Comille, 213
,, Samuel, 242
Sellingue, Jan, 213
Senecall (Senecar), Guillaume, 213
Senellart (Sneller), 217
Sens, 74
" Septtebeur" (Sittingbourne), 222
Sequedin, Isaac, 213
Sequin, Gabriel, 213
Sergeant-at-arms of the House of Commons, 231
Sesses, see Poor, cesses for the,
Sessions at Canterbury, 141
Settlement of Strangers at Canterbury, 14, 18,
21-5, 190
Seymour, Lord, 232
Sheldon, Archbishop, 139-140
Sheppey, Isle of, 43
Ships, charges for the King's, 235
,, Dutch, seized in English ports, 65
„ English, and the " Beggars of the Sea,"
65
Shoal-oak, Canterbury, 206
Sick, care of the, 48, 94-6
Sickness from overcrowding, 35-6
Sigismond, King of Poland, 12
Silk, duty on, 238-9, 241
,, manufacture at Canterbury, 163, 184-6,
194-206, 239, 240-1, 253
„ Office, the, 239-241
tax on, 194-5, 197, 24'
Silks, importation of, 203-5, 24°> 253"4
Simon, Damien, 157
Sitting at the Communion, 87
Sittingbourne, 82, 222
Six, 22 ,, Abraham, 213, 234
„ Batthelmy, 213
,, Etienne, 213
„ Guillaume, 213
James, 198, 248, 203 «., 252, 254
Jaques, 213, 234
Jean, 213

Six, John, 139, 140, 178 k., 198, 200, 203 n., 248,
252
,, Samuel, 213
,, Stephen, 254
Sladden, Herbert, 213
Smuggling, 201, 203, 254
Snelart. Jean, 213
Socinianism, 157-8
Soldiers billeted on the strangers, 222
„ in the congregation at Canterbury, 68,
159
„ taxes for the, 33
Solicitor-General, the, 232-3
Somerset House, French Church at, 131
Somner, his account of the strangers, 14
,, William, 103, no, 113-4, 225-8
,, William, jun., 227-8
Song by an elder, 97
Sorbonne, the, 182
Soubize, Due de, 89, 107-8, 113
South Carolina, refugee church in, 147
Souverain, Pastor, 158
Spanish fleet defeated by Van Tromp, 98
Speech of Pastor Marmet to Charles I, 106
Spitalfields, 169, 203
Sponsors, English, 32
Stanhope, Dean, 166-7
Stanley, Arthur Penrhyn, 44
Star Chamber, 196
State of the Church of the Crypt in the 19th
century, 175-182
Stipend of Pastors, 65, 72.3, 79, 81, 83, 160, 176,
237-8
Stockar (Stockart), John, 134
Strangers, a separate community, 30-1
„ at Maidstone, 16-17
, , first mentioned in Burghmote records, 1 6
,, merging with the English, 85
„ their self-government, 29, 33-5
„ their waggons, 18
Strangfor, 253
Strasburg, 3-6, 80
Students for the ministry, 70, 71, 256
Sturry, Canterbury, English employed at, 235
Stuyvesant, Anna, 78 n
Summary Relation, Bulteel's, 101
Surplice dispute at Hollingbourne, 158
Suspension from communion, 58-9, 79
Sussex, refugees in, 2
Swiss Church, pastors of the, 178, 180-1
Sy, Pierre, 95
Synods of the foreign churches, 37, 47, 52, 72, 74,
76-7, 83-4, 86-8, 104-5, 107-110, 126,
'37, i46, '64, 172, 230-1, 244
Tabernacle, French Church of the, 161
Taffin, Jean, pastor, 67, 72, 76
Taine, Jean, 213
Tait, Archbishop, 180
Tampreman (Temperman), Phillip, 213
,, Nicholas, 213
Tanner MSS, in the Bodleian, 15872., 168 n.
Tardif, Georges, Huguenot martyr, 74
,, Jacob, pastor, 73-4, 207
Taverns, 34, 56-7
Taxation of the strangers, 29, 33, 194, 252
Tellier, Nicolas, 62

INDEX.

271

Temple the, in the Ciypt, 38, 41-2, 44
Temples, Huguenot destroyed, 149
Temprie, Estienne, 213
Tenison, Archbishop, 165-6, 203
Tenier (Terriere) Elie, 213
„ Henry, 213
Testimony, register of, 256
Thery, Abel, 242
Thieny, (Terry) 217
Thirty-nine Articles, the, 1 76
Thompson, Dr. Robert, 13972.
Thorell, Jean, 213
Thorney Abbey, French church at, 138
Tools provided for the poor, 95
Tourcoing, 24, 26
Tournay, 24, 26, 74, 76, 86
Toussaints, Mons., pastor, 62
Trade, disputes, 91, 193, 198-200, 243-5
,, laws, prosecution under, 189-191, 217-8
,, restrictions on strangers, 29, 32
,, rules of woolcombers, 191-2, 218-221
,, the Lords Commissioners of, 203, 205
Trainbands, strangers in the, 33, 252
Treasurer, Mr., 232, 241
„ the Lord, 241
Treaty of commerce with France, 204, 253
Trelex, 182
Trepsac, John, 161, see De Trepsac
„ wife of John, 162
Trois Corps, the, 48
TrouiUart, Daniel, 147 n.
„ Esther, Suzanne, 147 72.
„ Florent-Philippe, pastor, 149
,, Guillaume, 14772.
,, Judith Suzanne, 14772.
,, Philippe, 147, 14772.
,, Pierre, 147 n.
,, Pierre, pastor, 147, 148-9, 153, 158-160,
162, 207
,, Robert Jaques, 147 n.
„ Simon Pierre, 147 72.
Trustees of the French Church, 178, 256
Tumult at Canterbury (in 1647), 127-8
Turmine, Charles, 213
„ George, 213
„ Jean, 213
„ Nicholas, 213
Tyberghien, Guilbert, 49, 213
Tybergin, Jacques, 58
Undertaking of Canterbury weavers 197, 242
Uniform Church, French, 166, 237-8
Uniformity, Act of, 135-6, 233
Union of Woolcombers, 191-2, 217-221
United Provinces, the, 100, 113, 170, 223
Utenhove, Charles, 5
„ (Utenhovius), Jan, 4-10, 12, 38
Utrecht, 76, 164
Usury at Dover, 23
Valenciennes, 24-26, 44, 74
Valendue (Valenduke), 213
Valentine, Abraham, 157
Valero, Cyprian, 43
Van Ackre, Jan, 49, 213
Pierre, 50, 213
Van Acre (Acres, Hacker), 22, 217
Vahdaume, (Vandosme, Vandome), Jaque, 213

Van de Bceus (Van de Bceusse, Van de Boeuche),
Louys, 213
Van de Busschen, Louis, 81 72.
Van de Buste, Louis, 122
Van den Broumker, Jo., 103
Van der Woode, Alar, 213
Van Nieren (Van Nierne), Gaspar, pastor, 106,
132, 226
Van Tromp, 98
Vassy, massacre at, 62
Vaud, Canton de, 172, 181-2
Vautier, Jaques, 213
J-, 213
Vauty, (Vautie), Leurens, 213
Venours, Marquis de, 158
Vere, (Verry), 217
Vestries of the Crypt Church, 45
Vevey, 17872., 181
Visage, Jacques, 213
Visitation of the poor, annual, 92, 95
Vitry-le-Francois, church at, 150
Vlessinghes (Flushing), 65
Voetius, Gaspar, pastor, 71
Vortburg, 150
Vossius, 43
Vuiber, Samuel, 242
Wages paid to spinners, 235
Waggons of strangers, 1 8
Waignon, Francois, 213
Wake, Archbishop, 166-7, 237-8
Wallebecq, Jean, 234
„ John, 213
Walloon Confession of Faith, 37, 44
„ character, 25
church at Axelle, 88
„ ,, Bois-le-Duc, 8S
,, „ Isendique, 88
„ „ Middelbourg, 162
,, ,, Nimeguen, 172
,, ,, Norwich, 78, 86-7, 106
„ „ Rotterdam, 88
,, ,, Sandwich, 20, 22-3
„ „ Southampton, 107, 137-8
,, drummers at Canterbury, 33
,, persecution, 25
,, provinces, 14
„ regiment, 75
„ registers, 36, 215
Walloons at Sandwich, 14, 19, 20, 22-3, 49
,, tailor arrested, 200
Walmer Castle, 128
Walsingham, Milord, 191
,, Mons. de, 190
Wancourt, Pierre, 213
Wandsworth, French church at, 164
Wan tier, Abraham, 213
„ Jaques, 213
War between France and Spain, 120- 1
„ of Netherland Independence, 20
„ prayer during, 159
Warman, William, 213
Warner, Dr., 101
Wars of Religion, 62, 89
Waterlo, Jaques, 57
Watrelots, 25
Weald of Kent, cloth trade in, 184, 201

272

INDEX.

Weavers' Company, Canterbury, 197-8, 202-6,
242, 245-254
„ of London, 184, 187-9, '94-7, 238-9
Weavers' Hall at Canterbury, 186, 196, 198-200,
240-5
,, London, 118, 188-9, '94-6,239-241,245
Weavers of Canterbury and London, 189, 194-7,
. 239, 241, 245
\\ eaving, art of, and Netherlanders, 183
,, not carried on in the crypt, 45
Welbey (Welbecq), John, 213
Welby, George, 213
Wesel, 70
Western Olive, the (church of Quesnoy-sur-Deule),
72, 76, 79
\V estgate prison , Canterbury, 8-9
,, strangers charged for repair of, 33
West Hoadley, 137
West, Thomas, 213
Westminster, Assembly of, 123
Whatmer, William, 224-5
Whitehall, no, 232, 241
Wibau, Jean, 96
Wibau (Wyber), 217
Wiber (Wibert), Jan, 234, 242

Widows and orphans, 59, 93-4
Wilcoxon, Thomas, 228
Wild, Judge, 127
Wild, Sir John, 90, 224
William of Sens, 42
,, the Englishman, 42
IH, 159, 172
Wills, 60
Winchelsea, refugees at, 17, 18, 53, 62, 64, 183
Winchester, Marquis of, 118
Windows, fees for opening, 186
Wine for the Communion, 94
Withstaple (Whitstable), 236
Wool, English, woven abroad, 183
Woolcombers' Union, 191-2, 217-221
Woollen manufactures at Canterbury, see Industries
Workmen, trade rules concerning, 192-3, 218-221
Worters,  213
Wotton, Henry, 213
Yarmouth, Dutch Church at, 107
York, Duke of, 232
Ypres, refugees from, 20
Zealand, ministers required in, 70
Zurich, 5

CORRIGENDA.
p. I, (preface), for Baron Schickler read Baron F. de Schickler.
p. Ill, (preface), for G. R. Overend read G. H. Overend.
p. 83, note for Proceedings read Publications.
p. 132, 10th line, for Gasper read Gaspar.
p. 134, 8th line, for Paul read Pierre.
p. 153, 14th line, for Ernult's read Ernulf's
p. 213, 31st line, for Leurnes read Leurens.
p. 214, 30th line, for Petus read Petrus.
p. 216, 43rd line, for Le Febre read Le Febvre.

Canterbury : Cross & Jackman.